ABSTRACT ZPAN‘INDIANISM IN THE METROPOLIS: A CASE STUDY OF AN EMERGENT ETHNO-SYNCRETIC REVITALIZATION MOVEMENT BY Gordon D. NorthrOp This is a case study of a metropolitan Pan-Indian organiation, a revitalization movement, which dates from 1940. In addition to the characteristics of pan-Indianism generally, Pan-Indianism is essentially secular and is identified by a complex of traits diffusing primarily from the Southern Plains; the most critical being intertribal pow wows, and generalized Indian dancing and costumes. A revitalization movement is viewed as a deliberate, organized, conscious effort by members of a society to construct a more satisfying way of life. These emerge under conditions where their adherents perceive the socio- cultural conditions under which they live as peculiarly distorted against their best interests, from which their unsatisfactory lifeways derive and to which attention is given when considering antecedence. Since Pan-Indianism involves the blending of cultural elements from many Gordon D. Northrop once-diverse tribes and the dominant society, brought together by the union of descendants of the originally diverse ethnic units on the basis of tenets perceived to be common to all, the term ethno-syncretic is coined to cover this type of revitalization movement discrip- tively. This study is divided into two parts, being executed along two interrelated and mutually supporting dimensions. Part I is set in diachronic perspective and Lmes qualitative sociocultural data gathered from written ckmuments, informants, and participant observation. It describes the relevant characteristics and development cf the organization, including antecedence. In Part II a series of hypotheses are offered; essentially synchronic quantitative data, gathered via the responses of indivi- duals across the metropolis to an interview schedule, are employed; and tests are made between the entire Pan- Indian group and a control group, a simple random sample cfi Indians never identifying with the movement, for amrelates of affiliation suggesting antecedence. Developing Pan-Indianism gave the revitalistic fimtures of the organization a peculiar configuration much includes the perspective of Indian society and mflture as a unitary system; and which colors its non- IEgressive pluralistic goal culture, means, and code Much can rejuvinate the individual. Able charismatic Gordon D. Northrop leaders have proclaimed homily-like messages with evange- listic fervor. Religious overtones are not lacking. We smggested a series of developmental stages: 1940-1948, increased individual stress and the emergence of pan- hflianism; 1948-1949, the beginning of the period of revitalization; 1948-1958, the first period of adaptation, intense missionary activity and the adoption of legis- lative and political means, and formative Pan-Indianism; mfl 1959-1968, the organization becoming the local dwmpion of Indians with fully—developed Pan-Indianism. Aseries of factors has contributed to a developing per- qmctive of sociocultural distortion in the dominant mmiety against Indians and the difficulty of dealing udth it, partly because of their position in and dependency miit. In keeping with the suggestions in Part I of hmreased individual stress and sociocultural distortion, Um tests in Part II were to determine if persons in the Ian-Indian group do experience the same more often than Umse in the control group. These were made in a manner Mlowing the assumption of stress in two primary areas: \mrtical mobility in the class system of the larger mmiety, and tribal marginality. The former measures were hithe goal areas of education, occupation, and pay; with mach, to provide a sense of ethnic blockage for being an hflian, were correlated measures on relative deprivation Gordon D. Northrop and experienced discrimination. All findings were highly or very significant. Interestingly, our findings did not suggest that the Pan-Indian group achieved lower, but rather that they maintained higher and unrealized aspira- tions, despite their sense of unjustified disadvantage by the dominant society. PAN-INDIANISM IN THE METROPOLIS: A CASE STUDY OF AN EMERGENT ETHNO-SYNCRETIC REVITALIZATION MOVEMENT BY Gordon D. Northrop A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Anthropology 1970 if) Copyright by GORDON DOUGLAS NORTHROP 1971 / \ .3...“ «mud...» in a. '0’... . .‘vn.n~ ll — 'A..V,A” . ‘ #9.» r1 w , 1 The Two Flags of Pan-Indianism ii To those who have been so close to this study: my wife, SHIRLEY ANN, and our children, GORDON DANIEL, who came to his untimely accidental death during my absence while engaged in field work for it, and DEBORAH ANN, and PRISCILLA ELIZABETH, and TIMOTHY DOUGLAS. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author owes a debt of gratitude to the members of the North American Indian Association for their cooperation and interest in this investigation. We have tried to present faithfully the story of these people in their deliberate, conscious, organized effort to create a more satisfying way of life for all Indians everywhere not only now but in the future as well. We sincerely hope that for them a new day is dawning. To these we add those persons in the Non-Membership Group who have given their time and of themselves by responding to the Interview Schedule. The guidance and continuing interest of many individuals at Michigan State University in the prepara- tion of this paper have been appreciated also. We wish eSpecially to mention Ruth Hill Useem, John Donoghue, Seymour Parker, Iwao Ishino, James Brown, and Charles Cleland. The Henry Ford Community College has rendered great assistance in permitting the use of its reproduction EClilipment and in printing the Interview Schedule. The 119113 of Jane McCall, formerly of the Y.W.C.A., has been 0f inestimable value. And finally, a word of thanks is iv owed to my wife, Shirley Ann, for her thoughtful concern and work as girl Friday in typing, recording statistics, and rechecking the text as well as to Ann Brown and her associates who assisted in the publication of this study. TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION . I O O O I O O O O 0 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . . . . . . . . . LIST OF TABLES 0 O O O O O O O O O 0 LIST OF MAPS O O O O O O O O O O 0 Chapter I. INTRODUCTION AND THEORETICAL ORIENTATION. Pan-Indianism. . . . . . . Theoretical Orientation . . . Conceptual Definitions and Hypotheses PART I: THE DEVELOPMENT OF PAN-INDIANISM IN METROPOLITAN DETROIT . . . . II. THE EMERGENCE OF THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN ASSOCIATION OF DETROIT. . . . . Indians in Michigan: Numbers and Location . . . . . . . Before September l9,1940. . . . September 19, 1940- 1947 . . . . 1948-1958 . . . . . . . . . 1959-1968 . . . . . . . . . Summary. . . . . . . . . . PART II: ANTECEDENT FACTORS UNDERLYING ACTIVE PARTICIPATION IN METROPOLITAN PAN-INDIAN ORGANIZATIONS . . . . 111- RESEARCH DESIGN . . . . . . . . Early Contacts . . . . . . . Comparability of the Groups . . Sampling for the Non-Membership Group. The Membership Group . . . . . Field Procedures. . . . Representativeness of the Membership Group . . . . . . . . . vi Page iii iv ix xix 22 73 97 98 102 107 124 144 164 205 224 225 225 228 232 238 240 245 Chapter IV. V. Page Representativeness of the Non- Membership Group. . . . . . . . 245 The Interview Schedule. . . . . . . 248 Social Class . . . . . . . . . . 253 Data Processing . . . . . . . . . 256 Levels of Significance. . . . . . . 259 Reporting the Findings. . . . . . . 259 INDIANS IN THE METROPOLIS. . . . . . . 260 Pre-Migrational Data . . . . . . . 265 Migration . . . . . . . . . . . 269 The Household. . . . . . . . . . 273 The Metropolis . . . . . . . . . 275 Social Class . . . . . . . . . . 283 Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . 285 SOME CORRELATES OF PARTICIPATION IN THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN ASSOCIATION OF DETROIT. . . . . . . . . . . 293 Hypothesis Ia: Disjunction between Aspirations and Achievements and Associated Stress . . . . . . . 299 Education . . . . . . . . . . . 301 Occupation. . . . . . . . . . . 306 Pay . . . . . . . . . . . 309 Intercorrelation of Measures. . . . . 311 Hypothesis Ib: Relative Deprivation and Associated Stress . . . . . . 313 The Goal Areas . . . . . . . . . 314 Intercorrelation of Measures. . . . . 3l6 Hypothesis Ic: Discrimination for Being an Indian . . . . . 318 Hypothesis I: Class Mobility and Associated Stress . . . . . . . 324 Hypothesis IIa: Disjunction between Aspirations and Actuality in the Maintenance of Social Relations with Tribesmen and Associated Stress . . . . . . . . . . . 332 Hypothesis IIb: Loss of Tribal Status and Associated Stress . . . . 340 Hypothesis II: Tribal Marginality and Associated Stress . . . . . 345 A Consideration of Some Relationships between Hypothesis I and Hypothesis II. . . . . . . . . 349 Chapter Summary and Conclusions. . . . 358 vii Chapter VI. SUMMARY AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH . . . . . A Consideration of the Findings in Part I . . . . A Consideration of the Findings in Part II. . . . . Final Considerations . IEFERENCES . . . . . . . . MPENDICES O O O O O O O O A. B. LETTERS. . . . . . . DATA-GATHERING INSTRUMENTS TABLES O O O O O O 0 NOTE S O O O O O O O viii Page 377 379 398 430 434 451 452 456 507 592 Table 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 L5 2.6 2.7 2.8 2.9 2J0 2&1 2J2 2.13 L14 £15 LIST OF TABLES Indian Dancers by Group . . . . . . . Children Doing Indian Dancing by Group . . Extension of Household Hospitality to Visiting Indians at Detroit Pow Wows by Group . . . . . . . Informant Participation in Detroit Pow Wows by Group . . . . . . . Attendance at Detroit Pow Wows by Group. . Places Where Detroit Indians Attend Pow Wows by Group . . . . . . Respondents Who Do Indian Crafts by Group . Commercial Aspects of Pan-Indianism by Group Persons Doing Public Parading in Costumes by Group - . . . . . . Participation in the Recreational Activities of the North American Indian Association by Group . . . . . . . Presence of Consanguines in the North Ameri- can Indian Association by Group. . . Presence of "Best Friends" in the North Amer- ican Indian Association by Group- . - Summary of the Relative Strengths of the Findings in the Two by Two Tables Nos. 2.1- 2.12, Ranked in Terms of Phi Coefficients Ranked Meaning of Pow Wows to Indians by Group . . . . . . . Ranked Meaning of Indians Parading in Cos- tume by Group . . . . . . ix Page 508 508 509 509 510 511 512 513 513 514 515 515 516 517 518 Table Page 2.16 Message Conveyed by Indians Parading in Cos- tume by Group. . . . . . 519 3.1 "Indian" Households . . . . . . . . 520 3.2 Reasons for Non-Interviews (Non-Members) . 521 4.1 Age by Group. . . . . . . . . . . 522 4.2 Sex by Group. . . . . . . . . . . 522 4.3 Tribe of Birth by Group - . . . - . - 523 4.4 Tribe of Birth: Single or Mixed by Group - 524 4.5 Degree of Indian "Blood" by Fourths by Group 524 4.6 Degree of Indian "Blood" Controlled at the Three-Fourths Level by Group . . . 524 4.7 Adeptness at Speaking One's Tribal Language by Group . . . . . . 525 L8 Religion by Group . . . . . . . . . 525 L9 Sending Point by Group - . . . . . . 526 4J0 Type of Place of Socialization by Group. . 528 L11 Reservation versus Non-Reservation Place of Socialization by Group . . . . 528 L12 Relative Ratios of "Best Friends" of Parents by Group - . . - . . 529 L13 Degree of Integration into the Non-Indian Society of the Family of Orientation by Group . . . . . . . 529 L14 Year of Immigration to Metropolitan Detroit by Group . . . . . . 530 4J5 Age at Immigration to MetrOpolitan Detroit by Group . . . . . . 531 4J6 Total Years Lived in Metropolitan Detroit by Group . . . - . . 532 Table 4. 17 .18 .19 .20 .21 .22 .23 .24 .25 .26 .27 .28 .29 .30 .31 .32 .33 .34 Relative Ratio of Kinsmen Remaining in One's Rural Tribal Area by Group . . . Less Than Half versus Half or More Kinsmen Remaining in One's Rural Tribal Area by Group . . . . . . . Relative Ratio of Respondent's "Best Friends" Living in His Rural Tribal Area by Group. Less Than Half versus Half or More "Best Friends" Living in One's Rural Tribal Area by Group . . . . . Current National Citizenship by Group . Marital Status by Group . . . . . . . Non-Indian Marriages by Group . . . . . Household Size by Group . . . . . . . Number of Children per Household by Group . Location of Households by Mailing Zone by Group. . . . . . . Residential Areas by Group . . . . . . Degree of Racial Integration Characteristic of the Neighborhood by Group . . . House Type by Group . . . . . . . . Residential Areas among Non-Members by Group. . . . . . . . Residential Areas: Effects of Missing Data on This Study . . . . . Degree of Racial Integration Characteristic of the Neighborhood among Non-Members by Group. . . . . . . Degree of Racial Segregation Characteristic of the Neighborhood: Effects of Missing Data on This Study. . . , , House Type among Non-Members by Group . . xi Page 533 534 534 535 535 535 536 537 537 538 540 540 541 541 542 542 543 543 Table 4.35 4.36 4.37 4.38 L39 L40 4.41 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 House Type: Effects of Missing Data on This Study.. . . . . . . Social Class Achievement by Group. . . . Educational Achievement by Group . Occupational Achievement of Head of House- hold by Group . . . . . Weekly Take-Home Pay of Head of Household by Group . . . . . . . Annual Take-Home Pay of Head of Household by Group . . . . . . . Summary of the Relative Strengths of the Significant Findings in Two by Two Tables Nos. 4.1-4.40 in Terms of Phi Coefficients. Disjunction between Former Aspirations and Current Achievements in Education by Group. Disjunction in Steps between Former Aspira- tions and Current Achievements in Education by Group . . . . . . Former Educational Aspirations in Step by Group C O O O I O O Disjunction in Steps between the Former Educational Aspirations of Respondents and the Educational Achievements of the Heads of Their Families of Socialization by Group Current Educational Aspirations for a Hypo- thetical Son by Group . . . . Willingness of Respondents to Give Financial Assistance to Hypothetical Son in Gaining Their Aspired Education for Him by Group: Generalized for All Aspired Levels of Educa- tion . . . . . . . Educational Aspirations for a Hypothetical Son and Willingness to Contricute Finan- cially to It by Group . . . . xii Page 544 544 545 546 546 547 548 549 550 550 551 552 553 554 Table 5.8 5.9 5.10 5.11 R20 Unachieved Aspirations and Associated Stress in Occupation by Group . . . . Occupational Aspirations, Full or Part-Time, by Group . . . . . . Unachieved Aspirations and Associated Stress in Occupation, Controlled for Full-Time Work by Group . . . . . . Unachieved Aspirations and Associated Stress in Occupation for the Head of the Household by Group . . . . . . Unachieved Aspirations in Occupation for the Head of the Household by Group . . Disjunction between Former Occupational Aspirations and Current Occupational Achieve- ments by Group . . . . . Disjunction between Aspired Occupational Achievement for Hypothetical Son and the Cur— rent Occupational Achievement of the Head of the Household by Group. . . . Unachieved Aspirations and Associated Stress in Pay by Group . . . . . Unachieved Aspirations and Associated Stress in Pay by Group: Controlled for Full-Time Work . . . . . . . Unachieved Aspirations and Associated Stress in Pay by Group: Controlled for the Head of the Household . . . . . Correlations between Unachieved Aspirations and Associated Stress in Education and Occu- pation by Group . . . . . Correlations between Unachieved Aspirations and Associated Stress in Education and Pay by Group . . . . . . Correlations between Unachieved Aspirations and Associated Stress in Occupation and Pay by Group . . . . . . xiii Page 554 555 555 556 556 557 557 558 558 559 559 560 560 Table 5.21 5.22 5.23 5.24 5.26 5.27 5.28 5.29 5.30 5.31 5.33 Generalized Correlations between Unachieved Aspirations and Associated Stress in Educa- tion, Occupation, and Pay by Group . . Relative Deprivation and Associated Stress in Education by Group . . . . Relative Deprivation and Associated Stress in Occupation by Group . . . . Relative Deprivation and Associated Stress in Pay by Group . . . . . Relative Deprivation and Associated Stress in Any Goal Area by Group. . . . Relative Deprivation and Associated Stress in Any Two or Three Goal Areas Simulta- neously by Group . . . . . Correlations in the Goal Area of Education between the Failure to Achieve One's Former Goals and Relative Deprivation and Associ- ated Stress by Group . . . . Correlations in the Goal Area of Education between the Failure to Achieve One's Former Goals and the Presence or Absence of Rela- tive Deprivation and Associated Stress by Group. . . . . . . Experienced Discrimination for Being Indian by Group . . . . . . Experienced Discrimination for Being Indian Prior to Detroit Immigration by Group . Experienced Discrimination for Being Indian During Residence in Metropolitan Detroit by Group. . . . . . . Experienced Discrimination for Being Indian Prior to but Not During Detroit Residence by Group . . . . . . Experienced Discrimination for Being Indian Prior to and Also During Detroit Residence by Group . . . . . . xiv L~— Page 561 561 562 562 563 563 564 564 565 565 566 566 567 w .21—- ~ ‘ , ,, ___ Table Page 5.34 Summary Data. Unachieved Aspirations in the Larger Society and Associated Stress, Corre- lated with Relative Deprivation and Associ- ated Stress and/or Experienced Discrimination for Being Indian by Group . . . 568 5.35 Unachieved Aspirations in the Larger Society and Associated Stress, Correlated with Rela- tive Deprivation and Associated Stress and/ or Experienced Discrimination for Being an Indian by Group . . . . . 569 5.36 Unachieved Aspirations in the Larger Society and Associated Stress, Correlated with Both Relative Deprivation and Associated Stress and Experienced Discrimination for Being an . Indian by Group . . . . . 570 E 5.37 Unachieved Aspirations in the Larger Society and Associated Stress as Correlated with Rela— tive Deprivation and Associated Stress and/or Experienced Discrimination, Dichotomized, by Group. . . . . . . 570 538 Unachieved Aspirations in the Larger Society and Associated Stress, Correlated with Rela- tive Deprivation and Associated Stress by Group. . . . . . . 571 139 Unachieved Aspirations in the Larger Society and Associated Stress, Correlated with Experienced Discrimination for Being an Indian by Group . . . . . 571 140 Correlations: Relative Deprivation and Associated Stress with Experienced Discrim— ination for Being Indian by Group . . 572 5.41 Disjunction between Aspirations and Actuality in the Maintenance of Meaningful Social Rela- tionships with One's Rural Tribesmen and Associated Stress by Group . . . 572 142 Aspired Frequency of Visiting among One's Rural Tribesmen by Group . . . 573 $43 Disjunction between Aspirations and Expecta— . tions, and Associated Stress, for Living in One's Rural Tribal Area Prior to Retirement by Group . . . . . . 573 XV g Table Page 5.44 Disjunction between Aspirations and Expec- tations, and Associated Stress, for Retiring in One's Rural Tribal Area among His Tribes- men by Group. . . . . . 574 5.45 Aspirations for Retirement in One's Rural Tribal Area among His Tribesmen by Group . 574 546 Expectations for Retirement in One's Rural Tribal Area among His Tribesmen by Group . 575 547 Loss of Tribal Status during One's Lifetime and Associated Stress by Group. . . 575 548 Former Tribal Status by Group . . . . . 576 549 Current Tribal Status by Group. . . . . 576 550 Valence of Tribal Status by Group. . . . 577 5.51 Valence of Tribal Status, Dichotomized, by Group. . . . . . . 577 5.52 Tribal Marginality and Associated Stress by 7 Group- - . - . . . 578 5.53 Tribal Marginality (Relaxed) and Associated Stress by Group . . . . . 579 5.54 TTibal Marginality (Maximal Relaxation) and Associated Stress by Group . . . 579 5.55 Correlation of Associated Stress Measures in Class Mobility and Tribal Marginality by Group. . . . . . . 580 5.56 Correlation of Associated Stress Measures in Class Mobility and Tribal Marginality (Relaxed) by Group- . . . . 580 5.57 Correlation of Associated Stress Measures in Class Mobility and Tribal Marginality (Maximal Relaxation) by Group. . . 581 5.58 Correlation of Associated Stress Measures in Class Mobility (Relaxed) and Tribal Mar- ginality (Relaxed) by Group . . . 581 xvi P Table 5.59 5.62 5.64 5.65 Correlation of Associated Stress Measures in Class Mobility (Relaxed) and Tribal Mar- ginality (Maximal Relaxation) by Group . Correlation of Associated Stress Measures: Unachieved Aspirations Associated with Rela- tive Deprivation and Tribal Marginality (Maximal Relaxation) by Group . . . Correlation of Associated Stress Measures: Unachieved Aspirations Associated with Experienced Discrimination for Being Indian and Tribal Marginality (Maximal Relaxation) by Group . . . . . . Correlation of Associated Stress Measures: Unachieved Aspirations Associated with Experienced Discrimination for Being Indian Prior to Detroit Immigration and Tribal Mar- ginality (Maximal Relaxation) by Group . Correlation of Associated Stress Measures: Unachieved Aspirations Associated with Experienced Discrimination for Being Indian During Detroit Residence and Tribal Margin- ality (Maximal Relaxation) by Group . Correlation of Associated Stress Measures: Unachieved Aspirations Associated with Experienced Discrimination for Being Indian Prior to and During Detroit Residence and Tribal Marginality (Maximum Relaxation) by Group. . . . . . . Correlation of Associated Stress Measures: Unachieved Aspirations in Class Mobility in the Larger Society with Tribal Marginality (Maximum Relaxation) by Group . . . Correlation: Between the Findings in Table 5.59 and the Degree of Integration into the Non-Indian Society of the Families of Orien— tation of the Membership Group. . . Correlation: Between Findings in Table 5.59 and Current National Citizenship on the Mem- bership Group . . . . . xvii Lg Page 582 582 583 584 585 586 587 588 589 Table 5.68 5.69 Correlation: Between Findings in Table 5.59 and Less Than Half Versus Half or More Kins- men Remaining in the Rural Tribal Areas of the Membership Group . . . . Correlation: Between Findings in Table 5.59 and Reservation Versus Non-Reservation Place of Socialization for the Membership Group Correlation: Between Findings in Table 5.59 and Less Than Half Versus Half or More of the "Best Friends" of the Membership Group Living in the Rural Tribal Area . . . Correlation: Between Findings in Table 5.59 and Degree of Indian "Blood" Controlled at the Three-Fourths Level on the Membership Group . . . . . . . Correlation: Between Findings in Table 5.59 and Non-Indian Marriages for the Membership Group . . . . . . . xviii Page 589 590 590 591 591 LIST OF MAPS Map Page 1. Areas of Michigan Indian Emigration to Metropolitan Detroit. . . . 104 2. Area of Field Work . . . . . . . 230 xix CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION AND THEORETICAL ORIENTATION A revitalization movement may be viewed as a deliberate, organized, conscious effort by members of a society to construct a more satisfying way of life. From this perspective this study seeks to describe Pan- hflianism in a contemporary U.S. metropolis, using the Mnth American Indian Association of Detroit as a case sumy. This is perhaps the oldest metropolitan all— hmian organization with continued existence in the [hated States, predating the pioneering work of Howard andbkwcomb on Pan-Indianism in Oklahoma. Since 1940 it hascmanged from what was essentially a single purpose organzation, oriented around recreation, to one which mndsions and actively seeks a better way of life for all Indians. To this end it has become the local champion of Indians and the means through which they do for themselves. we ask essentially one question, to which is related the second: (1) can some Pan-Indian organizations Ht) be viewed as a type of revitalization movement, and (H What.are some of the contributory antecedent factors? ofinterest in the search for antecedents (to be delineated later) is the concept that revitalization movements emerge under conditions where their adherents perceive the sociocultural conditions under which they live as peculiarly distorted against their best interests, from which their unsatisfactory lifeWays derive. The study is divided into two parts, being executed along two interrelated and mutually supporting dimensions. Part I is set in diachronic perspective and uses qualita- UNe data gathered from written documents, informants, mm participant observation. It describes the relevant dmracteristics of the Association and seeks an under- mmnding of sociocultural factors which have made it what itis today. In Part II a series of hypotheses are oflkred; essentially synchronic quantitative data, gathered viatme responses of individuals across the metropolis to aninterview schedule, are employed; and tests are made beuflmn the entire Pan-Indian group and a control group, a shque random sample of Indian Americans who have Persistently refused to identify with the Association, for correlates of affiliation suggesting antecedence. The purpose here is to determine if indeed persons in Hm Pan-Indian group can be assumed to be under stress assOCiated with dissatisfaction in the sociocultural Situation in which they find themselves. Here we take inpartthe approach of Parker and Kleiner (1966), 8‘“meeting that an understanding of the discrepancy L; between aspirations and achievements is fruitful. Tests will be made in two primary areas: vertical mobility in the class system of the larger society, and tribal margin- ality. The former measures will be in the goal areas of education, occupation, and pay, with which, to provide a sense of ethnic blockage for being an Indian, shall be correlated measures on relative deprivation and experienced discrimination. Using these two approaches of Part I and Part II we hope to extend current understanding on Pan- hflianism, demonstrate the fruitfulness of using the dual qwroaches in understanding a single problem, and to make ourfindings comparable with a wide variety of other studies. Pan-Indianism Egn— Combining form and formative element . . . all . . . all, whole, entirely, altogether, by all, of all . . . 1. With national names, and words formed in imitation of them, with the sense'or, pertaining to, or comprising all (those indicated in the body of the word); with sbs. in -i§m and -ist, generally expressing the notion of or aEEIration for the political union of all those indicated, a sense which also tends to colour the adj. (The Oxford English Dictionary, 1933: Vol. VII, p. 412.) Although not the first to refer to Pan-Indianism, W W- Newcomb and James H. Howard wrote the first articles devOted specifically to it in 1955, each believing at the fine that his was the first to be published. Both reaferred to a previous but unpublished paper by Karl Schmitt which had been read at the Central States Branch of the American Anthropological Association in 1948, and both developed definitions and descriptions developed out of studies on acculturation in Oklahoma in 1952. Both observed that, instead of passing into and being absorbed as nondistinctive members of the dominant society, many Indians of differing tribes and locales were visiting each other at great distances, were developing new social relationships, and were both innovating and exchanging mfltural traits from their respective tribal backgrounds. hidescribing this the concepts of intertribalism, swumetism or blending, and "Indian" were employed. Those hwolved seemed to possess a corresponding sense of identity and unity as Indians and to have developed certain mflxural patterns somewhat unique to themselves containing ehments of but not representative either of their tribes ortme dominant society. The secular focus of activities Wastme large outdoor pow wow which lasted from several days to a week. This featured Indian dancing by large numbers of persons of differing tribes, "feather" costumes, the Indian princess, and the sale of Indian crafts. Ibward and Newcomb viewed this separately identifiable SOCiOcultural phenomenon, apparently new in the area, as We of the final phases of acculturation and affixed to it He term "Pan-Indian." Their offerings are, however, Slightly different . Newcomb's emphasis appears to be on social inter- action. His definition of Pan-Indianism is most clearly seen in-his use of the words "intertribal" and "only as Indian" (Newcomb 1955:194l,l942); . . . it became evident that, although Delaware culture was rapidly disappearing, the Cherokee Delaware participated in a number of customs and institutions which were describable only as Indian. They were neither Delaware nor Anglo- American . . . this phenomenon . . . has been termed "Pan-Indianism." . . . Much of their time and a great deal of their energy is consumed in activities which can only be described as Indian. There is wholehearted participation in and allegiance to what may be called a Pan-Indian society. This Pan-Indian society is a loosely knit, formally unorganized grouping of Indians, who, having lost their old cultural orientation, but not being fully assimilated into white society, have joined forces and are participating in and sharing a number of intertribal customs and institutions. These institutions were and are being synthesized from elements derived from Indian cultures, but are also drawn from white civilization. Howard appears to emphasize culture and used ”Pan- Indianism" to refer to a process. He sees the phenomenon as being supertribal, in which sense he appears to use the terms "intertribal" and "non-tribal" (Howard, 1955:215 and 220); - . . rather than becoming nondistinctive members of the dominant society, many Indians have instead become members of a supertribal culture, Which we here term an-Indian. By pan-Indianism is meant the process By which socioEfiltural entities such as the Seneca, Delaware, Creek, Yuchi, Ponca, and Comanche are losing their tribal distinctiveness and in its place are developing a nontribal "Indian" culture. Some of the elements in this culture are modifica- tions of old tribal customs. Others seem to be innovations peculiar to pan-Indianism. . With continued acculturation there has been a tendency toward the loss of tribal identity in many Oklahoma Indian groups. Instead of complete assimilation to white "American" culture, how- ever, a pan-Indian culture has arisen. The principal secular focus of this culture is the powwow, centering around the war dance, stomp dance and certain other dances and Indian activities. We shall use the term Pan-Indian as an adjective mm.Pan-Indianization, if at all, to refer to the process much Howard called "pan-Indianism," thus bringing it inuaconformity with terms such as "acculturation," Numulturation," "socialization," etc. The term Pan- Imfianism shall be used as a noun, following Newcomb, usmflly in reference to the phenomenon. Should we use it hireference to ideology the context will make this clear. Forcflarity, we shall ordinarily use Pan-Indian ideology. Minimal elements in pan-Indianism would seem to beaisense of inclusiveness, intragroup socializing, and symnetism. By inclusiveness we refer to an ideology whhflicontains the perspective of the union of all Indians inbund a common effort or cause, or common goals. In Ufis sense we would expect persons involved to see them- Mflyes as a whole, or as "Indians" in contrast to non- hflians. By intragroup socializing we have in mind social kmhmdor corresponding to the inclusiveness mentioned. Wekelieve that those who are bound together by a sense of oneness will tend to socialize at both the intergroup level, i.e., between the component parts, and on the intra- group level, i.e., within the whole. As we are using the term, intragroup implies interaction between formerly separated groups. By syncretism we here refer to an mmhange of cultural traits between those involved and um tendency or effort to reconcile and/or unite the vmflous elements. This seems in agreement with the fore- mung and the probable outcome. Conceivably, there may have been in the past amber may be in the future other types of pan-Indianism efimer related to or unrelated to that which we are shflying. we do not wish to speculate here what such nght be but we note that two have been suggested for the pam:and/or present. These are the Ghost Dance of 1890 amithe Peyote Cult. These also have an emphasis on "Imfian," feature intertribal activities and the exchange 0fspecial term appears in the literature and we shall 1mm innovate one. For the sake of clarity, however, we Hall capitalize the term and use Pan-Indianism or Pan- hflian to refer to the phenomenon under study here and pmrlndianism or pan-Indian, except in quotations, to oUmr relevant phenomena. By the term tribe we shall refer to a recognized aminamed social group which extends backward in time to onecfi the aboriginal societies of North America and is cmmmmed of individuals who can, or presumably can, trace lhmml descent from a person or persons who belonged to mmeof these indigenous groups. Ideally, the members of aEfiven tribe are accorded social status, often related tOtmeaty agreements, distinct from those of other tribes andfrom the dominant society by the United States and Canada and have attendant rights and responsibilities. Actually, some persons whom we shall include in this l3 category have been cut off from official or legal status with subsequent loss of privileges and responsibilities still characterizing those who retain such status. Names used to designate tribes or persons will be congruent with those conventionally used by anthropologists and the respective governments, e.g., Cherokee, Seneca, Delaware, Navaho, Sioux, etc. Because of the prevalence of inter- tribal marriages it is sometimes necessary to compound terms when speaking of individuals, e.g., Chippewa-Delaware, Mohawk-Onondaga, etc. Since many tribes have been relocated, dispersed, and broken up, it will be necessary sometimes to use geographic and corporate distincitons in reference to meaningful differences. In this case we shall use adjectives resulting in terms such as Moravian Delaware, Michigan Potawatomi, Walpole Potawatomi, Caughnawaga Mohawk, Oklahoma Cherokee, etc. It is recognized that aboriginal differences did exist between tribes but no effort is made here to designate these by special terms since it is irrelevant to our study. Indian is used in several ways in the literature on Pan-Indianism and here. When we use it in reference to persons it shall be applied to those who identify themselves to other Indians and to non-Indians as being One-fourth or more of Indian "blood" or descent and are 30 identified by other Indians. Our use of the term here makes no distinction between those who retain and those 14 who do not have official tribal status. We believe that in the metropolis those who have lost such status may be as important in understanding Pan-Indianism as those who retain it. We have elected to use the requirement of (me-fourth or more degree Indian "blood" as an operational measure because (1) it is an essential requirement for mmular membership in the group under analysis and there- flne well suited to our sampling techniques; (2) it is a mnwenient control in both data collecting and analysis, anowing us to avoid "non-Indians;" (3) it is probably 'Um most customary biological requirement for most tribes; and(4), as a means of distinguishing between Indians and nmrlndians in our discussion in this paper, it is perhaps ascflose to the way our respondents think as any single (niterion we know how to devise. When we use "Indian" msa noun in the singular, it shall refer to an individual ortype of individual defined above. When used in the phual, it shall refer to a group or category of sudiindividuals. Occasionally it may have the sense of Imfian identity or peoplehood. If so, the context shall nuke it clear. As an adjective, the term "Indian" may be both umfihl and misleading. It can be used as easily for phe- mmena which are not Pan—Indian as for those that are, 94%. an Indian culture in contrast to one that is not-- itsneaning in this case shifting depending on time and 15 place, the group concerned, the speaker, etc. The term also has the inclusiveness required for a descriptive adjective such as we would like for Pan-Indianism and fits the definition of "pan-" (p. 2) well. It is also am term most often on the lips of our respondents when mnmralizing about Indian culture as a whole and one much we cannot well avoid. We prefer to, and shall try to,use the term "Pan-Indian" most often. When we use tMaterm Indian, it shall only be used in a sense which isrelevant to contemporary Pan-Indianism. Furthermore, weeflways use it with the concept of syncretism in mind. Most anthropologists who have written on Pan- Imfianism use the concepts of syncretism and/or synthesis. (Rum and Wagnalls, 1948): syncretism: l. A tendency or effort to reconcile and unite various systems . . . on the basis of tenets common to all and against a common opponent. 2. The fusion of two or more . . . forms which were originally different. §ynthesis: l. The assembling of different things; combinatIOn of separate or subordinate parts into a.new form; composition, construction. BOUlare useful but our preference is for syncretism because we feel with Howard (1955:218) that "the blending iSnotyet complete," and because we think it somewhat “HE relevant when applied to certain areas of Pan-Indian ideolOgy, In delineating Pan-Indianism we have in mind the SyncrEtism or synthesis that Howard and Newcomb spoke of. 16 Here we specify the body of traits which they mentioned: the pow wow, the Indian dances, the Indian princess, and the sale of Indian crafts. Although we recognize that there are regional differences, in general these traits amear to accompany Pan-Indianism. In Michigan there is hflian dancing, with blended elements, prior to the large- mmle acceptance of that from the Southern Plains. There amaalso pow wows prior to the advent of those derived fnmlthe Southern Plains. To make ourselves clear we use fluaterm "Indian dancing" for the type prior to that from tMaSouthwest and the terms "Pan-Indian type of dancing" or"Gouthwestern type of Indian dancing" when dealing wiflithe critical years. We also refer to the earlier pmwvmws as "tribal pow wows" for that is what they esmnmially are, and the others as the "Pan-Indian pow me‘or the "Southwestern type of pow wow" in the critical Ymne. .After the advent of the Pan-Indian type of dmxfing or pow wow there is no longer need to make a dnninction because they come in with such force that other types are of minor importance. We have not included Peyotism as a trait accompany- i“SJPan-Indianism because we think the two should be SeParated in our thinking and analysis, and because we bQHSVe that Pan-Indianism is spread over the greater flea. The Pan-Indianism we have in mind is essentially EEEEEE in its goals and means. This is not to say that 17 religious overtones or sentiments are lacking in Pan- Indianism, but rather that the basic configuration is not around religion. There is quite likely some religious syncretism but we think it varies with area and is of lesser relevance. We can accept the notion of "nontribal" in our definition of Pan-Indianism, providing it is considered as meaning "no particular tribe " and not "antitribe." As we see it, Pan-Indianism may indeed deemphasize tribal identity and/or tribal loyalty in favor of its own activities and ideology but it cannot deny the tribe or be antitribal either by definition or in fact. It includes members and elements from diverse tribes, and encompasses in perspective all tribes. Even a person's Indianness is determined in part, at least in the contemporary setting, by his ability to trace descent from a particular tribe. Pan-Indianism is intertribal because of the socializing between persons of, and exchange of traits between, differ- ent tribes. It is, however, unlike a confederacy or purely intertribal conclave because those involved have a unity which is more important than and transcends, while not disregarding, the tribe. In this sense the term Sflfllibal unity seems fitting. It is akin to supertribal Culture which Howard (1955:215) added. Since the syncre- tism 0f Pan-Indianism involves cultural elements from many once-diverse tribes and the dominant society, brought 18 together by the union of descendants of the originally diverse ethnic groups on the basis of tenets perceived to be common to all, we have coined the term ethno-syncretic CMscriptively. This is to distinguish it from terms such aw "ethico-syncretic," "sacro-syncretic," "econo-syncretic," eUL, sometimes used descriptively of certain revitaliza- tion movements . Movements designated by the prefix 3337 often fafimre not only a feeling of supergroup oneness, uniting Umaparts and members, but also an ideology relative to cmmmn goals. As far as we know only Ruth Hill Useem has umxithe term in this manner, although she recognizes that Pmrindianism has other dimensions. Some twelve years affin:Howard and Newcomb had done their field work, when valndianism had become a viable phenomenon and national hiscope, she commented in a paper prepared for the Swmmmium on Reservation Culture at the American Anthropo- lmfical Association (l964:8): I should like to use the term Pan-Indianism to refer to the topmost, nationwide ideological Hmvement which has come into being to give dignity, SYmbols, visions and hope to a newly developing ethnic group. The leaders of this movement are "successful" Indians and interested whites, who are using the Indian cultural heritages of the past nOt as a point of regressive escape from the Present to gain self-esteem, but by pooling what Were once separate and unshared cultural heritages as a way to create a new history which will give b0th dignity in the present and a vision for the fUture. The creation of such a new history gives the nascent ethnic group a separate identity from 19 Negro Americans. It also gains support from sections of the dominant society, who already have respect for and interest in the history, for the plight of the impoverished Indians. After the Indian Reorganization Act in 1934, which permitted the tribes to reorganize, there began to appear ammittees and groups organized at the national level to :nmresent the cause of Indians. As early as 1944 the Nmflonal Congress on American Indians came into being. Dwerestingly, neither Howard nor Newcomb noted any poli- thxfl overtones in Pan-Indianism on the Southern Plains anlthey wrote in 1955. Newcomb, in fact, noted the axmnce of interest in these organizations at the national level (1955:1043): Most professed complete ignorance of such organizations. For this reason these Indian groups, which in a sense may be said to be lobbying for Indianism, have been disregarded. Hus is interesting because such interest is in evidence elmnmere. The political storm over the termination of trflmm and reservations resulted in considerable reaction. Omh’a year after Howard and Newcomb, in mentioning Pan- IMHanism, Voget commented (1956:259) that ". . . a nation- atliStic Pan-Indianism seems now to be emerging." Currently there are a number of similar organiza— thxm at the regional and national level, all with Pan- Imfian interests, although their specific purposes may Wuy. These observations raise the question, "Does pan"Il'ldianism have a unitary origin?" We have operationally 20 characterized modern Pan-Indianism as having a set of traits derived essentially from the Southern Plains. We also suggest that the sense of Pan-Indian unity, and the interest in diverse means, e.g., political, legal, educa- tional and/or other, may be of different spatial and mmporal origins and a response to conditions other than Hume which Howard and Newcomb found. In 1961 Indians from across the United States mammbled on the campus of the University of Chicago in umaAmerican Indian Chicago Conference (Lurie, 1961:478): The occasion was unique and of historic significance. For the first time Indian people of many different tribes from all over the country and representing many different points of View came together to compare and to discuss their problems just among themselves. Through a free exchange of Indian experiences, feelings, and views, they sought to find sources of agreement on which future Indian policy should be built. . . . In the late hours of the night, however, the observer would have no doubt that the dark, earnest people speaking in soft unfamiliar accents and dressed in everything from conservative business suits to flamboyant styles of the far West were American Indians. The campus rang with the sound of tom-tom, pow-wow songs, and the soft thump of dancing feet. WNNlIndians gather on occasions such as this, one notes tMMzattention is often given toward the achievement of a befitter way of life for Indians and the most feasible manner Ofattaining it. In the summer of 1969 another important mmufing was held (Newsletter, American Anthropological Association, Oct. 1969, p. 6): A Study conference of 40 Indians from across the Ceuntry took place in Denver in August "to devise Strategy in attacking problems which now face the ' "3'7. -4 L: I! i WW '7? ‘ .1 21 American Indian." Operating on the sensible assumption that Indians can decide best what they need, the study group met to discuss those needs in the first national meeting of Indians not selected by whites. We make some interesting observations. When the Mnth American Indian Association was organized in 1940, ‘nmlve years prior to the observations of Howard and Mnmomb in Oklahoma, Indians from there were not only maflers but were doing in Detroit the dances of the South- eniPlains. From 1945 members of the Association have amen increasing interest in the welfare of all Indians amiincreasingly have been involved in the use of political amiother means to achieve those ends. Through the years itrms maintained close working relationships with Pan- Imfian organizations at the regional and national levels. In1952 when Howard and Newcomb were making their observa- thnm in Oklahoma, Indians from the Southern Plains, rmfidents of Detroit, already were teaching Pan-Indian dmxfing to members representing perhaps a score of tribes. Atleast six were present at the meeting in Chicago, manioned above, and one was an official representative Withaseries of proposed goals for Indians as a whole. Wherlthe meeting occurred in Denver the Association was reF’reSented by another official representative. It is fine Association, so long linked to events on the Southern Phuns and so closely tied to events on the national level, thatwe use as illustrative of Pan-Indianism, asking to w . - ° ° ' hatlextent it may be v1ewed as a rev1talization movement. 22 Theoretical Orientation Howard (1955:220) and Newcomb (1956:128) indicated, as we have seen, that Pan-Indianism is one of the final stages of acculturation just prior to assimilation. This 'Etage" was part of Newcomb's fourth "phase" of accultura- tion (Newcomb, 1956:123): The present phase of acculturation has been termed assimilation, since the Delawares have become, at least in external appearance, similar to their white neighbors. An important feature of this phase of acculturation is participation in a Pan- Indian society. Imfians on the Southern Plains were seen as making two tnxm of adaptation: (1) they were going into the dominant mxfiety and accepting its culture or (2) they were becoming Pmrlndian (Howard, 1955:215). Both were erosive of the finmer tribal cultures (Newcomb, 1956:122): In sum, two sociocultural groups are rapidly obliterating the old culture and society of the Cherokee-Delawares: one is Pan-Indianism, the other is the Anglo-American culture. In general terms, more and more Cherokee-Delawares are becoming less and less Delaware and more and more white or Indian. PmrIndianism was viewed, however, as a mechanism halting Orxetarding final disappearance into the society and CUlture of non-Indians : . . it became increasingly clear, however, that they were not completely assimilated, nor did it Seem likely that they would be in the near future. (Newcomb, 1956:117) - . . a stage of acculturation was reached which seemed to presage complete assimilation . . . the Various Indian tribes seemed to be rapidly 23 approximating white culture. This was, however, more apparent than real, for rather than becoming nondistinctive members of the dominant culture many Indians have instead become members of a supertribal culture which we here term pan-Indian. (Howard, 1955:215) How long this pan-Indian culture will continue is dependent on a number of largely unpredictable factors, such as economic conditions, population shifts and future miscegenation. (Howard, 1955: 220) We have seen that both thought Pan-Indianism might (fiffuse from the Southern Plains (pp. 5, 6) but their fmnm was on the reservation. Newcomb was evidently umnmre of, or at least he did not conceive its diffusion hue urban areas due to migration, miscegenation, and fluther assimilation (1956:120,122): . . the marriage of Delawares to whites naturally, perhaps inevitably, results in further culture loss and completed assimilation. This would be particularly true of the individual who marries a white person and moves to an all-white community. . . . Perhaps the greatest deterrent to a more flourishing Pan—Indianism is found in the correlated facts of dispersion and assimilation. The majority of Cherokee-Delawares upon reaching maturity leave the area. They do so because there are no strong, culturally forceful ties which would hold them back, and there are many economic advantages to be gained elsewhere. They are far enough along the road of assimilation that they can go elsewhere and become nondistinctive participants in the majority society. Pan"Indianism is, of course, found outside the reservation andin our urban and metropolitan areas. While some are bmxwfing nondistinctive members of the dominant society, Others are developing a new, Pan-Indian, sense of ethnicity. 24 Nathan Glazer and Daniel Moynihan (1963) have dudlenged the notion that the U.S. society and culture auxmbs and thereby destroys ethnic groups, and suggest imfiead that there are forces at work which perpetuate or achuflly generate both the feeling of peoplehood and idmfiification with ethnic minorities. Given time, these gunmm change considerably both in their composition and duuacteristic features from their earlier state and dewflop more or less unique ones distinguishing them from oduue. Their study indicates that minority groups, far fnmlbeing absorbed into the larger society and lost, mneist. Of this in the city, they note (l963:18,29l): The city is often spoken of as a place of anony- ndty, of the breakdown of some kind of preexisting social order. The ethnic group . . . served to creat a new form of order. . . The group-forming characteristics of Ameri- can social life . . . are as old as the city. The tendency is fixed deep in American life generally; the specific pattern of ethnic differ- entiation, however, in every generation is created by Specific events. Only a cursory look at the contemporary Civil Rhflms Movement indicates that ethnicity, far from being lmfiiamong Negro Americans, is a developing and viable {hemmenon. We suggest that something similar is occurring among Indian Americans. It is this which interests us. VMij Pan-Indianism found in the metropolis? RUth Hill Useem has recently suggested (l964:9): 25 American Indians . . . are becoming in social organization that by which they have long been designated as a category. Some have called this Pan-Indianism--but it is not a simple, one level group. Rather, it is a series of groups differ- entiated by ethnicity, social class, by minority group status, by shared deprivations or shared privileges, by similar although not identical reservation ways of life . . . by the type of community in which they are embedded . . . this nascent ethnic group. . . . The character of this new group will take its main outlines from the mainstream of American life. We have observed in Metropolitan Detroit persons, offlnxwithout any appreciable knowledge of Indian crafts, dmxfing, or other aspects of their former cultures, leanung in recent years certain crafts, Pan-Indian dmxfing, actively participating with others in Pan-Indian acUNities, including the pow wow, and by so doing daflaring both to Indians and the non-Indian society their Imhanness. Few have done field work on this phenomenon. Recently Joan Ablon made a study of families brought to tMeSan Francisco Bay Area in 1954-1955 through the \DLHWary Relocation Program of the Bureau of Indian Affifirs and commented out of her data (1964:303): In the city the alternative of passing into emite society is often an easy one, but still it appears that not many take that course. To the Contrary, many become more positive of their Indianness after they arrive. Perhaps the self- lma9e of Indianness stands out more sharply in 'UWBWhite world for people who come from reser- \mt1ons where the old ways are dying out and no meanlngful new identity-action patterns have develOped for the individual. In the city a $913011 may dramatically realize that he is an .lgiéfl. because for the first time his identity 26 stands in high relief in the midst of his all- white neighbors and workmates. As a result he begins to seek out Indian groups, to "dance Indian" for the first time or to take pride in his children's dancing. Perhaps he will take an active interest in Indian political problems. Thus a neo-Indian type on a new level of self- and group identity with a pan-Indian as well as tribal orientation may be born from the necessity of mingling with members of other tribes. She also suggests that (1) many have been drawn unwillingly into urban life, (2) certain Indian values are incompatible with those of American capitalism, (3) many Indians have a deeply entrenched dependency on the federal government due to previous experiences under the administration of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, and (4) most important, the Presence of a basic antagonism to white society which has developed out of a history of rejection and discrim- ination, although in the metropolis little of this is still felt. We note that Detroit has no Relocation Program, many of its Indians have never lived on an Indian reservation, and many are long-time residents and well- adjusted to the metropolis. There are other explanations 0f P<‘=1Il-Indianism but they tend to be colored by the area and Context of study. We have elected to view the phenomenon within the larger context of revitalization movements. The term Selected was introduced by Wallace in 1956 and has since been used as perhaps the most comprehensive one in the literature, under which a variety of movements which meet 27 ‘Um necessary criteria have been taxonomically ordered «f. Wallace, Voget and Smith, 1959; Clemhout, 1964). hisociology this is paralleled by "social movements" hf. Voget, 1959:26; Aberle 1966:315). The decision to \new the North American Indian Association of Detroit in Hus context has a number of advantages, one of which lxflng that it brings our data and analysis within a range dfexisting anthropological theory, thus making it of hmmdiate explanatory value (Beattie, 1964:43): . . . what is common to all kinds of explanation is that they relate what is being explained to something else, or to some order of things or events, so that it no longer appears to hang in the air, as if it were detached and isolated. . . . What is not fully intelligible when considered in and by itself becomes so as soon as it is seen as part of a wider whole or process, or as an exemplification of some principle or pattern already understood. TMBapproach also aligns our study with other similar npwments, including those pan-Indian ones mentioned, amnm American Indians and suggests certain variables for consideration . Our definition of a revitalization movement as a dEUberate, organized effort by members of a society (e.g., ennuc group) to construct a more satisfying way of life isifl keeping with that offered by Wallace (1956)- In onh’one point have we made a change, our use of "a more SatiSfYing way of life" for his "more satisfying culture." ourw0rds emphasize goals for a better and different way 28 of life from what has been and/or is experienced. They are synonymous with "a more satisfying culture" if they are not extended to mean one which is totally new or radically different. If by "new" we use as synonyms "more satisfactory," "new configuration" plus new elements, our definition would be in accordance with that offered by Wallace. On this, Aberle (1966) recently suggested that one may, if he chooses, assess goals from the perspec- tives of time, the recipients of the changes sought, the degree or amount of change, and the locus of change, i.e., individual or supra-individual. Accordingly, he developed a taxonomy and suggested that Pan-Indianism should be considered a reformative movement because it seeks partial change on a supra-individual level whereas the Ghost Dance should be viewed as transformative because it sought total change on the supra-individual level (1966:341) . Wallace distinguished revitalization movements as a SPecies or type of culture change, distinguished by Certain criteria under which subtypes might be placed and fruitfully understood. Typologies, he noted (1959), are always more or less incomplete but, nonetheless, they provide a uniformity in understanding, afford suggestive insights, and are an aid in comparative analysis. Like Linton in 1943, he, by definition, removed these from Other tYpes of culture change which do not depend on conscious, organized effort. He noted, however, that r..- 29 Hwy often do appear in a situation of culture contact. (Wallace , 1956 : 265) : Revitalization is thus, from a cultural stand- point, a special kind of culture change phenomenon: the persons involved in the process of revitalization must perceive their culture, or some major areas of it, as a system (whether accurately or not); they must feel that this cultural system is unsatisfactory, and they must innovate not merely discrete items, but a new cultural system, specifying new relationships as well as, in some cases, new traits. The classic processes of culture change (evolution, drift, diffusion, historical change, acculturation) all produce changes in cultures as systems; however, they do not depend on deliberate intent kw members of a society, but rather on a gradual chain-reaction effect. Itis not our purpose in this paper to argue for or amflhst human control over culture and cultural processes. Weaue simply saying that revitalization movements are cmnecterized, by definition, as group efforts to control-- to achieve a better way of life. Whether human beings cmior cannot alter their destiny is one thing. Whether they try to change it is something entirely different. Revitalization movements have been classified into different varieties. Two types are of interest to us: nafiyistic movements and syncretic or synthetic ones. Tmadifference is in the goals sought, although we should nmember that such difference is relative. The emphasis lsonPrimary intent: nativistic movements essentially sea‘to restore or perpetuate but they are usually syncre- tnzln Certain features; syncretic movements essentially 30 seek to combine but they often also seek to perpetuate or restore certain features. Perhaps the most significant pioneering work on rmtivistic movements was that of Ralph Linton in 1943. Ins definition will hold for our purposes (1943:230): . . . we may define a nativistic movement as "Any conscious, organized attempt on the part of a society's members to revive or perpetuate selected aspects of its culture." Itvdll be noted that, by this, nativistic movements are rmfistive of change and have as primary goals the restor— atnxior perpetuation of selected but not all parts of thetxaditional culture and life ways. He noted that Hmee might be either magico or rational with respect to idmfiifications and means, and also that they might appear ineflther the dominant or subordinant society. Marian Smith has defined the synthetic movement (1959:10): . . . synthetism may be defined as "any conscious, organized attempt on the part of a society's members to combine selected aspects 0f two cultures." Itis within this context that we shall View Pan-Indianism, CEUing it ethno-syncretic, descriptively, since the swxmetism involves the combination of elements from vmdous tribal cultures and also from the non-Indian culture. Wallace observed that revitalization movements are afhirly common phenomenon, so much so that probably few 31 of us have not been involved in one at one time or another. Like Linton, he (1956) suggested that they might be secular as well as magical or religious in means. Despite the suggestions of these two men, the weight of anthro- pological discussion and description has been on the religious or magical varieties. Indeed, in attempting a taxonomy Smith (1959) suggested the term "Cult Movements." Movements which are overtly secular, e.g., Communism, are seen as having religious-like qualities. We suggest that Pan-Indianism, which is secular in identification, also has its religious overtones. We raise, however, the question of how great a stricture should anthropologists place against secular types in favor of religious; and, if the term "revitalization movement" is narrowed exclu- sively to religious phenomena, does the stricture enlarge or dwarf our perspectives and does it really help or hinder investigation and understanding? Since revitalization movements often occur in a situation of culture change they may correspond to stages in acculturation (Voget, 1959). They may, therefore, follow one another in time. In another context, they may also Occur in a situation characterized by differences in social class, caste or "pseudo-caste." It seems appropri- ate tO take the perspective of revitalization in con- sidering the emergence of Pan-Indianism since, in the case Of the American Indian, religious movements have sometimes 32 tecome secularized; and, since Pan-Indianism apparently flfllows in the wake of the more religious types, Voget ébveloped the concept of "reformative movement" which, (flule religious in identification, is close to our syncretic variety. In speaking of Pan-Indianism he commented (1956:259): . . . they perform a number of important functions in the continuing development and adjustment of the Indian. . . . The universalistic quality of the reformative movement also extends the social and cultural experiences of individuals, stimulating a feeling of being an Indian rather than the member of a particular tribe. It is upon this affect-base that a nationalistic Pan-Indianism seems now to be emerging, with regional congresses to unite those sharing similar cultural backgrounds. . . . leformative movements thus pave the way for a more secular, pragmatic and accommodative adjust- ment. Reformation appears to be an essential phase in the growth and experience of American Indian minorities, which begins with the defense of the old life with military action and passes to efforts at reviving the past with ritual and the assistance of a commanding supernatural figure. . . . American Indian reform movements are the beginning of a Great Awakening (Sheean, 1949:299-363). All revitalization movements have certain common cmuecteristics. All envision a more satisfactory way Oflife. They are group efforts to correct an unsatis- fmnnry and/or distorted culture or way of life. All are CMHecterized by definite goals and a program, or means, fin'their achievement. They are organized in the sense thatithere is leadership which more or less commands, via personal magnetism or charisma, a following. These proclaim, in a homily-like manner, a vision of a better 33 tmmurow, i.e., goal culture, and the means of achieving it. Such movements are usually described as missionizing artming missionary-like in that they attempt to win aunuficant others to their point of View and enlist them in.their activities. Individuals appear as emissaries of the vision carrying the message and activities of ‘Uuanmvement to other similar groups, if such exist. A code of behavior emerges which members expect each other to keep, which code is related to the ends sought. All see the current conditions, in which the adherents appear enmeshed, as unsatisfactory and seek its alteration. It is within this context that we shall present and consider Um emergence of the North American Indian Association of Detroit. Wallace suggests that revitalization movements ummlLy emerge suddenly, given proper conditions. The Ghost Dances of 1870 and 1890 are generally conceded to be such movements, yet Herskovits (1938), following MST! (1932), Lesser (1933), and Spier (1935), makes a case for the aboriginal origin of most of the traits. The message of the movements involved aspirations for a new Way Of life for its followers and an improvement on the urlsavczisfactory and distorted conditions under which they werecurrently living. The message did not envision an entirely new culture in the sense that all the traits were n O . ew. There were innovations, but the goal culture was new 34 primarily in the sense that it was different from the one they were currently experiencing. The roots were old, it was the message and the new orientation of Indians around the vision of hope which was the genius of the movements. At the present time there are gaps in our knowledge of the origins of Pan-Indianism. Usually anthropologists infer the origins from the Southern Plains, following the suggestions of Howard and Newcomb. It should be borne in mind, however, that it had already begun when they did their field work. We should like to know, for example, more of its origins and possible connections with other revitalization movements, including those which were pan- Indian, among American Indians, e.g., the Ghost Dance of 1890 on the Southern Plains. This is not, however, our Problem, but we note that Pan-Indianism is one phenomenon and revitalization is another. A Pan-Indian organization may Or may not be a revitalization movement, i.e. , it may or may not have the criteria allowing its classification as such. We suggest that the set of traits which we operationally designated as accompanying contemporary I’an'-Indian1'.sm, i.e. , the southwestern type of pow wow and Indian dancing, the generalized "feather" costumes, the Indian Princess and sale of crafts, may not be associated With revitalization. Persons may exhibit these for other reasons, e.g. , they may do Indian dancing and participate 35 hipmw wows for recreational reasons. Organizations with ‘Hmme may, on the other hand, exhibit the features of revitalization movements. There are interesting comments suggestive of revitalization in the writings of Howard and Newcomb on Pan-Indianism in the Southern Plains as of 1952. The setting‘was that of culture contact where the cultures of participants were rapidly disintegrating leaving their adherents without the security which these formerly afforded: "As the old culture declined and Delaware society disintegrated the void was partly bridged with a melange of traits which are Indian." (Newcomb, 1955:1044) "With continued acculturation there has been a tendency toward the loss of tribal identity . . . (Howard, 1955 :219) There are suggestions of group effort toward conunon goals: "Pan-Indianism may also be explained as an attempt, perhaps largely unconscious, by a minority group composed of many different tribal remnants to find unity and strength in common customs. In a sense, it is; a final attempt to preserve a distinctiveness of being which a dominant civilization has tried to destroy. But in another sense it may be regarnied as an effort to glorify or enhance a minority group status which the dominant majority has:Lnsisted be preserved." (Newcomb, 1956:128) "It may best be explained as a final attempt to Perserve aboriginal culture patterns through intertribal unity." (Howard, 1955:220) We have already noted from ’their writings that one gets the 1mPression that the appearance of Pan-Indianism in the area was rather sudden. They had envisioned Indians in the area 36 as being in the process of assimilation, moving into the dominant society and culture, but they found Pan-Indianism present, countering at least for its participants assimi- lation. The only means, and these are implicit in their writings, are unification in the Pan-Indian society and culture. We do not intend to suggest or deny that Pan- Indianism was revitalistic there at that time, but we offer the above for its interest. From Linton (1943) one might get the impression that a requirement exists that all or most of a society's members must be involved for the movement to be called 'mativistic," and, by extension, "revitalistic." Indeed, Barber (1941:663) comments, "All members of the community—- men, women, and children--must participate." This, however, is not necessarily the case. Barber's article is concerned With the Ghost Dance of 1890 but Mooney's observations in the field indicate that it was met by some opposition in every tribe where it spread, varying from a majority in some cases to a minority in others, that some tribes received it and later rejected it, whereas others rejected it outright. Kroeber was aware that the 1870 Ghost Dance was not accepted by all individuals in groups to which it Spread and that it received very different receptions, Sometimes by tribes having almost identical cultures (see Stewart, 1944:89). Both Stewart (1944) and Aberle (1966) make specific note that the Peyote Cult, sometimes 37 classified with nativistic, reformative, or revitalistic movements, is very often accepted by only a few in the tribe and is actively opposed by others. While it may be that some revitalization movements are characterized by most or all of the members participating, in lieu of so great a variance in the number or percentage of persons who do become participants versus those who do not, we do not feel restrictions placed on this study in terms of the size of a Pan-Indian group as a possible revitaliza- tion movement. Our paper is divided into two primary parts. In Part I we offer a description of the emergence of the North American Indian Association of Detroit in diachronic perspective and consider its features which may be related to revitalism. At this point we suggest that it began as a voluntary association with goals and a program which were primarily recreational but that at a later date it was caught up in Pan-Indianism and came to have goals envisioning a more satisfactory way of life for all Indians. These, we suggest, include the alteration not only of Opportunities for Indians but also of the dominant society itself. We suggest, furthermore, that a program has been developed to achieve these ends. We also include the criteria heretofore mentioned. Data for this comes from p‘E‘rtiCiPant observation, interviews, and written records. For the PrOtection of individuals, in keeping with our 38 promises to our informants, we make an effort at anonymity. Therefore, when referring to Indians who are or have: (1) been members of the Association or (2) lived within the larger geographical area covered by this study, we shall use code numbers, e.g., [49] , both in the text and the Appendix rather than name. Furthermore, we shall not , quote directly from such unless the statement is a matter of published and, therefore, public knowledge. The only exceptions are occasional use of brief portions of taped comments (Appendix D) where neither anonymity nor the security of our informants is in any way breached. In order to provide objectivity we shall, however, use actual dates and the actual names of places and organizations. Inasmuch as the latter, along with documents which have been printed or mimeographed for public use, are a matter 0f public knowledge their use is not viewed as a breach 0f trust or anonymity nor are they intended as such. From this point in this chapter our statements are pertinent to Part II of the study. Here we deal with an area of interest which is more restricted than that Of Part I, seeking certain antecedent factors in the experiences of the members which account in part for their affiliation with the Association. This is related to Part I because we see revitalization movements as appealing to Certain types of individuals. Here our data are qualitative. We suggest that the findings should not be 39 interpreted as sufficient explanations but as contributory. We make this statement as a caution since these data are syncretic in perspective and the logic of procedure neces— sitates something of a time sequence. We also make it because we assume that those affiliating with this Association and becoming active in its activities will display characteristics similar to those in comparable Pan-Indian organizations elsewhere. Furthermore, we believe this caution is in keeping with general anthropo- logical theory on revitalization movements. It is con- ceivable, for example, that proper conditions might exist without one appearing, e.g., the appropriate message envisioning hope might not be present. By asserting that we seek antecedent factors in the lives of individuals we are saying that, given the presence of a revitalization movement, those who respond by affiliation or some degree 0f active interest will more often exhibit the character- istics to which the movement is a response than will those Who do not so participate. Data for this part of our Study, wherein our hypotheses are tested, come from the administration of an interview schedule. Anthropologists have shown considerable interest in antecedent factors behind revitalization movements and the phenomenon of stress appears to be one of the most comen el‘PIanations offered. It is implicit in the state- ment of Wallace on the unsatisfactory culture which members 40 oftmese movements are trying to alter (1956:265): ".. . they must feel that this cultural system is unsatis- factory . . ." It is more specific in his words (1956:269): Over a number of years, individual members of a population (which may be ”primitive" or "civil- ized," either a whole society or a class, caste, religious, occupational, acculturational, or other definable social group) experience increas- ingly severe stress as a result of the decreasing efficiency of certain stress-reduction tech- niques. . . . While the individual can tolerate a moderate degree of increased stress and still maintain the habitual way of behavior, a point is reached at which some alternative way must be considered. and (Wallace, 1956:267): The effort to work a change in mazeway and "real" system together so as to permit more effective stress reduction is the effort at revitalization; and the collaboration of a number of persons in such an effort is called a revitalization movement. Stress is a key concept in Linton's formulation UB43) and also to Kroeber (1948:437-440) who, in discussing nativism, used the terms "despondency," "universal hopeless- ness," and "inescapable frustration in personal life." Other designations for stress in regard to nativistic movements include "social hysteria" (Howells, 1948:278), "SrOUp hysteria" (Hagan, 1966:411), "trauma" (Chesneaux, 19Mh449), "social and economic dissatisfaction" and "mmfering" (Smith, 1959), "cultured stress" (Clemhout, 19&“ and, among others, "pervasive and durable frustra- thnm" (Voget, 1956:249). Although he speaks about social Imwements, Aberle is clearly talking about the phenomenon 41 \fldch we are calling revitalization movements and he sums what we have been saying in the words (1966:322,323): Social movements are, almost by definition, associated with some notion of destress, depriva- tion, dysphoria, or discontent. Unless we assume that humanity ceaslessly strives for perfection, we are obliged to assume that the goals of transformation, reformation, redemption, or alterations have roots in some negative evaluation of the current state of affairs. . . . In movements where the beneficiaries of change are to be the nembers of the group which constitutes the social nwvement, even if others are to benefit as well, we must, I think, assume that there are subjective feelings of distress connected with the experience of members of the group. This assumption . . . is central to virtually all theories and descriptive treatments of such movements. Inasmuch as the assumption of stress is central to most studies on revitalization movements, we feel that some (mnsideration of the same should be undertaken in this inmdy. The concept, however, needs narrowing and operation- alization to be of utility in research (cf. also Aberle, 1966;316). In this study it is limited by definition to an assumption and narrowed to an operational measure in a manner which allows us to infer its presence, under stated conditions, in association with each of our hypothesized independent variables--the dependent one being metropolitan Parr-Indianism, the indicator of which is the Membership Group. In this study associated stress is purely an asSumption and is synonymous with "the assumption of S n . . tress, "assumed stress," or sometimes Simply the term 42 "stress," should we use it--such alternates being employed in an effort to make for readability and to minimize redundancy. As used here, the term has the connotation of "psychological discomfort" (Parker and Kleiner, 1966:10) or "subjective feelings of distress" (Aberle, l966:322,333) . We assume it can be generated in individuals by the socio- cultural system in which they are imbedded, especially one perceived as unsatisfactory. We have elected the assumption of stress because in accordance with the overall design of our study, e.g., some of the other contributions we have also aspired to make, we felt it wise for reasons 0f economy to forego the use of psychological tests in data collection, analysis, and presentation. As indicated above, we are interested in locating Certain features in the sociocultural system which can be assumed to be sources of distress to those under analysis. Therefore, when we present our variables, we shall first State a particular feature of the system and then affix "933°Ciated stress." This is to narrow our thinking and to Call attention to that part of the system from which "Stress" is assumed to stem. Although this study is actually conducted at the sociocultural level, we seek relatively good reasons for assuming its presence and for linking it with the stated sociocultural conditions. Accordingly, we shall state both our reasons for and our me . . . asures for the assumption on each of our variables in 43 the following section of this chapter and immediately prior to the presentation of our hypotheses. we have been concerned about the analysis of data which is pertinent to the contemporary situation in which our respondents find themselves and which at the same time can be studied in a manner which is relevant to revital- ization theory. Other considerations involved the useful- ness of our data, comparability, with a wide range of other studies. We observed that Indians in the metropolis are caught up in the larger, predominantly non-Indian society of the contemporary United States where social and cultural change is proceding at a rapid rate; and we deduced that the underlying theme of social mobility in all of our measures would have great relevance. Consider- ing in advance the persons whom we knew to be involved in metropolitan Pan-Indianism, we also observed that most are relatively long-time residents of the metropolis and we reeSOned that, regardless of why individuals or families Inigra'tte to the metropolis, sooner or later they will come to C30pe with the social class system of the larger society. Furthermore, we observed in our participant observation on the Association under study that practically all of the money gathered through pow wows or other activities is Observing our directed toward educational scholarships. eflhJ-tibn of a reVitalization movement as "a deliberate, organi zed attempt by members of a society to construct a 44 better way of life," we deduced that measures on social mobility which involved aspirations and achievements would be both relevant and revealing. We also observed that the salience of Indian achievement in the dominant society is apparently in keeping with the concept of the "new Indian" (cf. Steiner, 1968). We asked ourselves, "Are these group goals a function of stress associated with unachieved aspirations of vertical class mobility?" Put another way, the question was, "Are persons who affiliate with Pan-Indianism, i.e., that under study in Particular, individuals who have accepted the goals of Anglo-American society--e.g., the 'American Dream' (Merton, 1957:136; cf. Parker and Kleiner, l966:326)-- but who, due perhaps to background variables which are PeCUIiarly Indian, experience stress because they have not achieved their goals?" Our two major variables, set in terms of two hypotheses (I and II), relate to two primary areas of experience: the first to relationships between the individual and the larger, predominantly non- Ihdian, society; the second to relationships between the individual and his rural tribesmen and tribe. The first foc“lees. on the individual as he copes With the larger Society in an effort to achieve goals relating to vertical Class mobility. The second focuses on migrant metro- politan Indians and their aspirations to maintain both Status with their tribes and meaningful social 45 relationships with their fellow tribesmen who have not migrated from the rural tribal area--usua11y the reser- vation. The first of our major variables, class mobility and associated stress, has two dimensions and includes three sub-variables which will be analyzed in terms of three sub-hypotheses. The first of these dimensions con- cerns goals of social class mobility. It is not uniquely Indian since the same measures could be applied without alteration on persons who are non-Indian. The second dimension includes the second and third sub-variables and relates to issues which are peculiarly Indian, i.e., they Cannot be applied, without alteration, on non-Indians. These relate to a perceived sense of blockage from the attainment of one's goals because the individual has been identified as an Indian and, in consequence, disadvantaged. The first major variable is a composite, requiring corre- lations between the first and second dimensions referred uh Restated: the first dimension includes (1) the giiiiygction between aspirations and achievements and asso- Wstress, synonymous with "unachieved goals and ass0<=iated stress" or "unachieved aspirations and associ- ated stress" (sub-variable one). The second dimension includes (2) relative deprivation and associated stress, synonyrnous with "perceived relative deprivation and asso- ciated stress" (sub-variable two); and (3) discrimination, 5.19;. E’ all! _ 46 synonymous with "experienced discrimination for being an Indian" (sub-variable three). We turn to these three in sequence at this time and to their operational measures in the next section of the chapter. The disjunction between aspirations and achieve- m_ents and associated stress. Essentially, this variable concerns the failure of individuals to achieve their goals and stress associated with the same. As stated, it contains four elements: aspirations, achievements, dis- junction, and associated stress--a measure to be considered Subsequently. By aspirations we refer to a person's long-range goals for himself, i.e., what he would really like, that toward which he is working or striving. By éLhievements we mean his present status, in the goal area, i.e., has or has not he realized the aspiration. By Sfi’junction we refer to the difference between a given asPiration and achievement--which is an operational measure to be described later. In this variable we consider “either aspiration nor achievement alone but together in a maInner which will allow the consideration of failure or lack of achievement. Disjunction or failure to achieve One's aspirations or goals, has a long history both with resPSCt to the assumption of stress and to revitalization or revitalization movements. Merton (1957, 131-160) considered that stress is the direct result of the dis- Junction between socially valued goals and the available 47 means provided by the society for the attainment of such, a flnmmlation similar to our conjunction of this first variable with the two which follow. The stress-provoking results of the disjunction between aspirations and achievements was noted by Honigmann (1954 :408) : Personal tenseness in a community stems partly from the degree to which culture includes wants without corresponding patterning means through which these goals may be achieved. (Gillin, l951:2) Communities frequently inculcate aspirations for which there exist no ready paths to achievement. Sometimes the achievement of goals that are held out as desirable to all segments of a community become especially difficult for particular sub- groups and categories. SUCh stress is evidently directional. In speaking on the relationships between anxiety and affiliation, Schachter nOted (1959): . . . the affiliative tendency is positively related to the state of anxiety which in turn is highly directional due to the needs for .anxiety reduction and for self-evaluative needs. . . . Given a choice, individuals facing an (anxiety-provoking situation prefer to be with <3thers in a similar plight, rather than to be iilone or with others facing a different set of Circumstances . If one group perceives itself disadvantaged in comParison to others in the achievement of the satisfac- tiohs of life, is not their culture distorted in their eyes? In other words, it seems fair to assume that if members of the group are characterized by unrealized , . n'I-4 “... 48 aSpirations in the pursuit of their life goals and if they believe themselves to have been disadvantaged by others in the achievement of these goals, more so than others, then those concerned must feel that culture is distorted and that in at least this respect, is unsatisfactory. Asymmetrical opportunity for the achievement of one's goals in a society which promises equal opportunity for all is, therefore, here assumed to correspond to the more general process of "cultural distortion" noted by Wallace (1956) . If the culture is perceived as being distorted against the group of which one is a member, e.g., ethnic or "Indian," one obvious way out of the difficulty is to flee from the disadvantaged group into that which is not Perceived to be disadvantaged. As with the Negro so also With Indian Americans, some undoubtedly do or attempt to pass" into the dominant society and escape from their ethnic background. We have observed that this is both a prevalent theme in the gossip and sometimes the outright a . . o o o dmlsslon of Indians. Our interest, however, has not With those who are so assimilated into the white society but rather with those who are not, in keeping with the observations of Howard, Newcomb, and others. Wallace suggested that during the "period of cultural distortion" regressive behavior might characterize the group (1956 :269,270). One of the more recent studies m. "Itvlw’pllw ru- 49 on American Indian adaptation to the metropolis, the Tri-Ethnic Research Project, had as one of its primary hYpotheses the testing of acculturating groups, American Indians being one, failure in the achieving of their aspirations against alcoholism. The result was signifi- cant and Graves commented (1967:319): These conclusions are important, and their implications for social action far-reaching. It would appear to be extremely shortsighted, for example, to encourage minority group members to acculturate to the dominant Anglo-American Goal system without providing adequate economic access to their new goals. The resulting means- 9oals disjunctions are likely to produce high rates of problem behavior, such as heavy drinking, drunkenness, and many other forms of social deViance--some of it retreatist, some of it Perhaps not--that will inevitably become costly social problems . That the disjunction between aspirations and achievement or the means of achievement can, unless some escape is found, become so stressful as to result in psychOtiC or neurotic behavior has been recently demon- strated by Parker and Kleiner (1955 355-56)- While, in their conclusions they suggest implications for the larger Neg“) Problem," we think that one could substitute almost the same stereotypes and "Indian" for "Negro" with real meaning (1966:345,346) : The Values and orientations of the lower-status Negro have often been characterized as "the culture of poverty." As currently used, this concept conjures up an image of individuals with low aspirations coupled with a lethargic agceptance of their fate. Social welfare plan- ning, involving social educational and retraining 50 programs, often implicitly assumes the above characterization. This culture and its members are sometimes seen as qualitatively (not only quantitatively) different from the more "respectable" elements of the society. Our data suggest that for the lower-status Negro this characterization is too sharply drawn and may sometimes cause welfare workers to misunderstand the motivation of their clients . . . other findings suggest that their adjustment is not modally as apathetic as it might superficially aPPG—‘ar. . . . The facts do not suggest a passive acceptance of fate, but rather a painful compromise. . . . Analysis in different content areas consistently showed that Negroes who perceived the Opportunity structure as open, and who had rela- tively high levels of goal-striving stress, were most prone to mental illness. This relates to the notion that a disjunction between goals and means is psychopathogenic. This is, according to Wallace, exactly what revitalization movements are about. To those under stress these move- ments offer an alternative through the visions of a new way of life. In their study on the Peyote Cult, Spindler and Geldschmidt noted that there were no significant differ- ences in social class between members of the cult and the "transitional category" but rather that those who were peyotist experienced greater stress in achieving (1952:75) = Between the Peyote Cult and the transitional c?tegory there are no reliable socio-economic dls*tinctions. It would appear that the member- ship Of the Peyote Cult is actually drawn from personnel in "transition" for whom the stress of adjustment was especially accute. .-.E Q '1" '4 n..- a. 'i 51 Speaking of the "reaffirmative native type," i.e., persons wMatmcome "nativistic," when formerly they were not of mxm a disposition, George and Louise Spindler comment (1957:154,155): This type is usually represented by younger men. rm was raised an Indian . . . but has experienced comparatively wide and intensive contact with white culture . . . and usually has traveled outside the reservation. For one reason or another he encountered blocks in his adaptation to white culture. . . . He has rebounded from white culture back to the tradition-oriented primary group maintained by geographical isolation and the influence of elders within the reservation community. . . . Because of this, for him the native-oriented group and its affirmation in ceremonial form assumes some of the character of a "nativistic" movement. While some persons of Indian descent, under the Conditions outlined above, evidently do, according to the literature, escape to the reservation or the rural Indian Community and find the experience "revitalizing," others for a variety of reasons, remain in the city or metropolis. Under such circumstances, would not affiliation with a Pen~Indian organization in the metropolis accomplish Similar ends? Recalling that Newcomb termed the present Phase of Indian American acculturation "acculturation," we note here with interest the statement of Spiro, which, thoughon the Italian American, can be translated with equal significance to metropolitan Indians (1955:1244, 1245) = 52 Specifically, the acculturation of an ethnic group in the United States--its acquisition of the dominant group-~15 an exclusive function of the group's desire and capacity for acculturation; but assimilation--the disappearance of group identity through nondifferential association and exogamy--is a function of both dominant and ethnic group behavior .y. . when a group with mobility aspirations is, despite its acculturation, denied assimilation, one of the alternative consequences of this denial may be some form of nativism. . . . How does a twentieth-century American, for example, identify with a thirteenth-century Italian? Although the "how" of this question is extraordinarily elusive, the "why" is suggested by Whyte (1943:274): "To bolster his own self- respect he must tell himself and tell others that the Italians are a great people, that their culture is second to none, and that their great men are unsurpassed." Finally, that a consideration of the aspirations 0f a people, and by implication, their achievements, is highly relevant in contemporary thinking on revitalization movements is part of Firth's criticism of Lanterani's "The Religions of the Oppressed: A Study of Modern Messianic Cults" (1965:450): . . . some important later developments are ignored. Among these is the Ratana Church, originally a faith-healing and regeneration nmvement with some white adherants; it repre- sented some Maori aspirations in a more subtile way than did the earlier cults, and it has taken on some of the characteristics of a modern Political party. I think that consideration of Such issues would have been relevant . . . We do not suggest that the disjunction between goals and achievement along with the assumed associated Stress is sufficient to account for a revitalization moVeruent in and by itself. We are suggesting that other “l ”..:VIEE L I ..L 53 factors also need consideration. In a multiethnic society with varying ideologies there must be something which focuses that stress toward ethnicity if there is to be a movement which centers around that. In the case of our study we suggest that, in addition to an assumed stress which is related to the failure to achieve life's goals, those concerned will feel that they have been disadvantaged in achieving them, among perhaps other things, because they have been identified as Indians by the non-Indian society and deliberately handicapped. This, we assume, focuses their attention on their Indianness, on their feeling of being in and a part of the larger society but also of remaining somewhat apart from it. It is at this POint that we introduce our dual concepts of relative deprivation and discrimination for being Indian. The concept of deprivation is an old one in anthro- POIOgical thinking on revitalization movements, that of gelative deprivation is more recent, being elaborated by Aberle and others. Deprivation involves loss and is some- times equated with poverty and/or oppression. Thus, Wallace in commenting upon Mooney's "The Ghost Dance Religion" observes (1964:ix) : - . . Mooney regarded such movements as adaptive responses to intolerable stresses laid upon them by poverty and oppression. In this restricted sense, he was an early proponent of the "cultural @eprivation" school of thought, which interests itself in the function of such movements as more 54 or less effective expressions of social dis- satisfaction. In these senses, Mooney foreshadows later theorists. But Mooney Was not primarily a theoretician. He did not . . . clearly distinguish between absolute deprivation and relative deprivation (in the absolutist economic sense,the Sioux any actually have been in better circumstances than some of the tribes who took far less interest in the Ghost Dance) . . . Philleo Nash used the concept of deprivation in mmflathe same way that we are using the disjunction between aspirations and achievements. In this sense he noted (1955:439): Acceptance or rejection of white culture did not determine acceptance or rejection of the revival doctrine, but success or failure in gaining the ends anticipated in the acceptance or rejection of white culture did determine acceptance or rejection of the doctrine. Participants in the revival were people who in some measure had failed to derive the satisfactions they anticipated in following a particular course of action. In this sense they were deprived, and this, it appears, is the basic relation between deprivation and revivalism. I Also, (Nash, 1955:44l,442): . . . The only group which had extensively taken over white values and skills--the Klamath--produced fantasies which expressed (a) their acceptance of the roles defined by white administrators, and (b) their dissatisfaction with the benefits attached to their own roles. - . . The only group which had unequivocally benefited by identification with, and acceptance Of, white skills and values--the Indian employees at.the agency--not only took no part in the revival but attempted to suppress it. The Chancept of deprivation, as Nash used it, suggests the “tilisty of our measure on disjunction and possible .J" ”.. w., 55 fine study might make to the results of his. In our study, however, we do not use the concept of deprivation mnzthat of relative deprivation. The two are not the same. Aberle, who has done so much to clarify the con- cept of relative deprivation, commented on the source of stress associated with these movements saying, "The core of the distress seems to be the experience of relative deprivation" (1966:323) . We note in passing his comment that “reformative" movements, under which Pan-Indianism ‘wnfld fall should we use his taxonomy, should not be exPected to be characterized either by as great a degree (”Estress or sense of relative deprivation on the part Of their members as the "transformative" ones, e.g., the Ghose Dance (Aberle, l966:330,33l): Reformative and alterative movements involve less deprivation and a greater consciousness of access to the sources of power. . . . As for means, magical or empirical, the choice for transformative and reformative move- ments rests both on the general evolutionary level of the society and on the degree to which the obstacles confronting the group are seen as tremendous. In the case of some reformative movements, even in preliterate cultures, a relatively empirical approach may prevail. . . . The goals are limited, and the movements may be Called reformative in many instances. And the means are empirical. Aberle defined relative deprivation as "a negative dlscI‘epancy between legitimate expectation and actuality, or between legitimate expectation and anticipated F., l»\. .130? ~- ~- 4.. 56 actuality, or both" (1966:323). Rather than using the concept of "reference groups" he used that of reference points and reference field. The "reference point" in his thinking is anything used as a basis for measuring legitimate expectation. Reference points may include not only reference groups but other phenomena as well, e.g., past versus present, present versus future. The total set of reference points he called the "reference field." Inasmuch as we are using other measures for aspiration versus achievement it is important that we clarify "reference group" as we shall use it. The concept of reference group stems primarily from the field of sociology. Merton's views on goal Striving and reference group behavior (Merton, 1957:131- 194, 225-286) add important perspectives in this study. In anthropological circles Aberle (1966), Berreman (1964: 231-250), and Parker (Parker and Kleiner, 1966) among Others have added to our thinking. Shibutani (1955) has delineated three separate usages of the term: 1. It designates that group which serves as the point of reference in making comparisons or contrasts, eSPeCially in forming judgments about one's self. It is in this sense that we shall use it in this study, thus our "reference group" will be equatable with one type of Aberle's "reference points." When making this distinction Shibutani noted (19553552): .n ,.~ 57 . . . Merton and Kitt, in their reformulation of Stouffer's theory of relative deprivation also use the concept in this manner; the judgments of rear- echelon soldiers overseas concerning their fate varied, depending upon whether they compared themselves to soldiers who were still at home or men in combat. . . . The study of aspiration levels by Chapman and Volkmann, frequently cited in discussions of reference-group theory, also inVolves variations in judgment arising from a comparison of one's own group with others. In this mode of application, then, a reference group is a standard or check point which an actor uses in forming his estimate of the situation, particularly his own position within it. Logically, then, any_group with which an actor is familiar may become a reference group. 2. It can refer to that group in which the actor aSpires to gain or maintain acceptance: hence, a group Vflmme claims are paramount in situations requiring choice. In this sense it is used to point to an association among ‘flmmtone seeks to gain, maintain, or enhance his status. It is that group in which one desires to participate. we note here that we distinguish "membership group" from raference group in that the "membership group" is that group in which the actor is already a member. 3. The third usage signifies that group whose PerSpective constitutes the frame of reference of the actoru This need not be the one in which he is a member or that to which he aspires in membership. On these three usages Parker and Kleiner comment (1966 = 138) : 1¥lthough Shibutani's distinctions are conceptually CIlear and important to bear in mind when designing relevant research, these three different usages m; n" i 58 seem to be logically related and are probably empirically linked in actual ongoing social behavior. If an individual employs a reference group as a basis for self-evaluation, doesn't this group also structure his perceptual field? Similarly, if a reference group serves as a basis for self-evaluation and provides the individual with a normative structure, it seems logical that he also (if only in fantasy) wishes to gain admittance to this group. .MSindicated heretofore, throughout this study we shall use the term to indicate the group which serves as a reference point or means of evaluating oneself. Merton and Rossi (Kitt) brought together the concepts of reference group and relative deprivation U357:227-236) purposely, suggesting that this conjunction be used as an intervening variable. We shall make use of Aberle's definition of relative deprivation and shall jOin it with reference group in order to ascertain the individual's feeling of his opportunities for the achieve- ment of his life's goals "as an Indian" in comparison to those who are not. we shall also apply the concept of reference group apart from that of relative deprivation. We have noted that such application has relevance to aspirations and to achievements. When this is done we shall specify it in the text. For our purposes and from our point of view, the most-ihportant study recently completed which attempted to aPply the concept of relative deprivation was Aberle's "The Peyote Religion Among the Navaho" (1966) - His 59 findings have in part influenced our research. He had attempted to measure a great number of variables and expended considerable energy and expense. He noted (1966: 244): In the end, the only clearly significant variables associated with peyotism had to deal with live- stock. Going by the board were acculturation, secularization, future-orientation, helplessness, dependency, attitude toward culture change, and many other intervening variables. This theory was firmed up more than six years after I began my field work, although it was one of many possible approaches I had flirted with from at least as early as 1950. . . . It is possible that the rickety scaffolding provided by the "tension" theory was a necessary step to later theory building. and (1966:252): The possible connection between Peyotism and live- stock reduction had occurred to me many times in the course of my field work, but only as one among many issues to be explored. In the end, it was associated with cult membership. In broad terms, membership in the cult was associated with the amount of livestock lost in the process of reduction, and with pre-reduction holdings. Furthermore, there was an association between the time of joining the cult and the amount of livestock loss (with certain qualifications supplied below). This finding is interpreted in terms of relative deprivation: of a negative discrepancy between legitimate expectation and actuality. As between any two individuals suffering the same type of deprivation, the individual who experiences the larger discrepancy is more deprived. . . . But the finding emerged out of a large number of nonsignifi- cant tables that it could be regarded as quite accidental. This finding is important but these statements by Aberle suggest that considerable more research on movements such as this should be done using relative deprivation as a Vslniable for analysis. In contemporary anthropological 60 thinking there appears to be some degree of consensus on the importance of this as explanatory of factors precipi- tating revitalization movements but in what is perhaps the most monumental work to date done on the problem the only finding was in the area of livestock reduction, economics. From this probably other types of stress also followed but these were not ascertained. In lieu of the interest in the relevancy of the phenomenon, the somewhat disap- pointing findings, and the need for further research utilizing the variable, we have decided to use it here hoping to add to knowledge, theory and to contribute somewhat in the area of method. One concern of ours is the translation of a variable such as relative deprivation to our population and to our other variables, e.g., the disjunction between aspirations and achievements, in a manner which is relevant, practical, and economical. We have narrowed relative deprivation, via narrowing reference field to "the group which serves as the point of reference in making comparisons or contrasts, especially in forming judgments about one's self" (Shibutani, 1955:562). We are obServing it along dimensions which correspond exactly with those measured under the disjunction between aspira- tions and achievements, namely education, occupation, and pay, Since we are dealing with a population of migrants w . hlch makes the checking of their responses against what n-v. .— 5 . Ina. 61 actually occurred impossible we have had to forego these measures and have instead taken the word of our respondents, followed by an open-ended explanation in each case. Our measure seeks the direct statement of the respondent as to whether or not relative deprivation has occurred and then the validity of the response by asking the respondent to explain himself, to tell us why he has answered as he did. We furthermore incorporate measures on the intensity of this feeling in keeping with one of Wallace's criteria for revitalization movements, "they must feel that this cultural system is unsatisfactory" (1956:265). This measure is in keeping also with the comment by Wallis, who, while agreeing with Aberle on relative deprivation, said (1965 :459): Aberle (1962), after examining some millennium- lpe$sianic movements, found that the one factor in common was a sense of deprivation. The factor which, it seemed, influenced respondents was not their lot, but their attitude toward their lot. In general, we suggest that groups of individuals might go on for years or generations being deprived in the absolute sense, e.g., consider sometimes the conditions °f slaves, serfs or persons involved in a caste system in the lower echelons. When, however, a group is given new aspirations with the hope of achieving them, a dynamic change may occur in favor of mobility toward these goals. I . f' g‘1Ven these conditions, the group is then blocked or 62 thwarted from achieving its legitimate goals and the group feels itself relatively deprived in comparison to others who are perceived not to be so hindered, the stage can be set for a possible revitalization movement. If the group concerned is an ethnic group and if it perceives itself blocked because of ethnicity, then the revitalization movement will take on the characteristics of ethnicity. Discrimination, another of our variables, is one vmich has been much discussed in conjunction with possible antecedent factors behind Pan-Indianism. It is to be distinguished from prejudice, or attitudes of antipathy (Berry, 19652300). Prejudice refers to subjective feelings but discrimination to overt behavior or the differential treatment accorded to persons who are considered as belong- iflgix> a particular category or group. Both are multi- dimensional and can vary in intensity but they are not Perfectly correlated. We assume that the individual who perceives himself discriminated against sees himself, at least for the occasion which he recalls, as unwanted by at 133st some in the dominant society or hindered by at least some from the achievement of his life's goals and because he is or was identified as an Indian. It is in this sense that Rose speaks of discrimination as "the deliberate holding down of a minority group by the refusal of oppor- tmnities by the majority group" (1961:334). For our ur . . . . p Poses we assume that this experience is stress-provoking. 63 We believe that it may be a contributory, but not a sufficient, explanation of revitalization movements. In his study on ethnic persistence among the Eta in Japan, Donoghue noted that discrimination is a factor, albeit not a sufficient one (1957:1016): This study indicates that the persistence of the Eta in contemporary Japan cannot be explained simply by the discriminary attitudes and preju- dices of the non-Eta. Although these are necessary conditions . . . In like manner Lurie noted discrimination as contributory toward "Indian" identity among the remnants of the tribes 0f the Powhatan Confederacy remaining in Virginia and the adjoining states (1959:299) : Indian identity, albeit only a historical claim, is prized since white identity is denied them by surrounding white people, and Negro identity 13 undesirable to them. Anthropologists have observed that discrimination a“Elainst Indians is probably more intense in rural areas, especially those adjacent to reservations and Indian communities, than in urban or metropolitan ones. The work of both Howard and Newcomb was done in a rural setting. Newcomb infers that mild discrimination may be a factor underlying Pan-Indianism (1955:1044): Dis'ocrimination against the Indians would pre- sumably lead to feelings of isolation, persecution, and difference, perhaps greater than actually eXlst, and hence strengthen Pan-Indian society. I? is difficult, however, to assess the extent of J~~f=crimination against the Cherokee-Delaware. Of 1rty-two individuals queried, only eleven 64 admitted having encountered discriminatOry practices, and only two of these were willing to cite specific illustrations. Only one of these incidents, in rental housing, could be substantiated. While actual discrimination of any sort is probably rare, there is a fairly wideSpread knowledge or belief that it exists, and a universal awareness of past discrimination, so that it is a force to be reckoned with in Cherokee-Delaware Pan-Indianism. Idacing apparently greater emphasis on discrimination, Ibward commented, "One of the principal factors fostering this intertribal solidarity is undoubtedly racial discrim- ination" (1955:218) . In speaking of Pan-Indianism off the reservation amiix: the metropolis, Schusky, in commenting upon ante- Cedent factors in Brooklyn, discounted the effects of race Fmemuiice, and by implication certainly also discrimination, although he acknowledged that it may have been present in groups with a high degree of Negro blood (Schusky, 1957: 121,122) . Hurt has described certain Indian churches and brotherhoods in the Northern Plains as "American Indian nationalistic movements." These, he believes are a direct response to discrimination associated with the ascription 0f Indians to low social status (1960:284): The movement of the nationalistic organizations ahkong the urban Indians of the Northern Plains is slqpilar to Pan-Indianism in its de-emphasis on trlbal identity. The Northern Plains nativistic mo‘V’ements, however, differ radically in that such groups as the Yankton Dakota Church make little or I“) attempt to preserve traditional Indian culture not are they a blend of various Indian cultural traits. In fact, they place high value on the 65 Anglo-American way of life. In these organiza- tions the emphasis is on demonstrating that American Indians have capabilities equal to those of other races. These two factors seem to explain the differences in the Yankton Dakota movement and Pan-Indianism. Prejudice and discrimination is much stronger in the Northern Plains and the Indians feel under pressure to prove themselves. In addition, the urban Indians of the type who join the Yankton Dakota Church or the Brotherhood of Christian Unity are much more acculturated than those who participate in the Pan-Indianism of Oklahoma or the eastern United States. It would seem that under conditions of culture cmntact.where the subordinant group is disadvantaged or Cbprived in reaching its aspirations that discrimination vmuhi almost always be present and would consequently be contributory to many revitalistic movements. As with relative deprivation so we would expect with discrimina- thnx 'that the attitudes of the people toward their being discriminated against would be of importance. In the (mseforego measures of intensity and direction in our assumed stress . 80 Parker and Kleiner had assumed that valence of failure is related to valence of success (1966:15): . . . the amount of arousal generated by these discrepancies will differ according to the centrality of the goal for the individual--the importance he attaches to reaching it. A goal of little importance will neither constitute serious threats to the individual upon failure, nor involve high anticipation of pleasure upon success; therefore, the affect associated with such goals will be small. we discussed our problem with Parker who suggested that a simple measure of valence as it was derived from the informant be used. This was the valence of failure. The foregoing suggestion of Parker seemed at first a-SOl.u.tion to the problem of valence. In actuality it left uSwith another, how should we treat the probability of suCcess and the probability of failure? If the respondent answered to the item on valence of failure that he would "net be disappointed at all," following their coding he wOnld be assigned a score of zero. Therefore, if we used Only valence and this score of zero, however we manipulated their formula we always derived a final score of zero, whiCh score might differ considerably from theirs. Further- more, a score of zero effectively eliminated our measures °f Probability of success and failure and, consequently, ouruse of the Resultant Weighted Valence Theory. In the end we elected to use the measure of valence of failure but not any measures of probability. This seemed warranted Since our exploration was to uncover unsatisfactory aspects 81 of culture and, from the observation that when we trans- ferred our data to coding sheets, we noted that on the very few occasions when respondents indicated that they had no chance at all of achieving their aspirations, they also indicated that they would not be disappointed at all should they not succeed. Since we did not desire to lose data by omitting those who might have aspirations beyond their achievements but showed no valence, we were led to restate our variable as "the disjunction between aspira- tions and achievements £13 associated stress." This would allow us to analyze disjunction by itself and also the presence of valence when associated with disjunction, the latter being our measure of assumed stress. This restate- ment rests on the simple assumption that if a person has unachieved aspirations and if he would feel terrible should he not achieve them, he is under some degree of stress, i.e., he is aware of and fearful that he might not succeed and the very prospect of failure is to him threatening. It also rests on the simple observation that whenever Parker and Kleiner obtained a D score, they finally obtained a stress score and that should our altered Statement with its appropriate measure cause us to lose a stress score, the loss will immediately reappear in our measure on disjunction. In this way data are not lost but retained for analysis. 82 Whenever we use the term life's goals, or the equivalent, "life's aspirations," we shall be utilizing it in reference to aspirations or achievements in the context of social class mobility, measured along the dimensions of education, occupation, and pay. We have selected "life's goals" because, though of necessity it is narrowed for analysis here, it is both broad and has implications for revitalization movements in general. (V) valence of failure specifically refers to the amount of anticipated disappointment associated with failure to reach or achieve one's aspiration (Parker and Kleiner, 1966 :15). Failure is perceived by the individual as threatening. It is associated with a feeling of appre- hensiveness (cf. Honigmann, 1964:371). A score or measure- ment here is indicative that the respondent has stated that should he fail he would experience a feeling of distress. Indeed, was not anticipated failure (the stimulus placed before him) at the very time of the response distressful, causing him to respond as he did? (D) disjunction between aspiration and achievement is in every case indicative that the individual has not achieved his aspirations. The measure is that of Parker and Kleiner with the exception that we have collapsed our measure to a nominal one of "present," a D score was Obtained, or "absent," a D score was not obtained. 83 We have previously indicated that our interest is really in the assumption of stress. We have not attempted a psychological analysis. We have noted that, since there is so great a degree of consensus among anthropologists on the assumption that stress underlies revitalization movements, we have sought a measure utiliz- ing the variables heretofore discussed that could be operationalized with some degree of confidence into our assumption of stress. It should be borne in mind, there- fore, that whenever we speak of associated stress we are really talking about an assumption. The important work of Parker and Kleiner, resting upon considerable previous thinking and research, and their findings have provided the measures and the confidence we sought for the assump- tion we have made. We have noted that our method of analysis is "in part" different, necessarily so. We have reduced our measures of (D) disjunction and (V) valence to nominal ones and, accordingly, we shall use primarily Chi-square measures for analysis. In so doing, our D, if such a finding occurs, is simply placed along side of our V, if this also occurs, and .the analysis is made. The occurrence of these together is our measure Of associated stress, i.e., Associated Stress = D + V This formula should not be construed to mean that we are adding measures from nominal scales. The (+) plus sign 84 merely indicates that the two findings are occurring together for the same person. We note a matter of theoretical relevance. Suppose we have a finding which indicates that the person is not under stress when we apply our data as planned. Are we at liberty to assume, therefore, that he is not experi- encing at least some stress, even in the area of measure- ment? Is it reasonable to believe that we have a perfect instrument and means of analysis? Is not perhaps the instrument too crude to detect small amounts of stress, which on the assumption of a normal probability curve, extends to infinity in either direction? Therefore, in lieu of the fact that all of our tests will be one-tailed in the positive direction, we define operationally the presence of a score on D when associated with one on V as "greater than," "more than" or "more stress" and the absence of a score on D or one on V as "less than" or "less stress." We do this since we are unwilling to make the assumption that the absence of a score actually indicates that the individual is under no stress at all and we restrict our statements of "greater than" or "more than" or "more stress" and their inverse to the measures and means of analysis outlined herein. This is not to say that we believe that our data-gathering instrument and means of analysis are not fruitful. On the contrary, we believe that they are of great utility and importance in 85 economically gathering and analyzing data relevant to movements such as we are studying. These cautions are taken merely to avoid misunderstanding. An illustration will explain our thinking. Joe Hill, Jim Smith and Henry Jones are all employed in heavy labor where their jobs are migrant, or temporary. Joe and Jim indicate that they aspire to medium skilled occupations whereas Henry says that he is satisfied with the job he has. All three are at an achievement level of 7 but Joe and Jim indicate that they aspire to one at the level of 5. Henry therefore has no D score and both Joe and Jim have a D score. Since both Joe and Jim would have indicated some probability of success and the item would have been irrelevant for Henry, we have not used the measure. When Joe and Jim were asked how they would feel if they found that they could never achieve their aspiration, Joe answered that he would be "very disappointed," scored "present" with the code 0f 5, whereas Jim stated that it "would not matter one way or the other," scored "absent." Joe's response to the Stimulus of likely or possible failure is indicative of (great) disappointment whereas Jim's response causes us t0 Ciuestion how genuine his aspiration is and also whether or not he is under any stress either to achieve or to avoid failure. In our measure we place Joe with those categorized as under "greater stress" but Jim and Henry 86 as those under "less stress." we are unwilling to state for sure that Jim is not under any stress, since we both lack all the measurements Parker and Kleiner used and also since we perhaps lack relevant data which has not been asked. We are unable to state for sure that Henry is not under stress, even though he has stated that he is happy with the job he has--perhaps he is concerned where the next one is coming from. According to the data we have gathered and our means of analysis, however, we are vfiiling to assert that Joe is under "greater stress" and that Jim and Henry are under "less stress." We have been Inmdlling to assume that Jim and Henry are under no stress at all. Our findings are based on the assumption of the tnnhfulness of the responses given and on our measures. Wastate that Joe and Jim experience a disjunction between aflfirations and achievement whereas Henry does not and that Joe experiences a greater "disjunction between aspiration and achievement with associated stress" than Junor Henry. We are, therefore, in a position to measure amlcompare achievements, aspirations and valence, and ifhm choose, to add probability of success in some other way, e.g., degree of optimism. We feel, therefore, that wehav'e not really lost much data but that we have simpli- fied our analysis and made it workable in this study. We have heretofore defined relative deprivation as a negative descrepancy between legitimate expectation and a.- 87 amtuality. On the observation that the American success theme promises equal opportunity for all, we assert that all ideally have legitimate expectations of equal oppor- quty in achieving their goals in education, occupation, mklpay. Our measures on relative deprivation are simple ones. We simply asked the respondent if he believes he had equal opportunity in achieving his goals in each of these areas in comparison to those who are non-Indians. An illustration from.education will perhaps clarify this: Think of yourself for a moment and also of those who are not of Indian descent at all. When you compare yourself with them (the interviewer would stop at this point and draw a line on a blank sheet of paper and then say, "Here are two sides. This side is composed of Indians while the other is made up of non-Indians. You are here with the Indians. Think now of yourself as an Indian, with these Indians, in comparison to those on the other side.") do you think that you were deprived more than they in achieving your goal in education? Understand me please. I am not speaking of your ability but rather of the opportunities you had or did not have due to circumstances in your life at the time. fflm response was recorded on a five-point scale from "No" tO'Wes, very much" and, to gain greater validity as well asrmue information, we then asked the respondent to exPlain himself in an open-ended manner. The measure of valence was placed somewhat differently, for relevance, than it had been for measures on his "life's goals." On ””3 he was asked, "Do you think about this very often?" TheasSumption behind this is that a positive score is lmfieative that this experience of perceived relative 88 deprivation is still bothersome, and therefore stressful, to the respondent. Our measure of relative deprivation and associated stress was computed in the identical manner as that of unachieved aspirations and associated stress. we have already defined discrimination and asserted that the experience is assumed to be stressful. We obtained our data by asking two items on whether or not the respondent had been discriminated against for being an Indian. One of these called for the presence or absence of such an experience in Detroit and the other before coming to Detroit. The two items invariably drew responses relating to metropolitan versus rural areas. Our data were coded nominally, "Yes" or "No," and we asked for an open-ended explanation for purposes of validity and added data. Our measures on tribal marginality were taken in two areas: (1) the disjunction between one's aspirations to visit and his achievements on the same and (2) the Presence or absence of tribal status. The first was to treasure the salience of maintaining social relationships with one's tribesmen in the reservation or rural area. It was assumed that the reasons a person aspired to visit were in fact those of maintaining such social relationships, Which We made clear by reminding our respondents that this refers to "Indians." We were led by two interests in our measures here, the first being that some account should be 89 taken of distance to the area and the second being that we are really interested in the disjunction between what a person aspires to and what actually is. For this reason we did not use absolute measures but asked on a five-point scale how often he would like to visit there, i.e., his aspirations, and, later, how often he did visit there, i.e., his achievements. We added verbally for clarity, "These measures are to allow you to indicate whether you visit there as often as you really want to or not." We were surprised with the candid answers which we received. We took the discrepancy between the two responses as our measure of disjunction. If such a discrepancy appeared, we then asked for an open-ended response which would indicate why the respondent could not return and visit as often as he wished and collapsed this to a nominal measure. Our measure of valence was identical to that used when assessing the unachieved aspirations. We believe that we have been able, with consider- able validity, to ascertain the tribal status of persons: first, during their childhood and, second, at the present time. A comparison of these two measures allowed us to derive the third, whether or not there has been a change in tribal status during the lifetime of the individual. That such information can be obtained might come as a Surprise to those who know well Indians from the United States but not to those who are acquainted with Canadian 90 law. Measures in this area are interesting and shall be discussed when we subject our hypothesis to analysis and interpretation. At this point we indicate that, due to considerable work on the Indian population in the area (see Chapter III) which utilized written statements, some kw'the respondents themselves, made long ago, and the data gleaned from over a year and one-half's work with a very well-informed paid informant, we knew in advance usually whether the informant had or did not have such status and if so, where. Armed with this, a knowlege of Canadian law on the subject, the last registration of Michigan Indians in the Detroit area, which was an attempt to bring lip to date the Durrant Roll (Appendix D-Sl), Michigan's (official registry of its Indians, along with knowledge of laow Michigan law operates in this regard, we approached in.a manner which admits direct comparison with the perception of relative deprivation, also measured in the same goal areas. Hypothesis Ib: Relative deprivation and associ- ated stress will be significantly greater in the Membership Group than in the Non-Membership Group. This hypothesis looks at background variables and is measurable not only against the achievement of current iiSPirations but also against the disjunction between fFOrmer aspirations and current achievement. It is assumed, sLince these measures involve the perception of deprivation fiat being an Indian in contrast to non-Indians, that the conjunctions under discussion are particularly distressful arud focus Indianness, or ethnicity, in the minds of the respondents . 94 Hypothesis Ic: Discrimination for being Indian will be significantly greater in the Membership Group than in the Non-Membership Group. Discrimination in the United States is assumed to be stress-provoking (see also Honigmann, 1963:13). Measures on this are taken both on discrimination in the netropolis and on discrimination prior to residence there, i.e., in rural areas. Since the item involves one's being discriminated against for being Indian, it, like relative deprivation, is also assumed to focus Indainness in the minds of the respondents. Hypothesis II: Tribal marginality and associ- ated stress will be significantly greater in the Membership Group than in the Non-Membership Group. Hypothesis II grows directly from our previous (discussion which postulated that persons associating with Pan-Indian organizations in the metropolis will experience nmore stress because of being socially marginal to their tzribes than will others. The hypothesis has two components iind.can be accepted by the association of significant findings on each. The first of these relates to the Inaintenance of social relationships with members of the tIribe still on the reservation or in the rural Indian com— rthinity, and the second to the presence or absence of tribal Status. In contrast to Hypothesis I, this is oriented toward an aspect of the subordinant society, the tribe, which is peculiar to Indians. 95 Hypothesis IIa: Disjunction between aspirations and actuality in the maintenance of social relations with tribes- men and associated stress will be significantly greater in the Membership Group than in the Non-Membership Group. Hypothesis IIb: Lack of tribal status and associ- ated stress will be significantly greater in the Membership Group than in the Non-Membership Group. Revitalization movements emerge during periods of cultural distortion when people come to see their present culture as unsatisfactory. They are group efforts to tareate a more satisfying way of life. Our purpose here :is to explore areas in the lives of Indian Americans uflmich may be viewed as a background to which Pan-Indianism responds offering a better life than currently exists. The foregoing hypotheses predict some of the areas of Chontemporary Indian American life which may be unsatis- factory. In this paper the conjunction of significant findings on Hypotheses I and II in correlation is taken t1) be a configuration which attests cultural distortion. Such findings are also conceived as representing antecedent factors in the lives of individuals underlying Pan-Indianism ill the metropolis. Our findings are not presumed to represent sufficient explanations but rather contributory. Each of the foregoing alternate hypotheses will be tested against an operational or null hypothesis of "equal to," "no difference or less than" (cf. Guilford, 1956:211). 96 An "either-or" scheme of interpretation is used, the rejection of the operational hypothesis meaning the acceptance of the alternate. The study is frozen at the close of 1968. Much of our data is presented in the appendices. Appendix A presents letters, Appendix B presents our data- gathering instruments, Appendix C presents our statistical tables, and Appendix D presents relevant qualitative data. PART I THE DEVELOPMENT OF PAN-INDIANISM IN METROPOLITAN DETROIT 97 CHAPTER II THE EMERGENCE OF THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN ASSOCIATION OF DETROIT In this chapter we consider the emergence and characteristics of contemporary Pan-Indianism in the metropolis as illustrated by the North American Indian Association of Metropolitan Detroit. Our offering is a descriptive synthesis in a setting which contrasts strikingly with the reservation on the Southern Plains where Howard and Newcomb did their work, and in a temporal continuum which begins prior to and extends after their Observations in 1952. Our purpose in presenting a dia- Chronic development of the North American Indian Associa- tion from an organization with limited social objectives to one which is both dynamically Pan—Indian and revitalistic in character with the goal of constructing a more satisfying Way of life for Indian Americans is because we hope to (1) add data to the limited amount we now have on Pan- Ihdianism and thus extend the range of our understanding, (2) consider a Pan-Indian organization from the perspective of revitalization, (3) generate a series of provocative CIllestions for future research, and (4) to prepare more 98 99 fully the setting against which the findings on our hypo- theses can be interpreted. By definition we have suggested that the primary feature of pan-Indianism lies in the ideology of the unity of Indians of all tribes around features and interests common to themselves. Accompanying this in contemporary Pan-Indianism is an emphasis on "Indian," but not to the exclusion of one's tribe. This emphasis makes pan- Indianism different from intertribal activities and con- federacies where emphasis remains on the tribe, the cooperation is temporary, or the sense of unity extends only to select tribes. Under this broad definition can be classified variant types of pan-Indianism. A second feature, characteristic of contemporary Pan-Indianism by definition, is the pow wow and the associated large-scale intertribal socializing as described by Howard, Newcomb, and others. Often discussions on Pan-Indianism focus on these latter features which are seen to have diffused from the area where it was first described. We believe that these two features of contemporary Pan-Indianism are different and should be considered separately. A consider- ation of just the second set of characteristics is useful if we are viewing the current generalized Indian costumes and dancing, the impressively large intertribal gatherings, Or the contemporary pow wow. If, however, it is the only aPPI'oach used it tends to deprive us of other useful 100 perspectives. By itself, it directs thought toward the Southern Plains to the neglect of what is happening in other parts of the United States and Canada, thus con- cealing the activities and efforts of Indians elsewhere. It focuses thinking on the reservation to the neglect of both rural areas inhabited by Indians which are not reservations, urban and metropolitan areas, and often the role of the dominant society as well. We raise the question: Is Pan-Indianism best seen as a phenomenon which originated on the Southern Plains and then diffused through other parts of the United States and Canada or, instead, are only the second set of features derived while the ideology of the unity of Indians of all tribes around features and interests common to themselves is of more general and widespread origin? We think both perspectives are important and that neither should be used to the eXClusion of the other. A consideration of the emergence of the North Imerican Indian Association of Detroit, as illustrative of mnuemporary Pan-Indianism, is interesting for several reasons: (1) It is not on a reservation but in a large meitropolis. Detroit attracts Indians from across the ‘hfited States and Canada. (2) The Bureau of Indian Affairs haSnorelocation office in Detroit, thus migration there it under somewhat different conditions and the Indian Population is somewhat different from similar settings 101 where such an office does exist. A study of Pan-Indianism in Detroit is, therefore, useful as a control against areas where such an office is present. (3) It is not on the Southern Plains but in the Great Lakes area, midway between Chicago and New York City and on the border between the United States and Canada. This adds certain perspec- tives and provides some useful insights into the Canadian contingent. (4) The Association under study is probably the oldest metropolitan Pan-Indian organization with continued existence in the United States. Its records, which are voluminous and more or less complete, date to 1940, or 12 years prior to the observations made by Howard and Newcomb and four years before the National Congress on American Indians came into being. Furthermore, it is not Only the only truly Pan-Indian organization in the metro- POlis but quite likely the strongest in the State as well. (5) Michigan does not have large Indian reservations. In fact the majority of Indians in the state have never lived On a reservation. It boasts only three very small reser- vations and one Indian community, sometimes referred to as a reservation. Accordingly, Michigan Indians have not had the seclusion from the dominant society which either the large reservation or large numbers of their own kind PrOVides. Neither have Indians in Michigan been in a Situation where traits from their former tribal cultures Could be freely exchanged as they were on the Southern 102 Plains. Nonetheless, Pan-Indianism is not tardy in devel- oping in, or coming to the State. (6) Because of the geographic mobility of Indians within the State of Michigan and the intertribal socializing which often occurs between the same, a study of the development of Pan-Indianism through time as illustrated by the North American Indian Association is contributive to an understanding of the development of the phenomenon throughout the State and area. (7) Revitalization is another phenomenon, one in its own right. we use it as a perspective for the insights it adds, which perspective, as far as we know, has not been used in a diachronic treatment of Pan-Indianism. In this chapter we shall present first the setting, _or a brief overview of the numbers and location of Indians in Michigan. We then divide the temporal continuum into four periods for consideration: Before September 19, 1940; September 19, 1940-1947; 1948-1958; and 1959-1968. Finally, we offer a summary and some conclusions. Indians in Michigan: Numbers and Location Excepting emigration, members of three tribes indigenous to Michigan still live in the same general areas once inhabited by those tribes. Following the close of the American Revolution there were a series of treaties With these tribes, consistent in design, which were intended (DePartment of the Interior, l951:6): 103 a. To remove the Indians from the State of Michigan to reserved land in other States; b. To dissolve all tribal organization; and c. To eliminate group identity by allotting and patenting land in severality to Indians remaining in the State. The rural location of the remaining members of these tribes is presented on Map l. The Ottawas are landless in that they own as a tribe no reservation. Primarily they live scattered in rural communities and on the periphery of lakeshore popula- tion centers in the northwest section of the Lower Penninsula (Department of the Interior, l951:5). Much of the same holds for the Potawatomi in the Southwest corner of the State (Department of the Interior, l951:5) as for the Ottawas, mentioned above. In addition, thereeis a little Potawatomi community of about 15 house- hOLds at.what whites refer to as "Indiantown" which is only a few'ndles to the west of Athens. We have also visited amongPotawatomi in southwestern Michigan who live in small settlements of three to ten households throughout the area indicated on Map 1. The Potawatomi in the Northern Penninsula and the Chippewa there hold as tribal land a total of 7,896.59 acres which, as typical of many Indian reservations, is of “Very little economic use. The Bureau of Indian Affairs itself describes it as (Department of the Interior, 1951:7): 104 BAY MIL LS ’ E SE RVA TION HANNAHVIL LE NDIAN C WMUNI TY MOSTL Y CHIPPE WA MOSTL Y O T TAWA / / § MO STLY PO TAWA TOM! \‘ \\ ISABELLA ( RESERVATION f\‘ , // RESPONDENTS ' CHIPPEWA V o T TAWA 0 PO TAWA Tom 0 RESERVATIONS AND INDIAN COMMUNITIES ARE CODED ACCORDING TO TRIBE ; F—L-———ATHENS 1 INDIAN COMMUNITY j MAP I. AREAS OF MICHIGAN INDIAN EMIGRATION TO METROPOLITAN DETROIT. ALTHOUGH INDIANS PROBABLY LIVE IN EVERY QUARTER OF THE STATE OUR S“JOY INDICATES THAT MOST IMMIGRATE FROM THE SHADED PARTS. THE EXACT FLACES wHERE OUR MICHIGAN INDIAN INFORMANTS HAVE COME FROM IS REPRESENTED BY SOLII) BLACK SYMBOLS, FOR TABULAR DATA SEE APPENDIX C, TABLE 4-9- 105 . . . generally swampy and covered with stone outcroppings characteristic of glacial influence. The topography is generally rolling to roughly hilly except at Isabella where it is fairly level. It is estimated that 82% of the Indian land is cut- over forest area now supporting second-growth timber of various species and suited for little else. ' The Potawatomi of the Hannahville Indian Community hold 3,320 acres on which 33 families, comprising 131 persons, lived in 1951 (Department of the Interior, l951:7,9). The Chippewa at L'Anse hold 1,595.9 acres on which 134 families, with an estimated population of 850, lived in 1951 (Department of the Interior, l951:7,9). This groupIholds another 80 acres of timber land at Ontonagon Which was uninhabited in 1951 and on which, according to reports, few Indian families, if any, ever lived. The Chippewa of the Bay Mills Reservation hold tribal land in tWO areas: at Bay Mills and on Sugar Island. The former Consists of 1,748 acres and the latter of 607.75 acres, mOSt of which is unusable. In 1951, 38 families, with a Population of 180, lived at Bay Mills, and another two families, with a population of 10, on the tribal land on Sugar'Island. However, an additional 32 families also 1iVed on Sugar Island, but on privately owned land (Depart- mentof’the Interior, l951:7,9). The Chippewa of the Isabella Reservation also own land in two areas: 450 at Isabella and 55.935 acres at Pinconning-Saganning, which is approximately 80 miles to the northeast of Isabella. 106 In 1951, 28 families, with a population of 140, lived at Isabella; and another six families, with a population of 40, lived at Pinconning-Saganning (Department of the Interior, 1951:7,9). Generally speaking, we do not believe that the demographic picture has changed much in recent years for any of these above mentioned areas. In 1951 the federal government estimated that there were approximately 9,000 Chippewas, Ottawas, and Potawatomis in the State with around 3,000 in the Upper Penninsula and the remainder in the areas south of the Straits of Mackinac. These latter figures, however, need considerable revision because of Population growth, the migration and lack of registration 0f many Michigan Indians, and the immigration of Indians from outside the State, especially in the more heavily Populated urban and metropolitan areas in the more southerly parts. We would not want to hazard a guess at the numbers of Indians living in urban areas such as Ann Arbor, Lansing, JaCkson, Grand Rapids, Muskegon, etc. Detroit receives, as does Port Huron, considerable numbers of Canadian Indians. In addition, Indian immigrants from across the United States, especially from the Southwest, are found in Detroit. There are no precise figures. The North American Indian Association in Detroit estimates around 4.000 Indians for that area with an unknown number above 107 that figure. We have presented considerable additional data on this in Chapter IV of this study. Before September 19, 1940 Frances Densmore (1949) has carefully documented what remained of the conservative or traditional tribal cultures in northern Michigan as of about 1950. Gertrude Kurath (1966) has documented and described both the dances and music, including Pan-Indian, of Indians in Michigan. She views change in evolutionary perspective, positing four stages: (1) the aboriginal or native stage, which was supplemented by (2) hybrid liturgies and (3) Algon- quian.evangelism, and finally by (4) modern festivals. Following the depletion of natural resources_and the acceptance of European artifacts, most Michigan Indians turned either to Roman Catholicism or Protestant Christian- ity, nwetly an evangelical Methodism. Both denounced and Opposed the aboriginal Indian religions. The resultant "religious cataclysms" (Kurath, l966:4) meant the loss.of moSt.of the aboriginal ceremonials, music, and dances. Catholic converts were able to develop blends between the Old and new religions centering primarily around family feasts and memorial rites (Kurath, 1966:4). Where these exiSt.today they mark the annual cycle of seasons, coin- ciding with the Christian holidays, and seldom do they i“elude the native song or dance (Kurath, 1966:39)- .— 108 Evangelical Protestantism condemned tribal religion, ceremonialism, and dancing as pagan, and flourished through the revival or camp meeting. These meetings featured both the preaching and singing of hymns in tribal languages, especially Chippewa, and exploited the native vision cult (Kurath, 1966:38). Often they were very large in size, attracting Indians of many types, including shamans and Catholics, and persons from distant places, e.g., the Walpole Reservation in Canada. Kurath (1966:54) observes that the effect was to nearly eradicate all traces of aboriginal ceremony, dance, and music. Our data confirm this for Michigan and suggest much the same for the smaller reservations in southern Ontario, e.g., Sarnia, Walpole, and the Moravian Reserves (see Appendix D-l). The result of this cultural loss, or cultural forgetting, by most Indians in these areas means that most who now do Indian dancing have had to learn the art in recent years. Kurath (1966:55) suggests three meanings for the term "pow wow" which are relevant to the Michigan setting: (1) The modern powwow descends from ceremony. The early Angonquian "pawaw" referred to a dreamer, hence also to a ritual conducted by a seer, for curing, often with a large and noisy assembly. (2) Then it referred to a council or to an inter- tribal conclave. Such parleys for peace included not only speeches and discussions but also prayers, tobacco invocations, pipe dances, war dance con- tests, and social group dances. They were occasions for trade. Originally they involved general participation by all hosts and guests. 109 But in the early nineteenth century Frenchmen might watch but from the sidelines, as spectators (Baraga 1837:264). (3) Today's powwows are sometimes sociable, parti- cipation events. Usually they have an audience- performer dichotomy like the European theater. There are many gradations from the informal dance session to the formal show with a stage. The shows in large cities tend to be less intimate than the programs in rural settings. All of them are acquiring the same mannerisms and mechanical devices as White programs. We make two observations: (1) Indians in the North Ameri- can Indian Association never equate a dance rehearsal, a show presented before either an Indian or a non-Indian audience, or a pageant with the pow wow. They rehearse before almost every semi-monthly meeting (Appendix D-2e) and sometimes more often, simply calling the event a "dance rehearsal" or a "dance practice." When they present a "show" they go out as dancers and perform in the theatrical sense. "Program" has the dual meanings of the ordered arrangement of events at a pageant, show, banquet, pow wow, etc.; and as synonymous with "show." (2) The pow wow is an intertribal event with visiting Indians and with the setIof traits surrounding such events as described in (fimpter I. Bearing these distinctions in mind, the third meaning suggested by Kurath seems descriptive. Pan-Indian pow wows in Michigan feature a variety oftwpes of dances. Some Detroit Indians make a conscious effort to learn, even if need be from anthropological sauce materials, their own tribal dances and to perform 110 them. This is congruent with the observation of Howard for the Plains (l955:218,220): Since the pan-Indian blending is not yet complete, a powwow in the area of the Plains tribes is likely to feature Plains type dances. . . . Never- theless both do occur at the same gathering, and powwow promoters are anxious to offer both to those in attendance. . ... It may best be explained as a final attempt to preserve aboriginal culture patterns through intertribal unity. There is a strong influence on Indian dancing in Detroit from reservations in the east such as the Six Nations Reserve and the one at Caughnawaga, Quebec. There is also considerable influence from the west, e.g., the reserva- tions in Minnesota and Wisconsin, and from the Sioux reservations in South Dakota. A few persons from Michigan have contributed from the former cultures of this State. Since the cultural forgetting, however, has been so exten- sive most who have desired to learn have not really known, and sometimes have nor cared, what were their formal tribal dances. Accordingly, the Pan-Indian types of danc- ing described by Howard and Newcomb for the Southern Plains tmye had ready acceptance. At the large pow wows these are the dances most often used and enjoyed; and the most afle teachers are, furthermore, from these areas. These also appear to be the dances and the costumes that the non-Indian public enjoys. 111 In our thinking, the contemporary pow wow in Michigan is built on and supercedes pageants or shows which have long been presented by Michigan Indians. These nught include scenes or plays such as Hiawatha, The Landing of the Pilgrims, The First Thanksgiving, A Scalping Party, etc., and they might or might not include solo or group dancing as well. They were usually presented by a group from a single tribe which had organized for the purpose and which rehearsed seriously for the event. The Hiawatha pageant at Harbor Springs is apparently the oldest of these, given by the Ottawa and beginning as early as 1912 but being derived from the Garden River Reservation in Ontario (Kurath, 1966:56). This was to lapse during World War II. The program at Cross Village was apparently influenced by imports from the Wisconsin Dells and began as early as 1935 but by 1950 was nearly extinct (Kurath, 1966:56). Some Indians tried to start a dance group on the Isabella Reservation in the 1930's. Their efforts were to try to recall or invent dances and they appear to have been influenced by programs in the Wisconsin Dells. Tm do not think the group continued (see Appendix D-2c). Pow wows of the second type, previously mentioned, omnured in Michigan prior to 1940. Under the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 the tribes in Michigan were permitted to, and did, become organized. This move by umedominant society evidently raised their aspirations 112 and gave some hope for a more satisfying way of life in the future. In the same year the landless Ottawas held a pow wow at Harbor Springs (Detroit News: August 4, 1934): HARBOR SPRINGS, Mich., July l6.--Donning feathers and beadwork, and dancing to the beat of a war drum, the Ottawa Tribe Sunday urged other Indians to join them in a state-wide confederacy to "educate the white man." The occasion was the first annual picnic and pow- wow of the Michigan Indian Defense Association, organized recently . . . The opportunity to reorganize legally, conduct tribal business, and the promise of even minimal economic relief evidently stimulated some to new hope because the same article goes on to say: Speakers praised President Roosevelt for his "New Deal" plan of settling homeless Indians on submarginal lands to be purchased by the Government. "For the first time in history, we are being treated as though we weren't prisoners of war," said Levi McClellan, of Bay Shore. "It's up to us to get our just dues before it's too late." It was a tribal occasion. Wigwams were pitched, Indian dancing occurred, and ball games were played. It also appears to have had revitalistic overtones in the message of hope the pow wow contained, the more satisfying way of life which seemed to possibly lie ahead, and the newly flnmed organization was an effort to deliberately change things as they were. It was formed "to promote the social axieconomic welfare of their race" and one of the primary 113 and immediate goals was the correction of negative and derogatory stereotypes of Indians which were held by non- Indians. If things were not quiet in out-State neither were they in the Detroit-Pontiac area. Detroit had already attracted Indians from across much of the United States and Canada. In 1937 an intertribal association was formed in Detroit, evidently a forerunner of the North American Indian Association, although most likely not directly linked to it in any way. In the files of the Detroit News (January 6, 1937) we located the following brief announce- ment: The announcement of the formation of an Indian Club of Detroit for American-born Indians living within the metropolitan area reveals that there are 500 individuals eligible for membership. The only other documentary evidence on this group came from another clipping in the Detroit News, dated January 14, 1937: . . . first benefit dance of the Indian Fireside Council of Detroit, comprising members of 31 tribes. Itis interesting that this group was called the "Indian Ifiieside Council" because another group by the same name, butih.Chicago, predates 1940. In Chicago the Indian Fireside Council, which was sometimes called "Council Fires" here, predates the American Indian Center as the Indian Rheside Council predates the North American Indian 114 Association in Detroit. We do not know what types of con- nections may or may not have existed between these groups. The organization in Detroit was evidently formed for the purpose of providing recreational activities for Indians and to further social relationships among them, but it probably broke up due to financial difficulties according to our informants. The Chippewas constructed an "authentic Indian village" at Murphey Park in Pontiac for a pow wow in 1939 similar to the others we have noted, e.g., Harbor Springs, 1934. To this they invited Indians from great distances, from " . . . throughout the U.S.," and many came. Two thousand are reported to have attended, some from as far away as Arizona and Manitoba. In talking about the politi- cal overtones of events similar to this in Pontiac and oft- reported incidents associated with the same, Steiner (1968: 7,9) makes the interesting observation: Hunting has become a symbol of the new tribalism. Wherever new Indians gather to reaffirm their rights, the Deerslayer returns. His rifle echoes and re- echoes throughout Indian country. . . . But why had the movement of tribal nationalsim taken on so seemingly archaic a form? Why, of all things, hunting rights? . . Indians by defying the proclaimed rights of the States were proclaiming their right to govern themselves. And they were protecting their ancient way of tribal life, with rifles ready. The Chippewas . . . were issuing declarations of independence. 115 The Chippewas whom Steiner has in mind are evidently groups in Minnesota or Wisconsin but an identical situa— tion occurred in Pontiac. Ironically, the Governor of the State, although he was not on hand to receive it, was awarded honorary membership in the tribe, as was the state highway commissioner (Detroit News: July ll, 17, 18, 1939), but about a week later an article, "Indians Fight Venison Case. Treaty Rights Cited in Oakland Arrest," appeared (Detroit News: July 27, 1939): PONTIAC, Mich.--State Conservation Dept. charges Pontiac Indian, Robert Phillips, for illegally supplying venison for Chippewa encampment held last week. The group in Pontiac tried another pow wow, evidently its last, but with a difference. At their second pow wow a group from Oklahoma was expected to be present and perhaps to perform (Detroit News: July 17, 1940): PONTIAC, Mich.--Pontiac's Chippewas hold second annual pow wow at Murphey Park. Invitations sent to many States to View event. An Oklahoma tribe is expected to participate, programs arranged, public is invited, archery contests and Indian dances. The new policy of the federal government in these years brought changes on, and a gift to the Chippewa on fluelsabella Reservation. This prompted them to hold there a pow wow (Detroit News: July 8, 1940): MT. PLEASANT, Mich.--200 Indians powwowed Sunday, 400 persons present. Group predicts at least 2,000 will be present on July 10 for the dedica- tion of a new W.P.A. $15,000 building to be presented by government to tribe. 116 Their aspirations for large numbers evidently failed (Detroit News: July 19, 1940): MT. PLEASANT, Mich.--$15,000 chapel given at cloSe of a 4-day Indian festival. 200 Indians attended . . . It is possible to review the foregoing as a function of the dominant society. From this vantage point we here suggest a consideration of (l) the ideology of the dominant society toward the treatment of its minority groups, and (2) its political or legal activities toward Indians. The former appears relevant, as well as the latter, since these ideologies have affected Indians in the past and continue to do so in the present. It appears relevant since contemporary Pan-Indianism appears to have certain pluralistic goals, a point to which we shall return. One of the most penetrating analyses of the ideologies of Anglo-conformity, the melting pot, and cultural pluralism, both in the context of their historical development within and without scientific circles and in reference to migration and legislation, has been offered by Milton Gordon (1961 and 1964). Anglo-conformity should Imm.be equated with racism (Gordon, 1964:24) but perhaps can best be defined as (Gordon, 1964:88): "Anglo-conformity" is really a broad "umbrella" term which may be used to cover a variety of viewpoints about assimilation and immigration. IUl have as a central assumption the desirability of maintaining English institutions (as modified by the American Revolution), the English language, and English-oriented cultural patterns as dominant and standard in American life. 117 In its most extreme form this means assimilation or absorp- tion into the Anglo-American tradition as described above. Anglo-conformity in the United States predates the forma- tion of the nation and is still viable. It appears to have motivated many of the policies of the larger society towards Indians since first contacts. The melting pot ideologydates from the eighteenth century. With this the central concept seems to center on the fusion of ethnic groups and their cultures into one new and different type. Gordon (1964:115) puts it thus: Was it not possible, then, to think of the evolving American society not as a slightly modified England but rather as a totally new blend, culturally and biologically, in which the stocks and folkways of Europe, figuratively speaking, were indiscriminately mixed in the political pot of the emerging nation and fused by the fires of American influence and interaction into a distinctively new type. Since this appears to have functioned more at the ideolog- .ical level than at the behavioral level and never seriously to have included Indians, most of whom were excluded from therdominant society by the reservation system, we shall not use the concept here. The period of 1830-1893 can be thought of as one of exclusion, opposition, and restoration. By and large the attitudes of Whites toward tribal societies and cultures were those of exclusion, both from their land and from admittance into the dominant society. Against the Imogram.of territorial exclusion the tribes fought back 118 with force of arms and, finally, when such hope failed, they sought to overcome with revitalistic types of nativ- istic movements. In the beginning of the era the ideology of Anglo-conformity was "ambiguous" but by mid-century it began developing and would continue in the latter half of the century to the point where any deviancy from its ideal could not be countenanced (Gordon, 1963:91). The reservation period began in 1870 and with it attempts to remodel Indians into the model of Anglo- conformity. Despite the treaties which had been made, and to make dominance complete, the federal government almost immediately disavowed tribal political structures by a rider attached to the Appropriations Act of 1871 (sanger, 1871:566): Provided: That hereafter no Indian nation or tribe within the Territory of the United States shall be acknowledged or recognized as an Independent Nation, Tribe or Power with whom the United States may contract by Treaty. .Intensive effort by missionaries was undertaken to Christianize Indians, and sometimes force was threatened, shcmld they be found dancing or practicing their own religious ceremonies. Thus (Collier, 1955:133): Beginning about 1887, a leading aim of the United States was to destroy the Plains Indians' societies through destroying their religions; and it may be that the world has never witnessed a religious persecution so implacable and so variously implemented. 119 The Allotment Act of 1887 was an effort to eliminate group identity, to destroy Indian community life, and to force persons into individualized behavior (Workshop on American Indian Affairs, 1956:10,ll). The intensity of interest in the goal of forced change for Indians is clearly seen in the argument of Senator Pendleton of Ohio in his argu- ment on behalf of the Allotment Act in 1881 before Congress [Congressional Record, Vol. 11 (Forty-sixth Congress, Third Session, 1881)]: They must either change their mode of life or they must die. We may regret it, we may wish it were otherwise, our sentiments of humanity may be shocked by the alternative, but we cannot shut our eyes to the fact that it is the alternative, and that these Indians must either change their modes of life or they will be exterminated. . . . In order that they may change their modes of life, we must . . . stimulate within them to the very largest degree, the idea of home, of family, and of property. The results of these efforts were that Indians were .brought together in close proximity by reservation settle- ment making mutual association easy and more likely, English became the universal language of intertribal dis- course, intertribal relationships were enhanced by use of the U.S. mails and the railroad, Indians began to send their children to school and to accept many of the white social and economic patterns of life, and some were appearing on the Wild West shows (Wallace, 1965:vii). In the dominant society, however, the ideology of Anglo- cmnformity, which had begun to develop ugly overtones 120 during the closing decades of the 19th century, continued to grow through World War I (Gordon, 1964:98). Cultural pluralism does not feature goals of the disappearance of minority groups into a communal identity of some sort, as does Anglo-conformity or the melting pot ideology, but rather co-existence where the various ethnic groups will preserve their identity and their cultures while uniting in group cooperation with full participation in the common political and spiritual life of the country (Gordon, 1964:140; Berry, 1965:226). It became a fact in American life before it did a theory (Gordon, 1964:135). It did not develop meaningful proportions until the years of 1915 through 1920 and then among certain idealistic nembers of the middle class who were more concerned with nunority groups than with theories of adjustment, and ;perhaps as a reaction against the Americanization movement and the Ku Klux Klan (Gordon, 1964:137). It received ;perhaps its most idealistic expression in the work of lRandolph Bourne, literary critic and essayist, of whom Gordon asserts (1964:141): Here at last might be found the type of nation which the conditions of modern life demanded--one in which many nationalities would live in concert, each maintaining the flavor of its original heritage and its interest in its original homeland, and at the same time combining to form a richer, :more cosmopolitan culture in America and providing a lesson in international amity for other countries. In this vision of the nation, the immigrants now become "threads of living and potent cultures, 121 blindly striving to weave themselves into a novel international nation, the first the world has seen." World War I was the war to end wars, following which the ideology of pluralism was evidenced in the appearance of the League of Nations. Many Indians had enlisted in the Armed Services and, because of the law passed in 1919 conferring citizen- ship on any soldier who had been honorably discharged, became citizens. By this time Indians were coming more to the fore in the thinking of the larger society and many among them were gaining newer and different perspectives. In 1924 the federal government officially declared that Indians born within the United States were citizens. In ‘the mid-1920's attention turned to the plight of those' .living on reservations which resulted in a reappraisal ‘Mhich culminated in the Meriam Survey (Meriam and Associates, .1928) revealing not only their economic and cultural plight taut the failures of federal policy to date (Workshop on Indian Affairs, 1956:12): . . . the relationship between the government and the Indian, which never was sweet, was now that of bitterness, contempt, and despair. This was because a situation of frustration had been created for the Indians . . . The years 1928-1934 were years of continued reap- Praisal and the inauguration of a program of education in the broadest sense of the word (McNickle, 1962:12). By 1329 efferts to gradually nullify the previous policies 122 were begun (Kenneth Stewart, 1965:501; Berry, 1956:237). In 1932 Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected President of the United States and during his first term John Collier, a pluralist, was appointed Indian Commissioner and embarked on a "New Deal" for Indians. In 1934 the Wheeler—Howard Act, sometimes called the Indian Reorganization Act, was passed, containing suggestions from many of the tribes, the Meriam Survey, and from Collier. In Collier's thinking (Kelly, 1954:7): That intention was the group-hood of Indians, twenty thousand years old in our hemisphere, should be acknowledged as being the human and socially dynamic essential, the eternal essential, now and into the future as of old. It should be grouphood culturally, as rooted in the past as the group at issue. . . . For Indians it meant civic and cultural freedom, the oppor- uHuty to reorganize as tribes for those voting its accep- tance, and economic opportunity (Kenneth Stewart, 1965:501): . . . the philosophy of the act was the opposite of forced assimilation, since it encouraged the Indians to retain their tribal identifications and cultures, offered them assistance in becoming self- sustaining, and held out the promise of their integration into the national life as Indians. The new policy stopped all allotment of Indian lands, gave the tribes the opportunity to organize for increased self-government with elected tribal councils, and made it possible for organized tribes to borrow money from the government for such enter- prises as cooperative cattle raising. Health and school services were improved, and the Indians were given back their constitutional right of religious freedom. Native arts and crafts were encouraged and .it became possible for the first time to teach Indian languages in the schools. 123 In 1850 only those Michigan Indians who were not members of any tribe were given the right to vote (Depart- ment of the Interior, l951:2), but this was changed in 1924 when all were declared citizens. The Indian Reorgani- zation Act of 1934 stimulated new hope among them as it did among Indians elsewhere. For them a new era was dawning. Now they could not only reorganize as tribes but, being citizens, they even had a voice in the dominant society. Because the dominant society had been turning Here attnetion to them since the mid-1920's and because neny in that society were now given to the newer ideology of pluralism, many were beginning to view Indians in a nwre favorable perspective. In the 1930's many Michigan Indians were either experiencing actual economic and/or social deprivation, and many others retained vivid memo- ries of it; sometimes because of and sometimes in compari- son to the white outsider. Feelings of injustice were very present and tribal identity was intensified. Now perhaps they could be heard. Michigan Indians reacted and tribal pow wows, long since a thing of the past, came into being once more. Envisioning a more satisfying way 0f life in the future and sometimes proposing means to that end, Michigan Indians began to gather at these pow wows and to unify as best they could. Even at this date the means to the proposed goals, while including others, Were often political. Most such efforts failed. 124 In this new era Indians had considerable geographic mobility, and immigration into the industrial areas now brought other Indians from distant places in the United States and Canada. As 1940 approached some of these from the other tribes began to appear at the tribal pow wows. In Detroit there had been an attempt to form an ongoing intertribal association in the 1930's. Although it failed, the North American Indian Association, soon to come into existence, would succeed. September 19, 1940-1947 The North American Indian Club, now the North American Indian Association, came into being on September 19, 1940 at a meeting held in the Central Y.W.C.A. of Dmtropolitan Detroit which was called for the purpose by [3], Michigan Chippewa from the Isabella Reservation and Assistant Guidance.and Placement Officer of the U.S. Indian Department. These evidently were years of heavy Indian immigration into Detroit and the U.S. government assigned him the responsibility of spending some three or four months per year on the task of assisting Indians adjusting to urban life. His office was in Milwaukee, Wisconsin and he appeared intermittently in Detroit attempting to secure job placement for Indians in the auto- motive industries and offering counsel to those in need of it- Ehnidently his special concern was with those who were graduates of federally-funded Indian schools, but he was nu! 125 also concerned with Indians in general and in providing something to aid them in his absence. The original mem- bers of the Association all affirm that [3], seeing so many Indians living on Skid Row and spending most of their free time in the bars there, organized the club in the Y.W.C.A. in an effort to divert their attention from this type of life toward something better (see Appendix D-3 for an alternate, although not necessarily contradictory, explanation). [3] evidently met many Indians in the bars and not only invited them to the organizational meeting tmt urged them to spread the word to others. He only visited the city for about two years and left the newly formed organization under the guidance of the Y.W.C.A., under whose sponsorship it still remains. The records which deal with the first meeting indicate that the association came into being primarily as a social club and that, even at its inception, pan- Indianism is implicit. They state that [3], of the U.S. Indian Department, called a special meeting of these Indians at the Y.W.C.A. for the purpose of considering the organization of an "Indian social club." There were 25 Present and all seemed in favor of such an "Indian" organi- zMien. [3] also talked on membership and advised the 9r°uP against accepting "undesirable individuals" as Permanent members . 126 On October 2, 1940 [3] addressed a letter to the newly formed group, suggesting that the word "Indian" should appear first in the name which they might select, e.g., "Indian Social Club," "Indian Tribal Club," or "Indian Tribesmen Club." He also advised the group against affiliation with the Council Fire and suggested that it retain close touch with the Y.W.C.A. for the benefits which the larger organization could provide. Of interest also at this early date was the evident concern of the members for affiliation with other Indian groups. Quite likely attempts at such unification among Indians were already present in the United States at this time. The Council Fire which [3] had in mind is the Chicago group of which we have spoken. His reasons for advising against affiliation evidently included the fact that the group there permitted non-Indians to be members. very likely this was related to the very purposes he envisioned for the group in Detroit and to the feeling of Indian identity (see Appendix D-4). This feeling of separatism from non-Indians and the rigid stand against accepting persons who are suspect of being less than one- fourth degree Indian continues to this day, showing no Signs of abatement (see Appendix D-S) . Ina our opinion one of the factors accounting for the Association as it is today has been the contributions made by professional Indians, well-educated Indians and/or 127 persons with unusual perception, foresight, and leadership. [3], the founder, was a professional. [4], perhaps highly important in getting the group started, had a couple of years of college. Elected to the first Constitution Committee were [5], Oklahoma Cheyenne married to a Chippewa from the Isabella Reservation; [l], Chippewa from the Isabella Reservation; and [6], Potawatomi from "Indiantown" near Athens, Michigan. [5] was a student at Wayne State University at the time studying sociology, later to take his M.A. in the field there and to teach the same at the University of Kansas. This committee projected into that first constitution the perspectives, goals and activities of the emergent organization; and with them the Pan-Indian concept, "Indian." These can best be seen in the preamble, but we add a little more for clarification [Constitution of the North American Indian Club. Adopted October 20, 1940. (Mimeographed.)]: Preamble The purpose of the "North American Indian Club" is; To establish a meeting center for the Indian peopde in and around Detroit and Canada; To extend ouz: hospitality to visiting Indians of the United States and Canada; To promote better relations and extend the international courtesy to Canadian Indjuans which our forefathers knew no boundaries man)r years ago. We shall make every effort to elevate the environment of our Indian people, and to lay cornerstone of ever-lasting fellowship. ARTICLES OF THE CONSTITUTION ARTICLE I Name Section 1. THLis organization shall be known as; "The North American Indian Club" IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII-IIIII-I-I-I-I-I-nnmr 128 Section 2. Said organization is to be composed of the descendents of all Indian tribes of the United States and Canada. ARTICLE V Membership Section 1. Any person elected to the "North American Indian Club" must be of Indian descent, and be a resident of Detroit or neighboring town. No person shall be qualified to hold office who is an employee of the Indian Service, or who has been convicted of a felony. Section 2. Associate Membership Wives or husbands who are not of Indian blood may have all privileges of membership except that of holding elective office. Honorary membership was adopted on January 12, 1941 and on February 16 of that year restrictions were placed on persons seeking regular membership. These required that all potential members be required to present to the membership committee papers verifying degree of "Indian blood" which should not be less than one-quarter, tribe, etc., or a letter of introduction. Preferably, each should write to his original reservation or agency. The organization began with a Pan-Indian title. The earlier suggestions of [3] that "tribe" be included along with "Indian" might be taken to mean that factions along tribal lines threatened the club in the beginning. We are not sure, however, to what degree this actually Omnured.. we are relatively certain that division did QXiSt: but it appears that it was essentially between 129 U.S. versus Canadian Indians (see Appendix D-6 for the last mention of this type of schism). In the first preamble we find essentially two things suggesting an effort to create a more satisfactory way of life: (1) better fellowship among Indians, espe- cially between those from Canada and those of the United States, and (2) a generalized concept of an improved environment in which Indians might live. [5] appears to have envisioned more. With the advent of World War II nmny of the men enlisted and he became president. In a letter addressed to members and prospective members he suggests that other goals should be added and places tmfore his readers a second criterion of Pan-Indianism, supertribal unity [August 5, 1942. (Mimeographed.)]: You should all think of yourselves as Indians first, and not as belonging to a particular tribe, or as coming from Canada or from the U.S. The Club is for all Indians and not for a clique or a particular tribe. Banish from your minds any petty thoughts or jealousies, and think only of the good that will come from the unity of the American Indian. Of all nationalities in this country, the American Indian, with his common background, has the most logical and proper basis for organizing vwith the minimum of difficulty. If we Indians can grasp this fact, and if we think of the hardships, abuse, and prejudice that is ours today, we would organize . . . the Club at the present time is prizicipally a Social Club, with the hopes and expectations of becoming something stronger and more influential. . . . .AJl.of the social functions of the organization Were developed within the first three years of its history. Ideally two Sunday evening meetings were held per month, 130 one for business and one for recreation. Actually, then as now, most would be for business. At those regularly scheduled events the club featured card parties, box socials, talent shows, bingo games, bunco, square dancing, etc. On special occasions American style dances would be held on a much larger scale at which the Indian public which was not associated with the club was invited. An annual picnic soon came into being and also the annual banquet. Favored meals included in the menu Indian bread, Indian or corn soup, and venison. During the war years the women formed a knitting group, and after the war the men quickly organized a basketball team, baseball team, and a bowling league. Those latter activities have been intermittent since this time but of interest to the group, especially when they involve competition with other Indian teams. Activities associated with mutual aid, e.g., the sending of flowers to the sick or bereaved, donations for those in economic need, gifts for men in the Armed Services, etc., were early in appearing. The first Welfare Committee was appointed on January 22, 1942. The Y.W.C.A. has provided both a reliable and con- Venient meeting place and professional guidance. While its goals regarding the club have been those of integration, we do not suggest that those working with the Association rmNe beer: motivated by the ideology of Anglo-conformity bUt rather a type of pluralism which envisioned the group .1... hr:- u. on '5'. . n ‘- ‘5 131 as both representing Indians as a whole to the dominant society and as cooperating with that society in community- wide endeavors. Its workers have consistently backed the Indians in championing their causes although at times they seem to express concern should the group become militant. Its guidance has been indirect. Its workers have attended all of the meetings offering guidance but never dominating and they have met with committees whenever invited. From the beginning the Indians have planned their own activities and conducted their own business. As a large and reputable organization, the Y.W.C.A. has given this group which it sponsored prestige in the eyes of the larger society and, by its continual repre- sentation of the club as the official voice for Indians in the metropolis, it has been able to make important contacts for it with other citywide organizations. Accordingly, it has emphasized to the members that as Indians they were the representatives of Indians in the cfltyvand, as such representatives, it has sought to draw thmnitho community activities. It has alerted the group to current and important issues to which it should react andhas garovided knowledge of how to cope with individuals and commi ttees in high places and with the public at large 30 that today those in the core group are no novices. It has Provided and arranged for the group valuable publicity and taught it how to use the means of communication 132 available for communicating with the metropolis, e.g., newspapers, radio, and television. Members of the club soon learned that they had an important asset in the non-Indian metropolitan setting. This was simply the awareness that they were Indians, and that non-Indians wanted them as performers, speakers, and interpreters. In less than a year after the club had come into existence it had been invited to send representatives to appear on radio programs, as speakers for diverse civic organizations, and for one who could interpret the neanings of Indian terms assigned to places in the State and suggest new ones for places not yet named. Such invitations would not diminish through the years, but to them would be added requests for displays of Indian crafts, players for pageants, groups and floats for parades, speakers for schools and churches, and finally Indian dancers. The first invitation to participate publicly in a parade before the city was the occasion of the Golden JUbilee Parade in 1946, for which they elected their first Indnni princess. Requests for speakers could be filled by persons with rather good education and/or experience. Persons with linguistic ability could act as interpreters. A few could still do some of the Indian crafts. Many recInests required groups performing in concert. Because cultural forgetting was extensive in most of Michigan and on the smaller and more adjacent Canadian reservations, most of the members lacked not only know- ledge of how to do Indian dancing but also costumes and any real knowledge of their previous tribal cultures. Analysis of the subjects of those addressing the group from 1940 through 1947 reveals that on the 27 occasions 20 were on the former culture of a given tribe; on crafts, music, or symbols of Indian culture in the past (Appendix D-7); whereas seven were on issues that were largely political pertaining to Indian people as a whole (Appendix D—ll). All of the latter type save one were in or follow- ing 1945. With the closing of 1947 there was a dramatic change in the club. Since then only one person has addressed himself to themes of the former type, so popular before. This was in 1961, after the group had become engaged in the contemporary Pan-Indian pow wow, when [13], a highly talented Oklahoma Cheyenne artist and recent migrant to the city explained and started the group in silk screening. We suggest that, for those who had lost Sormufla of their previous tribal cultures, this early Period ‘Mas essentially one of learning. They were learning flxmt tiieir own former cultures, certainly something of the former cultures of others; and they were learning some of'the HKJre generalized cultural traits and symbols pre- sumed to have been formerly shared by Indians as a whole. 3hlshort, at this time they were broadening their cultural 134 horizons and developing a sense of historic identification with Indians of the past, important elements if a sense of peoplehood was to be achieved. There are only a few references to Indian dancing for the years 1940 through 1947. Interestingly, it is mentioned only six times (Appendix D-8) whereas there are seven references to bazaars, talent shows, concerts, and pageants (Appendix D-9). Most of the latter are as much or more non-Indian in character than Indian and none predate 1945. Furthermore, except on those rare occasions when some joined in for the fun of it, much the same as entertainers often ask their audiences to do, the Indian dances are essentially shows for the benefit of Indians who as yet lacked the art themselves. Some of the members of course knew how to do Indian dancing before they came to Detroit, nonetheless, it appears that group performances first featured bazaars and pageants and later purely dance smograms. We would suggest that in the beginning when neny could not perform as dancers that they could perform am Indians, if garbed in a proper costume, in a playlet or pageant. We met [15] and he confirmed our impressions at the Detroit pow wow in 1968. Professional Indian entertainers and Indian dancers with great skill filled an important need for the group in these early years. They enabled the organization to respond to the dominant society as Indians and served to 135 educate the members to what Indian dancing was about. Three professionals were [20], [16], and [17]. [20] was a Sioux from the Rosebud Reservation. As an entertainer he had spent most of his life in Wild West shows, travel- ing with Buffalo Bill. [17] was an Ottawa who had traveled considerably with the Hiawatha Pageant of Harbor Springs, even to Europe. [16] is an Oklahoma Cherokee and an entertainer of a different sort. He formerly had his own orchestra and traveled widely, appearing on pro- grams such as the Grand Old Opry. He appeared in full Indian regalia and had his orchestra dressed as cowboys. For variety in the program he would perform rope and shooting tricks, and do Indian dancing. After coming to Detroit he had his own T.V. program, the Tom Tom Matinee on which he would sometimes use some of the children from the club. Two non-professionals but nevertheless persons of great ability were [23], Oneida from the Oneida Reser- vation in Wisconsin and [19], Mohawk from the Caughnawaga Reservation in Quebec. Some of the children were utilized in programs featuring dancing, but the records contain no reference to dancing instructions being given to the adults. Those mentioned above were the Indian dancers these years (Appendix D-ZS), although others were most likely used in other roles should an Indian program be given. Interestingly, Indian dancing in the club in these Years is not excessively dominated by styles from the 136 southwest. While Pan-Indian dancing from the Southern Plains is present, it appears alongside but not in excess of dances from other areas. Since its inception the club has expressed interest in and has maintained relationships with Indian groups elsewhere. It will be recalled that in 1940 [3] had advised against affiliation with the Fireside Council in Chicago (Appendix D-4). By the fall of 1941 a group had been organized in Lansing (Appendix D-2b) which sent repre- sentatives to Detroit to announce the event. Members of the club, having come from diverse areas, have also served as links between the group in Detroit and activities and groups elsewhere. The Hiawatha Pageant at Harbor Springs lapsed during World War II (Kurath, 1966:56). This corresponds exactly to the arrival of [17] in Detroit in 1942. Revitalization movements are typically evangelistic (Wallace, 1956:273), seeking to carry their goals and pro- grams to other like persons by emissaries. Individuals with a message and a program become vehicles of instruction and extension. The Ghost Dance of 1890 featured a number of apostles who carried the message of hope. While these were active in their own locales they were also active in spreading the message and its related behavior elsewhere. lireading of the record also indicates that groups some- times acted on their own, selecting one from their number 137 to go and inquire for them. One would not expect a secular movement to feature emissaries who are divinely inspired and have a program which is essentially religious. One would, however, expect certain common characteristics. Thus, although the message and the program of the secular movement would not be essentially religious, the role of the individual emissary and/or the group via an emissary should be important in a manner paralleling that in the religious movement. Kurath has very carefully documented the role of individuals in the formation and instruction of groups, the purpose of which is the Indian pageant, Indian dancing, or the contemporary pow wow. She even refers to the modern pow wow as "revitalization" (1966:55) and its emissaries as "evangelists" (l966:57,58). Indeed, a careful consider- ation of the persons and their activities presented in her chapter on the rise and spread of modern Indian festivals suggests that they must have seen themselves as having a message and a program for Indian people, and as being dedicated to the winning and instruction of converts. We do not suggest that the North American Indian (Hub is, at least as of 1947, a revitalization movement. Ikmever, on the basis of their statements, we suggest that some individuals have come to see themselves as emissaries :hlthe manner of our preceding remarks and that others are responding to them as such. In 1944 [24], chief of the 138 Odawas or Ottawas on Mantoulin Island, was living in Sault Ste Marie, Ontario. He came to believe that he should start a club in the Sault, contacted the group in Detroit, and was given a constitution as a guide and encouragement (Appendix D-lO). Also, from its inception there have been close relations between the Detroit club and persons on the Isabella Reservation. Our data indi- cate that an emissary from the Detroit group, [1], went to Mt. Pleasant where he started a club early in 1946. He reported the event and urged encouragement (Appendix D-2c). Beginning in 1945 members of the club began to express interest in events concerning Indians as a whole, especially where tribal rights and reservations were concerned. Prior to the war, on April 20, 1941, a petition was passed for signatures supporting a bill by Senator Thomas of Oklahoma to establish a National Indian Day, but the activity did not involve the newly emergent club in immediate or personal commitment. It appears, however, that the experiences of the war altered the interests of the male members in two directions: (1) some had become fibre interested in the welfare of all Indians and were especially interested in political issues relating to them, whereas (2) others did not develop such concerns but immtead came back hoping to hold together as veterans. flmelatter group focused their attention on recreational ' . 139 activities, or remaining as a social club, but with expanded activities. They quickly organized a basketball team, a baseball team, and a bowling league. The bowling league, which came into being on November 3, 1946, would in time become the American Indian Amvet Post No. 50 and split away from the club. For those persons concerned with issues which were more or less political, the years following the war can be characterized as being dedicated primarily to learning the issues. In this period there is no important commitment. A case in point is a letter, written from Port Huron, Michigan on February 17, 1946, regarding discrimination against Indians there and asking for advice. Although the records of the Association note the letter, they contain no indication of any decision arrived at or advice offered. We have suggested that the primary feature of pan-Indianism is the aspiration for or the effort to accomplish the union of all Indians around interests common to all. While these interests are multiple, those vmich are political have progressively developed in the group under analysis so that today they are one of its striking features. We believe that there has been similar development elsewhere and that a consideration of events ommuring in our group provides some suggestive insights inu>what has perhaps happened elsewhere. we think that fluedevelopment of the political features of contemporary 140 Pan-Indianism is in no small way related to the attitudes, legislation, and activities of the federal government toward the treaties formerly made with and concerning Indians, reservations, and Indians in general. In the 1940's there was a progressive development of the notion that the federal government should rid itself of its Indian obligations. In 1943, the Senate Indian Affairs Committee recommended the liquidation of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the termination of its services (Steiner, 1968:23), and in 1944 the National Congress of American Indians came into being. An act of withdrawal, the Indian Claims Commission Act of 1946 was designed to settle old injustices by the United States against Indians. In Michigan there was immediate response among the land- less Ottawas, who never had been given a reservation, in that many of them now aspired anew toward equity, i.e., payment for unpaid land in accordance with the old treaties. Echoing the tribal pow wow in Harbor Springs in 1934, these Ottawa through the Michigan Indian Defense Association, contender for treaty rights and land claims, restored to life the pageant at Harbor Springs on August 10, 1946 (Kurath, 1966:56). On February 8, 1947 the Committee on (Evil Services directed Walter Zimmerman, Jr., acting cxmmdssioner of the B.I.A. under President Truman, to pre- Emre a statement outlining reduction of expenses of the human Office and increasing the responsibility of states 141 for tribes within their borders. He recommended partial withdrawal of federal services. In March of that year John Provinse, assistant commissioner, outlined the trans- ference of some B.I.A. social services to the states and private organizations (Brophy and Aberle, 1966:182), and later that year the first Task Force Report of the Hoover Commission added the suggestion to transfer treaty obli- gations to the states (Steiner, 1968:23). In this era Indians were aware of events in Washington which would affect them--and not only of legislation which had been passed but that which was pending, including the attitudes and maneuverings of individuals. Regional and national organizations came into being among Indians and many began to talk seriously about joining together for their common good. Newcomb (1955 and 1956) and Howard (1955) viewed Pan-Indianism as a stage of acculturation although anti- assimilative in effect, but neither saw its political overtones. In speaking about factors contributing to the emergence of Pan-Indianism on the Southern Plains Newcomb afllows that social clubs might be a factor, but not an iflportant one, and discounts the role of national Indian organizations, although allowing that they might be an expression of the trend elsewhere (Newcomb, 1956:120): 142 Contrary to what I had supposed, social clubs of various types were not an important factor in the development of Pan-Indianism among the Cherokee- Delawares. Not one person was ever found who belonged to any national Indian organization, such as the National Congress of American Indians. In fact, many people professed complete ignorance of such organizations. For this reason these formal Indian groups, which in a sense may be said to be lobbying for Indianism, have been disregarded here. In passing, it might be noted that these organiza- tions are possibly some sort of concrete expression of this acculturative trend among other Indian groups. Informal social clubs have some bearing upon Cherokee-Delaware Pan-Indianism. A number of women at one time belonged to the Indian Women's Club, an intertribal extension club of Washington County . . . Significantly, proceeds of one rummage sale were sent to the Navaho. [Hue suggestion that national Indian organizations are possibly relevant in different settings and under different conditions calls at least for their consideration in other studies on Pan-Indianism. We suggest that organizations such as these may not be merely an expression of the trend, but contributive to it and quite likely at times a means of its expansion. We also believe that contemporary Pan- Ihdianism contains important features in addition to the POW Wow. Newcomb and Howard are careful researchers. Their failure to find the role of these organizations Significant suggests to us that while a given feature of P"=m‘IIIdianism, e.g., the pow wow and its associated phe- Immena, lmay indeed have originated on the Southern Plains in response to given conditions and then spread elsewhere, that other features, equally important, could have 143 originated elsewhere under somewhat different conditions, and perhaps even earlier. The role of national Indian organizations was important in Detroit in educating the members of the club to the injustices done to Indians and the need for all Indians to unite in concerted political action before the group as a whole was yet doing the generalized Pan-Indian dancing or holding the typical Pan~Indian pow wow. In the fore and urging his fellow members onward toward super- tribal unity was the vice president, [12], Sioux and well- educated. He had traveled considerably lecturing on Indian affairs. As early as 1945 speakers from regional and national Indian organizations began appealing to the Club not only for cooperation but for unification on issues relevant to all Indians; and the means were Political (Appendix D-ll). These appeals apparently inten- sified feelings of social distance toward members of the dominant society and semi-cultural and social separatism frofll that society on the part of the Indians--this being impldicit in the first recorded comment of the Y.W.C.A. worker to the effect that the Indians were not integrating as She had hoped and that they might even break away and beeOme independent (Appendix D-12). When in 1947 the federal government was considering the termination of its SerWflices to the tribes and in the same year winter bliz- Zards brought famine to the Navaho, resentments toward 144 both members of the dominant society and the government were further inflamed (Appendix D-l3). Although no decisions were made by the group to join a national or regional Indian organization, it was, nonetheless, a time of learning coupled with emotional response. The combined effect was to bring the club to a time of transition: to remain as an all Indian organization the purposes of which were essentially social or to go on to something different. In the excitement the membership dropped to its lowest point and [12] resigned. 1948-1958 The emphasis on helping Indians everywhere which had begun in the closing years of the earlier era continued to develop, and on December 1, 1948 a letter was drafted to all.Indians known to be living in the Detroit area expressing contemplated changes in the club (Appendix D-14) . in“? newly elected president similarly addressed the members at tflie turn of the year (Appendix D-15). We note here thail both are pan—Indian and contain elements of revitali- zation: l. The current conditions under which Indians are living are seen as unsatisfactory and threaten- ing. This distressful situation has been brought about because of contact with and distasteful relationships with a larger, more powerful and dominant non-Indian society which has resulted already in considerable loss to the Indian people and which will quite likely result in more of the same in the future. 145 2. These messages from the leadership hold out a vision of new goals for the betterment of all Indians, i.e., a more satisfactory way of life in the future. 3. The message is evangelistic and missionary in spirit. It attempts to convert other Indians to the perspectives of the authors and urges those addressed to win others to the same viewpoint. 4. They posit that considerable change is neces- sary both in the larger Indian society and in the dominant society. With this in mind, they also suggest that all Indians should join together in a deliberate, organized attempt to effect the necessary changes. 5. They present a code to be followed, or means to accomplish the desired ends, i.e., the instruction of members and non-members in the Indian community, the manipulation of news media and of large non-Indian organizations in the non—Indian community. 6. Indians in Detroit have a moral obligation to act, and the North American Indian Club is the logical and legitimate organization through which they should work. These suggestions come not from authoritarian fiSlur-es as directives but as suggestions for consideration, Seemingly appropriate in an organization where the members are liighly conscious of the democratic process. They nonetheless are expressive of what is occurring. At the next: meeting division over the issues became intense enough so tilat the bowling league separated and became an inde- pendent organization. Even so, most of the discussion revOlved around Indian rights and problems. The revised constitution, adopted on June 7, 1953, partiJally reflects the new character which the club assumed 146 in these years. We present here only those portions containing relevant changes (Printed): PREAMBLE The purpose of the North American Indian Club is to establish a meeting center for the North American Indians. To steadfastly and earnestly promote the study of Indian history, Indian Arts, crafts, customs, legends, traditions, songs and dances and keep alive aboriginal culture. To prove that this culture was never devoid of beauty but always full of respect for life and enriching faith in a Supreme and Divine Power. To place before the Public reliable information leading to a fuller understanding of the North American Indian. To promote and assist Indians to attain higher education and to make every effort to elevate the environment of our Indian race and to lay a corner- stone of lasting friendship. .MEMBERSHIP--ELEGIBILITY TO NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN CLUB Section 1. B. Hold a tribal membership card. The preamble is pan-Indian. Except for the membership cliflase, the revised constitution contains no mention of triJDe. Whereas the former preamble noted U.S. Indians and Cahacilian Indians, this is so Indian in character that even thoSe distinctions have been removed. "Friendship," the firlalword in the preamble, has been substituted for "felglowship." We are not sure of all that this implies but-xve offer two interpretations: (l) The context of 'fellowship" in the earlier preamble appears to be the 147 social relationships between U.S. and Canadian Indians. One might conclude that, given both the removal of refer- ences to the United States and Canada and longer adjustment to the metropolis, that factions between the U.S. and Canadian Indians are no longer a threat and that "friend- ship" has been adopted to refer to relations between Indians and members of the dominant society (Appendix D-l6). (2) The club has, however, become even more exclusively Indian. It now requires applicants for membership to have their tribe vouch for their Indianness by having granted them membership cards. Actually such cards are used in two ways: to certify Indianness, and as a means of main- taining social distance, or separation, from the non-Indian society (see Appendix D-l7). We believe that the shift fr0m"fellowship" to "friendship" is better explained by the shift from a social or recreational emphasis to one ‘fllich is more pan-Indian and which envisions the group entering into social relationships with a variety of other Ir1dian organizations. Furthermore, this interpretation does not shift context from Indian to non-Indian but retains the same perspective, Indian, for interpreting botfll preambles. Although purposefully general, the new preamble alSCD contains indications of revitalization and nativism beYCnnd those found either in the former constitution or 1n tflle letters (Appendices D-l4, D-15) previously noted. 148 The former culture imputed to Indians has been given a halo effect: " . . . this culture was never devoid of beauty but always full of respect for life and enriching faith in a Supreme and Divine Power." Religious elements are not lacking: " . . . always full of respect for life and enriching faith in a Supreme and Divine Power.“ (See Appendix D-l8.) Certain elements of the former Indian way of life are selected for perpetuation or restora- tion, e.g., "To steadfastly and earnestly promote the study of Indian history, Indian Arts, crafts, customs, legends, traditions, songs, and dances and keep alive aboriginal culture." Certain aspects of the dominant, non-Indian culture are given approval and selected to be part of the more satisfactory way of life sought, e.g., "To promote and assist Indians attain higher education and to make every effort to elevate the environment of our Indian race and to lay a cornerstone of lasting friendship." The Association is to develop means for the achievement of all goals mentioned as implicit in the words "establish," "promote," "keep alive," "prove," "place before," "assist," "elevate,“ and "lay." The accomplishment of the goals implies the changing of the current situation in which many Indians find themselves and also certain features of the dominant society. Of the latter we note one primary area in which the larger society is to be changed--its attitudes toward Indians and their culture. Of Indian culture of the past the Association is "To prove" to non-Indians "that this culture was never devoid of beauty but always full of respect for life and enriching faith in a Supreme and Divine Power," and of Indians in the present it is to " . . . place before the Public reliable information leading to a fuller understanding of the North American Indian." 149 A code (Appendix D—62) which can revitalize (Wallace, l963:l48,l49) seems to be emergent at this time. It offers to restore one's self-respect as an Indian, to give him a new inner dignity and pride which will result in a more meaningful life, and, eventually, to alter the cultures of the tribes, reservations, and larger society for the better. It is based upon identification with all Indians, diachronically and synchronically, uniting participants in a cause larger than themselves and worthy of sincere and dedicated effort. Refusal is disgraceful since it is the betrayal of one's heritage; the denial of One's essential self, i.e., his Indianness; harmful, because it is indicative to the individual, since he realizes the choice he has made, of a basic flaw within his personal integrity, and to others because it is harm- f‘11 to the Indian image; and isolates him in the non- II1dian society from the support of other Indians while at'-‘the same time limiting their group effectiveness by l‘eSSening their numbers. In our thinking this set of postulates seems to guiIie and qualify their thinking and activities from at leaest this point, to lie at the basis of their appeals to crthers to identify with their organization, to direct thejdr missionary efforts to and on behalf of other Indian groups, and to control their more tangible goals and pragmatic activities on behalf of Indians. It is not 150 regressive. The great overriding principle seems to be satisfying adjustment to, and achievement in, the contem- porary and future society as Indians in the land rightfully theirs. While some might tread the pathway of Anglo- American conformity becoming "nondistinctive members of the larger society" (Howard, 1955; Newcomb, 1955), this Pan-Indian innovation suggests a type of pluralistic adaptation in which they can feel themselves members of the larger society with honor and dignity while at the same time retaining their sense of peoplehood, their status as Indians because of treaties which are honored, cultural traits more or less unique to themselves, and demonstrate before the world the viability of the ancient Indian values. In keeping with the changes occurring at this time were the expanding interest of members of the Association in tflne welfare of Indians and progressive group involve- menil. This is true to such an extent that most activities cenruot be well understood apart from a consideration of hot}; events transpiring on the national scene and inter- group relationships with organizations which are often regiJDnal or national in scope. The Association has long been interested in relief for Imeedy Indians. The plight of the Navaho which had stirred their sympathies brought financial contributions fromthe club through the Navaho Assistance, Inc., as late IIiiiIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIE.. 151 as 1950. Although probably always interested in orphans, the Children's Institute of Ann Arbor inquired as early as 1946 about Indian families who were willing to adopt or board Indian orphans and appeals such as this, although occasional, are received to this day. Some of the members have responded by making such adoptions and help has been given to orphans from as far away as Ohio and Alabama and perhaps further. In December of 1947 the group organized a special Christman program, the proceeds of which went to orphans. Later, interests expanded to include all needy Indian children, and then all Indian children. For many Years the Club engaged in special programs to raise money for picnics for such children. Since 1947 the annual Christmas program has featured the giving of gifts to Indian children with a special effort being made to reach those in greatest need. A similar thing has happened with resEMect to the procurement of clothing for needy Indians. TheSe people are highly resentful of badly worn, dirty, or Chat of style clothing which is given for Indian relief and_. I while accepting items which are useful, they prefer money which they can convert into new clothing. They feel thai: Indians are further debased and humiliated when mem- her}; of the white society, so long their oppressor, offer thi’KJS which would not be useful to themselves. Accordingly, i D . . C I n tine era under conSIderation these Indians are giVing 152 themselves and are found engaging in drives and presenting programs for the purpose of raising the needed funds. Distributions are made locally, on reservations, through the Northern Ottawa Association, and to distant places such as the reservations in South Dakota. At an early date the group became interested in education as a means of bettering the future of Indian youth. In 1946 the Daughters of the American Revolution appealed to the club for articles of art and crafts for resale to help toward a scholarship for worthy Indian youths. In 1951 the issue of education came under dis- cussion and in 1952 inquiries at places such as the University of Michigan were made regarding scholarships for Indian youth. This emphasis is recorded in the 1953 preamble but it found great expansion in 1957 when the education fund, of which we shall speak later, was voted into being. Sometime prior to but probably not long lmafore 1957 the club organized its Indian relief committee which.still functions. The group has always been interested in the welfare of nuigrant Indians. One of the oldest and perhaps most Chernished aspirations is that the Bureau of Indian Affairs wonlxi open a relocation office in Detroit which would be inStituted in a manner which would allow the Association (Appendix D-22) to serve with a relatively free hand the Vital function of assisting as Indians other Indians 153 adjusting to the metropolis; thus giving of their experi- ence to others who must make adjustments similar to those which they have already successfully made. By so doing they could assist the Indian people as a whole, especially those in transition, to perpetuate their work. This aspiration is not unrelated to another, namely to secure a building of their own similar to that of the American Indian Center in Chicago (Appendix D-l9). In 1948, because of the problem of overpopulation on tile Navaho Reservation, relocation offices were estab- lishead in Denver, Los Angeles, and Salt Lake City. Late in 15’51 a general Indian relocation program was begun and atn.office was opened in Chicago (Oswalt, 1966:510). The VH31untary Relocation Program was officially instituted in 19:52 (Lurie, 1961:481). In 1954 the office was opened in Oafl represent Indian ideals and a regualr feature of 157 contemporary Pan-Indianism (Howard, 1955:217,219), had become a regular feature of club activities in 1950. In 1954 the Club began sending her to Sheridan, wyoming for the Miss American Indian Contest. Probably around 1948 [17] visited Lansing (Appen- dix D-Zb) and Walpole Island (Appendix D-2d) to give instruction in Indian dancing. Later, probably around 1953 or shortly thereafter, [4] regularly visited both Walpole (Appendix D—Zd) and Sarnia (Appendix D-28) to speak and present Indian programs, and at least on Walpole to give instruction in dancing. The residents on Walpole had formerly presented excellent and well-known shows, including dancing, to which the Tashmoo regularly navigated in the 1920's, carrying spectators from Detroit and environs. For about a generation Indian dancing had evidently lapsed there until revived via the assistance of emissaries from Detroit. In the early 1950's [40], being impressed by the Club, sought assistance in starting the Canadian Indian Center of Toronto (Appendix D-29). He approached the IXSsociation and discussed the matter thoroughly and was giVen a constitution as a guide to follow. Today that grriup is modeled after Detroit. The American Indian Amvet Pest No. 50 was organized within the Club by the fall of 1949 and continued to meet in association with it for Several years. When it finally became independent, it fiaatured some activities paralleling those of its mother ( 158 group although omitting part of her Pan-Indian features (Appendix D-3l). The Indian Claims Commission of 1946 raised the hopes of many Indians that at last the federal government would honor the treaties made with the tribes in former days and that money would be coming their way. Many Michigan Indians were unable to adequately trace descent to qualify should payment occur or were inadequately organized to press for such claims. In the metropolis some, now relatively long-time migrants from their tribal bases, feared that if payment should be made they would be left out. Others chafed, because they knew that they had either lost their tribal statuses or never had them. Between 1948 and 1952 there were numerous discussions over treaty rights and claims in the meetings of the Associa- tion reflecting this concern. Members began looking to Iruiian organizations on the national level for guidance aIui direction, and they began asking if a political itherest on behalf of all Indians, including cooperation ‘Witfli these organizations, should not become a primary concern of the club (cf. Appendices D-14, D-15). Aside from those organizations which it had a hand! in either starting or assisting in Indian dancing, the crlub engaged in activities with others which were tribal, urban, regional, or national in scope (Appendix D‘32). Of all these perhaps the relationship with the 159 National Congress of American Indians was closest (Appen- dix D-33). Almost all the relationships with these groups were related to issues more or less political in nature, revolving around either the Voluntary Relocation Program of the Bureau of Indian Affairs or the House Concurrent Resolution No. 108, sometimes referred to as the "termina- tion bill." It was the issue of termination, especially as it related to Michigan tribes, which brought the group to the place where it saw itself morally obligated to become a champion of Indians and their tribal rights. This vision and call to duty had been placed before them while termination was yet in the talking stages [Letter from [27] to members and prospective members, December 1, 1948. (Mimeographed.)]: . . We should resist any move to turn the admin- istration of Indian affairs over to the states or to place the Indians on reservations entirely on their own. They are not ready for any of this yet. It is my strong belief that Indians in Detroit are in a better position as to economic circumstances and education than those back home. I believe we are morally obligated to do something on a broad scale. If we do, I am sure we would benefit EHarsonally and collectively. The North American lindian Club is the logical organization we have here to work with. Beginning in 1950 the major controversy in Indian affaires was over whether the United States should follow a program of pressing for prompt termination of tribes Withourt_ the consent of their members (Brophy and Aberle, 1966:182). In 1953 the House Concurrent Resolution No. 108 160 was passed. From that date mandatory termination appeared the goal. Termination took place for the Klamath and Menominee in 1954 and for the Paiute in 1957. To those in the Club who were already either detribalized or mar- ginal to their tribes it meant that unless this was blocked, in time Indians everywhere would be as they were. The future of the Indian people became a source of concern. In this Association with pan-Indian interests it meant that even if the individual or his tribe was not immediately involved, he and his Club should be vitally concerned. To many the abrogation of treaties was interpreted as a viola- tion of their link with the past and their hereditary status as Indians. Being Indians, they felt their Indian- ness challenged and that of future generations placed in jeOpardy. Being citizens, they felt their rights dis- }Kuubred. The Club, having already many features character- iStzic of revitalization movements, felt it should do Sonmathing. Being secular, it felt it should gather data and ineigh the evidence first and then act as best it could. On February 21, 1954 concern was expressed that the Isatnella Reservation would be terminated and a motion was “Ede ‘to look into the matter. At the next meeting a legislative committee was appointed. [41], educated at the Indian boarding school on the Isabella Reservation, was president of the Club in 1356 arui was also appointed that year to serve on the 161 first Governor's Study Commission. On October 7 he reported back to the Club the threat of termination to Michigan Indians, focusing on Isabella. On April 26, 1957 la special meeting of the Association was held to discuss ‘the termination program of the federal government as it affected Michigan Indians, specifically those at Isabella. This was followed by three other well-advertised meetings, all of the panel type with open discussion from tjie floor, all featuring resource persons imported for the occasion; and occurring on June 9 and November 23, 1957, and February 2, 1958. Resource persons included representatives from the Democratic Party (Appendix D-34) , the Governor's Study Commission, an individual representing the Governor himself, the Michigan tribes, the American Indian Center of Chicago, and, besides the Public Affairs Committee of the Y.W.C.A., the Southeastern Federated Women's Club of Michigan. Perhaps the most understanding and contributive of all was [31] , anthropologist and sPecialist in the American Indian, from the University of Michigan. These meetings were essentially a learning experience (Appendix D—35) . Knowledge was accumulated, new PerSpectives were added, experience in the art of political maneuvering was gained, and some important decisions were reached. Given the passage of the House Concurrent Resolu- tion No, 103 in 1953, the Club sought to create for 162 Indians in the future a more satisfying way of life by taking a strong stand favoring Senate Concurrent Resolu- tion No. 3, sometimes called the "American Indian Point IV Program," and Senate 809 (Appendix D-36). The former was designed to alter the effects of termination by providing economic, technical, medical, educational, and other types of assistance to Indians living on reserva- tions; and assistance in relocation to those emigrating-- without exacting termination. Furthermore, it made termi- nation possible only when a given tribe first adopted its own plan for and then requested it. Senate 809 sought its implementation by providing $200,000,000 for the program. Recognizing that the passage of bills such as these would require the support of considerable numbers of people and powerful organizations, the group communi- cated its position directly to the chairman of the Sub- committee of Indian Affairs and then sought the help of influential organizations. Some of these promised to alert their members across the nation and to support the cause in Washington (Appendix D-37) . Although the bills did not pass, the efforts were not a failure. On September 13: 1958 the Secretary of Interior announced that no tribe we‘lld be terminated against its wishes (Brophy and Aberle, 1966=182), and Lurie (1961:481) commented, " . . . it was Indian resistance that blocked further termination . . . " 163 The meetings on termination resulted in two other efforts to effect a more satisfactory way of life for Indians: (1) The discussions focused attention on the plight of needy Indians everywhere and the Club formed its .Indian Relief Committee in 1957. (2) The Education Fund teas formally voted into existence on January 19, 1957. Initerest in education had been present, and expressed in tjie preamble, for a long time but efforts on its behalf ruad been sporadic. In all the meetings on termination the nuatter of higher education entered, and after the issues had been weighed it seemed the paramount need of Indians at: a whole and something which the Club itself could do sommething about (Appendix D-38). By constitutional amend- merrt it became a permanent and primary function of the Association on February 22, 1958, requiring the support of :its members (Printed): EDUCATIONAL FUND Section 1. Purpose: To help deserving Indians who have the necessary requirements for a higher education. Section 2. Fund: This fund shall be raised by mem- bership participation in activities especially set up for this purpose or by donation from members, persons or organizations. . . . The'annual banquet in May featured a faculty representative fromthe University of Michigan, who brought with her a student on an Indian scholarship, speaking on the subject. 0" March 2, 1958 the fund was launched by the Club voting 164 $500 from its General Fund. In the summer which followed it raised an additional $500, making the program operative in the fall. 1959-1968 This is the contemporary period of Pan-Indianism iri Detroit. Although many of the current features of the bkorth American Indian Association were developed during tlie years which preceded, some significant changes occur. II) this era the Club accedes to the position of the lead- irrg'voice for all Indians in southwestern Michigan (Appen- deX D-53), comes to view itself as a champion of Indians, anti becomes the primary center of Indian activity in Detroit and an agency through which Indians do for Indians. It :is also the period of the pow wow and the parade. The Northern Ottawa Association came into being hn:response to the Indian Claims Commission Act of 1946 mu} the hope of securing financial payment for lands ceded to the:federal government by the Ottawa and Chippewa tribes of Michigan. Today it has a total of some 5,000 members (Detroit Free Press, May 20, 1964) . It is centered in Petoskey and includes a number of local Chapters in differing areas of the State. One of its first problems was to determine who might be eligible for payment because the Durrant Roll (Appendix D-51) , Michigan's official registry of her Indians, was badly out of date. It also needed to organize these and bring suit for those claims. 165 Knowing the interest of the Association in the welfare and defense of Indians, especially those in Michigan, it requested aid in starting the Detroit unit. Accordingly, on October 18, 1959, the Detroit unit, Chapter 10, was started under the sponsorship of the Association (Appen- ciix D-52) where it continued to meet for several months. While regular membership in Chapter 10 of the bhorthern Ottawa Association is restricted to those who aure descentants of tribes indigenous to Michigan, associate nuembership is allowed their spouses. Although a special pnnrpose group, it features two dances per year, Halloween arud Valentine's, and elects a princess who is the Sister Prxincess of that of the Association. The two groups share majgling lists and cooperate rather closely. Some of each attend the social activities of the other. Some are menfloers of both. During this era the Association became more actively jJHKDlVEd in efforts to secure a better way of life for Indiarm on the national level. On January 22, 1961, it sPonsored a petition in Detroit for the nomination of Oliver LaFarge as Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and sent it'UD Washington, D.C. Later, it nominated Robert Bennett for the office. At least six of its members attended the American Indian Chicago Conference in 1961, deciding among themselves to sit in on different sessions. Two were S . 0 u o o I o o o peclifiically commiSSioned to report on discrimination in 166 burial in Metropolitan Detroit. When the Kinzua Dam was under construction at Salmanca, New York, splitting the Seneca Reservation, it called a special business meeting on April 26, 1964, and voted to send two of its members as representatives to learn the conditions, bring back a report, and offer whatever help it might be able to give. Although it has not actively protested the termi- nation of Michigan tribes since 1957, it is not through with the issue. When two of its members, also on the National Indian Youth Council, reported that there were efforts in the West among Indians to secure the resig- nation or impeachment of Arthur V. Watkins, it reacted strongly, deciding to mail its affirmation of the same to President Johnson, all members of Congress, and all Indian tribes. Watkins had introduced General Policy Bill No. 8.2837 during the 85th Congress, providing for termination in Michigan, against which the Association had fought so hard. Senior Senator from Utah, he had also been Chairman of the Subcommittee on Indian Affairs during the 83rd Congress when the termination bill had been passed in 1953. He also had been responsible for similar legislation affecting the Klamath of Oregon, the Ute in Utah, the Sac amd Fox of the Missouri Tribe in Kansas and Nebraska, the Iowa in Kansas and Nebraska, the Seminole of Florida, the Thrtle Mountain Indians in California, and the Flathead Ukukshop on American Indian Affairs, 1956:133,134). At 167 this meeting the members had been informed that he had been behind Menominee termination as well. On the local level the Association quickly became the champion of Indians and their rights. It has become the sole voice to which Indians in the metropolis appeal when certain treaties are at stake. This is more than militant defense against the dominant society. It is a way of making life more secure, and therefore more satis- fying, for Indians in the contemporary, largely non-Indian society. According to the Jay Treaty, for instance, Indians are permitted to cross without visas from Canada to the United States. We have been present at meetings when Indians, non—members and unknown to the Association, have come for no other reason than that they were having difficulty in this regard. we have seen the members reacting with emotion and have witnessed the group writing warning letters and threatening legal suit unless treaties were adhered to and correction made at once. One of the nembers, a Sioux who is also a drummer and singer, is an Immigration Officer and is very valuable in this context. Today the Association is fairly quick to threaten the use of legal means in defense of Indians. It seriously considered bringing suit against the Coca Cola Company in the case of a contaminated bottle, the Y.W.C.A. where it meets, when a wallet was stolen, and Moral Rearmament on civil rights, in the few years we have been attending. 168 We have not only been present when such vote was taken but also when lawyers were present advising about the chances of success. The organization is very careful about its reputa- tion and the image of Indians it presents to the public. Accordingly, it will not allow any person who has been convicted of a felony to hold office: "No person shall be qualified to hold office who is an employee of the Indian Service or who has been convicted of a felony" [Cur- rent Constitution. (Printed.)]. It comes quickly to the aid of Indians in need in criminal cases. In 1962 the son of one of its members was accused of murder on circumstancial evidence. Members of the Association were sure of his innocence and wrote a letter of understanding and support to his parents. They then gave money toward his defense. With legal help available, he was cleared of suspicion. It has even fought for those in legal difficulty when the case seemed hopeless or beyond its ability to cover, and has given help to some returning from imprisonment. Perhaps because of factors such as these, but more likely because of the total range of its interest in behalf of individual Indians in need, it.appended the last sentence in the preamble of its con- stitution in 1964 [(Printed.) Underscoring is ours]: To promote and assist Indians to attain higher education and to make every effort to elevate the 169 environment of our Indian race and to lay a cornerstone of everlasting friendship, and to assist each other in time of need. The Association is quick to react if it suspects there is or has been discrimination against Indians. Its major case concerned George Nash, Veteran of World War I and member of the U.A.W., who was refused burial in White Memorial Cemetary in August 1960. The burial plot had been sold at the death of his wife in 1956 by an under- taker who had completed the forms attesting Caucasian descent. The cemetery, upon learning that this was an Indian family, offered to purchase a lot in another ceme- tery for them and remove his wife at its expense, but George Nash had refused. On his death, the cemetery Oiificials, having discovered that the burial certificate Steated that he was an American Indian, lowered the body irrtr: flhe grave and, after the family had left but before the vault was sealed, removed the casket. He was eventu- aldlfifiburied in the Perry Mount Park Cemetery, Pontiac. The White Chapel Memorial Association argued the right to free choice on the part of those who had established its rules in the first place, the protection of the wishes ‘Df 'those buried there and their families, and appealed to tine; most recent Supreme Court decision of 1955 (Appendix D‘54). The Nash family thought to make it a test case of discrimination against non-Whites, but the North American Indian Club saw it as an insult to and discrimination agains t Indians . 170 As quickly as it could assemble them, the Associ- ation called a mass meeting of all Indian organizations of Michigan in the Y.W.C.A. and organized a Coordinating Committee (Appendix D-SS), the earliest form of the Coordinating Council of Indian Affairs. Indians were moving now in a unified effort to petition the Michigan Legislature to pass legislation outlawing discrimination against Indians. The petition prepared by the Resolutions Committee read (Mimeographed.): . . . THEREFORE, be it resolved, that we, the North American Indian Club of Detroit, the Northern Michigan Ottawa Association, the Potawatomies of Michigan and Indiana Incorporated, the North American Indian Amvets Post #50, the Saginaw Band of Chippewa Indians Inc. and the Original Band of Sault Ste. Marie Chippewa Indians and Their Heirs urgently request the 1960 House of Representatives and the Senate of the State of Michigan, now in session, to provide and enact legislation whereby any form of discrimination practised against any North American Indian solely because he IS an Indian, in (l) the rental or purchase of real estate of his choice, including cemetery lots and business establishments (subject to zoning laws) (2) equal educational opportunities in public schools, business and trade schools, colleges and universities (3) equal employment opportunities (4) admission to all commercial enterprises and establishments, be made unlawful and deemed a felony made punishable by law as the legislature may designate. Also concerned were churches, the United Auto Workers, the Oakland County Amvets Post #14, and other groups. Telegrams were sent to President Eisenhower, Senator :hfltn Kennedy, Vice President Richard Nixon, and Governor (L IMennen Williams in protest. The petition was circulated Widely. In the spring of 1961 the group learned it had 171 failed. One of the Association members had collected 17 pages of signatures. So determined were the Indians that they started all over in their fight against discrimination, only with enlarged goals for Indians everyWhere. These included better aids for education, no legislation without repre- sentation, better employment opportunities, the disallow- ment of the misrepresentation of (non-Indians making) Indian arts and culture, and the refusal to allow people to excavate or otherwise molest Indian graves. They began with a memorial service for George Nash on August 13, 1961. They issued a call for Indians to gather in costume at the State Fair Grounds. From there, the solemn procession, under a police escort, moved quietly in auto to the Pontiac cemetery [Letter by the Secretary of the Associa- tion. (Mimeographed.)]: We are asking all those who can wear costumes to wear them as we want to bring it to the attention of the public that although the Michigan State Senate unanimously passed an anti-discrimination bill for burial the bill died in the Affairs Com- mittee in the House of Representatives. They again circulated petitions. In the spring of 1962 they found that they had failed once more in their fight against discrimination to Indians in Michigan. Someone had added the words "and Negroes" to the Bill. One of the members commented that now the original inhabitants 0f tflhis continent, who once roamed wherever they would, 1aCked even a burial place for their dead. 172 Aside from assuming a leading role in defense against discrimination toward Indians in the metropolis, the Association, always having a representative on the Governor's Indian Commission, keeps in close contact with events in the State, e.g., discrimination at Bay Mills (Appendix D-56). It respects the activities of other Indian organizations and does not intervene. Accordingly, such events are ordinarily left to the group concerned or to the Indian Commission. If, however, no group appears in defense of said individual or cause, the Association responds. This was the case at Mackinaw Island on dis- crimination and the sale of Japanese-made "Indian crafts." It also responds quickly to prejudice against Indians, e.g., a negative newspaper report of Hannahville. The Association views alcohol and its excessive Use as one of the most harmful things which White man (has brought to Indians. It is not a temperance union in 'eny sense for it argues the equal availability of it for Irndians and asserts that Indians can "handle their drinks as well as the White man." In this context we have heard Inembers speak of the orgies which White people have, but 1.101: Indians, and of the drunkenness of so many Whites. The Association is aware, however, of the harm which excessive use of alcohol has done and is doing to many Irudians and, accordingly, it posits that Indians should exercise self-control and avoid drunkenness. Heated 173 discussions sometimes take place about what they call exaggerated reports of Indian alcoholism and the negative stereotype of "drunken Indians" which they foster. In Detroit they feel that there is much at stake because many Whites both have little understanding of Indians and hold negative stereotypes of them. In their meetings comments are often made that as representatives of the true Indian, i.e., noble Red Man, and in light of what they want and can become, they must protect their reputa- tion as an organization. Accordingly, their efforts to maintain control and decorum at their social events has become an element in their code of behavior of which they are proud. It is related to their goal of a better way of life for Indians. The Association continues in its effort to provide food and clothing to needy Indians. Only recently it Collected 40 tons of provisions and clothing for those in the Upper Peninsula (Appendix D-58n). It continues to do Indian relief work, providing clothing and food to needy Incuans, and has recently set itself to improving con- f the household (Table 4.40). Here we also used the Kolmogorov-Smirov two-sample test and found the results non-814gnificant. The median take-home pay for both groups 285 figs slightly over $8,000 per year. Not only, therefore, 13n.the measures of Warner, Meeker, and Eells, which used residential area, house type, and occupational step, but also on the other measures of education and take-home pay, we have found both the Non-Membership Group and Membership Group similar. Summar In this chapter we have presented demographic data in a manner designed to make our findings useful both to others doing research on metropolitan Indians and as a background against which our subsequent findings can be interpreted. We have presented pre-migrational information on all persons whom we interviewed. Given migration into the metropolis, we have controlled for household. Our findings of non-significance are as worthwhile to present at this point as are those which reach a level of signifi- cant difference in that the former demonstrate variables on which the two groups being studied do not differ. Essentially, they suggest that differences between the groups on any of these phenomena can be attributed to chance and therefore cannot with confidence be considered ,n this study either as correlates of or antecedants to :flrarndianism. We have asked if our control, the Non- Membership Group, against which our significant findings vae éxnd will be made, is biased and therefore impaired 286 tmecause of our inability to interview a higher ratio of those sampled. We did this in all areas where we had information on those who were not interviewed by adding it to that of the Non-Membership Group, as if we had found every respondent living at the address which we had for him and he had met our criteria and we had interviewed with 100 per cent efficiency, and then reanalyzing our data. Generalizing on Indians in Metropolitan Detroit as a whole and as we found them, we offer the following. .Almost all are immigrants with a mean residence of about 25 years. Most appear to come from outstate Michigan, then from reservations in southeastern Canada, and least from more distant areas in the United States. The rate of marriage to non-Indians is high, being at about 80 per cent. Most are relatively well-adapted to life in the metropolis as indicated by years of continuous residence with practically no back-migration except to visit. We do not pretend to know how many Indians are living in the metropolis, but, assuming that as many have moved in as have moved out since we compiled our original lists, we Predicted, using the same relative ages and household sizes “m3 found for our combined groups, a population of at 1east: 2,688 although we know that there are more. As a rake, Indians appear to be interspersed in the general pOPI-Jlation throughout the area but with disproportionately 287 fewer in the Negro ghettos. Those from Canada appear to favor areas adjacent to routes leading from the metropolis, and those who are temporary transients of a few weeks appear to be located in the so-called "migrant zone" in the center of the metropolis where there are a few bars where they often congregate. Using the Warner, Meeker, and Eells system of assigning social class, we found about 60 per cent describable as upper-lower class with the remainder about equally divided between lower-lower and lower-middle. About two-thirds claim to be one-half or more of Indian descent and half said they could speak their tribal languages. Approximately 60 per cent are Roman Catholic and the rest mostly Protestant, although we have talked to some who are of the Longhouse Religion or who belong to the Native American Church. We found our two groups comparable on general mat- ters such as age, sex, whether the individual was of mixed tribal ancestry or not, the ability to speak one's tribal language, degree of Indian ancestry when measured by fourths, and in distribution across the metropolis. When we looked at the pre-migrational factor of whether or not the individual had been reared in an urban (small city) or metI‘cpolis versus those who were not, we found them again comparable with about 35 per cent in each receiving such SOCialization. Looking at migrational data we found them again comparable on such matters as the time of migration, 288 age at migration, years of continued residence in Metro— politan Detroit, and only about ten per cent or less back- migration to live following the first move to Detroit. In the metropolis, we found them comparable on the rate of marriages with whites, although a 10 per cent level of con- fidence is achieved on the Membership Group. They are also comparable on both household size and the number of children per family. They live in comparable types of housing and residential areas, and over 70 per cent in both live in neighborhoods containing no Negroes. There is no difference in social class between the groups and when we looked closely at education, occupation, and pay we found them almost identical. We did not attempt to correlate our significant findings because of internal variations within the data itself. The family of orientation, conjugal family of one ' 5 parents or foster parents, does not always coincide with the place of socialization. One's rural tribesmen or Indian friends may or may not live in Indian communities. Current national citizenship for Canada usually means a reservation background, though not always; and for Michigan Indians, usually means a non-reservation place of social- ization, though not always. There is no real 1:1 relation- Ship- Taken together, however, our significant findings do seem to imply for the Membership Group a more heavily ori- ented reservation or rural Indian community pre-migrational 289 background than for the Non-Membership Group. We feel that our best measures are our phi coefficients themselves without attempting to correlate data which are sometimes i ncongruous . The significant differences between our groups-- found in this chapter-~have been arranged in rank order according to their phi coefficients and are presented in Table 4.41. Since we have been careful to reduce all tables to two by two types and at the points where the differences were greatest, these coefficients are both comparable with each other and also evaluated to indicate their greatest relative strengths. It will be noted that the findings appear to group themselves according to the level of significance reached. Those which are very sig- nificant, P < .001, appear to rise above others concerning either the reservation as a place of socialization or the continued social relationships with one's rural or reser- vation tribesmen in strength of relationship with Pan- Indianism. Apparently the family of orientation is sug- geStive not only of reservation background but also of more concentrated rural Indian communities in Michigan. Apparently also, current national citizenship is suggestive 0f more than reservation background because it not only rises above it in strength, but because we recall that a number of reservation Indians are not from Canada but from the United States, especially in the Non-Membership Group. 290 We believe its significance for Pan-Indianism in Detroit lies in the detribalization of Canadian Indian females following marriage to U.S. citizens, a point we shall analyze later. We asked if our control group has been biased due to our inability to interview some in that category. We believe not. We found that large numbers of Michigan Indians, especially Ottawas, are not participants in Pan- Indianism. However, when we added all known data on Michi- gan Indians to that which we already have in our control group and reanalyzed our data, we found that our findings were not altered at all. In fact, the percentage of the Michigan Indians would have been increased by only one- tenth of one per cent, from 68.9 per cent to 69.0 per cent. Our ratio of Canadian Indians was low in the Non-Membership Group in comparison to the Membership Group. Among those in the former group interviewed we found six, or 13.3 per cent. Using tribe as an indicator of national origin we found that, by adding known data from those not interviewed, the ratio jumped 1.8 per cent, from 13.3 per cent to 15.1 per cent. We then stated that tribe is not a perfect indicator since even among those interviewed in the Non- Membership Group two who professed descent from Canadian tribes were born in a U.S. metropolis. Given the same pOtential for those not interviewed, we asserted that we do not believe that our control has been biased by the 291 failure to obtain a representative number of Canadian Indians. We had no means of predicting for sure on urban or metropolitan types of socialization between the Non- Membership Group and those not interviewed. Finally, we attempted to study the persons not interviewed in com- parison with the Non-Membership Group to determine what differences might exist. We found that these were present with our Non-Membership Group not living as often in the lowest residential areas, the poorest house types, or in the Negro ghettos. This difference did not, however, impair our control because, when we added the data from the two and replicated our analysis of the Membership Group in comparison with those known never to have been members, the results did not vary at all. The data did suggest, nonetheless, that very likely persons might have moved because of the riots in the summer of 1967 or that those missed were, perhaps, more highly itinerant. Our bias, if there is one, appears in the ratio of males to females. Although the Membership Group and the Non-Membership Group are comparable on this, females appear to outnumber males by about two to one. We cannot explain this from our data apart from speculation but we note that Hurt (1961-1962) found much the same. His study was in Yankton, South Dakota, an urban area not nearly as large as Metropolitan Detroit and one which is not only closer to a reservation but one which is much larger than those 292 adjacent to Detroit. Following five years of research, he also found females to considerably outnumber the males in Yankton and attributed the same to the more transient lifeways of the males. Perhaps, therefore, ours is not bias but reflective of actual conditions as they are. CHAPTER V SOME CORRELATES OF PARTICIPATION IN THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN ASSOCIATION OF DETROIT In Chapter II we considered the emergence and characteristics of contemporary Pan-Indianism in the U.S. metropolis as illustrated by the North American Indian Association of Detroit. From the general perspective of revitalization we observed phenomena in the larger society to which the group has responded, the type of reaction engendered, and the effect of these in shaping the organ- ization in each of the various eras, finally making it what it is today. In diachronic perspective all of these in combination and mutual interaction, which predate 1968, can be considered as antecedant--contributive--to the resultant or dependent variable of Pan-Indianism under StUdY - Our primary interest there centered on issues largely external to the individual, although quite obviously meaningful to him. The focus of this chapter is, quite different. Here, our search for antecedant factors centers on the relationships between certain specified varla.bles which are assumed to be stress-provoking, i.e., 293 294 meaningful internally, and metropolitan Pan-Indianism. Assuming that the organization in question is a response to the independent variables under study, it seems fair on the face of it to expect that active participants will exhibit those attributes more often than will non-members. Accordingly, we deal with the responses of individuals to our interview schedule, i.e., stimulus, testing specifically the hypotheses offered in Chapter I, where we also pre- sented the theoretical basis and operational measures under- lying our present discussion. The basic plan of this chapter is to consider each of the minor hypotheses first, then the major hypothesis, and finally the two major hypotheses together. Incorporated into the plan are several devices used to improve the quality of our offerings: 1. We have been interested in controlling for diverse factors which might affect our findings. Because Of the strictures placed upon us by the relatively small numbers in each of the two groups under comparison, we found ourselves limited in the controls which might be EffECtively employed. For this reason we exercised care in the presentation of our data in Chapter IV, noting areas in Which there are no significant differences between the groups and those in which there are. We reasoned that those phenomena on which significant differences were found to exist might affect our findings here. These have been 295 presented in rank order in Table 4.41, Appendix C. In converse, those phenomena on which the groups are similar, j. - e . , no significant differences exist, should not be expected to materially affect our findings reported herein because, whatever the effect of the attribute in question, its effect would be relatively the same in both of the groups, except for chance variation. 2. Because a major portion of our analysis con- cerns current aspirations in the areas of education, occu- pation, and pay, we have consistently controlled for maximal comparability in this chapter by eliminating in analysis the responses of all persons in both groups found to be incurably ill and from women found married to men who are retired. This reduced our Membership Group to 32 and our Non-Membership Group to 39. 3. Following the presentation of the basic data, pertinent to a hypothesis in question and used in correla- tion, we usually make use of differing controls which are relevant and feasible in the light of our data to provide what further insights we can. 4. We are often able to offer supplemental data on the variable through a series of pertinent and differ- ing measurements which utilize other, but relevant, data and which offer somewhat different perspectives. These Shall be explained, when given, along with the controls “399- They are sometimes important, especially in the 296 search for antecedant factors where implications of time are desirous . 5. Most of our data in this chapter are subjective, i.e ., they deal with perceptions and valence. We feel this relevant in the light of revitalization theory, i.e., (Wallace, 1956:265): "...the persons involved in the pro- cess of revitalization must perceive.. .they must feel that this cultural system is unsatisfactory..." We have, however, also used objective measures as often as possible. In addition, we have suggested that this entire chapter be considered in the light of the objective data offered in Chapter IV . 6. In all cases the acceptance of our hypotheses rests not on a single measure but on several. Only follow- ing a summary of all of our findings do we make the deci- Siori to accept or reject. 7. We shall present in this chapter only the hypotheses offered, i.e., the alternate hypotheses, in Chapter I. This introduces consistency and, we believe, avoids ambiguity. All of these predictions have been made In a manner which requires that relatively more persons in the Membership Group exhibit the attribute under analysis than in the Non-Membership Group, i.e., the tests are speci- fied as one-tailed in the positive direction at the .05 leVel of confidence. Every test is made against the operat- lng h§?E>othesis, sometimes called the null hypothesis, 297 which in every case is simply that the Membership Group will not differ significantly from the Non-Membership Group in our findings or, if it does, that it will do so in the opposite direction. This being stated here, it seems rather meaningless to do so on each particular test which we shall subsequently make. 8. Since we have been forced to use the chi square in analysis we have taken certain precautions. We have not: used the machine method which lumps all of the data and which, therefore, makes for loss of certain information. Rather, we have manipulated these data via the long method Which allows us to assess the contributions of the various cell-square contingencies. This assists in making our decision regarding the direction of the difference, if one is found to exist. For the convenience of the reader we place beside the observed frequency in each cell the observed percentage of that cell for the particular group. This , in itself, offers some added information. If the finding is found to be non-significant, it shall be rePorted as .Ihi; This includes significance in the wrong direction. If it is significant in the wrong direction, this shall be reported under the table. We shall report the level of confidence or significance, E (the probability that our finding might have occurred by accident or chance) 1“ a twO-tailed manner (Blalock, 1960:452, Table 1), this b ‘ . . . . 61119 in keeping Wlth the customary tables. Since the test 298 is one—tailed, the reader should bear in mind that we always divide the reported I: by two when making a decision ‘UD accept or reject (Blalock, 1960:218). 9. In our search for antecedant variables in this chaipter we have made an effort not only to determine what cozrrelations might exist and to determine antecedants in te1:nm of time, but antecedants in terms of predictability (Guilford, 1956 :333): One of the most important fruits of scientific investigation and one of the most exacting tests of any hypothesis is the ability to make predic- tions. . . . Particularly is this true for the reason that statistical reasoning is basic to all pre- dictions. Statistical ideas not only guide us in framing statements of a predictive nature but also enable us to say something definite concerning how trustworthy our predictions are--about how much error should one expect in the phenomenon pre- J: the future than those Indians not involved in Pan- Indianism. In summary, considering our basic measure and all c>ff those supplementary to it, excepting the aspirations of women to work, we find every one to be significant. ex Our scale for measuring aspiration and achievement 51f) the goal area of pay is presented in Appendix B-7. Vthen the finer scale was taken by itself (Table 4.40) or VVIlen it was collapsed into a seven-step scale (Table 4.39) Eind analyzed, both groups were found comparable in the alrea of achievement. Our basic measure on the disjunction IDEEtween aspirations and achievement in pay (Table 5.15) iIldicates significance at the < .01 level. We sought sup- FDClrting data by controlling for those aspiring to full-time werk, which always includes the males, and found signifi- cElnce again but at the < .05 level, two-tailed (Table 5.16). Because of changing pay scales in the U.S. economy, ‘Vei were unable to make comparisons between the past and the Present or the present in relation to the projected future. 310 We were able, however, to do this "synchronically" at the household level (Table 5.17) and found significance at the < .001 level. The three tests that we have, therefore, all point in the same direction favoring our stated hypo- thesis in this area. We have presented 16 tests of the data in the area of Hypothesis Ia as stated and have found every one signi- ficant, more often at the < .01 or < .001 level than others, the level being from a two-tailed table. In every case there is a forecasting efficiency indicating the ability to predict from the independent variable to group membership. In the areas of education and occupation we have been able to infer time as well. We thus accept the hypothesis of significant correlation in the direction predicted and also the notion of antecedance. Our measure on education (Table 5.1) is not as strong as we would like it but we shall be able to strengthen this when we make a correlation between discrepancy in this area and the asso- ciated notion of one's being deprived relative to others in the opportunity of achieving those goals simply because he has been identified as an Indian and, therefore, dis- advantaged. The basic tests were very significant, two- tailed measure of < .01, but the phi coefficients appear tO' indicate the strongest relationship in the area of educa— tion, followed by occupation and then pay. 311 Intercorrelation of Measures we sought means to correlate our measures in the goal areas which we have discussed. The most descriptive we could devise was to take our variables two at a time and then to analyze in terms of our findings on individuals where the data showed scores on both occurring, versus one without the other and also scores on neither. In this sense it appears that we could assume a continuum of asso- ciated stress with no scores on either at the lowest, a score on only one variable as higher, and a score on both at once as highest. This rests on the added assumption that findings on two or more compound the difficulty for the individual. In this light the phi coefficient becomes a good measure of the strength of the relationship. Accordingly, when we did this with education and occupation (Table 5.18), we found a significance of < .01 with a phi of .426. With education and pay (Table 5.19) there was a significance level of < .001 with a phi of .459, and with occupation and pay (Table 5.20) there was a significance of < .001 with a phi of .441. It will be recalled that, due to the age level of our respondents, our measure on education was slightly different from that on the other two goal areas. Had we been able to meaningfully assess the discrepancy between current aspirations and current .achievements in the area, attaining measures with which to ‘mork, the results might have been different. Also, because 312 our interest lay in the mutual association of positive find- ings in two of the three areas in our respondents, we did not analyze for one without any other, e.g., education with- out occupation. We tried this but found too few in the cells to make for useful comparisons. we made an attempt to generalize at a still higher level in this variable by combining all three measures. It was apparent at once that, due to the small numbers in our two groups, we would have to forego the particular con- tent of a given area and simply analyze for findings on no area at all, only in one area, in two areas, and in all three. Even though the procedure involves the loss of data it rests upon the proposition that each of the measures is toward something higher in the class system of the larger society from that which the respondent has achieved, that the three areas together give us something of a composite picture of striving for vertical mobility on the class structure of the larger society, and that, since stress is assumed to be associated with each of the areas of striving according to our measures, the assumption that a conjunc- tion of findings in two or three areas on the same individ- ual as indicative of compounded or even greater stress Inerits consideration. Since our data showed only two per- sons in the Non-Membership Group with positive findings in all three goal areas and six in the Membership Group, we lumped these with the category of findings in two areas as 313 "two or more." Our combined data (Table 5.21) indicates a significance of < .001 with a phi of .598. The table is interesting in several perspectives. Considering the per- centages in the cells, it will be noted that the two groups vary in inverse relationship with each other, greater disjunction and assumed associated stress being with the Membership Group. Of the Non-Membership Group 56.4 per cent showed no score at all in comparison with 9.4 per cent in the Membership Group. In contrast, 15.4 per cent in the Non-Membership Group showed assumed stress in two or more areas, whereas 71.9 per cent of the Membership Group did-- 90.6 per cent in one or more. In our correlations we shall be using the data of Table 5.21 as dichotomized, i.e., findings in no areas versus those in one or more. Table 5.21 has not been dupli- cated, but the findings, when dichotomized (P < .001, ¢ = .492), are presented in detail under the table. All of our tests indicate the acceptance of Hypothesis Ia. Hypothesislb: Relative deprivation and asso- ciated stress will be signifi- cantly greater in the Membership Group than in the Non-Membership Group. As used here, this variable deals with the respon- f our overall thesis in Part II with a P < .01, one-tailed, 355 and with a phi coefficient of .272. A consideration of the data suggests that 18.8 per cent of the members and none of the non-members meet the requirements, i.e., are so affected. The high levels of significance in our study have come as something of a surprise to us. They have resulted from the fact that few have been found among the non- members who could be measured in a manner allowing the assumption of stress in any and all of the sub-hypotheses we have considered--in comparison to the members. We were relatively confident in our predictions in advance and thought to strengthen our work, therefore, by predicting in a one-tailed manner. We did not, however, expect the findings to contrast so strikingly. This resulted in a problem when we aspired to make final correlations in anal- ‘ysis, further complicated by the relatively few numbers in the Membership Group and the control group—-the Non- Ilembership Group. The requirement that findings on asso- <:iated stress be correlated, or associated, means also that ‘they must fall into a pattern, i.e., not be random or by 'themselves. Whenever we add a criterion which a respon- ns in the Non-Membership Group measurable in terms of :iated stress whereas 21, or 65.5 per cent of the Mem- Lip Group does so. Considering also the significance 5 of the findings to be correlated from Chapter IV inable 4.41) we would expect significance again if such lation is made between groups. We made tests, however, 'ma insights which they might offer into the rank order an the "present" category of Table 5.59 and the vari- :tated in Table 4.41. We found: 371 = .580 Degree of integration into the non-Indian society of the families of orientation. The cri- terion used here was the relative ratios of the "best friends " of the respondent's parents where these were estimated by the respondent as being Indians in equal or greater ratios than white people (x2 = 23.934, P < .001). .579 Relative ratios of Indian kinsmen remain- ing in the rural tribal area. The criterion used for correlation was where these were appraiged by the respondent as being one half or more (x = 23.837, P < .001). - .550 Degree of Indian "blood." The criterion used in correlation was three-fourths or more (x2 = 21.510, p < .001). - .529 Relative ratios of the "best friends" (Indian) of the respondent still living in the rural tribal area. The criterion used in corre- lation was that half or more of this friends must be Indian and living there (x2 - 19.832, P < .001). I: .478 The Indian reservation as a place of social- ization (x2 = 16.136, p < .001). Canadian citizenship (x2 = 14.140, P < .446). r 5.708, P < .316). = .446 _ .316 Non-Indian marriages (X2 a should compare this rank order with that presented 1e 4.41 without the above correlation, differences Canadian citizenship drops from the second place sixth (there are only seven), and the degree of "blood" rises from the sixth position to the third. rorn these, the changes are slight. It appears to Canadian citizenship follows, given the reservation ice of socialization in the above criteria. Quite LOt marrying a white may also be related to the ion as a place of socialization. We have not the tables on the above data since almost all of 372 a variation occurs within the Membership Group. Of the ree persons in the Non-Membership Group showing the :ociated stress scores in Table 5.59, there is only one appears in each of the above tables with the correla- ns, except for the first (family of orientation) where, erestingly, all three appear. Perhaps more interesting is a consideration of a relation between those demographic findings found sig- .cant in Chapter IV and the final associated stress ure of Table 5.59 within the Membership Group. If e demographic data are significantly correlated with stress measure, we should expect significance to occur 1is type of analysis as well as before. However, rdless of their former significance, the following are 'elated in this case significantly to our final mea- (1) the degree of integration into the non-Indian ty of the family of orientation of the respondent a 5.66), (2) the national citizenship, Canada as ed to the United States (Table 5.67), (3) the relative of Indian kinsmen, half or more versus less than remaining in the rural tribal area (Table 5.68) , servation versus non-reservation place of socializa- Table 5.69) , (5) degree of Indian "blood" when con- - i at our most effective measure, the three-fourths (Table 5.71), and (6) marriage to non-Indians (Table Of those findings which were formerly significant 373 nly the subjective estimate of one's "best friends" they must be Indian) remaining in the rural tribal area 7able 5.70) remained, and with a phi of .501. It is difficult to present reasons why we found gnificance between the groups on the variables of Table 41 and not also within the Membership Group when corre- :ed with the final associated stress measure of Table 9. First, demographic factors such as those we studied Chapter IV ought not be neglected in future studies. and, individuals evidently are attracted to Pan- .anism for a variety of reasons. When comparisons are ‘between Pan-Indian groups and control groups similar urs, demographic differences are quite likely easily rtained (i.e., visible or apparent) but study should :top there. Third, we would suggest that when con- 'ation is given to a Pan-Indian group by itself, a ng emerges. It would appear from what we found that rchers should exercise caution in leaping to the lSiOI‘l that because a constellation of significant .gs are made corresponding to those of Table 4.41, respondents affected will also be under stress a of life in the larger society or away from their ation, tribe, or rural tribal area. One type of PS may or may not be associated with the other. , we would suggest that those findings of Table 4.41 ignificantly correlate with data other than those of 374 There is an interesting observation to be made from the one finding which was significant in the last set of tests, that on the correlation of assumed stress from Table 5.59 with the respondent's subjective estimate of the relative ratio of his "best friends" (Indian) living in the rural tribal area (Table 5.70) . The results were highly significant and there was a forecasting efficiency score of 14.3 per cent indicating ability to predict asso- ciated stress (Table 5.59) , given a knowledge of the rela- tive ratio of the "best friends " of the respondent who remain in the rural tribal area. There is, however, greater predictability in the opposite direction--a fore- casting efficiency score of 41.2 per cent indicating ability to predict that those involved in metropolitan Pan- Indianism and who are under the associated stress measured in Table 5.59 will more often have higher ratios of their "best friends" (Indian) still remaining in the rural tribal rea than will others. It would appear, therefore, that, sing disappointed in the larger society in which they ve not realized their aspirations and where they have 112 disadvantaged for being Indian and where they also i themselves unable to maintain the social ties they re with their rural tribesmen, they come under com- ied stress with the result that they are especially rested in actively maintaining their Indian friends in rural area. Our measures are taken in a manner which 375 suggests that in these aspirations they fail. It is these \NhC) seek a new way of life, one which is more satisfying-- a31.a1ternative--and the cultural innovation of Pan-Indianism becomes the answer. These are the people who, being aspirant toward kxath the goals of the larger society and the tribe, find tjuat in Pan-Indianism they can espouse both. These are the jpeopde who, being under stress and disappointed (1) because they have tried but have not achieved their goals in the larger society, being aware that they have been disadvan- taged in their efforts by that society simply because they are Indians, and also because (2) they find themselves unable to achieve their aspirations toward their tribe and rural tribesmen, come to feel themselves somewhat apart from--marginal to--both. It is a mixed feeling, belonging and not belonging at the same time, in both but also apart from both, and the Pan-Indian blending or syncretism affords the answer. It is here that they find the new culture, one which allows them to be Indian Americans. Here they find a culture uniquely their own with its own traits, mnlin the pow wow they have put wheels under their feelings amilongings to mingle with others like themselves. Wher- ever they go they look at the countryside to be reminded oftme land that once was theirs and the history of cul- UHel contact. Aspiring to a new way of life they are able tocmndemn that which they feel as disadvantageous to the 376 cause, whether in the non-Indian society or the tribe, and in their efforts they enjoin their fellow Indians to follow in the quest for something better. CHAPTER VI SUMMARY AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH The purpose of this study has been to extend our knowledge on Pan-Indianism, demonstrate what we believe is a fruitful theoretical and operational approach to this and kindred phenomena, make our findings comparable and relevant to a wide variety of other studies which extend beyond the one attempted here, and to generate some provocative questions and make suggestions both with regard to the larger issues of Pan-Indianism and anthropological theory. The conceptual context was revitalization theory, ns from our data: 1. The Association has emerged in the contemporary United States which is, generally, undergoing progressive secularization. The emphasis of that society and culture--in this case that of our respondents--is not ordinarily the accomplishment of goals through means which are religious and/or magical in nature but rather via those which are rational and secular. In keeping with this, rational and secular means are espoused by the organization in question. The Association has also emerged in a society which is democratic in polity, the federal government through the Indian Reorganization Act expected democratic polity to prevail in the tribal corporations resulting from acceptance of the Act, the members have come to believe that the idealized former Indian culture was democratic in polity, the members are thoroughly acquainted with the democratic process and have for a long time been active participants in it, and the sponsoring insti- tution has both advocated and trained the members in it. Today the members are very adept at parlimentary procedure as laid down in Robert's Rules of Order and, since the inception of the group, have strictly adhered to their By Laws and Constitution, modifying the same quicklygshould'their objectives or requirements by organizational development 392 require it. Accordingly, their leaders-~not necessarily those most influential--are chosen by parliamentary procedure and changed frequently. There have appeared, despite the comments in 2 (above), a series of leaders within the group who, in our opinion and given our pre- liminary suggestions, fulfill the requirements of a revitalization movement rather well. These appear in each of the eras but especially at times of transition: the formation of the group in 1940, in 1948 and 1949, and the years subsequent to 1959 but especially in 1960 and following. Although we do not have in our data information relevant to their psycho- logical characteristics or the occasion(s) on which they became possessed of a "vision" for a better way of life for Indians, we do have some data pertinent to the message and the manner in which it was proclaimed--and, on the leader at the time of our field work, con- siderable other data. These are all well- educated individuals with access to power, i.e., manifested ability in dealing both with Indians and the larger society. They all express lament over the unsatisfactory and distotred culture in which Indians are living. The message they espouse, while varying some because of the immediate issue(s) at hand, is for a better way of life for all Indians, and is proclaimed in a homily-like manner. In speaking of the leader whom we observed we have documented something of the dynamic leadership he offers, the magnetism of his personality as evidenced by the response elicited, his deliberate assumption of leader- ship both among Indians and, on behalf of them, before the non-Indian segment of society, the manner in which he assumes a protective custody over those who follow his leadership, the code which he espouses, the "homilieS" he has delivered, his "evangelistic" fervor, and his appeal to his followers to "go out and do missionary work among your own people." Because in 1948 and 1949 the leaders were challenging the members to reorganization with goals of accomplishing a better way of life for all Indians, advocating the use of means 'which were--among others-~legal and political, 393 and because these changes were effected, we referred to this as the "period of revital- ization," meaning that--although it may have occurred earlier--such a shift could be seen as evident at and following from this time. Soon after the change, 4 (above), the group became Pan-Indian in all features except the incorporation of the pow wow. There had not been much learning of Indian dancing, generally, between 1940 and 1947. Given expanded goals which had been proclaimed by their leaders in 1948 and 1949, the group became intensely interested in the presenta- tion of pageants for the purpose of raising money to accomplish those goals. Inspired by the success of the pageants at Harbor Springs, they aspired to similar activities in Detroit but the occasion waited until Detroit's Birthday Celebration in 1951. The stage had also been prepared for the advent of Pan-Indian dancing from the Southern Plains by the removal or retirement of the former professionals and by the presence of very adept drummers and dancers in the Pan-Indian type who could serve as teachers. The spec- tacular success of the Birthday Parade, witnessed by a million people and covered by the press, radio, and television, brought recognition and encouragement. Immediately the group began its Pan-Indian dancing with enthusiasm. ' In each of the eras, but especially beginning with 1948, emissaries have gone from the group into other Indian communities starting dance groups, recalling Indians back to the "Indian way," starting groups like the one under con- sideration, or starting pow wows--if after 1959. we have been able to document many of these endeavors, the missionary spirit of the emissaries, and much of the content of their message. In like manner, the group has responded at the organizational level in the formation of new and similar ones. So exten-~ sive are these efforts that a consideration of the emergence of Pan-Indianism in Metro- politan Detroit becomes almost a consideration of the emergence of the same throughout the area. [At the last annual banquet of the 394 Association (May, 1970) one of the former presidents, now resident on the Oneida reser- vation in Wisconsin, spoke, and not only called upon the members to develop "political muscle" for the procurement of a better way of life for Indians, but reported that only recently he had been in Honolulu of the Hawaiian Islands where he had organized a North American Indian Club, named directly after the one under study, and constitution- ally organized after it as well.] we referred to the years 1948-1958 also as the "first period of adaptation." It was at this time that the presentation of Indian pageants and dance programs, with Pan-Indian costumes and dancing, prevailed. It was also in this period that the group came to cope, although with issues somewhat removed from themselves geographically, with their goals for a more satisfying culture for all Indians by attempt- ing (it is here where at least their most visible efforts are manifest) to halt termina- tion and to secure the passage of the American Indian Point IV Program. When these efforts failed they turned to the goal of education, but not releasing others, as the one thing-- given their special talents--they could do and which was least likely to fail to help Indians most now and as a whole in the future. We called the years 1959-1968 "the second period of adaptation." Almost immediately following the election of the goal of educa- tional scholarships for Indians the leadership passed to one from the Southwest and in the fall that followed the pow wows were initiated, manifestly to achieve the goals of raising money for the scholarships. Thus began fully developed Pan-Indianism. It was during this era that the group came to cope with issues immediately at hand--geographically proximate-- to eventually become not only the primary Indian organization in the area and the one through which they do for themselves but the official voice for and champion of all Indians in the metropolis. The issue which thrust them into the limelight was that of discrim- ination against Indians, of which we have spoken, and it was during the latter part of the era that we made our own observations as a participant. 395 9. we have suggested, from the appeals of the leaders and those of the emissaries and also from the homilies of the leader during our period of observation, a "code." This has also been analyzed with respect to its moral content, the promised benefit to those accepting it, and the behavioral patterns expected of the members. ' 10. we have also suggested that, while the Pan- Indianism under study is essentially secular, there are religious elements. These have been documented in the case of some of the Pan-Indian myths which we have collected, the appeals of the emissaries in the spread of the phenomenon, and the suggested symbolism behind parts of the pow wow. As we see it, the Association is about to undergo ge once more. It aspires on the one hand to a building ts own and to developing an Indian center of its own, Lar to that in Chicago, and it appears as though it lo the same. On the other hand, it has entered its .d year in holding the outdoor pow wow and a number e families are purchasing trailers of differing , using them even locally. Long-distance travel to events is not new, but should their traditional pow ass, :i.e., no longer be held in some of the larger >rdJnns of the metropolis, in favor of the outdoor type changes may occur. Furthermore, much of the appeal aracter of the group is dependent upon the leadership. not know how to predict this. Itbthough we have exercised as much care as possible gathering of our data, we recognize that when pro- 13 lmave been made to other groups in the area our 396 tare subject to bias since they relate to, and come lindividuals within, a single group. Accordingly, 'ould suggest the relevance of similar studies on gent Pan-Indianism in the area to strengthen or refute findings and to complete the picture which we have partially been able to present. We would also suggest the relevance of studies on rent Pan-Indianism in other areas of the United States n the perspective of revitalization. We believe much of what we have said of emissaries and the ges they present is generally true elsewhere. A of this along with the other related phenomena would >nsiderably to our understanding of Pan-Indianism F and be stimulating to revitalization theory as well. We have indicated some of the similarities, by way trast, between Pan-Indianism and the Ghost Dance of especially during its closing years on the Southern It appears to us that, beginning with the work :er (1933) and others, interesting and important could be made on the emergence of Pan-Indianism. (1952) and Newcomb (1952 and 1955) found it already ed at the time of their field studies. Although plied it was emergent, we would guess that it may older, although less developed. Such a study >ntribute not only to an understanding of its origin ’usion but would bear upon Voget's suggestion (1956) 397 Lt such movements, once religious in configuration, become secularized in time—-or do they cease being ovement at all except under certain conditions? We have been unable to gather and assess data on personality characteristics of the leaders in this mization, and on occasion of--"moment of insight" lace, 1956)--or reasons underlying, to themselves, goals they espouse. Studies in this area will be alue both in an understanding of Pan-Indianism and evitalization theory. We would also suggest that studies in the area of >logy and religion, especially on those who are the yrs and emissaries of Pan-Indianism, along with the panying motives impelling them to devote so much of elves to the task, would be of interest. A study of eligious and/or semi-religious beliefs and attitudes >le accompanying Pan-Indianism will, we think, be :erest in themselves and in a further consideration relationships between Pan-Indianism and revitaliza- heory. Such might also show comparability to r types of attitudes and beliefs in parallel ethnic ial groups struggling for a better way of life. It :0 us that, among others, themes such as those 1g to a "halo" (Kroeber, 1948:437) culture of the »rophesied disaster in the present, predicted l or achievement in the future, Indian dignity and 398 .ues, and Indians as "God's chosen people," all of which have found, add both something of a subjective under- nding of the phenomenon to those reading about it and also be highly comparable with similar movements :where. A Consideration of the Findings in Part II In Part II we turned to the individual in an rt to determine if those most actively involved in >politan Pan-Indianism (as exemplified by membership .d attendance at the regular monthly meetings of the American Indian Association) can be measured in a r which (1) allows the assumption of stress associ- vith unsatisfactory, dissatisfying, and/or distasteful .ences because of the sociocultural situation in which 'ind themselves; and (2) when final correlations were would suggest a configuration attesting their per- 3 of the sociocultural conditions under which they id have in the past been) living as both unsatis- ' and distorted against their interests because they (ians. The purpose was to add another dimension of anding to the data offered in Part I and to offer ental data by demonstrating that the postulated and perception of cultural distortion at the group rhich we have interpreted as present, is matched stically measurable evidence of the same at the 399 1dividual level. That such stress is present in the lives ’persons actively involved in revitalization movements the assumption of most who have considered the phenome- n (e.g., Wallace, 1956; Linton, 1943; Kroeber, 1948:437- J; Howells, 1948:278; Hagan, 1966:411; Chesneaux, 1965: ’; Smith, 1959; Clemhout, 1964; Voget, 1956:249; Aberle, 6:322,333) . We reasoned that these measures would ord important supporting evidence for our possible iings in Part I and be a contribution in their own it as well. we recognized that individuals might affiliate with vitalization movement sometimes for reasons of their which differ from those factors to which the group is sponse (cf. also Wallace, 1956:273) and therefore we lOt expect perfect correlations or everyone to respond arly on all items. We did expect, however, the active cipants to exhibit the "stress" patterns sought more than others and, therefore, we used as a control a simple random sample from all Indians we could in the same area who have never identified them- with the group--therefore being the persistent rs. We elected the use of measures allowing the assump- stress but in areas believed relevant to Pan- sm, revitalism, the respondents themselves, and r areas of theory. Our hypotheses are set in the 400 eralcmuext of social mobility, Hypothesis I relating nmfiliqrwithin the larger and essentially non-Indian Lety, and Hypothesis II relating to mobility with ect1x>the tribe and rural tribesmen. We concentrated he disjunction between aspirations and achievement, the expression by the individual of distress or dis- intment on failure. The measures used were derived nfially from the recent work of Parker and Kleiner i)‘flx>have demonstrated their utility through lation with and the prediction of mental illness in allel group. The relevance of the measures in a on revitalism appeared warranted in lieu of the apological concept that such movements offer a ye of hope and an alternative to those who, under : generated by what they know is sociocultural dis- un against their best interests, might otherwise t symptoms of anomie, regressive behavior, or become ates for mental illness (e.g., Wallace, 1956). Here we restate our hypotheses and sub—hypotheses ivenience. I, Class mobility and associated stress will be significantly greater in the Membership Group than in the Non-Membership Group. 23, Disjunction between aspirations and achievement and associated stress will be significantly greater in the Member- ship Group than in the Non-Membership Group. 401 Ib. Relative deprivation and associated stress will be significantly greater in the Membership Group than in the Non-Membership Group. Ic. Discrimination for being Indian will be significantly greater in the Mem- bership Group than in the Non- Membership Group. II. Tribal marginality and associated stress will be significantly greater in the Mem- bership Group than in the Non-Membership Group. IIa. Disjunction between aspirations and actuality in the maintenance of social relations with tribesmen and associated stress will be significantly greater in the Membership Group than in the Non-Membership Group. IIb. Loss of tribal status and associated stress will be significantly greater in the Membership Group than in the Non-Membership Group. Our decision to consider the (Q) disjunction, Imous with "discrepancy" or "failure to achieve," an aspirations and achievements is not new in the ng of cultural anthropologists or others in the sciences who attempt to understand ways in which zlinxral distortion may generate stress in individuals. r.is :Lt new in the thinking or research efforts of ologists who have considered underlying factors the emergence of revitalization movements. In like the other concepts offered in the hypotheses are tc> axrthropological theory on these issues. They partly in an effort to replicate the work of 402 lers and partly to make the results of this study useful comparative analyses of differing sorts. The manner in ch we have interrelated them in the overall design of study and the method of analysis may, however, repre- t something of an innovation both in studies on Pan- ianism and revitalization movements. Some have suggested that revitalization movements rge under conditions of deprivation, e.g., disadvantage: .omic, social, cultural, and/or other. We observed groups have continued under these conditions for long ods without revitalization movements apparently occur- . We have felt that a fruitful alternative would be isideration of the (2) disjunction between that which :ple have, achievements, and that which they wish could have, aspirations. This is implicit in the t thinking of Aberle (1966) on "measuring points" and ees us from a consideration of what amounts essen- { to social status, e.g., the deprived or those at >wer levels. Linton (1943) suggested, also, that stic movements might appear in differing levels of erall system. Firth has recently commented (1965: hat contemporary anthropologists should give more ion to the relationships between aspirations and aments when considering such movements. We reasoned ten people aspire to something better than that .hey currently have or expect to have, whether such 403 iration derives from a situation of culture contact or 9 other factor, that it is because they have come to :eive their current and/or future sociocultural state msatisfactory and that such an analysis would also >w us to analyze data from our respondents, who might pr differing levels of achievement, with single ary measures. As a precedent, we noted that Nash 5:439,44l,442) suggested that acceptance of the Ghost a doctrine of 1870 was not determined by acceptance ejection of white culture, but rather dissatisfaction 'ated by (Q) unachieved aspirations. The recent es of Parker and Kleiner (1966) gave us our (\_7_) ce of failure, hence our measure of associated stress. such measures require both grounding in the social :ure itself (Parker and Kleiner, l966:302,303) and re to the dependent variable, each is taken against ;ive criteria on social class in the goal areas of ion, occupation, and pay--hence the term "associated." verse reasons heretofore explained, we have been to utilize supporting psychological measures--hence ionym, "assumed." It appeared to us that the above concept would be ter relevance and more suggestive if another was the perception by a group of people that it is ately blocked or disadvantaged in the attainment goals. We reasoned that the perception of being 404 liberately disadvantaged would focus the attention of ass affected on the factors in themselves (e.g., ethnic) 'Lch were the cause of the blockage, and/or those respon- >le for the blockage. We also reasoned that the per- ltion of themselves as so disadvantaged would cause ividuals to feel themselves both rejected and devaluated, refore an unjustified sociocultural distortion against 'Lr best interests. Thus, if those who are active :icipants in metropolitan Pan-Indianism perceive them- 'es disadvantaged in the manner suggested, such eption could be taken as indicative of the perception ultural distortion and, given correlation with stress ciated with unachieved aspirations, as compounding : stress. This latter concept is congruent with the rstion of Merton (1957:131-160) that the disjunction en socially valued goals and the socially provided of achievement (our perceived disadvantage for being 1) is fruitful in explaining various forms of anomic eviant behavior. It also is implicit in Spiro's tion (1955:1244,1245) that some form of nativism emerge when an ethnic group is "denied" the achieve- f its aspirations. We elected the use of relative ation (Hypothesis Ib) and experienced discrimination lesis Ic) as areas of measurement because of their interest, theoretical value, and applicability to i zation theory . 405 (Even the above correlations, people might elect ~rnatives other than revitalization movements: (1) they t attempt to hide their ethnicity and flee into the disadvantaged segment of society, this we could test; (2)nwtropolitan Indians might escape back to the rural sfl.area (see Spindler, 1957:154,155). Because of the ar possibility, we added the variable of tribal mar- Lity and associated stress (Hypothesis II) asking, :if they cannot do this?" Some might wish to return mently, now or later, and find themselves unable to w-hence they would be trapped in a situation from there is no escape. Still others might wish to n more often than conditions will allow them--and will be trapped. Both situations can be conceptual- as less than satisfactory. We made 16 different tests on Hypothesis Ia, 1ction between aspirations and achievement and asso- I stress, in the goal areas of education, occupation, qy, finding the results very significant or highly .icantu Following the primary test in each of the we made several supplementary ones, analyzing the rtnn different perspectives and with differing ls. Following that we made some supplementary tests, different data which we had gathered. We found res unable to use (\_7_) valence of failure or the :ticui between the individual's current achievements 406 his current aspirations for himself in education LUSG of the mean, ages of the groups, and were forced ,se as an alternate the disjunction between his previous ational aspirations for himself (while still in school) his eventual achievements. To strengthen the notion the disjunction which we used could be assumed to 1 indicator of stress we correlated this with his >ective of relative deprivation and associated stress, ng the results again very significant. We also were to test the level of the former aspirations, and the epancy between that and the educational achievement 9 head of the family of socialization (assuming that 3r discrepancy would indicate something about desire, 5, to achieve above the educational level in which : reared--i.e., escape to something better). Finally, *onsidered against stress associated with educational tions for a hypothetical son, it appeared that the ship Group should be viewed not only as being under because of unachieved aspirations in the past, but iese have been perpetuated into the present and' rojected onto the hypothetical son--a measure 19 the goal-striving in this area which the respon- mself is actually experiencing (Parker and Kleiner,- ). The achievement level used in this test was the respondent himself. Such failure to lower ions or the actual raising of them, despite the 407 actual conditions-~i.e. , the inability to limit them realistically accompanied by continued striving despite the difficulties was found by Parker and Kleiner (1966: 340) to characterize those under greatest stress in the 'ommunity Population-~the upwardly mobile. An interesting correlary fo the foregoing was our )servation from the qualitative data, gathered while in e field, on the education of actual children. Excluding e mere statement of goals for an aspired university or Llege education for a hypothetical son, we found that 0 per cent of the members (2.6 per cent of the non- bers) have from one to several children who have Lshed their university education, more often than not . an M.A. degree or higher. In addition, 31.3 per cent he group (5.1 per cent of the non-members) now have iren in college or university, and another 12.5 per (none among the non-members) have money laid aside uch training for children not yet of that age. In the goal areas of occupation and pay we found ’icance when controls were made for full-time work r the head of the household. With occupation, as iucation, we found the disjunction between former :ions and current achievements, and current achieve.- nd aspirations for the hypothetical son all highly :ant. When final correlations between all three ie, all highly significant, that between education 408 pay was highest, between occupation and pay was second, between education and occupation was last. Our measures on relative deprivation and associated ass (Hypothesis Ib) were very significant. Interestingly, to our surprise, the phi coefficients obtained were rly as strong as those on the previous variable, and ative deprivation in the area of occupation ranked first, :ation was second, and pay was last. None of the mem- 3 failed to show a measure of (y) valence, whereas a { few did among the non-members. We were unable to relate the measures between the goal areas by group in 5 variable because of the few among the non-members ected. When we analyzed our data on experienced discrim- tion for being an Indian (Hypothesis Ic) the findings e very significant on the overall measure. We then cuted a series of interesting experiments finding the ationship between experienced discrimination and metro- itan Pan-Indianism not only slightly stronger but of ater predictive value when it occurs within the metro- is than prior to life in it. When we measured for erienced discrimination prior to immigration into the ropolis we found, as we expected, no significant differ- es between the groups. We had suspected during our 1d work that some had come to the metropolis to escape h experiences which they had in the rural areas and, 409 e in Detroit, they were careful not to experience them in. When we reanalyzed our data on experienced dis- mination for being an Indian prior to and also during idence in the metropolis we found, again as we expected, highest phi coefficient of all. It thus appears that h is far from absent in the metropolis and that those come under this in rural areas and then under it again e they have settled in the city are especially likely seek out others and participate in Pan-Indianism there. When we correlated associated stress measures in area of blockage, relative deprivation with discrim- tion, we had the highest correlation of all--stronger n for any single measure alone. Our basic test on Hypothesis I, social class ility and associated stress, required measures of sciated stress on each of the sub-hypotheses. The ults were highly significant with a phi of .477. We :ted an alternate measure, termed "relaxed," wherein required the respondent to show stress associated with disjunction between aspirations and achievements and ier relative deprivation and associated stress or erienced discrimination for being an Indian or both. ather words, having stress associated with his :hieved aspirations he must also experience stress aciated with blockage in one or both of the areas. In 3 case the phi dropped slightly to .460 but we made 410 he interesting observation that 71.9 per cent of the embers were so affected (25.7 per cent of the non-members). sing the same but with relative deprivation alone we ound the highest phi at .473 in comparison to the overall easure on discrimination at .429. The percentages were igher, however, in the case of discrimination with 62.5 er cent of the members feeling this sort of stress in antrast to 20.5 per cent of the non-members. Our hypothesis (IIa) on the disjunction between spirations and actuality in the maintenance of social elations with tribesmen and associated stress required, { design, measures on the frequency of visiting among iose in the rural tribal area. When the test was made 2 found the results very significant. Perhaps a better aproach would have been to have considered not only spirations and actuality in the area of visiting but Lso in regard to aspired residence prior to retiring, 1d toward retirement there. We executed these to find :ress associated with aspired residence non-significant t the .05 level, one-tailed, although it would have ttained significance at the .10 level. This measure >ncerned expectations and aspiration, being considered me more relevant to the actual situation. In like manner 1e one on aspired retirement considered expectations as measuring base, but here we attained significance. 411 Our hypothesis on the loss of tribal status and ssociated stress (IIb) reached the highest significance ’ any of the sub-variables under tribal marginality and sociated stress (II), a phi of .499. We felt, however, at the measure is perhaps more or less peculiar to we on the Canadian-U.S. border, as in the area under [lysis. We have suggested that, given possible term- ,tion of tribes in the future, it might be more broadly licable and relevant then. The requirement, by design, for the acceptance >Iypothesis II, tribal marginality and associated stress, that in correlation individuals must be measurable stress associated with both the disjunction between rations and actuality in the maintenance of social tions with (rural) tribesmen (IIa) and the loss of 11 status (IIb) . The findings were highly significant a phi of .407. We felt, however, that the "maximal ation" on stress associated with tribal marginality he more appropriate. This developed out of our con- ation of the issues and also because of the increase 1bers with which to work in completing our correla- By "maximal relaxation" we required that individuals sured in a manner permitting the assumption of associated with any or all of the following: the :tion between aspirations and actuality in the main- : of social relations with (rural) tribesmen, the 412 isjunction between aspirations and expectations for atiring in the rural tribal area among one's tribesmen, :d the loss of tribal status. When the test was made attained a phi of .405, only .002 less than on our rictest measure. It had the advantage that it was no iger unique to Detroit and possibly a few more selected as in the United States because we found that all who e measurable in terms of loss of tribal status also e measurable on one or more of the other phenomena. still retained disjunction and valence, and it still :ured tribal marginality and associated stress. When we made our basic test of combining the data ound the results very significant, phi = .272. This ired measures of associated stress on all of the sub- :heses (Ia, Ib, Ic, IIa, and IIb). The compounding l of these criteria in correlation, however, so ed the numbers of persons showing stress in all of reas simultaneously that we were forced to use :tical means for correcting for continuity. This, "t, led us to execute a series of experiments (using d measures on Hypotheses I and II in different ways) coming to what we believe is our most meaningful test. Despite the criteria used in the above test, we till have had greater numbers to have finally with had not the measures been on assumed stress-- 413 ich requirement required that we have both a measure (2) disjunction and (Y) valence of failure, the con- ;uence of which was that all persons used in correlation at not 5 but 15 criteria. Furthermore, we had not pected that our sub-hypotheses would be acceptable so ten with P < .01 and our correlations with P < .001. course, it was this very randomness in the Non-Membership sup and the lack of the same in the Membership Group ich was inherent in our theory and design of analysis. an so, eventually the Membership Group itself was finally fected. Our final and most effective measure of our overall esis in Part II was made when we correlated findings tween Hypothesis I (relaxed, i.e., the respondent must ow associated stress on Ia and either Ib g£_Ic or both) d Hypothesis II (maximal relaxation, i.e., he must show sociated stress on the disjunction between aspirations d achievements in the maintenance of social relationships th his (rural) tribesmen or between aspirations and pectations for living in the rural tribal area among his ibesmen prior to retirement g£_upon retirement or any of ese in any combination. Loss of tribal status was relevant because all concerned were measurable also on e or the other of the foregoing). The theoretical devance of these have been discussed. In the case of pothesis I (relaxed) we had 10 in the Non-Membership 414 ?roup with which to work and 23 in the Membership Group. It the case of Hypothesis II (maximal relaxation) we had 2 in the Non-Membership Group with which to work and 23 I the Membership Group. When the final test was made we tained significance at P < .001 and the phi coefficient aped to .610. Interestingly, 21 of the 23 in the Mem- rship Group showed correlation, i.e., 65.6 per cent; 1 only three of the non-members, 7.7 per cent, did. Having completed the testing required in the ign of this study and finding the hypotheses and overall >ry acceptable in the light of our data and methods of ysis, we turned our attention to a few exploratory s in an effort to further elucidate the results of the f and to meaningful suggestions for further research 1d those which we have mentioned heretofore. Some imental tests had been made during the testing of the deses in an effort to offer supplemental insights. those that were conducted after the basic work was 'hich we shall discuss from this point. 1. Our first major effort has been already 3d. This was the experimentation which we did in g Hypotheses I and II. Our awareness that such ues might be fruitful began to emerge as soon as n to correlate our data on Hypotheses Ia, Ib, and esting Hypothesis I. Essentially, we asked "What Lppen if we analyze the data in another way?" 415 I found that we eventually lost nothing but rather gained. cordingly, we recommend reanalysis within the theoretical amework of a given study. 2. Because of the relaxation of Hypothesis I in 9 final test, we were interested in learning which type blockage, stress associated with relative deprivation ) or experienced discrimination for being an Indian (Ic) the stronger when associated with Hypothesis Ia nst Hypothesis II. When we did this both were highly ificant but Ib had a phi of .484 whereas Ic had one 589. We had not expected this rank order because when >nsidered the same type of measures on class mobility (ssociated stress (I), but without tribal marginality ssociated stress (II), as above, we found Ib to have of .473 and Ic had one of .429. In other words, 7e did not consider tribal marginality (II) it was ve deprivation (Ib) which was the stronger, and when , it was discrimination (Ic) which was stronger. of both was less than .001, but we cannot explain tson for the shift in strength and suggest the same ’ther consideration. 3. We entertained the thought that, since the ace of being discriminated against for being an while living in Detroit when only class mobility ciated stress (I). was analyzed, perhaps a sense age stemming from experienced discrimination while 416 ring in the metropolis had the effect of shifting the >hasis of individuals back to the tribe. However, when added tribal marginality (maximal relaxation) and ociated stress, as in the final test, we found to our prise that the order was again reversed and that the arience prior to Detroit residence had a phi of .570 that during Detroit residence had one of .529. We unable to account for this, except perhaps that the r discrimination (25 years being the mean of Detroit dence for both groups) was further behind the respon- 3 in years. The reversal suggests the relevance of [er studies on the matter. Our strongest finding on discrimination in con- ing Hypothesis I by itself was when we considered lations on persons who had been discriminated against sing an Indian both prior to and during Detroit ance. When we added tribal marginality and associated : we found to our surprise that this dual discrimina- although still with a P of less than .001, was the t of the measures (d) = .446). The only suggestion a can offer for this is that the added criterion it once, i.e., simultaneously) might have brought 'en our limited numbers, to the point of diminishing . This, however, may not be the case and the is recommended as an interesting one for further h. 417 4. We returned to our basic theory on blockage :1 asked "What would have been the final results had we :used it?" We had suggested that it was the perception unjustified blockage for being an Indian which would 'e direction to the stress associated with unachieved irations (Ia). In the study of Nash (1955), which was a on the Klamath reservation, this was implicit--i.e. , 1g Indians they had not achieved. In our study this able was explicit and we were able to execute our 5 apart from blockage. When we considered Ia by lf (no sense of blockage), our most comparable measure those of Parker and Kleiner (1966), we attained a phi £92 and a P of less than .001, and a forecasting 'iency score of 10.9 in the reverse direction and one .8 in the direction of Pan-Indian identification. we executed the experiment by using Ia (instead of the Lated measures on I), and Hypothesis II, in the final :is the phi rose to .514 but the forecasting effi- in the reverse direction was 35.0 and in the ion of Pan-Indian identification it was 38.5. stingly, while we achieved high significance we : lost predictability. We could predict the stress a from Pan-Indianism nearly as well as the other way This appears to give added support to our theory relevance of blockage. We would suggest other in the same area on this interesting subject, 418 .e., it is not just that the Membership Group is under :ress associated with unachieved aspirations but that, laddition, they perceive themselves thwarted and justly disadvantaged--they do not have as good a chance, they do not have as good access to the means of lievementnbecause they are Indian. It was the addition the perception of blockage which raised the phi even e and resulted in the greatest predictive ability ard Pan-Indianism. S. In Chapter IV we carefully considered many >graphic data, including those on age, sex, age at 'oit immigration, length of residence within the metro— s, tribe; factors relating to social class such as ational and occupational and pay status or achievement, 2 type, residential area type, the degree of racial #0) integration characteristic of the neighborhood; »ur summary measure on social class. All findings on were non-significant. Accordingly, we suggested this comparability suggests that these factors should Lter our final tests greatly. Some of these variables long-standing interest in anthropological research. suggest themselves as being relevant, i.e., length idence within the metropolis. This suggests the ace of other studies. 6 . There were a few demographic variables in IV which were found to achieve significance or even 419 high significance when measured against membership or the lack of it. We were interested in learning how these would correlate with our final stress measure and whether or not their rank order would be altered. We were limited at the outset due to the smallness of our groups under comparison. In the Non-Membership Group the highest possible in correlation was three (there were three only on the stress measure). We feel that in this case greater numbers in the groups under comparison would, had they been available, have been of utility. we would suggest interviewing as many persons as possible when conducting field studies. 7. We found ourselves better able to correlate the significant findings in Chapter IV with the final stress measure at the intra-membership level than any other way. When we did this, within the Pan-Indian category itself, we were surprised to find none of the following remaining significant: the degree of integration of the family of orientation into the non-Indian society; national citizenship, Canada as opposed to the United States; the .relative ratio of Indian kinsmen remaining in the rural 'tribal area; reservation versus non-reservation place of ssocialization; degree of Indian "blood" when controlled eat our most effective measure, the 3/4th level; and nmarriage to whites. Evidently these variables are asso- cziated with membership in the Association, but not with 420 the variables which we have used in our hypotheses. This interesting finding seems to suggest that the groups were even more comparable than we had previously suspected with regard to our final stress measure. We would, however, suggest the relevance of further studies in this area. In the above type of analysis only the respondent's subjective estimate of the ratio of his "best friends" (half or more) remaining in the rural tribal attained significance, and highly so, with a phi of .501. The score on forecasting efficiency, however, indicated that, given the measure on stress we could predict that the individual will have more friends in that area (FE = 41.2) than con- versely (FE = 14.3). This is what we expected. The lack of general correlation between those significant demographic factors obtained in Chapter IV and the final stress measures seems to suggest to us that great caution should be exercised lest one leap to the (nonclusion that because such a constellation is found to (marrelate with Pan-Indianism that it will also correlate vwith factors such as we analyzed in our hypotheses. While kxyth correlate with Pan-Indianism, they may or may not (ruere they don't) correlate with other factors associated vvitfli Pan-Indianism. The demographic variables all have considerably lower phi coefficients and less predictability tfliari the final stress measure. Furthermore, using them, the predictability of the ratio of kinsmen remaining on 421 the reservation and the degree of Indian "blood" are more effectively predicted from a knowledge of Pan-Indianism than the other way around. Thus, it seems that even though those demographic data are more easily visible and measurable than our more elusive stress measures, they are less fruitful. we do not suggest that studies on them be abandoned but rather that they be continued and be used in a range of tests on a variety of other data associated with the phenomenon. The nature of their contribution to Pan-Indianism rather than the mere fact of correlation appears to need research. we would suggest studies pointed to the question of why they correlate, and with what other phenomena that is also pertinent do they correlate. In our opinion statistical measures on matters such as this will be most fruitful. 8. We also offer some observations and sugges- tions growing out of the design and measures, not specific findings in the tables, which we have used. The first relates to the question of aspirations. The greater num- nbers of the Membership Group measurable in terms of stress associated with unachieved aspirations (Hypothesis Ia) .resulted in part because that group had aspirations higher 'than the Non-Membership Group, not because the achievements ()f the Membership Group were lower. The Membership Group, 1:herefore, appears to be the one which is upwardly mobile vihereas the Non-Membership Group appears to be, according 422 to their own statements on their aspirations for them- selves, appears to be comfortably settled into life in the larger society and more often satisfied with that which they have (achieved). This applies to all of the goal areas: education, occupation, and pay. It also applies to all of our measures when differing controls were used for data such as full-time work, aspirations for the head of the household, etc. Furthermore, it applies in the temporal perspective: previous aspirations versus present achievements, and future aspirations, i.e., on the hypo- thetical son (conceived this way rather than as a form of psychological projection), versus present achievements. Here, then, are two comparable groups of people and yet in the area of aspirations or social mobility one seeks more. We would like to know why? What is it that impels one group to seek more? We might think that these elevated aspirations in the Membership Group result from membership, i.e., they have elevated their aspirations following affiliation and acceptance of the "message" or "vision of a more satisfying way of life" were it not for the fact that these elevated aspirations predate migration and affiliation. They are long-standing and still current in the experiences of the members. They are the basis on ‘vhich we measured aspirations for a better way of life, (dissatisfaction with the present achievements, and stress [save for the added measure of (Z) valence of failure]. 423 Our data suggested correlations between these higher aspiration levels and both relative deprivation and associated stress (¢ = .473) and experienced discrim- ination (¢ = .430). This might suggest that higher aspirations are defensive reactions against the perception of being disadvantaged for being Indian. Since a know- ledge of time appears important in assessing this, and we lacked any satisfactory measure of the same which would allow the assumption of conjunction, we were unable to make such measures. Factors other than those of relative deprivation and experienced discrimination may also be operative, i.e., the type of socialization received from elders and/or parents. That Pan-Indianism is often characterized by high achievement ideals is congruent with the concept of the "new Indian" (Steiner, 1968). In their researches Parker and Kleiner (1966:339,340) found both the mentally ill and the upwardly mobile under high levels of goal-striving stress, our stress associated with ‘unachieved aspirations. Those hospitalized rigidly main- ‘tained their aspirations (part of the goal-striving stress Ineasure) in the context of an objectively limited oppor- thnity structure (similar to our perception of being (lisadvantaged for being an Indian), and the upwardly mobile 111 the Community Population were unable to limit their aspirations realistically and continued to strive regardless cpf’ their actual achievements. we are interested in why the 424 Membership Group had the higher aspirations in the first place and/or why they are upwardly mobile. Revitalization theory might suggest that the aspirations for a better way of life derive from the perception of sociocultural dis- tortion. All of these raise problems for analysis, a type of which would, in our opinion, be a worthy research project. 9. Because of the limited numbers under observa- tion, we were unable to control for social class and assumed comparability because of our findings in Chapter IV. Ours are groups and our interviewing took us across the whole of it. we suggest that other studies relating status or class achievement ot Pan-Indianism in a similar U.S. metropolis would be worthwhile. Comparability between other studies and ours would depend to a large extent perhaps on whether or not there is a relocation office present which brings considerable numbers of Indians into the city from reservation areas, length of time the respon- dents have lived in and therefore adjusted to the metro- polis, and other variables. Here again, one of the values of using large numbers of respondents is that we are able, through the use of proper controls, to abstract certain (data or at least make adjustments allowing comparability.4 10. Primarily because of our limited numbers, vve were unable to use the measures for intensity on asso- cziated stress as we had planned. In our tables we measured 425 for the presence or absence of a stress measure assuming that those with the "present" measure were under the greater stress. In our techniques of correlation we required the association of "present" measures within the same individual. This association suggests interaction and a compounding of stress, hence with continued corre- lation there is the implicit suggestion of increasing stress. we commend the basic technique of Parker and Kleiner (1966) and suggest its further use but with numbers larger than those with which we operated. Should smaller numbers be utilized, we would recommend our own slight adjustments. A manipulation of their formula and a com- parison of the results with our measure will indicate that whenever they had a measure of stress so did we, and whenever they lacked it so did we--but we lost intensity. Ours is, in our opinion, the easier to use-~and as effec- tive in its way--in the gathering and analysis of data. 11. Few studies have been made using operational measures on relative derpivation and we would suggest studies on the same. we did not measure absolute depri- vation but essentially the perception of relative deprivation. This is in concordance with the suggestion of Merton (1957). We did attempt to gain validity by requiring each respondent to state his reasons for the ;perception--his experience--it being impossible for us to actually check the occasion or setting. We also used a 426 measure of (V) valence, intensity. Although perception is congruent with revitalization theory, we think that the added criterion of valence makes it more so. We were quite satisfied with our measure and suggest replication and refinement. 12. We did not, except in a few cases, actually observe the experienced discrimination. It would have been impossible to have followed the lives of our respon- dents in a study such as ours closely enough to have recorded all manners and occasions in which respondents have been discriminated against in a way which would have admitted useful statistical manipulation. Here again we sought validity by requiring our respondents to tell us of the experience(s). Since we could not easily evaluate intensity our measure was one on the stated experience(s) of discimination. The high levels of significance which we found in the phenomenon, in contrast to the suggestions that it "is not," "is slightly," and "is greatly" condu- cive to Pan-Indian identification, suggest that other studies on Pan-Indianism should also attempt measures on discrimination to add data and further our thinking on it. ‘We hope that we have at least raised enough questions in this regard to challenge contemporary thinking and suggest replication. 13. we aspired, and nearly tried, measures for lineality by subdividing the Membership Group into 427 Leaders" and "followers" on the basis of frequency of ttendance, and the Non-Membership Group into "possible embers" and the "disinterested" using the criterion of ttendance at any pow wow and/or type of social function .f the Association--or the lack of the same. We experi- mented with resultant percentages all the way up through the acceptance of Hypothesis I but eventually gave the idea up. Our numbers were so small that we came to doubt the advisability of using such measures. It is our opinion, however, that measures of lineality would suggest something of a continuum among the four resultant groups, with the leaders far in the forefront, the followers next, the interested with a few scores, and the disinterested usually absent in measures using correlation techniques. Such measures, given adequate numbers, would be of interest in themselves and also to revitalization theory when attempts are made to relate findings to the communication and structure of the movement, i.e., are the leaders actually under the greatest stress associated with a per- ception of cultural distortion, etc? The utilization of measures suggesting lineality, or non-lineality, in studies on revitalization movements would, we think, add both data and interesting insights. 14. Our thinking on the perception of sociocultural distortion and associated stress contains some provocative questions should we direct our thoughts toward the future 428 E Pan-Indianism or the Association which we have con- idered here. In analysis we directed our attention to wo areas: relative deprivation and experienced discrim- .nation for being an Indian. There are others deserving :onsideration as well. We suggested that it was the perception of being disadvantaged for being an Indian that focused Indian ethnicity and gave direction to this emergent phenomenon of Pan-Indianism. It is this that puts, in part, a difference between those involved in the activities of the Association and others in the larger society. we would suggest that those involved in Pan- Indianism have come to the place where they perceive that the things they have in common, i.e., in the foregoing context, unjustified disadvantage at the hands of the non- Indian society because they are Indians in the achievement of their goals, are of greater significance than those factors wherein they differ. It is upon this conception, in part, that they have come to see themselves somewhat unlike non-Indians and tribesmen whose interests do not extend beyond the tribe; and this perspective contributes to the emergence of the new ethnic identity--Pan-Indian. Others appear to be in theoretical agreement with this suggestion (e.g., Shibutani and Kwan, 1965): People who are treated alike are more likely to realize that they have common interests, and this is the first step toward developing a sense of unity. . . . Consciousness of kind on the part of a people who 429 sliare a subordinate position does not arise through rweasoning or deliberate design. Mutual identification eunerges from repeated experiences of denial and humili- artion. Recognition of the fact that individual clifferences do not matter results in their joining fibrces. Differential treatment does not automatically grroduce new groups, however. Only when people become annare of being treated alike on the basis of some axrbitrary criterion do they begin to establish identity cum that basis. . . . The typical defensive stance so (often found in the minority groups is a response to ‘their treatment by members of the dominant group (p. 210). . . . Ethnically heterogeneous people . imere transformed into an ethnic group (p. 211). . . . 'The incipient stages of nationalistic movements are (often revivalistic. An effort is made to develop pride within the minority group (p. 446). . . . Unity often rests upon the sharing of a common past (p. 447). . . . As people who had once been considered inferior human beings re-evaluate themselves, pride develops over the very identification symbols that had once been marks of shame . . . consciousness of kind . . . new classifications of human beings, formed in the struggle against a common foe (pp. 448,449). The above would seem to suggest that should these factors, i.e., perceived disadvantage for being an Indian, cease to exist in the future and, therefore, the differ- ences between Indians and non-Indians be perceived as no longer significant, Pan-Indianism will also cease. Of this, however, we are not really sure. Possibly it could kmztransformed into another type of pan-Indianism. We ‘mnfld not want to suggest how long the force of cultural momentum would continue to perpetuate the phenomenon or, giwamother stimuli from the non-Indian society, what types of alterations might occur. Much the same holds for culhual drift. Nonetheless, the suggestiveness of these mmmmus appears a basis on which meaningful studies on Pandmdianism might be made sometime in the future. 430 Final Considerations We summarized our data and tests, and offered suggestions for further research on both Part I and Part II of this study, when we considered them separately. We take this opportunity to consider their overall relation- ships and to make a few general observations. Our observations on Part I plus the supporting evidence from Part II suggest to us that the North American Indian Association of Detroit should be viewed as a type of revitalization movement. It appears to meet the criteria for such a type of phenomenon rather well. Whether others will accept it as such or not depends upon a variety of factors, among which is their interpretation of what a revitalization movement is. We did not argue that Pan-Indianism itself or all Pan-Indian groups should be viewed as revitalistic or revitalization movements. Instead, we suggested that these are different phenomena xyhich may or may not occur together; and that future studies on other Pan-Indian organizations will quite .likely demonstrate similarities with the one which we tiave considered. In Part I we inferred a "period of increased individual stress" subsequent to immigration in and prior t1) 1940 (comparable as we see it to out-migration from tjie rural tribal area). It was during this period that time Association came into being. Documentation of a 431 growing perception of cultural distortion against Indians was found in almost all of the data that we looked at, and it usually appeared in a context which seemed to imply associated stress. In Part II we considered the individual, watching to see if he could be measured in a way that would allow us to assume that he is under stress associated with his perception of the sociocultural conditions under which he is living and has lived as both unsatisfactory and distorted against his best interests. This was executed within a contextual framework of social mobility, but in two major areas: (1) vertical class mobility in respect to the larger society of which he is a part, and (2) horizontal or ethnic mobility with respect to his tribe. Generally, dissatisfaction was measured by the disjunction between aspirations and achievement, and dis- tortion was added by measures on the perception of «iisadvantage or blockage by the larger society in the arttainment of his goals, unjustly so and because he is an Jkuiian. By design, significant findings on the correlation of the variables was established as indicative of stress associated with overall sociocultural dissatisfaction and distortion, the type from which revitalization movements spring. When tested, all of the hypotheses, singly and in correlation, were found significant, indicating the acceptability of our predictions. 432 Additional criteria on revitalization movements were also met in Part I. These included findings on phenomena such as the type of leadership, the message, code, organization-~including the followers, the evange- listic spirit and homily-like appeals of the leaders, the missionary-like activities of some of the members who have acted as emissaries in the spread or diffusion of the phenomenon, the presence of a program or means for the accomplishment of the goals for a more satisfying way of life, a rather intense type of deliberate dedicated group effort expended on the accomplishment of the program. We viewed Pan-Indianism as innovative, being a type of ethno- syncretism; and noted that while it is essentially secular that interesting religious elements are not lacking. The measures in Part II were taken in a manner suggesting valuation (aspiration) toward both the larger society and the tribe, but they also were indicative of marginality (disjunction) toward both. We interpreted this type of orientation as a fitting one in which the cultural innovation of Pan-Indianism would be an appropriate alternative to those desiring interaction with others like themselves. These are areas of theory pertinent to this study CH1 which we gathered data but which have not been used. Vhe would suggest their consideration in future studies. 1T1ese include studies on the ethclass; ethnic identity; 433 social distance and social closeness with respect to Indians in general, the tribe, white Americans, and Negro Americans; and consensus and dissensus. 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Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., Smithsonian Institu- tion Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 168. IEN-UDOM, E . U . 962 The way out. In black nationalism: a search for an identity in_America. E. U. Essien-Udom. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. IES, JACK D., Ed. 64 The Indian in America's past. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall. ZTT, HENRY E. 72 Elementary statistics. Second edition. New York: David McKay Company. .VG, FRED, et a1. ) Documentary history of the Fox project, 1948-1959. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. OUGH, WARD HUNT Cooperation in change: an anthropological approach to community development. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. THEODORE D. Alternative models for the study of urban migration. Human Organization 25 :295-299 . Psychological acculturation in a tri-ethnic commun- ity. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 23:337- 350. 448 HAAS, THEODORE H. 1957 The legal aspects of Indian affairs from 1887-1957. In American Indians and American life. George E. Simpson and J. Milton Yinger, eds. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 311 (May) :12-22. AGAN, W. T. 1961 American Indians. Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago. LMER, JOHN H. 1961 Acculturation stress and the functions of alcohol among the Forest Potawatomi Indians. (Mimeo- graphed.) (THORN, H. 3., Ed. 966 A survey of the contemporary Indians of Canada: a report on economic, political, educational needs and policies in two volumes. Volume I. Ottawa: Indian Affairs Branch. ., W. W. 44 The Navaho Indians and the ghost dance of 1890. American Anthropologist 46:523-527. 4N LEGISLATION IN THE 85th CONGRESS 1. (Mimeographed.) N, ZUMLAHANI 4 The conduct of inquiry: methodology for behavioral science. San Francisco, California: Chandler Publishing Company. .GE, OLIVER A plea for a square deal for the Indians. The New York Times Magazine, June 27:14,37. Assimilation: the Indian View. New Mexico Quarterly Review 2:5-15. Termination of federal supervision: disintegration and the American Indians. In American Indians and American life. George E. Simpson and J. Milton Yinger, eds. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 311(May):4l-46. AIMEEQALHDEHR Education and the future of tribalism in the United States : the case of the American Indian. Social ;ervice Review 35 (Feb) . 449 LOWIE, ROBERT H. 1948 Primitive religion. New York: Liveright Pub- lishing Corporation. American MuSeum Science 1963 Indians of the plains. The Natural History Books. Garden City, New York: Press. URIE, NANCY OESTREICH 1957 The Indian claims commission act. In American Indians and American life. George E Simpson and The Annals of the Ameri- J. Milton Yinger, eds. can Academy of Political and Social Science 311 (May):56-70. DIGAN, LA VERNE The American Indian relocation program. New York: 1956 The Association on American Indian Affairs. ,LER, DELBERT C. 964 Handbook of research design and social measurement. New York: David McKay Company. PII'IORE , GEORGE 167 Indian youth and cultural dimensions of develop- ment. Report of the second annual meeting and conference: Indian-Eskimo Association of Canada, Ontario Division at the Ryerson Polytechnical Ontario, November 24, 25, 1967. Institute, Toronto, Indian-Eskimo Associ- Toronto: Ontario Division, ation of Canada. ISON, HELEN L. 7 American Indian political participation. In Ameri- can Indians and American life. George E. SImpson The Annals of the and J. Milton Yinger, eds. American Academy of Political and Social Science 311 (May) :116-126. ,, SUSAN KOESSLER Hoax nativism at Caughnawaga: a control case for the theory of revitalization. Ethnology IV(July): 266-281. LRTNJLE>1K. They and we: racial and ethnic relations in the United States. Studies in sociology. New York: Random House. DDIPTO the Spokane The measurement of assimilation: Indians . American Sociological Review 67 :541-551. 450 SCHEFF, THOMAS J. 1967 Toward a sociological model of consensus. Ameri- can Sociological Review 32:32-46. STERN, THEODORE a people and their reservation. 1965 The Klamath tribe: Seattle: University of Washington Press. TRUENING, ELMER L. 1965 A factor analytic exploration of the alienation, anomie, and authoritarianism domain. American Sociological Review 30 :768-776. EDKE, KENNETH E. 1951 A study of the Hannahville Indian community, Menominee County, Michigan. Agricultural Experi- ment Station, East Lansing, Michigan: Michigan State College. Special Bulletin 369 (April). ABIAN, KATE L. 967 A manual for writers of term papers, theses, and dissertations. Third edition, revised. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. TINS, ARTHUR V. 57 Termination of federal supervision: the removal of restrictions over Indian property and person. In American Indians and American life. George E. The Annals of SImpson and J. Milton Yinger, eds. the American Academy of Political and Social Science 311 (May) :47-55 . RAIJUI The adjustment of the American Indian in Detroit: a descriptive study. Unpublished M.A. thesis, ) Wayne State University, Detroit, Michigan. JOHN C. The crooked tree: Indian legends and a short history of the Little Traverse Bay Region. Harbor Michigan: C. Fayette Erwin. I Springs, AN, WILLIAM, JR. The role of the Bureau of Indian Affairs since 1933. George E.- In American Indians and American life. Simpson and J. Milton Yinger, eds. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 311 (May) :31-40 . APPENDICES 451 APPENDIX A LETTERS 452 453 MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY EAST LANSING - MICHIGAN 43323 DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY - CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PROGRAMS Jan. 1968 To Whom it May Concern: The bearer of this letter, Mr. Gordon Northrop, is under- taking a study of the American Indian, under the auspices of the Department of Anthropology of Michigan State University. We consider this study to be potentially important insofar as it will widen our understanding of American Indians living in urban areas and also contribute to the development of the Social Sciences. All of your responses to this interview schedule will be completely confidential and the results will be reported anonymously. Your cooperation with Mr. Northrop in this important endeavor will be greatly appreciated. Sincerely yours, Seymour Parker, Ph.D. Professor, Dept. of Anthropology 454 DSARSDRN PUSLIC SCHOOLS HENRY FORD COMMUNITY COLLEGE SIDI EVERGREEN DEARSDRN, MICHIGAN 48123 PHONE: (313) 271°2750 JAMES C. MCCANN, PRESIDENT SOCIAL SCIENCE DIVISION Extension ............ 246 21006 Laurelwood Drive Farmington, Michigan Telephone 474-2983 Dear I stopped by your home today at and regret missing the op- In the near future I shall telephone or call on you again portunity of seing you. Since I sincerely deSire your help in the research project which I am domg and because I believe that your opinions if missed will result in serious loss. The study concerns civil rights, one of the most important issues fac1ng us today, but it also goes beyond it. It seeks specifically to argue the case for persons of American Indian descent and it centers around their hopes and aspir- ations and their efforts to make their dreams a reality. Some are asking, "What ' . This is encouraging. Too can and what should be done for American Indians'?" however, those who talk are not of Indian descent themselves while the often, voxces of those who are of Indian descent are not heard Because I believe that those who are full or part Indian can best represent American Indians I have very carefully selected a small but representative group from the many whom I might possibly interview to talk to. You are one. I am sure that there are a wide range of opinions and because of this every person Your views are as important as those of any other person selected is important. with whom .I shall speak. For your convenience, should you desire to contact me, I have listed at the top of this letter both my place of employment and my home address along with the telephones of each. Looking forward toward meeting with you, I am, Very truly yours, jaw/4:” Gor ‘D: Nortwrop (Te-ho-ne-kon- rah-ta) 455 OEARSORN PUSLIC SCHOOLS HENRY FORD COMMUNITY COLLEGE DEARSORN. MICHIGAN 48123 5101 EVERGREEN PHONE: (SIS) 27l-2'75O L— SOCIAL SCIENCE DIVISION Extension 246 - “”59 °~ ”SCAN”. Pit-mean 21006 Laurelwood Drive Farmington, Michigan 48024 Telephone 474—2983 Dear Thank you for your courtesy in completing with me the interview schedule which is an important part of my Ph. D. dissertation for Michigan State University. The thesis which I am preparing seeks to argue the case for persons who are of American Indian descent living today in metropolitan Detroit. It is an attempt to present a picture which is both positive and constructive and for this reason centers around their hopes and aspirations and their efforts to make their dreams a reality. In order to see things correctly I have sought your opinions and these shall guide me in my thinking. By giving of your time and cooperation I feel you have made a genuine contri- bution. As you reflect upon the interview which took place you may wish to add from your experience or more extended thought other contributions. If this should be the case I will welcome your calling me. To make this more convenient for you I have placed both my home and business addresses and phone numbers at the top of this page. Very truly yours, (MD. N rthrop (Te-ho-ne-kon- rah—ta) APPENDIX B DATA-GATHERING INSTRUMENTS 456 457 APPENDIX B-l Gordon D. Northrop Interview Schedule Ph. D. Dissertation Dept. of Anthropology Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan "THE BEGINNING " A Study of the Hopes and Aspirations of American Indians in Metropolitan Detroit Date Interviewed ION. ADM. POM. R. O . N . Time InterVIew Began .N. A.M. P.M. _ Time Interv1ew Ended SUGGESTED INTRODUCTION: I am and am participating in a research project being conducted under the Department of Anthropology of Michigan State University (SHOW RESPONDENT CREDEN‘I‘IALS) . We are talking to persons who are of American Indian descent in an effort to learn from them what are some of their hopes and aspirations. Only a limited cross-section of households have been selected and this is one. l. 458 INTERVIEW SCHEDULE What degree of Indian blood do you have? (SKIP TO NEXT ITEM) 4/4ths 5 3/4ths - 15/16ths 4 2/4ths - ll/l6ths 3 l/4th - 7/16ths 2 (RECORD AND CHECK PROPER AMOUNT) not sure but think (DISCONTINUE INTERVIEW) less than l/4th or "none" 1 Of what race is the balance? White Negro Other. Specify Please tell me your tribe. Tribe (if one only): Tribes (if mixed): I am not sure but I think I am: I have heard I am part Indian but I am not sure about it: There are many different ways of classifying people. Here are some cards, each of which represents one OMIT of these ways. (HAND RESPONDENT CARDS.) Please think now of all those persons, whether they live here in the Detroit area or anywhere else, whom ou considEr your best friendE—afid’Whom you enjoy Being with most and how they WIIl fall into the categories represented by the cards. Here also is a card showing some percentages: "all", "most", "quite a few", "only a few", and "none". (HAND RESPONDENT CARD.) Please place the cards representing the cate- gories into which these best friends will fall on the card into their proper ratios. Indians of my own tribe Indians of other tribes White people Negroes 459 Of those friends you have just mentioned what 0M1T percentage would you say are living here in Metropolitan Detroit? (SKIP TO ITEM NO. 6) All of them 5 Most of them 4 Quite a few 3 Only a few 2 (SKIP TO ITEM NO. 6) None 1 No data 0 Think now of all those persons whom you consider OMIT your best friends and with whom you enjoy being with most, but only of those who are living in Metropolitan Detr01t7_ How will they fall inta the categories represented by the cards? Place the cards indicating the category of person on the proper ratio. ___ Indians of my own tribe ____ Indians of other tribes ___ White people ___ Negroes ___ Are you a member of the Amvets Post 50 this year? Yes, I am an officer in it. 5 Yes, I am an active member. 4 Yes, but I only attend its meetings occasionally. 3 Yes, but I never attend its meetings. 2 No. 1 No data 0 Are you a member of the North American Indian Association this year? Yes, I am an officer in it. Yes, I am an active member. Yes, but I only attend its meetings occasionally. Yes, but I never attend its meetings. NO. No data Do you have any blood relatives, lst cousin or ciloser, who are now active members in the North .American Indian Association? Yes. How many? No. No data Ol—‘NWIBU'I Ol—‘N 10. ll. 12. 13. 460 Are any of those persons whom you referred to as your best friends here in Metropolitan Detroit active members of the NAIA? Yes, all of them. Yes, most of them. Yes, quite a few of them. Yes, but only a few of them. No. No data Ol—‘NWJ-Sm Are you a member of the Northern Ottawa Associ- ation here in Detroit this year? Yes, I am an officer. Yes, I am an active member. Yes, but I only attend its meetings occasionally. Yes, but I never attend its meetings. No. 0|“wa Here are some other cards which represent some OMIT of the ways in which people may identify them- selves and others (HAND RESPONDENT IDENTITY CARDS). Which of these most accurately describes how you think of yourself most of the time? Not as an American Indian, but as an average American. 0 More as an average American, less as an American Indian. 1 More as an American Indian, less as an average American. As an American Indian. AS a ADJN (member of my tribe) Think now of the non-Indians you most frequently OMIT associate with and how most of them usually think of you. How do ou think most of them usually think of _EU?-—P1ck the card. TRECORD CODE AS IN ITEM—1 . Here is a card containing a diagram which repre- OMIT sents different types of members of the NAIA. (HAND RESPONDENT CARD.) Think carefully about these different types of members, especially those who are in your opinion the active members. Pick now the card which represents how you think the active members usually think about themselves. If’you do not know please do your’best to estImate what you think their response would be. (RECORD CODE NO. AS IN 111.) 14. 15. l6. 17. 18. 461 Now that you have told me how you think most of the active members think about themselves please tell me how ygu think they think about on. Pick the card. If you do not know please 0 your very best to appraise what their re- sponse would be. (RECORD CODE AS IN ITEM lll.) Do you do Indian dancing? Yes. I have won prizes in solo dancing. What? Where? Yes. I am a good solo dancer. Yes. I am a good group dancer. Yes. I am a fair group dancer. Yes. I am just learning. No. No data No. I dislike it. (SKIP TO ITEM NO. 18.) Are you a member of an Indian dance group now? No data No. Yes. Specify: Where and when did you learn to do Indian dancing? Where? When? Who taught you? Do your children know how to do Indian dancing? Yes, have won prizes in solo dancing. What? Where? Yes, are good solo dancer(s). Yes, are good group dancers. Yes, are fair group dancers. Yes, but are just learning. No. They dislike it. No data OMIT \l Ol—‘wakfi NI—‘O quwam 462 19. Do you do Indian drumming? No data 0 No. 1 Yes. Where did you learn how? 2 When did you learn? Who taught you? 20. Do you do Indian crafts now? No data No. No, but I used to. Explain: Yes. Specify: WNl-‘O 21. Do you... a. do public speaking about Indians? No data 0 No. 1 Yes. Explain: 2 b. represent Indians in civic affairs? No data No. Yes. Explain: Nl-‘O 22. Do you earn money doing Indian... speaking drumming solo dancing group dancing crafts. What ones? Other. Specify: NO. No data Ol—‘flmU‘luh-NN 23. Do you attend Pow Wows? Yes, always if at all possible. Yes, quite often. Yes, fairly often. Yes, occasionally. No. (SKIP TO ITEM NO. 25.) No data Ol—‘NWhU‘I 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 463 Where do you attend Pow Wows? After telling me please tell me where you attend these most often (1), next most often (2), and third most often (3), etc. (CODE ACCORDINGLY.) Do you take Indians into your home as guests while Pow wows are in progress here in Detroit? Yes, always if possible. (= "very often") Yes, quite often. Yes, fairly often. Yes, occasionally. No. No data Tell me what are the most important things that Pow Wows mean to you. If you dislike them tell me what you dislike most about them. When you have, please tell me also their order of importance to you: most (1), second (2), and third (3). Do you parade with Indians in the Detroit area? Yes, always if possible. ("very often") Yes, quite often. Yes, fairly often. Yes, occasionally. No. No data Tell me now what are the most important things that parading with Indians mean to you. If you dislike this activity tell me why. When you have, please tell me also their order of importance to you. (CODE AS IN ITEM NO. 27.) Ol-‘NbubUI Ol—‘NUJDU'I 29. 30. 31. 464 Which of the following functions of the NAIA do you attend? Thanksgiving banquets. Christmas parties. New Year's dances. Princess dances. Annual Banquets. Labor Day picnics. None of the above. No data Ol—‘flmU'lwa Tell me about your education... a. What was the highest grade that you completed in school? None 0 Grade School 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 High School 1 2 3 4 5 (COMPUTE 13th GRADE IN.CANADA AS 1 YR. OF COLLEGE.) College or university 1 2 3 4 5 or more. Graduate-professional l b. Since you finished this amount of education OMIT have you had any further training, i.e., vocational? Yes. Specify: What? Where? No. c. Was this completed? OMIT Yes. No. Do you plan to continue your education in the future? No. 0 Yes. Specify type: 1 when: 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 465 During your last 2 or 3 years of schooling what OMIT was the highest education or training that you actually planned to get? Did not want to complete elementary school Complete elementary school education Complete high school education Complete college or university education Graduate-professional VOcational training (in addition to formal education listed above). Specify what: __ where: __ Cannot ascertain Think of yourself for a moment and also of those who are not of Indian descent at all. When you compare yourself with them do you think that you were deprived more than they in achieving your goal in education? Understand me please, I am not speaking of your ability but rather of the opportunities you had or did not have due to the circumstances in your life at the time. Yes, very much. Yes, quite a lot. Yes, fairly much. Yes, slightly. NO. (SKIP TO ITEM NO. 35.) Explain: l—‘NUDU‘I Do you think about this (ITEM NO. 33.) Yes, very often. Yes, quite often. Yes, fairly often. Yes, occasionally. No. l—‘NU-hU'l When I speak to the "active members" of the NAIA OMIT about this (ITEM 33) how do you think that_most 2: them will answer it aEOEt_Ehemselves? (RECORD RESPONSE USING THE—CODE IN ITEM NO. 33.) How do you think that most of the active members OMIT of tKE'NAIA would think thaE_you answergg this afiéstion (ITEM NO. 33)? (RECORD RESPONSE USING THE CODE IN ITEM NO. 33.) 466 37. At the present time are you... married 1 single 2 widowed 3 divorced 4 permanently separated 5 38. I shall be asking you some questions about the head of this household. Who will this be referring to? Me. The head Of this household is my a. (kinsman) b. (not a kinsman) Sex of 39. Please tell me how much education completed. (Head of Household or spouse) Did not complete elementary school Complete elementary school education Complete high school education Complete college or university ed Graduate-professional VOcational training (in addition to formal education listed above). Specify what: where: Cannot ascertain. 40. If you had a son with at least normal intelligence how much education would you urge him to get? a. WOuld not urge him to complete elementary school ____ Complete elementary school education ___ Complete high school education Vocational training in addition to the formal education listed Specify: (IF ANY OF THE ABOVE RESPONSES HAVE BEEN GIVEN, SKIP TO ITEM 42, OTHERWISE CONTINUE.) 41. 42. 467 Complete college or university education Graduate-professional education What would you want him to train for? Where, if you know? Cannot ascertain (SKIP TO ITEM 42.) b. Why would you want him to get this much education? Would you do your best to help provide him with funds to get this type Of education that we have been talking about? Yes. I would plan to provide enough funds to give it to him. 5 Yes. I would plan to provide enough funds for most Of it but I would expect him to provide part for himself. 4 Yes. I would plan to provide enough funds for about half but I would expect him to provide the other half himself. 3 Yes. I would plan to provide some funds for it but I would expect him to pro- vide most of it for himself. 2 NO. I would expect him to get it all on his own. 1 No data 0 What suggestions might you offer him regarding where he could get help in securing this education? Now that you have told me the kind of education 0M”- that you would urge your son to get, answer me this, "How do you think that this compares to the kind of education that most American Indians living in the Detroit area are urging their child- ren to get?" You would say that you would urge your son to get... much more than most more than most about the same less than most much less than most wahm 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 468 How do you think that most of the active members OMjT Of—tHE NAIA would answer thIS same question IITEM 42) about themselves? (RECORD RESPONSE FOLLOWING THE CODING OF ITEM 42.) How d2 you think most of the active members of OMIT the NAIA would think you answered this guestIEn (ITEM NO. 42)? (USE CODING OF ITEM 42.) How much education did your father complete? Did not complete elementary school Complete elementary school education Complete high school education Complete college or university education Graduate-professional Vocational training in addition to the formal education listed above. Specify what: where: Cannot ascertain What kind Of work have you done most of your life? OMIT Kind Of work: What is your present occupation? a. Kind of work: b. Is this full-time or part-time ? (ASK ONLY IF RESPONDENT IS NOT NOW EMPLOYED FULL- TIME OUTSIDE OF THE HOME.) Why are you not now employed? Housewife Retired or permanently disabled Sick or unemployed Armed services (PUT "ARMED SERVICES" IN ITEM 47 AND SKIP To 55.) ubUJNI-J DO you really want to have a paying job sometime in the future? No. (SKIP TO ITEM 55.) Yes, a full-time job. Yes, a part-time job. (SKIP TO ITEM 55.) Undecided. (SKIP TO ITEM 55.) le-‘O 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 469 What kind Of a job are you aiming for? a. Kind of job: b. What are you doing’In hopes of getting this job? (IF RESPONSE IS SAME AS CURRENT JOB, SKIP TO ITEM 54.) I am going to show you a ladder, each rung of which OM”- represents a better chance of reaching the goal. (SHOW RESPONDENT CARD.) The top step stands for an excellent chance of 100%, the middle one for a chance Of 50%, and the bottom Of the ladder stands for no chance at all. The higher the step, the better the chance; the lower the step, the poorer the chance. Pick out the step on the ladder which best describes your chances of Obtaining this job you are aiming for. (RECORD THE STEP NUMBER CHOSEN.) How would you feel if you found out that you could never have this job? Very disappointed Quite disappointed Fairly disappointed Slightly disappointed Not disappointed at all l-‘NUJDUI (NON-WORKING HOUSEWIVES SKIP TO ITEM 55.) At any OMIT time in the future do you expect to have a better ’ job than the one that you now have? If so, what type of job would this be?‘_(PR"o'B‘E' IF NECESSARY: What kind of a job would this be?) No data No. Yes. Kind of job: Undecided NUJI—‘O At any time in the past did you really want to get a better job than the one that you now have? NO. 1 Yes. Kind Of job: . 3 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 470 Think of yourself and of those who are not of any Indian descent at all. When you compare yourself with them do you feel that you have been deprived more than they Of equal opportunities in getting the kind of job(s) that you have really wanted to get? Yes, very much so. Yes, quite a lot. Yes, fairly much. Yes, slightly. No. (SKIP TO ITEM 57.) l-‘qubU'l (Everyone) Explain: Now that you have told me how you feel about your opportunities in regard to getting the kind of job(s) you have wanted in comparison to others who are not of Indian descent at all, will you please tell me also how often you think about this? Very often Quite Often Fairly often Seldom Not at all wapm How do you think that most of the active members OMIT éiftfig NAIA would answer this questionIIITEM 55) ' regarding themselves? STRECORD RESPONSE FOLLOWING THE CODING OF ITEM 55.) Now tell me please how you think that most 9f ELIE OMIT EEEive mefiBers of the NAIA would think that you answeredithfs quesEIOn (ITEM 55)? (RECORD RESPONSE FOLLOWING THE CODING OF ITEM 55.) (ITEMS 59-69 TO BE ASKED OF ALL RESPONDENTS ABOUT HIS (HER) SPOUSE: OR, LACKING A SPOUSE, ABOUT THE HEAD OF THE HOUSEHOLD.) What kind of work has OMIT (Spouse, Head of Household) done most of his (her) life? Kind of work: ‘ What.is his (her) present occupation? a. Kind of work: b. Is this full-time or part-time ? 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 471 (ASK ITEMS 61 AND 62 ONLY IF SPOUSE, OR HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD, IS CURRENTLY UNEMPLOYED FULL-TIME.) Why is he (she) not currently employed? Housewife Retired or permanently disabled Sick or unemployed Armed Services (PUT "ARMED SERVICES" IN ITEM 60 and SKIP TO ITEM 67.) DO you really want him (her) to have a paying job sometime in the future? No. (SKIP TO ITEM NO. 67.) Yes, a full-time job. Yes, a part-time job. (SKIP TO ITEM NO. 67.) Undecided (SKIP TO ITEM NO. 67.) What kind of a job do you really want him (her) to aim for? Kind of job: (IF RESPONSE IS THE SAME AS THE CURRENT JOB, SKIP To ITEM NO. 67.) Pick out the step on the ladder which best de- scribes his (her) chances of getting this job. (RECORD NUMBER OF STEP CHOSEN.) How would you feel if you found out that he (she) could never have this job that you want him (her) to have? Very disappointed Quite disappointed Fairly disappointed Slightly disappointed Not disappointed at all Tell me now, what is the best kind of job that you really expect him (her) to get? (PROBE IF NECESSARY: What kind of a job would this be?) Kind of job: (ASK EVERYONE.) What was your father's main occupation? Kind of work: :1!»me (AND-'0 OMIT l—‘NUUabU'I (HWFT 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 472 If you had a son Of at least normal intelligence and ability, what kind Of job would you really want him to try to get? Kind Of job: How do you think that the kind of jobs that you OMIT really want to get for yourself and/or your spouse' compare to the kind of jobs that most American Indians living in Metropolitan Detroit are aiming for? You would say that the kind Of job(s) you are aiming for are... much higher than most are aiming for. higher than most are aiming for. about average. lower than most are aiming for. much lower than most are aiming for. WNW-hm How do you think that most Of the active members OMIT Of—tHE NAIA would answer thIE same question IITEM 69) about themselves? (RECORD RESPONSE USING THE CODING OF ITEM NO. 69.) How do you think that most of the active members OMIT §§ItHE'NAIA would think that—you have answered this question (ITEM 69)? (RECORD RESPONSE USING THE CODING OF ITEM NO. 69.) (ASK ITEMS 72-75 OF ALL RESPONDENTS WHO ARE EITHER EMPLOYED OR ARE LOOKING FOR WORK, FULL-TIME OR PART-TIME. OTHERWISE SKIP TO ITEM NO. 76.) What is your average weekly take-home pay? Please pick the proper bracket on this card and tell me the number Of it, include also government Checks, etc. (HAND RESPONDENT THE SALARY SCHEDULE AND RECORD THE STEP NO.) What is the average weekly take-home pay you are aiming for? (RECORD STEP NO.) (IF RESPONSE IS SAME AS CURRENT PAY, SKIP TO ITEM NO. 76.) a. Full-time; Step no. b. Part-time extra; Step no. Pick out the step on the ladder which best describesOMIT your Chances of earning this total amount of money. (RECORD STEP NO.) 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 473 How would you feel if you found out that you could never earn this much income? Very disappointed 5 Quite disappointed 4 Fairly disappointed 3 Slightly disappointed 2 Not disappointed at all 1 What is the average weekly take-home pay Of ? (INSERT STEP NO. (Spouse, Head of Household) FROM SALARY SCHEDULE.) ___ (ITEMS 77-79 TO BE ASKED OF ALL RESPONDENTS ABOUT HIS (HER) SPOUSE, OR THE HEAD OF THE HOUSEHOLD, PROVIDING THAT ALTER IS EITHER WORKING OR THE RESPONDENT HAS INDICATED DESIRE THAT ALTER WILL WORK, PART-TIME OR FULL-TIME.) What is the average weekly take-home pay that you really want him (her) to aim for? (RECORD STEP NO.) (IF RESPONSE IS SAME—AS CURRENT PAY, SKIP TO ITEM NO. 80.) __ a. Full-time; Step no. 'b. Part-time extra; Step no. Pick out the step on the ladder which best de- OMIT scribes his (her) chances Of earning this total amount of money. (RECORD STEP.) ____ How would you feel if you found out that he (she) could never earn this much income? Very disappointed 5 Quite disappointed 4 Fairly disappointed 3 Slightly disappointed 2 Not disappointed at all 1 (ASK EVERYONE.) Think Of yourself and Of those who are not of any Indian descent at all. When you compare yourself with them do you feel that you have been deprived more than they of equal opportunities of earning the amount of money that you have really wanted to earn? 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 474 Yes, very much so. Yes, quite a lot. Yes, fairly much so. Yes, slightly. No. (SKIP TO ITEM NO. 82.) (Everyone) Explain: Now that you have told me how you feel about your Opportunities to earn the amount of money that you really wanted to earn, compare with those who are not Of any Indian descent at all have had; tell me also, how often do you think about this? Very often Quite often Fairly often Seldom Not at all How gg_you think that most 9: the active members of the NAIA will answer this question (ITEM 80)? YUSE CODING OF ITEM NO. 80.) How do you think that most of the active members OI-tHE'NAIA will thifik that—ygg_have answered’ tfils question (ITEM 80)? (USE CODE SYSTEM'EOR ITEM 80.) How do you think that the amount of money you and your spouse are aimin to make compares with that which most American Indians living in Metro- politan Detroit are aiming for? You would say that you are aiming to make... much more than most. more than most. about the same as most. less than most. much less than most. HOW’dO you think that most g£_the active members (of tHE NAIA would answer this questiOn (ITEM 8f) afiiaut themselves? (RECORD RESPONSE USING THE CODING SYSTEM OF ITEM 84.) I—‘waUl l—‘qubUl CHMFT ()NH17 (HMFT l-‘anbU'l (HWFT 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 475 How do you think that most of the active members §thfi§ NAIA would think thaE_you have answered this question (ITEM 84)? (RECORD RESPONSE USING THE CODING SYSTEM FOR ITEM 84.) Here are three pairs of jobs. For each of these pairs pick the job which you think is the better one. $200.00 per week $150.00 per week $175.00 per week $150.00 per week $150.00 per week $125.00 per week a. Bricklayer or Teacher b. Machine Operator or Gov't Clerk C. Factory Worker or Sales Person (5(6) ®® ®® NH NH NH When you think of the social calss that a person belongs to, what things do you think of? Choose three from the following list. After doing this please tell me their order Of importance which in your opinion determines the social class of a person. 3 2 1 Education Neighborhood in which a person lives Family background Income Kind Of work the person does Color of his skin Race a person belongs to Organizations he is a member Of Influence in the community Other; specify: Taking into account these things you have just told me about what determines the social class to which a person belongs, tell me how you rate yourself with respect to social class? Much above the average Above the average About average Below the average Much below the average HOW'§g_you think that most gf the active members (of the NAIA wouId rate themselves with regard £2. ESCIaI class? (USE CODING OF ITEM 89.) DRAFT OMIT OM I-‘NOJIbU'I IT 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 476 How do you think that most of the active members of the NAIA would rate you with regard to social Class? (USE CODING OF ITEM 89. ) This question is slightly different than the one I have just asked you. How do you rate yourself with regard to most American Indians living in Metropolitan— Detroit with regard to social class? Much above the average Above the average About average Below the average Much below the average How do you think that most Of the active members 6Y_thE NAIA will rate themselves in comparison to most American Indians living in Metropolitan Detroit with regard tO social class? (RECORD RESPONSE USING THE CODE OF ITEM 92.) How do you think that most of the active members Of-thE NAIA would rate ou In comparison to most American Indians living In Metropolitan Detro1t with regard tO social Class? (USE CODING OF ITEM 92 .) Please tell me what non-Indian organizations in Metropolitan Detroit you are a member Of, how Often you attend the regular meetings, and whether or not you hold an office at the present time. Include church and Church activities. Organization I am I am I attend I am a member Of at the now an regularly inactive present time Officer It has been said that if a man works hard, saves his money, and is ambitious he will get ahead. How Often do you think this is really the case? Very Often Quite Often Fairly often Seldom Never OMIT OMIT I—‘NLUIbnm OMIT OMIT _OMIT WDWNH 477 97. Here are five cards each with a statement on it of 0M1T feelings that people may have toward entering into personal relationships with Indians. Look these over carefully and select the two that most closely correspond to your own personal feelings. We are talking here of most Indians as you conceive them. None of these statements may exactly fit your feelings but be sure to select the two that come closest to how you actually feel. When you have made your selection, please indicate to me which is your first preference, and then which is your second preference. Item Item Item 97 98 99 First preference Second preference 98. How do you think that most of the active members .OMIT of the NAIA would answer this'question (ITEM 97)? TEECORD RESPONSE IN PROPER COLUMN UNDER ITEM 97.) 99. How do you think that most g_f_ the active members OMIT 5f_tfie NAIA would think that you answered this afiéstion (ITEM 97)? (RECORD RESPONSE IN PROPER COLUMN UNDER ITEM 97.) 100. I am going to Show you five statements that people OMIT sometimes make. Please tell me honestly and to the best of your ability how you feel about each of these. 1) "In spite of what some people say, the lot of the average man is getting worse." Strongly agree Agree Not sure but probably agree Not sure but probably disagree Disagree Strongly disagree wanmm 101. 2) "It's hardly fair to bring children into the OMIT world the way things look for the future." (USE CODE OF ITEM NO. 100.) 102. 3) "These days a person doesn't know whom he OMIT can count on." (USE CODE OF ITEM NO. 100.) 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 478 4) "Nowadays a person has to live pretty much OMIT for today and let tomorrow take care of itself." (USE CODE OF ITEM NO. 100.) 5) "There's little use in writing to public OMIT officials because they aren't really inter- ested in the problems of the average man." (RECORD RESPONSE USING CODE OF ITEM NO. 100.) If you saw a newspaper containing the following OMIT headline, AMERICAN INDIAN RECEIVES MAJOR AWARD and did not have a chance to read the article, which of the following would best describe your first reaction? Very proud Quite proud Fairly proud Slightly proud Would not feel one way or the other l—‘NWBU'I How do you think that most of the active members OMIT of the NAIA would answer thIE question (ITEM 105)? TRECORD RESPONSE USING CODE OF 105.) How (£3 you think that most g the active members OMIT g: the NAIA would think that you have answered this question (ITEM 105)? (USE CODE OF 105.) Let's assume that you have an Indian friend who is OMIT keeping company with two men, equally nice as far as men go: one, an Indian; and the other, a white man. The white man has the advantage of having more in the way of money and education, but his friends are exclusively whites. Should she come to you and tell you that she has dropped the Indian and is going to marry the white man for the advantages it will give to her, which of the fol- lowing do you think would best describe how you would feel? Very happy for her Pleased with her Mixed feelings toward her Disappointed in her Angry with her UluwaH 479 109. How do you think that most of the "active members" OMIT of the NAIA would answer thig’guestion (ITEM 108)? TESS CODE OF 108.) 110. How do you think that most g_f_ the "active members" OM17 g: tHE NAIA wouId think that you answered this Question (ITEM 108)? (USE CODE OF 108). 111. I have here five cards, each with a statement on OMIT it, regarding Indians cooperating with Negroes through the NAACP in an effort to gain certain civil liberties. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, as you may know, allows persons other than Negroes both to join and to cooperate in its actiVities. Look tHESe cardS- Over carefully-and then select the two that are closest to your own feelings. None may exactly match with your true feelings but be sure to select those two that come closest to your own personal feelings. When you have made your selection please tell me which is your first preference, and then your second preference. ITEM ITEM ITEM 111 112 113 First preference Second perference Why did you select these as you did? 112. How do you think that most of the active members OMIT 5f_t55 NAIA would answer thIS’guestion (ITEM IIl)? (RECORD RESPONSE UNDER ITEM 111;) In what order do you think that they would select their preferences? 113. How do you think that most of the active members OMIT 5f_the NAIA would think that you answered this -Uestion (ITEM lll)? ggw_dg_you think that they think that you made your choices? (USE CODE OF ITEM lll.) 114. If you saw a newspaper containing the following OMIT headline, . AMERICAN INDIAN SEIZED BY POLICE IN LANSING and did not have a chance to read the article, *which of the following would best describe your first reaction? 480 Very uncomfortable Quite uncomfortable Fairly uncomfortable Slightly uncomfortable Would not feel one way or another I—‘wauw 115. How do you think that most c_>f_ the active members OMIT of the NAIA would answer this question (ITEM 114)? TESS CODE OF ITEM 114.) 116. How d_o you think that most 9_f_ the active members OMIT of the NAIA would think that you answered this question (ITEM 114)? (USE CODE OF 114.) 117. What elections do you usually vote in? National State City Don't vote bLURQH If "don't vote," Why? 118. What... a. is the sex of the respondent? Male Female b. is your age? Age in years? 119. Where were you born? Place: 120. Was this... a village or a small town a reservation on rural tribally owned lands on rural privately owned lands in a small city in a metropolis l-‘NMDUIO‘ 121. Have you ever previously been married to a... a. white person? Yes. Age at this marriage: . l b. Negro? Yes. Age at this marriage: 2 No. Neither. 0 481 122. Some people have spent their early childhood so close to Indians that they have always known that they were Indian, but others tell interesting stories about how they found out later on in life that they are of Indian descent. Tell me about your experience. (SKIP TO 122d.) I always knew I was Indian. 1 I found out later. 2 a. When and how did you find this out? b. How far have you been able to trace your Indian ancestry with certainty? c. What do your Indian friends and other Indians think about this when you tell them? d. Where is your tribal headquarters? e. Are you on the tribal rolls? No. 0 Yes. 1 Uncertain 2 f. In what tribe are you enrolled? g. (ASK IF RESPONDENT IS A CANADIAN INDIAN FEMALE.)OMIT Are you a "Red Letter" Indian? No. 0 Yes. 1 Uncertain 2 h. (ASK IF RESPONDENT IS A MICHIGAN INDIAN.) Are you on the Durrant Roll? No. Yes. Uncertain Does not know what this is LONE-‘0 i. Tell me about your father... 1) His tribe? 2) Was he from... the United States 1 Canada 2 Neither. Where? j. Tell me about your mother... 1) Her tribe? 2) Was she from... the United States 1 Canada 2 Neither. Where? 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 482 Appraisal of the tribal status of the respondent. (DO NOT COMPLETE DURING THE INTERVIEW.) (ITEMS 123-130 TO BE ASKED ONLY OF THOSE RESPON- DENTS CURRENTLY MARRIED.) What elections does your spouse usually vote in? National State City Doesn't vote If "Doesn't vote," why? What... a. is the sex of the spouse? Male Female b. is the age of your spouse? Age in years: __ What degree of Indian blood does he (She) have? (SKIP TO NEX ITEM.) 4/4ths 3/4ths - 15/16ths 2/4ths - 11/16ths 1/4th - 7/16ths (RECORD AND CHECK PROPER AMOUNT) not sure but think l/4th or "none" Of what race is the balance? White Negro Other. Specify: (IF ABOVE RESPONSE WAS "LESS THAN l/4th or none" SKIT OT ITEM NO. 131.) Please tell me his (her) tribe. Tribe (if one only): Tribes (if mixed): I am not sure but think it is: Where was he (she) born? Place: waH NubU‘l 128. 129. 130. Was 483 this... a village or small town a reservation on rural tribally owned lands on rural privately owned lands in a small city in a metropolis Doesn't know he (she) ever previously been married to a... White person? Yes. Age at this marriage: Negro? Yes. Age at this marriage: No, neither. Uncertain When did your spouse come to learn about his (her) Indian blood? He (she) always knew. (SKIP TO ITEM 130d.) He (she) found out later in life. When and how did he (she) find this out? How far has he (she) been able to trace his (her) Indian ancestry back with certainty? What does his (her) Indian friends and other Indians think about this when they are told? __ What is his (her) tribal headquarters? Is he (she) on the tribal rolls? No. (SKIP TO ITEM 131.) Yes. Uncertain In what tribe is he (she) enrolled? (ASK IF SPOUSE IS A CANADIAN INDIAN FEMALE.) IS she a "Red Letter Indian"? No. Yes. Uncertain (ASK IF SPOUSE IS A MICHIGAN INDIAN.) Is he (she) on the Durrant Roll? NO. Yes. Uncertain Does not know what this is wONH \ll-‘NUJDU‘ON NH (HWFT 0 1 2 DUMP-'0 484 i. Tell me about his (her) father... 1) His tribe? 2) Was he from... the United States Canada Neither. Where? Don't know bWNH j. Tell me about your Spouse's mother... 1) Her tribe? 2) Was she from... the United States Canada Neither. Where? Don't know humor- Appraisal of the tribal status of the respondent's spouse. (DO NOT COMPLETE DURING THE INTERVIEW.) 131. (ASK EVERYONE.) How many piople live in this household? a. Number in my own family: b. Number of others: (RECORD KINSHIP CONNECTIONS VIA KINSHIP DIAGRAM.) c. Ages and sex of the children: Ages of Ages of Males Females 1) Your children who are living here: 2) Other children. Give kinship connections if any exist. 132. ‘Where did you live during the first 17 years of your life? No. of Years Total - 17 yrs. 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. 485 Where have you lived after the first 17 years of your life? Indicate if you have returned at times to your reservation or tribal area. No. of Years When did you move to Detroit: a. When moved here? b. How long have you lived here continuously this time? Here are five cards each with a statement on it OMIT of feelings that persons of Indian descent may have toward entering into personal relationships with white people. Look these over carefully and select the two that most closely correspond to your own personal feelings. None may exactly fit your feelings but be sure to select the two that come closest to how you actually feel. When you have made your selection, please indicate to me which is your first preference and then, your second preference. Item Item Item 135 136 137 First perference Second perference How do you think most of the active members of OM'T ESE NAIA would answer this question (ITEM 13§T? (RECORD IN COLUMN UNDER ITEM 135.) ___ Hog oo Eu think most of the active members of OMIT the NAIA would think that you answered this question (ITEM 135)? (RECORD UNDER COLUMN IN ITEM 135.) Please try now to go back in your mind and think about the kinds of best friends that your parents had. Look again at the cards which represent the different ways of classifying people and tell me how these best friends of your parents would be distributed proportionately. (USE CODE OF ITEM 139.) 139. 140. 141. 142. 143. 486 Indians of my own tribe Indians of other tribes White people Negroes How many of your blood relatives, lst cousin or closer, are now living on your reservation, or in your rural tribal area? All of them Most of them Quite a few of them Only a few of them None How many really good friends do you now have who are living on your reservation, or in your rural tribal area? Very many 'Many Quite a few Only a few None How often would you really like to visit on your reservation, or in your rural tribal area, if you could? Very often Quite often Fairly often Occasionally Not at all (SKIP TO ITEM 146.) Pick out the step on the ladder which best de- scribes your chances Of visiting on your reser- vation, or in your rural tribal area, just as often as you would really like to if you could. (RECORD THE STEP NO.) How would you feel if you found out that you never could visit on your reservation, or in your rural tribal area, this often? very disappointed Quite disappointed Fairly disappointed Slightly disappointed Not disappointed at all i-‘NbeUl l-‘NUJbUI i-‘NLOnbU'I OMIT I-‘NUJobUI 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 487 How often do you visit on your reservation, or OMIT in your rural tribal area now? very often 5 Quite often 4 Fairly often 3 Occasionally 2 Not at all 1 Considering things as they are in your life now; how often do you expect to be able to visit on your reservation, or In your rural tribal area. in the foreseeable future? (CODE AS IN ITEM 144.) ___ If you do not expect to be able to visit on your reservation, or in your rural tribal area, as often as you really want to, why is this? If you had a satisfactory income and every oppor- tunity to do so, would you really want to live on your reservation, or in your rural thbal area? You would say that you would be... much in favor of it 5 quite a lot in favor of it 4 fairly much in favor of it 3 slightly in favor of it 2 not in favor of it (SKIP TO ITEM NO. 150.) 1 Pick out the step on the ladder which best de- OMIT scribes your chances of actually living on your reservation before your retirement. (RECORD STEP NO.) __ How would you feel if you found out that you never could live on your reservation, or in your rural tribal area, prior to your retirement? Very disappointed 5 Quite disappointed 4 Fairly disappointed 3 Slightly disappointed 2 Not disappointed at all (SKIP TO ITEM 150.) 1 Considering things as they now are in your life, ‘what are your actual expectations of living there prior to your retirement? You would say that your chances are... 150. 151. 152. 153. 154. 488 Excellent. You definitely expect to. (SKIP 4 TO SECOND PART OF THIS ITEM.) Quite good (SKIP TO SECOND PART OF THIS ITEM.) 3 Fair 2 Poor 1 Nil. You have no chance at all. 0 Why is this the case? What are the things hindering you? If you had children and were able to select the OM11 kinds of friends which they would make and keep for the rest of their lives, how would you select them from the categories of people which we have been talking about and in what proportions? Indians of my own tribe Indians of other tribes White people Negroes FJH Ulrf c>m 3 FJH mr+ ram 5 FJH UH“? NO 3 How do you think that most of the active members OMIT of the NAIA would answer thIS questiOn (ITEM 150)? TRECORD RESPONSE IN COLUMN UNDER 150.) How do you think that most o_f the active members OMIT of the NAIA would tHink that you answered this question (ITEM 150)? (RECORD UNDER 156)) Pick the step on the ladder which represents the OM11- chances that your children actually will select thei friends from the same categories and in the same ratios for themselves that you would have selected for them had you been able to do so. (RECORD STEP NO. CHOSEN.) ___ How would you feel if you found out that your GM”- children could not or would not make friends and keep them from the same categories and in the same ratios that you would have selected for them? (REMIND RESPONDENT OF THE WAY HE (SHE) HAD SELECTED THESE.) Very disappointed Quite disappointed Fairly disappointed Slightly disappointed NOt disappointed at all I—‘waU’! 155. 156. 157. 158. 159. 160. 489 How do you actually expect these children would OM”- select their friends and in what ratios? Item Indians of my own tribe Indians of other tribes White people Negroes FJH U'IH' B [.4 U1 U1 When you were a young person still living at home OMIT and were thinking about going out on your own, what kind of friends and in what ratios did you really want to make? (RECORD RESPONSE IN COLUMN UNDER ITEM 155.) I have here five cards, each with a statement on OMIT it, of feelings that American Indians may have toward entering into personal relationships with Negroes. Look these over carefully and select the two that most Closely correspond to your own personal feelings. Be honest with yourself. None may exactly fit your feelings but be sure to select the two that come Closest to how you actually feel. .When you have made your selection please indicate to me which is your first perfer- ence and then, your second preference. Item Item Item 157 158 159 First preference Second preference How do you think most of_ the active members of OM”- the NAIA would answer this question (ITEM 157T? (RECORD RESPONSE IN COLUMN UNDER ITEM 157.) How do you think most o_f_ the active members o_f OMIT EHE’NAIA would think that you answered this question (ITEM 157)? (RECORD RESPONSE UNDER ITEM 157.) _ Do you feel that Indians have been discriminated OMIT against more than Negroes, considering Indians in general and Negroes in general and all the issues? Item Item 162 Yes, much more. Yes, more. About the same. No, less. No, much less. P‘H O‘fi' l-‘(D 5 5... 0‘ O 161. 162. 163. 164. 165. 166. 167. 490 How do you think most of the active members of tfie NAIA would answer this question (ITEM 1657? (RECORD RESPONSE IN COLUMN UNDER ITEM 160.) How do you think most of the active members of tfie NAIA would think you answered this questign (ITEM 160)? (RECORD RESPONSE UNDER 160.) You said that you think that American Indians have been discriminated against than Negroes. (RESPONSE GIVEN IN ITEM 160) Tell me please What are your reasons for feeling as you do? Do you feel that you have been personally dis- criminated against as an Indian before coming to Metropolitan Detroit? No. Yes. Explain: Do you feel that you have been personally dis- criminated against as an Indian after coming to Metropolitan Detroit? No. Yes. Explain: I want you to think about the place of your retirement. If you had the opportunity to do so, would you really want to retire on your reserva- tion, or in your rural tribal area? You would say, for yourself, that you... want to very much. want to quite a lot. want to fairly much. only Slightly want to. do not want to. (SKIP TO ITEM 170.) do not know. You have not thought about it. (SKIP TO ITEM 170.) Pick the step on the ladder which best describes 3your chances of actually retiring on your reser- ‘vation, or in your rural tirbal area. (RECORD NO. OF STEP CHOSEN.) IOAJFT OMIT OMIT CI—‘NWuh-UI OMIT 491 168. How would you feel if you found out that you could not retire on your reservation, or in your rural tribal area? Very disappointed Quite disappointed Fairly disappointed Slightly disappointed Not disappointed at all (SKIP TO ITEM 170.) 169. Considering things as they now are in your life, what are your actual expectations of retiring on your reservation, or in your rural tribal area? Excellent. You definitely expect to. (SKIP TO SECOND PART OF THIS ITEM.) Quite good. (SKIP TO SECOND PART OF THIS ITEM.) Fair Poor Nil. You have no chance at all of doing so. If you really want to retire on your reser- vation, or in your rural tribal area, and you have no chance, only a poor Chance, or only a fair chance of doing so, why is this the case? 170. How would you feel if you were removed from the tribal rolls and you lost your legal status as an Indian both with your tribe and with the government? Very disappointed (SKIP TO ITEM 171.) Quite disappointed " " " " Fairly disappointed Slightly disappointed Not disappointed at all " " " " Do not have such status. I once did but I lost it. Do not have such status. My parents did but they lost it. Do not have such status. My parents did not either. How would you feel if you received word from your tribe, officially acted upon both by it and your government, that your name has been placed on the roll as a member with full status? Very pleased Quite pleased Fairly pleased Slightly pleased Would not matter one way or the other Rather irritated f-‘NUJAUI .5 OI—‘Nw l—‘qubU'l ON \Of—‘waU'l 171. 172. 173. 174. 175. 176. 492 How do you think that most o_f_ the active members 0M”- of the NAIA would answer this question‘TITEM 170)? TUSE CODING OF ITEM 170.) How do you think that most g the active members OMIT o£_the NAIA would think that you answered this question (ITEM 170)? (CODE AS FOR 170.) Sometimes people want to be considered and treated OM17 as Indians and they claim to be of l/4th or more degree Indian blood, and while their claim appears to be valid it is questionable and cannot be proved because their ancestors have either lost their legal status as Indians or have allowed their social relations with their tribesmen to lapse to such a degree that no one knows about them. How do you feel about accepting such persons as true—Ifidians and entering into social relation- SHips with them personally SE Indians? You would say that you are... Item Item Item Item 173 174 175 176 much opposed to accepting them 5 5 5 5 Opposed to accepting them 4 4 4 4 neutral, do not care one ' way or the other 3 3 3 3 in favor of accepting them 2 2 2 2 much in favor of accepting them 1 l 1 1 How do you think that most of the active members OM11 of tHE NAIA would answer thiS question (ITEM 173)? TRECORD RESPONSE UNDER ITEM 173.) How (£1 you think that most of_ the active members CMIT o£_the NAIA would think that you answered this question (ITEM 173)? (RECORD UNDER ITEM 173.) When you were a young person still living at home .CMIT and were thinking about going out on your own, how would you have answered this question (ITEM 173)? (RECORD RESPONSE IN PROPER COLUMN UNDER ITEM 173.) IL 493 177. I am going to Show you a picture representing OM11- the possible things that can happen to American Indians. The top step represents the "best poof sible thing that can happen to American Indians." Try to piCture these steps ifi_your mind. (SHOW RESPONDENT CARD.) Think now what is the very best and also what is the very worst thing that can happen to American Indians. Will you please tell me now what in your mind is the very best thinq that can happen to them. What will I place at the very top, at step no. 10? Why have you given this as your answer? 178. How do you think that most of the active members OM'T o: tHE NAIA would answer thiS'question (ITEM 177)? 179. How do you think that most (i the active members 0M1]- of the NAIA would think that you answered this question (ITEM 177)? 180. Will you please tell me now what you had in mind OMIT as the "very worst possible thing that can happen to American Indians"? What shall I place at the very bottom of the stairs? Why have you Chosen this as the "very worst possible thing that can happen to American Indians"? What is the reason for your choice? 181. Keeping in mind that step no. 10 represents the CMIT "very best possible thing that can happen to American Indians" and that the bottom of the stairs represents "the very worst possible thing that can happen to American Indians" that you have told me about, will you please now look at the stairs again and tell me the step which represents where you think that Indians are in general now? Where are they between these very best and very worst things? (RECORD STEP NO.) 182. 183. 184. 185. 186. 187. 494 Which step represents where they were, in your OMIT opinion, about 20 years or one generation ago? (RECORD STEP NO.) __ Think carefully now. What step in your opinion OMIT on the ladder represents the chances that Ameri- can Indians in general will actually have this "best possible thing" you have mentioned happen to them? (RECORD STEP.) How would you feel if you found out that this CMIT "best possible thing" (REMIND RESPONDENT OF HIS SELECTION) that you have mentioned could never be for American Indians? Very disappointed 5 Quite disappointed 4 Fairly disappointed 3 Slightly disappointed 2 Not disappointed at all 1 Will you please tell me what in your opinion is CMIT the best way to be sure that this "best possible thing" we have been talking about for American Indians can be made to come about? What is the best way to go about getting this "best possible thing" for American Indians? Why is this the best possible way as you see it? Now please tell me what in your opinion would be CMIT the thing that would most likely be at fault, or to blame, if this "best possible thing" we have been talking about for American Indians never did come about? What is the biggest threat to Indians in getting this "best possible thing"? Why? . Please pick out now the step number on these CMIT stairs which best describes where you actually ex ect American Indians in general to be in anotEer 20 years, or one generation, from now. (RECORD STEP NO.) Why do you make this prediction? IL 495 188. When you were a young person still living at CMIT home and were thinking about going out on your own, what would you have said then was the "very best possible thing that could happen to American Indians"? 189. (ASK NON-MEMBERS ONLY.) Why are you not now a member of the NAIA? Do you think that you will, sometime in the foreseeable future, join it and become an active member of it? No. 1 Yes. 2 Undecided 3 What is the reason for your response? (CODE FOR STRATA. COMPLETE FOLLOWING INTERVIEW.) Respondent never has been a member. 0 Respondent formerly was a member. 3 190. (ASK MEMBERS ONLY.) Why did you join the NAIA? Why are you active in it? Why are you not more active in it? 191. Do you speak your tribal language? Yes, very well. Yes, quite well. Yes, poorly, but I understand it pretty well. Only a few words. I understand only a little of it. No. I cannot understand it either. l-‘N mam 192. What is your religion? Catholic Protestant North American Church Longhouse Christian Science Free Thinker Jehovah's Witnesses None (Dummubwwlfl 193. 194. 195. 496 DO you know the "Legend of the Serpents"? 0M1T No. 1 Yes. 2 If "yes," where did you learn it and when? Comment (if any): Is there anything else you would like to add to CMIT any of these things we have been talking about? (RECORD OPEN-ENDED.) NO. Yes. If "yes," comment: Are there other Indians whom you think I Should OMIT interview on these things? If so please tell me why? (RECORD IN OPEN-ENDED MANNER.) NO. Yes. 497 APPENDIX B-2 SUPPLEMENTARY DATA TO THAT OBTAINED FROM THE INTERVIEW SCHEDULE TO BE COMPLETED FOR ALL PERSONS DRAWN FOR INTERVIEWING R.O.N. (Random order of selection) C.N. (Card no.) ____ I.N. (Interview no.) ____ Length of interview No. of house calls completed No. of telephone calls made Geographical location: a. Detroit mailing zone: b. Detroit suburb: House type (Warner's criteria on social class) Residential area (Warner's criteria on social class) Characteristics on the integration of the immediate neighborhood: All neighbors are Negroes Almost all neighbors are Negroes Quite a few neighbors are Negroes Only a few neighbors are Negroes No Negroes live in neighborhood f—‘NWQUI 498 B. TO BE COMPLETED ONLY FOR PERSONS WHO WERE NOT INTER- VIEWED AND WHO WERE DRAWN IN THE RANDOM SAMPLE. (Data is computed from personal observation or, if coded with an "I," from another Indian informant. The items are numbered here to correspond with the Interview Schedule used for the respondents actually interviewed.) (LEAVE CODE BLANK IF DATA IS UNKNOWN.) 196. Reasons informant was not interviewed: Informant is non-Indian (or less than l/4th Indian) Informant is deceased Informant is beyond age limit set Informant refused interview Duplicate card on informant Informant not home to make interview appointment Informant not home to keep interview appointment Informant has moved wabmoxxloo 197. (ANSWER ONLY IF INFORMANT HAS MOVED.) Informant has returned to tribal area or reservation 5 Informant has moved out of Michigan 4 Informant has moved outside of Metropolitan Detroit geographical area selected for the study 3 Informant is in the U.S. Armed Forces 2 Informant has no known address 1 499 APPENDIX B-3 SCALE USED FOR HOUSE TYPE Excellent houses.--Very large single-family dwellings in good—repair. These are surrounded by large lawns and yards which are landscaped and well—cared for and have an element of ostentation with respect to size, architectural style and general condition of yards and lawns. Very good houses.--Roughly, these do not quite measure up to the first category. The primary difference is one of size. They are smaller than 1 but are still larger than utility demands for the average family. Good houses.--In many cases these are only slightly larger than utility demands. These are more conven- tional and less ostentatious than the two above. Average houses.--l-1/2 to 2-story wood-frame and brick Single-family dwellings. Conventional style. Lawns well cared for but not landscaped. (NOTE: In our anal- ysis the requirement "not landscaped" is not taken to mean "no shrubery" but rather that what shrubery is present is slight, has an air of ordinariness, uncon- cern, amateurishness.) Fair houseS.--Houses whose condition is not quite as good as those with a 4 rating. Also, smaller houses in excellent condition. Poor houses.--Size is less important than condition. Houses are badly run down but have not deteriorated sufficiently that they cannot be repaired. They suffer from lack of care but do not have a profusion of debris. Very poor houseS.--Size is less important than condi- tiOn. Houses have deteriorated so far that they cannot be repaired. These are considered unhealthy and unsafe to live in. The halls and yards are littered with junk and many have an extremely bad odor. All build- ings not originally intended for dwellings and shacks and overcrowded buildings are included here. 500 Treatment of multiple-dwelling unitS.--Houses intended fOr one family but converted into multiple-family dwellings are handled as above. Each dwelling, how- ever, was given a l-point lower scale than the rating arrived at on the basis of the total structure. Apartments in regular apartment buildings.--These were not limited to one rating but ranged from good housing to very bad housing. Total size is less important than condition and the way the building is kept up. Best approach was to use the basis of the size of the living unit and the building's exterior condition. * Source: Warner, Meeker, and Eells (1960:149,150). -5l 501 APPENDIX B-4 SCALE USED FOR RESIDENTIAL AREA Very hiqh.--Residents are aware that this area has a very—high status reputation. "No one can live here unless his family has lived in the community for at least three generations." Best houses in town are located here. The streets are wide and clean and have many trees. Hi h.--Dwelling areas are felt to be superior and well a ove most but a little below the top. This has fewer mansions and pretentious houses than does 1. Chief difference is reputation. Above average.--A little above average in social repu- tation and to the scientific observer. An area of nice but not pretentious houses. Streets are kept clean and houses are well-cared for. Known as a "nice place to live but society doesn't live here." Averaqe.--Areas of workingmen's houses. Small and unpretentious but neat in appearance. In these areas live the respectable people in town who "don't amount to much but never give anybody any trouble." Below average.--All areas in this group are undesirable because they are close to factories, include the busi- ness section of town, are Close to the railroad, etc. More run-down houses here because there are people living in these areas who "don't know how to take care of things." More conjested and heterogeneous than those above. It is said that "all kinds of people live here, and you don't know who your neighbors will be." Low.--Rundown and semi-slums. Houses are set close together. Yards and streets are often filled with debris and sometimes are not paved. H1 502 Slum districts.--Very low. The areas with the poorest reputation in town with unpleasant and unhealthy geo- graphical positions and have social stigma attached to the people living here. Houses are little better than shacks. People are referred to by such terms as "squatters," "itinerants," "lazy," "shiftless," "immoral," and "it is a bad place to live in." Source: Warner, Meeker, and Eells (1960:153,154). 503 APPENDIX B-5 SCALE USED FOR RECORDING THE DEGREE OF RACIAL INTEGRATION CHARACTERISTIC OF THE NEIGHBORHOOD 1 All white neighborhood. "No Negroes live here." 2 Only a few neighbors are Negroes. The criterion used was "one or more families but less than on-half." 3 Quite a few neighbors are Negroes. The criterion used was "about half." 4 Almost all or most neighbors are Negroes. The crite- rion was "more than half but not all." 5 All neighbors are Negroes. NOTE: Racial integration and segregation are important subjects in the United States today. In Metropolitan Detroit the racial characteristics of neighborhoods, in this case reference is to the relative number of Negro Americans living there, sometimes change greatly and very rapidly when one moves only a very short distance. Because of this, observations were limited to the block on which the informant now lives. In case the respondent could not be located we inquired at the proper address and/or neigh- .bors to verify his former residence there. This done, we recorded the data on this scale for use in comparative analysis. 504 APPENDIX B-6 SCALE FOR RECORDING EDUCATIONAL ACHIEVEMENT BY STEP 17 years and over 16 years 13-15 years 12 years 9-11 years 5-8 years 0-4 years NOTE: Scale is taken from Parker and Kleiner (1966:398). 10 11 12 13 14 88 505 APPENDIX B-7 SCALE USED FOR RECORDING PAY ACHIEVEMENT BY STEP $385.00 and over per $290.00-$384.00 $241.00-$289.00 $192.00-$240.00 $175.00-$192.00 $155.00-$l74.00 $135.00-$154.00 $115.00-$134.00 $95.00-$114.00 $75.00-$94.00 $50.00-$74.00 $25.00-$49.00 per per per per per per per per per per per week. week. week. week. week. week. week. week. week. week. week. week. Less than $25.00 per week. Nothing. Cannot ascertain "I do not know." "Does not work." $20,020 and over $15,080-$l9,965 $12,532-$15,028 $10,010-$12,480 $9,100-$9,984 $8,060-S9,048 $7,024-$8,008 $5,908-$6,968 $4,940-$5,928 $3,900-$4,888 $2,600-$3,849 $1,300-$2,528 Less than $1,300 per per per per per per per per per per per per per year. year. year. year. year. year. year. year. year. year. year. year. year. This was the response of some of the infornants which was recorded but which has for most Inxnposes been analyzed with "cannot ascertain," above. NOTE: We prepared the above scale because of its descriptive value with the intent of collapsing it into a seven-point.scale later. ing the proportion of the We have worked on this by record- total responses and comparing 506 this proportion with the proportions in seven steps in the areas of education and occupation. Taking the propor- tions for education and occupation and averaging them and then applying the proportions obtained to this scale results in the following suggested breakdown, should such be desired. It should be noted that this is for average take-home pay. 1 $385.00 and over per week. 2 $290.00-$384.00 per week. 3 $192.500$289.00 per week. 4 $155.00-$l92.00 per week. 5 $95.00-$154.00 per week. 6 $50.00-$94.00 per week. 7 $49.00 per week or less. APPENDIX C TABLES 507 508 TABLE 2.l--Indian Dancers by Group Non-Membership Membership Presence Group Group Total Present 00 ( 00.0) 19 ( 54.3) 19 ( 23.8) Absent 45 (100.0) 16 ( 45.7) 61 ( 76.3) Total 45 (100.0) 35 (100.0) 80 (100.1) df = 1 x2 = 32.120 P < .001 0 = .633 *Note: It should be remembered that "Membership" refers to active members only. **There are other dancers than these who dance. We are selectively interviewing in terms of monthly meet- ings attended. TABLE 2.2--Children Doing Indian Dancing by Group Non-Membership Membership Instructed Group Group Total Yes 00 ( 00.0) 14 ( 53.8) 14 ( 20.0) No 44 (100.0) 12 ( 46.2) 56 ( 80.0) Total 44 (100.0) 26 (100.0) 70 (100.0) df = 1 x2 = 30.600 P < .001 0 = .661 *These data are controlled for marital status, household, and for individuals only who have children. NO attempt is made here to control for the age of the child- ren. The minimum age would be, however, about four. Usually this refers to adolescents, who were by definition excluded from being interviewed. Hence, none of those listed in Table 2.1 are duplicated in Table 2.2. **Some of these dance with the North American Indian .Association. lowing marriage . Some have migrated, e.g., The training of children in the art of to schools and fol— Indian dancing, however, indicates a desire on the part of parents to perpetuate what hey have started. 509 TABLE 2.3--Extension of Household Hospitality to Visiting Indians at Detroit Pow WOws by Group Entertains Visiting Non-Membership Membership Total Indians Group Group Yes 2 ( 4.4) 15 ( 50.0) 17 ( 22.7) No 1 43 ( 95.6) 15 ( 50.0) 58 ( 77.3) Total 45 (100.0) 30 (100.0) 75 (100.0) df = 1 x2 = 21.310 P < .001 6 = .533 Item 23: Do you take Indians into your home as guests while pow wows are in progress here in Detroit? *The two groups contrast in some interesting ways. Individuals in the Non-Membership Group entertain visiting relatives. Otherwise, they offered no excuse for not entertaining visiting Indians. Those in the Membership Group do not, according to our data which may be lacking at this point, entertain kinsmen. They always offered immediate excuse, saying the house was too small or facil- ities were inadequate. **Data is controlled for household. TABLE 2.4--Informant Participation in Detroit Pow Wows by Group . . Non-Membership Membership PartICIpates Group Group Total Yes 0 ( 00.0) 29 ( 90.6) 29 ( 37.7) No 45 (100.0) 3 ( 9.4) 48 ( 62.3) Total 45 (100.0) 32 (100.0) 77 (100.0) df = 1 x2 = 60.243 p < .001 6 = .867 *These data are for participation in the building at.the time the pow wow is in process. **We are uncertain one way or the other about three 111 the Membership Group, hence the deletion. ***It appears that the members are indeed cooperating. 510 TABLE 2.5--Attendance at Detroit Pow Wows by Group Non-Membership Membership Informant Attends Group Group Total Yes 9 ( 20.0) 35 (100.0) 44 ( 55.0) No 36 ( 80.0) 0 ( 00.0) 36 ( 45.0) Total 45 (100.0) 35 (100.0) 80 (.00.0) df = 1 x2 = 51.226 P < .001 6 = .800 *The data on the Membership Group remains the same if we consider pow wows without regard to place; for the Non-Membership Group, however, the "Yes" cell doubles (Cf. Table 4.65. If we had presented this alternate set of data, the x would have been 31.635, P = < .001, and 0 = .645. Those additional nine in the Non-Membership Group were coded as attending only "occasionally," i.e., they had attended somewhere once or twice. All of the others in both groups, conforming to our data in this table, assert that they always attend if at all possible, excepting two in the Non-Membership Group and one in the Membership Group who said "almost always." **Indeed, according to their statements 100% attend. 511 TABLE 2.6--Places Where Detroit Indians Attend Pow WOws by Group Combined Groups Membership Group Non- Membership Group Place 01 Detroit, Michigan Walpole Island, Ontario Chicago, Illinois 38 Hastings, Michigan 25 Cross Village, Michigan 19 Lansing, Michigan 15 12 Mantoulin Island, Ontario 12 12 Sarnia, Ontario 12 12 Petoskey, Michigan 10 8 Oneida Reservation, Ontario Harbor Springs, Michigan Tama, Iowa Traverse City, Michigan Toronto, Ontario Caughnawaga, Quebec Hopkins, Michigan St. Clair Shores, Michigan Arizona Garden River Reservation, Ontario Moravian Reservation, Ontario Minnesota Oklahoma Six Nations Reservation, Ontario Taos Pueblo, New Mexico Bernaps (near Grand Rapids), Mich. Cleveland, Ohio Gary, Indiana Mt. Pleasant, Michigan Round Lake, Michigan St. Ignace, Michigan Sand Lake, Michigan Sheridan, Wyoming H moo mm 1.4 NOD-hub.) boomm N i—J ~qoxw (gnaw and U1 F‘F‘HFHFJFHdFJKJNDOKJNtUBJuHutuchhdflme HF‘FH‘FJHFHFHOBJNDQN)NDOOHAOJh *These places are rank ordered in terms of the sums of weighted scores derived from the statements of our infor- mants. Weights used were: 4 for "most often," 3 for "second most often," 2 for "third most often," and l for all residual or extra places attended. These raw data do not suppose that "pow wows " as we use the term actually were held in each of these places or, if so, they continue. 512 TABLE 2.7--Respondents Who Do Indian Crafts by Group . Non-Membership Membership Does IndIan Crafts Group Group Total Yes 0 ( 00.0) 19 ( 54.3) 19 ( 23.8) No 45 (100.0) 16 ( 45.7) 61 ( 76.3) Total 45 (100.0) 35 (100.0) 80 (100.1) df = 1 x2 = 32.120 p < .001 6 = .633 The statistics in this table are identical to that in 2.1 but the data itself is different in that these who do Indian crafts are not necessarily those who do Indian dancing. We found that 15 said either crafts or dancing but not both. There are enough extra dancers to make that total of 19, and enough extra who work in crafts to make that 19. This means that almost everyone does one or the other, and some both. Crafts mentioned are: arrowheads, baskets, beadwork of varying types, costumes, drums, featherwork, leather work, painting, silk screening, tan- ning of hides, and woodcraft. Stone chipping is a new art learned by only one. Most common is beadwork, cos- tumes, featherwork, and silk screening. Leather work, drums, and tanning is done mostly by the drummers and singers, there being six. 513 TABLE 2.8--Commercial Aspects of Pan-Indianism by Group Individual Realizes Non-Membership Membership Total Personal Profit Group Group Yes 0 ( 00.0) 9 ( 25.7) 9 ( 11.3) No 45 (100.0) 26 ( 74.3) 71 ( 88.8) Total 45 (100.0) 35 (100.0) 80 (100.1) df = 1 x2 = 13.257 P < .001 ¢ = .407 By "commercial aspects" we refer to gains made by the individual for himself via crafts, Indian dancing, drumming and singing, and public speaking about Indians. These are distinguished from group gains made by the orga- nization in lieu of a common goal for all Indians. . At the time of interviewing, one person made her living by beadwork, not because of the Association (Appen- Aside from this, contacts may be made through the Association or perhaps via status associated with it. public speaking, and then via drumming and singing. rest would earn only occasional petty cash. overlap in the areas where the nine persons earn. Greatest earnings will probably accrue through The There is some TWO earn from public speaking, three from drumming and singing, three from crafts, and two from solo dancing. A11, in accordance with the Association's code of donated services, must be earned outside the group--except for perhaps free meals. TABLE 2.9--Persons Doing Public Parading in Costumes by Group Non-Membership Membership Respondent Parades Group Group Total Yes 0.( 00.0) 14 ( 40.0) 14 ( 17.5) No 45 (100.0) 21 ( 60.0) 66 ( 82.5) Total 45 (100.0) 35 (100.0) 80 (100-0) df = 1 x2 = 21.973 P < .001 6 = .524' TABLE 2.10--Participation in the Recreational Activities of 514 the North American Indian Association by Group . . Non-Membership Membership Part1c1pates Group Group Total Yes 12 ( 26.7) 35 (100.0) 47 ( 58.8) No 33 ( 73.3) 0 ( 00.0) 33 ( 41.3) Total 45 (100.0) 35 (100.0) 80 (100.1) 2 df = l x = 43.468 P < .001 0 = .737 *By "recreational activities" we exclude pow wows and those falling sometimes on the third Sunday evening of the month at the Y.W.C.A. We believe that the responses from the Non-Membership Group were accurate in some cases, i.e., current, but in most we think they meant that they had attended the activity mentioned perhaps once or twice. We present the data for the above table below. be remembered that these functions will sometimes run to three hundred or more and that we have only the active members under consideration and a sample of those who are not members. It should Non-Membership Membership Act1v1ty Attended Group Group Total Thanksgiving Dinner 1 ( 2.2) 32 ( 91.4) 33 ( 41.3) Christmas Children's Party 1 ( 2.2) 35 (100.0) 36 ( 45.0) New Year's Dance 7 ( 15.3) 32 ( 91.4) 39 ( 48.8) Princess Dance 6 ( 13.3) 32 ( 91.4) 38 ( 47.5) Annual Banquet 3 ( 6.7) 32 ( 91.4) 35 ( 43.8) Labor Day Picnic 6 ( 13.3) 30 ( 91.4) 36 ( 45.0) *We probably failed to get a good representation from the non-membership Indian community which attends these events due to our method of selecting our Non- Membership Group. As a criterion for this, we admitted no Indian who is or has ever been a member of the Associ- ation. 515 TABLE 2.ll--Presence of Consanguines in the North American .Indian Association by Group . Non-Membership Membership Consangu1nes Present Group Group Total Yes 7 ( 15.6) 20 ( 57.1) 27 ( 33.8) No 38 ( 84.4) 15 ( 42.9) 53 ( 66.3) Total 45 (100.0) 35 (100.0) 80 (100.1) df = 1 x2 = 15.276 P < .001 6 = .448 *Item 8, Appendix B-l: Do you have any kin, lst cousin or closer, who are now attending the regular monthly meetings of the NAIA 20% or more of the time? **As a control we asked the respondent two additional open-ended questions: (1) how many, and (2) to name them. We then assessed the validity of the response from our know- ledge of the Association itself, specifically from our list of the Membership Group. in any case since we received no false answers. TABLE 2.12--Presence of "Best Friends" Indian Association by Group We were not faced with a dilemma in the North American "Best Friends" Non-Membership Membership Total Present Group Group Yes 3 ( 6.7) 34 ( 97.1) 37 ( 46.3) No 42 ( 93.3) 1 ( 2.9) 43 ( 53.8) Total 45 (100.0) 35 (100.0) 80 (100.1) df = 1 x2 = 64.737 P < .001 6 = .888 *Item 9, Appendix B-l: DO any of those persons whom yum: referred to as your "best friends here in Detroit" attend.the regular monthly meetings of the NAIA 20% or more of the time? **We exercised controls with the Non-Membership Group (Hi this item by asking the respondent for the name or names «of those concerned, which we then checked against our list. We found no discrepancies. 516 TABLE 2.13--Summary of the Relative Strengths of the Find- ings in the Two by Two Tables Nos. 2.1-2.12, Ranked in Terms of Phi Coefficients Phi Table . P Coefficient Number Table Tltle Presence of "best friends" in < .001 .888 2.12 the North American Indian Association by group < .001 .867 2.4 Informant participation in DetrOIt pow wows by group < .001 .800 2.5 Attendance at Detroit pow wows by group Participation in the recreational < .001 .737 2.10 activities of the North American Indian Association by group < .001 .661 2.2 Children doing Indian dancing by group < .001 .633 2.1 Indian dancers by group Respondents who do Indian crafts < .001 .633 2.7 by group Extension of household hospital- < .001 .533 2.3 ity to visiting Indians at Detroit pow wows by group Persons doing public parading < ’001 '524 2'9 in costumes by group Presence of consanguines in the < .001 .448 2.11 North American Indian Associ- ation by group < .001 .407 2.8 Commercial aspects of Pan- Indianism *P indicates our chances of being correct. A P of < .001 is here taken to mean the finding is highly significant. strength of the relationship. highly significant, all the phi's are also. are stronger than others: the higher is the stronger. **6, the Phi Coefficient, is a measure of the Since all the findings are Some, however, The phi is not a percentage of strength but a relative measure. Since all are obtained on 2 x 2 tables, they are all com- parable. 517 TABLE 2.14--Ranked Meaning of Pow WOws to Indians by Group Weighted Scores ’6 »~ c o.m (L o -HT§ -H +1 .c c I: 9 m0) m ¢ m H4J H :2 “’3: ‘” ‘6’ m Ev ‘3. 2 H m m mci Sim Simon £35 I 5 1:30 68 88 888 Meaning 5:0 20 20v Renewal of friendships, socializing 71 18 l Subtribal feelings Of unity 6 Total 77 I8' —I Enjoyment and appreciation of: Indian dances 33 32 2 Feelings of nativism,"perpetuation" 16 3 Indian crafts 10 5 3 Indian costumes _d _d _d Total 67 43 10 Educational Fund for Indians 21 3 Feelings of ethnic identity 11 4 Importance of a message to convey to Non-Indians 4 3 5 Religious overtones of the pow wow Recreation 2 2 10 Item 26: "Tell me what are the most important things that pow wows mean to you. If you dislike them, tell me what you dislike most about them. When you have, please tell me also their order of importance to you." *The most important, or first, choice was weighted three, the second was weighted two, and the third was weighted one. The total weighted scores were then summed by group. **The Membership Group responded essentially as participants, those in the Non-Membership Group who attend, as observers but also from the perspective of meeting their friends, and those in the Non-Membership Group who do not attend gave their opinions, if they had any, of their appraised meaning of the pow wow. The contexts of responses, therefore, differ. Most of those non-members who do not attend had no idea what the pow wow might mean. 518 TABLE 2.15--Ranked Meaning of Indians Parading in Costume by Group Weighted Scores o. -H .c U) m H :2 O m i=3 n O OCL Zia. o s l s 68 88 Meaning 2:3 zcs Importance of a message to convey to 66 26 Non-Indians Feelings of ethnic identity 30 9 Dances, crafts, and costumes: Desire to show Indian costumes 27 24 Advertisement to secure opportunities to put on Indian dances l Feelings of nativism, "perpetuation" 2 Crafts ‘__ __ Total 28 26 Recreation, e.g., "enjoy it" 11 3 Renewal of friendships, socializing with Indians 2 Supertribal feelings of unity _d’ _d Total 6 6 Dislike2 it 6 6 Item 28: "Tell me now what are the most important things that parading with Indians means to you. If you dislike this activity tell me why. When you have, please tell me also their order of importance to you." We asked the item, however, of all respondents. 1 Members appear to answer in terms of the group of which they are a part and non-members in terms of like or dislike, good or bad. ' 2Two paraders in the Membership Group dislike it because of the insults sometimes hurled by Whites who watch. Two non-members disapprove because they feel the activity is humiliating. *The most important, or first, response was weighted three, the second was weighted two, and the third was weighted one. The total weighted scores were then summed by group. 519 TABLE 2.16--Message Conveyed by Indians Parading in Costume by Group Weighted Scores O. -H .c m m H :3 m 6 E H m 0cm :10. .o:: I s Messa e a) 8 58 g z o z 0 "We1 seek to correct current misunder- standings about Indians." "Indians are not dying out but 27 are here." "Indians have a culture to be proud of." "Indians are not savages but 4 3 are civilized." "Indians are as good as anyone 3 3 else." ___ __ Total 42 6 "We1 are proud to be identified as 16 11 Indians." "We1 represent Indians as a whole." 12 "Indians are unified. We1 are also 7 3 organized." "Indians are the true, first, Americans." 6 6 "We1 seek to draw attention to the ways in whic Indians have been mistreated." "Our country has been taken away." 1 1 "Our life span has been shortened." l "wel have not been accorded equal treatment generally in compari- 1 son to other ethnic groups." __ __ Total 3 l "Ourl appearance in costume gives White people a. food for thought, and 6 b. makes them ashamed." _d ‘__ Total 3 6 "We1 seek recognition." 2 1"We" and "our" should be taken as "they" or "their" for the responses of the Non-Membership Group. Statements are personified for effect. *First response was weighted three; second, two, and third, one. They were then summed by group. 520 TABLE 3.l--"Indian" Households Households Excluded Used Members I Acceptable by definition 35 35 Unacceptable by definition 94 94 Total 129 Non-Members acceptable by definition Persons on the NAIA lists 178 Persons not on the NAIA lists 47 Total 225 225 Units unsatisfactory for sampling Persons in Metropolitan Detroit Former members 169 Exclusions on age 29 No known address 88 Total 286 286 Persons not in Metropolitan Detroit In Southeastern Michigan 36 Outside of Southeastern Michigan 255 Total 291 Deceased 44 Total 975 715 260 *These findings represent a portion of the result of our work with our paid informant prior to sampling. From those households of non-members which were acceptable for sampling we drew a simple random sample of 150 via random numbers. 521 TABLE 3.2--Reasons for Non-Interviews (Non-Members) Reasons Frequency Per Cent Refused to be interviewed 2 1.9 Not home to keep set appointment 5 4.8 Not home to make an appointment 7 6.7 Over 63 years of age 14 13.3 Deceased 6 5.7 Less than l/4th Indian "blood" 7 6.7 Duplicate card (contained Indian name) 1 1.0 Moved: In Southeastern Michigan but outside Metropolitan Detroit 6 5.7 Moved: Out of Michigan but not to the reservation 6 5.7 Moved: Returned to reservation 7 6.7 Moved: In the U.S. Armed Services 2 1.9 Moved: No known address 42 40.0 Total 105 100.1 522 TABLE: 4.l--Age by Group Non-Membership Group Membership Group Age Frequency Per Cent Frequency Per Cent 61 - 63 4 8.9 4 13.3 58 - 60 3 6.7 3 10.0 55 - 57 4 8.9 l 3.3 52 - 54 4 8.9 4 13.3 49 - 51 2 4.4 2 6.7 46 - 48 3 6.7 2 6.7 43 - 45 6 13.3 4 13.3 40 - 42 4 8.9 4 13.3 37 - 39 7 15.6 0 0.0 34 - 36 6 13.3 2 6.7 31 - 33 l 2.2 l 3.3 28 - 3O 0 0.0 0 0.0 25 - 27 l 2.2 2 6.7 22 - 24 O 0.0 1 3.3 Total 45 100.0 30 99.9 Mean Age 45.9 46.8 t = .089 n.s. *Note: Age is controlled for household. TABLE 4.2--Sex by Group Non-Membership Membership Sex Group Group Total Male 17 ( 37.8) 8 ( 26.7) 25 ( 33.3) Female 28 ( 62.2) 22 ( 73.3) 50 ( 67.7) Total 45 (100.0) 30 (100.0) 75 (100.0) 2 df = l x = .999 n.s. *Note: Sex is controlled for household. 523 TABLE 4.3--Tribe of Birth by Group Interviewed 'c m m .,.1 3 n m U) -r-i m H > '2 ‘” “ 6 2 m 3 H O c c O Q. S (L o H 2 8 cl: 6‘ 8 I. u o H m o g L9 2 (9 Ch 2 Tribe f % f % f % Single: Apache 1 2-2 Aztec l 2.2 Cherokee 1 2 . 9 .2 2 2 . 5 Chippewa 6 17.1 11 24.4 14 17.3 Choctaw 1 1.2 Delaware 3 8.6 2 4.4 2 2.5 Mohawk l 2.9 l '2.2 5 6.2 Ojibwa 4 11.4 3 6.7 3 3.7 Oneida 3 8.6 2 4.4 3 3.7 Onondaga l 1.2 Ottawa 17 37.8 38 46.9 Potawatomi 3 8.6 (Caldwell) Potawatomi . 1 1.2 Sioux l 2.9 Taos Pueblo ‘ 2 5.7 Mixed: Cayuga-Mohawk l 2.9 l 1.2 Chippewa-Cayuga l 2.9 Chippewa-Ojibwa 2 2.5 Chippewa-Ottawa l 2.9 3 6 7 4 4.9 Delaware-Ojibwa 2 5.7 l 1.2 Delaware-Potawatomi 2 5.7 Mohawk-Delaware l 1.2 Mohawk-Tarascan l 2.9 Ottawa-Choctaw l 2.2 Potawatomi-Ojibwa 1 2.9 1 2.2 Potawatomi-Oneida l 2.9 Potawatomi-Ottawa 1 2.9 l 2.2 Winnebago-Ojibwa I l 2.2 1 1.2 Total 35 100.4 45 99.8 81 99.8 Cannot Ascertain 24 *We have presented the picture of the persons not . interviewed as accurately as we can from our data available prior to the interviewing. We have no reason to doubt any of the figures given for that group with the exception that our estimate on the numbers of Ottawas might be a per cent or two high. When we interviewed the Ottawas in the Non- Membership Group, we never found our prior information faulty. We have not computed the per cent for the persons not interviewed on the basis of those for whom we have no knowledge. We have, however, presented the frequency of 24 in that category. TABLE 4.4-~Tribe of Birth: 524 Single or Mixed by Group Non-Membership Membership Tribe of Birth Group Group Total Single 36 ( 80.0) 21 ( 70.0) 57 ( 76.0) Mixed 9 ( 20.0) 9 ( 30.0) 18 ( 24.0) Total 45 (100.0) 30 (100.0) 75 (100.0) 2 df = 1 x = .984 n.s. *Note: These data are controlled for household. TABLE 4.5--Degree of Indian "Blood" by Fourths by Group Degree of Indian Non-Membership Membership Total "Blood" Group Group 4/4ths ll ( 24.4) 15 ( 50.0) 26 ( 34.7) 3/4ths-15/16ths 8 ( 17.8) 6 ( 20.0) 14 ( 18.7) 2/4ths-11/l6ths 9 ( 20.0) 5 ( 16.7) 14 ( 18.7) l/4th - 7/16ths l7 ( 37.8) 4 ( 13.3) 21 ( 28.0) Total 45 (100.0) 30 (100.0) 75 (100.1) 2 df = 3 x = 5.607 n.s. *Note: These data are controlled for household. TABLE 4.6--Degree of Indian "Blood" Controlled at the Three- Fourths Level by Group Degree of Indian Non—Membership Membership "BlOOd II Group Group Total 3/4ths-full l9 ( 42.2) 21 ( 70.0) 40 ( 53.3) 11/16ths or less 26 ( 57.8) 9 ( 30.0) 35 ( 46.7) Total 45 (100.0) 30 (100.0) 75 (100.0) df = 1 x2 = 5.581 P < .01 6 = .273 *These data are controlled for household. Fore- casting efficiency indicates predictability of membership with knowledge of degree of Indian "blood." 525 TABLE 4.7--Adeptness at Speaking One's Tribal Language by Group Non-Membership Membership Adeptness Group Group Total Speaks it well 9 ( 20.0) 9 ( 30.0) 18 ( 24.0) Speaks it poorly 7 ( 15.6) 7 ( 23.3) 14 ( 18.7) Understands only a little of it 8 ( 17.8) 6 ( 20.0) 14 ( 18.7) Cannot understand it 21 ( 46.7) 8 ( 26.7) 29 ( 38.7) Total 45 (100.1) 30 (100.0) 75 (100.1) 2 df = l x = .843 n.s. *Note: These data have been controlled for house- hold. Following this analysis we controlled for the ability to speak the language versus the inability to do so and found the results also non-significant. TABLE 4.8--Religion by Group . . Non-Membership Membership Religion Group Group Total Protestant 18 ( 40.0) 11 ( 42.3) 29 ( 41.4) Roman Catholic 26 ( 60.0) 15 ( 57.7) 41 ( 58.6) Total 44 (100.0) 26 (100.0) 70 (100.0) 2 df = 1 x = .008 n.s. *Note: These data are controlled for household and refer only to the two religions mentioned because the inclusion of more would have resulted in too few in the cells for analysis. It should be noted that four are miss- ing in the Membership Group: one, Longhouse; one, Christ- ian Science; one, Free Thinker; and one, None. In the Non-Membership Group one is missing, Jehovah's Witnesses. 526 TABLE 4.9--Sending Point by Group* Non-Membership Membership Sending Point Group Group E % f % U.S.A. but outside of Michigan: Long Beach, California 1 2.9 Lavita, Colorado 1 2.2 Big Falls, Minnesota 1 2.2 Leach Lake, Minnesota 1 2.2 Taos Pueblo, New Mexico 2 5.7 Buffalo, New York 2 4.4 Tulsa, Oklahoma 1 2.9 Lac du Flambeau, Wisconsin 1 2.2 Michigan: Metropolitan Detroit 3 6.7 3 8.6 Chippewa Indians Baraga l 2.2 Bay Mills 1 2.2 Cedarville 1 2.2 Cheboygan 1 2.2 Elk Rapids 1 2.2 Houghton (1) Iron Mountain 1 2.9 Isabella 1 2.2 L'Anse (l) Mecosta l 2.9 Nahma l 2.9 St. Ignace (1) St. Jacques l 2.2 Sault Ste. Marie 1 2.2 1 2.9 Shelldrake (1) Sugar Island 4 8 9 2 5.7 Ottawa Indians Alba 1 2.2 Brutus l 2.2 Burt Lake 3 6.7 Charlevoix 1 2.2 Cheboygan l 2.2 Cross Village 2 4.4 Custer 1 2.9 Hart 1 2.2 *Map l. 527 TABLE 4.9--Continued. Non-Membership Membership Sending Point Group Group f % f % Michigan: Ottawa Indians Manistique 2 4.4 Manton l 2.2 Maple River (Alanson) l 2.2 Middle Village 1 2.2 Northport l 2.2 Omena l 2.2 Petoskey 1 2.9 Topinabee (rural) 1 2.2 Potawatomi Indians Covert Township 1 2.9 Dowagiac (l) Waterveliet l 2.9 Canada: Moravian Reservation l 2.2 3 8.6 Muncey Reservation l 2.2 l 2.9 Just Off the Muncey Reserve 1 2.2 1 2.9 Oneida Reservation 2 4.4 6 17.1 Six Nations Reservation l 2.9 Walpole Reservation 5 14.3 Caughnawage Reservation l 2.2 l 2.9 Total 45 99.3 35 100.6 *The purpose of this table is two-fold: (l) to indicate the sending point from which our respondents have immigrated to Metropolitan Detroit and (2) to add data and meaning to Map 1. In the table we have utilized birthplace since seldom is the greater number of the first 17 years elsewhere. Where there were over half elsewhere, we have indicated the place and the number of persons concerned, placing the number in parenthesis but not adding it twice. We have been impressed by the way the Michigan Indians divide themselves in point of origin and the very close correspondence between our findings and those of the Department Of Anthropology at the University of Chicago in 1961. Accordingly, we divided the Michigan Indians according to primary tribal affiliation and have presented the data in a manner which will correspond to the map. 528 TABLE 4.10--Type of Place of Socialization by Group Non-Membership Membership Type of Place Group Group Total Metropolis 5 ( 11.1) 6 ( 17.1) 11 ( 13.8) Small City 8 ( 17.8) 6 ( 17.1) 14 ( 17.5) Village 12 ( 26.7) 0 ( 00.0) 12 ( 15.0) Rural (non-reservation) 12 ( 26.7) 5 ( 14.4) 17 ( 21.3) Reservation 8 ( 17.8) 18 ( 51.4) 26 ( 32.5) Total 45 ( 100.1) 35 (100.0) 80 (100.1) df = 4 x2 = 18.208 P < .01 6 = .477 *By place of socialization we refer to the greater portion of years lived during the ages of 1-17. We have not computed the phi coefficient nor the forecasting efficiency since we have here more than a 2 x 2 table and the measures would not be comparable. Metropolis is defined as 250,000 or over; small city as between 10,000 and about 20,000; village as less than 10,000. TABLE 4.ll-~Reservation Versus Non-Reservation Place of Socialization by Group Non-Membership Membership Type of Place Group Group Total Non-Reservation 37 ( 82.2) 17 ( 48.6) 54 ( 67.5) Reservation 8 ( 17.8) 18 ( 51.4) 26 ( 32.5) Total 45 (100.0) 35 (100.0) 80 (100.0) df = 1 x2 = 10.084 P < .01 6 = .355 *Forecasting efficiency indicates that knowing the ‘place of socialization we can predict affiliation or not ‘with a.Pan-Indian association. 529 TABLE 4.12—-Relative Ratios of "Best Friends" of Parents by Group . . Non-Membership Membership Relative Ratio Group Group Total All or more white friends 26 ( 57.8) 2 ( 5.7) 28 ( 35.0) About the same of both 9 ( 20.0) 11 ( 31.4) 20 ( 25.0) Fewer or no white friends 10 ( 22.2) 22 ( 62.9) 32 ( 40.0) Total 45 (100.0) 35 (100.0) 80 (100.0) df = 2 x2 = 24.585 P < .001 6 = .560 *The effort here is to attempt to assess the Indian or non-Indian influences to which the respondent was probably subjected during his period of socialization. It is also an attempt to determine in a crude manner, when compared with Tables 4.10 and 4.11, the degree of integra- tion of the family, in which the respondent was reared, into the dominant society. One could suspect that a gener- ation or two ago that in areas of Indian concentration Indians would have been prone to find their friends among Indians for the most part. TABLE 4.13--Degree of Integration into the Non-Indian Society of the Family of Orientation by Group "Best Friends" Non-Membership Membership of Parents Group Group Total Mostly or all non- Indians 26 ( 57.8) 2 ( 5.7) 28 ( 35.0) Indian friends equal to or more than white friends 19 ( 42.2) 33 ( 94.3) 52 ( 65.0) Total 45 (100.0) 35 (100.0) 80 (100.0) df = 1 x2 = 23.677 P < .001 6 = .555 *It is assumed that the "Best Friends" of a person are iJuiicative of social relationships and, therefore, that those of one's parents are indicative of integration into the dominant society in the context used here. 530 TABLE 4.14—-Year of Immigration to Metropolitan Detroit by Group Non-Membership Group Membership Group Years Frequency Per Cent Frequency Per Cent 1966-1968 1963-1965 1960-1962 1957-1959 1954-1956 1951-1952 1948-1950 1945-1947 1942-1944 1939—1941 1936-1938 1933-1935 1930-1932 1927-1927 1924-1926 1921-1923 1918-1920 Total 1.; FJH Hra c>o+ahusP4N~axuboxmramnatao HF‘ 0c:Kamxomapcncvqwswronuonoo O I O O O O O O IdbaocohaocneuOPawannac>OL0 FJH IbuaocoDiocncrqcuhunc>w<3cn~ O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O m ~ch>o~4cunaoa~awcno~aoc>w N coppmnooQQI—vwkoboopno .5 N 1.: O O N \1 KO \0 t = .2679 n.s. *These data are corrected for household. Three in each group were born in Metropolitan Detroit. The mean year for the Non-Membership Group is 1945.86 and for the Membership Group is 1945.00. In analysis we followed Garrett (1962:122,124) for the significance of a difference between means in small samples. 531 TABLE 4.15--Age at Immigration to Metropolitan Detroit by Group Non-Membership Group Membership Group Age Frequency Per Cent Frequency Per Cent 58 - 60 0 0.0 l 3.4 55 - 57 0 0.0 0 0.0 52 - 54 0 0.0 0 0.0 49 - 51 O 0.0 1 3.4 46 - 48 0 0.0 0 0.0 43 - 45 0 0.0 0 0.0 40 - 42 0 0.0 0 0.0 37 - 39 5 12.2 2 6.9 34 - 36 2 4.9 0 0.0 31 - 33 3 7.3 2 6.9 28 - 30 l 2.4 3 10.3 25 - 27 0 0.0 2 6.9 22 - 24 4 9.8 5 17.2 19 — 21 9 22.0 5 17.2 16 - 18 11 26.8 5 20.7 13 - 15 6 14.6 2 6.9 Total 41 100.0 29 99.8 t = .505 n.s. *These data are controlled for household. we did not compute in this table persons who immigrated during infancy. This meant the exclusion of four in the Non- Membership Group and one in the Membership Group. The mean age of the Non-Membership Group at immigration is 22.63 and of the Membership Group is 25.10. In the anal- syis we tested the significance of a difference between the means by correcting for small samples (Garrett, 1962: 122,124). 532 TABLE 4.16--Tota1 Years Lived in Metropolitan Detroit by Group Non-Membership Group Membership Group Total Years Frequency Per Cent Frequency Per Cent 46 - 48 l 2.2 0 0.0 43 - 45 2 4.4 2 6.9 40 - 42 1 2.2 0 0.0 37 - 39 4 8.9 3 10.3 34 - 36 2 4.4 0 0.0 31 - 33 2 4.4 3 10.3 28 - 30 6 13.3 5 17.2 25 - 27 5 11.1 3 10.3 22 - 24 6 13.3 3 10.3 19 - 21 3 6.7 2 6.9 16 - 18 8 17.8 3 10.3 13 - 15 1 2.2 1 3.4 10 - 12 l 2.2 2 6.9 7 - 9 2 4.4 0 0.0 4 - 6 1 2.2 0 0.0 1 - 3 0 0.0 2 6.9 Total 45 99.7 29 99.7 t = .114 n.s. *These data are controlled for household. we were not able to ascertain the total number of years for one respondent in the Membership Group inasmuch as she had moved so much due to reasons of health. we do, however, believe that her number of years is about at the mean. The mean for the Non-Membership Group is 25.47 years and for the Membership Group is 24.86 years. In analysis we corrected for small samples (Garrett, 1962: 122-124). 533 TABLE 4.17--Re1ative Ratio of Kinsmen Remaining in One's Rural Tribal Area by Group Subjective Estimate Non-Membership Membership of Ratio Group Group Total "All" or "Most." Greater than half 9 ( 20.0) 13 ( 43.3) 22 ( 29.3) "Quite a few." Explained as "about half" 7 ( 15.6) 9 ( 30.0) 16 ( 21.3) "Only a few." Explained as "less than half" 21 ( 46.7) 6 ( 20.0) 27 ( 36.0) "None" 8 ( 17.8) 2 ( 6.7) 10 ( 13.4) Total 45 (100.1) 30 (100.0) 75 (100.0) df = 3 x2 = 10.321 P < .02 6 = .371 *These data are controlled for household. They are subjective and were taken because we felt it rather mean- ingless to use absolute ones since absolute numbers of kinsmen can vary so much per individual. For uniformity in response we utilized visual aids (see Appendix B for their description and illustration). **In response to this item we called for kinsmen who are first cousins or closer to Ego. If the respondent had questions about this, we explained who these might be. We also specifically reminded our informants that this item calls for these kinsmen to be those living in his rural tribal area, i.e., reservation or rural Indian com- munity. The data is dichotomized for the largest possible phi coefficient in Table 4.18. We suspect, however, that some of our informants may have responded with their place of socialization in mind. TABLE 4.18--Less Than Half Versus 534 Half or More Kinsmen Remaining in One's Rural Tribal Area by Group Subjective Estimate Non-Membership Membership of Ratio Group Group Total One-half or more 16 ( 35.6) 22 ( 73.3) 39 ( 50.7) Less than one-half 29 ( 64.4) 8 ( 26.7) 37 ( 49.3) Total 45 (100.0) 30 (100.0) 75 (100.0) df = 1 x2 = 10.317 P < .01 6 = .371 *These data are controlled for household. Descrip- tion of the dichotomized categories is given under Table 4.17. TABLE 4.19--Relative Ratio of Respondent's "Best Friends" Living in His Rural Tribal Area by Group Subjective Estimate Non-Membership Membership of Ratio Group Group Total "All" or "Most." Greater than one- half 2 ( 4.4) 7 ( 23.3) 9 ( 12.0) "Quite a few." Explained as "about half" 7 ( 15.6) 9 ( 30.0) 16 ( 21.3) "Only a few." Explained as "less than half" 15 ( 33.3) 10 ( 33.3) 25 ( 33.3) "None" 21 ( 46.7) 4 ( 13.3) 25 ( 33.3) Total 45 (100.0) 30 ( 99.9) 75 ( 99.9) df = 3 x2 = 13.122 P < .01 6 = .418 *These data are controlled for household. A description of the assumptions and measures underlying this table is presented under Table 4.17. The data herein is dichotomized for further analysis in Table 4.20 at exactly the same point as in Table 4.18 for compara- bility. TABLE 4.20--Less Than Half versus Half or More 535 "Best Friends" Living in One's Rural Tribal Area by Group Subjective Estimate Non-Membership Membership Total of Ratio Group Group One-half or more 9 ( 20.0) 16 ( 53.3) 25 ( 33.3) Less than one-half 36 ( 80.0) 14 ( 46.7) 50 ( 66.7) Total 45 (100.0) 30 (100.0) 75 (100.0) df = 1 x2 = 9.000 P < .01 ' 6 = .346 *These data are controlled for household. TABLE 4.21--Current National Citizenship by Group . . . Non-Membership Membership Citizenship Group Group Total Canada 5 ( 11.1) 15 ( 50.0) 20 ( 26.7) United States 40 ( 88.9) 15 ( 50.0) 55 ( 73.3) Total 45 (100.0) 30 (100.0) 75 (100.0) df = 1 x2 = 13.920 P < .001 6 = .431 *These data are controlled for household. Had we presented the same for the time of immigration our find- ings would have been slightly different since one has altered his citizenship from Canada to the United States. TABLE 4.22-—Marital Status by Group Non-Membership Iembership Marital Status Group Group Total Married 40 ( 88.9) 21 ( 70.0) 61 ( 81.3) Unmarried 5 ( 11.1) 9 ( 30.0) 14 ( 18.7) Total 45 (100.0) 30 (100.0) 75 (100.0) df = 1 x2 = 4.230 P < .05 6 = .237 *These data are controlled for household. An anal- ;ysis of the "married" category is found in Table 4.23. 536 TABLE 4.23--Non-Indian Marriages by Group Non-Membership Membership Presence or Absence Group Group Total Married an Indian 5 ( 12.5) 9 ( 42.9) 14 ( 23.0) Married a non-Indian 35 ( 87.5) 12 ( 57.1) 47 ( 77.0) Total 40 (100.0) 21 (100.0) 61 (100.0) _ 2 df - l X = 2.826 nos. *These data are controlled for household. By "non- Indian marriage" we mean the marriage of one defined in this study as an Indian to one who cannot meet the cri- teria used here. In all cases save two, one in each of the groups, where we found an Indian married to a non- Indian, the respondent asserted clearly that the Spouse had no Indian "blood." In the two cases mentioned the respondent thought that the Spouse might have some Indian "blood" but had no idea about how much. **The x2 has a P < .10, a 6 = .215, and an FE of 6.3 which would have been Significant had we hypothe- sized here. Since this portion of our work is purely exploratory, we reserve judgment at this point. TABLE 4.24-~Household Size by Group 537 Non-Membership Group Membership Group Size Frequency Per Cent Frequency Per Cent 9 3 6.7 0 0.0 8 l 2.2 l 3.3 7 3 6.7 0 0.0 6 5 11.1 4 13.3 5 11 24.4 4 13.3 4 5 11.1 10 33.3 3 5 11.1 5 16.7 2 11 24.4 5 16.7 1 1 2.2 1 3.3 t = .833 n.s. *These data are controlled for household. The groups have been adjusted for smallness of size (Garrett, 1962:122-124). The mean household size for the NOn- Membership Group is 4.4 and for the Membership Group is This most likely concords with the mean ages of the groups (see Table 4.1) in that most of the children are 3.9. now away from their natal families. TABLE 4.25--Number of Children per Household by Group Non-Membership Group Membership Group Number Frequency Per Cent Frequency Per Cent 7 2 4.4 O 0.0 6 2 4.4 l 3.3 5 1 2.2 0 0.0 4 6 13.3 3 10.0 3 11 24.4 4 13.3 2 4 8.9 8 26.7 1 8 17.8 6 20.0 0 11 24.4 8 26.7 t = 1.966 n.s. *These data are controlled for household. The data includes only those children currently living in the house- hold. The mean number for the Non-Membership Group is 2.3 and for the Membership Group is 1.7. TABLE 4.26--Location of Households by Mailing Zone* by Group 538 Interviewed to a. m ".1 3 a m m -a m H > -a m H a) .C.‘ .2 a) c m m p O H m c c N m D. 2 CL 0 H .o 5 I 5 m m o c O u u c w H O H m o ..-I :E o z o a. z r-l "4 g City or Suburb f % f % f % 017 Clawson 1 2.2 021 East Detroit 2 1.9 024 Farmington 1 2.2 030 Hazel Park 1 1.0 066 Roseville l 3.3 3 2.9 067 Royal Oak 1 1.0 071 Madison Heights 1 2.2 3 2.9 072 Berkley 1 2.2 075 Southfield l 3.3 l 2.2 1 1.0 080 St. Clair Shores 3 2.9 089 Warren 1 3.3 101 Allen Park 1 2.2 122 Melvindale l 1.0 124 Dearborn l 3.3 2 1.9 125 " 2 4,4 126 " 3 10.0 127 Dearborn Heights 1 3.3 1 1.0 141 Inkster 2 4.4 2 1.9 146 Lincoln Park 1 3.3 3 6.7 4 3.8 154 Livonia 3 6.7 4 3.8 180 Taylor 2 4.4 4 3.8 183 Trenton 1 2.2 2 1.9 184 Wayne 1 3.3 2 4.4 2 1.9 192-a Southgate 2 4.4 192-b Wyandotte l 1.0 201 Detroit 2 6.7 1 2.2 9 8.6 203 Highland Park 3 6.7 2 1.9 204 Detroit 2.2 l 1.0 205 " l 3.3 1 1.0 208 " 2 6.7 2 4.4 4 3.8 209 " 1 3.3 l 2.2 7 6.7 210 " l 3.3 2 4.4 5 4.8 *See Map 2. TABLE 4.26--Continued. 539 Interviewed ro m m .,_1 3 n m U) -I-l m H > 8 :2 m *4 O U) .2 U) B N H m C C m (L E (L O H m .o o I s m c o c o u u -a m H o H m o :4) 21 (D Z (.9 DI Z g City or Suburb f % f % f % 211 Detroit 1 3.3 l 2.2 3 2.9 212 Hamtramck 1 1.0 213 Detroit 1 3.3 3 2.9 214 " 2 1.9 215 " l 3.3 216 " 2 6.7 1 2.2 7 6.7 218 River Rouge 2 4.4 2 1.9 220 Ferndale 1 3.3 221 Detroit 1 2.2 223 " 2 4.4 227 " 1 3.3 1 2.2 228 " 1 3.3 1 2.2 6 5.7 234 " 1 3.3 1 2.2 3 2.9 235 " 3 10.0 2 1.9 236 Grosse Pt. Farms 2 1.9 237 Oak Park 1 3.3 l 2.2 238 Detroit 4 3.8 239 Redford l 2.2 240 " l 1.0 000 Cannot Ascertain 3 2.9 Total 30 99.5 45 99.3 105 100.9 ing to these. *This table presents the geographic areas in which field work was done and the degree of interviewing success in the various areas. codes, contain five digits, the first two of which are 48. For purposes of economy the interviewing was done accords All of the mailing zones, or zip Since these conveniently code the map and allow us to pinpoint fairly closely areas for discussion, we have utilized them here. 540 TABLE 4.27—-Residential Areas by Group Non-Membership Membership Step Group Group Total 2 "High" and 3 "Above average" 8 ( 8.9) 3 ( 10.0) 7 ( 9.3) 4 "Average" 27 ( 60.0) 14 ( 46.7) 41 ( 54.7) 5 "Below average" ( 20.0) 7 ( 23.3) 16 ( 21.3) 6 "Low" and 7 "Slum districts" 5 ( 11.1) 6 ( 20.0) 11 ( 14.7) Total 45 (100.0) 30 (100.0) 75 (100.0) 2 df = 3 x = 1.671 n.s. *These data are controlled for household. The scale used was that of Warner, Meeker, and Eells (1960:153,154) and is reproduced in Appendix B-4. TABLE 4.28--Degree of Racial Integration Characteristic of the Neighborhood by Group Non-Membership Membership Step Group Group Total All white neigh- borhood 35 ( 77.8) 22 ( 73.3) 57 ( 76.0) "About half" and "Less than half" 7 ( 15.6) 5 ( 16.7) 12 ( 16.0) Negroes "More than half" and 3 ( 6.7) 3 ( 10.0) 6 ( 8.0) "All" Negroes Total 45 (100.1) 30 (100.0) 75 (100.0) 2- df = 2 x - .921 n.s. *These data are controlled for household. A description of the steps may be found in Appendix B-5. 541 TABLE 4.29--House Type by Group Non-Membership Not Step Group Interviewed Tbtal 3 "Good houses" 4 ( 8.9) 3 ( 10.0) 7 ( 9.3) 4 "Average houses" 20 ( 44.4) ( 23.3) 27 ( 36.0) 5 "Fair houses" 13 ( 28.9) 10 ( 33.3) 23 ( 30.7) 6 "Poor houses" and 7 "Very poor 8 ( 17.8) 10 ( 33.3) 18 ( 24.0) houses" Total 45 (100.0) 30 ( 99.9) 75 (100.0) 2 df = 3 x = 4.620 n.s. *These data are controlled for household. The scale used is that of Warner, Meeker, and Eells (1960:149, 150). tions made, in Appendix B-3. This is reproduced, with the few minor modifica- TABLE 4.30--Residential Areas Among Non-Members by Group Non-Membership Not Step Group Interviewed. Total 2 "High" and 3 "Above average" 4 ( 8.9) 7 ( 7.5) 11 ( 8.0) 4 "Average" 27 ( 60.0) 28 ( 30.1) 55 ( 39.9) 5 "Below average" ( 20.0) 32 ( 34.4) 41 ( 29.7) 6 "Low" ( 8.9) 14 ( 15.1) 18 ( 13.0) 7 "Slum districts" ( 2.2) 12 ( 12.9) 13 ( 9.4) Total 45 (100.0) 93 (100.0) 138 (100.0) df = 4 x2 = 13.527 P < .01 6 = .313 *The scale used is that described under Table 4.27 and the data are controlled for household. Of the 105 persons not interviewed we have here excluded eight: seven with less than l/4th Indian "blood," one on whom we had a duplicate card, four for which the address was faulty to begin with, listed in Table 3.2 with those with no known address. 542 TABLE 4.3l--Residential Areas: Effects of Missing Data on This Study Non-Membership Group . Step + M922238h1p Total Persons p Not Interviewed 2 "High" and 3 "Above average" 11 ( 8.0) 3 ( 10.0) 14 ( 8.3) 4 "Average" 55 ( 39.9) 14 ( 46.7) 69 ( 41.1) 5 "Below average" 41 ( 29.7) 7 ( 23.3) 48 ( 28.6) 6 "Low" 18 ( 13.0) 6 ( 20.0) 24 ( 14.4) 7 "Slum districts" 13 ( 9.4) 0 ( 0.0) 13 ( 7.7) Total 138 (100.0) 30 (100.0) 168 (100.1) _ 2 df - 4 x = 4.316 n.s. *These data are controlled for household. Explana- tions of the scale are offered under Table 4.30. The find- ings here should be compared with those in Table 4.27. Whether the data from those not interviewed is added to the Non—Membership Group or not, the results remain the same since in either case, when analysis is made against the Membership Group, we do not reach an acceptable level of significance. TABLE 4.32--Degree of Racial Integration Characteristic of the Neighborhood Among Non-Members by Group Non-Membership NOt Step _Group Interviewed. TOtal All white neigh- borhood 35 ( 77.8) 61 ( 65.6) 96 ( 69.6) "About half and "Less than half" 7 ( 15.6) 6 ( 6.5) 13 ( 9.4) Negroes "More than half" and "All" Negroes 3 ( 6.7) 26 ( 28.0) 29 ( 21.0) Total 45 ( 100.1) 93 (100.1) 138 (100.0) df = 2 x2 = 9.830 P < .02 6 = .267 *Data is controlled for household. Scales are described under Table 4.28. 543 TABLE 4.33--Degree of Racial Segregation Characteristic of the Neighborhood: Effects of Missing Data on This Study Non-Membership Group . Step + “egberShlp Total Persons roup Not Interviewed All white neigh- borhood 96 ( 69.6) 22 ( 73.3) 118 ( 70.2) "About half" and "Less than half" 13 ( 9.4) 5 ( 16.7) 18 ( 10.7) Negroes "More than half" and "All" Negroes 29 ( 21.0) 3 ( 10.0) 32 ( 19.0) Total 138 (100.0) 30 (100.0) 168 ( 99.9) 2 df = 2 x = 2.834 n.s. *These data are controlled for household. The scales are described under Table 4.28. The findings here should be compared with those in Table 4.28. Whether the data from those not interviewed is added to that from the Non-Member- ship Group or not, the results remain the same. In either case, when analysis is made against the Membership Group, we do not reach an acceptable level of significance which would allow us to interpret differences to other than chance. TABLE 4.34--House Type Among Non-Members by Group Non-Membership NOt Group Interviewed1 Total Step 2 "Very good Houses" 3 and "Good houses" 4 ( 8’9) 6 ( 7'0) 10 ' 7'6) 4 "Average houses" 20 ( 44.4) 18 ( 20.9) 38 ( 29.0) 5 "Fair houses" 13 ( 28.9) 26 ( 30.2) 39 ( 29.8) 6 "Poor houses" 6 ( 13.3) 25 ( 29.1) 31 ( 23.7) 7 "Very poor houses" 2 ( 4.4) 11 ( 12.8) 13 ( 9.9) Total 45 ( 99.9) 86 (100.0) 131 (100.0) df = 4 x2 = 10.865 P < .05 6 = .281 *These data are controlled for household. The scale is described under Table 4.29. The additional deletions in the category "persons not interviewed" are seven, all cases where the former place of residence has been demolished. TABLE 4.35--House Type: 544 Study Effects of Missing Data on This Non-Membership Group . Step + meEESEShlp Total Persons p Not Interviewed 2 "Very good houses" 3 and "Good houses" 10 ( 7.6) ( 10.0) 13 ( 8.1) 4 "Average houses" 38 ( 29.0) 7 ( 23.3) 45 ( 28.0) 5 "Fair houses" 39 ( 29.8) 10 ( 33.3) 49 ( 30.4) 6 "Poor houses" 31 ( 23.7) 9 ( 30.0) 40 ( 24.8) 7 "Very poor houses" 13 ( 9.9) l ( 3.3) 14 ( 8.7) Total 131 (100.0) 30 ( 99.9) 161 (100.0) 2 df = 4 x = 2.342 n.s. *These data are controlled for household. The table should be compared with Table 4.29 underneath which is also As with Table 4.34 there are an additional seven persons deleted in the table given the scale which has been used. above because the former place of residence has been demolished. TABLE 4.36--Social Class Achievement by Group . Non-Membership Membership Class Achievement Group Group Total Middle 9 ( 20.0) 5 ( 16.7) 14 ( 18.7) Upper-Lower 29 ( 64.4) 17 ( 56.7) 46 ( 61.3) Lower-Lower 7 ( 15.6) 8 ( 26.7) 15 ( 20.0) Total 45 (100.0) 30 (100.1) 75 (100.0) 2 df = 2 x = 2.354 n.s. *These data are controlled for household. The scaling method used was that of Warner, Meeker, and Eells (1969:149-154) and is offered for comparative purposes. 545 TABLE 4.37--Educational Achievement by Group Years Non-Membership Group Membership Group completed Frequency Per Cent Frequency Per Cent 16 l 3.3 15 14 l 3.3 13 l 2.2 2 6.7 12 18 40.2 6 20.0 11 3 6.7 1 3.3 10 7 15.6 7 23.3 9 l 2.2 1 3.3 8 9 20.0 6 20.0 7 3 9.3 3 10.0 6 l 2.2 l 3.3 5 4 2 4.4 3 3.3 Total 45 100.0 30 99.8 Mean Education 10.1 years 9.9 years t = .503 n.s. *These data have been controlled for household. Corrections have been made in analysis for small groups (Garrett, 1962:122-124). The data presented is for the respondent and not the head of the household Since this gives a better picture of the Indian community in Metro- politan Detroit, the rate of marriage to non-Indians being so high. The data for the head of the household is almost identical, the mean for the Non-Membership Group being 10.1 and for the Membership Group 9.9, but there is a very slight variation in the mid-range dis— tribution. 546 TABLE 4.38--Occupational Achievement of Head of Household by Group Non-Membership Membership Step Group Group Total 2,3 4 ( 8.9) 2 ( 6.7) 6 ( 8.0) 4 7 ( 15.6) 8 ( 26.7) 15 ( 20.0) 5 l4 ( 31.1) 8 ( 26.7) 22 ( 29.3) 6 15 ( 33.3) 8 ( 26.7) 23 ( 30.7) 7 5 ( 11.1) 4 ( 13.3) 9 ( 12.0) Total 45 (.00.0) 30 (100.1) 75 (100.0) 2 df = 4 x = 1.678 n.s. *These data are controlled for household. The scale used is that of Warner, Meeker, and Eells (1960:140,141). TABLE 4.39--Weekly Take-Home Pay of Head of Household by Group Step Amount Non-Membership Membership Total Group Group 2,3 $192.50-$384.00 ll ( 28.9) 5 ( 16.7) 16 ( 23.5) 4 $155.00-$192.00 9 ( 23.7) 10 ( 33.3) 19 ( 27.9) 5 $ 95.00-$154.00 l3 ( 34.2) ( 26.7) 21 ( 30.9) 6,7 $ 25.00-$ 94.00 5 ( 13.2) 7 ( 23.3) 12 ( 17.6) Total 38 (100.0) 30 (100.0) 68 ( 99.9) 2 df = 3 x = 2.864 n.s. *These data are controlled for household. Seven persons in the Non-Membership Group declined to disclose the average weekly take-home pay of the head of the house- hOld. hence the reduction of N in that column. A more complete description of the scale is in Appendix B-7. 547 TABLE 4.40--Annua1 Take-Home Pay of Head of Household by Group Non-Membership Group Membership Group Step Take-Home Pay Frequency Cum. % Frequency Cum. % 2 $15,080-$l9,965 2 100.1 3 $12,532-S15,028 3 94.8 3 99.9 4 $10,010-$12,480 6 86.9 2 89.9 5 $ 9,100-$ 9,984 2 71.1 6 83.2 6 $ 8,060-$ 9,048 7 65.8 4 63.2 7 $ 7,024-$ 8,008 2 47.4 3 49.9 8 $ 5,980-$ 6,968 5 42.1 4 39.9 9 $ 4,940-S 5,928 6 29.0 1 26.6 10 $ 3,900-$ 4,888 1 13.2 1 23.3 11 $ 2,600-$ 3,849 2 10.6 4 20.0 12 $ 1,300-$ 2,528 2 5.3 2 6.7 N = 38 N = 30 *This table is presented for information only. Controls have been made for household. In the Non-Membership Group seven persons either did not know or declined to re- late the actual take-home pay of the spouse, male head of the household. We did reduce the Non-Membership Group to an N of 30 by means of eliminating the last eight persons drawn in the random sample who are included in the Above table. After this we applied the Kolmogorov-Smirnov two-sample test for small samples and obtained a finding of no significance as we had with the x2 test presented in Table 4.39. We have elected to present the original data here because we feel it more informative. 548 TABLE 4.4l-—Summary of the Relative Strengths of the Significant Findings in Two by Two Tables Nos. 4.1-4.40 in Terms of Phi Coefficients Phi Table . P Coefficient Number Table Tltle Degree of integration into the < .001 .555 4.13 non-Indian society of the family of orientation by group < .001 .431 4.21 Current national Citizenship by group Less than half versus half or < .01 .371 4.18 more kinsmen remaining in one's rural tribal area by group < .01 .355 4.11 Reservation versus non-reservation place of soc1alization by group Less than half versus half or < .01 .346 4.20 more "best friends" living in one's rural tribal area by group Degree of Indian "blood" con- < .01 .273 4.6 trolled at the three-fourths level by group < .05 .237 4.22 Marital status by group1 < .10 .215 4.23 Non-Indian marriages by group ‘was one-tailed this would have been significant. ing such, it fails to reach the required level. 1These data are on married versus unmarried persons. 2Were we offering an operational hypothesis which Not offer- Nonetheless, because of the interest of many of our readers in these data, we list the findings here. when associated with a P of < when associated with a P of < .05. *The Phi Coefficient is indicative of the strength (3f the relationship, whereas P is indicative of our chances (If being correct when we assert significance. **We here interpret our phi's as very significant associated with a P of < last set of data all of these are two-tailed tests since “KB have previously offered no operational hypotheses on any. .001, as highly significant .01, and as significant when With the exception of the 549 TABLE 5.l--Disjunction Between Former Aspirations and Current Achievements in Education by Group . . . Non-Membership Membership DiSjunction Group Group Total Present 12 ( 30.8) 22 ( 68.8) 34 ( 47.9) Absent 27 ( 69.2) 10 ( 31.3) 37 ( 52.1) Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.1) 71 (100.0) df = 1 x2 = 10.234 P < .01 6 = .393 FE = 25.6 *This measure is based on a comparison of responses to Items 31 and 32 (Appendix B-l), the actual years con- cerned being reduced to a seven-step scale (Appendix B-6) and then dichotomized in the manner indicated above. **We found ourselves with a forecasting efficiency of 25.6 per cent gain over the expected 54.9 per cent in the direction of predictability toward affiliation with the organization. We also found, however, a 32.4 per cent gain over the expected 52.1 per cent in the reverse direction, i.e., the ability to predict responses on the basis of knowledge about the groups concerned. The pre- dictability thus favors the reverse direction. Our inability to use the measures we had hoped in the goal area of education was quite likely the reason for the measure we obtained. Our other tests in this area sub- stantiate the predictability of group membership in each case. 550 TABLE 5.2--Disjunction in Steps Between Former Aspirations and Current Achievements in Education by Group Disjunction Non—Membership Membership T t l in Steps Group Group 0 a 2, 3, or 4 steps 5 ( 12.8) 12 ( 37.5) 17 ( 23.9) One step 7 ( 12.9) 10 ( 31.3) 17 ( 23.9) None 27 ( 69.2) 10 ( 31.3) 37 ( 52.1) Total 39 ( 99.9) 32 (100.1) 71 ( 99.9) df = 2 x2 = 10.762 P < .01 6 = .389 FE = 25.6 *This measure is based on a comparison of responses to Items 31 and 32 (Appendix B-l), the actual years con- cerned being reduced to a seven-step scale (Appendix B-6). The Non-Membership Group showed only one response in step 3 and none in step 4, whereas the Membership Group showed one in step 3 and two in step 4. Because of the few in these categories, we included them in the manner indicated. **There is a gain in forecasting efficiency of a gain of 5.4 per cent from membership to response in contrast to the 25.6 per cent gain in the opposite direction. TABI£35.3--Former Educational Aspirations in Step by Group .Aspired Educational Non-Membership Membership Total Level Group Group College or profes- sional l ( 2.6) 12 ( 37.5) 13 ( 18.3) Cknnplete high school 28 ( 71.8) 15 ( 46.9) 43 ( 60.6) Less than a complete liigh school edu- catfirnI 10 ( 25.6) 5 ( 15.6) 15 ( 21.1) Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.0) 71 (100.0) df == 2 x2 = 14.686 P < .001 6 = .454 FE = 28.2 *These responses were gathered from the administra- ticnicaf Item 32 (Appendix B—1) and collapsed in a manner whirfli admitted the greatest efficiency in analysis. **There is no gain in forecasting efficiency moving from group membership to response. 551 TABLE 5.4-—Disjunction in Steps Between the Former Educa- tional Aspirations of Respondents and the Educational Achievements of the Heads of Their Families of Social- ization by Group Disjunction Non—Membership Membership T tal in Steps Group Group 0 3, 4, or 5 6 ( 21.4) 16 ( 61.5) 22 ( 40.7) 2 12 ( 42.9) 7 ( 26.9) 19 ( 35.7) None or one 10 ( 35.7) 3 ( 11.5) 13 ( 24.2) Total 28 (100.0) 26 ( 99.9) 54 (100.1) df = 1 x2 = 9.589 P < .01 6 = .421 FE = 35.7 *The measure of disjunction was obtained by a comparison of the responses of individuals to Items 32 and 45 (Appendix B-l), the same being reduced to seven- step scales (Appendix B-6). **The indicator used for the head of the family of socialization was the male head, ususlly father, or, lacking the same, the female head. ***The numbers in each of the groups is reduced be- cause of the inability of the respondents to state, from lack of knowledge, the educational achievement of the head of their families of socialization. ****Our raw data is interesting and Offers some additional insights into the data analyzed in the above table. The educational achievement of the heads of the fandlies of socialization was overwhelmingly at levels (5 (between 5 and 8 years of schooling completed) and 7 (none through 4 years finished), practically eliminating 'the utility of achievement as a control. There were, ludwever, some differences. Those for the Non-Membership (Eroup showed 11 at step seven, 10 at step Six, 6 at satep four, and 1 who had completed college. Those for the lMembership Group Showed 10 at step seven, 13 at step six, 1. at step five, 1 at step four (completed high school), and 1 who had completed college. *****There was no gain in forecasting efficiency in 'the reverse direction. 552 TABLE 5.5--Current Educational Aspirations for a Hypotheti- cal Son by Group . Non-Membership Membership Aspired Level Group Group Total Professional 1 ( 2.7) 9 ( 28.1) 10 ( 14.5) Complete college 23 ( 62.2) 16 ( 50.0) 39 ( 56.5) High school and/or some college 13 ( 35.1) 7 ( 21.9) 20 ( 29.0) Total 37 (100.0) 32 (100.0) 69 (100.0) df = 2 x2 = 9.312 P < .01 6 = .367 FE = 21.6 *These data were gathered in response to Item 40 (Appendix B-l) which were reduced to a seven-step scale (Appendix B-6). "Professional" refers to step 1. **We were "unable to ascertain" for two persons in the Non-Membership Group. The lumping of "some college" with a completed "high school" was done because we felt some lack of sincerity in the responses of those saying "some college" and because of the difference that a finished college education makes. ***There was no gain in forecasting efficiency in the ability to predict the response. 553 TABLE 5.6--Willingness of Respondents to Give Financial Assistance to Hypothetical Son in Gaining Their Aspired Education for Him by Group: Generalized for All Aspired Levels of Education Amount Respondent IS Non-Membership Membership T 1 Willing to Give Group Group ota fiiit (C' 3/4ths) or 10 ( 27.8) 17 ( 53.2) 27 ( 39.7) "About half" 15 ( 41.7) 8 ( 25.0) 23 ( 33.8) "None" or only a small part 11 ( 30.6) 7 ( 21.9) 18 ( 26.5) (C. l/4th) Total 36 (100.1) 32 (100.1) 68 (100.0) df = 2 x2 = 4.620 P < .10 6 = .256 FE = 19.4 *The data for this table came from the administra- tion of Item 41 (Appendix B-l). In each case we were careful to assert, "assuming you have the ability." We also drew a rectangle and divided it into four quarters, illustrating the meaning of the ordinal scale we were using. **We were "unable to ascertain" in the cases of three in the Non-Membership Group. Our raw data indicated, under these explanations, that in the Non-Membership Group two were willing to provide all the funds whereas in the Membership Group seven were willing to do the same. In the Non-Membership Group seven were unwilling to provide anything, whereas we found none in the Membership Group indicative of the same. We included "none" with "about l/4th" because, should the Situation perchance occur, we ‘were unwilling to assume the validity of "none." ***The data as it is presented here is essentially for information. There is a forecasting efficiency, :indicating ability to predict from group affiliation to .response, of 18.5-—near1y as great as in the direction <3f affiliation. 554 TABLE 5.7--Educational Aspirations for a Hypothetical Son and Willingness to Contribute Financially to It by Group _ —_-..- Aspired Amount Non-Membership Membership LGVEl Of HC‘lp Group Group TOtal Complete 3/4ths college to all 7 ( 17.9) 12 ( 37.5) 19 ( 26.8) or 1 h professional té4E/2 17 ( 43.6) 14 ( 43.8) 31 ( 43.7) Some college or Deleted 15 ( 38.5) 6 ( 18.8) 21 ( 29.6) high school Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.0) 71 (100.1) df = 1 x2 = 4.962 P < .10 6 = .299 PE = 12.8 *The data for this table is from Items 40 and 41 (Appendix B-l). **There is no predictability, i.e., gain via fore- casting efficiency, from the knowledge of group membership The gain in predictability suggests member- ship as the dependent variable. to response. TABLE 5.8--Unachieved Aspirations and Associated Occupation by Group Stress in Occupational Stress Non—Membership Membership Measure Group Group Total Present 9 ( 23.1) 18 ( 56.3) 27 ( 38.0) Absent 3O ( 74.9) 14 ( 43.8) 44 ( 72.0) Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.1) 71 (100.0) (if = 2 x2 = 8.119 P < .01 6 = .338 FE = 23.1 *Items 47, 50, 52 (Appendix B-l). **There is a Slight gain in forecasting efficiency frrnn a knowledge of group membership to response of 9.1 per cent. 555 TABLE 5.9--Occupational Aspirations, Full or Part-Time, by Group Non-Membership Membership Type of Work Group Group Total Full time 10 ( 43.5) 13 ( 59.1) 23 ( 51.1) Part time 6 ( 26.1) 7 ( 31.8) 13 ( 28.9) None 7 ( 30.4) 2 ( 9.1) 9 ( 20.0) Total 23 (100.0) 22 (100.0) 45 (100.0) df = 2 x2 = 1.903 n.s. *Item 49 (Appendix B-l). **These data are controlled for female respondents. TABLE 5.lO--Unachieved Aspirations and Associated Stress in Occupation, Controlled for Full-Time Work, by Group Occupational Stress Non-Membership Membership Total Measure Group Group Present 7 ( 17.9) 14 ( 43.8) 21 ( 29.6) Absent 32 ( 82.1) 18 ( 56.3) 50 ( 70.4) Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.1) 71 (100.0) (if = 1 x2 = 5.529 P < .02 6 = .279 FE = 43.6 *There is no gain in forecasting efficiency which gallows the prediction of response, given a knowledge of 7/l6ths degree of Indian "blood" who have tribal status but who lack descentants with the same. In this sense, Llacflcing heirs who can carry this status for them into the fllture I they are terminal. **There is no ability, using forecasting efficiency, t“) Ipredict response from a knowledge of membership as the data is arranged . 577 TABLE 5.50--Va1ence of Tribal Status by Group Valence Measure Non-Membership Membership Total Group Group Most intense 22 ( 56.4) 24 ( 75.0) 46 ( 64.8) Middle range 11 ( 28.2) 4 ( 12.5) 15 ( 21.1) Absent 6 ( 15.4) 4 ( 12.5) 10 ( 14.1) Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.0) 71 (100.0) 2 df = 2 x = 3.166 n.s. *Item 170 (Appendix B-l). The category "most intense" refers to step 5, "middle range" to steps 2, 3, and 4, and "absent" to steps 0 and 1. TABLE 5.51--Valence of Tribal Status, Dichotomized, by Group Valence Measure Non-Membership Membership Total Group Group Most intense 22 ( 56.4) 24 ( 75.0) 46 ( 64.8) Middle range and 17 ( 43.6) 8 ( 25.0) 25 ( 35.2) Absent Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.0) 71 (100.0) df = 1 x2 = 2.715 P < .10 6 = .196 FE = 5.1 measures of Table 5.50, intense" category for *This table uses the data and .being an effort to isolate the "most «comparison with other responses. **There is no forecasting efficiency measure which :indicates the ability to predict response, given knowledge <>f group membership. 578 TABLE 5.52-~Triba1 Marginality and Associated Stressl by Group Non—Membership Membership Stress Measures Group Group Total Present 0 ( 00.0) 10 ( 31.3) 10 ( 14.1) Absent 39 (100.0) 22 ( 68.8) 61 ( 85.9) Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.1) 71 (100.0) df = 1 x2 = 11.756 P < .001 6 = .407 FE = 25.6 1By definition this measure requires that individual respondents be measureable in a manner which allows the assumption of stress associated with the two variables: (1) the disjunction between aspirations and actuality in the maintenance of meaningful social relations with their rural tribesmen (Table 5.41), and (2) the loss of tribal status during one's lifetime (Table 5.47). *In the above analysis we have used corrections for continuity. **There is no forecasting efficiency score which indicates the ability to predict the response from a know- ledge of group membership. ***If we use the "lack of tribal status and associated stress" instead of the "loss" of such, as we have above, \ve add one person in the category "present" under the Non- .Membership Group and x2 = 10.851, P < .001, 6 = .391, FE2= 20.5, and there is no score on forecasting efficiency allowing prediction from group membership toward response. 579 TABLE 5.53--Triba1 Marginality (Relaxed)l and Associated Stress by Group Non-Membership Membership Stress Measure Group Group Total Present 8 ( 20.5) 19 ( 59.4) 27 ( 38.0) Absent 31 ( 79.5) 13 ( 40.6) 44 ( 62.0) Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.0) 71 (100.0) df = 1 x2 = 11.160 P < .001 6 = .396 FE = 28.2 1Our measure in this table requires that the respon- dent be scored in a manner which allows the assumption of stress associated with (1) the disjunction between aspira- tions and actuality in the maintenance of meaningful social relationships with his rural tribesmen (Table 5.41) and/or (2) the loss of tribal status during his lifetime (Table 5.47). *There is a measure of forecasting efficiency of 13.6 per cent which allows some predictability of response, given knowledge of group membership. TABLE 5.54--Triba1 Marginality (Maximal Relaxation)1 and Associated Stress by Group Non-Membership Membership Stress Measure Group Group Total Present 12 ( 30.8) 23 ( 71.9) 35 ( 49.3) Absent 27 ( 69.2) 9 ( 28.1) 36 ( 50.7) Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.0) 71 (100.0) (if = 1 x2 = 11.799 P < .001 6 = .405 FE = 28.2 1We require in this measure of maximal relaxation 'that the respondent be scored in a manner allowing the aassumption of stress in any one or more of the following aareas: (1) the disjunction between aspirations and achieve- Inent in the maintenance of meaningful social relations with 1115 rural tribesmen, (2) unachieved aspirations for living 1J1 his rural tribal area with his tribesmen prior to retire- nuent, (3) the disjunction between aspirations and expecta- 1;ions for retiring in his rural tribal area and among his tzribesmen, and (4) the loss of tribal status. *We have not hypothesized in this manner but suggest tjie approach as pertinent to "tribal marginality and asso- cxiated stress." There is a greater ,orecasting efficiency scnore, 38.9 per cent, indicative of ability to predict rwesponse from a knowledge of group membership 580 TABLE 5.55--Correlation of Associated Stress Measures in Class Mobility and Tribal Marginality by Group Stress Measures Non-Membership Membership T tal in Both Areas Group Group 0 Present 0 ( 00.0) 6 ( 18.8) 6 ( 8.5) Absent 39 (100.0) 26 ( 81.3) 65 ( 91.5) Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.1) 71 (100.0) df = 1 x2 = 5.768 P < .02 6 = .272 FE = 15.4 *The criteria used are those hypothesized and tested for (1) class mobility and associated stress (tested in Table 5.36) and (2) tribal marginality and associated stress (tested in Table 5.52). **There is no forecasting efficiency score which allows response to be predicted from a knowledge of group membership. ***Corrections have been used for continuity in anal- ysis. TABLE 5.56—~Correlation of Associated Stress Measures in Class Mobility and Tribal Marginality (Relaxed)l by Group Stress Measures Non-Membership Membership - Total in Both Areas Group Group Present 0 ( 00.0) 9 ( 28.1) 9 ( 12.7) Absent 39 (100.0) 23 ( 71.9) 62 ( 87.3) Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.0) 71 (100.0) (if = l x2 = 9.935 P < .01 6 = .374 FE = 23.1 1The criteria used in the relaxation of "tribal nuxrginality and associated stress" is presented and tested iri Table 5.53. *The criteria used for "class mobility and asso- cixated stress" are those of Table 5.36. **There is no score in forecasting efficiency indi-_ czairing ability to predict response, given knowledge of Inenfloership. 581 TABLE 5.57—-Correlation of Associated Stress Measures in Class Mobility and Tribal Marginality (Maximal Relaxation) by Group Stress Measures Non-Membership Membership Total in Both Areas Group Group Present 0 ( 00.0) 13 ( 40.6) 13 ( 18.3) Absent 39 (100.0) 19 ( 59.4) 58 ( 81.7) Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.0) 71 (100.0) df = 1 x2 = 19.155 P < .001 6 = .519 FE = 33.3 1The criteria used in the maximal relaxation of "tribal marginality and associated stress" have been pre- sented and tested in Table 5.54. *The criteria used for "class mobility and asso- ciated stress" are those of Table 5.36. **There is no score in forecasting efficiency indi- cative of the ability to predict response from a knowledge of group membership. TABLE 5.58—-Corre1ation of Associated Stress Measures in Class Mobility (Relaxed)l and Tribal Marginality (Relaxed)2 by Group Stress Measures Non-Membership Membership Total in Both Areas Group Group Present 3 ( 7.7) 17 ( 53.1) 20 ( 28.2) Absent 36 ( 92.3) 15 ( 46.9) 51 ( 71.8) Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.0) 71 (100.0) (if = 1 x2 = 17.998 P < .001 6 = .503 FE = 35.9 1The criteria used in the relaxation of "class rmobility and associated stress" are those used in Table 5.37. 2The criteria used in the relaxation of "tribal Inarginality and associated stress" are those used in Table 55.53. *There is a small score in forecasting efficiency, L3.9 per cent, indicative of a slight ability to predict inesponse from group membership. 582 TABLE 5.59--Corre1ation of Associated Stress Measures in Class Mobility (Relaxed)l and Relaxation) 2 Tribal Marginality (Maximal by Group Stress Measures Non-Membership Membership in Both Areas Group Group Total Present 3 ( 7.7) 21 ( 65.6) 24 ( 33.8) Absent 36 ( 92.3) 11 ( 34.4) 47 ( 66.2) Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.0) 71 (100.0) df = 1 x2 = 26.456 P < .001 6 = .610 FE = 46.5 1The criteria used in the relaxation of ginality and associated stress" are those used in Table 5.37. 2 sented and tested in Table 5.54. for the ability to predict response, given a knowledge of The criteria used for the maximal relaxation of "tribal marginality and associated stress" have been pre- "tribal mar- *There is a forecasting efficiency of 21.3 per cent group membership. TABLE 5.60—-Corre1ation of Associated Stress Measures: Unachieved Aspirations Associated with Relative Deprivation and Tribal Marginality (Maximal Relaxation)2 by Group Stress Measures Non-Membership Membership . Total in Both Areas Group Group Present 2 ( 5.1) 15 ( 46.9) 17 ( 23.9) Absent 37 ( 94.9) 17 ( 53.1) 54 ( 76.1) Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.0) 71 (100.0) (if = l x2 = 16.638 P < .001 0 = .484 FE = 38.5 tested in Table 5.38. 1The criteria used for "unachieved aspirations asso- caiated with relative deprivation" are those presented and 2The criteria used for "tribal marginality (maximal Italaxation)" are those used and tested in Table 5.54. *There is a zero score in forecasting efficiency jJuiicating inability to predict response in the above tsflale, given a knowledge of group membership. 583 TABLE 5.6l--Correlation of Associated Stress Measures: Unachieved Aspirations Associated with Experienced Discrim- ination for Being an Indian1 and Tribal Marginality (Maximal Relaxation)2 by Group Stress Measures Non-Membership Membership in Both Areas Group Group Total Present 2 ( 5.1) 19 ( 59.4) 21 ( 29.6) Absent 37 ( 94.9) 13 ( 40.6) 50 ( 70.4) Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.0) 71 (.00.0) df = 1 x2 = 24.641 P < .001 6 = .589 FE = 43.6 1The criteria used in "unachieved aspirations asso- ciated with experienced discrimination for being an Indian" are those presented and tested in Table 5.39. 2The criteria used for "tribal marginality (maximal relaxation)" are those used and tested in Table 5.54. *There is a forecasting efficiency score of 12.0 per cent indicating considerable lesser ability to predict response from a knowledge of group membership. 584 TABLE 5.62--Corre1ation of Associated Stress Measures: Unachieved Aspirations Associated with Experienced Discrim- ination for Being an Indian Prior to Detroit Immigration1 and Tribal Marginality (Maximal Relaxation)2 by Group _4_ 1 Stress Measures Non-Membership Membership T t 1 in Both Areas Group Group 0 a Present 2 ( 5.1) 18 ( 56.3) 20 ( 28.2) Absent 37 ( 94.9) 14 ( 43.8) 51 ( 71.8) Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.1) 71 (100.0) df = l x2 = 22.779 P < .001 6 = .570 FE = 41.0) 1The criteria used for "unachieved aspirations" were that the respondent be measureable in a manner allow- ing the assumption of stress in any single or combination of the goal areas of education, occupation, or pay. To this was added the criterion that he also has experienced discrimination for being an Indian prior to Detroit immi- gration without considering whether or not he has experi- enced the same while a resident of the metropolis. Data on this latter parallels that of Table 5.30. 2The criteria used for "tribal marginality (maximal relaxation)" are those used and tested in Table 5.54. *There is a measure of forecasting efficiency, 7.8 per cent, indicating a slight ability to predict re- sponse from a knowledge of membership. 585 TABLE 5.63--Corre1ation of Associated Stress Measures: Unachieved Aspirations Associated with Experienced Discrim- ination for Being an Indian During Detroit Residence1 and Tribal Marginality (Maximal Relaxation) by Group Stress Measures Non-Membership Membership T t l in Both Areas Group Group 0 a Present 1 ( 2.6) 15 ( 46.9) 16 ( 22.5) Absent 38 ( 97.4) 17 ( 53.1) 55 ( 77.5) Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.0) 71 (100.0) df = 1 x2 = 19.832 P < .001 6 = .529 FE = 35.9 1The criteria used in this first area parallel those of Table 5.62 except that here we deal with discrim- ination during Detroit residence, without regard to such prior to immigration. 2The criteria used for "tribal marginality (maximal relaxation)" are those used and tested in Table 5.54. *There is no measure in forecasting efficiency allowing the ability to predict response given a knowledge of group membership. 586 TABLE 5.64--Correlation of Associated Stress Measures: Unachieved Aspirations Associated with Experienced Discrim- ination for Being an Indian Prior to and During Detroit Residence1 and Tribal Marginality (Maximum Relaxation)2 by Group Stress Measures Non-Membership Membership T tal in Both Areas Group Group 0 Present 1 ( 2.6) 12 ( 37.5) 13 ( 18.3) Absent 38 ( 97.4) 20 ( 62.5) 58 ( 81.7) Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.0) 71 (100.0) df = l x2 = 14.140 P < .001 6 = .446 FE = 28.2 1The criteria used in this first area parallel those of Tables 5.62 and 5.63 except that we require that the individual experience discrimination for being an Indian both prior to and during Detroit residence--to which that of unachieved aspirations in the larger society in any of the goal areas is added. That on discrimination parallels Table 5.33. 2The criteria used for "tribal marginality (maximal relaxation)" are those used and tested in Table 5.54. *There is no score in forecasting efficiency allow- ing the ability to predict response from a knowledge of group membership. 587 TABLE 5.65--Correlation of Associated Stress Measures: Unachieved Aspirations in Class Mobility in the Larger Society1 with Tribal Marginality (Maximum Relaxation)2 by Group Stress Measures Non-Membership Membership T t 1 in Both Areas Group Group 0 a Present 8 ( 20.5) 23 ( 71.9) 31 ( 43.7) Absent 31 ( 79.5) 9 ( 28.1) 40 ( 56.3) Total 39 (100.0) 32 (100.0) 71 (100.0) df = 1 x2 = 18.733 P < .001 6 = .514 FE = 38.5 1We have suggested that measures in this first area do not relate specifically to Indians but are applicable generally to individuals in the contemporary U.S. society. Our criterion used here is that the respondent be measure- able, using our study design, in a manner allowing the assumption of stress associated with unachieved aspirations in any single or combination of the areas of occupation, education, and/or pay. Some greater detail is presented in Table 5.21. 2The criteria used for "tribal marginality and associated stress (maximum relaxation)" are those used and tested in Table 5.54. *There is nearly as great an ability to predict the response from a knowledge of group membership, forecasting efficiency is 35.0 per cent, as in the direction indicated under the table-~response to membership. 588 TABLE 5.66--Corre1ation: Between the Findings in Table 5.59 and the Degree of Integration into the Non-Indian Society of the Families of Orientation of the Membership Group "Best Friends" Assumed Stress (Table 5.59) Total of Parents Absent Present Indian friends equal to or more 10 ( 90.0) 20 ( 95.2) 30 ( 93.8) than white friends Mostly or all non- Indians 1 ( 9'1) l ( 4'8) 2 ( 6.3) Total 11 (100.0) 21 (100.0) 32 (100.1) df = 1 n.s. *The percentages in the cells immediately indicate the non-significance of these data. Comparisons may be made with Tables 5.67-5.72. **The data on the families of orientation by group (Table 4.13) without this correlation were highly signifi- cant. ***It is assumed that the "best friends" of a person are indicators of social relationships and that those of one's parents thus indicate the degree of integration of that family into the larger society in terms of social relationships. TABLE 5.67~-Correlation: 589 Between Findings in Table 5.59 and Current National Citizenship on the Membership Group Assumed Stress (Table 5.59) Citizenship Total Absent Present Canada 5 ( 45.5) 12 ( 57.1) 17 ( 53.1) United States 6 ( 54.6) 9 ( 42.9) 15 ( 46.9) Total 11 (100.1) 21 (100.0) 32 (100.0) _ 2 df — 1 x = .355 n.s *The data on citizenship were highly significant when tested by group (Table 4.21). TABLE 5.68--Correlation: Between Findings in Table 5.59 and Less Than Half Versus Half or More Kinsmen Remaining in the Rural Tribal Areas of the Membership Group Subjective Estimate Assumed Stress (Table 5.59) of the Ratio Total Remaining There Absent Present One-half or more 9 ( 81.8) 17 ( 81.0) 26 ( 81.3) Less than one-half 2 ( 18.2) 4 ( 19.0) 6 ( 18.8) Total 11 (100.0) 21 (100.0) 32 (100.1) df = 1 n.s. *The data on the relative ratio of kinsmen remain- ing in the rural tribal areas by group and apart from correlation were very significant (Table 4.18). 590 TABLE 5.69--Corre1ation: Between Findings in Table 5.59 and Reservation Versus Non-Reservation Place of Social- ization for the Membership Group Assumed Stress (Table 5.59) Type of Place Total Absent Present Reservation 5 ( 45.5) 13 ( 61.9) 18 ( 56.3) Non-reservation 6 ( 55.6) 8 ( 38.1) 14 ( 43.8) Total 11 (100.1) 21 (100.0) 32 (100.1) 2 df = 1 x = .276 n.s. *The test (Table 4.11) on reservation versus non- reservation place of socialization by group, but without the above correlation, showed the differences very signi- ficant. TABLE 5.70--Correlation: Between Findings in Table 5.59 and Less Than Half Versus Half or More of the "Best Friends of the Membership Group Living in the Rural Tribal Area Subjective Estimate Assumed Stress (Table 5.59) of the Ratio TOtal Absent Present One-half or more 2 ( 18.2) 15 ( 71.4) 17 ( 53.1) Less than one-half 9 ( 81.8) 6 ( 28.6) 15 ( 46.9) Total 11 (100.0) 21 (100.0) 32 (100.0) df = l x2 = 8.028 P < .01 6 = .501 FE = 14.3 *Should we correct this table for small numbers, continuity, the forecasting efficiency measures remain the same but we get: x2 = 6.812 P < .01 6 = .461 FE = 14.3 **These data were also very significant when tested by group but apart from the above correlation (Table 4.20). ***There is greater predictability (FE = 41.2) that those under stress will select friends in the rural tribal area than in the Opposite direction. 591 TABLE 5.7l--Correlation: Between Findings in Table 5.59 and Degree of Indian "Blood" Controlled at the Three- Fourths Level on the Membership Group Degree of Indian Assumed Stress (Table 5.59) "Blood" Total Absent Present 3/4ths - full 6 ( 54.6) 16 ( 76.2) 22 ( 68.8) l/4th - ll/l6ths 5 ( 45.5) 5 ( 23.8) 10 ( 31.3) Total 11 (100.1) 21 (100.0) 32 (100.1) 2 df = l x = .782 n.s. *When we tested the two groups for significant dif- ferences in the degree of Indian "blood" at the 1/4th level (Table 4.5) we found no differences except perhaps by chance factors. Our most effective measure was executed as above, but without the correlation here made, and we found then (Table 4.6) the differences very significant. TABLE 5.72--Corre1ation: Between Findings in Table 5.59 and Non-Indian Marriages for the Membership Group Assumed Stress (Table 5.59) Presence or Absence Total Absent Present Married to an Indian 4 ( 36.4) 10 ( 47.6) 14 ( 43.8) Not married to an Indian 7 ( 63.6) 11 ( 52.4) 18 ( 56.3) Total 11 (100.0) 21 (100.0) 32 (100.1) 2 df = 1 x = .052 n.s. *Our measures here on non-Indian marriages are slightly different from those previously made (Table 4.23) in that here we have included unmarried persons (women) with those "not married to an Indian" for the sake of numerical efficiency. In Table 4.23 we found significance only at the P < .10 level. Should we abstract the nine unmarried females from the above data there is a loss of three under the "absent" category and six under "present" but, when corrected for continuity, the measure of x is only .201 and still non—significant. APPENDIX D NOTES 592 593 APPENDIX D-l Loss of ability to do Indian dancing: ascribed to forced cultural change bnyhristian missions. The following are brief portions of statements which were tape recorded from our informants. a. Loss of Indian dancing in Michigan. " . . . it went out years ago on Sugar Island. The Catholic Church frowns on this, you know." . . even on Sugar Island it was illegal." "Over most of the Northern Peninsula it was prohibited. Indian dancing was interpreted as having to do with pagan religion and was denounced by both Catholic and Protestant groups. Of course, you know, Indians were not pagan. We never were pagan." "It died out in Traverse City and Dowagiac where the Roman Catholic Church would not permit what they said was 'pagan dancing.'" "In Michigan it was illegal." Loss of Indian dancing in Canada (areas adjacent to Michigan). "The Catholic Church disapproves of Indian dancing. It was lost for a good 40 years on Mantoulin Island." "I never danced in my life (until recently). That was taken away from us." ” . . . the United Brethren frowned upon dancing. They said, 'It was primitive. This Indian dancing, it was pagan rites.‘ A lot of people still think that this is pagan rites. It was taken away a long time ago on the Moravian Reservation." "Indian dancing went out years ago on the Moravian, Walpole, and Sarnia Reservations.” "The Anglican Church at Walpole would not permit it.6 That's why we had to learn our dancing all over again." Retention of Indian dancing. "Some of the Chippewa dancing was retained in Minnesota and Wisconsin and areas like that, but it was lost in the East (i.e., Michigan)." 594 "In northern Canada some Indian dancing is retained, where the missionaries didn't reach." "With the Longhouse it existed. You see, Longhouse existed among the Oneidas in Muncey. It also existed in Caughnawaga. This is what makes the Mohawks and the Oneidas and some of those people feel as they do, because they resisted white man's influence. They know they have been taught to resist it so more or less I do not think they want even to be bothered mixing with Indians who are influenced with whites." "Relearning" Indian dancing. "I just picked it up by research. Well, research from reading and study, from recordings of Indian dancing from the Smithsonian Institute. We don't dance . . . (our tribal) style. Most of the Woodland style dancing is fast. I don't mind a fast war dance because it is the same beat." "People can learn the western styles by just watching others because it hasn't died out in the Southwest and West like here." "It didn't die out in the West. I think this is why you find so many Indians in this area, and also the Indians of New York City, doing the western style dancing, wearing head bonnets, etc., that belong to the West; but especially I am talking about Indian dancing." APPENDIX D-2 Some comments on Kurath (1965). In all cases the page references refer to those in the above volume. a. p. 29. Bear dance. Kurath indicates that the bear dance no longer exists, even as a pow wow feature. We have observed on numerous occasions [54] perform this at the Detroit pow wow. p. 59. Lansing. Kurath indicates that the Grand River American Indian Society now (1966) has its head- quarters in Lansing, Michigan. She also indicates that this group held its first pow wow in Lansing in 1965. This might, quite innocently, convey the 595 impression to some that an organized urban group of Indians did not exist there prior to 1965. Our records indicate that a group had come into existence in Lansing by 1941 because on November 16, 1941 fifteen visitors from a club in Lansing visited, as a group, one of the meetings of the Detroit club. Also on March 22, 1942 representatives of the Lansing Indian Club were present inviting Indians in Detroit to the (American style) dance they were planning for April 4th. Quite likely this group was not the same as the one now centering its activities in Lansing. The earlier group evidently did learn some Indian dancing, probably not of the contemporary Pan-Indian type, through an emissary from the Detroit club. [17], of the Ottawas, had traveled considerably with the Hiawatha Pageant of Harbor Springs. It collapsed during World War II and he came to Detroit in 1942 where he lived till his death in 1949. He was very active in the Detroit group, serving as its president in 1943. We would date the following data from our paid infor- mant as about 1948. One of our respondents thinks that this group in Lansing was an offshoot from Mt. Pleasant and that [17]"taught them to dance." p. 58. Isabella Reservation. Kurath suggests that dancing activitiesgin southern Michigan appear first on the Isabella Reservation where a group in the 1930's "tried to recall or invent dances and scenes (pageants), or to transfer ideas from the Wisconsin Chippewa, notably an intelligent leader in Odanah, Frank Smart." She then tells us that the group "initiated programs on the Reservation" and at a later date one at Hastings. Evidently she attended events at Hastings in 1953 and 1966, about which she reports. She also says that ”these same performers have continued appear- ances on the (Isabella) Reservation, formerly on July 4 weekend, then after Labor Day, as a Harvest Cele- bration," which she evidently attended in 1966. This suggests that some sort of a program, which included Indian dancing, was begun on the Reservation in the 1930's and has continued. There is, however, some evidence to the contrary. The Indians at Walpole Island held very successful and well-known Indian shows in the 1920's (Appendix ' D-2d). Given considerable social intercourse between Isabella and Walpole, one cannot but wonder if events at Walpole were not related to those of Thomas, Pelcher, Quigno, and the Pamps to start Indian dancing at 596 Isabella. The Walpole show became extinct and it appears that the efforts at Isabella in the 1930's may also have failed for a while. Of these, Kurath mentions that Ben Quigno "got religion" and retired. Our data indicates that an emissary went from the Detroit group in 1946 to Isabella and organized a club. It is difficult to envision an Indian club on a small reservation such as this unless it is orga- nized around some special purpose such as the pre- sentation of Indian Programs. On the problem we offer the following data. The brothers, [1] and [2], were Chippewas from the Isabella Reservation who came to Detroit to work during World War II and became members of the club. [1], of interest to us here, was active in the club from its beginning through 1947, after which he retired to Mt. Pleasant. He was highly interested in matters pertaining to Indians and served on the Execu- tive Board of the club for four years. On March 17, 1946, he informed the club that he had organized a club in Mt. Pleasant and urged the Detroit club to write a letter of encouragement. Some of the members of the mother group were also from the Isabella Reser- vation and knew well whereof he was speaking. The club which [1] started in Mt. Pleasant evidently failed because we read in the Detroit News (January 6, 1950): MT. PLEASANT. Michigan Chippewa conduct first annual tribal pageant at Mt. Pleasant. Honorary membership awarded to Dr. E. C. Beck, head of Central Michigan College English Department. It should be noted that Michigan has had one federally~supported Indian school, no longer existent, and that it was at Mt. Pleasant. To this boarding school Indian children from the various tribes across Michigan came. On the possible relevance of this we offer the comment of Howard on factors which have quite likely contributed to the appearance of Pan—Indianism (Howard, 1955:219): Finally, I might mention Indian school contacts as a source of much pan-Indian feeling. Certainly the "Indian clubs" at schools such as Haskell and Chilocco have been responsible for a great deal of intertribal exchange of songs, dances, and costume styles. 597 pp. 49, 50. Walpole Island. Kurath quite correctly informs us that there have been long and important social relationships between persons at Isabella and at Walpole, especially on the occasions of the camp meeting or the revival meeting. From the data which we have we offer the following outline of events at Walpole (cf. Appendices D-18, D-28, D-29, and D-30). 1. Formerly the members of the reservation put on shows which ceased, and with their closure the ability to do Indian dancing was all but lost. In 1966 one informant said that "A lot of the people at Walpole used to dance long ago. Some 40 or 45 years ago when they had Indian dancers and an Indian band in full regalia, they put on Indian shows. The Tashmoo boat from there to Detroit was where many white people saw the Indians dance." 2. Around 1948 [17] went to Walpole to give instruc- tion in Indian dancing. 3. [4] claims to be instrumental in teaching or at least stimulating Indian dancing on Walpole. The remarks of [4] refer to approximately 1954. The dancing evidently failed to continue. The para- phrase which follows is illustrative of the missionary activity and code employed. "Years ago they used to hire me to get a group to put on a program for Walpole and I usually talked to them first before I started the program. I remember they had a program once, and they asked me out there. The chief and the whole council were present and I told them, 'You know, this looks ridiculous when you come to think of it. Here I am, I am an Indian, these are my kids, the kids I have brought here to dance. These kids were raised in a white man's city. They go to white man's schools. They are living in an abso- lute white man's community, and yet these kids know their traditions. They can Indian dance, and they have their customs, and they can do all- this. You have to come to me in a big city like Detroit to come and dance for you your dances. On your reservation what do I see--nothing but Indians--you have to let the white man run your lives. They have taken away your culture. I 598 should be coming here from the city to you? Here you have this background. I'm not that old. I can remember when your leaders sponsored dancing. What has happened to you people? You have gotten to the place where you are ashamed to be Indians. Here you have come to me. I live in a white man's world and I am more Indian than you are!‘" 4. According to their flyers advertising the pow wow, the second was in 1966, making the first in 1965. It was derived essentially from the North American Indian Association. That group had been instru- mental in starting the Toronto club. [4] had worked with the [24] family in starting the Mantoulin pow wow. [24] had moved from Mantoulin to Toronto where he got the Toronto pow wow started. The group at Walpole copied both Toronto and Detroit. p. 60. Semi-monthly meetings of the North American Indian Association. Kurath informs us that the North American Indian Club "found a sponsor in the downtown Y W C A , and has held regular meetings there, usually once a month on Sundays . . . " Her data on the fre— quency of their meetings is in error. Since its beginning in 1940 the club has met semi-monthly, the first and third Sundays, and has held additional meetings when necessary. Only rarely does it forego one of the semi-monthly meetings, this being because of holidays and a conflict in schedule such as a pow wow. Prior to each is a dance rehearsal of about two hours. Theoretically, the first meeting of the month is for business and the second for recreation. In actuality most are called for business. The dance rehearsal is called for 4:30 p.m., the dinner which has been prepared by some of the member families for 6:30, and the business meeting for 7:30. Usually they last until about 10:00, but more often extend to 10:30 or 11:00 than fall at 9:00 or 9:30. It also has a wide variety of other activities which mean that those who carry most of the load wind up spending a minimum of a day or two per week in work of some sort associated with it. p. 60. Theatrical qualities of the Detroit pow wow. Kurath refers correctly to the theatrical qualities of the contemporary Michigan pow wow, even saying, "The' pow wow is now a theatre" (p. 78). In our text we indicate that while this is true it is more than a mere theatre to many who perform. Of the Detroit pow wow she comments, "The numbers on the programs-- recently at Ford High School--are as cosmopolitan as 599 the membership. They are essentially the same (see Appendix D-45 for an illustrative and typical program) as those in the list of the Grand River American Indian Society, minus some Algonquian numbers, but enriched by the presentations of the visiting groups. In this stage setting the atmosphere is more formal than at Hastings" (p. 60). We have attended a number of pow wows, outdoor as well as that of the Detroit Association. There are differences, part of which arise out of the setting, whether reservation or non-reservation, whether con- ducted in an open field or in an auditorium atmosphere. These differences call for differing types of activi— ties and offer differing theatrical possibilities. The Ford High School is located in a modern middle class all white neighborhood on the edge of Detroit. It is a well-designed modern building with an audi- torium capable of seating around 2,500 persons, and has an ample parking lot. When one enters the vesti- bule in the front he stands beside the ticket window. Having paid the required "donation," he turns to see the large and well lighted vestibule filled with well dressed visitors chatting at the booths which are arranged along the walls. The North American Indian Association always has a booth with items of the traditional Indian cultures which have been loaned by the members with [55], who is both interested in such and has learned to make Indian arrowheads, caring for the display. It also has a table of greeting cards for sale, silk screened, and one of Indian crafts, cared for by [29], and others. [47], long a member and recently moved back to Petoskey, formerly cared for an Association table but now usually has her own. Visiting Indians set up their tables on which they also offer items for sale. These will represent various groups from Walpole, Chicago, etc. Mt. Pleasant is always attended by [49], the Saginaw Valley Band of Chippewa by [15], and the Caughnawaga Reservation by [56], currently in Detroit and member of the Association. Usually other tables will represent groups from perhaps Hastings, Lansing, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Mantoulin Island, etc. All persons behind the tables are costumed. ‘ The large high school offers dressing rooms for the various groups and ample dining facilities-~open with free meals by the Association to Indian participants only. 600 Ushers await the visitor to take his ticket, offer him a printed program, and to conduct him to his seat in the rather ornate and very comfortable auditorium. [46], professional entertainer, usually is master of ceremonies. All of the theatrical facilities of the school are used, including its loud Speaking system and its unusual lighting system. The use of diverse and varying lighting effects alone enhances the theatrical quality of the performance. At the back of the rostrum are two tipis which were made by members of the Association, including ourselves, beside which are drums, hoops, etc. At the front of the rostrum are two small totem poles on either side. Also at the front on either side are the two flags, the American and the Indian (see frontispiece), left after the Grand March (Appendix D-l6). p. 60. MIDA. Kurath's statement that "Reciprocally, Detroit dancers and singers have accepted invitations to dance . . . for powwows of M I D A, a metropolitan association of White dancers of Indian steps" might convey misunderstanding to some readers. The Metro- politan Indian Dancing Association extends invitations to Indians across the metropolis to participate, but the North American Indian Association does not as a group cooperate, although we did find three members who have once or twice. Refusal to cooperate is associated with feelings of social distance and resent- ment toward non-Indians who dress as Indians and do Indian dancing. Kurath notes a completely different attitude on the part of Indians toward White performers of their dances (p. 82): The Indians' chief criticism of White imitators is their overattention to steps and posture intricacies of fancy war dancing, with consequent tension and self-consciousness. This may describe the attitudes of Indians elsewhere, but the Detroit Association resents this highly simply because they View that as non-Indians Whites have no right to Indian dances. We have listened to their conversations in meetings on several occasions in which they admit that non-Indians sometimes do Indian dancing better than Indians. This admission is usually to stir their members to do better. We have also heard them” talk of White professionals attending Indian dances with motion picture equipment and tape recorders and then stealing the Indian dances and learning them themselves and thereby gaining financial rewards. 601 According to its flyer MIDA had its first "pow wow" in 1957. If this is true it antedates that of the Association by two years. We do not know what sort of meeting it refers to under "pow wow" or whether these have been continuous. We doubt if it were intertribal in the sense that is the North American Indian Associ- ation which sends notices to tribes, reservations, urban clubs, etc. We do find two interesting comments which indicate that the Association has as a group never cooperated. 1. In 1959 the professional worker at the Y.W.C.A. wrote, " . . . desires prestige for the club through his dance troop and is jealous of MIDA, a commercial outfit which puts on Indian dances" (By permission). 2. On May 1, 1966, we sat beside [38] at a business meeting when someone announced the coming "pow wow'l of MIDA. A silence fell over the group, no one offering comment. We spoke to [38] saying that perhaps some of the Indians were there. He looked at us very seriously saying, "Only the sinners." After the meeting, significantly, we were given the notice. It had been addressed to the Association but, probably due to the chilly reception, it was never delivered. pp. 59, 60. Best dance group in Michigan. Of the Grand River American Indian Society which recently moved its headquarters to Lansing and started its pow wows there in 1965 Kurath notes (p. 59): During rehearsals they have improved their tech- niques. They have made fine costumes. What with their strict rules of sober behavior and their excellent organization, they have become the best dance group of Michigan. Of the Detroit group she comments, " . . . they are approaching the status of professionals" (p. 60). These remarks are, we think, unfortunate. Some Detroit Indians are indeed very good, but we would not know what criteria to use in assessing "profes- sional." We know of none today who contemplate doing Indian dancing as an occupation, i.e., profession, or means of earning a living. To determine which group is best would be, it seems, especially hazardous since so much would depend on where one judges the 602 Indian dancing, the personnel which are or are not present in each dancing group, etc. Here we make a few observations. 1. The North American Indian Association in Detroit has been holding dance rehearsals regularly since at least 1952. Usually these have been for a minimum of two hours twice a month prior to its meetings. Sometimes these have been held as often as twice a week. Often they last considerably longer than two hours. The Detroit group is well organized. The North American Indian Club was started in order to attract Indians out of bars. It never has attempted to be anything like a temperance union but it is known for its sober behavior and orderly conduct. It always hires a police guard at its dances on New Year's, etc., and does not hesitate to eject Indians showing intoxication or who become unruly in behavior. Some of the members do not drink at all, asserting that alcohol has been one of the things which White man brought to Indians which has been most harmful. The North American Indian Club started with a group of professional and semi-professional Indian dancers. Most died or left and [39] and [38] took their place, and [23] remained. Also included are several other families. [38] is one of the best drummers and singers in the area, being requested to drum and sing in Mantoulin, Toronto, Walpole, and Sarnia. He travels as far as Oklahoma and Taos. Recently he returned from Tama, Idaho, having taken an active role there. [39] usually teaches dancing while [38] drums and sings. [39] has traveled as widely as [38], has been for several years Mid- western dancing champion, has won the international (Canada and United States) championship, and has taken first place at Petoskey, Chicago, Detroit, and at Tama, Idaho. [48] and the Shawano dancers are also members of the Detroit group. We could enumerate a number of other excellent dancers in the Association should we choose. Also, [16] is still in the Association. [56], Mohawk from Caughnawaga, is an excellent dancer, sometimes teaching Mohawk dances. 603 In her photos of Indian dancing at Fulton and Lansing we notice a number of dancers from the Detroit group, especially at Fulton. There are some also at Fulton from Walpole Island. Some of the Detroit group are at Isabella (p. 123). The "Indian flag" (see frontispiece) of which we spoke appears in a photo (p. 115) as does the Medicine Man's Dance (p. 115). When some Potawa- tomi escaped the U.S. army at Chicago while being moved to Kansas, some fled to "Indiantown" near Athens, Michigan, and others to Walpole Island. It is not surprising, therefore, to find Indians from Walpole at Fulton (pp. 111-121) or from the Hastings-Hopkins area. We are impressed that there is something of a Pan-Indian subsociety in Michigan something like that which Howard (1955) and Newcomb (1955 and 1956) found in Oklahoma. Unless one knows these Indians quite well it is difficult to separate them into categories such as tribe, point of origin, etc. Indians from all these areas visit at the Detroit pow wow and dance. All are welcome to participate in the contests for women, men, and children. At these contests the judges are selected very care- fully. They arrive at their decisions independently and then collaborate. Great care is taken to avoid bias because of intergroup relationships and possible factions. [39] could probably win most of the men's contests but he deliberately refuses to compete or else disbars himself to allow others to win. When we thought about the Detroit contests we could not recall any from the Grand River group who have ever won. We checked our opinion with [29] and [57] to be confirmed by both in our appraisal. [57] admitted that they are good, and [29] gave them "A" for effort, saying they are now rehearsing more than the Detroit group. We do not think that anyone should say which group in the State is best for a variety of reasons: a. Persons of differing ability come from the various areas to pow wows here or there. Some of these are only learning whereas some are quite proficient. ' b. Groups out-state may know some of the Michigan dances better, or they may not, than Indians in Detroit and similar areas. On the other 604 hand, Indians in Detroit may know some of the dances from the Southwest or Canadian areas better than Indians out-state. c. There is apt to be considerable fluctuation from year to year which Indians from which group attend what pow wow. d. It is probably better to consider individual Indian dancers or groups of Indians who make up trios, duets, etc., and put on special numbers. It would take considerable work with clearly defined criteria to evaluate such. e. If one is prepared to be the cause of possible factions between Indians or Indian groups then one should state which is better. If one desires to avoid this he should exercise cau- tion. Unless the Indians of Michigan clearly agree among themselves which is the best group, and we doubt if they do, one runs the risk of considerable controversy and possible refutation. p. 80. Creation Myth. "The Creator Sings for Three Races," by Eli Thomas and related by Kurath is used to show that others besides Indians may do Indian dances. We also collected the Creation Myth but minus the element on singing. This may be significant because the North American Indian Association does not appreciate non-Indians doing Indian dancing. Ours, in fact, has the notion of racial separatism in it. The following is from [4]. "Do you know why the Indian land means a lot to the Indians? Because our legend of creation tells us that the Great Spirit created us in His own image out of the earth. The earth became our mother and He is our Father. This is our legend. In creation the first man was white, and the second one in his ovens he forgot and was burnt black, and the next one he watched very carefully until it was toasted a golden brown. The first man was discontented and his eyes wandered always to the snows of the north, the second one's eyes went to the sun of the south, and neither was content with the beautiful land with all the animals and all the trees and rivers and everything else. They did not pay any attention to it. It didn't appeal to them. He made the last man because He loved these things and He wanted someone to enjoy 605 them, and the first two didn't. The third man that He made loved everything: the flowers, the trees, and everything. He loved the animals and would talk with them and take them as pets. He treated them as though they were his brothers and took care of them. Then the Great Spirit gave each a mate, and to the first he said, 'I will give you your mate and you take your blanket and go to the snows of the north where you will find your 1ands.' So the first departed for the snows of the north. The next one had black complexion with the crisp burnt hair. He departed with his mate, took his blanket and went to the suns of the south, to the hot country, and there the Great Spirit gave him his land. To the one who was baked nice and brown he gave this country--to him and his mate to have for all time. This is the reason that the Indian loves North America better than any country in the world." p. 59. Grand Valley American Indian Lodge. Kurath suggests that "John Bosin . . . started his Michigan career as accompanist for the Grand Valley American Indian Lodge.“ Our data suggests that he was, prior to this, anxious to start a group in Grand Rapids and came to the North American Indian Association for help which, according other help also, advised against the inclusion of non-Indians. Back in Grand Rapids, the group organized with non-Indians as members and split, the Indians becoming the Nish na bah dancers, probably being the same as or the forerunner of the Grand River American Indian Society, now in Lansing. We offer the following data from our informants. 1. "I know when [52] came to Detroit and he was asking all about the Indians and he was thinking of starting this, because he is from Oklahoma, he wanted to start the one in Grand Rapids. I said that there are Indians other than Ottawas. His wife is Michigan Chippewa (Mt. Pleasant). He said there are Potawatomi and other Indians in that area and he wanted to form an Indian club. Anyway, I gave him a copy of our constitution and answered his questions about the Whites, showing him why we didn't admit them. I said it was because we wanted to keep our club Indian. I told him what happened in the Chicago Council Fire. I said, 'This is why we want to keep our clu Indian. I o o o ' 606 2. "Yes. The Grand Rapids club was started by our help too, but they wouldn't listen. I told them to make sure that all their officers could only be Indians, and I said, 'Don't just let anybody join--intermarriage yes, but hold your elective officers to Indians in order to survive. You could probably survive if you permit Whites to join and take office, but you will become a White organization if you do.’ They went back to Grand Rapids and started this organization. The His- torical Society decided to sponsor them. They could meet in the museum and all this and that, you know. Then all these historical guys got coming to it and, since they were the controlling power, they let them join. Pretty soon the Indians were pushed into the background and they rebelled. When they started having their dances the histori- cal people were all in there dancing, and they got White people to dance, and the Indians got mad and quit. Then the Indians started their own group. The name of the old group was the Grand Valley Lodge. The name of the group that busted away was the Nish ba nah Dancers." (NOTE: The requirements of the North American Indian Association are and have been l/4 or more Indian blood, as is the newly organized Grand River American Indian Association in Lansing.) p. 57. Petoskey. We do not know the date when the programs—under the Ottawas started in Petoskey. Kurath mentions one in July of 1965 at the high school there with the proceeds going into a scholarship fund and also the connection with Detroit. The Northern Ottawa have long had satisfying relationships with the Detroit group. Our data indicate that in 1961 the Association entered its princess in the Michigan Indian Princess Contest. Because of the very close similarity to, the subsequent data to, and the close relationships with the Detroit group it appears that the Petoskey program may be modeled after the Detroit pow wow. We would not wish, however, to specify the actual con- nection. 607 APPENDIX D-3 Alternate explanation of the origin of the North American Indian AssociatIon. The professional worker at the Y.W.C.A. most closely identified with the Association, probably on know- ing the type of explanation which we were receiving from the members, has indicated to us on at least three differ- ent occasions that the real story is somewhat different from what the old members might tell us. She asserted that many Canadian Indians were immigrating to Detroit about the time of World War II and earlier and that she is of the opinion that the Canadian government appealed to the B.I.A. to send a representative into the city to help them adjust. When we inquired about the drinking problem she concurred that such might have entered into the thinking of [3] but that there was more to it than simply this. On the first of these occasions she offered to open for us all of the records of the Y.W.C.A., a concern for accuracy. A careful reading, however, of the records failed to provide any data on the thesis. In order to inquire further we wrote to the Bureau of Indian Affairs in Washington, D.C., for any data which it might have on the subject only to be informed that several Bureau and National Archives sources had been checked, but, unfortunately, the Bureau could find no correspondence with the North American Indian Club of Detroit under any of its names. This was not a little perplexing since the Association has communicated directly with the B.I.A. by mail on numerous occasions, since it has frequently had personnel from the Bureau as speakers at its annual banquets, even the Commissioner; and since we have looked at hand written communication from the Bureau to the Association, even to the possibility of its opening a relocation office in Detroit. Our third source of data, the original members, appeared without knowledge of the interest of the Canadian government in the formation of the club. A consideration of the wording of the Preamble of the first constitution of the Association, presented in Chapter II, does suggest some credibility in the suggestion of the Y.W.C.A. representative. 608 APPENDIX D-4 Reasons why the Association was advised against affiliation with the Fireside Council of—Chicago and whyfiit refuses to allow non-Indians toIbe mefibers. The following are portions of statements which 'were tape-recorded from our informants and given for added insights. a. "Our group isn't older than the Fireside Council. Where they meet, I don't know. Now the Fireside Council was formed before us, and we did not want to follow their example and go into their pitfalls. See, the Fireside group in Chicago originally was for Indians, but it was opened to Whites and they were fostered with White money. People with money and others interested in anything Indian came in, and they had no restrictions in their constitution. Pretty soon your ruling body was White and the more backward Indians withdrew. It was no longer an Indian organization." "We learned a lesson from that group. We knew like them that we'd be faced with problems. Pretty soon you're not going to attract just the plain old ordinary Indian. He actually, basically deep down inside him, he doesn't want White companionship-- none of it. He wants to come in and be with Indians and govern himself. Indians basically have been under the thumb of the White man too much--and then they have come out and are making their living with a White boss over you and all of this. If you want a White person over you in an organization, you can easily join a veterans' organization or some other organization. I am interested in the Indians for the purpose that I would like to see them remain Indian and retain their Indian values and culture and heri- tage and yet be able to afford that which is good of the White man's civilization to advance his own. I think this is the heart of the feeling of the Indian club." 609 APPENDIX D-5 Continued attitudes of the rejection ofrpersons of less than one-fourth degree ofVIndian "blood' as members of’ the Association. The North American Indian Association is willing to accept non-Indians who are married to their members as associate members or selected non—Indians who are highly esteemed and valued occasionally as honorary mem- bers. The latter involves recommendation by the Executive Board, vote of the body, sponsorship by one who is a long and reputed member of the organization, and finally adoption "as a member of the tribe of the person sponsoring him." In no case can any of these hold elected office. Furthermore, honorary membership can be removed should the Association be displeased at some time by said person. We have also been in attendance at meetings where persons have sought membership and asserted their Indianness but who were refused because of the suspicion that such lacked the requisite degree of Indian genes. On one such occasion one of the members literally broke down and cried to think that such would even be considered, asserted that she wanted and thought this was an Indian club. Even the suspicion that an individual poses as Indian when he lacks the requisite causes immediate hostility. APPENDIX D-6 Factionalism between U.S. and Canadian Indians. The following was prepared by the professional worker of the Y.W.C.A. at the time (By permission): "Several problems have arisen in the group and certain conflicts of personalities. Part of these arose from the selection of the Indian princess and part I believe from the fact that the men who have come back from the army are perhaps a bit anxious to take over the leadership from the women who carried on so ably during the war. There is also a long standing diffi- culty which arises at various points between the Canadian Indians and those who were originally United States citizens, but this difficulty is not fundamental, and with wise leadership can be resolved. The last meeting in June struck a note of harmony and I believe with the election in the fall of new officers they will go forward to a new year with good promise." 610 APPENDIX D-7 Speeches and demonstrations on Indian cultureL excepting dancing, given at meetings of the Nortli American Indian Association from 1940 through 1947. 2/ 9/41 3/ 9/41 12/ 4/41 3/ 8/42 4/19/42 4/19/42 3/23/41 12/ 3/44 12/ 4/44 1/11/45 1/21/45 4/ 1/45 4/ 1/45 10/ l/45 10/ 1/45 2/17/46 3/17/46 3/17/46 4/21/46 2/16/47 Speech, "Indian Art" Speech on Indians and the playing of Indian music Speech, "The Sioux on the Rosebud Reservation" Speech, "Contributions of Indians to U.S. Society and Culture" Speech, "The Chickasaw of Oklahoma" Rendition of Indian songs Demonstration of an Indian drum to the club Speech, "Origin of the Head Dress, Indian Flag and Swastika" Speech, "Sioux Rain Symbol" Entertainment with Indian songs Indian arrow head display Lecture on and demonstration on Indian archery Speech, "Indian Archery" Oneidas, sing hymns in the Oneida language Speech, "Famous Old Indian Chiefs" Speech, "The Miami Tribe" Speech, "The Potawatomi Tribe" Speech, "Origin and Life of the Cheyenne" Speech, "The History, Hobbies and Customs of the Cayuga Indians" Indian movies APPENDIX D-8 A chronological listing of all references to Indian dancing in the North American Indian Association from 1940 through 1947. 9/19/40 2/ 9/41 4/19/42 a. Organizational meeting. [14] (Ojibway from the Muncey Reservation) and [15] (chief of the Saginaw Valley Band of Chippewas in Michigan) from St. Charles did a few Indian dances in native costume. b. [16], an Oklahoma Cherokee who had broadcasted over WMBC, and several children did the stomp dance which was enjoyed by everyone. c. Shooting act by [16]. He also did the stomp dance, in which some of the members partici- pated. 1/11/45 11/ 1/45 ll/l6/47 d. e. f. 611 [17] (Ottawa from northern Michigan) was chosen to be in charge of an Indian floor show for the coming Valentine's Dance. After the meeting was adjourned [l9] and [11] (both Mohawks from the Caughnawaga Reservation) entertained with Indian songs and dances. The Arrow Dance was performed by some of the children. All these children were descen- dants of migrants from the Santa Domingo Pueblo save one, a descendant from a migrant Pima who had lived in a California mission. APPENDIX D-9 A chronological listing of all references to Indian pro- grams and similar activities of the North American Indian Association from 1940 through 1947. 1/ 7/45 8/23/45 6/17/46 10/ 6/46 11/ 3/46 1/19/47 10/ 9/47 a. The club decided to hold an Indian Bazaar on February 18th. There were to be booths for baked goods, fancy work, Indian handi- crafts, and "Grandma's Party" of jams, jellies, preserves, etc. An Indian Concert was given at the Nor-Wayne Project Auditorium with proceeds going to the current expenses of the baseball team. [19] suggested starting an Indian orchestra. [12] reported that the Banquet Committee was planning an outstanding affair and seeking Indian talent for the program. Motion made by [20] that the club sponsor an Indian Bazaar at the Central Y.W.C.A. Announcements: Anyone interested in a club orchestra or an Indian play were to consult [21] and [19] (Mohawks from the Caughnawaga Reservation). ' [22] told about Indian performers being wanted at Third and Stimson for Halloween program. The president appointed [20] to arrange for it. 612 11/16/47 h. There was a discussion about holding an all- Indian program later in the year. The stage was to be decorated with Indian scenery and all organizations in the city were to be notified. The admission charge was to be $1.10. APPENDIX D-lO Sault Ste Marie, Ontario. Very likely Sault Ste Marie receives immigrants from both the reservations on Mantoulin Island and at Blind River, Ontario. Kurath (1966:58) indirectly vouches for the validity of part of the data which we offer. [24] was very interested in starting Indian dancing on Mantoulin Island. His entire family are excellent dancers and our data indicate that [25], his son, started the pow wow on Mantoulin with the aid of his sister [26], daughter of [24], in the 1960's. [26] was also instru- mental in starting the pow wow in Toronto, Canada. In 1944 [24] was living at the Sault but he came to Detroit in order to receive assistance in starting a club back home. On February 20, 1944, he attended the club for the express purpose of communicating his desire to organize an Indian club such as it in the 800. He was given a copy of one of the club constitutions. APPENDIX D-ll A chronological account of speakers dealing with super- tribal issues. 11/30/41 [7] from St. Thomas, Ontario, [8] from Detroit, and [9] were present. [7] was asked to say a few words to the club. He mentioned some of the Indian Treaties which were broken when the governments of both the United States and Canada decided to govern the Indians. (NOTE: This has been a persistent concern of Indians in Detroit and the data is given here not because the speaker represents a supertribal group or that a call to supertribal unity was given, but because the issues are supertribal and important, especially in understanding Canadian Indians.) 613 1/21/45 [18] spoke in regards to the Indian Rights Bill to be brought up before the House Committee. 9/16/45 [10] of Kansas City was the first speaker. He was secretary of the Indian League of the United States. He urged the Indians to make a united effort and fight for their rights which were promised in the various treaties signed by the U.S. Government. [7] spoke on the same topic in regard to Canadian-born Indians. [11], a Mohawk of the Six Nations of Canada, spoke on the same subject. [10] also read letters which had been drafted by their united effort. These letters were to be sent to President Truman of the United States and Prime Minister Mackenzie, King of Canada. [12], a Sioux, urged the members to forget their tribal differences and unite in a joined effort to obtain the legal rights promised them in their treaties. 3/17/46 [12] read an editorial about Indians and their rights and spoke about the stand Indians should take. 1/19/47 One of the visitors represented the League of North American Indian Nations and invited all to join this "very worthwhile thing" for the Indians. He also joined the N.A.I.C. APPENDIX D-12 Some comments on the difficulty of_getting the Indians to integrate in the years 1944-1947. The following comments are taken from the reports of the professional workers at the Y.W.C.A. who had the responsibility of working with the club (By permission): January 1946. "There is need for including this group in any attempts we may make for interracial education." June 1946. "The place of this club in the Business and Industrial Department is still a questionable matter. They are not a group which can be integrated into a program of Business and 614 Professional or Industrial Girls. . . . They are particularly eager to have a club home for Indian people who come to the city and to keep alive some of the Indian culture. They are also interested in the problems which the Indians as a minority group face. . . . Eventually they may wish to meet elsewhere but as long as they do meet in the building a staff member needs to have a good working relationship with them. . . . To what extent this can be continued should be a question of study, perhaps with the Council of Social Agencies, but certainly there should be no abrupt breaking off of relations . . . a race which does not easily mix and needs special help . . . " December 1946. ". . . They are still very shy of any contact with other groups which results in a great reluctance amounting almost to an apathy towards the total community at large." APPENDIX D-l3 On the effect of the winter blizzards of 1947 on the Navahos When the members of the North AmefiCan Club learn of it. The following account is taken from the December report for 1947 of the professional worker of the Y.W.C.A. (By permission): They are also doing much service work amongst their own people both here in Detroit and elsewhere. The plight of the Navaho Tribes has really excited their feelings of resentment and persecution against the "Pale Faces" in Washington and the country at large. We are trying to form a committee to work with the Public Affairs Committee in an effort to find some direction in which to move. Nothing has come out of this so far. 615 APPENDIX D-14 Letter from the treasurer announcing proposed changes in tHe North American Indian Club (Mimeographed): December 1, 1948 Dear Friend: At the next meeting, Sunday, December 5, an impor- tant change in the policy of the North American Indian Club is to be brought up. You are specially invited to attend this meeting.--To offer any suggestions and to have a say as to what is being contemplated. The meeting will be open to anyone. . . . The office of the club president is vacant. If you have a qualified candidate, rush right down to this meeting. There is an opportunity with distinc- tion to serve the Indian people. . . . In the past, this club has been mainly social. There has existed a need for a broader and more con- structive aim. Many Indian people have suggested such a thing. The time has come for this move. This letter proposes a suggestion. However, as far as I know ALL FORMER CLUB ACTIVITIES AND POLICIES WILL STILL BE CARRIED OUT AS BEFORE EXCEPT THAT WE WILL ADOPT SOMETHING NEW TO WORK TOWARDS. One major club objective is proposed herewith which in our opinion should be stressed and a great deal more activity should be had. The promotion of Indian Rights. In this respect, I think we should formulate an objective. Some policy on which we can get a common agreement, I propose this one: To keep ourselves informed on pending bills in Congress regarding Indian affairs. On this score-- to get the opinions of Indians in Detroit who belong to the tribes or sections of the country the particu- lar bill refers. Also to contact the tribal council and authorities back in the reservation to which the legislation refers. With this information we could be in a position to make an intelligent stand; and it would be my opinion that the club should discuss these measures at committee meetings, the committee should report to the club their majority opinion and the club should take that stand. 616 Another point that should interest us here in Detroit is the possibility of the settlement of any Indian Treaty claims that the rights and privileges of Indians who have left the reservation are pro- tected and not left out of any settlement that they have a just claim to. This may not appear important but I am told that just such a thing has been con- sidered. One club objective should be to furnish correct and authentic information about Indians. Too many white people have an erroneous idea about Indians. We should let the people know that Indians off the reservation live, act, and are of the same standards of the white people. We should object anytime we see or hear any adverse publicity regarding an Indian by the newspapers, radio which tends to put the Indian in an unfavorable light or use him for buffoonery. This is another policy I propose here which you may or may not agree. I believe the club should make effort to furnish constructive ideas and criticism of the Bureau of Indian Affairs regarding present day Indian problems. It is stated here that the club should resist any move to abolish the Indian Service at this time. We should resist any move to turn the administration of Indian Affairs over to the states or to place the Indians on reservations entirely on their own. They are not ready for any of this yet. It is my strong belief that Indians in Detroit are in a better position as to economic circumstances and education than those back home. I believe we are morally obligated to do something on a broad scale. If we do, I am sure we would benefit personally and collectively. The North American Indian Club is the logical organization we have here to work with. These objectives mentioned here are suggestive only, they are open to change, additions or improvement. Now suppose the club did seriously adopt objective of this nature, just what could WE do about it? Here it is: Publicity, There are many oppor- tunities right here in Detroit. There are various groups that from time to time ask for some Indian to talk on Indian problems and Indian life. We should never lose any chance to talk about ourselves or our problems to the general public or before government or civic groups. We should send articles to the newspapers, they may be published. Petitions and letters to Congreggfwill do some good. If we ever 617 get a chance to talk over the radio we should get a person qualified to do that. Every means possible should be used to get the idea of the betterment of Indians across to the public and the government. Enlisting the Aid 9: larggorganizations. Several large organiZaEions have expressed an interest in our problems. The YWCA are interested in minority groups and has frequently asked us to furnish con- structive information regarding the Indian question. They have a large nation-wide organization and representatives in Washington, D.C. to work on such affairs. Veteran groups and labor organizations have taken up the interest of special groups when their objectives were in line with theirs. They may be induced to include our aims in their political action committees when it is shown that many of our problems are inseparable from present day economic, political and racial problems. Enough said here. Come up to the Club meeting this coming Sunday. See if we can agree to some proposal and set some long range constructive policy. Debate will be limited to three minutes per person. Sincerely yours, [27] APPENDIX D-15 Letter from thepresident announcinggprgposed changes in the North American Indian Club (Mimeographed): January 9, 1949 A SPECIAL MESSAGE TO THE MEMBERS OF THE NORTH AMERI- CAN INDIAN CLUB Dear Friend: To the North American Indian Club--In order to meet many of you people, I submit this proposal for the year-- . . . Inasmuch as we are a minority group, I shall appreciate everyone of Indian blood to make every effort to enlist new members. To belong to this organization is not only a privilege, but a great honor that we should be proud of. 618 I am deeply concerned about conditions reported by the press of the deplorable conditions that prevail on most all reservations. To many of us, who have seen, lived, and strenu- ously objected to this kind of regimented life, we should have our organization dedicated during the years, that the betterment of our people, through Congress, shall be our policy, that all Indian claims against the government of the United States be expeditiously performed. We hope to keep in close contact with Indian affairs and support all constructive legislation pertinent to the Indians. We shall be especially glad to join hands with the National Congress of American Indians in all their aids and proposals. Very respectfully yours, [28] President North American Indian Club APPENDIX D-l6 The grand march. All pow wows currently given by the North American Indian Association begin with the grand march in which all who participate in dancing during the particular pow wow join in. The dancers form two lines, each of which is led by an esteemed individual bearing a flag. One carries the flag of the United States and the other the Indian flag (see frontispiece). The latter is in reality the straight lance with feathers attached on one side, remi- niscent of the symbols of Plains Indians military societies (Lowie, 1953:112). Obviously, this is symbolic. Diverse interpretations might be offered for the grand dance. (1) One might think that this indicates that these Indians are herewith indicating peace with the United States and desire for fellowship with the larger non-Indian white population. We rather doubt this since the symbolism of the lance is not exactly that of peace and since historically it points to conflict between the tribes and Indians and whites. (2) We do not think its 619 use is symbolic of the declaration of hostilities. (3) We rather think that this symbolizes that these persons are trying to say that they are members of two cultures now and loyal to both. We always gain the impression that the lance symbolizes identification with the past and that these now represent that past, continued in the present; that these persons are now, in the land they view as rightfully theirs, loyal to both and faithless to neither. We do not see the Indian flag as the performers pleading for assimilation with loss of Indian identity, e.g., in the Anglo-conformity model, but as representative of the new Indian who is both identified with the past and at the same time pressing toward new goals in a new world now. APPENDIX D-l7 Regular membership. The criteria of membership in the North American Indian Association were finally fixed in the 1953 revision: 1/4 or more Indian "blood," hold a tribal membership card, be accepted by the membership committee, and be 16 years of age or older. While all control the membership, the first three also assure separation from the non-Indian society. Membership involves the filing of application forms asserting the degree of Indian "blood," giving address and telephone number, names of parents, place of birth, closest relative in the Detroit area, tribe, religion, occupation, and payment of $4.00 dues of which $3.50 goes to the Y.W.C.A. for the privileges of sponsor- ship and a place to meet, and $ .50 is retained by the Association. On receipt of the application and the dues the membership committee, being the Executive Board, reviews the statements and if everything is in order with no suspicions raised the candidate is welcomed into membership. According to the constitution each applicant is required to be a member of a given tribe in good standing. This is attested by the possession of a tribal membership card. This excludes some who are felt to be undesirable. An alternative is that the Association might write to the tribe in question requesting precise information. Neither of these procedures are rigorously held to. We are fully aware, as are the members, that most do not in fact have such membership. Some, especially Canadian 620 Indian females, have lost their tribal memberships. Others whose tribal descent cannot be questioned have never had tribal membership themselves. Still others have only recently learned that they have some Indian ancestor close enough to allow them to qualify as being l/4th or more Indian. In reaching a decision the committee usually considers first the kinsmen, place of birth, tribe the applicant is supposed to represent, physical features, worth, and the assumed integrity of the person. In all cases where there is uncertainty the committee seeks advice from its members who are capable of offering help. Most persons with reservation backgrounds are very astute in recalling kinship lines and in tracing relationships between families and are not easily fooled. Few apply for membership who do not profess to come from a reser- vation which is not already represented in the membership and it is persons from these reserves that are sought out for help. If, following inquiry, everything appears in order, the committee usually concurs and grants membership, such cases being most often voted on by the membership as a whole following the presentation of the data obtained. If the person is deemed undesirable or if there is any suspicion regarding his Indianness, rejection usually occurs. APPENDIX D-18 Pan—Indianism and religion. (See Appendices D—l, D-2i, 13-45, D-460T This is a subject worthy of separate study. Decisions regarding the presence or absence of the reli- gious element in contemporary Pan-Indianism, either for Pan-Indianism itself or in the context of revitalization, should not be made hastily and without careful consider- ation of the issues. We have suggested that Pan-Indianism is secular, meaning that the secular motif predominates and not that religious elements are lacking. If religious elements are found to be present, it seems proper to expect them to be in harmony with the syncretism of Pan- Indianism, i.e., to include elements from the once- diverse tribal cultures, from the dominant non-Indian society, and those innovations which are peculiar to Pan-Indianism itself. We offer here a few points for consideration. 1. Religion is important enough to be included in the preamble of the constitution, being an issue which the Association and its members are to "prove" to non—Indians: 621 To prove that this culture was never devoid of beauty but always full of respect for life and enriching faith in a Supreme and Divine Power. There are important religious overtones, and symbolic references to religion, in the contemporary pow wow. These are usually explained, at least partially, for the benefit of both Indians and non-Indians in attendance. At the beginning of every pow wow of the Association which we have attended [49] does the Lord's Prayer in Indian sign language and [48] appears as the Indian medicine man who, in the pageantry of his solo dance, drives away the evil spirits, evil influences it is said, so that good will reign. While both are theatrical, they also have meaning to these Indians. a. [481's dance is intended to represent the medicine man, their benevolent religious leader or prophet from the past, acting much the same as the Christian clergyman might at the beginning of a public ceremony. More than that, the medicine man rightfully belongs in the tradition of the pow wow (Appendix D-60) of which many are fully aware. [48] is quite serious about the symbolic meaning of the dance and asserts that the role descended to him. Also, in 1969 a rain was threatening prior to the pow wow at Hastings. After the dance of [48] one informant, not [48], said, "Did you notice that? After his dance the storm went away. There must be something to this." b. The Lord's Prayer in Indian sign language is, they admit, a blending with the more contemporary Christianity. It is, nonetheless, Specifically interpreted to the audiences as indicative that Indians have always been, and still are, more or less Christian in their thinking and devout as well. c. During the course of our interviewing we asked our respondents, "What are three most important things that pow wows mean to you?" in rank order (Item 26, Appendix B). We received three responses suggesting religious meaning (Our paid informant is not among them): Respondent #1 (Member, second in importance): "Somehow it has religious meaning too." 622 Respondent #2 (Non-Member who attends, third response): "In the Indian program they align themselves to Divine Power, for example, the Lord's Prayer in sign language." Respondent #3 (Non—Member who attends, third response): "The chant, it has religious meaning, and the drums." Incidently, we have felt very much like Slotkin during some of the pow wows which he attended indoors. Given six to eight drummers singing plus fifty or sixty dancing, many with bells affixed to their persons, there is considerable noise. The loudest are usually at the beginning, followed by solos, special dances, etc. The impression is quite different outdoors. Following are some notes from Slotkin, where, however, the pow wow was a religion (Slotkin, 1957:14,15): The rite has a decided emotional impact. The participants are welded into a collective unity by means of the tremendous dominating drumbeat which makes everything vibrate to it. My own reactions are described in the following field diary excerpts. . . . They would some- times start pianissimo and work up to a fortissimo that involved the arm and shoulder muscles to such an extent that the men would become exhausted, and would make the whole room vibrate, and me as well. I never had such a sense of rhythm penetrating me. Their unison was extraordinary, no matter how the tempo and the magnitude of the beat varied. (After participating in the rite many times, I wrote:) It is still extraordinarily impres- sive to attend a Powwow; where six to eight men drum and sing, while another dozen or so dance, in the dim light of a single lamp. The drumbeat pervades the place. (My wife's diary:) . . . The effect of the group drummers beating and singing together gives me a sense of group solidarity which is wholly absent from the -- (another) rite. We think that the presentation of the Lord's Prayer in sign language is related to revitalism. Considering the matter of the unsatisfactory and distorted culture from which those concerned wish to be removed, it seems that this prayer is 623 related to the religious catastrophies which removed from many of these almost all knowledge of their previous ceremonies and dances--to their regret now (Appendix D-l). The struggle with the notion that Indian religions were, or are, pagan is far from over; which difficulty is apt to be one of the greatest obstacles faced when efforts are made to introduce either Indian dancing or the pow wow to certain groups. Our data indi- cate that both Roman Catholicism and organized religion were evidently the major obstacles on Mantoulin Island; whereas evidently Anglicanism at first, and more recently Pentacostalism, was at Walpole. About an experience on Walpole, one of our informants said: . . . when I did the Lord's Prayer on Saturday afternoon there were a lot of white people there. So I got the microphone and said, "Now, this prayer was given to us by the white man. Don't let anybody ever tell you that the Indian never prayed and that he was pagan. He never was pagan. I don't care what the white man's books say. Just because you pray to one Person and I to Another." Most of the members of the Association belong to Christian churches (Appendix C, Table 4.8) but we think that the Pan-Indian blending sometimes makes their religion somewhat different from Christianity as it is ordinarily thought of. We know of only one in the Association who might state that the Indians were formerly pagan. In contrast, the notion that Indians are "God's people" is common. When speaking of origins, they are sometimes equated with the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel and sometimes they are thought of as a special creation. Also, it is asserted that Indians were moral and religious, not needing jails before the advent of the white man. Affirming their belief in the Great Spirit prior to the coming of white people, they further judge themselves to have been Christians, or the equivalent, prior to the disruption of their former cultures. We believe that in religion many actually feel an identification with the past. As illustrative of this we offer some comments by our informants. Respondent #1: "Actually the original Indian faith is, according to what our prophets tell us, about the coming of a great benefactor from the East with the visage of the sun. Our prophets 624 even predicted his virgin birth, I mean the child. You go back in the history of my tribe--they have what they call a 'doll dance.‘ This even goes back to where a baby was supposed to come to benefit mankind. So in this doll dance the doll represents the baby that's to come." Respondent #2: "This is why the Indians so readily accepted Christianity. Basically, the Indians believed that the Savior was coming.” Respondent #3: "Legend tells us that we are part and parcel of this country. It is not written down in books. What you know about Indians are the things that are written by the white man. I've even had arguments with anthropologists over this. I say, 'Sure you read books that are written by educated white men that actually know nothing about the Indian. They get ahold of a germ of an idea, and you talk to an old Indian, maybe on the reservation and you get curious about a certain thing and you ask him something. This old Indian thinks, "Now, what's the use of me trying to explain this to him. He has his idea anyway and he's going to interpret his way." So, all this is wasted effort because through the years this is the way he has been treated. Since no one has bothered to understand him, he's liable to shrug his shoulders at you and say, "It could be." History tells you, for instance, that Indians were pagan, they worshipped the sun. They wor- shipped the sun god. Actually, they don't. They worshipped the power behind the sun.'" Respondent #4: (Of prayer) "Just like I've often talked to people when I lecture on religion. So there was this bird and the Indian called him the thuderbird because the thunder rolled, up in the heavens, and he thought that it was the Great Spirit speaking up there. He figured that this bird carried the messages back and forth. But he couldn't see this bird anymore than he could the Great Spirit. So, this was the mythical messenger. Now, is the Indian so very wrong? You go to any Christian church and what symbol do you have there? The dove, the Holy Spirit. This is why the Indian also reveres the eagle." Respondent #5: "Are we so very far wrong, the Indian people? Legend tells us that the Great Spirit, or this Almighty Power of the Indian, whatever 625 the tribe decides to call Him in their own tongue. With some it might be a different name. It doesn't mean it is altogether a different Person, but He is the Supreme Being, the Almighty Power that created Indians in His own image out of Mother Earth. That's why the Indian is so close to nature, because he figures that his religious leaders from away back told him that he was created out of earth. So he knows that when he dies his body goes back to Mother Earth but his spirit goes to the Great Spirit. There is a separation here, and this Great Spirit breathes life into him. . . . APPENDIX D-19 Aspirations of members of the North American Indian Associ— ation for a building of their own. These aspirations have been implicit since the inception of the organization began in the preamble of its constitution, "to establish a meeting center for the Indian people," but they have probably had different meanings at different times. In its early years they are most likely related primarily to the desire to be independent as Indians from the sponsorship of the Y.W.C.A., a pri- marily all white organization. Interest in having a building of their own was expressed in 1946, 1948, and 1950. More recently, 1965 and following, we have been witness of many discussions on the possibility of the procurement of a building by the Club for its own activities. Almost always these relate directly to urban migration and nearly always also to the possibility of the B.I.A. establishing a relocation office in Detroit with the wish that the Club could be the primary agency serving the incoming Indians. Most recently of all, since about 1969, the group has been concerned about the survival of the Association unless it procures a building and moves away from the Y.W.C.A. This is because of the racial issue and the crime rate in the central city where the "Y" is located. Several of the women are not allowed to attend by their husbands because it is in a very darkly lighted and all Negro area, and some families assert that they will not come until the club moves away. Members have had personal items stolen while in the meetings and it is not unusual to hear one report that during the meeting his auto was broken into. One was stolen. There are, however, serious problems in making the move, not the least of which is a new location which will be convenient and satisfactory for all. 626 APPENDIX D-20 On the expressed likelihood of the B.I.A. establishing a relocation offiCe in Detroit. Despite the fact that on December 15, 1966, the Assistant Commissioner of the B.I.A., wrote us that several Bureau and National Archives sources had been checked and no correspondence with or about the North American Indian Club or Association of Detroit was found, the B.I.A. has both indicated an interest in the immi- gration of Indians into Detroit and communicated its interest of establishing a center of some sort there. 1940-1942: [3], Assistant Guidance and Placement Officer of the U.S. Indian Department, was specifically commissioned to visit Detroit to help in the placement of migrant Indians in jobs and assist in their urban adjustment. March, 1941: "The North American Indian Club represents individuals who have reached the highest development in Indian adjustment to American life, and this group is recognized in Washington by the Indian Service as being in a class all by itself" (Statement of the professional Y.W.C.A. worker in her Narrative Report. By permission). This glowing report is offered in that it attests the manifest knowledge of the B.I.A. in the club at this time. Interestingly, later the professional workers at the "Y" appear to complain that these Indians are not integrating as they had hoped. December, 1951: "[33] from the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Washington, D.C., made an appointment to talk with this staff. It appears that in line with the United States Government's desire to encourage young Indians to leave the reservation a plan is being prepared whereby these young folks will be placed in cities such as Detroit to receive vocational training and skills which will enable them to find skilled jobs away from the reservations. [33] was wondering if the club which has met here for the last ten years would be a sort of welcoming committee and try to make these young people feel a little less strange in this big city. Staff assured that this was one of the purposes of the North American Indian Club in the Detroit Y. W. C. A. Staff further put [33] in direct contact with the leaders of the North American Indian group" (Annual Narrative Report of the professional Y.W.C.A. worker. By permission). 627 January 30, 1952: "Ten years ago a representative from the Bureau of Indian Affairs Department of Interior asked the YWCA of Detroit to provide a meeting place for the North American Indians who were brought to the city to work in the war plants and factories. From that time on, the Indians have come in. . . . Two weeks ago, [33], from the Bureau of Indian Affairs, came in to see me to talk over the possibility of more young Indians being located in Detroit and being welcomed by the club. The Bureau is now interested in encouraging young Indians to come off the reser- vations and take vocational training. [33] stated that Congress is preparing to make the necessary appropriations this summer for this work" (Letter from the professional worker of the Y.W.C.A. to the National Board of the Y.W.C.A. By permission). April 31, 1955: On this date the Club president read a letter from [34] about the possibility of a field location office being established in Detroit. [34] had stated that he would be glad to come to Detroit in May. [34] did come to the Annual Banquet as the representative of the B.I.A. In the following year, however, and especially in 1957, the North American Indian Club became progressively more actively involved in the issue of termination, standing against it and for the American Indian Point IV Program with the National Congress of American Indians, the specific issue being the Isabella Reservation. Thus, in May of 1956 the club appeared in favor of termination, but later that year it came to oppose the same. The records contain no official mention of the possibility of a relocation office in Detroit after this change in position. APPENDIX D-21 On the current unlikelihood of the B.I.A. establishing a reIocation office’in Detrdit. December 1, 1966: On this date [35] of the Bureau of Indian Affairs wrote the author that the main concern of the Bureau in the State of Michigan has been the administration of limited Bureau programs in Indian reservation communities and is largely restricted to matters directly related to trust land. 628 December 15, 1966: [35] of the Bureau of Indian Affairs wrote the author saying that at that time the B.I.A. did not contemplate any expansion of the relocation program and that to its knowledge no one from the Association had contacted the Bureau about the estab- lishment of such a program in Detroit. He also stated that based on past experience with the relocation of Indians, the B.I.A. does not believe that the Detroit area would be a likely place for such a program. May 20, 1967: This was the night of the 27th anniversary dinner-dance of the North American Indian Association. [36], Field Representative of the B.I.A. and recently located in out-state Michigan, was the guest speaker. After the meeting we were privileged to talk with him and he denied any knowledge of [3] and his earlier work in the city, or the B.I.A. ever having made contact with the Association regarding a relocation program in Detroit. He did, however, suggest that persons interested should work through the State legislature; and he expressed a personal interest in possibly discussing such a move with representatives from the Association, the tribes of Michigan, and the author. ' APPENDIX D-22 Relocation and the possible services of the North American Indian Association. Members of the Association are aware that reloca- tion is related to the policy of termination and that federal expenditure carries implications of federal control. While they are opposed to termination they nonetheless recognize that considerable numbers of Indians do migrate from reservations or rural areas and feel that these need help. They highly resent federal interference and this causes a problem, how to have a satisfactory program of relocation which is not forced and which is without inter- ference. They would aspire somehow to have the program carried out through the Association and be allowed at the same time the ruling voice once Indians are in Detroit. These attitudes seem also to vary somewhat and to change. some with the times. At first, when the B.I.A. was communicating with the Association about the possibility of a relocation office in Detroit, it appears that the group favored 629 limited termination. The B.I.A. communicated its possible establishment of such an office on April 31, 1955 and on May 1, 1956 the president of the Club addressed the Public Affairs Committee of the Y.W.C.A. thus (By permission): . . . WHEREAS, in the last two sessions of Congress a number of bills to terminate federal trusteeship have been introduced both in the House and the Senate, WHEREAS, the Supreme Court has given Congress the power to abrogate any Indian treaty whenever it is deemed detrimental to progress, WHEREAS, this power tends to usurp the fundamental principle of the Constitution, which is 'consent of the governed,’ THEREFORE, be it resolved, that the right of Congress to abrogate Indian treaties be sustained; except where it can be clearly shown that a treaty was made under duress and that legislation be introduced to this effect without delay. Almost immediately following, on May 5, 1956, [29] of the Club received in response to an inquiry to the Amerindian the mailing addresses of the Phoenix Indian Center, the Los Angeles Indian Center, the Gallup Indian Center, and the Indian Center in Chicago. With these the club communicated. In 1957, after study on termination and perhaps communication with national Indian organizations, the Club took a stand against termination and for the American Indian Point IV Program. This was communicated to Richard Newberger of the Senate Subcommittee of Indian Affairs on May 9, 1957. On June 9, 1957 the Association held a public meeting with two members of the Governor's Study Commis— sion on Indian Affairs present: [30] and [31], who also was in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Michigan. During this meeting, which was anti- termination, there is evidence that attitudes were turning toward anti-relocation, members feeling that via the relocation program and the Indian Claim Commission (1946) the federal government was attempting to wipe off claims. and relinquish its duty of supporting the people on the reservations. On March 6, 1966 at a business meeting of the Association, [32] spoke favoring the moving of the reloca- tion office, B.I.A., from Cleveland to Detroit, providing 630 that the North American Indian Association could perform some major role in the activities. When we spoke to him saying, "I am surprised that you are for the relocation program," he responded that under certain conditions he was. APPENDIX D-23 Discrimination in housing. On March 7, 1954 the Club discussed the case of [37], an Indian and driver for the D.S.R. who was stoned while attempting to move into his new home in Dearborn. The AMVETS had taken up this matter also. The Club requested that any such similar incidents concerning Indian people be reported either to it or to the AMVETS, and it would try to prevent further occurrences of such discrimination in the future. APPENDIX D-24 Mass media of communication and Pan—Indianism. Mead (l932:67,68) noted long ago that mass media of communication continually impress Indians that they are without reference to tribe. Newcomb noted the same and said (1955:1044): To many an Oklahoman an Indian is an Indian, not a Cherokee, Kickapoo, or Delaware. The movies, the magazines, and other outlets of public information are constantly impressing on him the fact that he is an American Indian. No public agency impresses upon him the fact that he is a Delaware. . . . Many whites in Washington County were totally unaware that such a tribe as the Delaware existed. They were well aware, however, that there were many Indians in the county. We cannot but agree that mass media contribute to Pan-Indianism. We believe it contributes to a sense of Pan-Indian identity and enables members of the Club to represent the cause of all Indians before non-Indians simply because they are usually seen as Indians. The club has always been very sensitive to publicity in that it takes great pride in and seeks to use favorable publicity to its own advantage. It is an indicator to 631 them of how the dominant society thinks to which it can respond. We have, for example, been present on numerous occasions when members have been discussing features of the pow wow which might possibly be improved, e.g., theatrical effects or length, and heard comments such as, "This is the way white man thinks. This is what appeals to them. If we can reach more of them by doing it this way then let's do it." We also feel that the role of adverse publicity needs some consideration, not because it contributes to the Pan-Indian blending but rather because the response elicited may be indicative of certain revitalistic features, i.e., aspects of the current culture which are perceived as unsatisfactory to which deliberate, organized, conscious effort to effect change should be applied. We remind the reader that this very feature was incorporated in the preamble of their constitution in 1953: "To place before the Public reliable information leading to a fuller understanding of the North American Indian." (See also Appendix D-l4.) Adverse publicity has been a matter of discussion in recent years. We note that it was also in 1948, but especially in 1953. APPENDIX D-Z 5 On the few Indian dancers in the North American Indian Cldb prior to 1952. Our data seem to indicate that some, but not many of the members, were able to do Indian dancing as of 1948, but that there had arisen an interest in group efforts in learning it by 1948. Quite early some of the children and young people had been taught certain solos to perform at special programs. Analysis of the programs at the Annual Banquets indicates that to the year of 1952 almost all Indian dancing was solo. In the following report by the professional worker of the Y.W.C.A. for that organization we find (By permission): February 20, 1949. " . . . We have, in the North American Indian Club, a small group of people who are interested in putting on small programs of Indian ceremonial dances in costumes. (Our worker) has cultivated this group of five to six people and obtained engagements in schools with the object of obtaining clothes and money for Navajo relief. The price of admission being an article of clothing and ten cents." 632 APPENDIX D-26 Detroit's 250th Birthdangelebration Parade. The stimulus of this event to adults to learn Indian dancing is quite evident in the report of the professional worker at the Y.W.C.A. (By permission): September-December, 1951: " . . . As a result of the very beautiful float the North American Indian Club had in the 250th Birthday Parade, other organizations in the city have become aware of the Indians in Detroit. The Dearborn Historical Society sponsored an 'all Indian' program at the Fordson High School during December at which both the attendance and appreciation was good." "Staff understands from [23] that the Detroit His- torical Society is also interested in having the club put on a pageant in connection with their anniversary. The members of the club are diligently practicing the various dances and ceremonials. They are also making the headdresses and costumes necessary for these events." APPENDIX D-27 Enthusiastic beginnings of Pan-Indian style group dancing. The following are from the reports of the profes- sional workers at the Y.W.C.A. to that organization (By permission): January—June, 1952: "There is a marked increase both in interest and attendance at all meetings and events of the club. . . . " "The particular group interested in preserving the ancient dances and ceremonials of the various Indian tribes are practicing most diligently at least one night a week." "The Dearborn Historical Society is in communication with the Executive Committee of the club and is investigating the possibilities of the YWCA North American Indian Club being the focal point in a Dearborn Carnival to be held during the summer of 1953. The Curator of the Dearborn Museum, has been in con- tact with staff on this matter and staff thinks the 633 club should be encouraged as much as possible to undertake this event. Dearborn is thinking of some kind of simple Indian village to be set up in the Ford Field, and that the Indians will prepare at least three different types of program interpreting their ancient ceremonies. A legal contract is being drawn up and signed by the Dearborn Historical Society and the North American Indian Club. The Curator assured staff that the remuneration to the Indians will be adequate to, not only take care of those who must lay off from their work, but also add considerably to the Education Fund they are trying to build up. This Education Fund is to enable young Indians who show ability, to further their education." (See also Appendix D-24.) July, 1952: "About twenty members of the group are con- tinually rehearsing for various Indian dances and ceremonials, as there are quite often requests from various organizations in the community for all Indian programs. The proceeds from these entertainments is being placed in a fund which the club is trying to raise for the purpose of helping some of the young Indians to further their education." APPENDIX D-28 Sarnia. The Sarnia Reservation lies only a few miles to the north of Walpole. We cannot recount much of the beginnings of Pan-Indianism at Sarnia except to note that about in 1954 when [4] was visiting and instructing on Walpole, [4] was also doing much the same at Sarnia (Appen- dix D-2d). Very recently the Sarnia group have developed their own pow wow, being derived from the one which began at Walpole in 1965 which in turn was ultimately derived from that in Detroit which is currently given by the Association. [4] may have been useful in starting the one at Sarnia although we think the data are better interpreted in the context of Indian dancing in lieu of the later emergence of the pow wow there. Even though [4] did go, more likely [38] was the more actively involved, for whom we have direct informa— tion. On February 20, 1966 [38] invited us to go with him to Sarnia. He stated that he was going there to 634 organize a club, and that he would be going there quite regularly for a while. On discussion of the issue with others in the Association it became apparent that [38] also was thinking of a dance group. He was evidently going to drum for them and to offer aid in the dancing. Considering this, it becomes somewhat apparent that when persons talk of organizing groups, they some- times have different things in mind: Indian clubs, calls to return to and organize around the restoration and perpetuation of Indian culture, dancing and dance groups, the starting of pow wows, etc. APPENDIX D-29 Toronto. Indians here give [40] the credit for starting the Canadian Indian Center of Toronto. He is a distant cousin of [4]. We think it was in 1951, when [40] was brought by the club to Detroit to be given honorary membership, that the club rendered its greatest service in starting the Indian Club of Toronto. [40] was active in Indian affairs at the time and editor of the Native Voice, organ of the Eastern Association. The Toronto club is modeled after the one in Detroit and meets in the Y.M.C.A. The Toronto group started its pow wows shortly after 1962. According to our data [4] worked with [26] on Mantoulin Island (cf. Appendices D-10, D-18, D-30) when they began their pow wows in 1962. [25] started the pow wow in Toronto. Interestingly, on February 20, 1966 [38] advised us that he had organized the groups on Mantoulin Island and in Toronto. When we discussed this with the others, it appears that [38] was talking about dance groups, that he had regularly gone there to drum and sing, and perhaps to instruct in the South— western Pan-Indian style of Indian dancing. APPENDIX D-30 Mantoulin Island. The pow wows at Mantoulin Island are of recent origin, beginning at about 1962. [26] (Appendix D-18) and [25] (Appendix D-29), children of [24] (Appendix D-10), have been the individuals most active in initiating the pow wow there. They have, however, sought assistance from [4]. 635 APPENDIX D-3l American Indian Amvets Post 50. The American Indian Amvets Post 50, located in Detroit Michigan, developed out of the North American Indian Association and today lacks the Pan-Indian features which characterize its mothering group. a. It began in the club bowling league which had been organized on November 3, 1946. Some of the men who had served in World War II returned with a desire to hold together as veterans and to emphasize recreational activities, which have since remained of major interest to its members. Perhaps the American Legion was also active in its origin. By the fall of 1949 it had become independent, being called by its present name, although its members continued to meet for some time with the Indian Club. The professional worker at the Y.W.C.A. at the time wrote (By permission): For a while this fall it looked as though the American Legion was moving in on the Indians, but when some of the members thought the situ- ation through it was decided to leave things as they are with the Y.W.C.A. as their meeting place and headquarters. The American Legion did succeed in setting up an all Indian post. Staff was quite frank in talking with two of the officials from the American Legion and expressed doubt as to the advisability of an all Indian post from the angle that the Indians have generally shown great reluctance in becoming part of the community and any movement which segregated them slowed the process of integration. Much time was given by staff, both in private conferences with the leaders of the group and in committee, over this Legion business but it seems to be quite settled. The separation of the group in the beginning caused considerable tension and loss of members to the Club. In the end it came to have membership requirements somewhat different from the Indian Club: (1) Its membership was exclusive and not for all Indians but only for those who had served in the U.S. Armed Services or persons in their nuclear family. (2) It came to admit non-Indians as well as Indians in member- ship. It also retained functions which are essentially recreational. 636 Activities parallel with those of the club are seen in that Amvets elect a princess, have featured at times an Indian floor show, and have offered prizes for contests such as, "Why I am Proud to be an American Indian." It has also cooperated with the Indian club on issues such as discrimination and has requested help from the Club on a couple of occasions when parading. It is different in that it does not now put on shows, sponsor a pow wow, and its princess is entered in Miss Amvets, not in the Miss American Indian. When the Club began to take its active interest in altering things via political efforts in the late 1950's the Amvets separated themselves completely. It does not have the rounded program, interests, or activities that the club has, although it exists and continues to cooperate if some impor- tant local issue affecting all local Indians becomes crucial. APPENDIX D-32 Indian organizations in association with the North Amerif can Indian Club, 1948-1958. We do not claim to have a complete record of all those Indian organizations with which the North American Indian Club had relationships during this period but we do list those at hand. a. b. Those organizations which it had a hand in starting or assisting in one way or another. Organizations at the tribal level. Each of the mem- bers of course was a representative of his own tribe. Aside from these we find direct correspondence with, or personnel representing, the following: Navaho Assistance, Inc. Minnesota Chippewa Northern Ottawa Association Oneida Reservation, Muncey, Ontario Oneida Reservation, Wisconsin Saginaw Valley Band of Chippewa Six Nations Reservation St. Regis Reservation 637 c. Urban organizations. Chicago: American Indian Center-~letters, speakers, groups Council Fires-~letters, speaker Gallup Indian Center--letters Los Angeles Indian Center-~1etters Phoenix Indian Center--letters d. Regional, national, and international organizations. American Indian Council—~communication and representative Association on American Indian Affairs, Inc.--com- munication Indian Defense League--2 representatives League of Nations of North American Indians-~com- munication, representative, appeal to join, application form for affiliation National Congress of American Indians--communica- tions, 2 representatives, appeals to affiliate, cooperative action (see Appendix D-33) North American Indian Brotherhood of Vancouver, Canada--communication, president brought as guest speaker Native Voice, Eastern Association--communications, guest speaker. (We think this is the Eastern Association of the North American Indian Brotherhood of Vancouver, Canada since the national office of the Native Voice is also in Vancouver. We do not think this is the Federated Eastern Indian League.) United Indian Tribes of the Americas-~communications APPENDIX D-33 National Congress of American Indians. Newcomb (1956:120) discounted the role of national Indian organizations, i.e., the National Congress of American Indians, for the Southern Plains in 1952 as a factor contributing to either the phenomenon of or the emergence of contemporary Pan-Indianism. We do not believe the same can be said for the North American Indian Associ- ation (cf. Appendix D-32). On the National Congress of American Indians we note: 638 a. As early as January 6, 1949 the president of the Association addressed both its members and prospective members expressing his aspiration, probably also reflective of others in the group, saying that they would be especially glad to join hands with the National Congress of American Indians in all their aims and proposals. b. Almost immediately a questionnaire was sent to all Indians known to be living in Metropolitan Detroit containing as one of its items: "Do you think we ought to affiliate with the National Congress of American Indians if possible?" c. The Association has communicated on numerous occasions with this organization and has brought at least two of its officers to its Annual Banquets as the primary speaker of the occasion. d. After the passage of the House Concurrent Resolution No. 108 the Association took a strong stand on two other bills: Senate Concurrent Resolution 3, or the "American Indian Point IV Program," and Senate 809, sponsored by Senator Langer, which would have provided $200,000,000 for its implementation. On these it stood with the National Congress of American Indians. e. There are references to intercommunication between 1959 and 1968 also, i.e., communications regarding the American Indian Chicago Conference in 1960. APPENDIX D-34 Democratic Party. Two representatives of the Democratic Party appeared at the meetings on termination, each taking a leading role. On April 26, 1957 [42] of the Clawson Democratic Club spoke on various ways of opposing the Bill and stressed that the break-up of reservations meant the loss of all rights as Indians. She was the primary speaker suggesting: (l) the duplication of literature on the Indian's plight and the circulation of the same among various charitable and civic groups in order to influence and inform the public, (2) that the club keep abreast of current events regarding Indians and (3) inform the various government representatives of its opinion, and (4) to enlist the support of large and powerful organizations which are organized nationally for lobbying purposes. 639 Also, on February 2, 1958, [43], a representative of the Young Democrats in Michigan, appeared. She had traveled considerably in the Southwest and informed the group of conditions on a number of reservations there. She had also interviewed several of the governors of the states and offered the club insights into their perspectives and also those of a number in Congress. APPENDIX D-3 5 Y.W.C.A. interpretation of the meetings on termination. We offer this because of the possible insights which it affords. From our reading of the written records we cannot concur that the stages mentioned really existed. Nonetheless, the report comes from a very capable person who relied not on a written record, now somewhat old, but on first hand experience as one who participated. Here we offer a portion of the letter addressed to [44] of California on December 17, 1958 by [45] of the Y.W.C.A. He was, or had recently completed, writing a book on social study and action groups and [45] had been providing data on the club (By permission): Your story based on my information about our YWCA North American Indian Club is fine. There are just a few comments I might make. 1. To me it is significant that this group became interested in action on an issue which will in no way affect them personally. Persons reading the article might not understand that only federal assistance is limited to Indians living on reservations. Those living in cities ordi- narily are no different from any other citizens in the eyes of the government. Moreover, since many club members are Canadian, even their relatives still on reservations would not benefit from a change in United States policies. 2. I am also interested in the development of their idea of effective social action. The facts are in the article, but the stages are not clearly defined. At first it was an emotional reaction to a general issue, colored by an historical distrust of the government. Their impulse was to try for formal action by what to them are "power groups"-—veterans organizations, unions, 640 etc. The second stage, as I see it, was a willingness to get facts to share with "the other people" whom they now wanted to approach individually to sign petitions to Senators and Congressmen. The third stage was a desire to get facts for themselves, now particularly in terms of Michigan Indian communities (who would be little affected by the legislation, but whom they were in a better position to help) and a realization that individual letters were more effective than petitions and that their letters as citizens were as effective as any white citizens. The three open meetings generally reflected these three stages of development in planning and program. Naturally not all of the members were or are at the same level, but this was the trend of growth among the bulk of those interested. APPENDIX D-36 Y.W.C.A. support of Senate Concurrent Resolution 3 and Senate 809. The present national policy on Indian Americans as stated in House Concurrent Resolution 108 is termina- tion of federal supervision of Indian lands and other Services to Indians as rapidly as possible. Although the Congress has not recently passed any termination bills for specific tribes because of strong opposition to them, this is the policy under which the Bureau of Indian Affairs of the Department of Interior is now operating. Senate Concurrent Resolution 3, introduced by Senator Murray (D.Mont.) in the 85th Congress, would replace this with a new policy, the "American Indian Point IV Program", now in hearings in the Senate Sub-committee on Indian affairs of which Senator Newberger (D.Ore.) is chairman. Senator Langer (N.Dak.) has introduced Senate 809, which would authorize $200,000,000 to implement this program. These two bills are strongly supported by the Associ— ation on Indian Affairs, the National Congress of American Indians and other Indian interest groups including the members of the YWCA North American Indian Club in Detroit. 641 On this question the proposed YWCA National Public Affairs Program to be voted on at the 1958 Convention reads: "Continue to support programs that will improve the economic, health, social and political status of Indian Americans; to assist in the economic development of depressed or underdeveloped Indian reservations; and to prepare Indians now living on reservations to achieve a normal family and community life when federal services to them are terminated by mutual agreement of tribal councils and the Govern- ment." (Mimeographed recommendation of the Central Branch Y.W.C.A. to its national organization, n.d. Since the issue was to come up for a hearing on May 13, 1957, we believe the above recommendation was made in 1956 or early in 1957 when the Indian club was considering these issues.) APPENDIX D-37 Large organizations supporting the North American Indian Club on the termihatiOn issue. The North American Indian Association contacted and attempted to enlist the support of many organizations in Senate Concurrent Resolution 3 and Senate 809. We have records of lawyers being contacted and diverse personnel. We know that non-Indian groups such as the Michigan Indian Foundation were also contacted as well as the tribes and reservations in Michigan. We do not know the position taken by any of these or by the Governor's Study Commission on which it had a representative. We assume that the American Indian Center of Chicago took a stand similar to that of the North American Indian Club although we do not know if the effort was as great or if the stand was as determined. We say this because we do not know if a catalytic agent, such as the threatened termination of Michigan tribes, was present or not to those there. [4], however, did contact them and apparently they exhibited at least concern over the problem. On the local level the Y.W.C.A. backed the club and alerted all branches across both the metropolis and the State of Michigan. It furthermore carried the cause to the national organization which in turn alerted branches across the nation, and, we think, carried the issue to, or at least were heard in, Washington. 642 (Letter from [45] to [44] on September 5, 1958. Cf. also Appendix D-36.): The YWCA Public Affairs Committee in the meantime was interested in this activity of a membership group. The local committee studied the question, made a report at a state meeting, and circulated information to all YWCA's in the state. The Democratic Party and certain national labor unions were involved. [42] sought the support of Local 771 and the U.A.W.-C.I.O. on a national level. The veterans organizations were involved. At the national level letters were sent to representatives and senators in Congress. Letters were also sent from the national level to individual members of the Veterans of Foreign Wars for support for the Point IV Program. APPENDIX D-38 Development of the Indian Welfare Committee and Education Fund out of the meetings on termination. (Letter from [45] of the Y.W.C.A. to [44], September 5, 1958. By permission.): From a broad approach to the Indian problem, interest had become centered on Michigan Indian communities and a desire to help them. . . . Out of this legis- lative interest and action have grown other club projects. Clothing donated by interested groups in the community has been sent by the club to the northern part of the state for distribution to needy Indians. Since the need for education seemed to be at the core of the Indian problems they had studied, the club has set up a scholarship fund and is working hard to raise money for advanced education for Indian young people, concentrating for the present on those in the Detroit area. The interest of the North American Indian Club in this legislative project is significant for the fact that none of the members would benefit directly from the action they were urging on Congress. (Narrative Report by [45] of the Y.W.C.A., January-June, 1958. By permission): Following a final meeting on Indian legislation early in the New Year, club members felt they had done what 643 they could for the present in this area as a group, and turned their interest to a new and ambitious scholarship project. An Educational Fund has long been in the club By-Laws, but it was not activated until this spring. APPENDIX D-39 Origins of the Detroit pow wow. According to our data several possible persons in the club are good candidates for the honor of bringing the pow wow to the city. Regardless of the individual, however, the data point toward the Chicago area as the point of diffusion toward Detroit. a. During the presidency of [60], [60] visited the American Indian Center in Chicago and planned to have representatives from there come to the open meeting on termination which the Club was to hold on November 23, 1957. The Chicago group expressed a desire to bring dancers. Dance groups were traveling over great distances at this time, even prior to pow wows, and performing at affairs such as this. We cannot say for sure, however, if the group came or if the Indian Center in Chicago was actually holding pow wows at this time. [41] suggested that it was his idea. He had been in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, where they held an outdoor pow wow and also had attended one in Chicago. He thinks he suggested the pow wow for Detroit first. The records do indicate his addressing the club in January of 1959 on the Educational Fund and the problem of financing it. [38] is a likely candidate. He is from the Southwest and lived in Chicago prior to coming to Detroit, and has known the Chicago drummers and dancers well for a long time. In May of 1959, during his presidency, he had [61], Winnebego from Chicago, as the honored guest at the Annual Banquet in May. During the summer which followed the leaders of the Detroit Club concurred (who was first to suggest it, we do not really know) on having a pow wow that fall. The first published information we have is in the form of a mimeographed notice mailed by [38] to the members in September: 644 . . . Several members have suggested the possi- bility of holding an Indian pow-wow in Detroit this fall to raise money for the club's scholar- ship fund. At this meeting (September 29) we will discuss this idea and try to work our details. When the first pow wow was held (November 28 and 29), [61], drummer and singer, was present with his Chicago group. [38] also drummed and sang. One informant said that they got the idea from Chicago but they had been thinking about it before. We note that the first pow wow was attended by Indian dancers from Mt. Pleasant and Hopkins in Michigan as well as from the American Indian Center in Chicago. We do not know to what degree the southwestern Pan- Indian type of dancing characterized activities in these places. Kurath (1966) seems to indicate that in these out-state areas especially individuals tried to revive former tribal dances from Michigan. We suggest that the same is quite true for the Detroit Club; cf., the earliest dancers whom we have mentioned. We are, however, of the opinion that the great metro- polis acted as a magnet to draw Indians from distant places and that quite likely Detroit was ahead of rural Michigan in Pan-Indian dancing. Both [20], Sioux, and [16], Cherokee, were quite active in Detroit in 1940. Furthermore, [38] and others from the South- west were present in the early 1940's. For this reason we do not believe that rural Michigan should be considered as the point from which the Detroit pow wow was derived. Kurath (1966:68), in fact, implies the same: In the 1950's the Algonquian powwow leaders included some third-hand versions of Oklahoma dances, via Wisconsin. At the same time the Detroit Indians were performing expert versions of dances and songs known to anthropologists as "Pan-Indian." Since about 1960 the Algonquians have also accepted full-fledged versions of these dances. 645 APPENDIX D-4O Reactions to the first pow wow of the North American Indian AssoCiation. (Report of the professional worker at the Y.W.C.A. By permission.): The major preoccupation of the North American Indian Club this fall was the “First All-Indian Pow wow", planned to raise money for their Indian Scholarship Fund, and also to gain recognition for their Indian dancers. There were problems in planning it because of the division between Western Indians to whom a Pow wow is an outdoor dance "Marathon" with thousands of participants, and the Eastern Indians who thought of a dance "program" on a smaller scale. As it finally worked out, they gave three performances in Central Branch Auditorium Thanksgiving Weekend-~a very colorful professional show with over 50 dancers in costume of whom half were from out-of-town groups, and a total attendance of over 500. Some 300 went into the Scholarship Fund. Dancers were given no expense money but were allowed to sell Indian crafts at the Pow wow. They have gained satisfaction from this first big project, and hope to make this an annual event. They hope the next one can be outdoors, and planned far enough ahead so groups such as Scouts and Indian guides can arrange to come in by charter bus from suburban areas. 646 APPENDIX D- 4 1 Announcement of the 1967 pow wow. norm AMERICAN mourn mu. oi DETROIT Presents THE 9th All INDIAN AT FORD HIGH SCHOOL 20000 EVERGREEN - JUST SOUTH OF 8 MILE PUBLIC INVITED Authentic Indian Dances and CeremonioIs, Performed by - REAL INDIANS In Colorful, Authentic Costumes Saturday, Oct. 21, at 2:00 and 8:00 PM Sunday, Oct. 22, at 2:00 PM All proceeds for The North American Indian Club Scholarship Fund. DONATION Adults - $1.50 Students — $.75 DISPLAY OF TRUE INDIAN ARTS AND CRAFTS - ALSO SALES AMPLE OFFoTHE-STREET PARKING Notice the expressions "All Indian," "Authentic Indian," "Real Indians," "True Indians." 10,000 were printed. 647 APPENDIX D-42 Receipts. We are unable to divulge, without breaking con- fidence with the Association, specific data on its receipts and expenditures. It is public knowledge, however, that it requires the members to pay dues of $4.50 per year, of which $4.00 goes to the Y.W.C.A. for services, the privileges of sponsorship, and a meeting place. With this, each member also obtains a Y.W.C.A. membership card. Aside from the above, there are considerable monies received via its diverse programs. Almost all of the profits are directed toward the manifest goal of education. While we indicated that the large fall pow wow might net as high as $2,000 for the Education Fund, it should be borne in mind that the success of these varies from year to year. APPENDIX D-43 Charismatic leadership. (See Appendix D-6l.) We have attempted to describe [46] with care in the text, as we see him. It is difficult to move beyond this without breaking professional ethics and/or the confidence of the individual concerned. Nonetheless, because of the importance of charismatic leaders in revitalization movements, we offer here a few additional insights, but only insofar as they neither injure him or bias our data. To us [46] appears as "the man for the hour." In debate he appears as a champion of the Indian cause, freely offers data, legitimizes his claim to be heard, argues pointedly, and often resorts to knowledge of U.S. law and the social sciences. These, plus the charm of his personality, his attractive and compelling manner, his devotion to the Indian cause, and his genuine identi- fication with his people, easily establish him as a leader of Indians in something of the sense of Steiner's "new Indian" (Steiner, 1968). As we see him, [46] appears especially concerned. with what anthropologists have called "the culture of poverty" among Indians, Indian treaties, and prejudice and discrimination against Indians. In the text we have indicated a few of his struggles on behalf of Indians against discrimination by Whites. He has recently set 648 himself to alter conditions for the better for those Indians living in the highly migrant slum areas of Detroit. His office, place of employment, is located in the center of Detroit in what he calls the "Red Ghetto." There he meets and knows Indians migrating into the metropolis, freely contributes to their needs, offers whatever advice he can. This enhances his grasp of data regarding Indians beyond that which he holds as the result of his background experiences. Our interview schedule called for a response to the question, "Will you please tell me what in your mind is the very best thing that can happen to Indians" (Appen- dix B, Item 177). His attention turned toward the reser- vation, although he is not from one himself. This is presented as we took it because it is, according to his own words, a matter of public knowledge. Rebuild the reservations and revamp their management so that with a new type of reservation these people can go anywhere they want to with pride. In 1962 the U.S. government gave out a statement of the balance paid to date, which is 20% of the Indian debt. Taken with interest it is much more. The total amount should be paid but it should be put into the hands of capable Indians so that they can start rebuilding. The total amount owed, with all interest, should be paid. They, Indians under Indian leadership, should then destroy the old type of reservations. They should come in with bull- dozers and push all that old stuff into the ground and completely remake what is there. They should use the money to construct factories, new schools, churches, hospitals, construct whatever other technical facilities are needed. The balance should be held in trust to be used as needed for the benefit of Indians. Then they could stop living as they have been and the nation could stop living in public dis- grace. Indians could be the proof--and the American government could say with pride, "This is the way that we treated our first citizens." I taped this on the radio. Twice it has been replayed. I've also said this before civic groups. The foregoing comments do not, we are sure, comprise all the goals or the complete vision which he has for his people. Among others are, we think, a defense against Indians becoming amalgamated and/or assimilated into the dominant non-Indian society in a manner which leads to the loss of their identity and uniqueness as Indians. His perspective toward life within the larger U.S. society 649 today and in the future is the antithesis of regressive behavior. He feels that as individuals the best thing that Indians can do is to obtain higher education because this is the key to understanding and the means of even- tually linking together the Indian people as a viable whole. If youth will obtain this, in preparation for greater things to come, when their opportunity for leader- ship eventually arrives, they will be able to lead the Indian people on to the heights of achievement which they deserve as the first and truest Americans and which will dignify them for all time. The means which he espouses are diverse, varying with the issues which are current and with differing types of persons. For those in the younger generations and the metropolis, education is primary; for those remaining on the reservation, diverse techniques (implicit in his statement) are useful but legislation is primary. APPENDIX D-44 1966 pow wow of the North American Indian Association. Below are two enclosures from the pow wow program on the contributions of American Indians to the larger American society. THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The North American Indian is the first inhabitant of this continent and gave of his substance to the first white settlers who came here, saving them from privation and death. The North American Indian has given to the immigrants to this country: food (corn, beans, pumpkin, tomatoes, potatoes, peanuts, maple sugar and syrup, turkey, moscovy duck, dehydrated meats and fruits, strawberries, alligator pears), herbs and drugs (cascara, hydrastis, oil of winter- green, sego), other things (animal husbandry, advanced theory of fertilization, dams and gullies for irrigation, tents, canoes, snow shoes, moccasins, snow goggles, rouge, perfume, cold cream) and games (lacrosse, kick ball, relay races, tug-of-war, a horse shoe game using mountain goat horns), the Indian trails and many picturesque names of our rivers, lakes, cities and towns. The continental lands and their resources origi- nally all belonged to the North American Indian, who has seldom been adequately reimbursed when they were 650 taken from him. The very basis of our democratic form of government today is the way of governing used by North American Indian tribal nations. During World Wars I and II and the Korean War, the North American Indian has served his country willingly on the home front as well as on the foreign battle fields, and the various languages of the North American Indian, which were originally unwritten and unknown to other races and nations were used in wartime communications at the front lines by our country. THE THANKSGIVING TURKEY Many people think that the descendants of the domesticated turkey - our Thanksgiving Bill of Fare, came from the wild turkeys of the United States, but such is not the case. They are the descendants of the turkey domesticated by the Aztecs. At the time Cortez conquered Mexico, the Aztecs had developed the white, gray, buff, and other breeds familiar to us today. Just why the fowl was called "turkey" has never been definitively established. Perhaps the English erroneously called it turkey because the red wattles hanging over the face resembled the tas- selled Turkish fez; but, according to early docu- ments, the fowl was referred to as "turkers" probably from the "turk-turk" sound it makes when excited or disturbed. Another error historians make is to credit the origin of Thanksgiving to the Pilgrims when it was truly originated by the American Indian, who feasted and danced every fall after the crops were gathered in. In this way they gave thanks to the "Great Spirit for bestowing such abundant goodness upon them." 651 APPENDIX D-45 Flood Myth. This grew out of our discussion on Hitler's use of the swastika with one of the members who said he had reversed it and it was an old Indian symbol anyway. The swastika is the sacred symbol of unity. There is a legend with it. The legend goes something like this. Long, long ago the Great Spirit looked down upon the people and He decided that they were getting very wicked. So He came down and spoke to a great chief and his family and said, "Now you people are very wicked and I am going to destroy this land that I have given you, but you must first build a big boat and you must build it according to my direc- tions, and you must put it upon a mountain." So He gave this chief the directions on how to build this boat. This boat was to have four arms, four juttings-out, and at the end of each jutting-out was to be an extra jutting—out. The boat was to point in four directions, to the four winds. At the end, all were to point in one direction, to the left, and each would point that way as you face the wind. This old chief was told to do this and he thought, "This is kind of funny," but he listened to the Great Spirit and he built the boat accordingly. Then the Indians got on this boat and they took all their friends, the animals, and all of their plants. They took their seeds and they got on the boat. Then the Great Spirit made it rain, and it rained and rained until the waters rose up to the top of this mountain, until the mountain was no longer seen--and it floated. But do you know--this boat, it didn't go south, it didn't go north, it didn't go east or west. It stayed in the same place because of these juttings-out on the ends of the arms. It swirled in the waters and it remained in the same place, and when the waters receded this boat went down in the same place. So the Great Spirit gave this same land back to the Indians. This is rather odd, considering these legends existed and had their variations among the differ- ent tribes. These legends existed before the Bible was ever introduced. [50] 652 APPENDIX D-46 Legend of the Serpents. The following myth relates especially to the feelings of many in the Association towards racial ten- sions in the United States. The myth is evidently quite well known by members of the Association and has meaning to them. We included an item on it in our interview schedule but withdrew it after the first dozen or so interviews since only a few seemed to know it. Toward the end of our interviewing we talked with [58] who said, "They all knew it but they would not let you know they knew it." THE LEGEND OF THE SERPENTS When this country was occupied by nothing but Indians there appeared in nature something that was completely new, something that the Indians had not seen before. This was a little white serpent. The prophet spoke, saying, "Brothers, take note of this serpent. He is small now but he will grow. He is growing, growing even now. Someday he will get large, larger than any of the other serpents in the land." And, of course, as the legend unfolded, the serpent grew and became large and dominated the land. It seemed as though the Indians were pushed to one side in the domination process. The white serpent controlled everything. "But," said the prophet, "there was one thing that the white serpent had not taken note of. That was the little black serpent in the southland." When the black serpent was little, the white serpent pushed it round, taking advantage of it. But the black serpent con- tinued to grow. It began to challenge the power of the white serpent. After a while they were engaged in a bitter fight. It seems as though they bit each other and fought and fought. However, one of the things that neither the white nor the black serpent had paid any attention to was the fact that out in the Pacific, far across the ocean from them, there was also growing a red serpent. The red serpent watched while the black and white serpents fought each other. After a while the black serpent and the white serpent, both being wounded by each other, fell down in weakness unable to fight any longer. It was at this time that the red serpent said to himself, "Now is the time to attack. Now I shall kill them both." But the red 653 serpent had forgotten that in their fighting with each other they had demonstrated to each other that neither was superior. Now, with the appearance of the red serpent, the black serpent and the white serpent had a common enemy. So, when the red ser- pent attacked, the black serpent and the white serpent joined forces and killed the red serpent. After killing the red serpent, all the strength of the black and white serpents being taken, they both fell down and died. "Now," said the prophet, "remember this, my brothers. Through all this struggle do not partici- pate. This is not your fight. This is not your problem, my brother. Do not become involved. Wait your time. When the black serpent and the white serpent have killed the red serpent, and when the black serpent and the white serpent have themselves become so weak so that they can fight no longer or so they die, then is your time. Then is the time that you shall come back--back out of the wooded areas, back out of the remote areas where the white serpent has driven you. Then is the time and you shall come back into your own." [51] This is one of the reasons, perhaps this is the main reason, that I believe that the American Indian shall never be completely integrated. That is why he will never become completely assimilated. You know, there are a lot of Indians back on the reser- vations, back in the mountains, back in the rural areas. When these Indians come out and begin to multiply, truly they could take over the land. [51] APPENDIX D-47 White people parading in public as Indians. (See Appendix 0-490) The Detroit-Windsor Freedom Festival is a three; day affair ending on July 4 with fireworks. On the last day at the big parade in the Springwells area the members of the North American Indian Association parade in costume representing the first Americans. They feel that as such they should always be first in every parade, but seldom 654 are they. In 1967 there appeared in the parade a group of white people dressed as Indians and in war paint riding bareback in a group of about 20 some distance ahead of the Indians. The Association nearly refused to parade. Later, in the following business meeting, there was a heated one- way discussion on the issue. The Association nearly withdrew from all future parades there. It did address a letter of protest to the committee in charge of the Festival: APPENDIX D-48 Indian dancing, drumming, and singing. Of the 35 in the Membership Group whom we inter- viewed only 19 did Indian dancing. This was because of our requirement of 10 per cent or more attendance at the regularly scheduled monthly meetings. Other Indians in the metropolis also participate at the pow wows, all of whom, to our knowledge, have been at one time members of the Association, or now are in name only. Furthermore, the Indians from Walpole intermingle so freely that they almost seem a part of the Detroit group at the pow wows-- probably because of close association with the Detroit group, but also because of close kinship connections. We think that we have in the Association a nucleus of more or less leaders with considerable numbers of others to whom the group appeals for activities which are more or less recreational to them: the pow wows, the Princess Dance, Annual Banquet, Labor Day Picnic at which the Detroit group always plays the Walpole softball team, the Thanksgiving Dinner, and the New Year's Dance. Some of the dancers of the Association were below the age level we set. We interviewed six who knew how to do Indian drumming. Singing goes with drumming so the data remains the same on that. We know of two or three others whom we missed because they never attend the Association meetings, although they would the above mentioned recreational activities. Incidently there is one female drummer in the Non-Membership Group and one in the Membership Group. Of our 19 dancers seven learned in childhood on the reservation and of the drummers in the Membership Group two did the same. All of the rest in the Membership Group, drummers and dancers, have learned since 1951 save our informant, who learned a few years earlier. The 655 female drummer was taught it only a few years ago to meet a need in Petoskey. Our informant is the female drummer in the Membership Group, doing it only occasionally Should she be requested to after she speaks. She never does it at an Indian dance or a pow wow presented by the Associ- ation. The effort to restore and perpetuate is illustrated in the recency in which many are learning to dance or to drum. Michigan and environs is especially interesting in this context since here so much cultural forgetting had occurred. These efforts are associated with the rise of Pan-Indianism in this area. APPENDIX D-49 Indian costumes and persons who wear them. We have suggested that these people feel that Indian culture is theirs by right of inheritance. Their Indian costumes are, of course, part of their culture. The wearing of these seems to be related to their identity as Indians and the message(s) which they wish to convey, and they resent non-Indians wearing these, especially in public. We do not propose to analyze this but we offer some data. a. Two of our informants offered especially interesting comments which seem to us to relate the wearing of Indian costumes to their identity as Indians. The first, not our paid informant, had been talking about some of the public speaking she has done about Indians on television, but mostly in the elementary schools, saying: I prefer to talk to children and correct the image that so many people have about Indians which is wrong. If you change the image of Indians in children, you change it for all of their lives. At this point we asked if she usually went in costume and she said, "Yes." We then followed this by saying, "Does wearing an Indian costume make you feel any different?" She responded: I can put on my costume. As soon as you do it changes you. Everything changes. You change. The way people think of you changes. They see 656 you then as an Indian. You become more of an Indian. Then I can show them what Indians are like and change some of these wrong images about Indians. Another member surprised us during the interview when, for no apparent reason, she began talking about her costume. She said, "Costumes make me feel like an Indian.“ She impresses us as being more unstable emotionally than others. She went on to relate how, on occasion and simply because she thought about Indians and her being one that sometimes she would put on her costume and then take a bus across town. She said that she wanted people to know that Indians are still here and that she is one. Later during the interview we thought to ask her where she wanted to be buried and she responded, being a Michigan Chippewa: Up north where my people lived, where I was raised. Up north in Indian country. You should have asked me instead, "How I want to be buried." That is more important to me. She waited for us to ask--and we did: I want to be buried in my Indian costume. I have two, but I want to be buried in my simple white woman's costume up north. I don't want to be buried in my better costume or with my Indian jewelry. These things should be given to living Indians who can use them to carry on the Indian tradition. Our clearest comments on the wearing of Indian costumes came out when we asked our item on the meaning of Indians parading in costume in the Detroit events (Item 26, Appendix B). We quote from our respondents. The wearing of Indian costumes immediately identifies these people before both Indians and non-Indians as Indians and sometimes with it ridicule and mistreat- ment. Respondent #1 (Non-Member): "I feel it is degrading. An old man was speaking for himself outside City Hall only last week. The others there ridiculed him. He lacked eloquence. These things, includ- ing parading, only degrade us. They embarrass and humiliate me." 657 Respondent #2 (Non-Member): "I do not think they ought to wear such costumes or whoop it up as Indians or dress so badly." Respondent #3 (Member who parades): "It is a form of bravery. It takes courage to parade." Respondent #4 (Member who parades): "I parade always if possible but I do not go for it because you run into too many ignorant people with their asinine questions." Respondent #5 (Member who parades): "I don't like to parade because sometimes I think people all think we are queer when we parade. I do not like the shuffling around. Some have spit on my costume." Most feel that Indians are the true Americans, that they have something to say to non-Indians when they parade in costume (Table 2.16), and that they should be at the head of all parades. Respondent #6 (Member who parades): "If they parade in their own regalia and display it and represent themselves as Indians in a group it adds to their future as Indians." Respondent #7 (Member who parades): "When Indians parade in costume it brings the true true American to a lot of people, which is us. It makes the white people ashamed." (NOTE: She used the word "true" twice, exactly as we indicated.) Respondent #8 (Non-Member): "It is something to see them all dressed up in their costumes during parades--or whatever as a group." Respondent #9 (Non-Member): "I paraded at the Mt. Pleasant Indian school. If others can, so can Indians. It is our land. We were here first. We were first here and are last served. We should all be there, the first Americans, and in our costumes, and we should lead the parade. We should be first." Respondent #10 (Member): "Indians in costume let people know Indians are still here. Indians should be at the head of the parades." 658 They resent highly non-Indians who don Indian costumes and parade publicly as Indians (cf. Appendix D-47), and they think that only Indians should be used to represent Indians: Respondent #11 (Member who does not parade): "I do not like to see others trying to be Indian." Respondent #12 (Member who parades): "You are an Indian showing Indian identity with your costumes. I dislike false Indians. They should have dressed like cowboys." (Refers to the case mentioned in Appendix D-47.) Respondent #13 (Member who parades): "This is tops. It is quite an honor. It is best of all. Generally it says, 'If you are an American, think like one.‘ We are the true Indians. Here is where I can really be seen as an Indian." Respondent #14 (Non-Member): "I think it is a good thing especially when it is in costume--to see real Indians in costume rather than boy scouts, etc." Respondent #15 (Member who does not parade): "It is great to let them (Whites) know there are Indians around. You'd be surprised how many do not know Indians are around. Sometimes they dress up Colored people as Indians and show them off as Indians. This gets me down." Self: They do? Tell me about it. Respondent: Well, at the fair here in Detroit, for example, they will put feathers and Indian costumes on them and show them off in public as Indians. Self: Who does this? Do Whites do this? Respondent: Yes. Then too, Negroes try to pass off as Indians. My kids are caught in this kind of situation all of the time. In school when the teachers ask about their nationality and that sort of thing, Negro kids say they are Indians--and then the teachers associate our kids with Negroes. Self: A lot of the Negro people are lighter than some of the darker Indians. Is this part of the problem? 659 Respondent: Yes, very much so. Here is something else. I have never talked to a Negro who did not say he is part Cherokee. Oh yes I did, once one said he was part Delaware. Now, I'm inclined to believe this person because he also said he was from Canada. He seemed to know something about Indians. Why in the world do they always want to be part Cherokee? I guess a lot did inbreed with the Cherokees, buy why do they all always want to be part Cherokee? This burns me up. Respondent #16 (Non-Member): "It gives people food for thought when they see Indians parading in costume. With any conscience at all people should think when they see Indians parading." "I was at Mackinaw City last week at the parade and the commemoration of the massacre at Fort Michmac. They did not use Indians, at least that is what the Indians there told me. It is wrong. They should have used Indians. If they would use Indians it would help Indians to be proud of their past." e. Even Indians without costumes feel that the line is so clearly drawn that they are not welcome to appear in parades with/as Indians. Respondent #17 (Member): "To give a good impression we must be dressed in costumes. Why I do not parade with them is that it might not give a good impression. I do not have a costume." Respondent #18 (Non-Member): "I like to watch them. It makes me feel proud to see them. I would like to but I do not have a costume. My kids would like it." APPENDIX D-50 London Optimist Indian Club. [59], a cousin of [4], came to the Association for help in organizing an Indian group in London similar to the one in Detroit. [59] was accorded this via advice and a constitution. He became president of the group in London, although he does not live there now. 660 APPENDIX D-Sl Durrant Roll. Often we hear the expressions "Michigan Indians" and "Indians of Michigan." When these are used in opposi- tion to each other the former refers to Ottawas, Chippewas, and Potawatomis, descendants of those tribes indigenous to the State and still living here. The latter expression in this context refers to all Indians, regardless of tribe and point of origin, living in the State. Often persons assert that there are around 7,000 or perhaps a few more Indians in Michigan. Statements such as this relate to those currently enrolled and to the Durrant Roll. Many are not enrolled, and the Durrant Roll is out of date. The Durrant Roll is the official registry, however. We received the following information on this from [35], Associate Commissioner of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, in a letter dated December 15, 1966. Our research design did not require us to pursue this further but we report the information for the benefit of our readers: The original Durrant census rolls of Ottawas and Chippewas of Michigan, 1908 and 1909, are on file in the National Archives. Inquiry about the rolls should be directed to the General Reference Section, National Archives and Records Service, Washington, D.C. 2048. The census roll of all persons and their descendants who were on the roll of the Ottawa and Chippewa of Michigan in 1870, and living on March 4, 1907, contains 7,396 names. The supplemental roll of children born since March 4, 1907, and prior to August 1, 1908, to members, contains 236 names. Correspondence relating to enrollment is in several parts of file No. 45533-1908-054-Special Agent H. B. Durrant, on file in the National Archives. APPENDIX D-52 Beginnings of the Northern Ottawa Association, Chapter 10. The local Chapter became #10 although it appeared for a while that it might be #9. In support of our statement that it began under the sponsorship of the , Association we offer two pieces of data: (a) the statement of [45] of the Y.W.C.A. to the national organization in December of 1959 (By permission) and (b) a portion of its records for October 18, 1959. The latter is included in some detail because it conveys relevant information about the era and the tribes of Michigan. a. 661 A new development this fall was the formal organization of a local chapter of the Northern Ottawa Association under the aegis of the Indian Club. This group, organized to help eligible Michigan Indians process applications for a claim recently approved in the courts, has been meeting monthly at the same time as the Club. The leaders of the group have become YWCA members, and all of them will if they decide to continue meeting here. The Club was host to a group of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians called together for the purpose of establishing an Information Center for the Ottawa-Chippewa Claims. The vice-president of the Michigan Ottawa Indian Association of Lansing introduced the following facts. The Indian Claims Act was passed in 1946. The Federal Government has acknowledged the fact that the Chippewa Indians in the eastern portion of the Upper Peninsula and the Ottawas in the northwestern portion of the Lower Peninsula have a claim to twelve and one—half million acres of land. The evaluation of this land is now in process. This was to be estimated by the value of the land in the first ten years existence of each county. The last payment on the Treaty of 1855 was in 1910, to 5,054 Indians on the Enrollment which was made in 1908. The descendants of these Indians, full bloods down to 1/4 Indian blood, were eligible to the claims. Orphans and wards of courts will have their share kept in trust for them until they reach the age of 21 years. The Chippewas of the Saginaw Valley have a separate claim as they were adopted here and were originally of the Sac and Fox tribe. The Ottawas of the Potawatomi south of the Grand River into Indiana also have a separate claim. An Indian cannot be a claimant on more than one claim. Registration on the Enrollment for the claims was still open. [62] stressed the need of the organization of a unit to act as an Information Center or "Listening Post" as often wrong information is circulated as to the progress of the Claims Commission. There were already 8 units organized in the State. If one was to be organized here in Detroit it would be Unit 9. The By-laws governing the operation of a Unit were read and explained, the officers 662 consisting of a Chairman, a Vice-Chairman, a Secretary, a Treasurer, and a Counsellor. There is an annual convention in Petoskey the third Sunday in June, where all units meet, and there is also a Newsletter circulated from the Central Unit in Petoskey, where each Unit may send news of interest to the Indians. [63] then took over, and of 22 Chippewas and Ottawas present, there was unanimous decision to form a Unit. . . . [62] and [63] answered questions. Then [63] called his newly elected officers together to make arrange- ments to have another meeting. Since the Indian Club invited the Unit to feel free to meet in our club rooms when we had meetings, the newly formed Unit is to have their next meeting on the third Sunday in November, i.e., on November 15, 1959. APPENDIX D-53 Change of emphasis in 1959. We began the contemporary era of Pan-Indianism in Detroit with the year 1959 primarily because this is the year of the first pow wow. We observe also that during this period there is direct involvement by the Association in issues affecting Indians close at home, the Association becoming visible in such contention in the news media and using or threatening the use of legal and/or political means. Interestingly, there is a suggestion, that this may be a deliberate shift in emphasis, in our data. On March 1, 1959, a motion was passed that the Club sponsor a movement dealing with current Indian affairs in Michigan similar to that in New York and New Mexico. APPENDIX D-54 Statement of White Chapel Memorial Association (Mimeo- graphed): l. The present management had nothing to do with adoption of the Caucasian restriction. It was adopted thirty" five years ago and has been in over 35,000 cemetery 663 deeds including Mr. Nash's. There is a proper field for regulation against discrimination in employment, exercise of political rights, and use of public facilities, but this management must respect these long standing agreements. 2. Restrictions because of creed and race are universal outside of municipal cemeteries. Application of the so-called "fair practices" principle to cemeteries would require: Catholic, Lutheran and other religious sects to bury the most blatant atheist in "consecrated" ground; Jewish cemeteries to bury non-Jews; Chinese cemeteries to bury other races. Even some American Indian tribal cemeteries might be affected. 3. The right of burial is essentially personal and indi— vIdual. The individual's choice should be controlIéd only where necessary for public health and safety. Choice of those among whom one is buried is as per- sonal as choice of spouse, friends, guests in a home, or membership in groups or clubs. Interference with this free choice will open a Pandora's box of religious and racial prejudice. 4. The courts have sustained cemetery restrictions to the Caucasian race. Rice V. Sioux City Memorial Cem., 245 Ia. 147 (1953). There the court said as to an almost identical regulation: It is fundamental in our law that a private individual may, unless expressly forbidden by police power enactments, deal freely with whom he pleases, and his reasons or policy are not the concern of the state. The U.S. Supreme Court, after full argument, refused to reverse this decision. See same title, 349 U.S. 70 (1955). APPENDIX D-55 Beginnings of the CoordinatingyCouncil of Indian Affairs. This is today a committee whose function it is to coordinate the activities of Indians in Metropolitan Detroit, although it meets only sporadically. It is cur- rently composed of representatives from the North American Indian Association, the Northern Ottawa Association Chapter 10, the North American Indian Amvets Post #50, 664 and the Potawatomis of Michigan and Indiana Incorporated. It is advisory and has as its chairman, since the beginning, [46]. This was started, according to our informants, out of the Nash burial incident and under the leadership of the Association, which had called Indians from across the State to participate. Although local, we feel that, should the need arise, it could be rapidly expanded again to include representatives from all Indian groups in the State. It currently serves southeastern Michigan. The records of the Association speak of the "Resolutions Committee," evidently part of the Coordinating Council. The only statement on the Coordinating Council per se comes from the Narrative Report of the professional worker at the Y.W.C.A. to her national board, dated December 1960. This reporter, participant at the time, establishes the Association as parent (By permission): During the summer members of the group (North Ameri- can Indian Club) became excited when burial was denied an Indian in a local cemetery. They took the initiative in calling a mass meeting at the YWCA of all Indian organizations in the state. A coordinating committee with a neutral chairman ([58] who was new in the metropolis at the time) has worked out a resolution and a petition which is being widely circulated. They have had talks with the Attorney General and other state officials about drafting a bill to go before the Legislature in the spring. The Detroit Free Press in an article, "Indians becoming 'OrganiZation People,'" May 19, 1964, reports: Sometimes, their work gets public attention, as when a suburban cemetery refused to bury a "non- white" Indian. At that time the Co-ordinating Council of Indian Affairs was formed. The council is still in existence, but only functions in crisis. APPENDIX D-5 6 Hot lunches at Bay Mills. For several consecutive years, e.g., 1956, 1966, the local school system at Brimley, Michigan had been transporting by bus children to school and offering hot lunches——to all except Indians. The Association expressed lively concern but left the problem to the Governor's Indian Commission, really working through it since it 665 depended on its member representative to act and to report back. This has been a difficult problem since, according to our information, the State does not put money into the prOgram and the white school board took the position that since the Indians were not contributing, being on tax-free land, that neither should their child- ren receive the benefits. The Commission and the State was in the awkward position that--not paying, it had very little to say. This denial to Indian children was going on long after issues of equality in the civil rights movement were receiving considerable attention elsewhere. We do not know yet what the results have been at Bay Mills. APPENDIX D- 5 7 Professional bead artist. [47] was referred to in the text as a "professional" Indian bead worker. We have done this because: (1) this is the means by which she earns her living, (2) she views herself as a professional and travels widely advertizing herself as such, and (3) she has created The Last Supper in Beads, exhibiting her ability. She lived in Detroit from 1948-1968, and, following the riots of 1967, returned to Petoskey in the spring of 1968. While in Detroit she sometimes taught Indian beadwork at the North American Indian Association to some, was usually the person repre- senting it in craft sales-~and still often is. She was awarded life membership and her husband honorary member- ship in 1968. When we interviewed her, we found she had several cabinets, constructed with small drawers, filled with beads. We have no idea how many hundreds of thousands or varying colors there were. She flies regularly to New York City to select and order special colors and sizes from Europe. She advertizes her Last Supper as containing 10ml/2 miles of nylon thread, 121 different shades of seed beads which total to 1,788,761. It is 11 feet, 6-1/2 inches long, 5-1/2 feet high, and weighs 43 pounds, 5 ounces. She did it between November 1966 and March 1968 in Detroit. She planned to take it to the Canadian Expo but the cost of transporting it across the Canadian border made it prohibitive. Prior to returning to Petoskey she told us that she plans to use it for display, to charge admission to see it, and to sell her other beadwork at the same time. We have since found her doing exactly this. For the price of $1.25 per adult and $ .50 per child, 666 perhaps more now, a person is admitted to a room--no photos allowed~-to View the work. There he is shown 8mm. motion pictures of the work in the process of con- struction. One of her family sits outside to sell tickets and beadwork, on which she also takes special orders. When last we saw her she said, "I am traveling all over with this.” We received a half page color newspaper article on her appearance in Florida. We have no idea how far she has traveled to date, but she is doing this most of the time now. APPENDIX D-58 Business meeting of April 5, 1970. We attended this session and offer a breakdown of some of the items under discussion. These are presented in an effort to indicate something of the breadth of interest and concern in a typical meeting. a. There was a discussion on the Indian Red Ghetto in Detroit. It stemmed from an account that some in the Association had given to the Detroit News which had appeared on March 3, 1970 under the caption, "The‘ Abandonment of the Indian in Detroit's Red Ghetto." There had been some unfavorable reaction and [46] had commented, "I will go down fighting bloody in defense of this." He called on the Association to rally itself to the help of these Indians and to remove conditions such as this. b. The wife (White) of a local Cherokee Indian (non- member) appeared speaking on opportunities in the plumbing trade for men and saying that as yet no Indians have applied. She reported that, on visiting the organization in question, she was told, "I am Negro. My first, second, and last concern is with the Negro.” The group offered to circulate the informa- tion and, if there is response, to see what can be done. c. One of the persons on scholarship needed quickly $176 for expenses. The vote was taken and the money granted. d. [46] held in his hand the personal card of a profeSsor at Michigan State University. This individual offers a scholarship in engineering at that institution which pays 90 per cent of all expenses, including board, room, etc. and the B.I.A. will pick up the other 667 10 per cent. The opportunity pays for the complete education of an Indian for all four years. The Association will circulate this information. [47] was voted $150 for use in establishing a booth for craft sales. She represents the Association. A chief at the Tonawanda Reservation had loaned an authentic and genuine old wampum belt to the museum (in Rochester, New York, we think). The curator now refuses to return it and the Indians use it in their ceremonials. The club is going to take this to the Detroit News for publicity. [4], having recently returned from Alcatraz Island, reported on events there and the "Indians of All Tribes.“ There was a discussion about the failure of the Indians in New York City to take Ellis Island as those in California had done. A discussion followed about lands in the Detroit area which the Association might procure, albeit not by seizure, for a place where it could construct its own building as a center for Indians. Some discussion took place regarding the most advantageous type of and location of site and how monies might be raised. Indians are to demonstrate (we could not catch the issue) in Lansing, Monday, the next day. Some will be going to participate. A representative was selected for Indians at the International Market to be held soon. The person will take crafts for sale for the Educational Fund. Plans were discussed for classes for Indians in bead work. An organization desires two Indians for a show. The Association appointed a drummer and said, "Let's send our medicine man, [48]." The Association is cooperating with a number of non- Indian groups in a drive for clothing to needy Indians in the Upper Peninsula. It is at the heart of the effort. Appeals were made for (l) more good clothing and (2) help to sort out only that which is relatively new and useful which will then be sent. The meeting closed on a note of optimism about the possibility of securing a building of their own and with requests for suggestions on how to enlarge and improve its services for Indians. 668 APPENDIX D-59 Pow wow and the war dance. Interestingly, Slotkin (1957:16,l7) traces the Powwow Religion, which he sees based on the Plains grass dance, to an era prior to the 1890 Ghost Dance. He suggests that the Omaha hethuska was adopted by Teton about 1860 who changed it into the Grass Dance. In 1878 it was brought into Wisconsin where some of the Chippewa received it, and the Menominee in 1879. Apparently, it was introduced into Oklahoma by about 1880 and was since described among the Fox, Kickapoo, Sauk, Winnebago, and Pararie Potawatomi. The grass dance, the basis of the Powwow Religion among at least the Menominee, is interesting since it may be related in certain ways to the Pan-Indian pow wow. Howard (1955:216,217) notes that the Dakota grass dance was altered in Oklahoma to the war dance. Among the Pawnee it was associated with a men's war society, with religious overtones, and centered around a large drum as it did among the Menominee. Incidently, in appeared there during the Indian disturbances known as the Wisconsin Scare. Its function among the Dakota was to serve as a rallying point for the conservative members. At any rate, it became secularized and was altered, becoming counterclockwise rather than the former clockwise. It is interesting to us that the contemporary pow wow should seize upon this and the old scalp dance, now the round dance, as of major importance, although we doubt that most dancers are even aware of the significance. APPENDIX D-60 Wissler on the powwow. We have indicated that the setting has changed, the conditions and personnel have changed, but that the pow wow seems somehow fitting and appropriate in Pan- Indianism today. We offer here the comments by Clark Wissler (l940:62,63) on the powwow for their suggestive- ness: Whenever a community of Indians in New England was confronted by a problem, they gathered around a large fire, prepared some food and deliberated. Yet they went somewhat further than a white community 669 would, since they called upon the medicine men and women to do what they could to solve their difficulties. ‘Somewhat after the fashion of a religious community of whites, prayers might be offered and certain sacred songs might be sung, accompanied by drumming and the shaking of rattles. Every now and then a pipe would be filled, lighted and smoked, with the idea that it was offered to the unseen powers who were thus invited to smoke with the older Indians who were the leaders of their people. Some of the Indians in New England called such a gathering a powwow. The word soon found a place in the English language, not only as a noun but as a verb: to powwow meant to parti- cipate in such a gathering. Such gatherings were common to Indians generally, and since songs were the important part of their rituals, some tribes called them ”sings,” others named them dances, and so on. But in colonial times powwow was used as synonymous with "making medicine," or the practice of magic. A powwow, then, refers to an Indian community in action, trying to solve its current problems. During the periods of friction with the whites, the sound of drumming and singing in an Indian camp aroused fear lest the Indians were discussing war. Whenever a peace proposal was made to a village, a powwow was called. There would be speaking and discussion interspersed with praying, dancing and singing. These might be continued for days before a decision was reached. A food shortage was a serious matter and would lead to a powwow. The details of the situation would be scrutinized and cold logic applied to them, but if that failed, the medicine men would be called upon, prayers offered to the gods, and so on. In the end, however, some course of action would be decided upon. If an epidemic broke out, there would be such a conference. Any crisis or any major difficulty would be met in the same way. Sometimes this procedure was called a council, but whatever its name, it was always basic in Indian government. 670 APPENDIX D-6l Homilyjlike exhortations. (See Appendix D-43.) One of the phenomena associated with the charis- matic leaders of revitalization movements is that they address themselves to their adherents sometimes in a homily-like manner. In the text we have indicated that this is true of [46] sometimes when addressing his fellow Indians, when he is attempting to build into them certain behavioral patterns, when attempting to instill certain values, and when attempting to lead them on to greater heights of achievement. While other virtues are extolled, the primary ones as we see them are truth, honesty, integrity, honor, the proper rearing of one's children, pride in being Indian, Indian symbolism, etc. All are set in the context of the former, and still viable, "true" or correct Indian way. To validate our suggestion that [46] can be validly described as rightfully occupying a status and role which will admit him as a proper leader of a revitalistic movement wherein he leads his people through a deliberate, conscious, organized effort to achieve a more satisfying way of life, we offer a few illustrations. While we might offer more, most such appeals are set in contexts and/or contain data specific enough to make for a breach of professional ethics or the betrayal of confidence. Those which are given below are abstract enough, while at the same time conveying the concepts desired, to be above such a breach. a. Missionizing, evangelistic spirit, Pan-Indianness. TrMany Indians do not know that the cIub_Is and’what it is for. We are an 'Indian' club. We have four planks in our platform. We are civic, political, for fellowship, and for education. The white man does not know nor care who is Chippewa, Ottawa, or whatever tribe. They see us as Indians. We have to act for them as Indians, not as one tribe or another. Here in the city there are Indians wanting fellowship. They have no group. We can offer to them membership in a bonafide 'Indian' group. For every one Indian that leaves the city five new ones move in. Each of us should be a missionary. We should, each one, be committees of one to recruit new members. A lot of Indians say they can dance with the group whenever they want, therefore, 'Why bother to join?‘ They do not realize what the planks in our platform are." 671 b. Indian integrity. "We Indians do not need to hold our Heads down in shame. Too many Indians in the presence of white man try to hide it. They get ashamed because they think that they are with people better than themselves. This is not so. We can, through this club, offer these Indians a group to identify with so that they will not need to hang their heads and be ashamed. Indians can have integrity. Indians should take their stand and look in the face of the white man and say, 'I am your equal.'" c. Truth, honor, "Indian time." "It is not the way of the Indian to lie. Years ago, prior to the coming of white man, Indians did not lie. Their word was their bond! If an Indian promised something, he would do it or die in the attempt! We have got to create an atmosphere where the integrity of the Indian can be restored, where he can hold his head up, so he can feel he is equal. Then, we can again be a people whose word is their bond." d. Truth, "Indian time," integrity. "The American Indian is gettifig to be apathetic. Even American Indians are beginning to make jokes about themselves. We are joking about our own integrity. We talk about this so-called phenomenon of 'Indian time.‘ There is no such thing as 'Indian time!‘ It used to be that an Indian had honor. He did not joke about the Indians in derogatory ways. His word was his bond. If he said he would be at a certain place at a certain time, he would be there! If he said, 'I will be there when the sun is half way across the heavens,‘ he would be there at that time. If he said, 'I will be there at sunrise,‘ he would be there at that time or die in the attempt. A man is only as good as his bond. He is only as good as his word." APPENDIX D-62 Code. Wallace (l963:l48,l49) suggests that revitalization depends on the successful completion of a number of factors, the first listed being the "formulation of a code.’ This is not precisely defined but seems to be the message, including the rules which flow from the leader to the disciples, perhaps reworked in time, to the more peripheral members and on to the target population. It is clearly linked to the goal culture and the transition culture and 672 suggests that if followed the goals can be achieved. The code is basic to revitalism because, being preached to the relevant group (target population), it offers on acceptance, a conversion-like experience, revitalization or a new and highly desirable quality of life to the individual, and, if followed, to the society and culture in question. We have operationally defined the code as a set of postulates, by which we have reference to our postulates of how we believe these members of the core group think, of what we believe are the basic premises at the heart of their vision of a more satisfactory way of life for Indians and their message to others, Indians whom they wish to win to their point of View and non-Indians, of what they wish them to know about Indians. We have used our own postulates because of the very great difficulty of tabulating and statistically treating the data which we have in a manner which would afford greater precision in definition and analysis. We may err in omission but we feel that our statements in the text are faithful to the evidence and not overdrawn. So that our readers can replicate our analysis and/or carry the work further, we used only data presented in this study the sources of which we here indicate: a. Statements of leaders: (of. analysis in Chapter II) 1. 1942 -- Text 2. 1948, 1948 -- Appendices D-l4, D-15 3. 1964-1968 -- Appendix D-43 4. 1964-1968 -- Text, Chapter II, also Appendix D-6l for homilies to the members on "Indian values" b. Missionizing by emissary members. Verbatim accounts: 1. Walpole Island -- Appendices D-2d, D-18 2. Mantoulin Island -- Appendices D-18, D-3O c. Reflections in the current constitutions, adopted 1952: Text, Chapter II d. Pow wow: 1. Code of dedicated free labor -- Text, Chapter II 2. Symbolism of the Grand March -- Appendix D-l6 3. Symbolism of the Lord's Prayer in Sign Language -- Appendix D-18 e. The Parade: 1. Data -- Appendix C, Table 2.15 2. Reconstituted "Message of the Parade" -- Text, Chapter II We set the code for 1948 to correspond with the missionizing mentioned above. We do not believe it has changed substantially since then. 673 APPENDIX D-63 Goals. Areas in the generalized Indian culture needing considerable change or complete alteration are those which are seen by the members of the Association as warped, atrophied, or distorted--all unlike the true Indian way and as unsatisfactory in the present. Usually these are viewed as the result of contact with, and unsatisfactory relationships with, the larger, more powerful, non-Indian and predominantly white society. Areas which are incipient, needing development, are those which relate more precisely to the projected goal culture, the vision of what Indians should be or become in the future, e.g., the "new Indian." The unsatisfactory, or distorted, aspects needing change are perhaps most easily seen as the antithesis of the goal culture, using as indicators the interests, discussions, and activities of the Asso- ciation. Accordingly, all those areas of Indian life which it seeks to rectify and/or improve, and those in the dominant society which it seeks to alter, are here taken to be unsatisfactory and/or distorted in the minds of its members. Being Pan-Indian, the concern and activities of the Association extend to all Indians, both contemporary and future. Goals for the future are intrin- sic in the present. These relate to all Indians, although more immediately to those in Michigan and particularly to those in Metropolitan Detroit, these being viewed as the Association's special responsibility Also, the members themselves need not be personally involved in particular issues, excepting that their Pan-Indian ethnicity and sense of Indian worth (Aberle, l966:326), a part of their ethnic self-image, makes it so. a. At the national and state levels the treatment of Indians with respect to land, treaties, the reserva- tion system, and the payment of taxes appear to be for them unsatisfactory. The North American continent still seems to be viewed as rightfully theirs, some- thing which cannot be altered now. Generally speaking, the federal and state governments are blamed most for not having kept the treaties made in good faith with the tribes. Most appear to reason, "Why should the government keep any of its treaties elsewhere in the world until it first keeps those closest home--those with the Indian tribes or nations, whose members are some of its most loyal citizens?" It is also related to the fair payment of lands ceded by the treaties to the government and to the associated question, "Why, if the government is 'honorable' should Indians 674 have to bring legal suit in the first place for that which was promised in good faith?" This takes on added significance in the context of its continued or threatened seizure of Indian lands, and its failure to return or grant equity for lands which in the past have sometimes been taken but not paid for by whites. Its greatest significance appears to be related to the whole question of the termination of the tribes and/or reservations, with the withdrawal of federal services to the same running a close second. Although loyal citizens, these treaties, from which their special Indian status stems, appear to creat tension and to generate distrust and some- times alienation toward the government(s) under which they live and the society of which they are now a part. Termination poses the end of the treaties and possibly of the tribes, of which the members are well aware, but the goal culture is the converse-~they desire the continuation of the treaties for "as long as the grass shall grow, the rivers flow, and the sun shines." Much attention is focused on the conditions under which reservation and rural Indians are living. Life in these areas appears to be viewed as nearly unbear- able, primarily because of poverty, lack of occupa- tional and economic opportunities, and prejudice and discrimination toward Indians by whites on or adjacent to the areas. In addition, improper Indian agents, governmental mismanagement, and paternalism are seen as destructive of the former, once satisfying, cultures, and as having left in their wake groups of people often bound together by poverty, backwardness, without necessary skills to cope with life in the dominant society, and by feelings of inadquacy and inferiority. The goal culture does not envision the end of the reservation but rather the reversal of those factors which are unsatisfactory. It compre- hends the selection of qualified Indian agents, chosen largely by the Indians themselves; viable and meaning- ful self—government, which places management in the hands of the Indians themselves; adequate funds, which obviate paternalism and dependence; and remodeled living conditions which feature adequate economic opportunities, educational facilities, modern housing, sanitation, and medical facilities (Appendix D-43). In the metropolis the goals of the Association are most easily seen in its activities toward and on behalf of Indians. Generalizing, it seems fair to suggest that the overarching principle is successful and meaningful 675 adaptation to the contemporary U.S. society as Indians. Conversely, from the perspective of revitalism, the relevant distortions in that larger U.S. society and culture appear to be those areas and/or circumstances which render adaptation precarious or difficult for Indians [e.g., disadvantageous because of immigration without adequate skills, poverty or economic hardships, inadequate education, inequity before the law, isola- tion from other Indians, incorrect information among non-Indians as a whole about Indians, prejudice and negative stereotypes toward Indians, discrimination of various sorts toward Indians, and the tendency toward the loss of Indian status, Indianness, or Indian identity in the metropolis--i.e., Howard (1955) and Newcomb's (1955 and 1956) "becoming nondistinctive members of the larger society"]. (NOTE: Since goals and means are interrelated we refer our readers to Appendix D~64b.) APPENDIX D-64 Means. Outsiders, Indian and/or White, are apt to view the North American Indian Association as a single-purpose club, organized around recreation. Such a perspective probably results from a knowledge of the social activities which it sponsors for Indians and from superficial obser- vance and consideration of the pow wow. The perspectives, therefore, of occasional and outside observers may lead to certain conclusions which are quite different from those reached by persons who have participated within the group throughout the course of several years and who have considered it through the course of time, using the perspectives and data which we have employed. A consideration of the data indicates that the Association has passed far beyond being simply a dance group or social club, or a single-purpose organization. Its members are well adjusted to the metropolis themselves and most efforts do not concern them directly. They have come to focus their efforts on a "deliberate organized effort" to alter many areas in the American society and culture, both the non-Indian and the generalized Indian, so that the I‘more satisfying way of life for Indians" envisioned can become a reality. Except perhaps for an occasional sending out of a dance group where they know that the financial returns will be very small, we have never known one of its activities, to be mentioned below, 676 which was used apart from this deliberate attempt to effect change. a. In attempting changes in the dominant society the means used are (1) political; (2) legal; (3) the seating of representatives on community-wide organi- zations, both non-Indian and the Coordinating Council on Indian Affairs, and on pan-Indian organizations at the national level; (4) the delegation of qualified members as speakers to appear before various civic groups, on television, or the radio; (5) the use of newspapers, local and non-local, including pointed articles in protest over some matter pertinent to Indians or to enlighten or stir the public because of some unsatisfactory phase of Indian life, the result of action or inaction by the white society; (6) appeals to large organizations, usually nation-wide, for backing; (7) well planned and advertized open forums on Indian affairs to which the public was invited for enlightenment; (8) the pow wow; and (9) the parade. The political efforts have included letters repre- senting their position to the President, Vice- President, and all members of Congress and all tribes. These have sometimes included nominations for the Commissioner on Indian Affairs, requests for the resignation or impeachment of a member of Congress, or recommendation of the American Indian Point IV Program in lieu of termination. They have also included house to house petitions taken in Detroit and representatives lobbying for them in the State Legislature, and they have included direct efforts to sway votes. They have threatened and nearly brought legal suit on numerous occasions in the years of our attendance when the treaty or civil rights of Indians, in and out of Detroit, were violated. The speakers they delegate are always dynamic, and frequently condemn both non-Indians and the government for injustices done to Indians, while at the same time presenting the "halo" culture of the Indian past. In like manner, some of their television and radio appear- ances, while well executed, are quite pointed, and so also are their newspaper articles (cf. "The Abandonment of the Indian in Detroit's Red Ghetto," Detroit News, March 5, 1970). Incidently, true to its Pan-Indian character, this article goes far beyond Detroit and includes out-state Indians and Canadian Indians. Such activity is understandable in the context of‘ revitalization--e.g., "We are representing our people and therefore we must speak of the plight which has fallen on them. An unknowing and lethargic public needs strong words to make it understand." 677 Means used in attempting to enrich and improve the lives of Indians themselves differ from those used in connection with non-Indians. Here we find the use of the organization itself, pow wows, efforts to raise money, occupational support, social support, recre- ational activities, and exhortation and/or evangelism. It deliberately advances the Association as the place where Indians help Indians and it becomes, therefore, the place to go when in difficulty of differing sorts. It also becomes a channel through which whites can direct welfare items to Indians in need, and which Indians can use to the same end. By occupational support we refer to aid in securing jobs, and on occasions offering training for the same. By social support we refer to personal assistance and advice in cases where Indians might appear before the law, have domestic problems, in returning bodies to reser- vations for burial, and in sickness. Mutual aid can be conceptualized under revitalization in this case since it conceivably deals with some of the same problems but in an in-group context. The Associatiation envisions Indians remaining as Indians in the metropolis. Accordingly, it defends Indian status and their right to cross at will between the United States and Canada, and to reside and be employed where they choose without visa in accordance with the Jay Treaty. The failure of immigration officials or employers to abide by this is viewed as a violation of the legal and tribal rights of Indians. It also provides status for Indians as a group by standing as the true representative of all Indians in the metropolis in the news media, by having its representatives in community organizations, on the Governor's Indian Commission, and on pan-Indian organizations at the national level. Through partici- pation in its activities it provides members status as Indians in the eyes of the non-Indian society and non-member Indians in the metropolis, and assures those elsewhere that he is still acting Indian. It seeks the fellowship and union of Indians by denouncing tribalism and factionalism and arguing cooperation and unity, and by providing a series of diverse recreational activities to which all in the metropolis and neigh- boring areas are invited. It offers through the pow wows, opportunity to meet and socialize with Indians of many tribes and places. It stands between Indians and the law by providing social and sometimes economic support, and it contends loudly against discrimination toward Indians in housing, employment. education, burial, and accessability to public places. Prejudice, 678 negative stereotypes, and misinformation about Indians is viewed as perhaps the most subtily harmful, which it seeks to correct--means vary. In the area of economics the Association suggests jobs, apprenticeships, and has provided instruction sometimes in certain occupations. It also offers welfare relief to those in need in provisions of clothing, food, and sometimes money. Loans are some- times available to members or persons felt worthy and reputable. Recently it has set itself to relieving conditions in Detroit's "Red Ghetto" and it has aspirations for developing its own center to serve new immigrants and those in the area more fully. Sometimes its members, or delegates, attempt to mend severed husband—wife ties. It is especially interested in the welfare of Indian children and the adoption of Indian orphans. Its primary, manifest, purpose, and not at all limited to those in the metropolis, is the provision of educational scholarships for Indians. This is handled in a very formal manner and includes funds for both vocational training and higher educa- tion. This grew directly out of the struggle over termination and their oft discussions on the plight of Indians in general and came to be viewed as the surest possible way to help individual Indians now and the Indian people as a whole in the future--the means which they as a small group could most effec- tively employ and which would least likely fail. A code (Appendix D-62) has emerged which is in keeping with its goals and with Pan-Indianism. This seems to say that Indians are not inferior: they are as good as anyone else, have as much intelligence and ability as others, and a culture to be proud of (see the reconstituted "message of the parade," Ch. II). On a more positive side it apparently declares that the true Indian way is one where personal integrity, honor, truth, and pride in being Indian dominate and rule the personality (Appendix D-6l). It seems espe- cially oriented to contemporary Indians, telling them to be proud of their Indian heritage, to retain Indian identity, and to seek the best in the contemporary world. It espouses individuality but urges union, mutual understanding and help. Indians are told that the white society has robbed them of most of their culture and reduced them to poverty so that they have come to feel inferior but that they should return to those "values" rightfully theirs and, in fact, use them to achieve again status in this new age. 679 Accordingly, a new dignity and meaning to life is believed to await this change in attitude. Beyond this, the Association offers help of diverse types to those changing and a place to be with Indians and retain Indian identity, pride and "values." For those who are members it urges dedicated effort to the cause, without reimbursement financially, and their efforts seem tireless.