ABSTRACT

THE WEBERIAN MINE:

A PROBATIONARY ANALYSIS OF CLASS STRATIFICATION; BEING
A CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE STUDY OF CLASS IN AMERICAN
SOCIOLOGY AND A SUGGESTION FOR IMPROVEMENT, WITH
SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE IDEAS OF MAX WEBER. AND
WITH SOME REMARKS ON THE SPECULATIONS OF
MR. FARIS, MR. NISBET. AND OTHER WRITERS

by John Pease

Chapter I, "Introduction," is an overview and critical
discussion of the study of class by American sociologists
which concludes that, in general, this study has been much
influenced by American ideology. The study of class in
American sociology is characterized as being ahistorical,
atheoretical, apolitical, status-conscious, middle-class,
and conceptually confusing.

Chapter II, "Class Situation," reviews and critically
evaluates the conceptual confusion about class in American
sociology and states the central problem of the thesis.
The recent reports of the marked diminution and absence of
class differentials in American society are criticized for
reflecting the obsolescence and obfuscation of the usual
modes of conceptualizing (Chapter II) and researching

(Appendix) class.

John Pease

Contrary to Faris's assertion that the concept of class
is largely obsolete for the analysis of modern American
society and, contrary to Nisbet's assertion that the concept
of class "says little about anything substantive," Chapter IV
("Some Evidence of Class Differentials") cites considerable
national data which demonstrate that class situation is sig-
nificantly related to mortality, morbidity, educational oppor-
tunity, the distribution of justice, and many other manifes-
tations of social life.

The central thesis of this study is that what is now
needed in the American study of class stratification is not
the abandonment of the concept of class but a return to the
classical perspective, especially, as it is represented in
the work of Max Weber. Chapter III, "The Weberian View of
Class Stratification," presents a description and discussion
of Weber's general View of social stratification and notes
some of the similarities between Weber and Marx. This chapter
ends with an illustration of the analytical utility of the
Weberian view of class stratification vis-a-vis a critical
discussion of the recent literature about poverty in the
United States of America.

Chapter V, "Coda: Weber's Conception of Class," is a
detailed analysis of Max Weber's theory of class. This analy-

sis concludes that American sociologists have by and large

John Pease

misinterpreted Weber's ideas about class stratification.
Accordingly, class, status, and power are not three coequal
dimensions of class stratification. These concepts are not
even of the same logical kind. Class and status are modes
of stratification. Parties are voluntary associations.

According to Weber, power is the essence of stratifi-
cation, whatever its source or manifestation: Social strati-
fication is the institutionalized unequal distribution of
power. Following a detailed description and analysis of
Weber's major writings on social stratification, class situ-
ation is defined as the amount, kind, and stability of one's
relationship to the production, distribution, and exchange
of economic resources in the commodity, credit, and labor
markets.

The study ends with a methodological note in the form
of an appendix which includes a probationary neo-Weberian

typology of the American class structure.

THE WEBERIAN MINE:

A PROBATIONARY ANALYSIS OF CLASS STRATIFICATION; BEING
A CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE STUDY OF CLASS IN AMERICAN
SOCIOLOGY AND A SUGGESTION FOR IMPROVEMENT, WITH
SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE IDEAS OF MAX WEBER, AND
WITH SOME REMARKS ON THE SPECULATIONS OF

MR. FARIS, MR. NISBET, AND OTHER WRITERS

BY

Johnrfiease

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Sociology

1968

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

As every sociologist knows, acknowledgments are a ritual,
and rituals emphasize the special importance of particular
events and confer special privileges upon the author. Among
the prerogatives of this status-role is the license to in-
dulge in personal intimations that in other circumstances
would violate the norms of scholarly communication. This is
a privilege which I intend to exploit because, while most
scholars are able to acknowledge their indebtedness to others
in their footnotes, dissertation authors never are.

What is contained here could well have been authored by
any of my contemporaries, and I expect that more than oneof
them are now actively engaged in just such a pursuit for an
important sociological reason: knowledge never occurs in a
social vacuum, in isolation from the social context in which
particular men think particular ideas. It is in this spirit
that I should like to acknowledge the very many people who
have helped me in countless ways to accomplish this disser-
tation.

First and foremost, I should like to thank Professors
James B. McKee and William H. Form because, more than any
hundred others, they have taught me sociology, scholarship,

and self-discipline. And, as if that were not enough,

ii

Professor McKee was the chairman of my guidance committee
and directed the dissertation research; Professor Form was

a member of the committee, chairman of the department during
much of my graduate education, and Sponsor of my research
grant.

I should also like to express my sincere appreciation
to the many other sociologists who have so considerably
helped and encouraged me in my studies: I am;deeply indebted
to Professors J. Allan Beegle and Jay W. Artis, who served
as members of my guidance committee, Professor John H. Useem,
who served as the chairman of the department during the early
years of my graduate education, and Professors Archibald O.
Haller (now at the University of Wisconsin) and David Gottlieb
(now at Pennsylvania State University), who directed my
apprenticeship during those early years.

Professors Robert F. Mahar (Western Michigan University)
and Raymond W. Mack (Northwestern University) have been, at
the very least, exceptional teachers. To them, and to my
colleagues Robert O. Richards, M. Joseph Smucker (now at
Beloit College), B. Lee Sloan (now at Florida State University),
and, especially, my favorite sociologist, Joan Rytina (now at
the University of Notre Dame), I shall always be indebted.
They have helped me more than they know.

The material in this project was prepared under a Grant

from the Office of Manpower Policy, Evaluation, and Research,

iii

U. S. Department of Labor, under the authority of Title I of
the Manpower Development and Training Act of 1962.

Researchers undertaking such projects under Government
sponsorship are encouraged to express freely their profession-
al judgment. .Therefore, points of view or opinions stated in
this document do not necessarily represent the official
position or policy of the Department of Labor. I should like
to thank the Office of Manpower Policy, Evaluation, and
Research of the United States Department of Labor for the
generous award of a "Doctoral Dissertation Grant" (91-24-66-44)
which funded the research and provided the means of sustenance
for myself and my family during the past year. The executive
secretary of the Department of Sociology, Marilyn Lovall, has
helped me considerably, and I am grateful.

Many other persons have given me substantial help and
although I am unable to detail their contributions here, I
should be severely remiss if I neglected to acknowledge them.
They are: Mr. and Mrs. Homer R. Pease, Mr. and Mrs. Robert
M. Limpus, Charles Lord Darby, John Joseph Hunter, William
Francis Reynolds, and my favorite wife, Barbara, my favorite

son, Jay, and my favorite daughter, Leah.

iv

CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ii

CONTENTS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi

FRONTPIECE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
CHAPTER

I INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

II CLASS SITUATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50

III THE WEBERIAN VIEW OF CLASS STRATIFICATION . . 50

Iv SOME EVIDENCE OF CLASS DIFFERENTIALS. . . . . 78

v CODA: WEBER'S CONCEPTION OF CLASS. . . . . . 109

APPENDIX. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150

REFERENCES CITED. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure Page
1. PROPERTY-OWNERSHIP CLASSES . . . . . . . . . . 119
20 INCOME-ACQUISITION CLASSES o o o o o o o o o o 122

5. A PROBATIONARY TYPOLOGY OF THE DIMENSIONS OF
CLASS SITUATION. o o o o o O o o o o o o o o o 124

4. THE DISTRIBUTION OF DISPOSABLE CASH INCOME FOR
FAMILIES AND INDIVIDUALS IN THE UNITED STATES
OF AMERICA, 1955 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 133

5. THE "SHAPE" OF THE AMERICAN "CLASS" STRUCTURE
IN TERMS OF ANNUAL TOTAL MONEY INCOME FOR
FAMILIES AND UNRELATED INDIVIDUALS . . . . . . 155

6. A PROBATIONARY NEO-WEBERIAN TYPOLOGY OF THE

GENERAL OUTLINE OF THE AMERICAN CLASS
STRUCTURE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158

vi

FRONTP IECE

These social changes . . . are comparatively public
matters, and this history is chiefly concerned with the
private lot of a few men and women; but there is no private
life which has not been determined by a wider public life,
from the time when the primeval milkmaid had to wander with
the wanderings of her clan, because the cow she milked was
one of a herd which had made the pastures bare. Even in
that conservatory existence where the fair Camelia is signed
for by the noble young Pineapple, neither of them needing to
care about the frost or rain outside, there is a nether
apparatus of hot-water pipes liable to cool down on a strike
of the gardeners or a scarcity of coal.

George Eliot, 1866

What we experience in various and Specific milieux . . .
is often caused by structural changes. Accordingly, to
understand the changes of many personal milieux we are re-
quired to look beyond them. And the number and variety of
such structural changes increase as the institutions within
which we live become more embracing and more intricately
connected with one another. To be aware of the idea of
social structure and to use it with sensibility is to be
capable of tracing such linkages among a great variety of
milieux. To be able to do that is to possess the socio-
logical imagination.

C. Wright Mills, 1959

vii

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

Aristotle was one of the first to ask searching questions
about the causes of social inequality, but he spoiled his
Opportunity to become the first sociologist when he answered
his questions in terms of presumed inequalities in human

1 Nevertheless, Aristotle's view that inequalities

nature.
among men were "natural" prevailed for nearly 2,000 years.
When revolutions did occur they did not challenge inequality

per se but rather expressed the want of the disenfranchised to

reverse the order of possession, power, and privilege.2

 

1Aristotle, Politics, trans. Benjamin Jowett (New York:
Modern Library, 1945), especially pp. 190-195. For a brief
critical discussion of Aristotle's ideas about social inequal—
ity, see Ralf Dahrendorf, "On the Origin of Social Inequality,"
Philosophyerolitics, and Society, ed. Peter Laslett and
W. G. Runciman (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1962), pp. 88-109;
or Ralf Dahrendorf, "ASpects of Inequality in Society,"
Essays in the Theory of Sociegy (Stanford, California: Stan-
ford University Press, forthcoming).

2"The sporadic rebellions of the poor and oppressed were
usually revolts against particularly irksome conditions
rather than against the whole system of ranks, and they did
not give rise to any clear conceptions of an alternative form
of society." T. B. Bottomore, Classes in Modern Society
(New York: Pantheon Books, 1966), pp. 5-4. See also, Rudolf
Heberle, "Recovery of Class Theory," The Pacific Sociological
Review, II (Spring, 1959), 20.

I

The naturalistic explanation of inequality was not razed
until the eighteenth century when John Millar wrote the first
sociological study of social inequality, Observations Concern-
ing the Distinction of Ranks in Society.3 Although Millar was
not the first to wrestle with the question of inequality, the
publication of his study in 1771 was a significant intellectu-
al event, for it testified that social inequality could be
investigated as a phenomenon sui generis, and it thereby
rendered superfluous Aristotle's thesis that inequalities in
society derive from inequalities in nature.

Nonetheless, ideas and the men who utter them do not

develop in a social vacuum. Like Aristotle, Millar was a

 

3John Millar, Observations Concerning the Distinction of
Ranks in Society (London: John Murray, 1771). Millar's
place in the history of the modern study of social stratifi-
cation has seldom been noted. However, MacRae has written of
Millar's work that it was "the first scientific analysis of
the functions of rank to treat the subject separately, fully
and sociologically." Donald G. MacRae, "Social Stratification:
A Trend Report," Current Sociology, II, No. 1 (1955-1954), 9.
Other scholars who have noted Millar's contribution include:
William C. Lehmann, John Millar of Glasgowy_1755-1801: His
Life and Thogght and his Contributions to Sociological Analy-
§i§_(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960); Jack
Ladinsky, Review of John Millar of Glasgow, 1755-1801, by
William C. Lehmann, Sociologicalgguarterly, IV (Summer, 1965),
285-284; Egon Ernest Bergel, Social Stratification (New York:
McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1962), p. vii; Reinhard Bendix and
Seymour Martin Lipset, "Introduction," Classy Statusy and
Power: A Reader in Social Stratification, ed. Reinhard Bendix
and Seymour Martin Lipset (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press,
1955), pp. 8-9; and Ralf Dahrendorf, Class and Class Conflict
in Industrial Society (Stanford, California: Stanford Uni—
versity Press, 1959), pp. 4-5.

product of the social and political events of his time and
circumstance, echoing more than creating the ideas he
recorded. Jean-Jacques Rousseau had made the question of
inequality politically central and, significantly, the two
major revolutions of the eighteenth century, one in France
and the other in America, were aimed at establishing "com-
plete“ equality. Moreover, Millar was influenced by a number
of other eighteenth century intellectuals, eSpecially Adam
Ferguson and Adam Smith.4 Ferguson's famous Essay on the

History_of Civil Society,5 which predated Millar's work by

 

four years, included a brief discussion of some aspects of
social inequality, and it was Smith's essay, "Of the Origin
of Ambition and the Distinction of Ranks,"6 which suggested
to Millar the title for his book.

The writings of these Scottish scholars significantly
influenced the thinking of such early nineteenth century
intellectuals as Georg Hegel and Henri de Saint-Simon, from
whose work emanate many of the contributions of Auguste Comte,

Herbert Spencer, Karl Marx, and thus some of the most

 

4For an analysis of the development of Millar's thought
as well as a description emphasizing the historical and
sociological aSpects of eighteenth century Scottish thinking,
see Lehmann. For a shorter account of Millar's sociology,
see William C. Lehmann, “John Millar, Historical Sociologist:
Some Remarkable Anticipations of Modern Sociology," Th3
British Journal of Sociology. III (March, 1952), 30-47.

5Adam Ferguson, Essay on the History of Civil Society
(Edinburgh: A. Kincaid and J. Bell, 1767).

6Adam Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments (London
A. Millar, 1759), Pt. I, sec. 5, chap. ii.

important strands of modern sociology. Indeed, one commits
no impropriety in agreeing with Ralf Dahrendorf that the
Aguestion of social inequality is the point of dgparture of

all sociological analysis.7

 

"The officially recognized 'parents' of sociology, Comte
and Spencer, are of small weight in this field,"8 but the
history of modern stratification research can be understood
only by referring to Marx. To be sure, "Marx never set down
a full and systematic account of his theory of class, although
it may be reasonably said that everything he wrote was in

some way concerned with the question of class."9

Any theory
of stratification that ignores his ideas would avoid much of
real value, for, if nothing else, "a critical study of Marx's
conception will reveal most of the vital problems concerning

the nature of social classes."10 Indeed, it was under the

spur of Marx that Max Weber wrote "Class, Status, Party,"11

 

7Dahrendorf, Essays in the Theory of Society.
8MacRae, Current Sociology, II, 10.
9Bottomore, p. 15.

10Ibid. There have been a number of attempts to assess
Marx's contribution to the study of social stratification.
Two of the most important are: Dahrendorf, Class and Class
Conflict in Industrial Society; and Stanislaw Ossowski,
glass Structgre in the Social Consciousness, trans. Sheila
Patterson (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1965).

11Max Weber, "Class, Status, Party," From Max Weber:
Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. H. Gerth and C. Wright
Mills, Galaxy Books (New York: Oxford University Press, 1958),
pp. 180-195. For a discussion of this point, see: Peter L.
Berger and Thomas Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality:
A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge (Garden City:

which is probably the most commanding statement on the nature
of social stratification written in the twentieth century.
According to C. Wright Mills, "Weber completed the uncom-
pleted work of Marx. His essay on class, status and party
remains the definitive work on stratification; nothing since
has added anything of basic significance to our conceptions

of stratification."12

II
But the legacy of Millar, Marx, and Weber had no Ameri—
can legion. As early as 1885, William Graham Sumner asked

What Social Classes Owe to Each Other, and his answer was

"13 In Sumner's view, class stratification was

"nothing.
the outcome of natural social-evolutionary processes,
with the members of the various strata arranged in
accordance with their individually unequal physical,

 

Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1966), p. 5; C. Wright Mills,
"Introduction: The Classic Tradition," Images of Man: The
Classical Tradition in Sociological Thinkigg, ed. C. Wright
Mills (New York: George Braziller, 1960), pp. 7-15; C. Wright
Mills, The Sociological Imagination (New York: Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 1959), p. 48; and Reinhard Bendix, Max Weber:
An Intellectual Portrait, Anchor Books (Garden City, New York:
Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1962), p. 44.

 

 

lgMills, Images of Man, p. 15.

13William Graham Sumner, What Social Classes Owe to Each
Other (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1885). Albion Small
once wrote of this essay by Sumner that it was "a moving
picture of what a sociologist should not be." Albion W. Small,
"Fifty Years of Sociology in the United States," The American
Journal of Sociology: Index to Volumes I-LII, 1895-1947
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, n.d.), p. 184. Accord-
ing to Wirth, this work by Sumner "out-Spencers Herbert Spencer."
Louis Wirth, "Social Stratification and Social Mobility in the
United States," Currenty§ociology, II, No. 4 (1955-1954), 280.

 

moral, and intellectual endowments for progress.

Social superiority and contribution to progress were

identical.14

Although Charles Horton Cooley, E. A. Ross, Albion
Small, and Lester Ward viewed class stratification more as
an arbitrary and artificial arrangement, in the half—century
following Sumner's infamous essay there was a hiatus in
stratification research which lasted--despite the important

exceptions of Thorstein Veblen and Pitirim Sorokin--until

the nineteen-thirties.15 Veblen's 1899 classic, The Theory

 

of the Leisure Class, was the first meaningful analysis of
stratification in the annals of American Sociology.16 It

was nearly three decades later that Sorokin published his
classic, Sogial Mobility, a comprehensive summary and detailed
commentary on most of the previous research relevant to

stratification.l7

 

14Roscoe C. Hinkle, Jr. and Alvin Boskoff, "Social
Stratification in Perspective," Modern Sociological Theory in
Continuityyand Change, ed. Howard Becker and Alvin Boskoff
(New York: Dryden Press, 1957), p. 577.

 

15For example, "only two of the 125 papers presented at
the annual meetings of the American Sociological Society be-
fore 1917 treated subjects having to do predominantly and
obviously with some aSpect of rank." Ibid., p. 576.

16Still, as Wirth pointed out, this study was largely
neglected in its own time. Wirth, Current Sociology, II,
280. Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class:
An Economic Study_in the Evolution ofgInstitutions (New York:
Macmillan Company, 1899).

17Pitirim A. Sorokin, Social Mobility (New York: Harper
and Row, 1927).

The "founding fathers" of American sociology gave a
modicum of attention to stratification, although the analysis
of class phenomena occupied a decidedly secondary place in
their work, and, their historian Charles Page has ratiocinated,
they "gave voice to class theories which were, in the final
analysis, highly colored by the 'classlessness' of the

"18

American scene. In one way or another they were "impressed

by the anti-class elements of American democracy and by the

social virtues of that 'classless' segment of society--the

"19

middle class. In short, the "ideology of the American

 

18Charles Hunt Page, Class in American Sociology: From

Ward to Ross (New York: Octagon Books, 1964), p. 250.
MacRae, however, has questioned Page's interpretation.

Writes MacRae: "It is frequently argued that the poor quality
and (comparatively) limited quantity of American studies of
class before the nineteen-twenties is [gigj to be explained by
the high social mobility and low degree of stratification in
American society. Undoubtedly in certain regions mobility was
high, and strata were ill-defined, but in the east and south
this was not the case. Nor was class-consciousness lacking;
the end of the nineteenth and the early twentieth century were
periods of acute class-conflict and class-feeling among the
industrial workers. . . . On the whole the failure of the
'fathers'--Ross and Cooley are partial exceptions--is probably
largely to be explained in terms of reaction from what must,
falsely, have appeared to be a sharpening class-conflict."
MacRae, Current Sociology. II, 11. Also, Nisbet has reported:
"Recently I treated myself to a re-reading of some of the
first-water novels of the turn of the century--by such men as
Howells, David Graham Phillips, Dreiser, and Herrick. It is
an instructive sociological experience, if only to be reminded
that the idea of social class was then as vivid and widely
accepted as is today the idea of status mobility. Phrases

 

 

like 'clearly a member of the working class,' 'by habit and
bearing of low class origin,‘ 'upper class dress,‘ 'of low
class mentality and deportment,‘ etc., abound in unambiguous

contexts." Robert A. Nisbet, "The Decline and Fall of Social
Class," The Pacific Sociological Review, II (Spring, 1959), 11.

19Page, p. 250.

"2° and as

dream was a major deterrent to the study of class,
American sociology entered its second generation, it did so
with "little class research in progress, a minimum of theo-
retical consideration of the precise meaning of the term, and
practically no recognition of the class framework as a major
area of investigation. . ."21
As the facts of social life which were so vividly ex-

pressed in the economic depression of the 1950's "forced home
the lesson that society is stratified and that stratification
is one of the crucial components of social structure,"22
American sociologists slowly began to obtain an economic per-

23

spective of class. In Middletown24 and even more so in its

 

 

2°MacRae, Current Sociology, II, 16. Nevertheless,
Bendix and Lipset have suggested that "the early achievement
of a universal franchise in the United States may have been
one reason why the concern with social stratification was less
intense in America than in Europe." During much of the nine-
teenth century the study of social stratification was "part
and parcel of the struggle for human rights and economic well-
being which accompanied the growth of industrial societies in
EurOpe." Reinhard Bendix and Seymour Martin Lipset,
"Introduction," Clasgy Status, and Power: Social Stratificae
tion in Comparative Perspective, ed. Reinhard Bendix and
Seymour Martin Lipset (2nd ed.; New York: The Free Press,
1966), p. xvii.

 

21Milton M. Gordon, Social Class in American Sociology
(Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1958), p. 8.

22MacRae, Current Sociology, II, 15.

23"It was not until the great depression of the 1950's
that any appreciable amount of intellectual effort was devoted
by social scientists in America to careful scientific analyses
of social stratification, and social mobility." Wirth,
Current Sociology, II, 280. .

24Robert S. Lynd and Helen Merrell Lynd, Middletown:
A Study in American Culture, Harvest Books (New York: Harcourt,
Brace and World, Inc., 1956).

sequel, Middletown in Transition,25 Robert and Helen Lynd

used a neo-Marxian bifurcation of class as a central part of
their analysis. Many of the other important stratification
researchers of this period—~Adolf Berle and Gardiner Means

in The Modern Corporation and Private Prgperty,26 Frank Taussig
and Carl Joslyn in American Business Leaders,27 Lewis Corey in
The Decline of American Capitalism and The Crisis of the Middle
Class,28 Percy Davidson and Dewey Anderson in Occupational
Mobility_in an American Community and Ballots and the Demo-
cratic Class Struggle,29 Goetz Briefs in The Proletariat,30

and Alfred Winslow Jones in Lifey_Libertyy_and Property91--

 

25Robert S. Lynd and Helen Merrell Lynd, Middletown in
Transition: A Study in Cultural Conflicts, Harvest Books
(New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1957).

25Adolf A. Berle, Jr. and Gardiner C. Means, The Modern
Corporation and Private Property (New York: Macmillan Company,
1952).

27Frank W. Taussig and Carl W. Joslyn, American Business
Leaders: A Study in Social Origins and Social Stratification
(New York: Macmillan Company, 1952).

28Lewis Corey, The Decline of American Capitalism (New
York: Covici Friede, 1954); and Lewis Corey, The Crisis of
the Middle Classes (New York: Covici Friede, 1955).

29Percy E. Davidson and H. Dewey Anderson, Occupational
Mobility in an American Community (Stanford, California:
Stanford University Press, 1957); and H. Dewey Anderson and
Percy B. Davidson, Ballots and the Democratic Class Struggle
(Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1945).

30Goetz A. Briefs, The Proletariat (New York: McGraw-
Hill Book Company, 1958).

31Alfred Winslow Jones, Life, Liberty, and PrOperpy
(Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: J. B. Lippincott and Company,
1941).

10

also showed the influence of Marx.32 "Yet," as Donald MacRae
observed, "the influence of Marxism proved small enough in

the long run."33

III
A systematic study of social stratification did not de-
velop in the United States until the early 1940's commencing
in the publication of W. Lloyd Warner and Paul Lunt's Th3

4 But as stratification

Social Life of a Modern Community.3
became regularly researched it took on a distinctively
American quality that was especially well expressed in the

work of Warner, his associates, and adherents.35 Inequality

was viewed not as a question of class, but as a question of

 

32The re-newed interest in Marxism during the 1950's
was also related to the political events in Germany. "The
rise of Nazism focussed attention on the class—structure of
Germany and turned inquiry to the understanding of the social
roots of the new regime. . . . In addition the Nazis' social
policy sent a flood of scholars into exile through the world,
above all to France, Britain and America. . . . There was
inevitably a new sympathy for Marxism which then appeared
both the major opponent of Nazism and its major interpreter.‘I
MacRae, Current Sociology, II, 15.

 

33Ibid., 16. "The evasions from what are relevant
Marxian observations are noticeable in much of the sociologi-
cal literature; are evident in the backhanded way that many
have adopted of explicitly rejecting those observations of
Marx that clearly are not applicable, or of interpreting
narrowly and then rejecting ideas that Marx did not seem to
intend." Leonard Reissman, glgss in American Society
(New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1959): pp. 6-7.

34W. Lloyd Warner and Paul S. Lunt, The Social Life of
a Modern Community (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University
Press, 1941).

35For a careful analysis and extensive bibliography of
the "Warner school," see Gordon, chap. iv, pp. 85-125.

11

36

status. In the words of Leonard Reissman, the study of

stratification became especially suited "for American consump-

tion, . . . essentially middle class, status-involved and

n37

ethnocentric. Moreover, the critics charged that Warner

had ignored the historical context, neglected the fact of
power, generalized beyond the data, muddled the conceptuali-
zation, committed assorted methodological errors, and

38

espoused support of the status quo. But Warner endured.

 

36Gerhard E. Lenski, "Social Stratification," Contemp-
orarytSociology, ed. Joseph S. Roucek (New York: Philosophical
Library, 1958), p. 550. This is not to suggest that the
interest in status was original with Warner (it is older than
Weber). However, in Warner's work, status was the dominant
interest, just as it has been in the American study of stratifi—
cation ever since. In the most recent general review of
American stratification research, there is no mention of class
as a political or economic concept. There is no mention of
income, money, wealth, or power. The entire discussion is
centered on the concept of social status. William F. Kenkel,
"Recent Research," Life in Society: Introductory Readings in
Sociology, ed. Thomas E. Lasswell, John H. Burma, and Sidney
H. Aronson (Chicago: Scott, Foresman and Company, 1965), pp.
567-572.

37Reissman, p. 44.

38C. Wright Mills, Review of The Social Life of a Modern
Community, by W. Lloyd Warner and Paul S. Lunt, American Socio-
logical Review, VII (April, 1942), 265-271; Maxwell R. Brooks,
"American Class and Caste: An Appraisal," Social Forces, XXV
(December, 1946), 207-211; Richard Centers, "Towards an Articu-
lation of Two Approaches to Social Class Phenomena: I,"
International Journal of Opinion and Attitude Research, IV
(Winter, 1950), 499-514; Richard Centers, "Towards an Articula—
tion of Two Approaches to Social Class Phenomena: II," Inter-
national Journal of Opinion and Attitude Research, V (Spring,
19517, 159-178: Ely Chinoyf—“ResearCh In Class Structure,"
review of Social Class in America: A Manual of Procedure, by
W. Lloyd Warner, Marchia Meeker, and Kenneth Eells, Canadian
Journal of Economics and Political Science, XVI (May, 1950),
255-265; Oliver C. Cox, "Race and Caste: A Distinction,"
The American Journal of Sociology, L (March, 1945), 560—568;

12

It was the work of Warner with its stress upon the endo-
gamous character of social class and its receipt for research
which finally implicated American sociology in the consider-

ation of social stratification and produced the notable

 

Kingsley Davis, Review of The Status System of a Modern Com-
munity, by W. Lloyd Warner and Paul S. Lunt, The American
Journal of Sociology, XLVIII (January, 1945), 511-515; Otis
Dudley Duncan and Jay W. Artis, "Some Problems of Stratifica-
tion Research," Rural Sociology. XVI (March, 1951), 17-29:
Walter Goldschmidt, "Social Class in America: A Critical
Review," American Anthropologist, LII (October-December, 1950),
485-498; Oscar Handlin, Review of The Social Life of a Modern
Community and The Status System of a Modern Community, by

W. Lloyd Warner and Paul S. Lunt, New England Quarterly, XV
(September, 1945), 554-557; Florence Rockwood Kluckhohn,
"Dominant and Substitute Profiles of Cultural Orientations:
Their Significance for the Analysis of Social Stratification,"
Social Forces, XXVIII (May, 1950), 576-595; Ruth Rosner
Kornhauser, "The Warner Approach to Social Stratification,"
Classy Status, and Power: A Reader in Social Stratification,
ed. Reinhard Bendix and Seymour Martin Lipset (Glencoe, Illi-
nois: The Free Press, 1955), pp. 224-255 and 675-678; Seymour
M. Lipset and Reinhard Bendix, "Social Status and Social Struc-
ture: A Re-examination of Data and Inrerpretations: I," Egg
British Journal of Sociology, II (June, 1951), 150-168;

Seymour M. Lipset and Reinhard Bendix, "Social Status and Social
Structure: A Re-examination of Data and Interpretations: II,"
The_§ritish Journal of Sociology, II (September, 1951), 250-254;
C. P. Loomis, J. A. Beegle, and T. W. Longmore, "Critique of
Class as Related to Social Stratification," Sociometry, X
(November, 1947), 519-557; Robert K. Merton, "Yankee Town," a
review of The Social Life of a Modern Community, by W. Lloyd
Warner and Paul S. Lunt, Survey Graphic, XXXI (October, 1942),
458-459; Harold W. Pfautz and Otis Dudley Duncan, "A Critical
Evaluation of Warner's Work in Community Stratification,"
American Sociological Review, XV (April, 1950), 205-215;
Pitirim A. Sorokin, Societyy Cultureyyand Personality (New
York: Harper and Brothers, 1947), pp. 256-295; S. M. Miller,
"Social Class and the 'Typical' American Community,“ American
Sociological Review, XV (April, 1950), 294-295; Paul K. Hatt,
"Stratification in the Mass Society," American Sociological
Review, XV (April, 1950), 216-222; Rudolf Heberle, Social Move-
ments (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1951), pp. 145-191;
Walter R. Goldschmidt, "America's Social Classes: Is Equality
a Myth?" Commentaty, X (August, 1950), 175-181; Llewellyn
Gross, "The Use of Class Concepts in Sociological Research,"
The American Journal of Sociology. LIV (March, 1949), 409-421;

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

15

studies, such as Who Shall Be Educated? and Elmtown's Youth,39
which have given social scientists as "enormous and informa-

tive repository of data on stratification in a wide variety

 

Richard Centers, "Four Studies in Psychology and Social Status:
A Special Review," a review of Social Class in America, by

W. L. Warner, M. Meeker, and K. Eells, Elmtown's Youth, by

A. B. Hollingshead, Adolescent Character and Personality, by

R. J. Havighurst, Hilda Taba, et al., and Children of Brasstown,
by Celia Burns Stendler, P§ychological Bulletin, LXVII (May,
1950), 265-271; Richard Centers, The Psychology of Social
Classes: A Study of Class Consciousness (New York: Russell

and Russell, 1961), appendix ii, pp. 226-229; Kurt Mayer, "The
Theory of Social Classes," Transactions of the Second World
Congress of Sociology (London: International Sociological
Association, 1954), II, 521-555; John L. Haer, "A Test of the
Unidimensionality of the Index of Status Characteristics,“
Socialgggrces, XXXIV (October, 1955), 56-58; James D. Beck,
"Limitations of One Social Class Index When Comparing Races with
Respect to Indices of Health," Social Forces, XLV (June, 1967),
586-588; Andreas Miller, "The Problem of Class Boundaries and
Its Significance for Research into Class Structure," Transactions
of the Second World Congress of Sociology (London: International
Sociological Association, 1954), II, 545-552; Helen M. Wolfle,
Review of Elmtown's Youth, by August B. Hollingshead, and Social
Class in America, by W. Lloyd Warner, Marchia Meeker, and
Kenneth Eells, Science, CX (October 28, 1959), 456; and Kurt
Mayer, "The Theory of Social Classes," Harvard Educational
Review, XXIII (Fall, 1965), 149-167; Stephan Thernstrom, “Further
Reflections on the Yankee City Series: The Pitfalls of Ahis-
torical Social Science," Poverty and Progress: Social Mobility
in a Nineteenth Century City (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard
University Press, 1964), pp. 225-259; Oswald Hall, Review of
Social Class in America: A Manual of Procedure, by W. Lloyd
Warner, Marchia Meeker, and Kenneth Eells, The American Journal
of Sociology, LVI (January, 1951), 566-568; and Paul K. Hatt,
Review of Democracy in Jonesville, by W. Lloyd Warner and
Associates, American Sociological Review, XIV (December, 1949),
811-812.

 

 

 

 

39W. Lloyd Warner, Robert J. Havighurst, and Martin B.
Loeb, Who Shall Be Educated?: The Challengg of Unequal Oppor-
tunities (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1944); and August B.
Hollingshead, Elmtown's Youth: The Impact of Social Classes on
Adolescents (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1949).

14

"40 The study of community status struc-

of American contexts.
tures that Warner pioneered has been continuous, and most of
it has merely aped him.

At the zenith of the "Warner period" two American soci—
ologists, Kingsley Davis and Wilbert Moore, presented "Some

"41 In what is now commonly

Principles of Stratification.
referred to as the "functional theory of stratification," the
authors asserted that stratification is functionally necessary
because every society must have some mechanism for inducing
its members to occupy positions that are socially important
and require training and to perform the duties of these posi-
tions. The differential distribution of class and status
attributes ensures that "the most important positions are
conscientiously filled by the most qualified persons."42
Social stratification, they reasoned, is therefore functional,
necessary, and inevitable. In their view stratification
"becomes essentially an integrating structural attribute of
social systems, and interclass relations are typically viewed

u 43

as accommodative. The thesis was not new. Indeed, it was

 

4OMacRae, Current Sociology, II, 25.

41Kingsley Davis and Wilbert E. Moore, "Some Principles
of Stratification," American Sociological Review, X (April,
1945), 242-249.

42Ibid., 245.

43Harold F. Pfautz, "The Current Literature on Social
Stratification: Critique and Bibliography," The American
Joutpal of Sociology, LVIII (January, 1955), 592. It is inter—
esting to note that only five years after Pfautz's observation,

15

the view of social inequality that had prevailed in America

for 100 years and more: it was yet another footnote to
Sumner.44

IV
Since the end of the second World War, the amount of

research and discussion about social stratification has steadi-

4-5

1y increased. During this period, "the work in the field

 

Warner lamented, ". . . the literature on class conflict is
far greater than that on the common tasks of society, or than
on organized apportion (in Simmel's sense) among those who
collaborate." W. Lloyd Warner, "The Study of Social Stratifi-
cation," Review of Sociology, ed. Joseph B. Gittler (New York:
John Wiley and Sons, 1957), p. 255.

44It should be noted, however, that the functional

theory of stratification was not alone in its provincialism.
According to Bendix and Lipset: "Whatever its accomplishments
or deficiencies, before World War II American sociology had a
parochial orientation. Its mainstay was the empirical study
of American society." Bendix and Lipset, Claspnytatusy_and
Power: Social Stratification in Comparative Perppective, p.
x111.

 

45This increase is reflected in the publication of gener-
al textbooks in social stratification. Prior to 1955 there
were only two volumes which, viewed broadly, would be consid-
ered stratification texts, but between 1955 and 1967 eleven
were published. Cecil Clare North, Social Differentiation
(Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina
Press, 1926); Sorokin; Joseph A. Kahl, The American Class.
Structure (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1957); John
F. Cuber and William F. Kenkel, Social Stratification in the
United States (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts,1954);
Kurt B. Mayer, Class and Society (New York: Random House,
1955); Bernard Barber, Social Stratification: A Comparative
Analysis of Structure and Process (New York: Harcourt, Brace
and World, 1957); Reissman; Bergel; Harold M. Hodges, Jr.,
Social Stratification: Class in America (Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts: Schenkman Publishing, 1964); Thomas E. Lasswell,
Class and Stratum: Anyiptroduction to Concppts and Research
(Boston, Massachusetts: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1965);
Kaare Svalastoga, Social_Differentiation (New York: David McKay,

16

has been extremely scattered in character and reflects a wide

"46

range of interests and concerns varying all the way from

the popular North-Hatt occupational prestige rankings, which
leave unattended questions of their relevance to the central
issues of stratification,47 to Mills' White Collar, which at

once combines economic, historical, and institutional data

48

on a scale reminiscent of Veblen. Despite this heterogeneity,

9

some Significant trends are discernible.4 The total society

 

1965); Gerhard E. Lenski, Power and Privilege: A Theory of
Social Stratification (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company,
1966); and Melvin M. Tumin, Social Stratification: The Forms
and_§pnctions of Inequality(Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:
Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1967).

46Lenski, Contemporary Sociology, p. 521.

47For a cogent critical analysis of the studies of occu-
pational prestige, see A. F. Davies, "Prestige of Occupations,"
The British Journal of Sociology, III (June, 1952), 154-147;
or Joseph R. Gusfield and Michael Schwartz, "The Meanings of
Occupational Prestige: Reconsideration of the NORC Scale,"
American Sociological Review, XXVIII (April, 1965), 265-271.
'For a description and evaluation of the much-used North-Hatt
scale, see Albert J. Reiss, Jr., et al., Occupations and Social
Status (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1962).

48Cecil C. North and Paul K. Hatt, "Jobs and Occupations:
A POpular Evaluation," Opinion News, IX (September, 1947),
5-15; and C. Wright Mills, White Collar: The American Middle
Classes, Galaxy Books (New York: Oxford University Press, 1956).

49Other trend assessments, varying in quality and scope
of coverage, of the study of stratification in American soci-
ology are: Nelson N. Foote, "Destratification and Restratifi—
cation: An Editorial Forward," The American Journal of
Sociology, LVIII (January, 1955), 525-526; Bendix and Lipset,
giass, Status, and Power: ,A Reader in Social Stratification,
pp. 7-16; Hinkle and Boskoff, Modern SociologicpiiTheoty, pp.
568-595; Kenkel, Life in Society, pp. 567-572; Lenski,
Contemporary Sociology, pp. 521-558; MacRae, Current Sociology,
II, 7-75; Mayer, Transactions of the Second World Congress of
Sociology, II, 521-555; Raymond J. Murphy, "Some Recent Trends

17

5° and there

was increasingly used as the unit of analysis,
was a renewed concern with vertical mobility because, to quote
one authority, "it became apparent that our society was 'on
the go' again. . . ."51 By and large, the mobility research

of this period "coincided with a rejection of the doctrine of

 

in Stratification Theory and Research," The Annals of the Ameri-
can Academyyof Political and Social Science, CCCLVI (November,
1964), 142-167; Pfautz, The American Journal of.Sociology,
LVIII, 591-418; Kaare Svalastoga, "Social Differentiation,"
Handbook of Modern Sociology, ed. Robert E. L. Faris (Chicago:
Rand McNally and Company, 1964), pp. 550-575; Warner, Review
of Sociology, pp. 221-258; Wirth, Current Sociology, II, 279-
505; Suzanne Keller, "Sociology of Social Stratification, 1945-
1955," Sociology in the United States of America, ed. Hans L.
Zetterberg (Paris: UNESCO, 1956), pp. 114—119; Page, Gold-
schmidt, American Anthropologist, LII, 485-498; C. Arnold
Anderson, "Recent American Research in Social Stratification,"
Mens en Maatschappij, XXXI (1955), 521-557; A. Majeed Khan,
"Social Stratification: A Phase and a Process in Community
Organization," Alpha Kappa Deltan, XXVII (Spring, 1957), 57-47;
Gordon; Bernard Berelson and Gary A. Steiner, "Social Stratifi-
cation," Human Behavior: An Inventory of Scientific Findipgs
(New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1964), chap. xi, pp.
455-491; Bendix and Lipset, Class, Status, and Power: Social
Stratification in Comparative Perspective, pp. xiii-xviii; and
Edward Shils, "Class Stratification," The Present State of
American Sopioloqy (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1948),
pp. 15-25.

 

 

 

50Clearly, the most popular stratification studies in the
years immediately following the war were "national" studies.
See, for example, North and Hatt, Opinion News, IX, 5-12;
Centers, The Psychology of Social Classes; C. Wright Mills,
The New Men of Power: .America's Labor Leaders (New York:
Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1948); and Mills, White Collar.

 

51Kenkel, Life in Society, p. 569. For summaries of re-
search trends in the study of social mobility as well as anno—
tated bibliographies, see Raymond W. Mack, Linton Freeman, and
Seymour Yellin, Social Mobility: Thirty Years of Research and
Theory--An Annotated Bibliography(Syracuse, New York: Syra-
cuse University Press, 1957); and S. M. Miller, "Comparative
Social Mobility: A Trend Report and Bibliography," Current
Sociology, IX, No. 1 (1960), 1-89. See also, William L. Kolb,
"Mobility," A Dictionary of the Social Sciences, ed. Julius

 

18

the nineteen-thirties that the rate of mobility in American
society [was] declining."52 Stuart Adams, Suzanne Keller,
Seymour Martin Lipset and Reinhard Bendix, William Peterson,
Natalie Rogoff, Gideon Sjoberg, W. Lloyd Warner and James

Abegglen,53 and many others54 presented evidence that

 

Gould and William L. Kolb (New York: The Free Press, 1964),
pp. 454-455; and Melvin M. Tumin, "Social Class," A Dictionaty
of the Social Sciences, ed. Julius Gould and William L. Kolb
(New York: The Free Press, 1964), p. 649.

52Lenski, Contemporary Sociology, p. 525. The only
notable exception to these data and interpretation is the
report by Hertzler, which points to a declining rate of mobil-
ity. See Joyce 0. Hertzler, "Some Tendencies Toward a Closed
Class System in the United States," Social Forces, XXX (March,
1952), 515—525.

53Stuart Adams, "Regional Differences in Vertical Mobil-
ity in a High—Status Occupation," American Sociolpgical Review,
XV (April, 1950), 228-255; Stuart Adams, "Trends in Occupation-
al Origins of Physicians," American Sociological Review, XVIII
(August, 1955), 404—409; Stuart Adams, "Trends.in Occupational
Origins of Business Leaders," American Sociological Review,
XIX (October, 1954), 541-548; Stuart Adams, "Fact and Myth in
Social Class Theory," The Ohio Journal of Science, LI (November,
1951), 515-519; Suzanne Keller, "The Social Origins and Career
Lines of Three Generations of American Business Leaders"
(unpublished doctoral dissertation, Columbia University, 1955);
Seymour Martin Lipset and Reinhard Bendix, "Ideological Equali-
tarianism and Social Mobility in the United States," Transac-
tions of the Second World Congtess of Sociology (London: Inter—
national Sociological Association, 1954), II, 54-54; Seymour M.
Lipset and Reinhard Bendix, "Social Mobility and Occupational
Career Patterns, I: Stability of Job Holding," The American
Journal of Sociology, LVII (January, 1952), 566-574; Seymour M.
Lipset and Reinhard Bendix, "Social Mobility and Occupational
Career Patterns, II: Social Mobility," The American Journal of
§99fi010gy, LVII (March, 1952), 494-504; Carson McGuire,
"Social Stratification and Mobility Patterns," American Socio-
logical Review, XV (April, 1950), 195-204; William Peterson,
"Is America Still the Land of Opportunity? What Recent Studies
Show About Social Mobility," Commentary, XVI (November, 1955),
477-486; Natalie Rogoff, Recent Trends in Occupational Mobility
(Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1955); Gideon Sjoberg,
"Are Social Classes in America Becoming More Rigid?" American

19

indicated that "the rate of mobility in American society is
at least as high today as it has been at any time in the last
fifty to one hundred years, if not higher."55
One of the most significant events in the American
study of class inequality during the post—war period was the
56

critique of the functional view of social stratification.

"Owing to sociological facts,"S7 several clarifications and

 

Sociological Review, XVI (December, 1951), 775-785; Alvin H.
Scaff, "Comment on Sjoberg's Article on the Rigidity of Social
Classes," American Sociological Review, XVII (June, 1952),
564; W. Lloyd Warner and James C. Abegglen, Occupational
Mobility in American Business and Industry, 1928—1952 (Minne-
apolis, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 1955); and
Elton F. Jackson and Harry J. Crockett, Jr., "Occupational
Mobility in the United States: A Point Estimate and Trend
Comparison," Ametican Sociological Review, XXIX (February,
1964), 5-15.

 

54For example, Kahl has stated that American society,
"is not becoming markedly more rigid." Kahl, p. 268. Another
student of American stratification has suggested that there
"may even have been slightly more mobility in the present than
in the past.“ Barber, p. 468. Kenkel has summarized post-
depression mobility trends in the U. S. thus: "Most, but not
all, subsequent research indicates that at least from genera-
tion to generation there is a great deal of vertical mobility,
probably as much as there ever has been." Kenkel, Life in

Society, p. 569.

55Lenski, Contemporary Sociology, p. 524.

56The original statement of the functional theory of
stratification (Davis and Moore, American Sociological Review,
X, 242-249) was slightly modified prior to any critical analy-
sis of it. See Kingsley Davis, Human Society (New York:
Macmillan Company, 1949), chap. xiv, pp. 564—589. The first
major critique was: Melvin M. Tumin, "Some Principles of
Stratification: ,A Critical Analysis," American Sociological
Review, XVIII (August, 1955), 587-595.

57Wlodzimierz Wesolowski, "Some Notes on the Functional
Theory of Stratification," Polish Sociological Bulletin, Nos.
5-4 (5-6) (1962), 28.

20

modifications in the functional explanation of stratification

have appeared since Melvin Tumin's original criticism.58

 

58Tumin, American Sociological Review, XVIII, 587-595;
Kingsley Davis, "Reply," American Sociological Review, XVIII
(AuguSt, 1955), 594-597; Wilbert E. Moore, "COmment," American
Sociological Review, XVIII (August, 1955), 597; Melvin Tumin,
"Reply to Kingsley Davis," American Sociological Review, XVIII
(December, 1955), 672-675; Walter Buckley, "Social Stratifica—
tion and Functional Theory of Social Differentiation," American
Sociological Review, XXIII (August, 1958), 569-575; Kingsley
Davis, "The Abominable Heresy: A Reply to Dr. Buckley,"
American Sociological Review, XXIV (February, 1959), 82-85;
Marion J. Levy, Jr., "Functionalism: A Reply to Dr. Buckley,"
American Sociological Review, XXIV (February, 1959), 85-84;
Walter Buckley, "A Rejoinder to Functionalists Dr. Davis and
Dr. Levy," American Sociological Review, XXIV (February, 1959),
84-86; Wilbert E. Moore, "But Some Are More Equal Than Others,"
American Sociological Review, XXVIII (February, 1965), 15-18;
Melvin Tumin, "On Inequality,“ American Sociological Review,
XXVIII (February, 1965), 19-26; Wilbert E. Moore, "Rejoinder,"
American Sociological Review, XXVIII (February, 1965), 26-28;
Walter Buckley, "On Equitable Inequality," American Sociological
Review, XXVIII (October, 1965), 799-801. Other important con-
tributions to the evaluation of this position are: Melvin Tumin,
"Obstacles to Creativity," Etc.: A Review of General Semantics,
XI (Summer, 1954), 261-271; C. Arnold Anderson, "The Need for
a Functional Theory of Social Class," Rural Sociology, XIX
(June, 1954), 152-160; Richard D. Schwartz, "Functional Altern-
atives to Inequality," American Sociological Review, XX (August,
1955), 424-450; Melvin M. Tumin, "Rewards and Task-orientations,"
American Sociological Review, XX (August, 1955), 419-425;
Richard L. Simpson, "A Modification of the Functional Theory of
Social Stratification,“ Social Forces, XXXV (December, 1956),
152-157; Melvin M. Tumin, "Some Disfunctions of Institutional
Imbalance," Behavioral Science, I (July, 1956), 218-225; Walter
J. Buckley, "Sociological Theory and Social Stratification"
(Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Wisconsin,
1958); Dennis H. Wrong, "The Functional Theory of Stratification:
Some Neglected Considerations," American Sociological Review,
XXIV (December, 1959), 772-782; Werner Cohn, "Social Status and
the Ambivalence Hypothesis: Some Critical Notes and a Sug-
gestion," American Sociological Review, XXV (August, 1960),
508-515; Mathew Sgan, "On Social Status and Ambivalence,"
American Sociolpgical Review, XXVI (February, 1961), 104; Werner
Cohn, "Reply to Sgan," American Sociological Review, XXVI
(February, 1961), 104-105; Melvin M. Tumin, "Competing Status
Systems," Labor Commitment and Social Changp in Develppipg
Areas, ed. Wilbert E. Moore and Arnold S. Feldman (New York:

 

 

 

 

 

21

The most important consequence of the debate was the withdrawal
from the ranks of sociological "principles" of the assertion
that stratification ensures that the ablest and best trained
persons conscientiously fill the most important positions in
the society. As the critics pointed out, such an assertion
assumes that all have equal Opportunity to acquire training and

all those who are equal in training have equal opportunity to

 

Social Science Research Council, 1960), pp. 277-290; Melvin M.
Tumin, "Theoretical Implications," Social Class and Social
Change in Puerto Rico (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton Univer-
sity Press, 1961), chap. xxix, pp. 467-511; Wesolowski, Polish
Socipiogical Bulletin, Nos. 5—4 (5-6), 28-58; Joseph LOpreato
and Lionel S. Lewis, "An Analysis of Variables in the Functional
Theory of Stratification," The Sociologicalygparterly, IV
(Autumn, 1965), 501-510; Joel B. Montague, Jr., Class and
Nationality: English and American Studies (New Haven, Connecti-
cut: College and University Press, 1965), pp. 50—58; Arthur
Stinchcombe, "Some Empirical Consequences of the Davis-Moore
Theory of Stratification," American Sociological Review, XXVIII
(October, 1965), 805-808; Robert K. Bain and David E. Willer,

"A Revision to the Functional Theory of Stratification" (an ex-
panded and revised version of a paper presented at the annual
meeting of the Ohio Valley Sociological Society, 1965); George
A. Huaco, "A Logical Analysis of the Davis-Moore Theory of
Stratification," American Sociological Review, XXVIII (October,
1965), 801-804; Dennis H. Wrong, "Social Inequality without
Social Stratification," Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthro-
pology, I (February, 1964), 5-16; Joan Rytina, "The Ideology of
American Stratification" (an unpublished doctoral dissertation,
Michigan State University, 1967), chap. iii; Michael Young,

The Rise of the Meritocracy, 1870-2055; An Essay on Education
and Equality, Pelican Books (Baltimore, Maryland: Penguin Books,
1958); Laurence Keith Miller, "An Experimental Test of the
Davis-Moore Theory of Reward Differentiation" (an unpublished
doctoral dissertation, University of Illinois, 1961); Stuart A.
Queen, "The Function of Social Stratification: A Critique,"
Socioipgy and Social Research, XLVI (July, 1962), 412-415; and
Irving Louis Horowitz, "Sociology and Politics: The Myth of
Functionalism Revisited," The Journal of Politics, XXV (May,
1965), 248-264.

22

occuPy positions that yield the highest reward. Moreover,
as John Porter observed, "The functional View of social class
can not escape the charge of being a product of conservative
ideology and a theory to support the status quo. It does not
sound unlike the view of society put forward by associations
of manufacturers. . . ."59
The critique of functionalism was contemporaneous with
another telling event in the study of social stratification,
the investigation of power. Mills had argued that, while the
study of community prestige structures was relevant, it was
neither the sole nor the central concern of stratification

6° The shift of emphasis away from prestige which

analysis.
Mills had encouraged was realized with the publication of Floyd
Hunter's Community Power Structure and Mills' The Power Elite,
which focused on the problem of stratification primarily in
terms of the unequal distribution of economic power.61 In
these studies Hunter and Mills clearly departed from the
American style of stratification research. They owed more to

Marx and Weber than to Parsons and Warner.62 They did not hold

sway for very long.

 

59John Porter, The Vertical Mosaic: An Anaiysis of Social
Class and Power in Canada, Canadian University Paperbacks
(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1965), p. 17.

60Mills, American Sociological Review, VII, 265-271.

61Floyd Hunter, Communitngower Structure (Chapel Hill,
North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 1955); and
C. Wright Mills, The Power Elite, Galaxy Books (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1959).

6‘2Parsons, like Warner and other functionalists, generally

25

V

Just two years after Mills wrote The Power Elite,63

 

Gerhard Lenski warned that "an undue emphasis is coming to be
placed on economic power to the neglect of other forms of
power";64 and Lenski went on to suggest that the individual's
position in the stratification order was influenced not only
by occupation but also by age, education, ethnicity, race,
religion, and sex. "If the trend to phrase questions pertain—
ing to stratification in terms of power becomes a trend to
phrase questions solely in terms of economic power," Lenski
admonished, "the gains which will accrue will very largely be
offset by corresponding losses both in theoretical insight

"65 The caveat was soon needless.

and in predictive value.
The study of power has drifted into a study of empty middle

class issues at the community level.66

 

neglected power. See, Talcott Parsons, "An Analytical Approach
to the Theory of Social Stratification," The American Journal

of Sociology, XLV (May, 1940), 841-862; and Talcott Parsons,

"A Revised Analytical Approach to the Theory of Social Stratifi-
cation," ClasstStatu y and Power: A Reader in Social Strati-
fication, ed. Reinhard Bendix and Seymour Martin Lipset (Glen-
coe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1955), pp. 92-128 and 665-667.

63Mills, The Power Elite.
64Lenski, Contemporary Sociology, p. 550.
651bid., p. 551.

66See, for example, Nelson W. Polsby, Community Power
and Political Theoty (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University
Press, 1965). According to Thomas Anton: "Pluralists quite
vigorously deny the permanency of power--or to put it different-
ly, that power is structured in any way. Thus if SUperficial
evidence suggests that no power exists in a particular community,

 

24

While Lenski was implying that many variables were
equally consequential in determining position in the strati-
fication order, there was emerging a body of literature about
"mass society" which testified, once again, to the unreality

of stratification.67

According to mass society theory,
America was principally affluent and classless, almost exclu-
sively middle class, no bottom, no tOp. Peter Drucker argued

that America was an “employee society"; because everyone was

an employee, the study of stratification wasn't even

 

pluralist presuppositions warrant the conclusion that any
further examination might well turn out to be a waste of time.
. . . Beyond this there is the question of whether persons
using pluralist methodology could recognize issues. Issues

can be defined either by the observer's commitment to an ideo-
logical outlook that defines important problems or by his
ability to comprehend fully the issue definitions of the people
he studies. The pluralist literature, however, claims no
ideology, other than commitment to empirical science--a commit-
ment which emphasizes that which is rather than that which
ought to be. And interestingly enough, pluralist ability to
get 'into the heads' of its subjects appears to be hampered by
a similar acceptance of the existing political order.“ Thomas
J. Anton, "Power, Pluralism, and Local Politics," Administrative
Science_Quarteriy, VII (March, 1965), 454. For a critical com-
mentary of this article, see Robert A. Dahl, "Letter to the
Editor," Administrative Sciencp_Quarterly, VIII (September,
1965), 250-256. See also, Thomas Anton, "Rejoinder," Adminis-
trative Sciencpiguarteriy, VIII (September, 1965), 257-268.

67See Philip Selznick, "Institutional Vulnerability in
Mass Society," The American Journal of Sociology, LVI (January,
1955), 520-551; and Nisbet, The Pacific Sociological Review,
II, 15. At about the same time, Wirth commented that the
American study of social stratification "should be viewed in
the light of the fact that American society and American
scholarship largely take the democratic value of equality of
Opportunity for granted." Wirth, Current Sociology, II, 280.

25

68

relevant. Meanwhile, Talcott Parsons recorded the disappear-

ance of "the traditional 'bottom' of the occupational pyramid
. . ." and argued, "If anything this will tend to make our
class structure even more predominantly 'middle-class' than it

"69

already is. Daniel Bell essayed The End of Ideology and

 

John Kenneth Galbraith wrote the obituary for economic

O

inequality.7 The outstanding feature of the American social

structure was said to be the absence of any significant class

71

stratification. According to Robert E. L. Faris:

 

68Peter F. Drucker, "The Employee Society," The American
Journal of Sociology, LVIII (January, 1955), 558-565. For a
critical analysis of Drucker's thesis, see James B. McKee,
"Status and Power in the Industrial Community: A Comment on
Drucker's Thesis," The American Journal of Sociology, LVIII
(January, 1955), 564-570.

 

69Parsons, Class, StatusL and Power, pp. 124—125.

 

7ODaniel Bell, The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion
of Political Ideas in the Fifties (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free
Press, 1960); and John Kenneth Galbraith, The Affluent Society
(Boston, Massachusetts: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1958).

 

 

7IIn-1960, the President of the American Sociological
Association wrote: "The upper class, as a class, may also be
dissolving in various ways into a middle level. There remain
wealthy families, but these behave less and less like a class.
Dynasties do not rule from an upper level; there are too many
new fortunes for that. Prestige is no upper-class monopoly--
it is distributed among parvenu entertainers, athletes, poli-
ticians, evangelists, authors, and other self-made citizens.
Nor is power a class matter; it is hard for a sociologist to
take seriously the currently popular concept of a national power
elite. Power in reality comes from the millions of voters and
purchasers, organized and unorganized, in a complex flow of
forces. Robert E. L. Paris, "The Middle Class from a Socio-
logical VieWpoint," Social Forces, XXXIX (October, 1960), 1.
See also Robert E. L. Paris, "The Alleged Class System in the
United States," Research Studies of the State College of
Washington, XXII (June, 1954), 77-85.

 

26

The sociological meaning of the evolution of our nation
toward a general middle-class condition is simply that
the complex organization which civilized man lives by
continues to grow and to embrace more fully the hither-
to less organized strata at the lower income and edu-
cational levels. It is essentially a trend toward a
more complete participation for these people in modern
civilization.7

Ironically, the same year that Paris celebrated the
extension of middle-class civilization to the lower class,
American sociologists learned that millions of other Americans

3

lived in poverty.7 The pervasive conception of America as

"a middle-class society in which some people were simply more

"74

middle class than others began to be seriously questioned.

VI
Although a trend toward more comparative study has ob-

tained in the past few years,75 the study of social

 

72Faris, Social Forces, XXXIX, 5.

 

73In a recent doctoral dissertation about poverty in
America, the author observed: "It is to be noted that virtual-
ly all of the selections from contemporary times are from non-
sociological sources: this is a consequence of the minimal
attention to poverty by modern sociologists." Jack Leslie Roach,
"Economic Deprivation and Lower Class Behavior" (unpublished
doctoral dissertation, State University of New York at Buffalo,
1964), p. 85. Ironically, according to Hughes, "poverty was a
main object of study by the people . . . who brought modern
sociology into being." Everett C. Hughes, "Comment," The
American Journal of Sociology, LXXI (July, 1965), 75.

 

74Bottomore, p. 105.

75"Perhaps the most obvious—-and the most significant—-
development in recent American stratification research is the
increasing number of studies utilizing data obtained from
societies other than the United States." Murphy, The Annals of
the American Academy of Political and Social Science, CCCLVI,
144. See also, Bendix and Lipset, Class, Status, and Power:
Social Stratification in Comparative Perspective, pp. xiii-xviii.

 

 

27

stratification by American sociologists has been noticeably
ahistorical, atheoretical,76 apolitical, middle-class, status—

7 This is not to deny

conscious, and conceptually confusing.7
the obvious-~the contributions of the Lynds, Mills, Veblen,
Warner and others; that would be foolhardy. It is only to
put the record in proper perspective: coruscating analysis
of class stratification is at least as rare as a day in June.
Perhaps because so much of American sociology started
with the functional perspective have so few American sociolo-
gists investigated economic class and so many others defined
class in terms of the differential evaluation which some
people make of others according to possible and sometimes
artificial lists of personal characteristics and idiosyncratic

expressions.78

 

76According to Bendix and Lipset: "On the whole,
studies of social stratification in the United States under-
emphasize both the theoretical and the historical aspects of
the problem." Bendix and Lipset, Classy_StatusLiand Power:
A Reader in Social Stratification, p. 7.

77In his review of the study of social stratification
in the United States, Wirth wrote: "Except for a few studies,
such as the comprehensive reports on recent economic changes
and recent social trends, the social research in the United
States concerned with social stratification and mobility con-
sists for the most part of a great multitude of specific in-
quiries which are only rarely directly linked either to the
effort to obtain a general view of the changing American
society as a whole or to the testing of general hypotheses
suggested by the earlier, more phiIOSOphically or politically
oriented literature." Wirth, Current Sociology, II, 280.

78This method, as Porter correctly pointed out, assumes
that the ranking dimension is one of prestige rather than
wealth or power." Porter, p. 9. For a brief, albeit convinc-
ing, discussion of the implications of American ideology for

28

These criticisms are by no means theoretical cavil for,
as Lynd once commented, when it comes to the study of class

stratification, "the social sciences tiptoe evasively around

n79

the problem. AS recently as a decade ago, MacRae observed:

In America the public (and many sociologists apparently)
have had to be convinced that they live in a society
where statuses are invidiously ranked, where stratifi-
cation is an aSpect of social structure, and where

social class is a reality. Not all American sociologists
are yet convinced that class matters.BO

"Yet, what we see," James McKee once wrote, "we see from

"81 and the vantage point of func-

a particular vantage point,
tionalism gives a different picture of society than does the
vantage point of Marx or Weber. Indeed, the very locus at

which the functional view of stratification drew its heaviest

criticism, the assumption of equal opportunity according to

 

the methodology of class, see Reissman, chap. i, pp. 5-52.
"Forced as they finally were into the recognition of social
differences in Spite of past beliefs and values, Americans
apparently preferred the somewhat milder connotations of a
status vocabulary to those of a class vocabulary. American
social scientists for the most part have followed that choice."
Reissman, p. 51.

79Robert S. Lynd, "Tiptoeing Around Class," review of
The Psychology of Social Classes, by Richard Centers, The New
Republic CXXI (July 25, 1949), 17.

80MacRae, Current Sociology, II, 18. See also, Robert
E. Herriott and Nancy Hoyt St. John, Social Class and The
Urban School: The Impact of Pppil Background of Teachers and
Principals (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1966), PP.
15-17. In their identification of the many questions regarding
social class research in the U.S.A. which remain unresolved,
Herriott and St. John list as the first question: "Is social
stratification a reality in America?" Ibid., p. 16.

 

81McKee, The American Journal of Sociology, LVIII, 564.

29

2 is the anti-thesis of Weber's view

individual capacities,8
of stratification. In Weber's writings, social stratification
is defined as the inequality of opportunity; it is the way

inequality is organized into the fabric of society.83 Weber's

View of social stratification serves as the point of departure

for this dissertation.

 

8‘eBottomore, p. 26; and Wirth, Current Sociology, II,
283.

83Weber, pp. 180-195.

CHAPTER II
CLASS SITUATION

In what is probably the most famous anecdote about
James McKee and John Useem, Useem is reported to have
remarked to McKee, "Language is the greatest achievement of
man." “Yes," replied McKee, "just look at the current state
of stratification theory." McKee had the better of the
exchange, and all major histories of the sociology of strati-
fication have chronicled his essential point: The clarity
of stratification concepts is inversely related to the sig-

nificance of the phenomena with which they purport to deal.1

 

1See, for example, Milton M. Gordon, Social Class in
American Sociology (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University
Press, 1958), especially chap. i, pp. 5-20; Llewellyn Gross,
"The Use of Class Concepts in Sociological Research," Egg
American Journal of Sociology, LIV (March, 1949), 409-421;
Rudolf Heberle, "Recovery of Class Theory," The Pacific Socio-
logical Review, II (Spring, 1959), 18—24; Joel B. Montague, Jr.,
"Class or Status Society?" Sociology and Social Research, XL
(May-June,1956), 555-558; Robert A. Nisbet, "The Decline and
Fall of Social Class," The Pacific Sociological Review, II
(Spring, 1959), 11-17; Paul Mombert, "Class," Encyclopaedia
pt the Social Sciences, ed. Edwin R. A. Seligman (New York:
Macmillan Company, 1950), III, 551-556; Charles Hunt Page,
Class and American Sociology: From Ward to Ross (New York:
Octagon Books, 1964), pp. 252-254; Arnold M. Rose, "The Concept
of Class and American Sociology," Social Research, XXV (Spring,
1958), 55-69; George Simpson, "Class Analysis: What Class is
Not," American Sociological Review, IV (December, 1959), 827-
855; Pitirim A. Sorokin, "What is a Social Class?" Journal of
Legal and Political Sociology, IV (Summer, 1946-Winter, 1947),
5-28; Milton M. Gordon, "Social Class in American Sociology,"

50

51

Indeed, "probably no area of current sociological interest

suffers so much from the disease of overconceptualization.“2

 

The American Journal of Sociology, LV (November, 1949), 262-
268; Bernard Barber, "Discussion of Papers by Professor

Nisbet and Professor Heberle," The Pacific Sociological Review,
II (Spring, 1959), 25-27; Otis Dudley Duncan, "Discussion of
Papers by Professor Nisbet and Professor Heberle," The Pacific
Sociological Review, II (Spring, 1959), 27-28; Donald G.
MacRae, "Social Stratification: A Trend Report," Current
§pciolpgy, II, No. 1 (1955-1954), 26; Thomas E. Lasswell,
I'Social Class and Social Stratification: Preface," Sociology
and Social Research, L (April, 1966), 277-279; Oliver C. Cox,
"Estates, Social Classes, and Political Classes," American
Sociological Review, X (August, 1945), 464-469; Melvin M.
Tumin, "Social Class," A Dictionary of the Social Sciences, ed.
Julius Gould and William L. Kolb (New York: The Free Press,
1964), pp. 648-650; John W. McConnell, The Evolution of Social
Classes (Washington, D. C.: American Council on Public Affairs,
1942), chap. v, pp. 196-212; Paul K. Hatt, "Stratification in
the Mass Society," American Sociological Review, XV (April,
1950), 216-222; Joel B. Montague, Jr., "Social Class," Class
and Nationality: English and American Studies (New Haven,
Connecticut: College and University Press, 1965), chap. i,

pp. 19-45; Peter L. Berger, Invitation to Sociology: A Human-
istic Perspective (Garden City, New York: Doubleday and
Company, 1965), p. 79; W. G. Runciman, "The Three Dimensions
of Social Inequality," Relative Deprivation and Social Justice:
A Stugy of Attitudes to Social Inequality in Twentieth-Century
England (Berkeley, California: The University of California
Press, 1966), chap. iii, pp. 56-52; Travis J. Northcutt, Jr.
and William Butler Horton, Jr., "Social Class: An Introduction
to Basic Concepts, Theories, and Measurements," Mental Health
and the Lower Social Classes, ed. Kent S. Miller and Charles

M. Grigg (Tallahassee, Florida: The Florida State University,
1966), chap. i, pp. 1-22; Paul M. Roman and Harrison M. Trice,
"A Note on 'Social Class,'" SchiZOphrenia and the Poor (Ithaca,
New York: New York State School of Industrial and Labor Rela-
tions, 1967), pp. 22-25; and Ralf Dahrendorf, Class and Class
Conflict in Industrial Society (Stanford, California: Stanford
University Press, 1959), chap. i, pp. 5-55.

2Harold M. Pfautz, "The Current Literature on Social
Stratification: Critique and Bibliography," The American
Journal of Sociology, LVIII (January, 1955), 592. The essen-
tial problem has not been limited to sociology, however. See,
for example, L. M. Hanks, Jr., "Merit and Power in Thai
Social Order," American Anthropologist, LXIV (December, 1962),
1247-1261.

52

The study of social stratification is satiated with a
"plethora of verbiage with hair-splitting distinctions,

inconsistencies in usage, and seemingly endless adumbration

"3

of impressive language. If language is the acme of the

man of learning, it is also his acne.4

I
Nowhere has this conceptual confusion been more complete

5 Research

and more consequential than in the study of class.
in this area has varied so considerably in the definition of
class and the indexes used to discriminate class that, as
David Glass once observed, "One of the difficulties [lies] in
the fact that, as is so frequently the case, we do not know

what we know."6

 

3John F. Cuber and William F. Kenkel, Social Stratifica-
tion in the United States (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts,
1954), p. 5.

4Bierstedt, presumably writing for a male audience, em-
phasized the essential problem thus: "Words are like women--
seductive, inconsistent, unpredictable, frequently faithless,
and full of hidden meanings. We cannot think at all without
words and often cannot think straight because of them."
Robert Bierstedt, The Social Order: An Introduction to Soci-
ology (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1965), p. 19.

5"Although in everyday talk we think we are quite clear
as to the meaning of class distinction, the more closely one
examines its actual content the vaguer its form becomes."
Karl Mannheim, Systematic Sppiology, ed. J. S. Eros and W. A.
C. Stewart (New York: Philosophical Library, 1957), p. 140.
See also, Richard A. Kurtz, "The Public Use of Sociological
Concepts: Culture and Social Class," The American Sociologist,
I (August, 1966), 187-189; and Jack L. Roach, "To the Editor,"
The American Sociologist (May, 1967), 100.

6D. V. Glass, "Preface," Current Sociology, II, No. 4
(1955*1954), 277.

55

For example, relatively few American studies of class
have systematically utilized economic criteria as the basic
operational measure of class stratification. Instead they
have tended to combine various economic, cultural, and
psychological attributes whose relationship to class strati-
fication becomes obscured.7 Status, prestige, power, and
even etiquette have been incorporated into a single vague

conception of class.8

The analytical problems that result
from such ambiguous definitions are numerous. In his well-
known review of the first volume of the "Yankee City" series,

C. Wright Mills argued that, in confounding class

 

7The standard citation in this regard is the work of
Warner and his associates. See, for example, W. Lloyd Warner,
Marchia Meeker, and Kenneth Eells, Social Class in America:
The Evaluation of Status (New York: Harper and Row, 1960);
W. Lloyd Warner and Paul S. Lunt, The Social Life of a Modern
Community (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press,
1941); and W. Lloyd Warner and Paul S. Lunt, The Status Sys—
tem of a Modern Community (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale
University Press, 1942). However, the use of class as an
omnibus term is not limited to Warner et al. For example:
"Interviewers were instructed to categorize the respondent's
social class in one of four ranked groups (from A, highest,
through D, lowest), depending on a list of criteria provided
by a Peruvian commercial research firm. Although the judg-
ments were largely subjective, differences among the classes
in education, expenditure, occupational distribution, etc.,
are marked. These subjectively determined categories will be
used throughout the present analysis." J. Mayone Stycos,
"Social Class and Preferred Family Size in Peru," The Ameri-
can Journal of Sociology, LXX (May, 1965), 651.

 

8"We have lumped together social stratification as I
have defined it above, income stratification, power stratifi-
cation, ethnic stratification, and a dozen other independently
variable aspects of behavior in society." Barber, The
Pacific Sociological Review, II, 26. See also, Heberle, Thg
Pacific Sociological Review, II, 18; and C. Arnold Anderson,
"Recent American Research in Social Stratification," Mens en
Maatschappij, XXXI (1955), 521-527.

II
A-V.‘l

II
nIIIII
‘1'!

D... ~Lrfi

54

stratification with status, sociologists thus buried a funda-

9 Echoing Max Weber's

mental explanation of life chances.
chief criticism against Karl Marx,10 Mills maintained that
nothing was gained and much was lost by lumping these concepts

1 In these studies, where a whole set of variables

together.1
is simultaneously related to some particular feature of social

life, it is not possible to ascertain which of the variables

 

9From the insistence upon merely one vertical dimension
and the consequent absorbing of these three analytically
separable dimensions into the one Sponge word 'class' flow
the chief confusions of interpretation and the empirical in-
adequacies which characterize this study." C. Wright Mills,
Review of The Social Life of a Modern Community, by W. Lloyd
Warner and Paul S. Lunt, American Sociological Review, VII
(April, 1942), 265. See also, Montague, Sociology and Social
Research, XL, 555; T. B. Bottomore, Sociology: A Guide to
Problems and Literature (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:
Prentice-Hall, 1965), p. 190; C. Wright Mills, The Sociologi-
cal Imagination (New York: Oxford University Press, 1959),
p. 54; Stanislaw Ossowski, Class Structure in the Social
Consciousness, trans. Sheila Patterson (New York: The Free
Press of Glencoe, 1965), p. 159 and 162; Don Martindale,
American Social Structure: Historical Antecedents and Con-
,temporapy Analysis (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc.,
1960), pp. 454-455.

 

10Max Weber, "Class, Status, Party," From Max Weber:
Essays in Sociology, ed. and trans. H. H. Gerth and C. Wright
Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1958).

 

11Ironically, this analytical distinction of class and
status which most sociologists identify as Weber's chief con-
tribution to the sociology of social inequality, has been
entombed in Parsons' translation of the German Klassenlagp as
"class status." See, Max Weber, The Theory of Social and
Economic Organization, trans. A. M. Henderson, and trans. and
ed. Talcott Parsons (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press,
1947), p. 425. As Dahrendorf has noted, "By the very fact of
misleading they can create terms that acquire a life of their
own." Dahrendorf, p. 7. The phrase "class status" has been
used by several sociologists. See, for example, Seymour
Martin Lipset, The First New Nation: The United States in
Historical and Comparative Perspective (New York: Basic
Books, Inc., 1965), p. 115.

55

is producing the effect or, if more than one is consequential,

what the differential significance is:, "Being used to refer
to so many different things, it gives no clear explanation

n12

of any of them. Considerable confusion has resulted from

these "attempts to make the concept mean too much at once,

and thus too little in the long run."13

In addition to using these omnifarious conceptions of
class, many empiricists "have tried to escape involvement in
the theoretical disputes by producing their own ad hoc defi-

"14

nitions. August Hollingshead and Frederick Redlich, for

 

1E'Simpson, American Sociological Review, IV, 827.

 

13Ibid. Many other scholars have criticized the use of
class as an omnibus concept. Heberle, for example, said:
"In any case, it seems to me that one should not incorporate
in the concept of class all the phenomena which may or may
not be correlated with classes in concrete situations."
Heberle, The Pacific Sociolpgical Review, II, 18. See also,
Anderson, Mens en Maatschappij, XXXI, 521—527.

 

14Kurt B. Mayer, Review of Power and Privilegp, by
Gerhard E. Lenski, Social Forces, XLV (December, 1966), 285.
See also, Barber, The Pacific Sociological Review, II, 27.
For example: "Social classes will be defined as aggregates
of individuals who occupy broadly similar positions in the
scale of prestige. In dealing with the research literature,
we shall treat occupational position (or occupational posi-
tion as weighted somewhat by education) as a serviceable in-
dex of social class for urban American society." Melvin L.
Kohn, "Social Class and Parent-child Relationships: An
Interpretation," The American Journal of §pciolpgy, LXVIII
(January, 1965), 472. In another study: "The variable
socioeconomic status (XI) is based\on a weighted combination
of father's occupation, father's formal educational level,
mother's formal educational level, an estimate of the funds
the family could provide if the student were to attend col-
lege, the degree of sacrifice this would entail for the
family, and the approximate wealth and income status of the
student's family. The sample was divided into four roughly
equal groups, labeled High, Upper Middle, Lower Middle, and

 

56

example, determined class position according to a weighting
of the social rank of the area of residence, occupation,
and education of the head of the family.15 "The weights
used in the formula for computing the summary index and the
cutting points used to distinguish between classes were de-

cided on specifically for this study and are not extrapola-

16

tion from theory or other research." In another, more

recent, study, the authors flatly state:

As is well known there is no consensus on what is
meant by class. Most writers use indices of socio-
economic status such as occupation, education and
income interchangeably with the concept of social
class. In this report the term class will also refer
to socio-economic status.17

The particular definition of class which these authors de-

18

cided to use is epiphenomenal. The point at issue is the

 

Low in socioeconomic status.“ (Authors' emphasis.) William
H. Sewell and Vimal P. Shah, "Socioeconomic Status, Intel-
ligence and the Attainment of Higher Education," Sociology of
Education, XL (Winter, 1967), 5-4.

 

lsAugust B. Hollingshead and Frederick C. Redlich,
Social Class and Mental Illness: A Community Study (New York:
John Wiley and Sons, 1958), chap. ii, pp. 18-44, and appendix
two, pp. 587-597.

16Emphasis mine. 8. M. Miller and Elliot G. Mishler,
"Social Class, Mental Illness, and American Psychiatry: An
Expository Review," a review of Social Class and Mental Ill-
ness, by August B. Hollingshead and Frederick C. Redlich,
ggibank Memorial Fungyguarterly, XXXVII (April, 1959), 175.

17Authors' emphasis. Jack L. Roach, Lionel S. Lewis,
and Murray A. Beauchamp, "The Effects of Race and Socio-
economic Status on Family Planning," Journal of Health and
Socialggehavior, VIII (March, 1967), 40.

 

18Actually, the authors never use the definition they
give. Rather, they report their data separately according to
"occupation of head of household" and "weekly family income."
Ibid., 42.

57

manner in which they legitimated their selection: Because
"there is no consensus on what is meant by class,"19 one
is free to select any definition.

In still another variation on this theme, Donald McKinley
fused simplistic terminology with Hollingshead's "index of
social position"20 to produce class categories.21 The result
was a three-fold class classification with the least desirable
features of both parents: "Upper class" included owners,
entrepreneurs, managers, professionals, and semi-professionals;
"middle class" included "small" store proprietors, salesmen,
clerks, and "lower" white collar workers; and "lower class"
included skilled, semiskilled, unskilled, etc. Recognizing
the counterfeit quality of his classification, McKinley ex-
plained:

Our "lower class" includes individuals of considerably

higher status than are usually grouped within that term.

Also, our "upper class" is rather middle class. It is

hoped that this deviation from customary terminology
is justified by the increased Simplicity of phrases.

 

19Ibid., 40.

20It is noteworthy that Hollingshead refers to his index
as one of "social position" because he and all other research-
ers who have used it report their findings according to
"class" or "social class."

21Donald Gilbert McKinley, Social Class and Family Life
(New York: The Free Press, 1964).

2‘2Emphasis mine. Ibid., p. 68.

58

In many instances, class has been singularly but vari-

3

ously operationally defined as collar color,2 residential

25 26

rent,24 residential area, social participation, occupa-

7

tional prestige,2 average monthly income,28 father's

 

23See, for example, Norbert F. Wiley, "Class and Local
Politics in Three Michigan Communities" (unpublished doctoral
dissertation, Michigan State University, 1962); and Erich
Goode, "Social Class and Church Participation," The American
Journal of Sociology, LXXII (July, 1966), 102-111.

 

24See, for example, C. Arnold Anderson, "Social Class
Differentials in the Schooling of Youth Within the Regions
and Community-size Groups of the United States," Social Forces,
XXV (May, 1947), 454-440; A. J. Mayer and P. M. Hauser, "Class
Differentials in Expectation of Life at Birth," Revue de
l'Institut Internationale de Statistigue, XVIII (1950), 197-
200; and Katherine B. Laughton, Carol W. Buck, and G. E. Hobbs,
"Socio-economic Status and Illness," Milbank Memorial Fund
Quarterly, XXXVI (January, 1958), 46-57.

 

ZSSee, for example, August B. Hollingshead, "Cultural
Factors in the Selection of Marriage Mates," American Socio-
logical Review, XV (October, 1950), 619-627; and, Paul K.
Hatt, "Class and Ethnic Attitudes," American Sociological
Review, XIII (February, 1948), 56-45. Others, like Bierstedt,

are more cautious in this regard: "Nevertheless, in the ab-
sence of other criteria Sheer location of residence can usual—
ly serve as an index of class position." Bierstedt, p. 456.

26See, for example, F. Stuart Chapin, "Social Partici-
pation and Social Intelligence," American Sociological Review,
IV (April, 1959), 157-166; and Donald G. Hay, "A Scale for
the Measurement of Social Participation of Rural Households,"
Rural Sociology, XIII (September, 1948), 285-294.

27"Indeed recent investigations of social stratification
and social mobility have been carried out largely in terms
of occupational prestige scales." Bottomore, p. 190. See,
for example, Robert P. Stuckert, "Occupational Mobility and
Family Relationships," Social Forces, XLI (March, 1965), 501-
507; F. Ivan Nye, James F. Short, and Virgil J. Olson,
"Socio-economic Status and Delinquent Behavior," The American
Journal of Sociology, LXIII (January, 1958), 584-588; W.
Coutu, "The Relative Prestige of Occupations," Social Forces,
XIV (May, 1956), 522-529; and Joel B. Montague, Jr.,
"A Cross-national Study of Attitudes by Social Class,"

59

9 3O

occupation,2 and annual family income. In one study,

registration in a private school was used as the sole index

of upper class membership.31

In another study "employment
in domestic service, attendance of the children at public
school, and appearance in the social register were criteria
for identifying lower-, middle-, and upper-class persons,

"32 While most of these studies provide defi-

respectively.
nitions that are sufficiently clear and delimited to permit

re-testing in other research,83 the theoretical issues of

 

Research Studies of the State Collpge of Washington, XXIV
(September, 1956), 258-246.

28See, for example, William G. Mather, "Income and
Social Participation," American Sociological Review, VI
(June, 1941), 580-585.

29See, for example, Albert J. Reiss, Jr., and A. Lewis
Rhodes, "Status Deprivation and Delinquent Behavior," Egg.
Sociologicalfiguarterly, IV (Spring, 1965), 155-149; Mary
Ellen Patno, "On the Utilization of a Public Health Popula-
tion in the Study of Morbidity Experience" (unpublished
doctoral dissertation, University of Pittsburgh, 1955);
Robert M. Dinkel, "Occupation and Fertility in the United
States," American Sociological Review, XVII (April, 1952),
179; and Richard Centers, The Psychology of Social Classes:
A Studyhof Class Consciousness (New York: Russell and
Russell, 1961), p. 15.

30See, for example, Ronald Freedman, Lolagene C. Coombs,
and Judith Friedman, "Social Correlates of Fetal Mortality,”
Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly, XLIV (July, 1966), 527-544.

31M. Ward Cramer, "Leisure Time Activities of Economi-
cally Privileged Children," Sociology and Social Research,
XXXIV (1949—1950), 444-450.

32Pfautz, The American Journal of Sociology, LVIII, 595.
The study to which Pfautz refers is: James H. S. Bossard
and Eleanor S. Boll, "Ritual in Family Living," American
Sociological Review, XIV (August, 1949), 465-469.

33Many studies do not. FOr example, Baeumler offers
the following, perplexing, description of his "Operational

40

stratification are essentially ignored. These studies
typically divide their samples into two or more units accord-
ing to some monistic definition of class and then report how
one or more variables correlate (if at all) with "class."34
This sort of thing, done well, has interest, but it adds not
at all to the clarification or conclusion of any central
question of stratification. Moreover, since so many of these
researches have defined class differently (albeit technically,
clearly, and narrowly) it is difficult to sift the wheat from
the chaff: comparison of the results among these various
studies is arduous at best and the diversity of definitions

thwarts any cumulation of results.35

 

definition“: "Families were classified as middle-class if
the main wage earner was engaged in a white-collar occupa-
tion and had at least a high school diploma. Working-class
families derived their livelihood from blue-collar jobs and
generally showed lower educational attainments." Walter L.
Baeumler, "The Correlates of Formal Participation Among High
School Students," Sociological Inquity, XXXV (Spring, 1965),
257.

34See, for example, Mather, American Sociological
Review, VI, 580-585; Robert E. Herriott and Nancy Hout St.
John, Social Class and The Urban School: The Impact of Pupil
Background on Teachers and Principals (New York: John Wiley
and Sons, Inc., 1966), pp. 16-17; and John Janeway Conger,
Wilbur C. Miller, Robert V. Rainey, Charles R. Walsmith, and
the Staff of the Behavior Research Project, Personality,
Social Claspy_and Deiinguency (New York: John Wiley and Sons,
Inc., 1966), pp. 22-24.

35In the words of Bendix and Lipset: "Much of this re-
search is interesting and important, but it is not, in our
judgment, cumulative either theoretically or methodologically."
Reinhard Bendix and Seymour Martin Lipset, "Introduction,"
Class, Status, and Power: A Reader in Social Stratification,
ed. Reinhard Bendix and Seymour Martin Lipset (Glencoe,
Illinois: The Free Press, 1955), p. 15. This state of

41

II
In view of this perennial chaos regarding the concept of
class it is not surprising that many sociologists now contend

that the concept of class is no longer relevant for the analy-

 

sis of American society. Several authorities, including
Reinhard Bendix and Seymour Martin Lipset, have concluded
that "correlations between class position and birthrate or

illness, which existed at earlier periods of American history,

no longer hold true in a period of affluence. . ."36

Investigations by Saxon Graham,37 Charles Kadushin,38

 

affairs has led to a number of studies in which the major task
has been simply to ascertain the comparability of the measures.
See, for example, Joseph A. Kahl and James A. Davis, "A Com-
parison of Indexes of Socio-economic Status," American Socio-
logical Review, XX (June, 1956), 517-525. See also, Vernon
Davies, "Comment on J. A. Kahl and J. A. Davis, 'A Comparison
of Indexes of Socio-economic Status,'" American Sociological
Review, XX (December, 1955), 716-717; and Joseph A. Kahl and
James A. Davis, "Reply to Vernon Davies," American Sociological
Review, XX (December, 1955), 717.

36Reinhard Bendix and Seymour Martin Lipset, "Intro-
duction," Class, Status, and Power: Social Stratification in
Comparative Perspective, ed. Reinhard Bendix and Seymour
Martin Lipset (New York: The Free Press, 1966), p. xv. The
prevalence of this interpretation is indicated (admittedly
inadequately) by the fact that a recent introductory textbook
of sociology uses data from 1940 to document that "the people
in the lower working class live an average of eight years
less than members of the highest classes." Paul E. Mott,
The Organization of Society (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:
Prentice-Hall, 1965), p. 215. This same book uses data from
1955-1956 to document an inverse relationship between class
and morbidity and 1941 data to document an inverse relation-
ship between class and receipt of health care. Ibid., p. 214.

37"The one unequivocal statement that may be made is
that . . . no appreciable differences, as we defined them,
existed among socio-economic status groups in illness and use
of hospitals." Sexon Graham, "Socio-economic Status, Illness,

42

Mary Patno,39 Katherine Laughton et al.,40 and Ronald

Freedman et al.41 indicate that class differentials for mor-
bidity and mortality have disappeared altogether. Similarly,
several scholars have reported a lack of relationship between
class and education.42 Dael Wolfle, for example, has conclud—
ed that, once individuals are in college, "the influence of

socioeconomic differences disappears almost entirely."43

 

and the Use of Medical Services," Milbank Memorial Fundiguar-
terly, xxxv (January, 1957), 65-66.

38"This paper reviews the evidence collected since
Malthus and concludes that in recent years in North America
there is very little association between becoming ill and
social class, although the lower classes still feel more sick.
Nevertheless, social scientists have consistently refused to
recognize that the world is changing." (Author's emphasis.)
Charles Kadushin, "Social Class and the Experience of Ill
Health," Sociological Inguiry, XXXIV (Winter, 1964), 67.

39Patno, "On the Utilization of a Public Health POpula-
tion in the Study of Morbidity Experience."

40"The three groups [classes] did not differ in total
illness or in the psychiatric and psychosomatic illnesses."
Laughton, Buck, and Hobbs, Milbank Memorial Fund_Quarterly,
XXXVI, 57.

 

41"In the Detroit study no consistent relationship could
be found between either family or husband's income and the
fetal loSs reported at the initial interview. . . . No evidence
is available to indicate higher rates among the low income
families." Freedman, Coombs, and Friedman, Milbank Memorial
Fund gparteriy, XLIV, 555.

 

42It is noteworthy that a recent introductory sociology
textbook uses data from 1957, 1958 and 1940 to demonstrate to
its readers that educational attainment is differentially re-
lated to class. See Everett K. Wilson, Sociology: Rules,
Roles, and Relationships (Homewood, Illinois: Dorsey Press,
1966), p. 174.

43Dael Wolfle, America's Resources of Specialized Talent
(New York: Harper and Brothers, 1954), pp. 160-165. See
also, Paul Heist, "The Entering College Student--Background

45

It has also been reported that class is of little or no sig-
nificance in determining who goes to college. Robert
Havighurst, for example, has recently emphasized the "expan-
sion of educational opportunities for able students from
working-class and lower-middle-class homes";44 and, accord-
ing to Talcott Parsons, "The economic difficulties of going
to college are not the principal barriers even for those from

"45 Still other researchers

relatively low income families.
have reported that attitudes about mental illness and post-

hOSpital performance of mental patients do not vary according
to one's class position.46

According to Robert Nisbet:

 

and Characteristics," Review of Educational Research, XXX
(October, 1960), 291; and Seymour Martin Lipset and Reinhard
Bendix, Social Mobility in Industrial Society (Berkeley,
California: University of California Press, 1962), p. 255.

44Robert J. Havighurst, "The Impact of Population Change
and Working Force Change on American Education," Educational
Record, XLI (October, 1960), 548. See also, Burton R. Clark,
"The Coming Shape of Higher Education in the United States,"
International Journal of Comparative_§ociology, II (September,
1961), 205-211.

4STalcott Parsons, "A Revised Analytical Approach to the
Theory of Social Stratification," Class, Statusyiand Power:
A Reader in Social Stratification, ed. Reinhard Bendix and
Seymour Martin Lipset (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press,
1955), p. 127.

46See, for example, Howard E. Freeman, "Attitudes Toward
Mental Illness Among Relatives of Former Patients," American
Sociological Review, XXVI (April, 1961), 59-66; and Mark
Lefton, Shirley Angrist, Simon Dinitz, and Benjamin Pasamanick,
"Social Class, Expectations, and Performance of Mental
Patients," The American Journal of Sociology, LXVIII (July,
1962), 79-87.

44

About the most that research comes up with is that
wealthy persons Spend their money more freely, choose,
when possible, better schools for their children, buy
clothes at Brooks or Magnin's, rather than at Penney's,
avail themselves of better medical attention, and be-
long to more clubs. But while all of this is interest-
ing, it says little about anything as substantive as a
social class is supposed to be.47
In a recent essay entitled, "The Changing Shape of the
American Class Structure,"48 Kurt Mayer concluded, "The most
obvious transformation has occurred in the economic hierarchy
which no longer represents a pyramid with a broad base, a
smaller middle and a narrow tOp."49 Rather, says Mayer,
"The redistribution of incomes which began in World War II
has transformed the traditional income pyramid into a dia-
mond."SO According to Mayer, "The reduction in income in-
equalities and the very substantial improvement in the real
income of the large majority of the American population have
led to a marked decrease in some of the major life-chance
"51

differentials.

Such notable American sociologists as Arnold Rose,52

 

47Nisbet, The Pacific Sociological Review, II, 16.

48Kurt B. Mayer, "The Changing Shape of the American
Class Structure," Social Research, XXX (Winter, 1965), 458-
468.

49Ibid., 465.

soKurt B. Mayer, "Diminishing Class Differentials in
the United States," Kyklos: International Review for Social
Sciences, XII, Fasc. 4 (1959), 624.

51Ibid.

S‘eRose, Social Research, XXV, 55-69.

45

Wilbert Moore,53 and Dennis Wrong,S4 among others,55 have
"argued that the concept of social class is becoming more
and more irrelevant to the understanding of advanced in-
dustrial societies."56 Nisbet, for example, contends that
the concept of class "is nearly valueless for the clarifi—
cation of the data of wealth, power, and social status in
[the] contemporary United States."57 In summarizing his
position, Nisbet writes:
The concept of social class has been an important, and
probably inevitable, first step in the study of differ-
ential power and status in society; admittedly, there
are non-Western areas of civilization, as well as ages
of the past, where the concept is indiSpensable to an
understanding of power and status; but so far as the
bulk of Western society is concerned, and esppcially in

the United Statepy the concept of class is largely obso-
lete.5§

 

53Wilbert E. Moore, "But Some are More Equal than Others,"
American Sociological Review, XXVIII (February, 1965), 15-18.

54Dennis Wrong, "Social Inequality without Social Strati—
fication," Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, I
(February, 1964), 5-16.

55This is a persistent theme, for instance, in Harold M.
Hodges, Jr., Social Stratification: Class in America (Cam-
bridge, Massachusetts: Schenkman Publishing Company, Inc.,
1964). Indeed, one reviewer "objected to the strong repeated
statement that class differences are doomed to disappear under
the oncoming flood of 'massification' of life styles, with
little consideration of the data opposing this opinion."

Elton F. Jackson, Review of Social Stratification, by Harold

M. Hodges, Jr., Social Forces, XLIV (September, 1965), 128.

See also, John A. Ross, "Social Class and Medical Care,"

Journal of Health and Human Behavior, III (Spring, 1962), 55-40.

56Wrong, Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology,
I, 5.

57Nisbet, The Pacific Sociological Review, II, 11.

58Emphasis mine. Ibid., 17.

46

One of the clearest statements of this portraiture of
a classless American society has been authored by Robert
E. L. Faris:

In light of modern research knowledge . . . is there

any justification for employing such an expression

as "the class system" of this country? . . . To such
questions we should at least be ready to answer a flat

"no."59
III

The thesis of this study is that class stratification
does exist in modern American society, and it is consequen-
tial. The recent reports of the absence (and marked diminu-
tion) of class differentials and of an increasingly equali-
tarian class structure are largely a fiction, reflecting
the obsolescence and obfuscation of the usual modes of con-
ceptualizing class and its surrogates: It is only the most
recent indication of the need for a clear, theoretically
relevant, and empirically useful conception of class.

Contrary to those who argue that the concept of class
"says little about anything substantive,"6O this study will
attempt to Show that there are considerable national data
which demonstrate that class Situation is Significantly
related to mortality, morbidity, educational opportunity,

receipt of justice, and many other manifestations of social

life. This study will attempt to show that the assertion

 

59Robert E. L. Faris, "The Alleged Class System in the
United States," Research Studies of the State College of
Washington, XXII (June, 1954), 85.

60Nisbet, The Pacific Sociological Review, II, 16.

47

that the "emperor has no clothes" is more verisimilar than
veritable.

Moreover, contrary to those who argue that the concept
of class is largely obsolete for the analysis of modern
American society, this study will argue that the concept of
class is a useful and necessary analytical tool in the soci-
ology of modern industrial societies. What is now needed is
not an abandonment of the concept of class but a return to
the classical perspective of class. What is now needed is
a detailed portrayal of a coherent, theoretically relevant,
empirically meaningful conception of class. The most promis—
ing fountainhead of such a conception is, I think, the
Weberian mine of sociology. The primary task of this study,
therefore, is simply to describe and analyze Weber's work on
stratification and thereby to present a consistent and use-
ful conceptual scheme for the analysis of class stratifica-

tion.

IV
In emphasizing class as the basic concept of this study,
no simple causation of life chances is meant. To say that
life chances are multidimensional in both cause and conse-
(quence is to be both correct and banal. The purpose of this
Inasearch is neither to denigrate the contribution of studies

1

cfleealing with noneconomic aspects of stratification6 nor to

 

. 61Some of the most noteworthy of these studies are:
EHu-lLe Benoit-Smullyan, "Status, Status Types, and Status

48

further fruitless quests for first causes. The argument is
Simply this:
The emphasis upon status that Warner established has
overshadowed the need for a concern with class along
the lines set by Marx. Not that status is totally in-
valid as a characteristic of American stratification,
but rather that comparatively little thought seems to
have been given to testing the validity of class di-
mensions.6
This excursion into the study of class stratification
constitutes not a theory but, as Weber once commented in
another context, ”an attempt to define certain concepts which
are frequently used and to analyze certain of the simplest
sociological relationships in the economic Sphere."63 The

most this study can do is to dispel some of the ambiguities

regarding these concepts and relationships. The proposed

 

Interrelations," American Sociological Review, IX (April,
1944), 151-161; Everett Cherrington Hughes, "Dilemmas and
Contradictions of Status," American Journal of Sociology, L
(March, 1945), 555-559; William H. Form, "Status Stratifica—
tion in a Planned Community," American Sociological Review,

X (October, 1945), 605-615; William A. Faunce and M. Joseph
Smucker, "Industrialization and Community Status Structure,"
American Sociological Review, XXXI (June, 1966), 590-599;
Gregory P. Stone and William H. Form, "Instabilities in Status:
The Problem of Hierarchy in the Community Study of Status
Arrangements," American Sociological Review, XVIII (April,
1955), 149-162; and, of course, Lewis LeOpold, Prestige:

A Psychological Study of Social Estimates (London: T. Fisher
Unwin, 1915).

62Leonard Reissman, Class in American Society (New York:
lee Free Press of Glencoe, 1959), p. 7.

63Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organi-
.&3t:ion, trans. A. M. Henderson and trans. and ed. Talcott
Pa Iisons (New York: The Free Press, 1964), p. 158.

49

research will detail and exploit "the theoretic bias"64 of
the Weberian perspective of class and then let the evidence

testify to the usefulness of the enterprise.

 

64Robert Bierstedt, "Sociology and Humane Learning,"
Amfiel:ican Sociological Review, XXV (February, 1960), 5-9.

CHAPTER III

THE WEBERIAN VIEW OF CLASS STRATIFICATION

It is a sociological commonplace that class stratifica-
tion is a cardinal element of all industrial societies. In
the words of T. B. Bottomore, "The division of society into
distinct social classes is one of the most striking manifes-
tations of inequality in the modern world, it has often been
the source of other kinds of inequality, and . . . the eco-
nomic dominance of a particular class has very often been

the basis for its political rule."1

I

The inequalities of class stratification are usually
the most consequential, but they do not exhaust the inventory
of social inequality. Inequalities also obtain because of
differences in language, race, or religion, for example.
Similarly, class stratification is only one of the many in-
stances of social differentiation, social gradation, and
social ranking which occur in social life. To be sure, class
is one of the more pithy forms of these phenomena, but it is

not all. Class stratification is concerned with those

 

1T. B. Bottomore, Classes in Modern Society (New York:
'Parltheon Books, 1966), p. 8.

50

51

aspects of social life usually associated with such words

as class, bourgeoisie, inequality, occupation, poverty,

power, privilege, proletariat, rank, status, and stratum.

Even so, not all phenomena associated with these terms are

relevant: social rank can be, and often is, associated with

age, ethnicity, locality, physique, sex, or magical powers.

"Such associations, even though they may involve a hierarchial

organization in society, are not"2 class stratification.
Moreover, class stratification is an exclusively social

phenomenon. An order stratified purely on the basis of in—

herent, innate, biological abilities is sociologiCally irrele-

vant.3 Social inequalities and biological inequalities belong

to two different orders of fact. The essential difference

was clearly stated by Jean-Jacques Rousseau in his famous

Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of the Inequality

Among Men:

I conceive of two sorts of inequality in the human
species: one, which I call natural or physical, because
it is established by nature and consists in the differ-
ence of ages, health, bodily strengths, and qualities

of mind or soul; the other, which may be called moral
or political inequality, because it depends upon a sort

2Donald G. MacRae, "Social Stratification: A Trend
lReport," Current Sociology, II, No. 1 (1955-1954), 7.

3That is, biology alone does not make a sociological dif-
:fierence. Obviously, "biological differences real or presumed,
Hfity be used as a basis for social stratification"; frequently,
-QT fact, "biology is invoked as a rationale to support estab—
h-Shed social inequalities." Leonard Reissman, "Social Strati-
ii<=éition," Sociology: An Introduction, ed. Neil J. Smelser
(New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1967) , p. 206.

52

of convention and is established, or at least author—
ized, by the consent of men. The latter consists in
the different privileges that some men enjoy to the
prejudice of others, such as to be richer, more honored,
more powerful than they, or even to make themselves
obeyed by them.4

Still, while accepting this distinction, it is some-
times argued that social factors Operate in such a way as to
ensure an essential correspondence between the hierarchy of

5 These arguments

natural ability and class stratification.
are largely contrary to the facts, as Bottomore recently

pointed out.6

 

4Jean-Jacques Rousseau, "Discourse on the Origin and
Foundations of Inequality Among Men,“ Theygirst and SeCond
Discourses, trans. and ed. Roger D. Masters and Judith R.
Masters (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1964), p. 101.

5Such arguments are especially prominent in Pareto's
"elite" theory. For a description and criticism of this
theory, see T. B. Bottomore, Elites and Society (New York:
Basic Books, 1964). Lester Ward once said about this argu-
ment: "Here we encounter the great, sullen, stubborn error,
so universal and ingrained as to constitute a world view,
that the difference between the upper and lower classes of
society is due to a difference in their intellectual capacity,
something existing in the nature of things, something pre-
ordained and inherently inevitable. Every form of sophistry
is employed to uphold this view. We are told that there must
be social classes, that they are a necessary part of the
social order." Lester F. Ward, Applied Sociology (Boston,
Massachusetts: Ginn and Company, 1906), p. 96.

5"Modern studies of educational and occupational selec-
tion underline this lack of correSpondence between the hier-
archies of ability and of social position, inasmuch as they
make clear that intellectual ability, for example, is by no
means always rewarded with high income or high social status,
nor lack of ability with the opposite." Bottomore, Classes
in Modern Society, p. 11.

55

"Indeed, it would be a more accurate description of
the social-class system," says Bottomore, ''to say that it
operates, largely through the inheritance of property, to
ensure.that each individual maintains a certain social
position, determined by his birth and irreSpective of his
particular abilities."7

Finally, it should be pointed out that class stratifi-
cation is just one of four8 major systems of social stratifi-

O

cation; the other three are caste,9 estate,1 and slavery11

 

7Ibid.

8"Many sociologists now prefer to treat slavery as an
'industrial system' rather than a system of stratification.
There is some justification for this. Slavery divides a com-
munity into two distinct sections, and within the group of
those who are not slaves there may be, and usually is, a sys-
tem of ranks. Thus slavery does not, by itself, constitute
a system of stratification. But this view is not entirely
convincing, for several reasons. In feudal society, also,
it may be argued, there is a fundamental distinction between
serfs and free men, together with a system of ranks within
the latter group. Secondly, every system of stratification
may be regarded also as an industrial system; as it is, for
example, in Marxist theory, where slaves, serfs and wage
earners are all categorized as the 'direct producers' upon
whose labour the whole social edifice rests. Finally, if we
examine social stratification in terms of social inequalities
we can legitimately compare and contrast slavery, serfdom,
caste, and class." T. B. Bottomore, Sociology: A Guide to
Problems and Literature (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:
Prentice-Hall, 1965), p. 179.

9See, for example, Alfred Louis Kroeber, "Caste,"
EncyclOpaedia of the Social Sciences, ed. Edwin R. A. Seligman
(New York: Macmillan Company, 1955), III, 254-256; Mysore
Narasimhachar Srinivas, Y. B. Damle, S. Shahani, and Andre
Beteille, "Caste: A Trend Report and Bibliography," Current
Sociology, VIII, No. 5 (1959), 155-185; Max Weber, The Religion
of ipdia: ighe Sociology of Hinduism and Buddhism, trans.
Hans H. Gerth and Don Martindale (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free
Press, 1958); and John Henry Hutton, Cast in India: Its
Nature, Functiony and Origins (Cambridge: Oxford University

54

systems.12

"A class system of stratification is distin-
guished from the other two [sic] mainly by the fact that

all members of the society share a common legal status of

 

Press, 1946); Arthur-Maurice Hocart, Caste: A Comparative
Study (London: Methuen, 1950); Pauline Moller Mahar,
"Changing Caste Ideology in a North Indian Village,‘I Journal
of Social Issues, XIV, No. 4 (1958), 55-65. K. M. Kapadia,
"Caste in Transition," Sociolpgical Bulletin, XI (March-
September, 1962), 75-90; C. Bougle, "The Essence and Reality
of the Caste System," Contributions to Indian Sociology, II
(April, 1958), 7-50; and Mason Olcott, "The Caste System of
India," American Sociological Review, IX (December, 1944),
648-657.

 

10See, for example, Leonard T. Hobhouse, "Aristocracy,"
Encyplppaedia of the Social Sciences, ed. Edwin R. A. Seligman
(New York: Macmillan Company, 1950), II, 185-190; Marc Leopold
Benjamin Bloch, Feudal Society, trans. L. A. Manyon (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1961); Marc Leopold Benjamin
Bloch, "Feudalism," EncyclOpaedia of the Social Sciences, ed.
Edwin R. A. Seligman (New York: Macmillan Company, 1951), VI,
205-210; and Henri Pirenne, Economic and Social Histoty of
Medieval Europe, trans. I. E. Clegg (New York: Harcourt,
Brace and World, 1957).

 

11See, for example, Herman Jeremias Nieboer, Slavery as
an Industrial System (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1910); Bernhard
J. Stern, "Primitive Slavery," EncyclOpaedia of the Social
Sciences, ed. Edwin R. A. Seligman (New York: Macmillan Com-
pany, 1954), XIV, 75-74; Melvin M. Knight, "Medieval Slavery,"
Encyplopaedia of the Social Sciences, ed. Edwin R. A. Seligman
(New York: Macmillan Company, 1954), XIV, 77-80; William Linn
Westerman, "Ancient Slavery," EncyclOpaedia of the Social
Sciences, ed. Edwin R. A. Seligman (New York: Macmillan Com-
pany, 1954), XIV, 74-77; Ronald Cohen, "Introduction: Slavery
in Africa," Trans-action, IV (January-February, 1967), 44-46;
John Middleton, "Slavery in Zanzibar," Trans-action, IV
(January-February, 1967), 46-48; Ronald Cohen, "Slavery Among
the Kanuri," Trans-action, IV (January-February, 1967), 48-50;
Arthur Tuden, "Ila Slavery," Trans-action, IV (January-
February, 1967), 51-52; Victor Uchendu, "Slavery in Southeast
Nigeria," Trans-action, IV (January-February, 1967), 52-54;
and David McCall, “Slavery in Ashanti," Trans-action, IV
(January-February, 1967), 55-56.

 

 

 

12Obviously, this is not to imply that each system always
appears in solitude. See, for example, Leonard W. Moss and

55

"13 Whereas position in caste, estate, and

citizenship.
slavery systems is legally and religiously defined and
sanctioned, in a class system "all are equal before the law;
all are entitled to hold property; and all, theoretically,
can choose their OCCUpations because there are no legal
barriers to taking on particular kinds of work as there are

"14 In other words,

in other systems of stratification.
classes are de facto; castes, estates, and slavery are both

de facto and de jure.

II
The essential beginning of the system of class strati-
fication was the rise of the European bourgeoisie and the
revolutions " of the late eighteenth century and early nine-
teenth century, directed against the legal and political
privileges which survived from the system of feudal estates.
. . ."15 While these events eliminated the old social order,

however, they brought about a new one, a "social hierarchy

 

Stephen C. Cappannari, “Estate and Class in a South Italian
Hill Village," American Anthrppologist, LXIV (April, 1962),
287-500; and John Lobb, "Caste and Class in Haiti," Th2
American Journal of Sociology, XLVI (July, 1940), 25-54.

13John Porter, The Vertical Mosaic: An Analysis of
Social Class and Power in Canada (Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, 1965), P. 7.

14Ibid.

15Bottomore, Classes in Modern Society, p. 4.

56

based directly upon the possession of wealth."16 According
to Rudolf Heberle:

When the legal privileges and discriminations
which defined a person's position in the estate system
fell into disuse or were abolished (as in France) by
the declaration of equality before the law, it became
apparent that a man's position in society depended on
prOperty. It was also easy to see that it made a dif-
ference whether he owned property in land or property
in capital, and even more so if he did not hold property
in either and therefore had to rely for a living on the
sale of his labor.17

In the minds of the eighteenth and nineteenth century
intellectuals, the concern with class was inevitably a concern
with political equality, with democracy, no doubt necessitated
by the "perfect" union of economic and political power which,
Robert Nisbet reported, characterized their time and place.18

In the writings of Vilfredo Pareto, for instance, the terms

 

16Ibid.

17Author's italics. Rudolf Heberle, "Recovery of Class
Theory," The Pacific Sociological Review, II (Spring, 1959),
19. According to Polanyi, the modern institution of the
market did not exist prior to the industrial revolution.
Prior to that time, and in pre-literate societies, "man's
economy, as a rule, is submerged in his social relationships.
He does not act so as to safeguard his individual interests
in the possession of material goods; he acts so as to safe-
guard his social standing, his social claims, his social
assets. He values material goods only in so far as they
serve this end. Neither the process of production nor that
of distribution is linked to specific economic interests
attached to the possession of goods; but every single step in
that process is geared to a number of social interests which
eventually ensure that the required step be taken." Karl
Polanyi, The Great Transformation (Boston: Beacon Press,
1957), p. 46.

18Robert A. Nisbet, "The Decline and Fall of Social
Class," The Pacific Sociological Review, II (Spring, 1959),
15.

57

19 This con-

class and elite were practically synonymous.
gruity between class and power gave rise to two different
currents of thought "one, the Marxist, Which makes political
power dependent upon economic power, and the other which
treats the economy and the polity as interrelated systems
each of which may, at different times, be either 'basis' or
'superstructure.'"20
In the twentieth century, most sociologists, following
Max Weber, have treated the distribution of political power
as an independent phenomenon;21 they "have attempted to study
political power directly, and to examine ways in which elite

groups recruit support, conduct political struggles, and

attain or fail to attain power, as well as the conditions in

 

19Vilfredo Pareto, The Mind and Society, trans. and ed.
Andrew Bongiorno and Arthur Livingston (New York: Harcourt,
Brace and World, 1955), especially Vol. II, chaps. vii and
viii, pp. 647-844. For a discussion of Pareto's ideas on
class, see, again, Bottomore, Elites and Society, espeCially
chap. i, pp. 1-17.

20Bottomore, Sociology, p. 191. Madison was among the
first to represent this latter view of the relationship be-
tween class ("interests") and party. Recognizing that "frac-
tions" may arise over a great variety of issues, Madison
wrote: "But the most common and durable source of factions
has been the various and unequal distribution of property.
Those who hold and those who are without property have ever
formed distinct interests in society. Those who are creditors,
and those who are debtors, fall under a like discrimination.
.A landed interest, a manufacturing interest, a mercantile
interest, a moneyed interest, with many lesser interests, grow
up of necessity in civilized nations, and divide them into
different classes, actuated by different sentiments and
views. . . ." James Madison, The Federalist (New York:
.Random House, 1941), Pp. 55-56.

21Melvin M. Tumin, "Stratification," Aigictionary of the
Scnzial Sciences, ed. Julius Gould and William L. Kolb
(New York: The Free Press, 1964), pp. 695-696.

58

which a power elite is either controlled or uncontrolled."22
In these studies, class is only one variable in the situation,
although it is usually the most important one.23 This is not
to say, however, that Weber failed to recognize clearly the
heavy dependence of political power on the economic order.

He did not.24 Rather, he contended that "'economically con-
ditioned' power is not . . . identical with 'power' as such.
The emergence of economic power may be the consequence of

power existing on other grounds."25

 

22Bottomore, Sociology, p. 192.

23$ee, for example, Raymond Aron, "Social Structure and
the Ruling Class: I," The British Journal of Sociology, I
(March, 1950), 1-15; Raymond Aron, "Social Structure and the
Ruling Class: II," The British Journal of Sociology, I (June,
1950), 126-145; and Wlodzimierz Wesolowski, "Ruling Class and
Power Elite," The Polish Sociological Bulletin, No. 1 (11)
(1965), 22-57.

24S. M. Miller, "Introduction," Max Weber, ed. S. M.
Miller (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1965), pp. 7-8;
and Carl A. Taube, "The Science of Sociology and Its Metho-
dology: Durkheim and Weber Compared," Kansas Journal of
Sociology, II (Fall, 1966), 148.

25Max Weber, "Class, Status, Party," From Max Weber:
Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. H. Gerth and C. Wright
Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1958), p. 195.
"The ward boss, as Weber noted, is a man generally without
social standing and often without wealth, yet he is a power
within his bailiwick. More recently, the military has moved
into positions of enormous political significance not through
economic channels but as a consequence of the dependence upon
its Skills and knowledge. So great has its prestige become
that military men have been co-Opted by large corporations,
in part for economic gains." Leonard Reissman, Class in
American Society (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1959),
p. 41.

59

The investigation of class stratification was compli-
cated not only by the domino blend of class and power but
by the existence of status groups as well. It was Weber,
again, who analytically disjoined "classes" and "status
grOUps": "With some over-Simplification, one might say that
'classes' are stratified according to their relations to
the production and acquisition of goods; whereas 'status
groups' are stratified according to the principles of their
consumption of goods as represented by special 'styles of
life.”26 At the communal level, stratification by status
coexisted with stratification by class; yet, Karl Marx's
concept of class comingled these two in a manner that rend-
ered them indistinct. By enlarging the terminology of
stratification, Weber disclosed relationships that Marx had
obscured. Weber, of course, recognized the interdependence
between Class and status, and he recognized that "Marx's
definition tended to read an economic determinism into some
facets of class behavior that were [sometimes] better under-

stood by another vocabulary."27

III
The basis of class stratification is "indisputably

economic"28 and this was as true for Weber, as it was for

 

26Author's emphasis. Weber, From Max Weber, p. 195.
27Reissman, Class in American Society, p. 57.

28Bottomore, Sociology, p. 188.

60

Marx: "The factor that creates 'class' is unambiguously
economic interests, and indeed, only those interests involved

'"29 According to Weber,

in the existence of the 'market.
"We may speak of a class when (1) a number of people have in
common a specific causal component of their life chances, in
so far as (2) this component is represented exclusively in
economic interests in the possession of goods and opportuni-
ties for income, and (5) is represented under the conditions
of the commodity or labor markets."30 Weber defined class
structure as the distribution of control over material
property "among a plurality of peOple meeting competitively

."31 Hence,

in the market for the purpose of exchange. .
"class Situation" refers to one's position in that distribu-
tion. "The term 'class' refers to any group of people that

is found in the same class situation."32

Although Weber designated "property" and "lack of

property" as "the basic categories of all class situations,"33
he maintained that each of these categories must be further
differentiated according to amount and kind. The property-

less, for instance, are differentiated according to the kind

 

29Weber, From Max Weber, p. 185.

3°Ibid., p. 181.

31Ibid.

32This is from an editorial note by H. H. Gerth and C.
Wright Mills (editors and translators), From Max Weber:
Essays in Sociology_(New York: Oxford University Press, 1958),

p. 181.

33Weber, From Max Weber, p. 185.

61

of services that can be offered in the market, just as the
propertied are differentiated in terms of
disposition over mobile instruments of production, or
capital goods of all sorts, especially money or objects
that can be exchapged for money easily and at apy time;
diSposition over products of one's own labor or of
others' labor differing according to their various dis-
tances from consumability; diSposition over transfer-
able monopolies of any kind. . . .34
The major consequence of one's class situation, as Weber
made unequivocally clear, is "life chances,"35 that is, "the
chance for a supply of goods, external living conditions,
and personal life experiences. . . ."36 "It is the most ele—
mental economic fact," Weber wrote, "that the way in which
the diSposition over material property is distributed among

a plurality of peOple, meeting competitively in the market

for the purpose of exchange, in itself creates specific life

 

34Emphasis mine. Ibid.

35There is, of course, another facet of Weber's concern
with class, the possibility that "communal action" ("action
which is oriented to the feeling of the actors that they be-
long together"), or "societal action" ("action that is
"oriented to a rationally motivated adjustment of interests"),
or "class struggle," will emerge from the conditions under
which a number of persons share a similar class situation.
However, such action depends upon common interests, the mag-
nitude of the "contrasts" between classes, as well as the
"transparency of the connections between the causes and the
consequences of the 'class situation' for . . . the fact of
being conditioned and the results of the class situation must
be distinctly recognizable. For only then the contrast of
life chances can be felt not as an absolutely given fact to
be accepted, but as a resultant from either (1) the given
distribution of property, or (2) the structure of the concrete
economic order." Ibid., p. 185.

36Ibid.

62

"37

chances. Moreover, Weber was equally clear that not

everyone can occupy the same class Situation because the
market economy operates in such a way that some succeed and
others lose:

This mode of distribution excludes the non-owners
from competing for highly valued goods; it favors the
owners and, in fact, gives to them a monopoly to
acquire such goods. Other things being equal, this
mode of distribution monopolizes the opportunities for
profitable deals for those who, provided with goods,
do not necessarily have to exchange them. It increases,
at least generally, their power in price wars with
those who, being propertyless, have nothing to offer
but their services in native form or goods in a form
constituted through their own labor, and who above all
are compelled to get rid of these products in order
barely to subsist. This mode of distribution gives to
the propertied a monopoly on the possibility of trans-
ferring property from the sphere of use as a 'fortune',
to the sphere of 'capital goods'; that is, it gives
them the entrepreneurial function and all chances to
share directly or indirectly in returns on capital.38

IV
These analytical distinctions of class, status, and
power are part of the rich legacy of Weber, and, as Joan Rytina
has made clear,39 the American sociologist who has not acknowl-

edged his debt to Weber is rare indeed. Yet, while Weber is

Often celebrated in American sociology for his adroit handling

 

37Ibid., p. 181.
38Ibid., pp. 181-182.

39Joan Rytina, "Class, Status, and Power: A Theoretical
Play in One Act" (unpublished paper presented to the Michigan
State University Sociological Association, East Lansing,
Michigan, May, 1967).

65

of the conceptual matter of stratification,4O the celebra-
tion is somewhat fatuous. »Weber is the only major student
of stratification who has not been exhaustively evaluated.41
He is footnoted more than he is used.42 Most American stu-
dents of stratification employ Weber's work only to eXploit
his authority for such assertions as , "Stratification is

not Simple and unidimensional"43 (implying, incorrectly, that

 

4o"Weber's analytical distinctions offer the most mean-
ingful framework for interpreting and understanding strati-
fication in a modern industrial society." Reissman, Class in
American Society, p. 69.

41In reference to Weber's work on social stratification,
Runciman has recently noted: "But surprising as it seems,
there is as far as I know no major writer on social inequality
who has explicitly formulated and consistently retained the
tripartite distinction." W. G. Runciman, Relative Deprivation
and Social Justice: A Study of Attitudes to Social Inequality
ipfiTwentieth-Centuryigpgland (Berkeley, California: The Uni-
versity of California Press, 1966), p. 57. The only general
critique of Weber's work on social stratification is: Oliver
C. Cox, "Max Weber on Social Stratification: A Critique,"
American Sociological Review, XV (April, 1950), 225-227.
See also: Hans Gerth, "Max Weber Versus Oliver C. Cox,"
American Sociological Review, XV (August, 1950), 557-558; and
Oliver C. Cox, "Estates, Social Classes, and Political Classes,"
American_§ociological Review, X (August, 1945), 464-469.

42"Perhaps no writer on the general subject of 'class,‘
social status, and caste has been cited by American students
with such finality as Max Weber. And yet, Weber's conclusions
have seldom been quoted directly as illuminants in theoretical
studies or as hypotheses in empirical research." Cox, American
Sociologicaiygeview, XV, 225. See, for example, Harold M.
Hodges, Jr., Social Stratification: Class in America
(Cambridge, Massachusetts: Schenkman Publishing Company, Inc.,
1964 .

43"It is sometimes said that Marx's emphasis upon the
two classes and the directive role they would take in the
future of capitalism was the result of a religious turn of the
war between good and evil into the conflict between proletar-
iat and capitalist. But this is fanciful and oversimple.
The truth is, I believe, that Marx, with the vivid model of

64

Marx said it was), or, "Class and status are analytically
distinct" (implying, as Weber did not, that the two are
therefore equally consequential in social life).44 Weber's
analysis," as Leonard Reissman pointed out, "was not so
much directed towards trying to prove that status and class
must be different, as it was in showing the utility of
treating them as analytically distinct."45
The paucity of class research from the Weberian per-
spective is particularly noticeable in view of the "redis-

8

covery" of poverty.4 Weber's exposition of class strati-

fication offers a meaningful framework for the contemporary

 

the landed class and its fusion of power and prestige in
front of him, made the understandable assumption that in-
dustrial society would follow, mutatis mutandis, the same
course of class development. And few today would deny that
there was much in the character of the industrialism then
emerging to give warrant to the assumption. Even Tocqueville,
whose basic values and perSpectives were so radically differ—
ent from Marx's, took almost the same view of industrial
society. Both men foresaw a long history of an economic
society divided rigidly between an aristocracy of manufactur-
ers set above a kind of peasantry of laborers with conflict
between them inevitable.‘I Nisbet, The Pacific Sociological
Review, II, 14.

44See, for example, John F. Cuber and William F. Kenkel,
Social Stratification in the United States (New York: Apple-
ton-Century-Crofts, 1954); and Richard T. Morris, "Social
Stratification," in Leonard Broom and Philip Selznick,
Sociology: A Text with Adapted Readings (New York: Harper
and Row, 1965), p. 185.

4sReissman, Class in American Society, p. 66.

46One of the earliest general statements regarding pov-
erty in contemporary America was H. Brand, “Poverty in the
United States," Dissent, VII (Winter, 1960), 554-554. See
also: S. M. Miller and Martin Rein, "Poverty, Inequality, and
Policy," Social Problems: A Modern Approach, ed. Howard S.
Becker (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1966), chap. ix,

65

analysis of poverty. In Weberian terms, the web of poverty
is a manifestation of class; it is only one instance of the

relationship of class situation to life chances.

V
In the past few years, poverty has been variously
described as an economic, moral, political, psychological,
social, and sociological problem of national concern.47 It

has been discussed and debated, examined and measured and

 

pp. 426-516; Al Ulmer, "Poverty," New South, XXI (Winter,
1966), 107-115; Catherine Chilman and Marvin B. Sussman,
"Poverty in the United States in the Mid-sixties," Journal
of Marriage and the Family, XXVI (November, 1964), 591-595;
Marvin B. Sussman, "Postscript," Journal of Marriage and
the Family, XXVI (November, 1964), 595-598; and Myrtle R.
Reul, "Patterns of Poverty," Format, II (March-April, 1966),
18-20.

47There is an abundance of available literature in this
regard. For a discussion of poverty as an economic issue,
see R. A. Gordon, "An Economist's View of Poverty," Poverty
in America, ed. Margaret S. Gordon (San Francisco: Chandler
Publishing Company, 1965), pp. 5-11. A book well known for
defining poverty in essentially moral terms is Michael
Harrington, The Other America: Povertytin the United States
(Baltimore, Maryland: Penguin Books, 1965). A discussion
of the political aspects of poverty is found in Robert
Theobald, "The Political Necessities of Abundance," Poverty
in Plenty, ed. George H. Dunne (New York: P. J. Kenedy and
Sons,.1964), pp. 70-80. For a psychological view of poverty,
see Warren C. Haggstrom, "The Power of the Poor," Mental
Health of the Poor: New Treatment Approaches for Low Income
People, ed. Frank Riessman, Jerome Cohen, and Arthur Pearl
(New York: The Free Press, 1964), PP- 205-225. For a discus—
sion of poverty as a general social problem see Sargent
Shriver, "Poverty," Encycloppdia Americana Annual (1965), pp.
579-586. Poverty from the sociological perspective is
essayed in Lewis A. Coser, "The Sociology of Poverty: To the
Memory of Georg Simmel," Social Problems, XIII (Fall, 1965),
140-148.

66

surveyed and researched and reviewed many times over.48
Yet, most of the poverty research to date has focused on
the identification and interpretation of the part that age,49

absent husband,SO low educational attainment,51 low

 

48One reflection of the profusion of material concerning
poverty appears in the titles of two articles by MacDonald.
Dwight MacDonald, "Our Invisible Poor,“ The New Yorker,
XXXVIII (January 19, 1965), 81-104; and Dwight MacDonald,
"The Now Visible Poor," Poverty in Plenty, ed. George H. Dunne
(New York: P. J. Kenedy and Sons, 1964), pp. 61-69. Accord-
ing to MacDonald, I'Poverty is now in danger of becoming an
extremely fashionable, even snobbish subject." Ibid., p. 62.
For a discussion of some of the factors producing this swarm
of books and the "re-discovery" of poverty, see Frank Riessman
and Arlene Hannah, "The Poverty Movement," Columbia University
Forum, VI (Fall, 1965), 28-52.

 

49See, for example, Lenore A. Epstein, I'Income of the
Aged in 1962: First Findings of the 1965 Survey of Aged,"
Social Security Bulletin, XXVII (March, 1964), 5-24 and 28;
Charles I. Schottland, "Poverty and Income Maintenance for
the Aged," Poverty in America, ed. Margaret S. Gordon (San
Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1965), pp. 227-259;
Ellen Winston, "Dimensions of Poverty Among the Aged," Poverty
in America: A Book of Readings, ed. Louis A. Ferman, Joyce
L. Kornbluh, and Alan Haber (Ann Arbor, Michigan: University
of Michigan Press, 1965), pp. 119-125; Miller and Rein, Social
Problems, pp. 449-452; Erdman Palmore, "Work Experience and
Earnings of the Aged in 1962: Findings of the 1965 Survey
of the Aged," Social Security Bulletin, XXVII (June, 1964),
5-14 and 44; Mollie Orshansky, "The Aged Negro and His Income,"
Social Security Bulletin, XXVII (February, 1964), 5-15;
Lenore A. Epstein, "Living Arrangements and Income of the
Aged, 1959," Social Security_Bulletin, XXVI (September, 1965),
5-8; Harrington, pp. 101-108; Erdman Palmore, "Differences
In Sources and Sizes of Income: Findings of the 1965 Survey
of the Aged," Social SecurityiBulletin, XXVIII (May, 1965),
5-8; and Harold L. Sheppard, "The Poverty of the Aging,"
Poverty As a Public Issue, ed. Ben B. Seligman (New York: The
Free Press, 1965), pp. 85-101.

50See, for example, Daniel P. Moynihan, The Negro Family:
The Case for National Action (Washington, D. C.: U. S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, 1965); Oscar Ornati, Poverty in America
Washington, D. C.: National Policy Committee on Pockets of
Poverty, 1964), pp. 12-18; Miller and Rein, Social Problems,
pp. 457-459; Mollie Orshansky, "Children of the Poor,"

67

54

motivation,52 poor health,53 race, unemployment,55 and

6

related factors5 play in the distribution of poverty.

 

Social Security Bulletin, XXVI (July, 1965), 5-15; Lenore

A. Epstein, "Some Effects of Low Income on Children and Their
Families," Social Security Bulletin, XXIV (February, 1961),
5-11; and Wilbur J. Cohen and Eugenia Sullivan, "Who Are the
Poor?" Povertyiin America: A Book of Readings, ed. Louis

A. Ferman, Joyce L. Kornbluh and Alan Haber (Ann Arbor,
Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 1965), pp. 85-86.

51See, for example, Willard Wirtz, "Income and College
Attendance," Poverty in Affluence: The Sociaiy Political,
and Economic Dimensions of Poverty in the United States, ed.
Robert E. Will and Harold G. Vatter (New York: Harcourt,
Brace and World, 1965), pp. 155-159; Leon H. Keyserling,
Progress or Poverty;, The U. S. at the Crossroads (Washington,
D. C.: Conference on Economic Progress, 1964); Herman P.
Miller, Rich Man, Poor Man (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell
Company, 1964), pp. 159-165; Robert D. Hess, "Educability and
Rehabilitation: The Future of the Welfare Class," Journal of
Marriage and the Family, XXVI (November, 1964), 422-429; and
John T. Dailey, "Education and Emergence From Poverty,"
Journal of Marriage and the Family, XXVI (November, 1964),
450-454.

52Boulding, for example, has stated, "A certain amount
of the poverty of the hillbilly or of the subsistence farmer,
and even perhaps of the urban slum dweller and of the bum,
involves the rejection of the whole middle-class way of life
rather than the inability to find opportunities." Kenneth E.
Boulding, "Reflections on Poverty," The Social Welfare Forum,
1961, Official Proceedings, 88th Annual Forum, National
Conference on Social Welare (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1961), p. 51. A similar view is expressed in Talcott
Parsons, "A Revised Analytical Approach to the Theory of
Social Stratification," Class, Status and Power: A Reader in
Social Stratification, ed. Reinhard Bendix and Seymour Martin
Lipset (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1955), pp. 92-128
and 665-667. Other treatments of the relationship between
low motivation and poverty are available in: Harrington, pp.
119-155; Joseph A. Kahl, The American Class Structure
(New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1957), pp. 276-294;
Genevieve Knupfer, "Portrait of the Underdog," Public Opinion
Quarterly, XI (Spring, 1947), 105-114; and Seymour Martin
Lipset and Reinhard Bendix, Social Mobility in Industrial
Society (Berkeley, California: University of California
Press, 1962), pp. 256-259.
53See, for example, M. Allen Pond, "Poverty and Disease,"
The Social Welfare Forum, 1961, Official Proceedings, 88th

68

Yet none of these factors, individually or collectively, is

either a necessary or sufficient condition of poverty.

 

Annual Forum National Conference on Social Welfare (New York:
,Columbia University Press, 1961), pp. 59-72; Duane O. Crummett
and Margery St. John, Reported Tuberculosis Incidence and
Mortality According to Resident Census Tract and Health
District, Los Angeles County, 1959 and 1961 (Los Angeles:
Tuberculosis and Health Association of Los Angeles County,
.1962); James N. Morgan et al., Income and Welfare in the
United States (New York: McGraw—Hill Book Company, 1962), pp.
218-255; Herman M. Somers, "Poverty and Income Maintenance for
the Disabled," Poverty in America, ed. Margaret S. Gordon

(San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1965), pp. 240-
252; Lenore A. Epstein, "Unmet Need in a Land of Abundance,"
Social Security Bulletin, XXVI (May, 1965), 5-11; Robert L.
Eichhorn and Edward G. Ludwig, "Poverty and Health," Poverty
in the Affluent Society, ed. Hanna H. Meissner (New York:
Harper and Row, 1966), pp. 172-180; Robert Coles, "Psychia-
trists and the Poor," Atlantic Monthly(July, 1964), 102-106;
and Keyserling, pp. 66-70.

54See, for example, Herman P. Miller, Poverty and the
Negro (Los Angeles: Institute of Government and Public
Affairs, University of California, 1965); Alan Batchelder,
"Poverty: The Special Case of the Negro," American Economic
Review, LV (Supplement, 1965), 550-540; Nathan Glazer, "The
Puerto Ricans," Commentaty, XXXVI (July, 1965), 1-9; Dale
Hiestand, Economic Growth and Employment Oppprtunities for
Minorities (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964);
Herman P. Miller, "Poverty and the Negro," Poverty Amid
Affluence, ed. Leo Fishman (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale Uni-
Sity Press, 1966), pp. 99-125; Miller, Rich Many Poor Man, pp.
84-124; Allan B. Batchelder, "Decline in the Relative Income
of Negro Men," uarterly Journal of Economics, LXXVIII
(November, 1964 , 525-548; Harold Sheppard, "Poverty and the
Negro," Poverty as a Public Issue, ed. Ben B. Seligman
(New York: The Free Press, 1965), pp. 118-158; and Harring-
ton, pp. 65-82.

 

 

 

55See, for example, Lowell E. Gallaway, "The Foundations
of the War on Poverty," American Economic Review, LV (March,
1965),.122-151; W. H. Locke Anderson, "Trickling Down: The
Relationship Between Economic Growth and the Extent of Poverty
Among American Families,“ Qparterly Journal of Economics,
LXXVIII (November, 1964), 511-524; Institute of Industrial
Relations at the University of California (Los Angeles),
Hard-core Unemployment and Poverty in Los Angeles (Washington,
D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1965), pp. 26-50;

69

A person may possess any one of the above characteristics

and still live well above the "poverty line.“57 Indeed a

 

Harry G. Johnson, "Unemployment and Poverty," Poverty Amid
Affluence, ed. Leo Fishman (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale
University Press, 1966), pp. 182-199; Margaret S. Gordon,
"Poverty and Income Maintenance for the Unemployed," Poverty
in America, ed. Margaret S. Gordon (San Francisco: Chandler
Publishing Company, 1965), pp. 255-264; and Robert L. Stein,
"Work History, Attitudes, and Income of the Unemployed,"
Monthly Labor Review, LXXXVI (December, 1965), 1405-1415.

 

56Such factors as community size, geographical region,
size of family, housing, etc., are also frequently discussed
in this regard. For a discussion of these factors, see:
Miller and Rein, Social Problems, pp. 442-465; Harrington;
Mollie Orshansky, "Counting the Poor: Another Look at the
Poverty Profile," Social Security Bulletin, XXVIII (January,
1965), 5-29; Oscar Ornati, Poverty Amid Affluence (New York:
Twentieth Century Fund, 1966); Morgan et al., pp. 187-255;
Mollie Orshansky, "Who's Who Among the Poor: A Demographic
View of Poverty," Social Security Bulletin, XXVIII (July,
1965), 5-52; Lee G. Burchinal and Hilda Siff, "Rural Poverty,"
Journal of Marriage and the Famiiy, XXVI (November, 1964),
599-405; and Alvin L. Schorr, Poor Kids: A Rpport on Children
in Poverty (New York: Basic Books, 1966).

 

 

S7Perhaps "any poverty line" would be more accurate than
"the poverty line," for authorities differ on what constitutes
"poverty." For example, Galbraith has used $1,000--John
Kenneth Galbraith, The Affluent Society (Boston, Massachusetts:
Houghton Mifflin Company, 1958). Lampman has used $2,500--
Robert J. Lampman, The Low-Income Population and Economic
Growth (Washington: Congressional Joint Economics Committee,
Study Paper 12, 86th Congress, First Session, December, 1959).
Keyserling and Harrington have used $4,000—-Keyserling;
Harrington. Ornati used $2,500 as the "minimum subsistence
level," $5,500 as the "minimum adequacy level," and $5,500
as the "minimum comfort level"--Ornati, Poverty Amid Affluence.
The U. S. federal government has generally used $5,000--
Hubert H. Humphrey, The War on Poverty (New York: McGraw-Hill
Book Company, 1964). This is not to imply that it generally
makes no difference which figure is used; it does make a dif-
ference. The composition of the poor varies as the "poverty
line" varies and it is generally the case, for example, that
the lower the poverty line the more the poor differ from the
non-poor. For discussion and analysis of the consequences as
well as the complexities involved in designating poverty, see
Miller and Rein, Social Problems, pp. 452-465.

70

person may be unemployed, black, sick, lazy, uneducated,
and aged and still not be poor.58

While few studies of poverty can afford to neglect the
personal characteristics of the poor, care should be taken
to avoid the sometime error of assuming that these character—
istics are the main sociological explanation for why peOple
are poor: according to Emile Durkheim, this would be to re-
verse the order of facts and to take the cause as the effect;
and, says Durkheim, "Nothing is more deceiving than this

n 59

inversion. To maintain that "these characteristics of the

poor represent the causes of poverty is an inadequate approach

to causation, for it looks at poverty mainly in terms of

u 60

individual deficiency. Again, to quote Durkheim, "It con-

sists, indeed, in deducing society from the individual."61

 

58Admittedly, one would not expect to find many affluent
people with all of these characteristics; the Negro vice-lord
is probably the most apparent example. For a more eloquent
discussion of this point, see Peter Marcuse, "Scholarship and
Burning Issues," a review of Poverty Amid Affluence, by Oscar
Ornati, The New Republic, CLV (August, 15, 1966), 25-24. See
also, S. Michael Miller and Martin Rein, "Will the War on
Poverty Change America?" Trans-action, II (July-August, 1965),
17-25; and Martin Rein, "The Strange Case of Public Dependency,"
Trans-action, II (March-April, 1965), 16-25.

 

59Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans.
George Simpson (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1960),
p. 280. See also, Emile Durkheim, The Rules of Sociological
Method, trans. Sarah A. Solovay and John H. Mueller, ed. George
E. G. Catlin (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1958).

60Miller and Rein, Social Problems, p. 446.

61Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, p. 279.

71

The personal characteristics of the poor tell Egg, not ypy,
Placing appropriate emphasis on the personal characteristics
of the poor is helpful in describing who bears the burden of
poverty as well as sketching the diversity of the poor; cit-
ing these characteristics as the major cause of poverty
"tends to 'blame' individuals rather than the malfunctioning

of the economy,"52

as Leon Keyserling pointed out. In identi-
fying and describing "vulnerable risk groups, analyses have
ignored why these grOUps tend to be vulnerable."63 In the
words of S. M. Miller and Martin Rein: "The analysis of the
characteristics of the poor amounts frequently to little more
than psychologizing the causes of poverty . . ."64 neglecting
those "problems of poverty which are functions of our eco-

nomic and social structure."35

 

62Keyserling, p. 57.

638. M. Miller and Martin Rein, "The War on Poverty:
Perspectives and Prospects," Poverty as a Public Issue, ed.
Ben B. Seligman (New York: The Free Press, 1965), p. 284.

64Ibid.

65Ibid., p. 286. According to Miller and Rein, "The main
historic View is that poverty is the problem of the poor--a
condition of the individual pauper and not a characteristic
of social organization. It was in the last half of the nine-
teenth century, while Charles Booth was undertaking his monu-
mental social survey of the Life and Labor of the People of
Lgndgn, that poverty came to be defined as a condition of
society." Miller and Rein, Social Problems, p. 426; Charles
Booth, Life and Labor of the Pepple pi;London (London:
Williams and Norgate, 1891).

 

72

Explanations of the intergenerational persistence of
poverty are closely related to the explanation of the occur-
rence of poverty vis-a-vis personal characteristics. In an
attempt to improve upon the so-called "simplistic" conception
of class (as merely income position), Eliot Ness's "revolving
door theory,"66 Reinhard Bendix and Seymour Martin Lipset's

"67 as well as Oscar Lewis's "culture

"vicious circle theory,
of poverty"68 theory all stress the non-class features in the
social life of the poor.

Beginning with the observation that one's position in
the social structure is not exclusively a matter of income
but is also related to a certain level of "education, family
structure, community reputation and so forth,"69 the basic
thesis of the vicious circle explanation is that each of
these factors "acts upon the other in such a way as to pre-
serve the . . . individual family's position in that struc-

"7O

ture. Consequently, there is a cumulation of disadvantages

that affects the opportunities for social mobility. The

 

66Eliot Ness, "Social Protection in Venereal Disease
Control," Journal of Social Hygiene, XXX (April, 1944), 227—
251.

67Lipset and Bendix, pp. 198-199.

68Oscar Lewis, Five Families: Mexican Case Studies in
the Culture of Poverty (New York: Basic Books, 1959); and,
Oscar Lewis, The Children of Sanchez (New York: Random
House, 1961).

69Lipset and Bendix, p. 198.

7°Ibid.

75

problem of low income is added to the problem of low educa—
tion which is added to the problem of poor health, and so
forth, each factor adding to the others and making it in-
creasingly more difficult for one to modify his position in
the class structure. This in turn allegedly leads to a
"culture of poverty" as "the economic and educational limita-
tions accompanying low status produce a lack of interest in
and a lack of self-confidence in dealing with certain im-
portant areas of our culture; as a result, there is reduced
participation-—a withdrawal from participation in these
areas."71

Thus, in this view "deprivation in one generation leads
through cultural impoverishment to family breakdowns,
parental indifference or misunderstanding of their children's

needs, to deprivation in the next generation."72

Poverty,
therefore, is viewed primarily as a cultural and psychological
problem.

Although these "cyclical theories" usually acknowledge
the force of class in the origin of poverty, they nevertheless
forsake the class perSpective in explaining the distribution

3

and persistence of poverty.7 Concepts such as the "culture

 

71Knupfer, Public Opinion Quarteriy, XI, 104.
72Miller and Rein, Poverty as a Public issue, p. 282.

73For a careful documentation of this point, see Leonard
Lieberman and Donald A. Christenson, "The Culture of Poverty
Restudied" (unpublished paper presented at the Michigan
Sociological Association meetings, Ann Arbor, March, 1967).

74

of poverty" result in a formulation of the problem in inter-
generational terms but the heavy stress upon personal attrib-
utes and the concomitant neglect of social structure reveals
their vacuity. Like so much of the other stratification
research, most studies of poverty neglect the economic,
political, and remaining social structural aSpects of the
problem. Indeed, "when taken in the extreme position, this
perSpective suggests that a growth in aSpiration, without an
extension of income, will lead to a reclassification of
people as 'unpoor.'"74
Moreover, the "vicious circle" thesis does not consider
that, if several variables are associated, then it is probable
that their combined effects are largely redundant, not cumu-

lative.7s

Even so, if there is some cumulation the cyclical
theories of poverty gainsay the analytical advantage of their

insight by failing to assign priorities to the variables and

 

74Miller and Rein, Poverty as a Public Issue, p. 285.

75For example: "With reference to the income-education
relationship, it is probably not true that the high school
dropout in the United States, for example, could increase his
annual income from around $4,800 to $5,400, if only he would
complete high school. We frequently forget the selection pro-
cess by which some young people complete more schooling than
others. In general, those students who do not drop out are
more able, more ambitious, more anxious to learn, and come
from families with better job "connections"--all of which
assist in lifting their incomes. We cannot be sure how much
of the additional incomes associated with additional educa-
tion is attributable to these factors, and how much is at-
tributable to the schooling itself." Burton A. Weisbrod,
"Investing in Human Capital," The Journal of Human Resources,
I (Summer, 1966), 12.

75

consequently implying that all variables are equally im-
portant.76
For all its broadcasting of the interrelatedness of

social life, the vicious circle idea is only an oblique
description of what Weber correctly saw as the pervasiveness
Of class. In Weberian terms, it is superfluous, if not alto-
gether incorrect, to view class situation as a result of
individual qualifications, of inter-familial and personality
defects.77 According to Weber, low class situation per se is

sufficient to produce poor diet and low educational attainment

and unemployment, and so on and so forth. Aphoristically,

 

76These "cyclical theories" are also inadequate in ex-
plaining "new" or short-term poverty.

77To wit: "Research evidence makes it clear that food
and housing influence attitudes and behavior in ways that
have been associated with a culture of poverty. Chronic mal-
nutrition produces symptoms usually called neurasthenic--
excessive fatigability, disturbances in sleep, inability to
concentrate, and various queer bodily sensations. Malnutri-
tion also produces symptoms of depression--loss of ambition,
lethargy, a sensation of being old. Malnutrition is not
uncommon in the Unitedetates. At least one in five families
with children chooses between an adequate diet and some other
necessity. Therefore, it is well to ask what food ppople are
getting beforepipapipg to cultural explanations of apathy.

Similarly, very inadequate housing leads to poor health

and to less obvious problems. For example, it keeps children
out-of-doors, where they cannot be reached to establish dis-
cipline or even communication with their parents. When they
are indoors, research indicates, crowded Space interferes even
with Sleep. At other times, crowding leads to tension be-
tween parents and children. The physical facts of housing
create conditions of disorganization that are sometimes in-
terpreted as an independent cultural characteristic of poor
families, but may be more simply attributed to poor housing."
Emphasis mine. Alvin L. Schorr, "The Non-culture of Poverty,"
American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, XXXIV (October, 1964),
221. See also I. Thomas Stone, Dorothea C. Leighton, and

76

"78

“them as has, gits. "Entities," William of Occam once

advised, "ought not to be multiplied beyond necessity."

VI
American aphorisms notwithstanding, a Weberian conception
of class has been utilized sparingly by American Sociologists,
perhaps because the societal sources of mobility were not of

abiding sociological concern.79

It is a commonplace to note
that American society places a high premium on individual

qualifications, performance, and especially motivation in

 

Alexander H. Leighton, "Poverty and the Individual," Poverty
Amid Affluence, ed. Leo Fishman (New Haven, Connecticut:

Yale University Press, 1966), chap. iv, pp. 72-96; Alvin L.
Schorr, Slums and Social Insecurity (Washington, D. C.: U. S.
Government Printing Office, 1965), Social Security Adminis—
tration research report no. 1; Charles V. Willie, "The Rela—
tive Contribution of Family Status and Economic Status to
Juvenile Delinquency," Social Problems, XIV (Winter, 1967),
526-555; g. McV. Hunt, intelligence and Experience (New York:
Ronald Press, 1961); Sandra Ardah Warden, "The Leftouts:
Disadvantaged Children in Heterogeneous Schools" (an unpub-
lished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State University, 1966),
pp. 95-95; and "Matter over Mind," Newsweek, LXVIII (January
10, 1966), 45.

78Quoted in Kahl, p. 91.

79In this regard, it is interesting to note that more
than a quarter of a century ago, one of America's most promi-
nent sociologists, an intellectual well-schooled in the
European tradition, attempted to formulate a generalized ap-
proach to the theory of social stratification; "In Spite of
its central importance," the field of social stratification
has "been in a notably underdeveloped state." However, in
the article Parsons is almost exclusively concerned with the
status dimension of social stratification, and he gives the
most menial attention to economic class and treats power as
a residual classification. Talcott Parsons, "An Analytical
Approach to the Theory of Social Stratification," The American
Journal of Sociology, LXV (May, 1940), 841-862.

77

. . . . . so
explaining the presence or absence of economic mobility.

Based on an acceptance of values such as achievement and
equality, Americans have inferred an objective description
of social life in which the equal opportunities of all indi-
viduals to achieve success have been stressed and exagger-
ated.81 This emphasis has even permeated sociological

2

studies of mobility and poverty.8 The Weberian view of

class stratification waits beyond the American ken.

 

80Reissman, Class in American Society, pp. 295-294.
For a cogent examination of the much-cited Horatio Alger
story, see R. Richard Wohl, "The 'Rags to Riches Story:'
An Episode of Secular Idealism,“ Class, Status, and Power:
A Readetyin Social Sttatification, ed. Reinhard Bendix and
Seymour Martin Lipset (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press,
1955), pp. 588-595 and 695-694.

81As a matter of clarity it Should be noted that there
are usually three aSpectS of the "American dream." The
belief that (invidious) classes do not exist, the belief that
mobility is such that classes are impermanent, and the belief
that justice is done in the apportionment of classes. For an
introductory discussion of "The Myth and Creed of Classless-
ness," see Hodges, pp. 1-16.

82See, for example, Harold F. Kaufman, Kenneth P.
Wilkinson, and Lucy W. Cole, Poverty Progtams and Social
Mobiiity: Focus on Rural POpplationS of Lower Social Rank in
Mississippi and the South (State College, Mississippi: Social
Science Research Center, Mississippi State University, Pre-
liminary Report NO. 15, September, 1966).

CHAPTER IV
SOME EVIDENCE OF CLASS DIFFERENTIALS

More than a generation ago, Max Weber noted that it was
"the most elemental economic fact that the way in which the
disposition over material property is distributed among a
plurality of people meeting competitively in the market for
the purpose of exchange in itself creates specific life

chances."l

I
American studies of the relationship between class situ-
ation and life chances have, by and large, confirmed Weber's
thesis. More than a decade ago, Hans Gerth and C. Wright
Mills lucidly summarized the bulk of extant research when

they wrote:

Everything from the chance to stay alive during the

first year after birth to the chance to view fine art,
the chance to remain healthy and grow tall, and if sick
to get well again quickly, the chance to avoid becoming

a juvenile delinquent--and very crucially, the chance

to complete an intermediary or higher educational grade--
these are the chances that are crucially influenced by
one's position in the class structure of a modern
society.2

 

1Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essayp in Sociolpgy, trans.
and ed. H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1958), p. 181.

2Hans Gerth and C. Wright Mills, Character and Social
Structure: The Psychology of Social Institutions (London:
Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1954), p. 515.

78

79

In addition to Gerth and Mills, Kurt Mayer,3 John

Porter,4 Peter Berger,5 Bernard Berelson and Gary Steiner,6

 

3According to Mayer, for example, from class differences
"stem great variations in health and wealth, knowledge and
experience, wiSdom and happiness. Class distinctions influ-
ence our choice of marriage partners and the number of our
children; they largely determine the kind of education we can
obtain and the occupations we may enter. The house we live in,
how it is furnished, what car we drive, how we dress, our
friends and associates, the organizations and clubs we belong
to, our hobbies, even the kind of books and magazines we read-—
all these matters are strongly influenced by our class posi-
tion." Kurt Mayer, Class and Society (New York: Random House,
1955), p. 1.

‘4"Class differences create very great differences in life
chances. . . . One commodity, for instance, which low income
families can rarely purchase is privacy, particularly the
privacy of a house to themselves. It is perhaps the value of
privacy and the capacity to afford it which has become the
dividing line between the real and the apparent middle class."
John Porter, The Vertical Mosaic: An Analysis of Social Class
and Power in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press,
1965), pp. 5-6.

5"Class determines life chances in ways that go far be-
yond the economic in its proper sense. One's class position
determines the amount of education one's children are likely
to receive. It determines the standards of medical care en-
joyed by oneself and one's family, and therefore, one's life
expectancy--life chances in the literal sense of the word.

The higher classes in our society are better fed, better
housed, better educated, and live longer than their less
fortunate fellow citizens. These observations may be truisms,
but they gain in impact if one sees that there is a statistical
correlation between the quantity of money one earns per annum
and the number of years one may expect to do so on this earth.
But the import of location within the class system goes even
further than that.

Different classes in our society not only live different-
ly quantitatively, they live in different styles qualitatively.
A sociologist worth his salt, if given two basic indices of
class such as income and occupation, can make a long list of
predictions about the individual in question even if no further
information has been given." Author's emphasis. Peter L.
Berger, Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective
(New York: Doubleday and Company, 1965), p. 80.

6"The members of different classes, or those moving or
desiring to move between classes, behave differently on a wide

80

and Edward Shils and Seymour Martin Lipset,7 among others,8
have lately testified to the veridicality of this interpre-
tation. In the words of Shils and Lipset: "There is no
important area of behavior in which it is not possible to
find large statistical differences between levels up or down

the class structure."9

II
Social scientists have reported class differences re-
garding at least 101 different aspects of social life. For
example, researchers have documented class differences in
the manner in which responsibilities are distributed within

the family,1° in parental willingness to participate in the

 

range of matters. Such differences are everywhere fundamental
and pervasive; they are among the most important explanatory
differences underlying human behavior." Italics mine.

Bernard Berelson and Gary A. Steiner, Human Behavior: An In-
ventoty of Scientific Findings (New York: Harcourt, Brace

and World, 1964), p. 476.

 

7Edward A. Shils and Seymour Martin Lipset, "Social
Class," EncyclOpaedia Britannica, ed. Warren E. Preece
(Chicago: EncyclOpaedia Britannica, 1965), V, 875-875.

8For example, Egon Ernest Bergel, Social Stratification
(New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1962), p. 8; Louis
Kriesberg, "The Relationship Between Socio-economic Rank and
Behavior," Social Problems, X (Spring, 1965), 554-555; and
Seymour Martin Lipset, "Social Stratification and the Analysis
of American Society," The Behavioral Sciences Todgy, ed.
Bernard Berelson (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1965), PP.
197-198.

9Shils and Lipset, Encyclppaedia Britannica, V, 875.

10See, for example, Martin E. Olsen, "Distribution of
Family Responsibilities and Social Stratification," Marriage
and Family Living, XXII (February, 1960), 60-65; and Melvin
L. Kohn, "Social Class and Allocation of Parental Responsi-
bilities," Sociometry, XXIII (December, 1960), 572-592.

81

11

administration of polio vaccine to their children, paren-

2

tal control of children's television viewing,1 adolescent-

parent adjustments,13 family stability,14 family planning,15

 

11See, for example, Leila Calhoun Deasy, "Socio-economic
Status and Participation in the Poliomyelitis Vaccine Trial,"
American Sociological Review, XXI (April, 1956), 185-191; and
John A. Clausen, Morton A. Seidenfeld, and Leila C. Deasy,
"Parent Attitudes Toward Participation of Their Children in
Polio Vaccine Trials," American Journal of Public Health,
XLIV (December, 1954), 1526-1556.

laSee, for example, Robert 0. Blood, "Social Class and
Family Control of Television Viewing," Merrill-Palmer Quarter-
ly Of Behavior and Development, VII (July, 1961), 205-222.

13See, for example, Ivan Nye, "Adolescent-parent Adjust-
ment: Socio-economic Level as a Variable," American Socio-
logical Review, XVI (June, 1951), 541-549; Ivan Nye, "Factors
Influencing Adolescent Adjustment to Parents" (an unpublished
master's thesis, State College of Washington, 1947); Francis
Ivan Nye, "Adolescent Adjustment to Parents" (an unpublished
doctoral dissertation, Michigan State College, 1950), p. 58;
George Psathas, "Ethnicity, Social Class, and Adolescent
Independence from Parental Control," American Sociological
Review, XXII (August, 1957), 415-425; and William A. Rushing,
"Adolescent-Parent Relationship and Mobility ASpirations,"
Social Forces, XLII (December, 1964), 157-166.

14See, for example, August B. Hollingshead, "Class Differ—
ences in Family Stability," The Annals of the American Academy
of Political and Social Science, CCLXXII (November, 1950), 59-
46; W. Lloyd Warner and Paul S. Lunt, The Social Life of a
Modern Community (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University
Press, 1941), Pp. 60—61 and 92-104; James West [pseud.],
Plainville, U. S. A. (New York: Columbia University Press,
1945), pp. 57-69 and 115-141; Allison Davis, Burleigh B.
Gardner, and Mary R. Gardner, Deep South (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1941), pp. 59-156; August B. Hollingshead,
Elmtown's Youth: The impact of Socigi:Classes on Adolescents
(New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1949), pp. 66-126, 555-588,
and 414-456; August B. Hollingshead, "Class and Kinship in a
Middle Western Community," American Sociological Review, XIV
(August, 1949), 469-475; Berelson and Steiner, pp. 512 and
482; Ray F. Baber, "Sociological Differences in Family Stabil-
ity," The Annals oiithe American Academy of Political and
Sociai Science, CCLXXII (November, 1950), 50-58; Jessie
Bernard, "Marital Stability and Patterns of Status Variables,"

82

16

and family size. Similarly, language,17 clothing,18

21 22

neighboring,19 diet,‘2O hypertension, alcoholism,

 

Journal of Marriage and the Family, XXVIII (November, 1966),
421-441; Thomas P. Monahan, "Divorce by Occupational Level,"
Marripge and Family Livipg, XVII (November, 1955), 552-524;
William F. Ogburn, "Education, Income and Family Unity,"

The American Journal of Sociology, LIII (May, 1948), 474-476;
and H. Ashley Weeks, "Differential Divorce Rates by Occupa-
tions," Social Forces, XXI (March, 1945), 554-557.

15See, for example, Jack L. Roach, Lionel S. Lewis, and
Murray A. Beauchamp, "The Effects of Race and Socio-economic
Status on Family Planning," Journal of Health and Social
Behavior, VIII (March, 1962), 40—45; Gerald Handel and Lee
Rainwater, "Working-class People and Family Planning," Social
Work, VI (April, 1961), 18-25; Clyde V. Kiser and P. K.
Whelpton, "Social and Psychological Factors Affecting Fertility,
IX: Fertility Planning and Fertility Rates by Socio-economic
Status," Milbank Memorial Fundigparteriy, XXVII (April, 1949),
188-244; and Lee Rainwater, And the Poor Get Children: Sex,
Contraception, and Family Planning in the Working Class
(Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1960).

16See, for example, J. Mayone Stycos, "Social Class and
Preferred Family Size in Peru," The American Journal of
Sociology, LXX (May, 1965), 651-658; T. J. Woofter, Jr.,
"Size of Family in Relation to Family Income and Age of Family
Head," American Sociological Review, IX (December, 1944), 678-
684; and Xarifa Sallume and Frank W. Notestein, "Trends in
the Size of Families Completed Prior to 1910 in Various Social
Classes," The American Journal of Sociology, XXXIII (November,
1952), 598-408.

17See, for example, Basil Bernstein, "Language and Social
Class," The British Journal of Sociology, XI (September, 1960),
271-276; Basil Bernstein, "Social Class, Speech Systems, and
Psycho-therapy," The British Journal of Sociology, XV (March,
1964), 54-64; William Bright, "Language, Social Stratification,
and Cognitive Orientation," SociologicaiiInquity, XXVI (Spring,
1966), 515-518; William Labov, "The Effects of Social Mobility
on Linguistic Behavior," Sociological Inguiry, XXXVI (Spring,
1966), 186-205; William Labov, "Phonological Correlates of
Social Stratification," The Ethnogrgphy_of Communication, ed.
John J. Gumperz and Dell Hymes, supplement to American Anthro-
pologist, LXVI (December, 1964), 164-176; William Labov,
"Hypercorrection by the Lower Middle Class as a Factor in
Linguistic Change," Sociolinguistics, ed. William Bright (The
Hague: Mouton and Company, 1966); William Labov, "The Social
Stratification of English in New York City" (an unpublished

85

25

values,‘23 dancing,24 careers, and suicide26 are differ-

entially related to class Situation. Still other studies

 

doctoral dissertation, Columbia University, 1964); Carol L.
Huffine, "Inter-socio-economic Class Language Differences:

A Research Report," Sociology and Social Research, L (April,
1966), 551-555; 0. C. Irwin, ”Infant Speech: The Effect of
Family Occupational Status and of Age on Use of Sound Types,"
Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders, XIII (September,
1948), 224-226; 0. C. Irwin, "Infant Speech: The Effect of
Family Occupational Status and of Age on Sound Frequency,"
Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders, XIII (December, 1948),
520-525; and Basil Bernstein, "Social Class and Linguistic
Development: A Theory of Social Learning," Education, Economy,
and Societ , ed. A. H. Halsey, Jean Floud, and C. Arnold
Anderson (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1961), pp.
288-514; David R. Heise, "Social Status, Attitudes, and Word
Connotations," Sociological Inquiry, XXXVI (Spring, 1966),
227-240; Basil Bernstein, "Elaborate and Restricted Codes:
Their Social Origins and Some Consequences," The Ethnography
of Communication, ed. John J. Gumperz and Dell Hymes, supple-
ment to American Anthropologist, LXVI (December, 1964), 55-70;
and Dean S. Ellis, "Speech and Social Status in America,"
Social Forces, XLV (March, 1967), 451-458.

18See, for example, Thomas Ford Hoult, "Experimental
Measurement of Clothing as a Factor in Some Social Ratings
of Selected American Men," American Sociological Review, XIX
(June, 1954), 524-528; Bernard Barber, Social Stratification:
A Comparative Analysis of Structure and Process (New York:
Harcourt, Brace and World, 1957), pp. 146-148; Thomas E.
Lasswell, Class and Stratum: An Introduction to Concppts and
Research (Boston, Massachusetts: Houghton Mifflin Company,
1965), pp. 251-252; Bernard Barber and Lyle S. Lobel,
"'Fashion' in Women's Clothes in the American Social System,"
Social Forces, XXXI (December, 1952), 124-151; Thorstein
Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class: An Economic Stugy
of Institutions (New York: Macmillan Company, 1899); T. H.
Pear, English Social Differences (London: George Allen and
Unwin, 1955), p. 175; C. Wright Mills, The Power Elite
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1956), pp. 62-65; Russell
Lynes, A Surfeit of Honey (New York: Harper and Brothers,
1957), p. 75; Art Gallaher, Jr., Plainville: Fifteen Years
Later (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961), p. 105;
West, p. 59; and Robert S. Lynd and Helen Merrell Lynd,
Middletown: A Study in American Culture, Harvest Books
(New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1956), chap. xii, pp.
155-178.

 

19See, for example, Judith T. Shuval, "Class and Ethnic
Correlates of Casual Neighboring," American Sociological Review,

84

have reported that birth rates,27 morbidity rates,28 mortal-

ity rate329~-including fetal mortality,so neonatal mortality

 

XXI (August, 1956), 455-458; Genevieve Knupfer, "Portrait of
the Underdog," Public Qpiniop_gparterly, XI (Spring, 1947),
105-114; Roderick D. McKenzie, The Neighborhood: A Study of
Local Life in the City of Columbus, Ohio (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1925); Joel Smith, William H. Form, and
Gregory P. Stone, "Local Intimacy in a Middle-Sized City,”

The American Journal of Sociology, LX (November, 1954), 276-
284; Wendell Bell and Marion D. Boat, "Urban Neighborhoods
and Informal Social Relations," American Journal of Sociology,
LXII (January, 1957), 591-598; and Kauho Honkala, "Social
Class and Visiting Patterns in Two Finnish Villages," Acta
Sociologica, V, Fasc. 1 (1959), 42-49.

20See, for example, Margaret Cussler and Mary L. deGive,
'Twixt the Cup and the Lip: A Study of American Food Habits
(New York: Twayne Publishing Company, 1952); Elizabeth E.
Hoyt, Margaret G. Reid, Joseph L. McConnell, and Janet M.
Hooks, American Income and Its Use (New York: Harper and
Brothers, 1954), pp. 146-147, 154, and 216; and John Burnett,
Plentyiand Want: A Social History ofTQiet in England From
1815 to the Present Day (London: Nelson, 1966).

21See, for example, Johs Boe, Sigurd Hummerfelt, and
Froystein Wedervang, The Blood Pressure in a Population
(Bergen: A. S. John Griegs Boktrykkeri, 1956). Contrary to
popular belief, this study showed that there is an inverse
relation between hypertension and class. The Health Exami-
nation Survey, 1960—1962, also reported an inverse relation-
ship between class and hypertension, based upon study of
medical histories. See Tavia Gordon, Three Views of Hyper-
tension and Heart Disease (Washington, D. C.: U. S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, 1957), Public Health Service publication
no. 1000, series 2, no. 22, Table 16, p. 25.

22See, for example, John Dollard, "Drinking Mores of the
Social Classes," Alcohol, Science, and Society: Twenty-nine
Lectures with Discussions as Given at the Yale Summer School
of Alcohol Studies (New Haven, Connecticut: Quarterly Journal
of Studies on Alcohol, 1945), lect. viii, pp. 95-101; John W.
Riley and Charles F. Marden, "The Social Pattern of Alcoholic
Drinking," Qparterly Journal of Studies on Alcohol, VIII
(September, 1947)? 265-275; R. W. Hyde and L. V. Kingsley,
"Studies in Medical Sociology: The Relation of Mental Dis-
orders to the Community Socioeconomic Level," New England
Journal of Medicine, CCXXXI (October, 1944), 545-548; and
Harrison M. Trice and David J. Pittman, "Social Organization

85

31

from congenital malformations, and infant mortality32--

are all inversely related to class. However, the distribution

 

and Alcoholism: A Review of Significant Research Since 1940,"
Sociai;Problems, V (Spring, 1958), 294-507.

assee, for example, Herbert H. Hyman, "The Values Sys-
tems of Different Classes: A Social Psychological Contribu-
tion to the Analysis of Stratification," Class, Status, and
Power: A Reader in Social Stratification, ed. Reinhard Bendix
and Seymour Martin Lipset (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press,
1955), pp. 426-442 and 695-698; Knupfer, Public Opinion
Quarterly, XI, 105-114; Hyman Rodman, "The Lower-class Value
Stretch," Social Forces, XLII (December, 1965), 205-215;
Suzanne Keller and Marisa Zavalloni, "Ambition and Social
Class: A Respecification," Social Forces, XLIII (October,
1964), 58-70; Richard F. Larson and Sara Smith Sutker, "Value
Differences and Value Consensus by Socioeconomic Levels,"
Social Forces, XLIV (June, 1966), 565-569; Joseph A. Kahl,
The American Class Structure (New York: Holt, Rinehart and
Winston, 1957), chap. vii, pp. 184-220; and Ivan D. Steiner,
"Some Social Values Associated with Objectively and Subjective—
ly Defined Social Class Memberships," Social Forces, XXXI
(May, 1955), 527-552.

 

 

24See, for example, Thomas J. Cottle, "Social Class and
Social Dancing," The Sociological Quarterly, VII (Spring,
1966), 179-196.

2SSee, for example, S. Kirson Weinberg and Henry Arond,
“The Occupational Culture of the Boxer," The American Journal
of Sociology, LVII (May, 1952), 460-469; and Charles E. Werts,
"Class and Initial Career Choice of College Freshman,"
Sociology of Education, XXXIX (Winter, 1966), 74-85.

26See, for example, Austin L. Porterfield and Jack P.
Gibbs, "Occupational Prestige and Social Mobility of Suicides
in New Zealand," The American Journal of Sociology, LXVI
(September, 1960), 147-152; Jack P. Gibbs, "Suicide,"
Contemporary Social Problems, ed. Robert K. Merton and Robert
A. Nisbet (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1966), pp.
505-504; Warren Breed, "Occupational Mobility and Suicide
Among White Males," American Sociological Review, XXVIII
April, 1965), 179-188; Erwin Stengel, Suicide and Attempted
Suicide (Baltimore, Maryland: Penguin Books, 1964T, pp. 21-
51; and Andrew W. Henry and James F. Short, Jr., Suicide and
Homicide: Some Economic, Sociological and Psychological
Aspects of Aggression (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press,
1954), pp. 17-18, 45-65, and 82-97.

86

34 35

of dental care,33 medical care, and psychiatric care are

all positively related to class. The incidence of stomach

 

27See, for example, Dennis H. Wrong, "Trends in Class
Fertility in Western Nations," Canadian Journal of Economics
and Political Science, XXIV (May, 1958), 216-219; Charles F.
Westoff, "Differential Fertility in the United States 1900-
1952," American Sociological Review, XIX (October, 1954), 549-
561; Benjamin Pasamanick, Simon Dinitz, and Hilda Knobloch,
"Socio-economic and Seasonal Variations in Birth Rates,"
Milbank Memorial Fundeparterly, XXXVIII (July, 1960), 248-
254; E. Digby Baltzell, "Social Mobility and Fertility Within
an Elite Group," Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly, XXXI
(October, 1955), 411-420; Robert M. Dinkel, "Occupation and
Fertility in the United States," American Sociological Review,
XVII (April, 1952), 178-185; Philip Hauser, "Differential
Fertility, Mortality, and Reproduction in Chicago, 1950"
(unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Chicago,
1958), pp. 15-17; Kiser and Whelpton, Milbank Memorial Fund
Quarterly, XXVII, 188-244; John W. Innes, Class Fertility
Trends in England and Wales (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton
University Press, 1958; S. Mitra, “Income, Socio-Economic
Status, and Fertility in the United States," Eugenics Quarterly,
XIII (September, 1966), 225-250; and Frank W. Notestein,
"Class Differences in Fertility," The Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Social Science, CLXXXVIII (November,
1956), 26-56.

ZBSee, for example, Edgar Sydenstricker, "Economic Status
and the Incidence of Illness: Hagerstown Morbidity Studies,"
Public Health Rsports, XLIV (July 26, 1929), 1821-1844; Philip
8. Lawrence, "Chronic Illness and Socio-economic Status,"
Public Health Rpports, LXIII (November, 19, 1948), 1510-1511;
Rollo H. Britten, Selwyn D. Collins, and James S. Fitzgerald,
"The National Health Survey: Some General Findings," Public
Health Reports, LV (March 15, 1940), 444-470; Charles R.
Hoffer, "Medical Needs of the Rural Population of Michigan,"
Rural Sociology, XII (June, 1947), 162-168; Fredrika Moore and
Angeline Hemblen, "Physical Defects of School Children,"
American Journal of Public Health, XVIII (October, 1928), 1268-
1272; Saxon Graham, "Social Factors in Relation to the Chronic
Illnesses," Handbook of Medical Sociology, ed. Howard E.
Freeman, Sol Levine, and Leo G. Reeder (Englewood Cliffs, New
Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1965), chap. iii, pp. 65-98; U. S.
National Health Survey, Family Income in Relation to Selected
Health Characteristics: United States (Washington, D.C.:

U. S. Government Printing Office, 1965), Public Health Service
pUblication no. 1000, series 10, no. 2; Philip S. Lawrence,
Geraldine A. Gleeson, Elijah L. White, Robert R. Fuchsberg,
and Charles S. Wilder, Medical Care, Health Status, and Family
Income: United States (Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government

 

87

36 8

cancer, esophageal cancer,37 lung cancer,3 and other

39 ° and

chronic diseases such as coronary artery disease4

 

Printing Office, 1964), Public Health Service publication no.
1000, series 10, no. 9; Carolanne H. Hoffmann, Disability
Among Persons in thetigbor Force py Employment Status
(Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1964),
Public Health Service publication no. 1000, series 10, no. 7;
Charles S. Wilder, Disability Days (Washington, D.C.: U. S.
Government Printing Office, 1965), Public Health Service
publication no. 1000, series 10, no. 4; Charles S. Wilder,
Disability Days (Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing
Office, 1965), Public Health Service publication no. 1000,
series 10, no. 24; Charles S. Wilder, Chronic Conditions and
ActivityiLimitation (Washington, D.C.: U. 8. Government
Printing Office, 1965), Public Health Service publication no.
1000, series 10, no. 17; Geraldine A. Gleeson, Selected Health
Characteristics by Occupation (Washington, D. C.: U. S.
Government Printing Office, 1965), Public Health Service pub-
lication no. 1000, series 10, no. 21; Ruth R. Puffer, “Indus-
trial and Occupational Environment and Health," Milbank
Memoriai_§undyQuarterly, XXVI (January, 1948), 22-40; Jean
Downes, "Social and Environmental Factors in Illness,"
Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly, XXVI (October, 1948), 566-
585; Rollo H. Britten, "Physical Impairments and Socio-
environmental Factors," Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly, XXVI
(October, 1948), 586-597; and Robert G. Burnight, "Chronic
Morbidity and the Socio-economic Characteristics of Older
Urban Males," Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly, XLIII (July,
1965), 511-522.

29For example: "It is clear that the inverse relation-
ship between occupational level and mortality, reported by
Moriyama and Guralnick for death from all causes, also applies
to Specific causes." Jacob Tuckman, William F. Youngman, and
Garry B. Kreizman, "Occupational Level and Mortality," Social
Forces, XLIII (May, 1965), 577. See also: J. S. Whitney,
Death Rates by Occupation Based on Data of the United States
Census Bureau, 1950 (New York: National Tuberculosis Associ-
ation, 1954); Mortimer Spiegelman, Introduction to Demography
(Chicago: Society of Actuaries, 1955); U. S. Public Health
Service, Mortality byiOccupation Level and Cause of Death
Among Men 20 to 64 Years of Age: gpited States, 1950
(Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1965),
Vital Statistics-—Special Reports, vol. LIII, no. 5; A. J.
Mayer and P. M. Hauser, "Class Differentials in Expectation of
Life at Birth," Revue de l'Institut Internationale de Statis-
tigue, XVIII, 197-200; H. V. Muhsam, "Mode of Life and Longev-
ity in Israel," Jewish Journal of Sociology, VIII (June, 1966),

88

41

tuberculosis are inversely related to class situation.

42 3

So too are diabetes, and hepatitis.4 Members of different

 

59-48; H. F. Dorn, "Mortality Rates and Economic Status in
Rural Areas," Public Health Repprts, LV (January 5, 1940),
5-12; Mary Ellen Patno, "Mortality and Economic Level in an
Urban Area," Public Health Reports, LXXV (September, 1960),
841-851; A. M. Lillienfeld, "Variation in Mortality from

Heart Disease," Public Health Reports, LXXI (June, 1956), 545-
552; M. E. Altenderfer, "Relationship Between Per Capita
Income and Mortality," Public Health Rpports, LXII (November
28, 1947), 1681—1691; John M. Ellis, "Socio-economic Differen-
tials in Mortality From Chronic Diseases," Social Problems, V
(July, 1957), 50—56; Floyd P. Allen, We Pay with Our Lives
(Cincinnati, Ohio: Public Health Federation, 1954), pp. 15-
21; John M. Ellis, "Mortality in Houston, Texas, 1949-1951:

A Study of Socio-economic Differentials" (an unpublished
doctoral dissertation, University of Texas, 1956); Iwao M.
Moriyama, "Recent Mortality Trends and Differentials," Journal
of the American Statistical Association, LXVI (June, 1951),
215-219; Paul H. Price, "Trends in Mortality Differentials in
the United States," Southwestern Social Science Quarterly,
XXXV (December, 1954), 255-265; Constantine A. Yercacaris,
"Differential Mortality, General and Cause-Specific in Buffalo,
1959-1941," Journal of the American Statistical Association,

L (December, 1955), 1255-1247; W. P. D. Logan, "Social Class
Variations in Mortality," Public Health Reports, LXIX (December,
1954), 1217-1225; Puffer, Milbank Memorial FundyQuarterly,
XXVI, 22-40; Louis I. Dubin and R. J. Vane, "Occupational
Mortality Experience of Insured Wage Earners," Monthlnyabor
Review, LXIV (June, 1947), 55-55; and Iwao M. Moriyama and

L. Guralnick, "Occupational and Social Class Differences in
Mortality," Trends and Differentials in Mortality: Proceed-
ings of a Round Table at the 1955 Annual Conference, Milbank
Memorial Fund (New York: Milbank Memorial Fund, 1955), pp.
61-75.

3°See, for example, Helen C. Chase, Tpternational Com-
pggison of Perinatal ang_infant Mortality (Washington, D.C.:
U. S. Government Printing Office, 1967), Public Health
Service publication no. 1000, series 5, no. 6, especially
table 28, p. 68; and United Nations, Department of Social
Affairs, Fetal, Infantytand Eariy Child Mortality (Paris:
UNESCO, 1954) population studies no. 15, II, 6-9.

31See, for example, John T. Gentry, Elizabeth Parkhurst,
and George V. Bulin, Jr., "An Epidemiological Study of
Congenital Malformations in New York State," American Journal
of Public Health, XLIX (April, 1959), 497-515. Recent data

89

classes have different conceptions of parental roles44 and

45

different conceptions of marital roles, as well as different

 

of overall neonatal mortality rates are available in Charles
V. Willie and William B. Rothney, "Racial, Ethnic, and Income
Factors in the Epidemiology of Neonatal Mortality," American
Sociological Review, XXVII (August, 1962), 522-526.

32See, for example, Robert Woodbury, Causal Factors in
Infant Mortality: A Statistical Study Based on Investigations
in Eight Cities (Washington, D.C.: U. S. Department of Labor,
1925), Children's Bureau publication no. 142; A. Rochester,
Infant Mortality (Washington, D.C.: U. S. Department of Labor,
1925), Children's Bureau publication no. 119; United Nations,
Department of Social Affairs, II, 6-9; Robert H. Talbert,
Cowtown—-Metropolis: Case Study of a City's Growth and Struc-
ture (Fort Worth: Leo Potishman Foundation, 1956), pp. 97-104;
Charlotte A. Douglas, Infant and Perinatal Mortality in
Scotland (Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office,
1966), Public Health Service publication, no. 1000, series 5,
no. 5; Chase, p. 68; and Charles V. Willie, "A Research Note
on the Changing Association Between Infant Mortality and Socio—
economic Status," Social Forces, XXXVII (March, 1959), 221-227.

 

 

 

33See, for example, Robert H. Talbert, "Ecological Vari-
ations in Dental Health in a Metropolitan Community," Journal
of Health and Human Behavior, III (Summer, 1962), 128-152;
Selma Muskin and Beatrice Crowther, "Urban Dental Expendi-
tures," Public Health Reportg, LXXIII (January, 1958), 1-7;
National Health Survey, Health Statistics from the U. S.
National Health Survey: Dental Care, July, 1957--June, 1959
(Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1964),
Public Health Service publication no. 1000, series B, numbers
14, 15, and 55; and Forrest E. Linder, "The Health of the
American People," Scientific American, CCXIV (June, 1966),
21-29.

34For example: "The analysis concluded that subscrip-
tion to health insurance is more a function of ability to pay
than of health need." Bert L. Ellenbogen, Charles E. Ramsey,
and Robert A. Danley, "Health Need, Status, and Subscription
to Health Insurance," Journal oi:Health and Human Behavior,
VII (Spring, 1966), 59-65. Still, families with annual in-
comes of less than $2,000 spend 15.0 percent of their income
for personal health services com ared to 5.9 percent for
families with annual incomes of 7,500 or more. Sam Shapiro,
Edward R. Schlesinger, and Robert E. L. Nesbitt, Jr., Infant
and Perinatal Mortality in the United States (Washington,
D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1965), Public

90

6

musical tastes4 and different art style preferences,47 and

8

occupational aspirations,4 and norms about public drinking,49

 

Health Service publication no. 1000, series 5, no. 4, table

v, p. 49. Recent national statistics show that the acquisi—
tion of free medicine from physicians is positively related

to class. See Charles S. Wilder, Cost and Acquisition of
Prescribed and Nopprescribed Medicines (Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office, 1966), Public Health Service publi—
cation no. 1000, series 10, number 55, table 8, p. 25. See
also John A. Ross, "Social Class and Medical Care," Journal of
Health and Human Behavior, III (Spring, 1962), 55-40; Herbert
Notkin, Jay Brightman, William A. Brumfield, Jr., Stella M.
Dorsey, and Herman‘s. Solomon, "Knowledge and Utilization of
Health Resources by Public Assistance Recipients, II: Reported
Illness and Therapeutic Services," American Journal of Public
Health, LXVIII (March, 1958), 519-527; Mary M. Hannaford,
Proportion of Surgical Bill Paid by Insurance (Washington,
D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1966), Public Health
Service publication no. 1000, series 10, no. 51, table 2, p.
20; and Linder, Scientific American, CCXIV, 21-29.

aSSee, for example, Lawrence Z. Freedman and August B.
Hollingshead, "Neurosis and Social Class, I: Social Inter-
action," American Journal of Psychiatry, CXIII (March, 1957),
769-775; Thomas A. C. Rennie, Leo Srole, Marvin K. Opler, and
Thomas S. Langner, "Urban Life and Mental Health: Socio-
economiceStatussandeMentalaDisorders in the Metropolis,"
American Journal of Psychiatry, CXIII (March, 1957), 851—856;
and August B. Hollingshead and Lawrence Z. Freedman, "Social
Class and the Treatment of Neurotics," The Social Welfare
Forum, 1955, Official Proceedings, 82nd Annual Forum, National
Conference on Social Work (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1955), pp. 194-205.

 

36See, for example, Edward M. Cohart, "Socioeconomic
Distribution of Stomach Cancer in New Haven," Cancer, VII
(May, 1954), 455-461; and Saxon Graham, Morton L. Levin, and
Abraham M. Lilienfeld, "The Socioeconomic Distribution of
Cancer of Various Sites in Buffalo, New York, 1948-1952,"
Cancer, XIII (January-February, 1960), 180—191.

37See, for example, Philip Buell, John E. Dunn, and
Lester Breslow, "The Occupational-Social Class Risks of Cancer
Mortality in Men," Journal of Chronic Disease, XII (December,
1960), 600-621; and Graham, Levin, and Lilienfeld, Cancer,
XIII, 180-191.

”aasee, for example, Edward M. Cohart, "Socioeconomic
Distribution of Cancer of the Lung in New Haven," Cancer,

91

and attitudes about education,50 and they use different

51 52

criteria for class placement. Consumer behavior,

 

VIII (November-December, 1955), 1126-1129; and Graham, Levin,
and Lilienfeld, Cancer, XIII, 180-191.

39See, for example, Lawrence, Public Health Reports,
LXIII, 1507-1521; and Graham, Handbook of Medical Sociology,
chap. iii, PP. 65-98.

 

 

40See, for example, Ann P. Kent, James R. McCarroll,
Morton D. Schweitzer, and Harold N. Willard, "A Comparison of
Coronary Artery Disease (Arteriosclerotic Heart Disease)
Deaths in Health Areas of Manhattan, New York City," American
Journal of Public Health, LXVIII (February, 1958), 200-207;
Edward A. Lew, "Some Implications of Mortality Statistics
Relating to Coronary Artery Disease," Journal of Chronic
Diseases, VI (September, 1957), 192-209; and Thomas R. Dawber,
William B. Kannel, Nicholas Revotskie, Joseph Stokes, Abraham
Kagan, and Tavia Gordon, "Some Factors Associated with the
Development of Coronary Heart Disease Six Year's Follow-up
Experience in the Framingham Study," The American Journal of
Public Health and the Nation's Health, LXIX (October, 1959),
1549-1556.

 

41See, for example, Stanley H. King, "Social Psychological
Factors in Illness," Handbook of Medical Sociology, ed. Howard
E. Freeman, Sol Levine, and Leo G. Reeder (Englewood Cliffs,
New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1965), p. 108; N. G. Hawkins and
T. H. Holmes, "Environmental Considerations in Tuberculosis:
Ecologic Factors in Tuberculosis Morbidity," Transactions of
the Fiftieth Anniversary Meeting of the National Tuberculosis
Association (New York: National Tuberculosis Association,
1954), 255-258; and Milton Terris, "Relation of Economic Status
to Tuberculosis Mortality by Age and'Sex," American Journal of
Public Health, XXXVIII (August, 1948), 1061-1070.

 

 

42See, for example, Harold L. Dobson, Harry S. Lipscomb,
James A. Greene, and Hugo T. Engelhardt, "Socioeconomic Status
and Diabetes Mellitus," Journal of Chronic Diseases, VII (May,
1958), 415-421.

43See, for example, George S. Goldstein and Paul F.
Wehrle, "The Influence of Socioeconomic Factors on the Distri-
bution of Hepatitis in Syracuse, New York," American Journal
of Public Health, XLIX (April, 1959), 475-480.

44See, for example, Donald Gilbert McKinley, "Social
Status and Parental Roles" (an unpublished doctoral disserta-
tion, Harvard University, 1960); and Russell Middleton and

92

54

collective behavior,53 delinquent behavior, sexual be-

55

havior, and voting behavior56 all vary according to class.

 

Snell Putney, "Dominance in Decisions in the Family: Race and
Class Differences," The American Journal of Sociology, LXV
(May, 1960), 605-609.

'4SSee, for example, Annabelle B. Motz, "Conceptions of
Marital Roles by Status Groups," Marriage and Family Living,
XII (Fall, 1950), 156-162.

46See, for example, Karl F. Schuessler, "Social Background
and Musical Taste," American Sociological Review, XIII (June,
1948), 550-555.

47See, for example, Vytavtas Kavolis, "Art Style and
Social Stratification," The Wisconsin Sociologist (N. 8.), IV
(Spring, 1965), 1-7.

48See, for example, Leonard Reissman, "Levels of ASpira-
tion and Social Class," American Sociological Review, XVIII
(June, 1955), 255-242; LaMar Empey, "Social Class and Occupa-
tional Aspiration: .A Comparison of Absolute and Relative
Measurement," American Sociological Review, XXI (December,
1956), 705—709; William H. Sewell, A. O. Haller, and Murray
Strauss, "Social Status and Education and Occupational ASpira-
tion," American Sociological Review, XXII (February, 1957),
67-75; Richard M. Stephenson, "Mobility Orientation and Strati-
fication of 1,000 Ninth Graders," American Sociological Review,
XXII (April, 1957), 204-212; Frances G. Caro and Terrence
Pihlblad, "Aspirations and Expectations: A Reexamination of
the Basis for Social Class Differences in the Occupational
Orientations of Male High School Seniors," Sociology and Social
Research, XLIX (July, 1965), 465-475; Charles M. Grigg and
Russell Middletown, "Community of Orientation and Occupational
ASpirations of Ninth Grade Students," Social Forces, XXXVIII
(May, 1960), 505-508; E. Grant Youmans, "Social Factors in the
Work Attitudes and Interests of Twelfth Grade Michigan Boys,"
The Journal of Educational Sociology, XXVIII (September, 1954),
55-48; Stanley Krippner, "Junior High School Students' Voca-
tional Preferences and Their Parents' Occupational Level,"
The Personnel and Guidance Journal, XLI (March, 1965), 590-
595; J. Kenneth Morland, "Educational and Occupational Aspira-
tions of Mill and Town School Children in a Southern Community,"
Social Forces, XXXIX (December, 1960), 169-175; William S.
Bennett, Jr. and Noel P. Gist, "Class and Family Influences on
Student Aspirations," Social Forces, XLIII (December, 1964),
167-175; Francis G. Caro, "Social Class and Attitudes of Youth
Relevant for the Realization of Adult Goals," Social Forces,
XLIV (June, 1966), 492-498; Enid Harris Galler, "Influence of

 

95

Members of different classes have different eating habits,57

drinking habits,58 reading habits,59 smoking habits,60 and

 

Social Class on Children's Choices of Occupations," The Elemen-
tary,School Journal, LI (April, 1951), 459-445; and Herman M.
Case and Walter L. Slocum, "Factors Associated with Three
Postulated Stages of Occupational Choice Behavior of College
Students," Research Studies of the State College of Washington,
XXI (September, 1955), 242-246.

49See, for example, David Gottlieb, "The Neighborhood
Tavern and the Cocktail Lounge: A Study of Class Differences,"
The American Journal of Sociology, LXII (May, 1957), 559-565;
and Boyd Macrory, “The Tavern and the Community," Qparterly
Journal of Studies on Alcohol, XIII (December, 1952), 609-657.

soSee, for example, Celia Burns Stendler, "Social Class
Differences in Parental Attitude Toward School at Grade I
Level," Child Development, XXII (March, 1951), 57-46; and Eva
Bene, "Some Differences Between Middle—class and Working-Class
Grammar School Boys in Their Attitudes Towards Education,"
The British Journal of Sociology, X (June, 1959), 148-152;
Herbert J. Gans, The Urban Villagers: Group and Class in the
Life of italian-Americans (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press,
1962), Pp- 129-156; Frank Riessman, The Culturally Deprived
Child (New York: Harper and Row, 1962), p. 28; Joseph A. Kahl,
"Educational and Occupational ASpirations of 'Common Man'
Boys," Harvard Educational Review, XXIII (Summer, 1955), 186-
205; Richard A. Cloward and James A. Jones, "Social Class:
Educational Attitudes and Participation," Education in
Depressed Areas, ed. A. Harry Passow (New York: Bureau of
Publications, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1965),
pp. 190—216; Albert J. Reiss, Jr. and Albert L. Rhodes, "Are
Educational Norms and Goals of Conforming Truant and Delinquent
Adolescents Influenced by Group Position in American Society?"
Journal of Negro Education, XXVIII (Summer, 1959), 252-267;
and Robert H. Coombs and Vernon Davies, "Social Class, Scholas-
tic Aspiration, and Academic Movement," The Pacific Sociologi-
cal Review, VIII (Fall, 1965), 96-100.

51See, for example, L. H. Haney and G. S. Wehrwein

 

(editors), A Social and Economic Survpy of Southern Travis
County (Austin: University of Texas, 1916), bulletin no. 65;
Joel B. Montague, Jr., "Conceptions of the Class Structure as

Revealed by Samples of English and American Boys," Research
,Studies of the State Collpge of Washington, XXII (June, 1954),
84-95; Arnold M. Rose, "Popular Meaning of Class Designation,"
.§ociology and Social Research, XXXVIII (September-October,
1955), 14-21; George A. Lundberg, "The Measurement of Socio-
economic Status," American Sociological Review, V (February,

94

1 2

even teevee-watching habits.6 The proportion who marry,6

3

the age at first marriage,6 and the frequency of marriage64

 

1940), 52; and Lionel S. Lewis, "Class and the Perception of
Class," Social Forces, XLII (March, 1962), 556-540.

5ZSee, for example, John Harp, "Socioeconomic Correlates
of Consumer Behavior,“ The American Journal of Economics and
Sociology, XX (April, 1961), 265-270; David Caplovitz, Thg
,Poor Pay More: Consumer Practices of Low-income Families
(New York: The Free Press, 1965); and Gerald Handel and Lee
Rainwater, "Persistence and Change in Working Class Life Style,‘
Sociologytand Social Research, XLVIII (April, 1965), 281-288.

53See, for example, Lionel Robbins, The Economic Basis of
Qiass Conflict (London: Macmillan Company, 1959); and Maurice
Zeitlin, "Revolutionary Workers and Individual Liberties,"
The American Journal of Sociology, LXXII (May, 1967), 619-652.

54See, for example, Albert J. Reiss, Jr., and A. Lewis
Rhodes, "The Distribution of Juvenile Delinquency in the
Social Class Structure," American Sociological Review, XXVI
(October, 1961), 720—752; Orville R. Gursslin, "The Formula-
tion and Partial Test of a Class Linked Theory of Delinquency"
(unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Buffalo,
1961); John P. Clark and Eugene P. Wenninger, "Socio-economic
Class and Area as Correlates of Illegal Behavior Among
Juveniles," American Sociological Review, XXVII (December,
1962), 826-854; Edmund W. Vaz, I'Middle-class Adolescents:
Self-reported Delinquency and Youth Culture Activities,"
Canadian Review of Sociology and AnthrOpology, II (February,
1965), 52-70; William Bates, "Social Stratification and
Juvenile Delinquency," American Catholic Sociological Review,
XXI (Fall, 1960), 221-228; Albert K. Cohen, Delinquent Boys:
The Cuiture of the Gang (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press,
1955); Berelson and Steiner, p. 488; Harwin L. Voss, "Socio-
economic Status and Reported Delinquent Behavior," Social
Problems, XIII (Winter, 1966), 514-524; and Lee N. Robbins,
Harry Gynam, and Patricia O'Neal, "The Interaction of Social
Class and Deviant Behavior," American Sociological Review,
XXVII (August, 1962), 480-492.

55See, for example, Alfred C. Kinsey, Wardell B. Pomeroy,
and Clyde E. Martin, Sexual Behavior in the Human Male
(Philadelphia: W. B.-Saunders, 1948); Alfred C. Kinsey and
Paul H. Gebhard, Sexual Behavior in the Human Female (Phila-
delphia: W. B. Saunders, 1955); Eugene J. Kanin, "Pre-marital
Sex Adjustments, Social Class, and Associated Behaviors,"
Marriage and Family iiyipg, XXII (August, 1960), 258-262; and

95

differ according to class situation just as mate selection,65

(2,66 7

marital adjustmen and courtship patterns do.6

 

Maurice Leznoff and William A. Westley, "The Homosexual Com-
munity," Social Problems, III (April, 1956), 257-265.

56See, for example, Mark Abrams, "Social Class and
British Politics," Public QpinionyQparteriy, XXV (Fall, 1961),
542-550; Seymour Martin Lipset, "The Changing Class Structure
and Contemporary European Politics," Daedalus, XCIII (Winter,
1964), 271-505; Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man: The
Social Bases of Politics (Garden City, New York: Doubleday
and Company, 1960); Gerhard Lenski, "Status Crystallization:
A Non-vertical Dimension of Social Status," American Socio-
logical Review, XUX (August, 1954), 405-415; Angus Campbell,
Philip E. Converse, Warren E. Miller, and Donald E. Stokes,
The American Voter (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1960),
especially pp. 482-485; Robert E. Lane, Political Life (Glencoe,
Illinois: The Free Press, 1959), pp. 48-49; Morris Janowitz
and David R. Segal, "Social Cleavage and Party Affiliation:
Germany, Great Britain, and the United States," The American
Journal of Sociology, LXXII (May, 1967), 605-608; Robert R.
Alford, Party and Society_(Chicago: Rand McNally and Company,
1965); and Philip E. Converse, "The Shifting Role of Class in
Political Attitudes and Behavior," Readings in Social Psy-
chology, ed. Eleanor E. Maccoby, Theodore M. Newcomb and
Eugene L. Hartley (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston,
1958), 588-599.

 

57See, for example, Pear, pp. 180-188; Russell Lynes,
The Tpstemakers (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1949); and
Lasswell, pp. 248-249.

58See, for example, Genevieve Knupfer and Robin Room,
"Age, Sex, and Social Class as Factors in Amount of Drinking
in a Metropolitan Community," Social Problems, XII (Fall,
1964), 224-240; Lasswell, pp. 250-251; Gottlieb, The American
Journal of Sociology, LXII, 559-565; Dollard, Alcohol, Science,
and Society, pp. 95-101; and Joseph J. Lawrence and Milton A.
Maxwell, "Drinking and Socio-economic Status," Society and
Culture, and Drinking Patterns, ed. David J. Pittman and C. R.
Snyder (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1962), pp. 141-145.

59See, for example, Robert A. Miller, “The Relation of
Reading Characteristics to Social Indexes," The American
Journal of Sociology, XLI (May, 1956), 758-756; and Knupfer,
Pubiic OpinioniQuarterly, XI, 105-114.

60See, for example, Lasswell, p. 250.

96

Researchers have also reported that attitudes about mental

9

illness,68 types of mental illness,6 prevalence of mental

 

61See, for example, Harold M. Hodges, Jr., "Peninsula
People: Social Stratification in a Metropolitan Complex,"
Education and Society, ed. W. Warren Kallenbach and Harold
Mu Hodges, Jr. (Columbus, Ohio: Charles E. Merrill Books,
1965), PP. 589-420.

82See, for example, John Hajnal, "Analysis of Changes
in The Marriage Pattern by Economic Groups," American Socio-
logical Review, XIX (June, 1954), 295-502; and John Hajnal,
"Age at Marriage and Proportions Marrying," Population Studies,
VII (November, 1955), 111-156.

63See, for example, Paul C. Glick and Emanuel Landau,
"Age as a Factor in Marriage," American Sociological Review,
XV (August, 1950), 517-529; Frank W. Notestein, "Differential
Age at Marriage According to Social Class," The American
Journal of Sociology, XXXVII (July, 1951), 22-48; and Hajnal,
Population Studies, VII, 111-156.

64See, for example, K. T. Lim, "Social Class Differences
in Frequency of Marriages," Sociological Review, XXXI (July,
1959), 509-527.

65See, for example, Simon Dinitz, Franklin Banks, and
Benjamin Pasamanick, "Mate Selection and Social Class:
Changes During the Past Quarter Century," Marriage and Family
Living, XXII (November, 1960), 548-551; Richard Centers,
"Marital Selection and Occupational Strata," The American
Journal of Sociology, LIV (May, 1949), 550-555; Joseph R.
Marches and Gus Turbeville, "The Effect of Residential
Propinquity on Marriage Selection," The American Journal of
Spgiology, LVIII (January, 1955), 592-595; Robert T. McMillan,
"Farm Ownership Status of Parents as a Determinant of Socio-
economic Status of Farmers," Rural Sociology, IX (June, 1944),
151-160; and August B. Hollingshead, "Cultural Factors in
the Selection of Marriage Mates," American Sociological
Review XV (October, 1950), 619-627.

66See, for example, J. Richard Udry, "Marital Instabil-
ity by Race and Income Based on 1960 Census Data," The Ameri-
can Journal of Sociology, LXXII (May, 1967), 675-674;
J. Richard Udry, "Marital Instability by Race, Sex, Education,
and Occupation Using 1960 Census Data," The American Journal
of Sociology, LXXII (September, 1966), 205-209; Julius Roth
and Robert F. Peck, "Social Class and Social Mobility Factors
Related to Marital Adjustment," American Sociological Review,

97

O

illness,7 and the prevalence of venereal disease among

1

sexually promiscuous females7 are class-linked. Indeed,

J

 

XVI (August, 1951), 478-487; and Robert C. Williamson,
"Socio-economic Factors and Marital Adjustment in an Urban
Setting," American Sociological Review, XIX (April, 1954),
215-216.

67See, for example, Willard Waller, "The Rating and
Dating Complex," American Sociological Review, II (December,
1957), 727-754; Hollingshead, p. 250; and Harold M. Hodges,
Jr., Social Stratification: Class in America (Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Schnenkman Publishing, 1964)fpp. 127-129.

68See, for example, Warren S. Williams, "Class Differences
in the Attitudes of Psychiatric Patients," Social Problems,
IV (January, 1956), 240-244; Jerome K. Meyers and Bertram H.
Roberts, Family and Class Dynamics in Mental iilness (New York:
John Wiley and Sons, 1959); Lois Pratt, "How do Patients Learn
About Disease," Sociai Problems, IV (July, 1956), 29-40; and
Frederick C. Redlich, August B. Hollingshead, and Elizabeth
Bellis, "Social Class Differences in Attitudes Toward
Psychiatry," American Journal of Orthppsychiatry, XXV
(January, 1955), 60-70.

69See, for example, August B. Hollingshead and Frederick
C. Redlich, "Social Stratification and Psychiatric Disorders,“
.American Sociological Review, XVIII (April, 1955), 165-169;
Arnold M. Rose and Holger R. Stub, "Summary of Studies on the
Incidence of Mental Disorders," Mental Health and Mental
Disorder: A Sociological Approach, ed. Arnold M. Rose
(New York: W. W. Norton, 1955), chap. v, pp. 87-116; and
Robert M. Frumkin, "Occupation and Major Mental Disorders,"
Mental Health and Mentalgpisorder: A SociologicgiiApproach,
ed. Arnold M. Rose (New York: W. W. Norton, 1955), chap.
viii, pp. 156-160.

70For example: "The ratio of severely disturbed to symp-
tom-free respondents is roughly three times larger in the lower
class than in the middle class, and approximately three times
larger in the middle class than in the upper class." Author's
emphasis. .Rennie, Srole, Opler, and Langner, American Journal
of Psychiatry, CXIII, 855. See also, Isabel McCaffrey and
Joseph Downing, "The Usefulness of Ecological Analysis in
Mental Disease Epidemiology," American Journal of Psychiatry,
CXIII (June, 1957), 1065-1067; John A. Clausen, "Sociology of
Mental Disease," Handbook of Medical Sociology, ed. Howard
E. Freeman, Sol Levine, and Leo G. Reeder (Englewood Cliffs,
New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1965), chap. vi, pp. 145-165;

98

even the mode of therapy for illnesses is linked to class,72

owing in large part to the class differences between

3

physicians and patients.7 Also related to class situation

 

August B. Hollingshead and Frederick C. Redlich, Social Class
and Mental Illness: A Community Study (New York: John Wiley
and Sons, 1958), chap. vii, pp. 194-219; Hollingshead and
Redlich, American Sociological Review, XVIII, 165-169;
Kingsley Davis, "Mental Hygiene and the Class Structure,"
Psychiatry, I (February, 1958), 55-65; and Rose and Stub,
Mental Health and Mental Disorder, chap. v, pp. 87-116.

71See, for example, Robert D. Weitz, "The Occupational
Adjustment Characteristics of a Group of Sexually Promiscuous
and Venereally Infected Females," Journal of Applied Psy-
chology, XXX (June, 1946), 248-254.

72For example: "But in both public and private facili-
ties the higher the class position the greater was the likeli-
hood that the patient would be treated individually and in-
tensively over a longer period with psychological methods.
The lower the class position, the greater likelihood that he
would be treated by organic methods, seen with less frequency,
and less intensity, and for a shorter time." Freedman and
Hollingshead, American Journal of Psychiatry, CXIII, 770.
See also, Hollingshead and Redlich, Social Class and Mental
Illness, chaps. ix and x, pp. 255-551; Nathaniel H. Siegel,
Robert L. Kahn, Max Pollack, and Max Fink," Social Class,
Diagnosis, and Treatment in Three Psychiatric Hospitals,"
Social Ptoblems, X (Fall, 1962), 191-196; Jerome K. Myers and
Leslie Schaffer, "Social Stratification and Psychiatric
Practice: A Study of an Out-patient Clinic," American Socio-
logical Review, XIX (June, 1954), 507-510; Hollingshead and
Freedman, Social Welfare Forum, 1955, pp. 194-205; Raymond G.
Hunt, "Social Class and Mental Illness: Some Implications for
Clinical Theory and Practice," American Journgi of Psychiatry,
CXVI (June, 1960), 1065-1069; and Davis, Psychiatty, I, 55-65.

78See, for example, Temple Burling, Edith M. Lentz, and
Robert N. Wilson, The Give and Take in HOSpitals (New York:
G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1956); Hollingshead and Redlich, Social
Qiass and Mental Illness, p. 281; and Robert N. Wilson,
"Patient-Practitioner Relationships," Handbook of Medical
Sociology, ed. Howard E. Freeman, Sol Levine, and Leo G.
Reeder (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice—Hall, 1965),
chap. xi, pp. 275-295.

99

are such various things as posthospital performance of mental

4

patients,7 premarital sexual permissiveness,7s boys' choice

of authority roles,78 discussion about local affairs,77

8

portrayal of television characters,7 attitudes about social

9 0

distance,7 adjustment to the urban community,8 rates of

81

church attendance, mail responses to queries of social

 

74See, for example, Howard E. Freeman and Ozzie Simmons,
Social Class and PosthOSpital Performance," American Socio-
logical Review, XXIV (June, 1959), 545-551.

75See, for example, Ira L. Reiss, "Class and Premarital
Sexual Permissiveness: A Re-examination," American Socio-
logical Review, XXX (October, 1965), 747-756.

76See, for example, Eleanor E. Maccoby, "Class Differ-
ences in Boys' Choices of Authority Roles,‘I Sociometty, XXV
(March, 1962), 117-119.

77See, for example, Erwin L. Linn, "Social Stratification
of Discussions about Local Affairs," The American Journal of
§ogiology, LXXII (May, 1967), 660-668.

78See, for example, Frank Gentile and S. M. Miller,
"Television and Social Class," Sociology and Social Research,
XLV (April, 1961), 259-264; and Dallas W. Smythe, "Reality
as Presented by Television," Public Opinion Quarterly, XVIII
(Summer, 1954), 145-156.

79See, for example, Harry C. Triandis and Leigh M.
Triandis, "Race, Social Class, Religion, and Nationality as
Determinants of Social Distance," Journal of Abnormal and
Socigi_Psychology, LXI (July, 1960), 110-115.

80See, for example, Lyle W. Shannon and Elaine Krass,
"The Urban Adjustment of Immigrants: The Relationship of
Education to Occupation and Total Family Income," The Pacific
Sociological Review, VI (Spring, 1965), 57-42.

Blsee, for example, Victor Obenhaus, W. Widick Schroeder,
and Charles D. England, "Church Participation Related to
Social Class and Type of Center," Rural Sociology, XXIII
(September, 1958), 298-508; and Erich Goode, "Social Class
and Church Participation," The American Journal oi Sociology,
LXXII (July, 1966), 102—111.

t 'J '1
1

It!

100

2 3

researchers,8 parental roles,8 choice of movies,84 self-

85 86 87

conceptions, alcoholic psychoses, authoritarianism,

8

public Opinion,8 emotional instability,89 use of leisure

 

82See, for example, Clark E. Vincent, "Socioeconomic
Status and Familial Variables in Mail Questionnaire ReSponses,"
The American Journal of Sociology, LXIX (May, 1964), 647-655;
and Ludwig L. Geismar and Michael A. LaSorte, "Research Inter-
viewing with Low-income Families,“ Social Work, VIII (April,
1965), 10—15.

83See, for example, Susan Smart, “Social Class Differ-
ences in Parent Behavior in a Natural Setting," Journal of
Marriage and the Family, XXVI (May, 1964), 225-225; and Donald
Gilbert McKinley, Social Class and Family Life (New York:
The Free Press, 1964).

84See, for example, L. H. Jacobs, "Social Class Differ-
ences in Children's Choice of Movies" (unpublished doctoral
dissertation, University of Chicago, 1948).

85See, for example, James Bieri and Robin Lobeck,
"Self-concept Differences in Relation to Identification,
Religion, and Social Class," Journal of Abnormal and Social
.Psychology, LXII (January, 1961), 94-98; and Thomas S.
McPartland and John H. Cumming, “Self-conception, Social
Class, and Mental Health," Human Organization, XVII (Fall,
1958), 24-29.

86See, for example, Robert E. L. Paris and H. Warren
Dunham, Mental Disorders in Urban Areas (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1959), especially pp. 110-125; and Robert
E. Clark, "The Relationships of Alcoholic Psychoses Commit-
ment Rate tx>Occupational Income and Occupational Prestige,"
Amepican Sociological Review, XIV (August, 1949), 559-545.

87See, for example, Seymour Martin Lipset, "Democracy
and Working-class Authoritarianism," American Sociological
Review, XXIV (August, 1959), 482-501.

88See, for example, Mills, chaps xiii and xiv, pp. 298-
542; and Louis Harris, "Election Polling and Research,"
Public Opinion Quarteriy, XXI (Spring, 1957), 108-116.

89See, for example, Joel B. Montague, Jr., "Social Class
and Emotional Instability," Research Studies of the State
College of Washington, XVIII (September, 1950), 152-158; and
Freedman and Hollingshead, American Journal of Psychiatry,
CXIII, 769-775.

101

O 1

time,9 peer-grOUp relationships,9 personality types,92

3 94

religious preferences,

funeral practices,9 political party

 

90See, for example, Margherita MacDonald, Carson McGuire,
and Robert J. Havighurst, "Leisure Activities and the Socio-
economic Status of Children," The American Journal of Sociology,
LIV (May,1949), 505-519; R. Clyde White, "Social Class'Differ-
ences in the Uses of Leisure," The American Journal of Soci-
ology, LXI (September, 1955), 145-150; Alfred C. Clarke, "The
Use of Leisure and Its Relation to Social Stratification"
(an unpublished doctoral dissertation, Ohio State University,
1955); H. Douglas Sessoms, "An Analysis of Selected Variables
Affecting Outdoor Recreation Patterns," Social Forces, XLII
(October, 1965), 112-115; Alfred C. Clarke, "The Use of Leisure
and Its Relation to Levels of Occupational Prestige," American
Sociological Review, XXI (June, 1956), 501-507; and Leonard
Reissman, "Class, Leisure, and Social Participation," American
Sociological Review, XIX (February, 1954), 76-84.

Slsee, for example, Lloyd Allen Cook, "An Experimental
Sociographic Study of a Stratified Tenth Grade Class,"
American Sociological Review, X (April, 1945), 250-261; Morton
E. King, Jr., "Socio-economic Status and Sociometric Choice,"
Sopial Forces, XXXIX (March, 1961), 199—206; Edward O, Laumann
and Louis Guttman, "The Relative Associational Contiguity of
Occupations in an Urban Setting," American Sociological Review,
.XXXI (April, 1966), 169-178; Richard F. Curtis, "Differential
Association and the Stratification of the Urban Community,"
Social Forces, XLII (October, 1965), 68-77; Bernice L.
Neugarten, "Social Class and Friendship Among School Children,"
The American Journal of Sociology, LI (November, 1946), 505-
515.

92See, for example, Robert J. Havighurst, "Social Class
and Basic Personality," Sociology and Social Research, XXXVI
(July-August, 1952), 555-565; William H. Sewell, "Social
Class and Childhood Personality," Sociometty, XXIV (November,
1961), 540-556; Charles McArthur, "Personality Differences
Between Middle and Upper Classes," Journal of Abnormal and
SociaiiPsycholpgy, L (March, 1955), 247-254; Archibald O.
Haller and Shailer Thomas, "Personality Correlates of the
Socio-Economic Status of Adolescent Males," Sociometry, XXV
(December, 1962), 598-404.

93See, for example, William M. Kephart, "Status After
Death," American Sociological Review, XV (October, 1950),
655-645; Frank W. Young, "Graveyards and Social Structure,"
Rpgal Sociology, XXV (December, 1960), 446-450; and William

102

5

preferences,9 participation in voluntary associations,96

leadership in voluntary associations,97 dental health,98

 

A. Faunce and Robert L. Fulton, "The Sociology of Death:
A Neglected Area of Research," Social Forces, XXXVI (March,
1956), 208.

94See, for example, Liston Pope, "Religion and the Class
Structure," The Annals of the American Academy of Political
and Social Science, CCLVI (March, 1948), 84-91; and Hadley
Cantril, "Educational and Economic Composition of Religious
Grou S," The American Journal of Sociology, XLVII (March,
1945 , 574-579.

95See, for example, Lipset, pp. 250—278 and 505-551;
and Harris, Public Qpinion Qparterly, XXI, 108-116.

96See, for example, Herbert Goldhamer, "Some Factors
Determining Participation in Voluntary Associations“ (unpub—
lished doctoral dissertation, University of Chicago, 1941);
Herbert Goldhamer and Noel P. Gist, "Social Clubs and Fraternal
Societies," Development oiiCollective Enterprises, ed. Seba
Eldridge et al. (Lawrence: University of Kansas, 1945), pp.
161-182; George Lundberg, Mirra Komarovsky and M. G. McIvery,
Leisure, A Suburban Study (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1954); Walter L. Baeumler, "The Correlates of Formal
Participation Among High School Students," Sociological
Inguiry, XXXV (Spring, 1965), 255-240; Mirra Komarovsky, "The
Voluntary Associations of Urban Dwellers," American Socio-
logical Review, XI (December, 1946), 686-698; Floyd Dotson,
"Patterns of Voluntary Associations among Working Class
Families," American Sociological Review, XVI (October, 1951),
687-695; Nicholas Babchuk and C. Wayne Gordon, The Voluntaty,
Association in the Slum (Lincoln, Nebraska: University of
Nebraska Press, 1962); Wendell Bell and Maryanne T. Force,
"Urban Neighborhood Types and Participation in Formal Associ-
ations," American Sociological Review, XXI (February, 1956),
25-54; William G. Mather, "Income and Social Participation,"
American Socipipgicai,Review, VI (June, 1941), 580-585; Carol
Slater, "Class Differences in Definition of Role and Member—
ship in Voluntary Associations among Urban Married Women,"
The American Journal of Socioiogy, LXV (May,.1960), 616-619;
Morris Axelrod, "Urban Structure and Urban Participation,"
American Sociological Review, XXI (February, 1956), 15-18;
Charles R. Wright and Herbert H. Hyman, "Voluntary Associ-
ation Membership of American Adults: Evidence from National
Sample Surveys," American Sociological Review, XXIII (June,
1958), 284-294; Wendell Bell and Maryanne T. Force, "Social
Structure and Participation in Different Types of Formal
Associations," Social Forces, XXXIV (May, 1956), 545-550;

105

99 100

expenditure patterns, use of hospital facilities, and

toilet training101 and other childrearing practices.102

 

Louis H. Orzack and L. Wesley Wager, "A Study of Mass Volun-
tary Behavior," Public OpinionQQuarteriy, XX (Winter, 1956-
1957), 725-725; John C. Scott, Jr., "Membership and partici-
pation in Voluntary Associations," American Sociological
Review, XXII (June, 1957), 515-526; Howard E. Freeman, Edwin
Novak, and Leo G. Reeder, "Correlates of Membership in Volun-
tary Associations," American Sociological Review, XX (October,
1957), 528-555; Odell Uzzell, "Institution Membership in
Relation to Class Levels," Sociology and Social Research,
XXXVII (July, 1955), 590-594; Frederick A. Bushee, "Social
Organizations in a Small City," The American Journal of
Sociology, LI (November, 1945), 217—226; John M. Foskett,
"Social Structure and Social Participation," American Socio-
logical Review, XX (August, 1955), 451-458; Alvin H. Scaff,
"The Effect of Commuting on Participation in Voluntary
Organizations," American Sociological Review, XVI (April,
1952), 215-220; William Spinrad, "Correlates of Trade Union
Participation: A Summary of the Literature," American Socio-
logical Review, XXV (April, 1960), 257-244; and Lipset, chap.
1V, pp. 79-105.

 

 

 

 

 

97See, for example, Mather, American Sociological Review,
VI, 580-585.

98For example, the rate of edentulous persons in the
pOpulation (United States) decreases Sharply with increasing
income. National Health Survey, Loss of Teeth: United
States (Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office,
1960), Public Health Service publication no. 1000, series B,
no. 22. See also, Talbert, Journal of Health and Human
Behavior, III, 128-152.

 

 

99See, for example, Handel and Rainwater, Sociology and
Social Research, XLVIII, 281-288; and Kathryn R. Murphy,
"Contrast in Spending by Urban Families," Monthiy Labor Review,
LXXXVII (November, 1964), 1249-1255.

 

 

100Edward G. Stockwell, "Socioeconomic Status and Mortal-
ity," U. S. Public Health Service Reports, LXXVI (January,
1961), 1081-1086; and Graham, Handbook of Medical Sociology,
p. 76.

101See, for example, Allison Davis and Robert J. Havighurst,
"Social Class and Color Differences in Child Rearing,"
American Sociological Review, XI (December, 1946), 698-710;
and Alfred Yankhauer, Walter E. Boek, Edwin D. Lawson, and

104

Sociologists have also heavily documented class differentials

about such pithy social facts as residential segregation,103

 

Francis A. J. Ianni, "Social Stratification and Health Prac-
tices in Child-bearing and Child-rearing," American Journal
of gublic Health, XLVIII (June, 1958), 752-741.

10aSee, for example, Eleanor E. Maccoby, Patricia K.
Gibbs, and the Staff of the Laboratory of Human Development
at Harvard University, "Methods of Child-rearing in Two Social
Classes," Readings in Child Development, ed. William E. Martin
and Celia Burns Stendler (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World,
1954), PP- 580-596; Urie Bronfenbrenner, "Socialization and
Social Class Through Time and Space," Readings in Social Ppy-
chology, ed. Eleanor E. Maccoby, Theodore M. Newcomb, and
Eugene L. Hartley (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston,
1958), third edition, pp. 400-425; Robert J. Havighurst and
Allison Davis, "A Comparison of the Chicago and Harvard Stud-
ies of Social Class Differences in Child Rearing," American
Sociological Review, XX (August, 1955), 458-442; Kathryn P.
SEESen and Gerald R. Leslie, "Research on Childrearing Prac-
tices and Social Class: A Methodological Critique" (an un-
published paper presented to the Ohio Valley Sociological
Society, 1966); Urie Bronfenbrenner, "The Changing American
Child--A Speculative Analysis," Merrill-Palmer_Quarterly of
Behavior and Development, VII (April, 1961), 75-84; Melvin
L. Kohn, "Social Class and Parental Values," The American
Journal of Sociology, LXIV (January, 1959), 557-552; Robert
R. Sears, Eleanor E. Maccoby, and Harry Levin, Patterns of
Childrearing (Evanston, Illinois: Row, Peterson and Company,
1957); Walter E. Boek, Marvin B. Sussman, and Alfred Yankhauer,
"Social Class and Child Care Practices," Marriage and Family
Living, XX (November, 1958), 526-555; Richard A. Littman,
Robert A. Moore, and John Pierce-Jones, "Social Class Differ-
ences in Childrearing: A Third Community for Comparison with
Chicago and Newton, Massachusetts," American Sociological
Review, XXII (December, 1957), 694-704; Melvin L. Kohn,
"Social Class and Parent-Child Relationships: An Interpre-
tation," The American Journal of Sociology, LXVIII (January,
1965), 471-480; and Ethelyn H. Klatskin, "Shifts in Child
Care Practices in Three Social Classes Under an Infant Care
Program of Flexible Methodology," American Journal of Ortho-
psychiatry, XXII (January, 1952), 52-61; Melvin L. Kohn,
"Social Class and the Exercise of Parental Authority,"
American Sociological Review, XXIV (June, 1959), 552-566; and
Psathas, American Sociological Review, XXII, 415-425; and
Catherine S. Chilman, "Child-Rearing and Family Relationship
Patterns of the Very Poor," Welfare in Review, III (January,
1965), 9-15.

 

 

105

quality of housing,104 treatment by bureaucratic officials,105

educational opportunity,106 educational achievement,107 the

 

lossee, for example, Otis Dudley Duncan and Beverly
Duncan, "Residential Distribution and Occupational Stratifi-
cation," The American Journal of Sociology, LX (January, 1955),
495-505; Peter Collison and John Mogey, "Residence and Social
Class in Oxford," The American Journal of Sociology, LXIV
(March, 1959), 599-605; Eugene S. Uyeki, "Residential Distribu-
tion and Stratification, 1950-1960," The American Journal of
Sociology, LXIX (March, 1964), 491-498; and Alan B. Wilson,
“Residential Segregation of Social Classes and ASpirations of
High School Boys," American Sociolpgical Review, XXIV
(December, 1959), 856-845.

 

1°4See, for example, Alvin L. Schorr, Poor Kids: A Report
on Children in Poverty (New York: Basic BoOkS, 1966), pp. 15
and 24; and Alvin L. Schorr, Slums and Social Insecurity
(Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1965),
Social Security Administration, research report no. 1.

105See, for example, Gideon Sjoberg, Richard A. Brymer,
and Buford Farris, "Bureaucracy and the Lower Class,"
Sociology and Social Research, L (April, 1966), 525-557; and
Richard M. Elman, The Poorhouse State: The American Way of
Life on Public Assistance (New York: Pantheon Books, 1966).

106See, for example, Patricia Cayo Sexton, Education and
Tpcome: Ineqpalities in our Public Schools (New York: Viking
Press, 1964); Raymond A. Mulligan, "Socio-economic Background
and College Enrollment," American Sociological Review, XVI
(April, 1951), 188-196; Elbridge Sibley, "Some Demographic
Clues to Stratification," American Sociological Review, VII
(June, 1942), 522-550; C. Arnold Anderson, "Social Class Dif-
ferentials in the Schooling of Youth Within the Regions and
Community-size Groups of the United States," Social Forces,
XXV (May, 1947), 454-440; and Lynd and Lynd, pp. 185-186.

107See, for example, William H. Sewell and Vimal P. Shah,
"Socioeconomic Status, Intelligence and the Attainment of
Higher Education," Sociology of Education, XL (Winter, 1967),
1-25; Bruce K.chkland, "Academic Ability, Higher Education,
and Occupational Mobility," American Sociological Review, XXX
(October, 1965), 755-746; Bruce K. Eckland, "Social Class and
College Graduation: Some Misconceptions Corrected," Thg
American Journal of Sociology, LXX (July, 1964), 56-50; F. L.
Babcock, The U. S. College Graduate (New York: Macmillan
Company, 1941); Allison Davis, Social-class influences Upon
Learning (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1948); Lynd

 

106

distribution of college scholarships,108 the rate of war

casualties,109 the distribution of legal justice,110 and

 

and Lynd, pp. 185-186; Sibley, American Sociological Review,
VII, 522-550; Anderson, Social Forces, XXV, 454-440; Patricia
Cayo Sexton, "Social Class and Pupil Turn-over Rates,"
Journal of Educational Sociology, XXXIII (November, 1959),
151-154; Bernard Barber, "Social-class Differences in Educa-
tional Life-chances," Teachers College Record, LXIII (Novem-
ber, 1961), 102-115; A. Little and J. Westergaard, "The Trend
of Class Differentials in Educational Opportunity in England
and Wales," The British Journal of Sociology, XV (December,
1964), 501-516; E. Grant Youmans, "Factors in Educational
Attainment," Rural Sociology, XXIV (March, 1959), 24-28;
Sexton, Education and Income; Mulligan, American Sociological
Review, XVI, 188-196; Horace Mann Bond, "Talents and Toilets,"
Journal of Negro Education, XXVIII (Winter, 1959), 5-14;
Robert E. Herriott and Nancy Hoyt St. John, Social Class and
The Urban School: The impact of Pupil Background on Teachers
and Principals (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1966),
pp. 45-50; and Alan B. Wilson, "Social Stratification and
Academic Achievement," Education in Depressed Areas, ed. A.
Harry Passow (New York: Bureau of Publications, Teachers
College, Columbia University, 1965), pp. 217-255.

 

 

108For example, according to a study by Horace Mann
Bond, a student whose father is a "professional, technical,
or kindred worker" has one chance in 12,672 to win a National
Merit Scholarship award, while a student whose father is a
"laborer, except farm and mine, has only one chance in ,
5,581,570. Horace Mann Bond, "The Productivity of National
Merit Scholars by Occupational Class," School and Society,
LXXXV (September 28, 1957), 267-268. See also: Sexton,
Education and_income, pp. 159-161.

109See, for example, Albert J. Mayer and Thomas Ford
Hoult, "Social Stratification and Combat Survival," Social
Forces, XXXIV (December, 1955), 155-159.

110See, for example, Attorney General's Committee on
Poverty and the Administration of Federal Criminal Justice
(Francis A. Allen, chairman), Poverty and the Administration
of Federal Criminal Justice (Washington, D.C.: U. S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, 1965); Jerome E. Carlin and Jan Howard,
"Legal Representation and Class Justice," U. C. L. A. Law
Review, XII (January, 1965), 581-457; Jerome H. Skolnick,
"The“SoCiOlogy of Law in America: Overview and Trends,"
Law and Society, supplement to Social Problems, XIII (Summer,
1965), especially 11-15; Austin L. Porterfield, Youth in
Trouble (Fort Worth: Leo Potishman Foundation, 1946), p. 41;

107

the distribution of power.111

 

F. Ivan Nye, James F. Short, and Virgil J. Olson, "Socio-
economic Status and Delinquent Behavior,“ The American Journal
of Sociology, LXIII (January, 1958), 584-588; Walter Reckless,
The Crime Problem (New York: Appleton-Century—Crofts, 1950),
pp. 57-60; Robert Hardt, "Delinquency and Social Class:
Studies of Juvenile Deviation or Police Dispositions?" (an un-
published research report, Syracuse University Youth DevelOp-
ment Center, December, 1964); Clarence Darrow, "Crime and
Criminals: Address to the Prisoners in the Cook County Jail,
1902," Attorney for the Damned, ed. Arthur Weinberg (New York:
Simon and Schuster, 1961), 5-15; George E. Bodine, "Factors
Related to Police Reférrals to Juvenile Court" (an unpublished
paper presented at the American Sociological Association meet—
ings, 1964); Martin Gold, Status Forces in Delinquent Boys
(Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 1965),
pp. 9-11; Albert J. Reiss, Jr., and Albert L. Rhodes, "A Socio-
psychological Study of Conforming and Deviating Behavior

Among Adolescents" (Iowa City, Iowa: State University of
Iowa, mimeographed, 1959), chap. viii; Yona Cohen, "Criteria
for the Probation Officers Recommendations to the Juvenile
Court Judge," Crime and Delinguency, IX (July, 1965), 265-274;
Nathan Goldman, The Differential Selection of Juvenile Of-
fenders for Court Appearance (New York: National Council on
Crime and Delinquency, 1965); George W. O'Connor and Nelson

A. Watson, Juvenile Delinquency and Youth Crime: The Police
Role (Washington: International Association of Chiefs of
Police, 1964), p. 154; Irving Piliayin and Scott Briar,
"Police Encounters with Juveniles," American Journal of Soci-
ology, LXX (September, 1964), 206-214; Stuart S. Nagel, "The
Tipped Scales of American Justice," Trans-action, III (May-
June, 1966), 5-9; Lee Silverstein, Defense of the Poor in
Criminal Cases (New York: American Bar Foundation, 1955);
Harold S. Trebach, The Rationing of Justice (New Brunswick,
New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1964); and Dallin H.
Oaks and Warren Lehman, "Lawyers for the Poor," Trans-action,
IV (July-August, 1967), 25-29.

111See, for example, Allen Potter, "The American Govern-
ing Class," The British Journal ofi§pciology, XIII (December,
1962), 509-519; Todashi Yagi, "An Examination of the Theory
of Class Power," Japanese Sociological Review, XIII (June,
1962), 59-84; C. Wright Mills, "The Structure of Power in
American Society," The British Journal of Sociology, IX
(March, 1958), 29-41; Mills, ThpiPower Elite; Floyd Hunter,
Community Power Structure (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1955); Ralf Dahrendorf, "Recent Changes in
the Class Structure of European Societies," Daedalus, XCIII
(Winter, 1964), 225-270; Robert E. Agger, "Power Attributions

108

in the Local Community: Theoretical and Research Considera—
tions," Social Fpices, XXXIV (May, 1956), 522-551; and
Melvin M. Tumin, "Social Class," A_Qictionary of the Social
Sciences, ed. Julius Gould and William L. Kolb (New York:
The Free Press, 1964), p. 649.

 

CHAPTER V
CODA: WEBER'S CONCEPTION OF CLASS

American sociologists have by and large misinterpreted

Max Weber's ideas about social stratification.1

According
to Weber, class, status, and power are not the dimensions
of class stratification (nor, for that matter, of social

stratification).2 These concepts are not even of the "same

 

1The only notable exception is, I think, Reissman.
Leonard Reissman, Class in American Society (New York: The
Free Press of Glencoe, 1959), pp. 56-69.

2As a matter of clarity it Should be noted that not all
scholars agree on this point. For example, Mayer refers to
these concepts as the "dimensions" of stratification. Kurt
Mayer, Class and Society (New York: Random House, 1955), pp.
22-28. Montague calls them "units." Joel B. Montague, Jr.,
Class and Nationality: English and Amptican Studies (New
Haven, Connecticut: College and University Press, 1965), p.
27. Keller refers to them as "rewards." Suzanne Keller,
Beyond the Rulipg Cigss: Strategic_§iites in Modern Society
(New York: Random House, 1965), p. 185. Kahl calls them
"orders." Joseph A. Kahl, The American Class Structure
(New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1957), p. 5. Accord-
ing to Demerath, they are "types." N. J. Demerath, III,
Social Qiass in Ametican Protestantism (Chicago: Rand
McNally and Company, 1965), p. 150. According to Svalastoga,
they are "criteria." Kaare Svalastoga, "Social Differentia-
tion," Handbook of Modern Sociology, ed. Robert E. L. Faris
(Chicago: Rand McNally and Company, 1964), p. 556. Still,
most scholars are themselves not consistent about the use of
terms in this regard.

Moreover, although most sociologists refer to the three
dimensions of stratification as "class, status, and power"
(following the title suggestion of the well-known Bendix and
Lipset readers), not all scholars do. Ostensibly, there is
substantial disagreement over what the three dimensions are

109

110

logical kind."3 Class and status are modes of stratifica-
tion (different modes at that). Power is not. Neither is
party. Power is the "essence" of stratification whatever
its mode (class or status), whatever its form or manifes-
tation (caste, class, estate, or status group), and what-
ever its source (economic, political, or social). Parties

are voluntary organizations and, according to Weber, are

 

(or, at least, over the choice of words used to refer to
these dimensions). The concepts class, status, and power
are most often used. See, for example, Reinhard Bendix and
Seymour Martin Lipset (eds.), Class, Status, and Power:

A Reader in Social Stratification,(Glencoe, Illinois: The
Free Press, 1955); Reinhard Bendix and Seymour Martin Lipset
(eds.), Class, Status, and Power: Social Stratification in
Comparative Perspective (New York: The Free Press, 1966);
and Ely Chinoy, Society: An Introduction to Sociology

(New York: Random House, 1967), chap. viii, pp. 168-208.
Sometimes "class, status, and authority" are used. See,
Seymour Martin Lipset and Reinhard Bendix, Social MObility
in Industrial Society (Berkeley, California: University of
California Press, 1962), p. 266. Svalastoga refers to them
as "wealth, honor, and power." Kaare Svalastoga, Social Dif-
ferentiation (New York: David McKay, 1965), p. 9. Still
other sociologists refer to the dimensions as "class, status,
and party.“ See, for example, Montague, p. 27; and Kahl, p.
5. Tumin refers to the dimensions as "property, power, and
prestige." Melvin M. Tumin, Social Stratification: The
Forms and Functions of_ipeguality (Englewood Cliffs, New
Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1967), p. 6.

Finally, it should be noted that sociologists also dis-
agree about the number of dimensions of stratification which
Weber identified. Most sociologists say three. See, for
example, Mayer, pp. 22-28. Thernstrom says two. Stephan
Thernstrom, Poverty and Progress: Social Mobility in a Nine-
teenth Century City (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard Uni-
versity Press, 1964), p. 115. Svalastoga says four.
Svalastoga, Handbook of Modern Sociology, p. 556; and
Svalastoga, Social Differentiation, p. 56.

 

3W. G. Runciman, Relative Deprivation and Social Jus-
tice: A Study of Attitudes to Social Ippguality in Twentieth-
Century England (Berkeley, California: University of Cali-
fornia Press, 1966), p. 57.

111

not universal.4 Moreover, status groups are community (or
intra-community) phenomena and, therefore, by definition,
do not extend beyond a community.5

Weber wrote two major essays about social stratifi-
cation. One, translated by Hans Gerth and C. Wright Mills

and originally published in Politics, has been widely cited

 

by American sociologists.6 This essay, which Weber entitled

"Distribution of Power in Community: Classes, Status Groups,

"7

Parties, was translated under the title of "Class, Status,

 

4"Parties are, therefore, only possible within communi-
ties that are societalized, that is, which have some rational
orderhand a staff or persons available who are ready to en-
force it. For parties aim precisely at influencing this
staff and, if possible, to recruit it from party followers."
Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and
ed. H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 1958), p. 194.

5"In contrast to classes, status groups are normally
communities." Ibid., p. 186.

6Max Weber, "Class, Status, Party," trans. and ed. H. H.
Gerth and C. Wright Mills, Politics, I (October, 1944), 271-
278. This essay has been reprinted in several sources. See,
for example, Gerth and Mills (trans. and eds.), From Max
Weber, pp. 180-195; C. Wright Mills (ed.), Tmages of Man:

The Classic Ttadition in Sociological Thinking (New York:
George Braziller, 1960)jpp. 121-155; Bendix and Lipset,
Class, Status, and PoWer: A Reader in Social Stratification,
pp. 65-75; Bendix and Lipset, Class, Statusytand Power:
Social Stratification in Comparative Perspective, pp. 21-28;
and S. M. Miller (ed.), Max Weber (New York: Thomas Y.
Crowell Company, 1965), pp. 42-58.

7Max Weber, "Machtverteilung innerhalb der Gemeinschaft:
Klassen, Sténde, Parteien," Wirtschaft und Gasellschaft:
Grundriss der Verstehenden Soziologie, ed. Johannes Winckel—
mann (Tfibingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1956), II, 551-540.

112

Party."8

.Why the translators deleted the major part of the
title and altered the subtitle is not known. The alteration
in the title, however, plus the author's (Weber) arrangement
of material, may partially explain why American sociologists
have erroneously interpreted the concepts of class, status,
and power as constituting three coequal and exclusive di-
mensions of stratification.9

The title of Weber's other major essay about stratifica-
tion was also dramatically changed in translation. The essay
that Weber entitled simply, "Status Groups and Classes,"10
was translated by Talcott Parsons as "Social Stratification

"11

and Class Structure. This essay has been largely ignored

by American sociologists.

 

8Weber, Politics, I, 271.

9In the introduction to the second edition of their
reader, Bendix and Lipset note, "Titles of books are not the
place to resolve difficulties of conceptualization, and we
have decided to retain our original title in this second edi-
tion. But we are uncomfortably aware that in choosing it
originally we were swayed by its euphonious appeal and failed
to pay attention to the fact that classes and status-groups
are themselves bases of aggregations of power." Emphasis
mine. Reinhard Bendix and Seymour Martin Lipset, "Introduc-
tion," Class, Status, and Power: Social Stratification in
Comparative Perspective, ed. Reinhard Bendix and Seymour
Martin Lipset (New York: The Free Press, 1966), p. xvi.

10Max Weber, "Sténde und Klassen," Wirtschaft und Gesell—
schaft: Grundriss dsr Verstehenden Soziologie, ed. Johannes
Winckelmann (Tfibingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1956), I, 177.

11Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organi-
zation, trans. A. M. Henderson, and trans. and ed. Talcott
Parsons (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1947), p. 424.
Parsons alone, however, was responsible for translating and
editing this particular essay., Ibid., p. v.

115

I
According to Max Weber, the essence of stratification

is power:12 Social stratification is the institutionalized

unequal distribution Of power. "Power," said Weber, is

"the chance of a man or of a number of men to realize their

own will in a communal action even against the resistance

of others who are participating in the action."13

According to Weber, there are two fundamental modes of

social stratification (ways which inequality is institution-

alized in society): class stratification and status strati-

fication. These modes coexist, although one is usually

 

12"Interestingly enough, this emphasis upon power, upon
which the meaning of Weber's theory of stratification depend-
ed, has been almost totally overlooked by many sociologists.
Few theories and fewer research designs have done anything
with Weber's system, nor has either picked up the cue of
power as the central focus for the study of class." Reissman,
p. 58. Keller does note the centrality of power in Weber's
study of class, but after only a couple of fleeting comments
she turns away from his ideas. Keller, pp. 185-184.

13Weber, From Max Weber, p. 180. It should be noted that
according to Weber's definition of power it was not necessary
for? "power to be actually exercised. The probability of its
sucxzess was sufficient, for the power was just as potent and
real..if its possible use caused persons to alter their origi-
nal. intentions as it Would be if actually employed. In truth,
there would be little difference." Reissman, p. 58. Moreover,
Weber "did not, it should be noted, include the capacity to
gait; one's ends all the time on every issue. Instead, he
§Peéfl<s of the 'chance,‘ the probability of such, thus avoid-
lng‘VWhat seems to be an unduly stringent requirement that even
thetmost arbitrary and powerful elite could not meet. Weber's
emP*NiSis upon opposition is also a critical factor; it not
onli’ISharpens the test of power, but postulates an essential
condition of pluralism, namelythat opppsition to an elite is
the 1Dest test of the existence of competing centers of power."
RObert Presthus, Men at the Top: A Study in Community Power
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1964), p. 4.

114

dominant depending, as Weber noted, upon the rapidity of
change in the economic institution.
When the bases of the acquisition and distribution of
goods are relatively stable, stratification by status
is favored. Every technological repercussion and
economic transformation threatens stratification by
status and pushes the class situation into the fore-
ground.l4
Thus, following Weber, most scholars generally refer to
the major forms of stratification in the period prior to the
industrial revolution as "caste" and "estate" systems, where-
in the status mode of stratification predominated.15 In

modern industrial societies, indeed, Since the industrial

revolution, stratification by class has dominated.

 

14Weber, From Max Weber, pp. 195-194. Weber went on to
say that: "Epochs and countries in which the naked class
Situation is of predominant significance are regularly the
periods of technical and economic transformations. And every
slowing down of the shifting of economic stratificat on leads,
in due course, to the growth of status structures and makes
for a resuscitation of the important role of status honor."
Ibid., p. 194.

15Weber treated slavery not as a major system of strati-
ficationlnnzas an estate or status group. "Those men whose
fate is not determined by the chance of using goods or
services for themselves on the market, e.g., slaves, are
not, however, a 'class' in the technical sense of the term.
They are, rather, a 'status group.'" Ibid., p. 185.

"In translating Weber's term Stand, most translators
have used the word 'status.‘ ThiS--though not false--is mis-
leading in that it does not convey the double meaning of the
German Stand as 'status' and 'estate.'" Dahrendorf, p. 7.

As the concepts are used here, an estate form of social
stratification obtains when ". . . the sacred tie of tradi-
tion and the undisputed belief in the historically founded
legitimacy of . . ." [Dahrendorf, p. 7] status groups are

". . . more or less clearly delimited from other strata in
customary or statutory law. . . ." Oliver C. Cox, "Estates,
Social Classes, and Political Classes," American Sociological
Review, X (August, 1945), 464-469. The usage here is also
consistent with the judgment of Bendix and Lipset. They have

115

II

Class, according to Weber, "was objectively determined
by the rational economic processes of the market."16 Class
situation referred to position in the economic strUcture,
and all persons were in one class who shared a common,
"specific causal component of their life chances, in so far
as this component is represented exclusively in economic
interests in the possession of goods and opportunities for
income, and is represented under the conditions of the com-

"17 In other words, class situation

modity or labor markets.
is not Simply "similar life chances," as some scholars have

suggested,18 but rather Similar life chances insofar as

 

stated: "The proper translation of the German word Stand is
estate, and the original meaning of the term was that status-
difference between persons were legally defined, so that
changes in status required legal sanction. Accordingly,

where differences in social rank no longer have such a legal
basis, the term 'status' seems more appropriate, but it is so
general as to be applicable to 'estate-societies' as well."
Bendix and Lipset, Class, Status, and Power: Social Stratifi-
cation in Comparative Perspective, p. xv.

The term Stand has been translated not only as "estate"
and "status group" but also as "esteem" (see, for example,
Weber, From Max Weber, p. 187p, "stratum" (see, for example,
Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, pp.
547-548), "social stratum" (see, for example, Weber, Ths
Theory of Social and Economic Organization, p. 428), and
"prestige" (see, for example, Weber, From Max Weber, p. 180).

16Reissman, p. 58.
17Emphasis mine. Weber, From Max Weber, p. 181.

18Milton M. Gordon, Social Class in American Sociology
(Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1958),
p. 14.

116

these chances are determined by the power of the market
situation. Class situations are thus differentiated accord-
ing to the power manifested in the complex of one's market
relationships; for, in the final analysis, class was estab-
lished by the power one could command by virtue of his market
situation vis-a-vis the power manifested in the market rela-
tionships of others. Wrote Weber:

But always this is the generic connotation of the con-

cept of class: that the kind of chance in the market

is the decisive moment which presents a common condi-

tion for the individual's fate. "Class situation" is,

in this sense, ultimately "market situation."19

Clearly then, for Weber, power was derived from an insti-

tutional position "rather than from any accidental or idio-

syncratic characteristic of particular individuals."20 And

 

19Author's emphasis. Weber, From Max Weber, p. 182.

2°Leonard Reissman, "Social Stratification," Sociology:
An Introduction, ed. Neil J. Smelser (New York: John Wiley
and Sons, 1967), p. 207. In this regard, Presthus is in
error when he contends that "one shortcoming of Weber's
definition is that in focusing upon the individual aSpect of
power, it neglects, to some extent, its more important social
dimensions. This is a crucial omission, for even though the
power of individuals gpg individuals can be empirically de-
termined, such an emphasis overlooks two vital characteris-
tics Of power. One is that individual pgwer is always worked
out within some larger framework of institutional power.
Even Robinson Crusoe's relations with Friday faced this im-
perative. Men are powerful in relation to other men. The
other fact is that the power of any given individual is in
large measure a result of his ability to manipulate this
larger system." Author's emphasis. Presthus, p. 5.
Dahrendorf also contends that Weber's conceptualization of
power is too individualistic: "The important difference be-
tween power and authority consists in the fact that whereas
power is essentially tied to the personality of individuals,
authority is always associated with social positions or roles."
Dahrendorf, p. 166.

 

117

Weber noted that "'property' and 'lack of property' are,

therefore, the basic categories of all class situations.“1

22

Accordingly, a property-ownership class is a class

"insofar as differences in property-ownership primarily

"23 Weber then went on to

determine the class situation.
Specify three major types of class situations which obtained
in terms of property ownership: (a) "positively privileged
property-ownership classes,"24 (2) "negatively privileged
prOperty-ownership classes,"25 and (5) "middle property-

n26

ownership classes, which Weber treated largely as a

residual category.
The positively privileged property-ownership classes

n27

were "typically rentiers, persons with a stable income

from the property they owned. Weber also noted that the kind

 

21Weber, From Max Weber, p. 182.

22The original, Besitzklasse, was translated by both
Parsons and Dahrendorf as "property class." Weber, The Theory
of Social and Economic Organization, p. 424. Ralf Dahrendorf,
Class and Class Conflict in Industrial Society (Stanford,
California: Stanford University Press, 1959), p. 24. Bergel
translated it as "ownership class." Egon Ernest Bergel
Social Stratification (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company,
1962), p. 180.

 

23Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, I, 177-180.
24ipig., 177.

zsipig., 178.

261219-

27Ibid.

118

of property owned, "whether it was men, land, fixed capital

equipment or money assets,"28 was important in the analysis

of class, for it "indicated how power could be manifested."29

Accordingly, he indicated that the positively privileged

property-ownership classes would include:

a)
b)
c)
d)

e)
f)

9)

human rentiers (slaveowners)
land rentiers
mine rentiers
fixed equipment rentiers (owners of plants and
apparatus)
ship owners
creditors and indeed:

. livestock creditors

. grain creditors

. money creditors
securities creditors.3°

Those who were not property-owners, the negatively

privileged property-ownership classes, were, of course,

essentially powerless. They were the debtors, the poor, the

proletariat, and the slaves. According to Weber:

Negatively privileged property-ownership classes are
typically:

a)
b)

c)
d)

possessed objects (unfree--to be in a "status
group"),

the déclassé ("proletarians" in the sense meant in
antiquity),

debtors,

"poor. "31

Between the positively privileged property-ownership

classes and the negatively privileged property-ownership

 

28Reissman, Class in American Society, p. 59.

29Ibid.

30Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, I, 178.

31Ibid.

119

classes were the middle property-ownership classes.
Although Weber recognized that these classes existed, he
gave them only minor consideration in his analysis. He says
of the middle classes that they "are provided with prOperty
or educational qualification"32 and "are in a position to

draw their support from these sources."33

FIGURE 1: PROPERTY-OWNERSHIP CLASSES

 

Basic ClaSs Situations

 

 

Property-ownership Classes Propertied Propertyless
capitalists
creditors

positively land owners

privileged plant and equip-

ment owners
ship owners
slave owners

 

 

"middle and
middle small sized "educationally
property owners" 'qualified'"
debtors
negatively poor
privileged proletariat
slaves

 

 

 

 

Relationships in the commodity and credit markets did

not exhaust the universe of market relationships, however.

 

32Ibid.

33Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization,
p. 425.

120

Not all of the propertyless and the debtors necessarily
occupied precisely the same class situation in the labor
market. Thus, Weber further differentiated class situations
according to the amount and kind of services that could be
Offered for exploitation in an economically relevant manner.
One's position in the labor market formed the essential
basis for what Weber called the "income-acquisition classes."34
Accordingly, an income-acquisition class is a class
"insofar as the chance of making a profit with goods or
services primarily determines the class situation."35 Weber
then went on to Specify three major types of class situations
which obtained in terms of income-acquisition: (1) "posi-
tively privileged income-acquisition classes,"36 (2) "nega-

n37

tively privileged income-acquisition classes, and

(5) "middle income-acquisition classes."38

The positively privileged income-acquisition classes

"39

'were "typically entrepreneurs. They included, according

to Weber:

34The original, Erwerbsklasse, was translated by

.Parsons as "acquisition class." Ibid., p. 424. Dahrendorf
taranslated it as "income class." Dahrendorf, p. 24. Bergel
truanslated it as "occupational class." Bergel, p. 180.

8SWeber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, I, 177.
36Tb_ig., 178.

“gig” 179.

saggig.

39Ibid.

121

a) merchants

b) shipowners

c) industrial entrepreneurs

d) agricultural entrepreneurs

e) bankers and financial entrepreneurs, under certain
circumstances

f) provided with special capabilities or Special
schooling, the "free professions" (lawyers,
physicians, artists),

9) workers with monopolistic qualifications (their
own, or by inheritance, or by schooling).4O

 

 

The negatively privileged income-acquisition classes
were l'typically workers,"41 the proletariats whose class
Situations differed "according to their various qualifica-
tions":42

a) skilled

b) semiskilled

c) unskilled.43

In between the positively privileged income-acquisition
and the negatively privileged income-acquisition classes
were the middle income-acquisition classes "of independent
peasants and craftsmen."44 Furthermore, Weber noted, one
often finds here public and private officials as well as
workers with Special talents, or special schooling, or
Special monopolistic qualifications (their own, or by inheri-

tance, or by schooling).45

 

‘OAuthor's emphasis. Thig., 178-179.
41I214o. 179.

42£2$Qg

431219-

442212-

4SIbid.

122

FIGURE 2: INCOME-ACQUISITION CLASSES

 

Basic Class Situations

Income-acquisition Classes Properties Propertyless

 

independently
wealthy
merchants
industrialists
agriculturalists
bankers
financiers
certain "free pro-
fessionals"
"specially 'quali-
fied'"

ship owners

positively
privileged

 

craftsmen
peasants
Officials
middle certain "free pro-
fessionals"
"specially 'quali-
fied'"

 

skilled

negatively . .
, . . semiskilled
perlleged unskilled

 

 

 

 

 

Thus, according to Weber, class situation is neither a

simple nor a unidimensional phenomenon, as Leonard Reissman,

W. G. Runciman, and Norbert Wiley have correctly pointed out.46

 

46Reissman, pp. 56-69; Runciman, pp. 57-52; and Norbert
Wiley, "America's Unique Class Politics: The Interplay of
the Labor, Credit, and Commodity Markets," American Socio-
logical Review, XXXII (August, 1967), 529-541.

125

Class situation refers not merely to Situation in the labor

market, but to situation in the commodity and credit markets
as well.47 In Weberian terms, class situation is the amoUnt,
kind, and stability of one's relationship to the production,
distribution, and exchange of economic resources in the com-

modity, credit, and labor markets.48

Therefore, in principle
the power over each kind of consumer goods, means of produc-
tion, wealth, capital funds, marketable skills constitutes a
special class situation. . . ."49 With some oversimplifica-
tion, the major dimensions of market Situation which define

one's class situation can be typologized as follows.50

 

47As a matter of clarity, it should be noted that in

one instance Weber implies that situation in the credit mar-
ket is not relevant in determining class situation. In ano-
ther instance, he implies that it is. "We may speak of a
'class' when (1) a number of peiple have in common a Specific
causal component of their life chances, in so far as (2) this
component is represented exclusively by economic interests

in the possession of goods and opportunities for income, and
(5) is represented under the conditions of the commoditytor
labor markets." Emphasis mine. Weber, From Max Weber, p.
181. In another instance, Weber notes: "The creditor-debtor
relation becomes the basis of 'class situations' only in
those cities where a 'credit market,‘ however primitive, with
rates of interest increasing according to the extent of
dearth and a factual monopolization of credits, is developed
by a plutocracy." Emphasis mine. Ibid., p. 185.

48Weber also speaks of the master-slave relationship and
the landlord-tenant relationship but the first does not ob-
tain in modern industrial societies and the second can be
handled adequately as but one of a number of possible rela-
tionships of the commodity market, that is, as a buyer-seller
relationship.

49Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, I, 177.

50This (figure 5) is consistent with the interpretations
of Weber's work by: Reissman, pp. 55-69; Runciman, pp. 57-40;
and, especially, Wiley, American Sociological Review, XXXII,
551-552.

124

FIGURE 5: A PROBATIONARY TYPOLOGY OF THE DIMENSIONS OF CLASS

 

 

SITUATION
Class Consistents
Propertied Propertyless
Market Amount Stability ("High"power) ("Low" power)
Commodity high stable seller
(landlord)
low unstable buyer
(tenant)
Credit high stable creditor
low unstable debtor
Labor high stable owner
(employer)
low unstable worker
(employee)

 

"A social class," according to Weber, "is the totality
of those class situations between which personal and inter-
generational interchange is easily possible and typically

takes place."51

 

51Ibid. This is a very "free" translation. Parsons
has translated the same passage this way: "The 'social
class' structure is composed of the plurality of class
statuses between which an interchange of individuals on a
personal basis or in the course of generations is readily
possible and typically observable." Weber, The Theory of
Social and Economic Organization, p. 424. Parsons' trans-
lationimplies that only one factor, personal exchange for
example, is sufficient where Weber implied that both were
necessary.

 

125

III

These many and various distinctions of class situations
were crucial, for, as Leonard Reissman has pointed out, they
indicated "how power could be manifested."52 For example,
the primary significance of the ownership of property rested
in the fact that it could "confer a means to power"53
through monopoly of the (a) purchase of expensive consumer
goods, (b) sale of goods, (c) Opportunity for accumulating
capital and prOperty through unused surpluses, (d) Opportun-
ity of capital formation through savings, and (e) privileges
of socially advantageous education insofar as it was expen-
Sive.54

The primary Significance of the positively privileged
income-acquisition classes, the "class of entrepreneurs"55
including the bankers, financiers, and others with economical-
ly valuable skills, rested in their ability to monopolize

"56

"the management of the production of goods in their own

interests as well as "the securing of its chances for gain

by the influencing of the economic politics of political and

"57

other associations. As the demand for their services

 

5"“Reissman, Class in American Society, p. 59.
Bagpia., p. 60.

54Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, I, 178.
55Weber, From Max Weber, p. 182.

56Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, I, 178.

57Ibid.

126

increased and the availability of such services decreased,
the chance for monopoly increased. The class of workers,
the negatively privileged income-acquisition classes, held
no such monopoly on skill, and its services were not
eSpecially scarce. "Where labor was available and relatively
unskilled, there was little possibility for economic con-
trol."58 And, unlike the class of entrepreneurs who could
organize their relatively small numbers "to gain greater
control over their Speciality in the market,"59 the class of
workers was numerically huge and "obstacles to its effective
economic organization were that much greater."80

Only by organizing into an effective group with com-

monly recognized goals, that is, by the development

of a "class consciousness," could the proletariat

gain power.61

And, as is well known, Weber did not support the view
that common class situation per se was sufficient to "spon-
taneously generate a common interest and mobilize it [the

II 62

class] into action. As Reissman has pointed out, to

Weber, collective behavior, like any other, "whether it was

 

58Reissman, Class in American Society, p. 60.

59Ibid.

6°Ibid.

61Ibid., p. 61.

621bid., p. 62. "The differentiation of classes on the
basis of property alone is not 'dynamic,‘ that is, it does
not necessarily result in class struggles or class revolu-

tions." Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organiza-
tion, p. 425.

127

buying soap, voting for a president, choosing an OCCUpation
or striving for higher status, depended upon a complexity

of . . . social factors."53

IV

Weber's conceptual scheme for the analysis of class
stratification is dated in some of its Specific labels and
illustrations, but it is, nonetheless, contemporary in its
excellence. "For Weber as for Marx, the basic condition of
'class' lay in the unequal distribution of economic power
and hence the unequal distribution of opportunity."64
Weber's conceptual scheme still offers the most useful method
for analyzing the class structure of modern industrial
societies. It directs the attention of the investigator not
merely to the possession or non-possession of property, but
rather uses this crucial distinction in conjunction with the
complex of market relationships so that it forces the analyst
to view specific elements (such as the amount of income) in
terms of their relationship to the whole. Certainly it is
legitimate to abstract specific elements from the complex of

the social fabric for extensive and exhaustive analysis, but

a full understanding is obtained only when these elements

 

63Reissman, Class in American Society, p. 62.

64Reinhard Bendix, Max Weber: An Intellectual Portrait
(Garden City, New York: DoUbleday and Company, 1962), p. 86.

128

are viewed in their social context; and, the Weberian per-

Spective of class yields this more comprehensive view.

V
In what is probably the most famous wrangle in American
literary history, F. Scott Fitzgerald wrote: "Let me tell
you about the very rich. They are different from you and
me."65 "Yes," replied Ernest Hemingway, "they have more

"66 Hemingway, of course, had the better of the

money.
exchange; even a tautology can be useful. Fundamental to
Hemingway's rejoinder was the implication that the basic

and primary source of the distinctiveness of the rich was

money. Indeed, no matter how long established or with what

 

65F. Scott Fitzgerald, "The Rich Boy," The Stories of
F. Scott Fitzgerald (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons,
1951Y, p. 177.

66"The rich were dull and they drank too much, or they
played too much backgammon. They were dull and they were
repetitious. He remembered poor Scott Fitzgerald and his
romantic awe of them and how he had started a story once that
began, 'The very rich are different from you and me.‘ And
how someone had said to Scott, 'Yes, they have more money.‘
But that was not humorous to Scott. He thought they were a
special glamorous race and when he found they weren't it
wrecked him just as much as any other thing wrecked him."
Ernest Hemingway, "The Snows of Kilimanjaro: A Long Story,"
Esguire, VI (August, 1956), 200. This original publication
of "The Snows of Kilimanjaro" is the only one that identifies
Fitzgerald by name. All other printings of this story refer
instead to "Julian." See, for example, Ernest Hemingway,
The Snows of Kilimanjaro and Other Stories (New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1961), p. 25.

129

privileges, once the rich lose their possessions, they
must begin the long Chekhovian slide downward.67

Nonetheless, while Hemingway (like Karl Marx) empha-
sized the essential basis of class, Fitzgerald (like Max
Weber) stressed the analytical variations on the theme.
Fitzgerald's point analytically disjoins Old and new money:
old money is inherited, new money is not. Still, the differ-
ence is short-lived, for it is usually only a few genera-
tions back to the time when old money was "new." If the
uncouth nouveaux riches--caricatured so well by George
McManus in "Jiggs and Maggie"--are not accepted at first,
their children eventually are. As Weber succinctly phrased
it, "money increasingly buyS--at least on an intergenera-

tional basiS--everything."68

 

67A fuller discussion of this theme (and one which sug-
gested some of the rhetoric of this closing section) is:
"The Rich are Different," Trans-action, I (September-October,
1964), 21-24.

68Author's emphasis. Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft,
I, 179. Parsons translates this as: "In the most highly
privileged classes, at least over the period of more than
one generation, it is coming more and more to be true that
money is overwhelmingly decisive." Weber, The Theory of
Social and Economic Organization, p. 427. Bergel's transla-
tion agrees more with the text, above. For example: ". . .
Max Weber remarked with regard to enormous wealth that
'money buys everything'. . . ." Bergel, p. 192. Later,
Bergel writes: ". . . Max Weber remarked that, once wealth
has reached a certain stage, 'money Simply buys everything'.
. . ." Bergel, p. 555.

APPENDIX

A considerable part of the confusion among sociologists
about the reality and meaning of class stratification in
American society is a consequence not only of the way in
which sociologists generally conceptualize the issue, it is
also a consequence of the way in which they research the
problem.

Sometimes, for example, to ensure excellence in the
data, sociologists researching class phenomena select a
Simple random sample which "creates" a more homogeneous view
of the class structure than that which actually exists.1
In addition, researchers frequently exclude the most disen-
franchised segments of the population (females, Negroes,
farmers, transients, unemployed, etc.) in the interest of
eliminating "contaminating" factors from the analysis and
thereby render simple and unambiguous the interpretation of

the data.2

 

1For a noteworthy exception, as well as a fuller discus-
sion of this point, see Joan Rytina, "The Ideology of American
Stratification" (unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan
State University, 1967).

2For example, a study of the relationship between class
situation and psychiatric and psychosomatic illnesses--which
found no relationship between class and illness--"did not in-
clude people at the very bottom of the economic scale."
Katherine B. Laughton, Carol W. Buck, and G. E. Hobbs, "Socio-
economic Status and Illness," Milbank Memorial FundQQuarterly,
XXXVI (January, 1958), 46-47. Another study which found no

150

151

Similarly, sociologists who use individuals' perceptions
to define the class structure also necessarily "discover" a
more homogeneous class structure than that which actually
exists. Arnold Rose, for example, has shown that:

People who do not know many upper-class peOple do not

attribute to them as high an income as do those who

know more upper-class people, and people who do not

know many lower-class people do not attribute them to

as low an income as do those who know more lower-class

people.3

While many of these kinds of research procedures are used
to try and ensure scientific excellence in the data and to
eliminate "subjective" factors from an area of social life
which is blatantly related to ideology and politics, much of

it also adds alleged "scientific" support to popular and

erroneous contentions about the classlessness of American

 

difference in illness rates, according to class Situation,
eliminated farm occupations from the study population. Saxon
Graham, "Socio-economic Status, Illness, and the Use of Medi-
cal Services," Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly, XXXV (January,
1957), 58-66. And, in their "Oakland Mobility Study," Lipset
and Bendix specifically eliminated from consideration cases
outside the opportunity structure. Seymour Martin Lipset and
Reinhard Bendix, Social Mobility in Industrial Society
(Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1962),
p. 150. In another study dealing with occupational stratifi-
cation, Duncan and Duncan omitted from their analysis, farmers
and farm managers, farm laborers, private household workers,
persons for whom the occupation was not reported, and unem-
ployed persons. Otis Dudley Duncan and Beverly Duncan,
"Residential Distribution and Occupational Stratification,"
The American Journal of Sociology, LX (January, 1955), 495-
505. See also, Raymond A. Mulligan, "Social Characteristics
<Df College Students," American Sociological Review, XVIII
(August, 1955), 505-510.

3Arnold M. Rose, "The Popular Meaning of Class Designa-
tion," Sociology and Social Research, XXXVIII (September-
October, 1955), 18.

152

society.4 Those researches produce study populations more
homogeneous in terms of class situation than that which
actually exists.

One of the most noticeable examples in this regard con-
cerns attempts to describe the general "shape" of the Ameri-
can class structure. In a recent essay entitled "The Chang-
ing Shape of the American Class Structure,"5 Kurt Mayer
concluded that "the most obvious transformation has occurred
in the economic hierarchy which no longer represents a
pyramid with a broad base, a smaller middle and a narrow
top."6 Rather, says Mayer, "America's social structure today
"7

and in the proximate future can be perceived as a diamond.

Mayer supports his interpretation about the shape of the

 

4See, for example: "Worker Loses His Class Identity,"
Business Week (July 11, 1959), pp. 90-98.

 

SKurt B. Mayer, "The Changing Shape of the American
Class Structure," Social Research, XXX (Winter, 1965), 458-
468.

6Ibid., 465.

7Ibid., 468. Elsewhere, Mayer has written: "The redis-
tribution of incomes which began in World War II has trans-
formed the traditional income pyramid into a diamond." Kurt
B. Mayer, "Diminishing Class Differentials in the United
States," Kyklos: International Review for Social Sciences,
XII, Fasc. 4 (1959), 624. Mayer, however, was not the only
scholar to make this interpretation. Indeed, Miller and Rein,

have observed: "In a spirit of 'dazed euphoria,‘ American
social scientists formulated a new natural law of income
equalization." S. M. Miller and Martin Rein, "Poverty and

Social Change," American Child, LXVI (March, 1964), 10. For
an "early" example, see: H. Gordon Hayes, "The Narrowing
Gulf Between Rich and Poor." Harper's Magazine, CXCV (July,
1947), 57-60

155

American class structure by presenting annual income data

in the form of a columnar bar graph (see Figure 4).8

FIGURE 4: THE DISTRIBUTION OF DISPOSABLE CASH INCOME FOR
FAMILIES AND INDIVIDUALS IN THE UNITED STATES
OF AMERICA, 1955

 

 

 

 

 

Cash Income Percent of Income
after Taxes Receiving Units

$7,500

and over 10°C

$4,000

to 54.9

$7,500

$2,000

to 52.2

4,000

Under

$2,000 22.9

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

8Adapted from: Mayer, Kyklos: International Review
for Social Sciences, XII, 609.

154

There are, of course, a number of sociological objections
which one may raise regarding the description presented in
Figure 4. The two objections which are of concern here are:
(1) the false assumption that all persons in each of the four
categories are Similar in terms of their class situations;
and (2) the error of showing each of the four income categor-
ies as being equal units. Although Mayer's graph describes
the differences in terms of the proportion of the population
which falls into each of the four income categories, it does
not show that each of the four income categories differ in
volume. The lowest category, under $2,000, has a range of
only $2,000 while the highest category, $7,500 and over, has
a range of more than $100,000.9

If one were to describe the shape of the American class
structure solely in terms of annual income--but exclusive of
of the two objections raised above--the shape of the American
class structure would look more like a soft drink bottle with

an incredibly long straw, than a diamond, as Figure 5 Shows.10

 

9For example, in 1959 there were approximately 28,000
individual income tax returns with incomes in excess of
$100,000. Herman P. Miller, Rich Man, Poor Man, Signet Books
(New York: The New American Library, 1964), p. 145.

10Adapted from: United States Bureau of the Census,
"Income in 1966 Of Families and Persons in the United States,"
Current POpulation Reports: Consumer Income, Series P-60,
No. 55. (Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office,
1967), table 1, p. 25.

The description presented in Figure 5 is also supportive
of the speculation by Miller and Rein that "the traditional
income pyramid [seems] to be slowly changing into a giant
barrel-shaped distribution." Miller and Rein, American Child,
XLVI, 11.

155

Figure 5: THE "SHAPE" OF THE AMERICAN "CLASS" STRUCTURE IN
TERMS OF ANNUAL TOTAL MONEY INCOME FOR FAMILIES
AND UNRELATED INDIVIDUALS, 1966 . .....

 

 

 

 

 

 

$100,000
$20,000
0)
E
8
a $15,000
H
>«
(D
c:
O
E:
H
r0
4.)
,2 $10, 000
$5,000

Percent of Families and Unrelated Individuals

 

156

Still, to define class situation solely in terms of
earned annual income only gainsays the theoretical insights
of Max Weber; if nothing else, it neglects the differential
distribution of wealth.11 In large measure the pith of
Weber's ideas about class is, of course, that "the structure
of power reflects the structure of class, for class determines
the routes and barriers to advancements up our institutional
hierarchies."12 And wealth is a crucial factor in class
stratification for at least three reasons: first, it enables
the one who possesses it to exercise substantial power over
many other positions; second, it is much more unevenly dis-
tributed than income;13 and, third, it is transmissible from
generation to generation in a way that education, experience,

and other occupationally-related skills are not.14

 

11Wealth has been much neglected in the American study
of social stratification as other scholars have Observed.
See, for example, Donald G. MacRae, "Social Stratification:
A Trend Report," Current Sociology, II, NO. 1 (1955-1954),
26-28; and Louis Wirth, "Social Stratification and Social
Mobility in the United States," Current Sociology, II, No. 4
(1955-1954), 279-505.

1‘E’John Porter, The Vertical Mosaic: An Analysis of
Social Class and Power in Canada (Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, 1965), p. 5.

13For example, in the United States of America the top
one percent of the families in terms of annual earned income,
those with annual incomes of $25,000 or more, "had a median
net worth of about one-quarter of a million dollars." Miller,
p. 145.

l4Horowitz, for example, reports that "distribution of
wealth, in the form of monies and bonds, has remained virtual-
ly the same since 1929." Irving Louis Horowitz, Three Worlds
Of Develppment: The Theory and Practice of International
Stratification (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966),
p. 9.

157

Max Weber's understanding of class stratification still
Offers the sociologist the best vantage point for viewing
the class structure of American society; but the translation
of Weber's conceptual scheme into the empirical reality of
our time and place is still unaccomplished. In an attempt
to suggest the character and direction of that translation,
however, "a probationary neo-Weberian typology of the general
outline of the American class structure" is presented as

Figure 6.

158

A PROBATIONARY NEO-WEBERIAN TYPOLOGY OF THE

FIGURE 6

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

GENERAL OUTLINE OF THE AMERICAN CLASS STRUCTURE1

 

 

 

  
   

 

 

 

 

 

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542-550.

Adams, Stuart. "Fact and Myth in Social Class Theory."
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Adams, Stuart. "Regional Differences in Vertical
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American Sociological Review, XV (April, 1950),

 

228-255.
Adams, Stuart. "Trends in Occupational Origins of
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Adams, Stuart. "Trends in Occupational Origins of
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Agger, Robert E. "Power Attributions in the Local
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Altenderfer, M. E. "Relationship Between Per Capita
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Book Reviews

Centers, Richard. "Four Studies in Psychology and Social
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Davis, Kingsley. Review of The Status System of a Modern
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Handlin, Oscar. Review of The Social Life of a Modern Com—
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194

Jackson, Elton F. Review of Social Stratification, by Harold
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Lynd, Robert S. "Tiptoeing Around Class." Review of The
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Marcuse, Peter. "Scholarship and Burning Issues." Review
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Mayer, Kurt B. Review of Power and Privilege, by Gerhard
E. Lenski. Social Forces, XLV (December, 1966), 282-285.

 

Merton, Robert K. "Yankee Town." Review of The Social Life
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Miller, S. M., and Mishler, Elliot G. "Social Class, Mental
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Mills, C. Wright. Review of The Social Life of a Modern
Community, by W. Lloyd Warner and Paul S. Lunt.
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271.

Wolfle, Helen M. Review of Elmtown's Youth, by August B.
Hollingshead, and Social Qiass in America by W. Lloyd
Warner, Marchia Meeker, and Kenneth Eells. Science,
CX (October 28, 1949), 456.

Commentaries

Anton, Thomas. "Rejoinder." AdminiStrative Science
Quarterly, VIII (September, 1965), 257-268.

Barber, Bernard. "Discussion of Papers by Professor Nisbet
and Professor Heberle." The Pacific Sociological
Review, II (Spring, 1959), 25-27.

Buckley, Walter. "A Rejoinder to Functionalists Dr. Davis
and Dr. Levy." American Sociological Review, XXIV
(February, 1959), 84-86.

195

Buckley, Walter. "On Equitable Inequality." American Socio-
logical Review, XXVIII (October, 1965), 799-801.

Cohn, Werner. "Reply to Sgan." American Sociological
Review, XXVI (February, 1961777104-105.

Dahl, Robert A. "Letter to the Editor." Administrative
Science Quarterly, VIII (September, 1965), 250-256.

Davies, Vernon. "Comment on J. A. Kahl and J. A. Davis,
'A Comparison of Indexes of Socio-economic Status.‘"
American Sociological Review, XX (December, 1955),
716-717.

Davis, Kingsley. "Reply." American Sociological Review,
XVIII (August, 1955), 594-597.

Davis, Kingsley. "The Abominable Heresy: A Reply to
Dr. Buckley." American Sociological Review, XXIV
(February, 1959), 82-85.

Duncan, Otis Dudley. "Discussion of Papers by Professor
Nisbet and Professor Heberle." The Pacific Sociologi-
cal Review, II (Spring, 1959), 27-28.

Foote, Nelson N. "Destratification and Restratification:
An Editorial Foreword." The American Journal of
Sociology, LVIII (January, 1955), 525-526.

Gerth, Hans. "Max Weber Versus Oliver C. Cox." American
Sociological Review, XV (August, 1950), 557-558.

Glass, D. V. "Preface." Current Sociology, II, No. 4
(1955-1954), 277.

Hughes, Everett C. "Comment.“ The American Journal of
Sociology, LXXI (July, 1965), 75-76.

Kahl, Joseph A., and Davis, James A. "Reply to Vernon
Davies." American Sociological Review, XX (December,
1955), 717.

Lasswell, Thomas E. "Social Class and Social Stratification:
Preface.“ Sociology and Social Research, L (April,
1966), 277-279.

Levy, Marion, Jr. "Functionalism: A Reply to Dr. Buckley,"
American Sociological Review, XXIV (February, 1959),
84-84.

Miller, S. M. "Social Class and the 'Typical' American
Community." American Sociological Review, XV (April,
1950), 294-295.

196

Moore, Wilbert E. "Comment." American Sociological Review,
XVIII (August, 1955), 597.

Moore, Wilbert E. "Rejoinder." American Sociological
Review, XXVIII (February, 1965), 26-28.

Roach, Jack L. "To the Editor." The American Sociologist,
II (May, 1967), 100.

Schaff, Alvin H. "Comment on Sjoberg's Article on the
Rigidity of Social Classes." american Sociological
Review, XVII (June, 1952), 564.

Schorr, Alvin L. "The Nonculture of Poverty." American
Journal of Orthopsychiatry, XXXIV (October, 1964),
220-221.

Sgan, Mathew. "On Social Status and Ambivalence." American
Sociological Review, XXVI (February, 1961), 104.

Sussman, Marvin B. "Postscript." Journal of Marriage and
the Family, XXVI (November, 1964), 595-598.

Tumin, Melvin. "Reply to Kingsley Davis." American Socio-
logical Review, XVIII (December, 1955), 672-675.

 

Edited Collections

Becker, Howard, and Boskoff, Alvin, eds. Modern Sociological
Theory in Continuityoand Change. New York: Dryden
Press, 1957.

Becker, Howard S., ed. Social Problems: A Modern Approach.
New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1966.

Bendix, Reinhard, and Lipset, Seymour Martin, eds. Class,
Status, and Power: A Reader in Social Stratification.
Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1955.

Bendix, Reinhard, and Lipset, Seymour Martin, eds. Class,
Status, and Power: Social Stratification in Compara-
tive Perspective. New York: The Free Press, 1966.

Berelson, Bernard, ed. The Behavioral Sciences Today.
New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1965.

Bright, William, ed. Sociolinguistics. The Hague: Mouton
and Company, 1966.

Dunne, George H., ed. Poverty in plenty. New York: P. J.
Kenedy and Sons, 1964.

197

Eldridge, Seba, et al., eds. Development of Collective
Enterprises. Lawrence, Kansas: University of Kansas,
1945.

Faris, Robert E. L., ed. Handbook of Modern Sociology.
Chicago: Rand McNally and Company, 1964.

Ferman, Louis A.; Kornbluh, Joyce L.; and Haber, Alan, eds.
Poverty in America: A Book of Readings-- Ann Arbor,
Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 1965.

Fishman, Leo, ed. Poverty Amid Arrluence. New Haven,
Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1966.

Freeman, Howard E.; Levine, Sol; and Reeder, Leo G., eds.
Handbook of Medical Sociology. Englewood Cliffs,
New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1965.

Gumperz, John H., and Hymes, Dell, eds. The Ethnography of
Communication. Supplement to American Anthropologist,
LXVI (December, 1964).

Gittler, Joseph B., ed. Review of Sociology. New York:
John Wiley and Sons, 1957.

Gordon, Margaret 8., ed. Poverty in America. San Francisco:
Chandler Publishing Company, 1965.

Halsey, A. H.; Floud, Jean; and Anderson, C. Arnold, eds.
Education, Economy, and Society. New York: The Free
Press of Glencoe, 1961.

Haney, L. H., and Wehrwein G. S., eds. A Social and Economic
Survey oerouthern Travis County. Austin, Texas:
University of Texas, 1916.

Kallenbach, W. Warren, and Hodges, Harold M., Jr., eds.
Education and Society. COlumbus, Ohio: Charles E.
Merrill Books, 1965.

Laslett, Peter, and Runciman, W. G., eds. Philosophy,
Politics, andoSociety. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1962.

Lasswell, Thomas E.; Burma, John H.; and Aronson, Sidney H.,
eds. Life in Society: Introductory Readings in
Sociology. Chicago: Scott and Foresman, 1965.

 

Maccoby, Eleanor E.; Newcomb, Theodore M.; Hartley, Eugene
L., eds. Readings in Social Psychology. New York
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1958.

198

Martin, William E., and Stendler, Celia Burns, eds. Readings
in Child Development. New York: Harcourt, Brace and
World, 1954.

Meissner, Hanna H., ed. Poverty in the Affluent Society.
New York: Harper and Row, 1966.

Merton, Robert K., and Nisbet, Robert A., eds. Contemporary
Social Problems. New York: Harcourt, Brace, and
World, 1966.

Miller, Kent S., and Grigg, Charles M., eds. Mental Health
and the Lower Classes. Tallahassee, Florida: The
Florida State University, 1966.

Miller, S. M., ed. Max Weber. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell
Books, 1965.

Mills, Wright C., ed. Images of Man: The Classical Tradi—
tion in Sociologicalrihinking. New York: George
Braziller, 1960.

Moore, Wilbert E., and Feldman, Arnold S., eds. Labor
Commitment and Sociai Change inopeveloping Areas.
New York: Social Science Research Council, 1960.

Passow, A. Harry, ed. Sducation inrpepressed Areas.
New York: Bureau of Publications, Teachers College,
Columbia University, 1965.

Pittman, David J., and Snyder, C. R., eds. Society, Culture,
andrprinking Patterns. New York: John Wiley and Sons,
1962.

Riessman, Frank; Cohen, Jerome; and Pearl, Arthur, eds.
Mental Health or the Poor. New York: The Free Press,
1964.

Rose, Arnold M., ed. Mental Health and Mental Sisorders.
New York: W. W. Norton, 1955.

Roucek, Joseph S., ed. Contemporary Sociology. New York:
PhilOSOphical Library, 1958.

Schwartz, Richard, ed. Law and Society. Supplement to
Social Problems, XIII (Summer, 1965).

Seligman, Ben B., ed. Poverty as a Pupiic issue. New York:
The Free Press, 1965.

Smelser, Neil J., ed. Sociology: An Introduction.
New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1967.

199

Will, Robert E., and Vatter, Harold G., eds. Poverty in
Affluence: The Social, Political and Economic Dimensions
of Poverty in the United States. New York: Harcourt,
Brace and World, 1965.

Zetterberg, Hans L., ed. Sociology in the United States of
America. Paris: UNESCO, 1956.

Novels, Poetry, and Short Stories

Eliot, George. Felix Holt: The Radical. New York: Harper
and Brothers, 1866.

Fitzgerald, F. Scott. The Stories of F. Scott Fitzgerald.
New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1951.

Hemingway, Ernest. The Snows of Kilimanjaro and Other
Stories. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1961.

Hemingway, Ernest. "The Snows of Kilimanjaro: A Long Story,"
Esquire, VI (August, 1956), 27 and 194-201.

Public Documents

Attorney General's Committee on Poverty and the Administra-
tion of Federal Criminal Justice (Francis A. Allen,
chairman). Poverty and the Administration of Federal
Criminal Justice. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government
Printing Office, 1965.

Chase, Helen C. international Comparison of Perinatal and
Infant Mortality. Public Health Service publication
no. 1000, series 5, no. 6. Washington, D.C.: U. S.
Government Printing Office, 1957.

Crummett, Duane O., and St. John, Margery. Reported Tubercu—
losis Incidence and Mortality According to Resident
Census Tract and Health pistrict,rios Angeles County,
1959 and 1961. LOS Angeles: Tuberculosis and Health
Association of Los Angeles County, 1962.

 

Douglas, Charlotte A. Infant and Perinatal Mortality in
Scotland. Public Health Service publicatiOn, no. 1000,
series 5, no. 5. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government

Printing Office, 1966.

Gleeson, Geraldine A. Selected Health Characteristics by
Occupation. Public Health Service publication no. 1000,
series 10, no. 21. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government
Printing Office, 1965.

 

200

Gordon, Tavia. Three Views of Hypertension and Heart Disease.
Public Health Service Publication no. 1000, series 2,
no. 22. Washington, D. C.: U. 8. Government Printing
Office, 1957.

Hannaford, Mary M. Proportion of Surgical Bill Paid by
Insurance. Public Health Service publication, no. 1000,
series 10, no. 51. Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government
Printing Office, 1966.

Hoffman, Carolanne H. pisability Among Persons in the Labor
Force by Employment Status. Public Health Service
publication no. 1000, series 10, no. 7. Washington,

D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1964.

Institute of Industrial Relations at the University of
California (Los Angeles). Hard-core Unemployment and
Poverty in Los Angeles. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, 1965.

Lampman, Robert J. The Low-income Population and Economic
Growth. Study paper 12, 86th Congress, First Session.
Washington, D. C.: Congressional Joint Economics
Committee, 1959.

Lawrence, Philip S., Gleeson, Geraldine A., White, Elijah L.,
Fuchsberg, Robert R., and Wilder, Charles 8. Medical
CareyoHealth Status,_and Family Income: United States.
Public Health Service publication no. 1000, series 10,
no. 9. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing
Office, 1964.

Moynihan, Daniel P. The Negro Family: The Case for
National Action. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government
Printing Office, 1965.

National Health Survey. HealthrStatistics_rrom the UrrS.
National Health Survey: Dental Care, July, 1957--June
1959. Public Health Service publication no. 1000,
series B, numbers 14, 15, and 22. Washington, D. C.:
U. S. Government Printing Office, 1964.

National Health Survey. LOSS of Teeth: United States.
Public Health Service publication no. 1000, series B,
no. 22. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing
Office, 1960.

Rochester, A. Infant Mortality. Children's Bureau publi-
cation no. 119. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Department
of Labor, 1925.

201

Shapiro, Sam, Schlesinger, Edward R., and Nesbitt, Robert
E. L., Jr. Infant and Perinatal Mortality in the
United States. Public Health Service publication no.
1000, series 5, no. 4. Washington, D. C.: U. S.
Government Printing Office, 1965.

United Nations, Department of Social Affairs. Fetal, Infant,
and Early Child Mortality. Paris: UNESCO, 1954.

United States Bureau of the Census. "Income in 1966 of
Families and Persons in the United States." Current
Population Reports: Consumer Income. Series P-60,
No. 55. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing
Office, 1967.

United States National Health Survey. Family Income in
Relation to Selected Health Characteristics: United
States. Public Health Service publication, no. 1000,
series 10, no. 2. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, 1965.

United States Public Health Service. Mortality by Occupation
Level and Cause of Death Among Men 20 to 64 Years of
Age: UnitedrStates, 1950. Vital Statistics--Special
Reports, vol. LIII, no. 5. Washington, D. C.: U. S.
Government Printing Office, 1965.

Wilder, Charles S. Chronic Conditions and Activity Limita-
tion. Public Health Service publication no. 1000,
series 10, no. 17. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, 1965.

Wilder, Charles S. Cost and Acquisition of Prescribed and
Nonprescribed Medicines. Public Health Services
publication no. 1000, series 10, no. 55. Washington,
D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1966.

Wilder, Charles 8. Disability Days. Public Health Service
publication, no. 1000, series 10, no. 4. Washington,
D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1965.

Wilder, Charles S. DisabilityoDays,‘ Public Health Service
publication no. 1000, series 10, no. 24. Washington,
D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1965.

Woodbury, Robert. Causal Factors in Infant Mortalit :

A Statistical Stpay Based on investigations in Eight

Cities. Children's Bureau publication no. 142.
Washington, D. C.: U. S. Department of Labor, 1925.

 

202

Unpublished Material

Bain, Robert K., and Willer, David E. "A Revision to the
Functional Theory of Stratification." An expanded and
revised version of a paper presented to the annual meet-
ing of the Ohio Valley Sociological Society, 1965.

Bodine, George E. "Factors Related to Police Referrals to
Juvenile Court." Unpublished paper presented at the
American Sociological Association meetings, 1964.

Buckley, Walter J. "Sociological Theory and Social Stratifi-
cation." Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University
of Wisconsin, 1958.

Clarke, Alfred C. "The Use of Leisure and Its Relation to
Social Stratification." Unpublished doctoral disserta—
tion, Ohio State University, 1955.

Ellis, John M. "Mortality in Houston, Texas, 1949-1951:
A Study of Socio-economic Differentials." Unpublished
doctoral dissertation University of Texas, 1956.

Goldhamer, Herbert. "Some Factors Determining Participa-
tion in Voluntary Association." Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, University of Chicago, 1941.

Gursslin, Orville R. "The Formulation and Partial Test
of a Class Linked Theory of Delinquency." Unpublished
doctoral dissertation, University of Buffalo, 1961.

Hardt, Robert. "Delinquency and Social Class: Studies of
Juvenile Deviation or Police DiSpositions?" Unpub—
lished research report, Syracuse University Youth
Development Center, December, 1964.

Hauser, Philip. "Differential Fertility, Mortality, and
Reproduction in Chicago, 1950." Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, University of Chicago, 1958.

Jacobs, L. H. "Social Class Differences in Children's
Choice of Movies." Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
University of Chicago, 1948.

Jonsen, Kathryn P., and Leslie, Gerald R. "Research on
Childrearing Practices and Social Class: A Methodo-
logical Critique." Unpublished paper presented to
the Ohio Valley Sociological Society, 1966.

Keller, Suzanne. "The Social Origins and Career Lines of
Three Generations of American Business Leaders."
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Columbia University,
1953.

205

Labov, William. "The Social Stratification of English in
New York City." Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
Columbia University, 1964.

Lieberman, Leonard, and Christenson, Donald A. "The Culture
of Poverty Restudied." Unpublished paper presented to
the Michigan Sociological Association, Ann Arbor, March,
1967.

McKinley, Donald Gilbert. "Social Status and Parental
Roles." Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Harvard
University, 1960.

Miller, Laurence Keith. "An Experimental Test of the Davis-
Moore Theory of Reward Differentiation." Unpublished
doctoral dissertation, University of Illinois, 1961.

Nye, Francis Ivan. "Adolescent Adjustment to Parents."
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State
University, 1950.

Nye, Ivan. "Factors Influencing Adolescent Adjustment to
Parents." Unpublished Master's thesis, State College
of Washington, 1947.

Patno, Mary Ellen. "On the Utilization of a Public Health
POpulation in the Study of Morbidity Experience."
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of
Pittsburgh, 1955.

Reiss, Albert J., Jr., and Rhodes, Albert L. "A Socio-
psychological Study of Conforming and Deviating
Behavior Among Adolescents." Iowa City: State Uni-
versity of Iowa (mimeographed), 1959.

Roach, Jack Leslie. "Economic Deprivation and Lower Class
Behavior." Unpublished doctoral dissertation, State
University of New York at Buffalo, 1964.

Rytina, Joan. "Class, Status, and Power: A Theoretical Play
in One Act." Unpublished paper presented to the
Michigan State University Sociological Association,

East Lansing, May, 1967.

Rytina, Joan. "The Ideology of American Stratification."
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State
University, 1967.

Warden, Sandra Ardah. "The Leftouts: Disadvantaged Children
in Heterogeneous Schools." Unpublished doctoral dis-
sertation, Michigan State University, 1966.

204

Wiley, Norbert. "Class and Local Politics in Three Michigan
Communities." Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
Michigan State University, 1962.

Other Material

Alcohol, Science, and Society: Twenty-nine Lectures with
Discussions as Given at the Yale Summer School of "
Alcohol Studies. New Haven, Connecticut: Quarterly
Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 1945.

Kaufman, Harold F.; Wilkinson, Kenneth P.; and Cole, Lucy W.
Poverty Programs and SocialpMobility: §9cus on Rural
Populations of Lower Social Rank in Mississippi and
The South. Social Science Research Center, Preliminary
Report No. 13. State College, Mississippi: Mississippi
State University, 1966.

 

Miller, Herman P. Poverty and the Negro. Los Angeles:
Institute of Government and Public Affairs, University
of California, 1965.

The Social Welfare Forum, 1955. Official Proceedings,
82nd Annual Forum National Conference on Social Work.
New York: Columbia University Press, 1955.

The Social Welfare Forum, 1961. Official Proceedings, 88th
Annual Forum National Conference on Social Welfare.
New York: Columbia University Press, 1961.

Transactions of the Fiftieth Anniversarpreetinq of the
National Tuberculosis Association. New York:
National Tuberculosis Association, 1954.

Transactions of the Second World ConqreS§_of Sociology.
London: International Sociological Association, 1954.

Trends and Differentials in Mortality: Proceedings of a
Round Table at the 1955 Annual ConferenceLAMilbank
Memprial Fund, New York: Milbank Memorial Fund,
1955.

 

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