MSU LIBRARIES “ RETURNING MATERIALS: P1ace in book drop to remove this checkout from your record. ‘FINES wi11 be charged if book is returned after the date 'L r « e 51%;: ' . I.\. /' stamped below. ABSTRACT THE EAISAL SETTLEMENT PROJECT AT HARADH, SAUDI ARABIA: A STUDY IN NOMAD ATTITUDES TOWARD SEDENTARIZATION By Mbhammed Hussein Al-Fiar This study focuses on the problem of the settlement of nomads. Specifically, it is concerned with the Faisal Settlement Project at Haradh, Saudi Arabia. The study is carried out from the general premise that nomadism as a way of life is not flexible in the face of rapid development and technological change. It seems that the decline of nomadism is inevitable. Nomads, on the other hand, are adaptable and able to make the transition to other ways of life, including settled agriculture, if given the opportunity and if their special problems are recognized. The Faisal Settlement project at Haradh provides an opportunity for nomadic settlement. The discovery of ground- water and the suitability of the soil for cultivation at Haradh have encouraged the government of Saudi Arabia to uti- lize these resources for settling the nomads. While it is official government policy that settlement be by choice rather than coercion, the nomadic life style is believed to hinder and delay the whole country's development. Mbhammed Hussein Al-Fiar After the project construction has been completed, the Faisal Settlement Organization (FSO) has decided to operate the project as a feed-sheep production system“ Also, the pro- ject laborers are considered potential settlers because of the training and skills they gain while working for wages. This represents a departure from the original policy, which ‘was primarily to settle nomads. These laborers are composed of three groups, local nomads, non-local nomads and villagers. The local nomads are of the Al-Mnrrah tribe, one of the famous nomadic tribes in Saudi Arabia. The settlement project is located in their territory (Dirah). The non-local nomads as well as the villagers are attracted by the job opportunity at Haradh and come from many areas in the kingdom. Under the original policy, the Al-Murrah would be favored as settlers. In order to determine attitudes of the three groups to the project and the idea of settlement, a survey of these potential settlers was carried out. A questionnaire was given to a sample of 118. The results were analyzed along six dimen- sions. They are; acceptance of the project, desire to settle, readiness for change, activity preferred by potential settlers, distribution and ownership of land, and future expectations. After comparing the three groups along the six dimensions, con- clusions are drawn as to what factors are important in choosing which group is preferable to settle. The study concludes that local nomads should be given preference on the settlement project. Also, it is the finding of this study, that the Mbhammed Hussein Al-Fiar settlement project at Haradh is emphasizing the economic gains at the expense of social factors. It is observed that the project's economic targets are either overestimated or diffi- cult to achieve. In the concluding chapters, a general summary of find- ings is presented and a number of recommendations are made. THE FAISAL SETTLEMENT PROJECT AT HARADH, SAUDI ARABIA: A STUDY IN NOMAD ATTITUDES TOWARD SEDENTARIZATION By Mbhammed Hussein Al-Fiar A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fu fillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Geography 1977 (9 Copyright by MOHAMMED HUSSEIN AL-FIAR 1977 By the Name of Allah, Nest Gracious, Mbst Merciful Praise be to Allah, the Lord of the worlds and peace be upon His most Honorable Prophet and his Family and Companions; Allah says: "So announce the goodness to my servants, those who listen to the word and follow the best in it." -- The Qur'an, Sura of the Companies. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I wish to express my gratitude and acknowledgement to those people whose cooperation and help made it possible to complete this study. In particular, I am very grateful to the laborers of Haradh Project for their cooperation and willingness to be interviewed. Also, the cooperation and assistance from the Administrative Staff at the Haradh Project is unforgetable. Deeply appreciated is the help and under- standing given by personnel of The Ministry of Agriculture. Special appreciation is in order to the committee chairman, Dr. David Stephenson, for his patience, direction and guidance. I am grateful to the other committee members: Dr. Ian Matley, Dr. Georg Borgstrom, and Dr. Robert Stevens, Department of Agricultural Economics. Their comments and suggestions were always helpful. Sincere appreciation is extended to Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Glidden for their support and advice. Also, my deep thanks are extended to Dr. and Mrs. Roy Harvey for their help and suggestions. This study would not have been possible without the financial and moral support provided by The University of Riyadh. Finally, I am.indebted to my father, Hussein H. Al-Fiar, for his courage, his support and his love. ii List of List of CHAPTER I. II. III. IV. TABLE OF CONTENTS Tables . Figures INTRODUCTION . Geography and Development Geography and Settlement . Statement of Problem . Hypotheses . . Organization of Study NOMADISMCAND SETTLEMENT: A REVIEW . Introduction . . Nomadism.: Definition and Rationale Structure of Nomadic Groups The Decline of Nomadism . . Causes of Nomadism.Decline and Incentives for Settlement . . . . . . . . . . . Sedentarization . Settlement Experience in Various Countries . Settlement in Saudi Arabia . Impact of Settlement . Losses and Gains . . . . The Role of Technology . Overview . . . . DEVELOPMENT OF SAUDI ARABIA Saudi Arabia: An Introduction Resource Base of Saudi Arabia Develo nt: The Exploitation of Resources : Agricu ture Development Projects. THE HARADH SETTLEMENT PROJECT The Project Area . The Project Idea . . The Faisal Settlement Organization (FSO). Resources in the Project Area . . . iii I 102 TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued . . .) CHAPTER VI. VII. The Irrigation Systems . The Drainage System . . The Project Significant . . . The Project Economy and Exploitation . THE HARADH PEOPLE: AL-MURRAH . The Al- Murrah Tribe . . The Tribe Area (Dirah) . . . Al- Murrah Social Organizatimn . Al- MMrrah Economic Conditions . AlAMurrah and Their Environment Al-Murrah and the Project . ATTITUDES TOWARD THE HARADH PROJECT Introduction . . . The Project Population . Sample Design . . Questionnaire Administration . Analysis Procedures . Acceptance of the project . Desire to settle . . Readiness for Change . . . Activity preferred by potential settlers . Distribution and ownership .of land. Future expectations Summary and Assessment CONCLUSION . Summary . . Recommendation . APPENDIX. Questionnaire . BIBLIOGRAPHY . iv . 153 . 153 . 154 . 156 . 159 . 161 . 161 . 165 . 171 . 179 . 187 . 194 201 211 211 °. 218 . 224 . 231 TABLE £1!wa 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. LIST OF TABLES Oil effectice producers/thousands of barrels/day . . . . . . . . . Oil Production: 1938-1976 (Million Barrels) , Oil Revenues: 1938-1976 . Oil Reserves: 1964-1976 . Average annual growth rates by sector and gross domestic product (Constant Prices) Gross domestic product in current prices, 1970-75 . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gross domestic product in constant 1974-75 prices, 1970-75 . . Growth of GDP in current prices . Relative shares (percent) Second development plan outlays . Increase in output of main crops: 1970-80 . Ministry of Agriculture and water Budget Soil Classification Distribution Estimated production of selected products in Haradh . . . . . . . . . Summary of Alternative Merits . Rrojected sheep sales for 1972-77 (heads) Income from sales of products on increases in inventory 1972-82 . . The project population distribution . The Monthly Employees Distribution . 74 . 77 . 78 . 81 . 81 . 82 . 86 . 89 .103 .119 123 125 127 156 157 LIST OF TABLES (Continued . . .) TABLE 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. Population Classification by Tribe and Type of Employment . . Sample Size and Distribution . Acceptance of the Project Desire to Settle . Readiness For Change . Amount of Animals to be kept with Farming Nomads' responses to disposal time . Relation to herd keepers in the desert . Preference of activity and user of the project . . . . . . . . . ways to learn farming skills Anticipated financial sources for farming . Distribution and ownership of land . Future expectations in case of distribution of land . . . . . Future expectations in case of no distribu- tion of land . . . . . . . . . . . Peoples' plans of working for future living if not at Haradh. . . vi . 157 . 158 . 162 . 166 . 173 . 176 . 176 . 178 . 182 .183 185 . 189 196 . 198 200 Figure u-PUDNH 10. 11. LIST OF FIGURES Physical Features of Saudi Arabia . world Oil, 1974 . Oil Revenues of Saudi Arabia Gross Domestic Product: Relative Shares . Demand for and Supply of Basic A ricultural Commodities in Saudi Arabia, 197 . General Mbp of the King Faisal Settlement Project . . . . Al- Faisal Settlement Project Organization (FSO) . . . . . . . . . . . . Geologic Cross Section of the Haradh Project Area with Selected Well Cores . Northern part of the irrigation and drainage systems . . . . . . . The Dirah and Maximum.Range of the .A1€Murrah . . . . Lineages and Clans of the Al-Murrah Tribe . vii . 88 . 95 .101 106 . 110 136 138 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION With the technology of the twentieth century and the enormous wealth of its desert environment, it is no surprise to find Saudi Arabia engulfed in the heady stream of develop- ment. The aim of this development, here as in other regions of the world, is to optimize the use of resources for the benefit of all people, from all population groups, rural as well as urban. Not until recently was rural deveIOpment in Saudi Arabia given attention and accorded some priority. Rural areas had to wait for urban development to accomplish many of its targets before sufficient capital could be allocated for rural projects. However since 1972 capital requirements for all developmental purposes have become available. Oil revenue has been increasing and hence, capital supply is in excess of demand. The abundance of capital, in addition to financing generously all the developmental programs, has been employed, in part, in importing foreign advanced technology to speed up the country's growth and prosperity. Agriculture is the main rural activity on which most of} the attention is focused. The development of agriculture leads naturally to many other related developments. Rural roads and 1 2 transportation, education, welfare programs, community pro- grame, and water resources development are examples of subse- quent benefits to agricultural development. In Saudi Arabia, agricultural conditions are not favorable, due in most part to the scarcity of water and, with less severity, to other climate features and soil conditions. But demand for agricultural production is increasing tremendously because of the increasing standard of living and growing popu- lation, and because of the increasing numbers of experts, foreign technicians, and professionals who are engaged in the implementation of the development plan. All these factors have created an urgent need for developing this section. The large increase in the budget of The Ministry of Agriculture and Water during the last few years reflects this trend. Agricultural development involves water resources development, land reclamation, new settlements and many other intensive measures. Conventionally, these numerous tasks are carried out in the form of projects. The subject of this study is one of the largest projects established by The Ministry of Agriculture, the Settlement Project at Haradh. The aim is multi-faceted: reclamation of new land, exploitation of new water, and the settlement of one thousand nomadic families. The project has been designed and constructed within the general framework of national development. Whether it is land re- clamation or water source utilization, or nomad settlement or a combination of all three, the project is a developmental 3 issue. Therefore, it is a vital subject for geographical study. Egggraphy and Development Geography as a member of the social sciences' commun- ity cannot relinquish its role in the development of man and his habitat. Geographers are obligated to participate in their community's development and make their knowledge useful 1 For the many successful geographical studies, to society. especially of land use, Chapman points out that "geographers are in a strong position to make a real contribution to the theory of development because of the amount of data they have 2 He also believes that geography collected in many countries." has accumulated considerable empirical evidence upon which a theoretical contribution to the study of development might be based.3 Development has been defined by many scholars and in many ways. All these definitions are correct, but most of them are just partial definitions. For one reason, professionals in the various disciplines look at development from their specific point of view. Therefore, their definitions often 1Richard Hartshorne. Pers ectives on the Nature of Geoggaphy (Chicago: Rand‘McNalIy and Company, I969), pp.I65-l66. 2Murray Chapman. "Geography and the Study of Deve10p— ment," The Journal of Developing Areas, Vol.3 (1969). P.320. 31bid., p. 320. 4 exclude other aspects of the term. For another, the term 'development' is broad and covers almost every aspect of be- havior or activity in the physical or human world. According to Seers, development means "creating the conditions for the realization of human personality."1 Although this definition is broad and covers conceptually a wide range of implications, it is not clear and specific. Therefore, it becomes necessary to define development in specialized terms. In that case, defining agriculture development, or water resources develop- ment, or transportation development, or religious development achieves more clarity than Seers' general definition. From this point of view, development can be narrowed for the purpose of this study to focus on settlement. And hence, Chapman's definition of deveIOpment is more likely to suit this study. He says "development is given its broadest definition to refer to the more optimal utilization of a country's and/or people's physical and human resources through concerted and often planned action. It thus implies definite social change and subsumes the discernible shifts that occur in the economic, political, and cultural life of a community."2 But it must be remembered that every settlement is development and not necessarily vice versa. So, the following discussion Me 1 1Dudley Seers. aghat are we trying to(measure?" asur ng Deve opment, e ted by Nancy Baster London: Cass, 2Murray Chapman, Op. cit., p. 319. 5 applies only to the settlement phase of the broader meaning of development. Egggraphy and Settlement The geographical study of rural settlements, as Baker reports, "began with Ritter's work in the early nineteenth century. Since then both the content and the methodology of this study have been developed principally within a West "1 Von European, particularly a German and French, context. Thunen's work, on the Isolated State, and W. Christaller's in the area of Central Place Theory, have contributed to if not actually established the theoretical framework of rural settle- ‘ment.2 Since then, this branch of geography has not been freed from controversial debates. Stone has defined rural settlement geography as "the description and analysis of the distribution of buildings by which people attach themselves to 3 But this definition was criticized by Jordan for its focus on distribu- the land for the purposes of primary production." tion of buildings only, without including their types. Also LA.RWH. Baker. "The Geography of Rural Settlements," In: Trends in Geo a h An Introductor Surve . Ed. by Ronald U.CooEe and James H.50EHson (London: Pergamon Press, 1969), p.123. 2Michael Chisholm. Rural Settlement and Land Use, An Essa in Location (London: Hutchinson andICo.Ltd., 1962), and BrIan 3.E. Berry. Geo ra h of Market Centers and Retail Distribu- tion, (Englewood CIIfIs, N.3.: Preance-HEII Inc.,I937, pp.59-73. 3Kirk H.Stone. "The Development of a Focus for the Geography of Settlement," Economic Geography, Vol. 41, No. 4 (October, 1965), p. 355. 6 Jordan does not agree with the term building which excludes other constructions as fences and field patterns. In contrast to Stone, Jordan gives more attention to "form”. To him settlement geography is "the study of the form of the cultural n1 landscape. Jordan also places settlement geography exclus- ively within cultural geography. He believes "it is to cultural geography what geomorphology is to physical geography. For this reason he delimits the settlement geographer's course of action. It is to "search for the factors which shaped the 3 cultural landscape." Reacting to Jordan's ideas, Stone notes that "there is really little agreement among geographers world- wide as to what the geography of settlement is except that it "4 His final conclusion was "that includes urban geography. rural settlement geography remains inadequately defined."5 Therefore, Jordan's emphasis on 'form' as the main principle underlying settlement geography cannot be accepted as final. He points out that "it is the emphasis on 'formi which distin- guishes settlement geography from.economic, agricultural, and 1Terry G. Jordan. "On the Nature of Settlement Geo- gggphy," The Professional GeographerI Vol. 18, No. 1 (January, , p. 27. 21bid. 31bid. 4Kirk H. Stone. "Further Development of a Focus for the Geography of Settlement." The Professional Geographer, Vol. 18, No. 4 (July, 1966), p. 208. 51bid., p. 209. 2 7 1 In fact, form of settlement cannot be urban geography." explained.without the function of settlement, and also, the form of settlement is a result of the function undertaken in the settlement. Thus classifying settlement geography ex- clusively under the auspices of culture geography, as Jordan sees, is a risk. Actually, most of the literature on rural settlement geography concentrates on the distribution and patterns of farms and farmsteads and the movements within and between settlements. There is another use of the term "settlement" however and this is to denote resettlement and/or relocation. The case of Southern Italy, as reported by Chisholm, is one of relocation of farmsteads to reduce the losses arising from the excessive distance between farms and residences, is good 2 The settlement of mobile peoples can be fit into example. this classification. Unlike the resettlement of Southern Italy, which is a spatial dispersal, nomadic settlement, such as at Haradh, Saudi Arabia, is one of spatial concentration. The term "sedentarization" is often used as a synonym. The very spatial dispersal is seen as the core of the "nomadic problem”, and the settlement scheme idea is to bring them together in one locality for developmental purposes. 1 Terry G. Jordan, op. cit., p. 27. 2Michael Chisholm. Rural Settlement and Land Use An Essa in Location, (London: HutchInson and Co.Lt3., I962), p. 126. 8 ‘Statement of Problem The purpose of this study is to examine the present condition of nomadism in general, and to analyze the option of settlement as a solution. The nomads' settlement project at Haradh, Saudi Arabia, is the experience around which this study is focused. The project was constructed at the location of a discovery of groundwater, in an area of good soil condi- tions. The overall idea of the project is to utilize these natural resources optimally in agricultural uses to create a new production system.which incorporates the settlement of nomads. In this study the nomad's role in and attitudes to- ward settlement at Haradh are given primary consideration. The organization of the project and its natural resources are examined also. The conclusions of this study relate to the success of nomadic settlement in Saudi Arabia. The problem of nomadism in Saudi Arabia is perceived from two different points of view. First, from the nomad's point of view, nomadism.is not a wealthy and glorious way of life anymore. Nomadism has lost its prestige gradually be- cause the establishment of law and order has replaced tribal protection, and because motorized transport has replaced the camel. The educational renaissance has reached some of the nomad's children or relatives, who eventually come to live under much better conditions than their fellow nomads. These educated former nomads have become a point of comparison to the nomads themselves, and a focus of imitation. The nomads 9 appreciation for education is growing rapidly. Add to these circumstances such factors as the severe droughts, overgraz- ing, and degradation of the pastures, then the result is a life even more marginally subsistent and unsatisfactory. Secondly, from the government's point of view, nomad- ism is a constraint in the way of complete and integrated economic development. The nomads' contribution to the national economy is not significant anymore and they can increase their share by participating in different production systems in stable localities. In these stable localities, they can be provided with every needed public service, such as schools, health clinics, roads, means of communications, social welfare, and others. The provision of these services contributes sig- nificantly to raising the nomads' standard of living and hence, improving their productivity. The government also is realiz- ing that rural to urban migration, if not lessened and dis- couraged, will affect rural development and welfare. Agricul- ture is already affected by cultivators abandoning their farms in order to pursue other work, such as in construction or public services. In this context, nomad settlement is viewed as an end and a means at the same time. It is an end to the backwardness of nomadism and it is a means to stimulate rural development. Because of overgrazing and degradation of pastures, settlement of part of the nomads may preserve more grazing land for the moment for nomads who persist in pastoral activities. In the long run a complete or semi-complete settlement will result in restoration of the pastures after which their economic 10 soundness can potentially be exploited under different systems. So far, in Saudi Arabia, it seems that there is a common understanding between the decision-makers and the nomads about the seriousness of the problem of nomadism.and the usefulness of the settlement solution. But agreements on goals do not necessarily imply agreements on means. The prob- lem is how to tackle nomadism.and reach the promising solution without drastic change or disruption. In fact, this problem is close to the spirit in which this study is undertaken, which aims to provide more understanding of the nature of nomadism and contribute to the solution itself. From this principle, this study is organized around five hypotheses. Hypotheses l. Nomads as potential settlers are able to make a transition to an agricultural livelihood. 2. In spite of their heritage as pastoralists, nomads may not necessarily be more attracted to a project which empha- sizes livestock (specifically sheep raising). 3. There is variation in the perception of the Haradh Project among the various potential settlers which is ultimately related to the overall success of the project, as measured by the rate of settlement. 4. The success of the project as a_nomad settlement venture is more a function of nomads perception of their role and participation than it is a function of the most profit- able activities. ll 5. Decision can be made as to which specific group or groups from among several alternatives are most suitable to settle and work at the Haradh project. The specific Objectives of the study are: 1. To discuss the nature of nomadism as a human phenomenon. 2. To investigate nomad settlement, its causes and impact. 3. To investigate the Haradh project structure, resources, economics and social implications. 4. To examine the willingness and desire to change among the various groups of potential settlers. 5. To provide more understanding of the nature of the settle- ment process at Haradh. nganization of Study In the next chapter, nomadism as a geographical phenomenon is discussed. This includes structure and decline of nomadism. Also, equal attention in this chapter is given to the nature of settlement and its causes and impacts. A brief review of nomad settlement in various countries of the. Middle East region is provided. Central to this chapter dis- cussion are two principles which state that nomadism as a style of life is inflexible against external forces, whereas nomads themselves are not reluctant to change. For the purpose of relating the project to the broad field of development, Chapter Three is devoted solely to discussing development in Saudi Arabia. In Chapter Pour, the project's structure and organiza- tion are discussed. In this chapter emphasis is given to the 12 project's resources and their exploitation. The project's human resources, specifically the tribe of Al-Murrah, are dis- cussed in Chapter Five. The social and economic organizations of this tribe are examined. Their reaction to their environ- ‘ment and their perceptions of settlement life are also explored. The core of this study is the discussion in Chapter Six. Basic to the investigation in this chapter are the above hypotheses. It was necessary to construct a questionnaire to obtain information for the testing of these hypotheses. The questionnaire design and administration and the analysis method- ology are discussed in the beginning of this chapter. Specific dimensions are investigated: desire to settle and readiness for change are investigated and comparisons made among various groups in the sample. Incentives for participation in and support of the project are considered. In general, the laborers' attitudes toward settlement are examined. From the various results of the analysis, decisions are reached in regard to the study hypo— theses. In the last chapter a summary of findings and a set of recommendations are provided. Finally, it must be noted that some of the Arabic words or names are transliterated according to the system used in the International Journal of Middle Eastern StudiesI except where there is a common form in English, such as "Haradh". Also in the forthcoming discussions the Saudi Arabian monetary unit, the Riyal, is used. At the time of writing this dissertation 3.55 Saudi Riyals (SR) equal U.S. $1. The west- ern calendar is used in place of the corresponding Hijrah years . For example the year 1974 is used for the year 1394. CHAPTER II NOMADISM AND SETTLEMENT: A REVIEW Introduction The subject of nomadism.has been investigated by many scholars in the past as well as in the present. The collec- tion of their work comprises a large body of literature. How- ever, in this study, more attention is given to the recent portion of the literature. This does not mean that recent studies are the only reliable sources because of their systems atic approaches. In fact, some examples of good quality works are found in the old references. Volney (1787), as described by Dyson-Hudson, "had presented western Europe with a remark- ably lucid discussion of Near Eastern pastoral peoples, their relation to each other and to sedentary groups, and the mixed ecological and political facts (as we would now phrase it) accounting for their manner of existence."1 Nomadic studies as evaluated by Dyson-Hudson seem always to have had a curiously inchoate, non-cumulative "2 character. During the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century, nomadic studies were mostly descriptive and 1Neville Dyson-Hudson; "The Study of Nomads," Perspec- tives On Nomadism. ed. by William Irons and Neville Dyson- Hudsmn, (EeIden: E.J. Brill, 1972), p. 3. 2Ibid., p. 2. 13 14 similar to each other in approach and findings. In addition the subject was approached by scholars from different discip- lines in an isolated manner. As Neville Dyson-Hudson notices, "orientalist, geographical and anthropological impulses remained separate, and such knowledge as there was become scattered across three largely self-insulating fields of en- 1 Unfortunately, recent studies have not contributed to quiry." the understanding of nomadism with new facts or implications. Most of their works are a repetition of old materials put in different words. Examples of this repetition can be cited. In his description of the Brahui of Baluchistan, Swidler emr phasizes that climate conditions are the limiting factors to 2 This is true, but is not new knowledge. nomad occupation. Following the same route, Paine sees that the size of herds, ‘ the allocation of work among households, migration and herd management are all attributed to environmental conditions. But indeed, within the framework of the environmental condi- tions and the different seasons, he managed to distinguish be- tween extensive and intensive forms that the Lapp reindeer pastoralists undertake to manage their herding and husbandry 1Ibid., p. 3. 2W’.‘W. Swidler; "Some Demographic Factors Regulating the Formation of Flocks and Camp Among the Brahui o Baluchistan," Pers ectives On Nomadism ed. by William Irons and Neville Dyson-Hudson (EeIden: E.j. Brill, 1972), pp. 69-75. 15 activities.1 Actually, citations of this kind are frequent. And‘, the similarity in the literature is not only in the natural aspect of nomads life, but it is also in the cultural, social, economic and political aspects as well. Hence, this review is organized in a way which requires distinguishing between nomadism.as a style of life, and nomads as a group of people ‘with rational behavior. This distinction is based on the following principles: 1. Nomadism in the modern world cannot adapt to specific attempts to improve its qua ity ‘without its destruction. And so, nomadism as a style of life is an inflexible against external forces. 2. In contrast, nomads are not reluctant to changing their way of life if they are pro- vided with another acceptable one. Conceptually, nomadism.as a style of life and as a geographical phenomenon must be defined. Nomadism: Definition and Rationale There is a general agreement between all writers about the deterministic character of nomadism. The nomadic way of life is a very ancient form of adaptation to an arid and semi- arid environment, which began after the neolithic period and 2 the domestication of plants and animals. The influence of 1Robert Paine; "The Herd Management of Lapp Reindeer Pastoralists," Pers ectives On Nomadism. ed. by William Irons and Neville Dyson-Hudson ZEeIden: E.J. Brill, 1972), pp. 76-87. 2Food and Agricultural Organization of the United 16 the nomadic environment on its habitants is interpreted with deterministic language. Berque, says "for centuries the 1 of Arabia have been a source of wonder to their Bedouins sedentary neighbors and they still share something of the ewe- some prestige of the desert. Their qualities of restraint, wiry alertness, keen senses and intensity of emotion are the result of a far closer attunement to their surroundings than can be achieved by the city-dweller or the farmer."2 Agree- ing with Berque, Amiran shows anachronistic thinking of nomad- ism, He says "nomadism is the optimum adaptation of non- industrial populations to the occupance of fully arid areas outside of cases. It might, therefore be a final form of adaptation, and small groups may adhere to nomadism as long as they continue to exist. They represent a social anachronism 3 Along with this thought, Silberman says "by in our day." natural selection the nomad has proved himself a skilled ecolo- gist, maintaining the most delicate adjustments between the capacity of his animals to go without good and water and the Nations; "Nomadic Pastoralism.as a Method of Land Use," Arid Zone Research The Problems of the Arid Zone Proceedin s of the ParIs SymposIum, UNESCO, (PrInted In France, VoI.I8, I9§2),p. 357. 1Thewords Bedouins and Nomads mean the same and used in this study interchangeably. 2J. Berque. "Introduction; Nomads and Nomadism.in the Arid Zone," International Social Science Journal, UNESCO, Vol. 11, No. 4, 1959, p. 484} 3David H.K. Amiran. "Arid Zone Development; A Reappraisal under Modern Technological Conditions," Economic Geo ra h (Worcester, Mass: Clark University, Vol.4I, No.3, JuIy I965),p.190. 17 timing and route of their movement from one grazing ground or 'water source to the next."1 Because of climatic variation, nomad migrations are clear evidence of their response to their environment, and their migrations have become an important character of nomadism. Scholz believes that "nomadism is based upon the 'mobility of the property', which consists of herds, and on the mobility of the homes cennected with this property, and therefore is based upon the frequent change of the dwelling-place as a characteristic of a whole tribe."2 In any case, no matter from what perspective nomadism is defined, "it is the product of the climate and the charac- "3 Not only that, teristics of the surrounding environment. but some scholars think that nomadism.is a result of the desert. Nomadism.as described by Mbnteil, is a hard, an austere and frugal life, but it "holds the balance" against a hostile cosmos.4 Thus a technological interruption is likely to disturb 1Leo Silberman. "Somali Nomads", International Social Science Journal, UNESCO, Vol. 11, No. 4, 1959, p. 559. 2 Fred Scholz. "Belutschistan (Pakistan)i eine sozial- geographische Studie desfiwanHEIs in eInem‘NEmadenland seit Beg nn der Kolonialzeit. GBttingen, Verlag Erich Goltze KC, 19 4 (GBttinger geographische Abhandlungen. Heft 63), English Summary, pp. 299-30 . 3R. Capot-Rey. "The Present State of Nomadism in the Sahara," Arid Zone Research, The Problems of the Arid Zone, Proceedin s of the Paris Symposium1 UNESCO (PrInEeH In France, 901. I8, I962), p. SUI. 4Vincent Menteil. "The Evolution and Settling of the Nomads of the Sahara," International Social Science Journal, UNESCO, Vol. 11, No. 4, 1959, p. 579. l8 and upset this balance. That long period nomadism has sur- vived is due in large part to its enclosure and distance from technology. The similarity of nomadic lives in every nomadic society in the world is not surprising. Everywhere it is a natural response to the local environment. As Fisher says "nomadism is a special response to environment, by which the frontier of human occupation is pushed further within a region "1 Also, the differences, which are of increasing difficulty. not in the core and spirit of nomadism but in minor matters like dress styles, mode of migration, technique of branding animals, shape of tents, and others, are all determined by local environments. Patai,2 in his comparison between Middle Eastern nomads and Central Asian nomads, approves of this. The differences also are not only visible among different regions or cultures, but within regions as well. Due to different sets of environmental opportunities, Irons3 found many vari- ations in economic organizations between Yomut and Basseri, kaB. Fisher. The Middle East, A Physical, Social and Re ional Geo ra h (London: Methuen and Co.Ltd), Sixth e t on, , p. 35. 2Raphael Patai. "Nomadism.: Middle Eastern and Central Asian," Southwestern Journal of Anthro olo (Albu uerque: University of New NExIco Press, VoI. 7, I95I), pp. 4 l- 414. 3WilliamIrons. "Variation in Economic Organ nization: A Comparison of the Pastoral Yomut and the Basseri, Perspec- tives On Nomadism ed. by William Irons and Neville Dyson- Hfidson (LEIden E. J. Brill, 1972), pp. 88- 104. l' "- y) 19 both of whom.are nomadic tribes in Iran and under one culture. Nevertheless, the similarities and differences in the nomadic lifeé‘as discussed by many scholars show the strong influence of environment on nomadisms Finally, nomadism.is a perfect contemporary example of the "paradigm of physical condition and human response set 1 forth by Davis." For its deterministic character, Nomadism leaves no alteration choice for man but offers him with one fixed, static system of living by means of 'take-it or leave'it'. According to Amiran, "the nomad can either maintain his tradi- tional practices and economic level (but in doing so will have to remain outside the sphere of modern Arid Zone develop- ment), or he can partake of modern developments and amenities, but will have to adopt the techniques, including those of x~settlement,‘without'which modern.Arid Zone development is impossible. "2 that nomadism.is inflexible holds true. Therefore, the first principle which suggests Structure of Nomadic Groups Nomadism's long duration indicates that this style of life would have not been preserved through the ages if it lacked some sort of organization and cohesion. Nomadism.as described by Capot-Rey, "is not only a way of life, it is also 1Preston E. James. All Possible WOrlds, A History of Geographical Ideas, (New YorE: The Odyssey Press, 1972), p.366. 2David 11.x. Amiran. Op. cit., p. 203. 20 a form of social organization based on ties of family and l allegiance." .Among the Middle East nomads, for instance, the family is the basic unit of the social organization. From 2 and Patai3 this base, as Cole observe, several extended families form a lineage, several lineages constitute a subtribe or clan, and several clans make up a tribe. Also in investi- gating the Mflddle Eastern nomadic structure, Patai notices that there is no class structure found within the tribes singly.« There is no aristocracy in the typical Bedouin tribe, and no institutionalized expression of differences in economic standing.. All the people born into the tribe are equals. But among various tribes, Patai observes that greater stress is put on differences in status and prestige. Tribes of a higher status look down with contempt upon tribes of a lower 4 status and do not intermarry with them. For this reason Patai believes that the Middle Eastern nomads are different or unique. He says "this definite and well-recognized scale of tribal nobility has, to my knowledge, no counterpart in the 5 social structure of the Central Asian nomads." But the main 1R. Capot-Rey. "The Present State of Nomadism.in the Sahara," Op. cit., pp. 301-302i 2Donald Powell Cole. Nomads of the Nomads, The A1 Murrah Bedouin of the Empty Quarter, ‘TCEicago: Aldine Publishing CONFERY. I975). P- 32- Asi ' 3Raphagl PataiL11"Nomadism: Middle Eastern and Central ..._...§_t_1." OP°Ct°9po . 4Ibid., p. 411. 51bid., p. 411. 21 thing the Middle Eastern nomads have in common with all nomadic societies is organization based on kinship. Kinship and common origin is the foundation of the structure of nomadism. It underlies an implicit constitutional relation, not only in the social sphere but economically as well. This principle of kinship, as Marx sees it, "is so far- reaching that when large groups are formed, sometimes by pacts of alliance, the Bedouin find it necessary to establish a fictitious kinship traced back to some common ancestor so as to legitimize these political ties."1 In fact, each tribe keeps a record of their races and lineages, so that nobody can claim membership in a tribe, either fictitiously or otherwise, unless he belongs really to that tribe. Lipsky. observes that "each tribe is composed of descendants of a single illus- trious male ancestor whose name it usually bears."2 The kinship principle is a powerful instrument which holds the tribal structure from dispersal or destruction. It regulates all the tribe's affairs. Economically speaking, "kinship is a credit bank for those who need to get something out of a social situation which can be provided by mutual alliance; the giving of services represents an investment 1Emanuel Marx. "Bedouin Society in the Negev," New Outlook IMiddle East Mbnthl (Tel Aviv: Tazpiath Ltd. Vo I. 2, No. I, (SeptEEEer, I958), p. I8. 2George A. Lipsky. Saudi Arabia its eo 1e its societngits culture (New Haven: Conn. ERIE Press, I959), p.74. 22 against a future need."1 In many cases the social and econo- mic systems of any tribal society work inter-relatedly as one single system due to the kinship existence. Horowitz notices that pastoral nomadism.aerves through the circulation of herds to reinforce all social relationships and creates a coopera- tive economic system.2 The Decline of Nomadism The decline of nomadism.comes as a result of the inflex- ibility of its style of life which cannot adapt to modern tech- nological application. It is also a result of the nomads' rational behavior. The nomad in making his economic or living decisions is no doubt a rational decision-maker, at least for himself. It is possible to doubt his rationality on the basis that it took him.so long to improve his lifestyle or to benefit fromumany advantageous opportunities in his surroundings. But in fact, he has never known of these opportunities or been introduced to better alternatives in the past, and hence, he acted rationally to Optimize his returns and living under his limited resources. His migration, his herd size, his management of pastures, his allocation of labor among his household, and ¥ 1Alison M; MbcEwen. "Kinship and Mbbility on the Argentine Pampa," Ethnolo - An International Journal of Cul- t1u're and Social Antfiro oIo (UfiIversIty of Pittsburg, UOI. I2, No 2 (I II I979) . pr , , p. 150. 2Michael‘M. Horowitz. "Ethnic Boundary Maintenance Alllong Pastoralists and Farmers in the Western Sudan (Ni er) " ; Pars ectives On Nomadism, ed. by William Irons and Nevi le DNeon-Hudson (EeIHen: E.J. Brill, 1972), p. 111. 23 his kin relations are all excellent examples of rational behavior under the hardficircumstances he undergoes. The nomad is economically qualified to use his re- sources wisely and optimally. Pastoralism, as viewed by Salzman, "is management of and food extraction from a parti- cular type of resource, domesticated or semi-domesticated animals."1 Therefore, nomadic pastoralism can be perceived as an economic strategy carried out by rational individuals who may give it up, due to their rationality, to adopt a different activity or system.of production which yields better returns. Krader says "by the nineteen-twenties, 90 percent of Egypt nomads had made the transition to sedentary agriculture, with stock raising as a supporting activity. The same trans- formation was made by the nomads of Turkey under Mustafa Kemal. In Iran, a large number of the Bakhtiari, a people with a high development of nomadic pastoralism, have settled farming and a mixed economy at the present time; the Gashgais have made the transition to a mixed farming and herding economy in a more limited degree: here the nomads are still the large majority of the people. The Kurds of Iran and Iraq have undergone a change similar to that of the Bakhtiari. In the Arabic lands of South-west Asia, the proportion of nomads who have taken up 1Philip C. Salzman. "Multi-Resource Nomadism in Iranian Baluchistan." Perspectives On Nomadism ed. by William Irons and Neville Dyson-Hudson (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1972), p. 67. 24 a mixed economy is increasing although it is relatively small compared with that of Egypt. At the same time the constitu- tion of the herds of the Arab mixed farmer-herdsman has shifted 1 All these transi- from a predominance of camels to goats." tions or changes are taken by the nomads to free themselves from.nomadiem and its inflexible life. In fact the decline or elimination of nomadism does not come only from official programs, but the nomads themselves have examined or have been exposed to other alternatives of living which they ration- ally preferred or were attracted by. Thus, the principle which states that nomads are not reluctant to change is agree- able. And so, Amiran2 calls for advancement in the nomads standards of living to be comparable with those in other areas, or increasing severe depopulation seems to be the prospect. Causes of Nomadism.Decline and Incentives for Settlement The rationality of nomads and the inflexibility of nomadism underlie the decline of nomadism" However, many circumstances have contributed to this decline on the one hand and necessitated settlement on the other. They are summarized as follows: 1. The increased and fast developments in the agri- cultural and industrial sectors have acquired and used many of 1Lawrence Krader. "The Ecology of Nomadic Pastoralism," International Social Science Journal, UNESCO, Vol. 11, No. 4, I959, p. 508. 2David H.K. Amiran. "Arid Zone Development: A Reappraisal," op. cit., p. 203. 25 the nomads grazing grounds. Examples of this fact are found in the Sahara, in Arabia,in Iran and Iraq and in many other places. The immediate effect of this process was the withdrawal of the nomads to smaller and smaller areas with very little grazing capacity. Therefore, their migrations became less_frequent and their herd sizes had to shrink to below subsistence level. In addition to this, the old concept of tribal territory has relaxed ‘with the recognition of national or public property which implies that land is for the public except legal private awnings. “” 2. The development in industry and agriculture has generated many employment opportunities, mainly in the cities. The need for unskilled laborers and the high wages offered have attracted many tribesmen who cannot be rationally satis- fied with the decreasing returns offered by their traditional way of life. The attracted migration to the urban sector has not only participated in the decline of nomadism, but also it has created an urgent need for settlement policies to develop the rural sector and save it.from depopulation. 3. As time advances, nomadism.has lost most of its pres- tige. There are no more needs for their protection with the existence of strong central governments. The old protector- protectee relationship between villagers and nomads has vanished. In addition, as Capot-Rey notices, "nomadic society simultaneously lost its governing class, its elite of honest stock breeders or 1 reformed plunderers." The supporting economic activities which 1R. Capot-Rey. "The Present State of Nomadism in the Sahara," op. cit., p. 305. '9‘ ’L, -._.l A..." 26 used to be secured by nomads are no longer needed or even prohibited. The fees of protection, raiding, caravan trans- portation are good examples of their economic loss. 4. Poverty and/or increased wealth among the nomads Can bath cause a decline in nomadism.and induce settlement. The amount of animals to be raised in the desert has to be within the fixed balance of survival in the poor environment. According to Barth "the stability of a pastoral population depends on the maintenance of a balance between pastures, animal population, and human population. The pastures avail- able by their techniques of herding set a maximal limit to the total animal population that an area will support; while the patterns of nomadic production and consumption define a minimal limit to the size of herd that will support a human household."1 Violation of any limits of this balance could bring a disaster on one hand or be subjected to risk and uncertainty. Bates says that "there is‘a range of herd size within which animal husbandry is a profitable deployment of capital. Families fall- ing at either end of the distribution range are candidates for settlement, particularly those at the lower extreme. Below a certain level, to be empirically determined for the population concerned, herding cannot provide sufficient income to maintain 1Fredrik Barth. Nomads of SOuth Persia, The Basseri Tribe of the Khamseh COnfederacy, (Boston: Little,‘Brown*§fid Company, Ninth—Pfinting,il961), p. 124. 27 the househOld, and alternative sources must be sought. The converse of this is the upper limits of herd size, calculated per family, beyond which animals give a diminishing yield with respect to the capital and risk involved."1 Added to this is the erosion of soil, the degradation of pastures due to overgrazing, and the continuing drought.w¥5fw ,5. The pressure exerted by the central governments in.Asia and Africa to force or persuade the nomads to settle has affected seriously the status of nomadism and reinforced the ongoing trend of spontaneous settlements. Most govern- ments, if not all, do believe that nomadism is a retardant factor to their development programs. The combination of advanced applied technology and large accumulation of capital has indeed encouraged the settlement programe almost everywhere. For instance, Mr. Helaissi says, "so far tribal life in Saudi Arabia has had a delaying effect on the economic development of the country because of the virtual failure of the Bedouins to make any real contribution to it."2 6. The decline of nomadism and the rise of settlement movements have been undertaken in response to chronic threat of 1Daniel G. Bates. Nomads and Farmers: A study of the YBrUk of Southeastern Turke , (Ann Arbor: The university of HIcHIgan, MEseum.of Afitfifopology, Anthropological Papers No. 5 , 1973), p. 195. 2A.S. Helaissi. "The Bedouins and Tribal Life in Saudi Arabia," International Social Science Journal, UNESCO, vol. 11, No. 4, 1959, p. 533. 28 famine, as in the case of the Dandakaranya settlement in Central India, or to alleviate the overriding population pressure in settled rural areas, as in the case of Sumatra to relieve the population pressure in Java, or to initiate the production of high-value export crops among smallholders, as in the case of the Mwea irrigation scheme in Kenya or the Gezira.in the Sudan.1 Sedentarization Regardless of oil and mineral resources, "the desert has never been able to support high densities of pOpulation particularly since the economy has been predominantly pastoral."2 So, this may justify for Chatwin's belief that "nomadism was not a step towards civilization, but a step "3 Then,for this reason,nomadism must disappear away from it. to make a place for civilized settlements. ‘““I' Settlement of nomads comes about either progressively, following on the decay of the traditional way of life, or 4 Also settlement abruptly, as a result of some disaster. comes either spontaneously or planned. In any case, it is an escape from.nomadism apd its backwardness. 1Uma Lele; "On developing rural settlements," Finance and Develo ment The International Monetary Fund and the NorI3.EEfiE, VoI. 13, No. 1 (March, 1976), pp. 8-12. 2Mildred Berman. "Social Change Among the Beersheba Bedouin," Human Organizatiop, (Lexin ton, Kentucky: The Society for Applied Anthropology, VbI.26, No. 12, Spring/Summer,l967), p.75. 3Bruce Chatwin. "The mechanics of Nomad invasions," History Today, (London: Bracken House, Vol.22, May 1972), p.336. 4R. Capot-Rey. The Present State of Nomadism in the Sahara. op. cit., p.306. 29 Settlement Experience in Various Countries Most if not all, of the Middle East countries have within their national boundries some nomadic societies. These nomadic societies used to constitute large majorities in some countries and small minorities in others. But because the balance of living under nomadic systems has been disturbed naturally by diseases, drought and famine, the nomads them- selves have started spontaneously the search for new lives and other production systems for better living. Furthermore, all the middle east governments have started at different times some settlement programs to help the ongoing trend and to in- duce all nomads to settle and contribute to the national pro- duction. A. review of this work is outlined as follows: In Mauretania, most of the nomad settlements are in the spontaneous form. Although it is a very conservative community and modernization is slowly rising, the nomads through their contact with urban and peasant sectors are exposed to other ways of life, and many of them have already taken the initiative. The Moore tribe in Adrar reflects this fact. According to Monteil, "the nomad purchases gardens in a palm grove, and he stops his pastoral migration for a time, so that he may look after his land and turn it to good account. He builds a house beside his fields."1 These personal properties garden and house, are imobile and require permanent settlement. Also, it is 1Vincent Monteil, ibid., p. 579. 30 typical among the nomads to follow each other in a beneficial direction. In Morocco, the nomads spread largely in desert areas in the east to avoid the mountainous snowy regions. Their settlements have begun since the French protectorate through their collective struggle for independence. After the in- dependence, the flow of rural-to-urban migration has never stopped. Another movement from.the desert to coastal areas is noticed. For similar reasons to the ones mentioned above, and beside the rural-urban migration, there are two important fields to which the nomads are turning for their living, agri- culture and industry. For example, the droughts of 1945 and 1946 caused a big loss in Beni Mguild herds, from 95,000 to 56,000 head. The animal disease of 1963 killed 50 percent to 70 percent of the nomads' herds in the Azqar area. Therefore the nomads, on their own at the beginning and with some governmental help later, have turned to agriculture and indus- try for more secure income. The 34,000 hectares, in Bomiah area, cultivated by former nomads is but one example. More- over, in 1958, 10 percent of the Moroccan lead production was mined by former nomads too. At last, by the late 1960's only 15 percent of the Moroccan population were nomadic.1 1M’ohammed A1 Nassiri. "Nomadism Problems and Settle- ment Projects in the Moroccan Kingdom," Nomads Welfare and Modernization and Settlement; The Arab League, Tfie NIntH Con- férence oflLabor and—SociaIAffairs, Vol. 2 (May 1965), pp. 249-278. (In Arabic). 31 In Algeria, the process of settlement has not slowed down, it remains one of the main preoccupations of the Algerian Government, which sees in the spontaneous movement of the Saharan population the desire for access to education and social progress.1 The case of Arabaa tribe in the Algerian Sahara gives a clear example of continuing settlement trend. In the late forties of this century they started to abandon their herds and settle. This movement has never stopped since, and during the summer of 1963, despite the favorable weather conditions encouraging them to remain in the Sahara, 6,000 of the Arabaa, or nearly a quarter of the con- federation, migrated to settlement locations at the Sersou Plateau.2 \\VIn Libya, spontaneous settlements were started through religious motivation under the Sanusimovement.3 The first official act for agricultural settlement was initiated by the old regime in 1963. Since the discovery of oil, Libyan nomads have found it an attractive source of employment. Their udgrations to the urban areas are also encouraged by the economic 4 growth and development there.‘ As Johnson reports, "large-scale \\v 1Robert Capot-Rey. "Problems of Nomadism in the Sahara," International Labour Review (Geneva: International Labour OffIce, VoI. 90, No. 5, November 1964), p. 485. 21bid., p. 485. \» 3E.E. Evans-Pritchard. The Sanusi of Cyrenaica. (Oxford~ Clarendon Press, 1963). F \\v \kéNoury Rahouma.and Abdu Salam.Hueu; "Government Re ort on Development in New Resettlement Areas in LIByaL" (CaIro: Finded 32 '1 He a1- nomadic settlement in Libya is a recent phenomenon.‘ so notices that the single greatest contributor to Bedouin .- settlement due to the government social action program was its housing schemes. The Popular Housing Scheme in 1965 and the Idris Housing Scheme in 1967 speak of this achievement.2 For the near future the Libyan officials, according to Beaumont, "hope to bring an end to pastoral nomadism, which is regarded as incompatible with national unity and efficient adminis- tration."3 In Tunisia, settlement has been the tendency of many nomads in the south, but for political, social, and economic factors, this tendency had to wait until after the Tunisian independency. Since 1956, the nomadic and rural sectors were involved in the whole country's economic reform policy. Many of the settlements in Tunisia came about through several agricultural development efforts around the artesian wells of the Jerid and.the Nefzaua and some other oases.4 by The Ford Foundation and UNICEF, (Arabic Version, 19- 30 September, 1971). ‘\v 1Douglas L. Johnson. Jabal al- Akhdar Cyrenaica: An Historical Geor shy of Settlement andTLivelihooa' (CHIcago: Tfie Department of% kography,TheUfiiversity of'CEIEago, Research Paper No.14 1973) p 201 21bid., pp. 203-209. \\ 3Peter Beaumont, and others. The Middle East: A Geo- graphical Study (London: John Wiley an ons, , p. “Mustafa Al Filali. "Experiments of Nomads Inte ration in Rural Life in TUnisia," Nomads Welfare and.Modernizat on and 33 In the Sudan, nomad settlement has a long, fruitful history. As of 1965 there were more than.million and a half nomads in the country. The most remarkable work of settlement began also by religious motivations in the Sudan since the first world war. But since 1957, several huge agricultural settlement projects have been completed. Examples of these projects are: The Managil Extension, 1957, Khashm El-Girba Agricultural Project, 1964, Mallut Project 1962, and many others. The fertile soils and the availability of water from the Nile River and its tributaries have contributed gracefully to the success of these projects. The fact that the larger portion of the Sudan economy comes from the rural sector, agri- culture and animal husbandry, reflects the intensive official concentration on settling the nomads and increasing the agricul- tural population. The results of these policies are the con- tinuous decline in the nomad's number and the increase in the 1 newly reformed lands. Awad observes, that many tribes lead a completely sedentary life with permanent houses.2 Settlement° The Arab League, The Ninth Conference of Labor and SocIaI Affairs, Vol. 2 (May, 1965), pp. 139-199, (In Arabic). See also, Robert Capot-Rey. "Problems of Nomadism in the Sahara," International Labor Review, op. cit. 1Dr. Mohiddin sabir. "Nomads Settlement and Mbdern- ization," Nomads Welfare and Modernization and Settlement; The Arab League, The Ninth conference of Labor and Social Affairs, Vol. 1 (May 1965), pp. 243-374. (In Arabic) 2Mohamed Awad. "Nomadism.in the Arab Lands of the Middle East," Arid Zone Research, The Problems of the Arid Zone Pro- ceedi s of the Paris SymposiuQLFUNESCB, (Printed in France, VOI. %§ I962} 33 D 9 p0 0e 34 In Egypt, the nomadic population, as reported by Awad, is declining and in the late fifties it was about 55,000 people, or half what it was in 1907. At present, according to Awad, the nomadic population consists of tribal sections only, since there is no tribe at present which is wholly nomadic. This great reduction is due to the fact that the government has been actively concerned with the problem of nomadic and tribal groups for the last 150 years.1 But as George reports, the Egyptian efforts to settle the nomads have started since the beginning of this century. The Western Desert, in parti- cular, has witnessed spontaneous sedentarization on a larger scale than anywhere else in the country. According to George there have been two major projects specifically designed to hasten sedentarization. In 1972, there were 6,000 feddan cultivated at the wadi Natrun Project, as compared to only 25 feddans in 1952. For this project, the workers have been widely recruited from the ranks of the semi-nomads of the area. The Faiyum and Ras Al-Hikma Projects are but two other examples of nomads' settlement in Egypt.2 Dr. Salah El Abd reports other settlement works in Egypt. The Abis Settlement scheme for land reclamation and settlement in Lake Mariout was first initiated in 1948. It is located eight kilometers southeast 1Mohamed Awad. "Settlement of Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribal Groups in the Middle East," International Labour Review (Geneva: International Labour Office,‘VOI.79,January'19595,p. 41. 2A.R. George. "Egypt's Remaining Nomads," Middle East International, No. 37, (July, 1974), pp. 26-28. 35 of Alexandria. By 1962, a total of 21,283 acres were re- claimed. 1 In Syria, there are about 300,000 peOple of nomadic and semi-nomadic character. There is some slow flow of rural- to-urban migration. The government desires to improve their traditional pastoralization and keep them in the rural areas. More than 120 wells were drilled for their water supply.2 In fact, as Mahhouk notices, the first serious action taken by the Syrian government was in 1955. About $2.8 million was earmarked to be spent on Bedouin settlement over a period of seven years.3 The most effective settlement work, as reported by Dr. S. Nazan, is Alghab Project. It is located in the northeast of the country and covers 48,000 hectares. About 20 thousand families were planned to settle or engage in agricultural activity. It was completed by 1968.4 In Jordan, nomadic tribes represented a large portion of the country's population during the first half of this century. But due to many political, social and economic changes 1Dr. Salah E1 Abd. "Human Settlements in the Newly Re- claimed Areas of the UAR: Their Desi and Development; A Report, Arabic version, (Cairo?IFunded By The Ford Foundation and UNICEF, 19-30 September, 1971). 2The Syrian Delegation. "Efforts in the Field of Nomad- ism”, Nomads welfare and Modernization and Settlement; The Arab League, The Ninth Conference Of_Labor and Socialiffiirs, Vol.1, (May, 1965). PP. 479-483 (In Arabic). ”“ 3Adnan Mahhouk. "Recent Agricultural Development and Bedouin Settlement in Syria," The Mflddle East Journal; (washington. D.C.: The Middle East Institute, VOI.10,N6.ZTSpring 1956), p.175. 4Dr. Salah Nazan. Basic Points Concerning Development 36 in Jordan since the second world war, the number of nomads has been decreasing steadily. The Army service alone has attracted about 75 percent of the nomads of whom 90 percent have preferred to settle and live in the urban areas after their service terms were over.1 Therefore, most of the nomads have settled spontaneously. The governmental efforts also are numerous. Most of them.were to secure water supplies to the tribes who suffered from severe droughts and lost their herds. The best example of the Jordanian government work is the Experimental Project for Nomads Settlement. It is located about 225 kilometers southeast of Amman. It has started in 1964 to train the nomads on some basic farming methods and stable sheep raising techniques.2 In Iraq, Hussain says, "there is a strong tendency among the nomadic tribes of Western Iraq, especially the younger generations, to abandon the traditional way of life and to settle. This tendency is generally stimulated by the tremendous hardships and insecurity of the nomadic life, along with the rapidly increasing social and cultural contacts with the of the Resettlement Processes in Some Areas of Land Reclamation I5‘tfie‘9“ian.Arab Republic, A Report,’Arabic Version (Cairo: FEEHEH 5y Ford Foundation and UNICEF, 19-30 September, 1971). 1The Jordanian Delegation. "The Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Sector and Mbthods of its Agricultural Settlement," Nomads welfare and Modernization and Settlement, The Arab League, The n on erence of Eibor and Social Kffairs, Vol. 1 (May, 1965), pp. 107-138 (In Arabic). 2Taher Adeeb Qalyobi. The E erimental Pro ect for Nomads Settlement- (Amman: Ministry of Agriculture , Jordan, rst ua port, 1964-1965). (In Arabic). 37 "1 He also observes that "at the pre— settled communities. sent time, the settled Arab tribes are the most numerous cultural group in Iraq. Formerly, they were nomads and gradually settled on the Delta Plain of Mesopotamia as culti- "2 The most important work by the Iraqi officials to vators. settle the nomads is the Settlement Project in Al-jazirah Area. It started in 1951 to settle many pastoral tribes, especially those of Shammar. By 1965, there were about 400 villages inhabited by more than 47,000 people.3 There are many other new settlement localities, and Iraq, as many Iraqis believe, has almost finished with settling its nomads. In Abu Dhabi, the tribal society is also experiencing a tremendous change in its traditional way of life. Franke Heard-Bey mentions many of the governmental measures which are under way to ease the transition of nomads to more stable economy and to higher standards of living. However, she notices that the nomads at Al-Liwa are not taking advantage of 4 the many open opportunities for better living. This occurs 1Abdul Razzak Hussein. The Problem of Tribal Settle- ‘ment in Ira ‘with s ecial reference to the nomads of“Wéstern RE ion, Ph.%. Thesis, Michigan State University, Department of GEography, 1966, p. 113. 21bid., p. 78. 3Nafi, Alkasab. "Geographical Features Concerning Settli Roaming Bedouin Tribes; Comparative Study Between Iraq and Sa 1 Arabia," From: The Journal of Iraq Geographic Society, Vol. 5, 1969. “Franke Heard-Bey. "Development Anomalies in the 38 due to lack of information and recency of the development pro- gramm. In Iran, spontaneous settlements by the nomads are quite frequent. The Basseri tribe, for instance, are characterized, according to Irons, by a continual sedentarization of a portion of their population.1 They found that agriculture is more beneficial than herding. As Barth mentions, "the land pro- vides themwwith a secure store of wealth and a considerable annual income in the agricultural products needed in their normal pattern of consumption."2 In addition, the government has introduced many attempts, like land distribution, to settle the nomads. In some cases, settlement in Iran was forcibly conducted. In Turkey, nomad settlement started mostly in spon- taneous forms many years ago. Xavier De Planhol explains that, "the Turkish nomads gradually became more sedentary, drawn to the peasant way of life by the agricultural possibilities of the country and the policy of the sultans consistently encouraged this trend."3 Shrinking pastoral lands due to peasantry encroachment was one of the most frequent factors leading to settlement. The high fees they had to pay for Bedouin Oases of Al-Liwa," Asian Affairs Journal of the Re a1 Central Asian Societ (Lonaon: The hoyai Centrai hsian Society, Voi. 61, Part 3, October, 1974), pp. 272-286. lWilliamlrons. "Variation in Economic Organization," op. cit., p. 97. 2Fredrik Barth. Nomads of South Persia, op.cit., p.105. 3Xavier De Planhol. "Geography, Politics and Nomadism in.Anatolia," International Socia Science Journal, UNESCO, Vol. 11, No.4, 1959, p.525. 39 passages or grazing on peasants' land was another factor also. In Russia, "the stabilization of the nomads by the Soviets in a sense hastened and completed a process which has "1 Tursunbayev and Potapov state that, "One started long ago. of the most significant factors in the development of the economy and in the improvement of the cultural and living con- ditions of the nomads was their contact with the Russian working peasantry, who had been moved over from the central regions of Russia. One of the results of this contact was that part of the nomad population, and particularly numbers of Kazakhs, settled down on the land and engaged in agriculture."2 The two writers also believe that the nomads problem was solved within a very brief period, the equivalent of the life- span of one generation.3 However, a fast drastic change like this can not pass without troubles and fatigue, or even death or losses on the side of the settlers. Settlement in Saudi Arabia Although most of the country's population was nomadic at one time, it is estimated recently that the nomads number has declined to about 600,000 only. In Saudi Arabia, the dominant trend is toward the disappearance of nomadic way of life. In fact, nomads settlement started in Saudi Arabia since 1Central Asian Review, "Stabilization of the Nomads", Vol. 7, No. 3, (I956), p. 222. 2A. Tursunbayev and A. Potapov. "Some Aspects of the Socia-Economic and Cultural Development of Nomads in the U.S.S.R." International Social Science Journal, UNESCO, Vol. 11, No. 4, 1959, p. 514. 31bid., p.516. 40 the turn of the twentieth century, and even before the oil discovery. Alan George says, "while the social and economic forces triggered by the development of the oil industry have been the major factors encouraging Bedouin settlement, the movement towards a more sedentary life preceded the oil boom, and can be traced to the earliest days of the Saudi State."1 The most remarkable work in this regard was the establishment of the "Hijra" idea by King Abdull Aziz for the Ikhwan or Brethren, with whom he managed to unify the kingdom in one state and to revive the religion. The King, to reward the Ikhwan for their support and struggle on one hand, and to create in each group of them, be it clan or tribe or otherwise, a special feeling of dignity and identity, gave his orders to many of them to establish in their own land, or REESE: focal centers. These focuses were established around sources of water and consisted of mosque and courthouse for the Sheikh of the tribe, who was acknowledged and appointed by the king as the chief of his tribe. Also some religious teachers or judges were sent to these centers to provide the badly needed teachings of Islami When some of these centers grew into sizeable human communities, they were provided also with schools and some other services. After the discovery of oil and during the forties and fifties of this century, thousands of Bedouins, attracted by lAlan George. "Bedouin Settlement in Saudi Arabia," ‘Middle East International, (London: Christopher Mayhew and ofhers (Phhiishers) Et3., No.51, September 1955, p. 27. 41 the high‘wages, abandoned nomadism.and worked as unskilled labourers in the oil camps. Bedouin oil workers, having once experienced regular wage labour and the benefits of a settled life, are reluctant to move back to pastoralism.1 ‘Many spontaneous settlements also have found their place in Northern Arabia when water is found or when services and jobs are available. "For example, in the course of con- structing the trans-Arabian Pipeline (Tapline) a road was con- structed alongside the pipe, and water wells were drilled at the intermittent oil pumping stations. Nomads settled permanently around the new wells and the towns of Ar'ar, al- Qaysumah, and An Nuayriyah have developed from.these Bedouin encampments, where only the desert existed before 1950."2 As a result of the broad economic growth of Saudi Arabia, and subsequently its urban expansion, many nomads have migrated from.their rural areas and sought urban age labor. After they try the urban and advanced way of liféf they do not go back to the desert except for visits. In the mid-sixties the government carried out a settle- ment project at wadi as-Sirhan for a sudden urge to help the nomads from the severe drought and the heavy losses of their herds. The second example of the government work of settlement is the large project at Haradh. It was constructed in the late 1Ibid., p. 28. 21bid., p. 28. 42 sixties to settle some of the country nomads and to introduce them.to agricultural occupation. More about this project 'will be discussed in chapters four and five. Impact of Settlemenp Most, if not all, of the spontaneous settlements are completed successfully. The main factor of this success is the decisiondmaking process, which comes from the nomad him- self. .According to his rationality, the nomadic way of life, when it falls short of fulfilling his wants and needs for sur- vival, is rejected and given up. At the same.time when the nomads choose their alternative way of life - their new system of production - they do it with the same rationality and matur- ity with which they give up the old one. In this case, spon- taneous settlements have every chance to succeed and hence they actually did succeed. Planned settlements, on the other hand, have experienced a mixture of both success and failure. However, most of them i‘h~_‘#flleeii~MMiiih -H.- _ are at least partially successful. Evaluating this type of settlements in the Sahara, Capot-Rey confirms that "there is no reason.why official settlement policies should fail where settlement has occurred spontaneously and successfully, as can be seen in certain quarters of the Warqla and El Golea palm groves or the Chaamba settlement of M'etlili."1 Moreover, settlement failures have always been due to miscalculation of 1Robert Capot-Rey. "Problems of Nomadism in the Sahara," op. cit., p. 482. 43 economic aspects, or under estimation of social factors on the part of the planners and not from the settler's side. The main question is what effect do settlements have on the settlers, whether planned or spontaneous? In the spontaneous way of settling or in the care- fully planned methods, change was not shocking at all, especially in the agricultural sphere. This case may justify for or be justified by Chatwin's argument that "nomad and farmer are linked to a common past and, to some extent, share common aspirations."1 Nomads' migration, as the literature reveals, are not mere habits or natural impulses. Instead, they are very purposeful and economically oriented. Due to the Beersheba experience, when nomads partially settle or cultivate at inter- vals of their time, or when they face some official orders, "their wanderings are far more regular than formerly, not only because they are cultivating crops, but because they lease certain areas from.the government for both grazing and culti- vation."2 This economic adaptation is also assured by Lattimore. In describing the tremendous change nomads have gone through p,, since they settled in Mongolia, he says, "I might add that in 1Bruce Chatwin. "The mechanics of Nomad Invasions," ,, Histor Toda - (London: Bracken House, Vol. 22, May 1972, */’ p. 336. 2Mildred Berman. "Social Change Among the Beersheba Bedouin," Human 0r anization; (Lexington, Kentucky: The Society for Kppiieé Khthfopology, Vol. 26, No. 112, Spring] Summer, 1967, p. 73. 44 my opinion pastoral nomads, though most people think they are more "primitive" than farmers, master the machine more quickly than peasants do, because they know that maintenance is all- important."1 Their maintenance knowledge could be attri- buted to or inherited from.their proficiency of handling live properties in unhospitable environment. From a social point of view, Berman says, "the rate of social change within the tribal structure during the past two or three decades has been rapid enough to warrant re-evaluation of the traditional image."2 He also says, "perhaps the most significant change among the Negev Bedouin has been the slow but continuing decline of the Sheikh's all-powerful status."3 Because when they settle, they become involved in national, rather than tribal institutions. Berman also notices that "many of the men have already adopted Western dress while work- ing or attending school in town,"4 The point is not changing habits, but rather it is adaptability aptitude. The example of YBrflk in Turkey is revealing. Bates indicates that "by settling, YBrflk families sacrificed flexibility in residence group com- position, a composition which was in continual adjustment to social and economic realities."5 In his evaluation of the 1Owen Lattimore. Nomads and Commissars, Mongolia Revisited; (New York: Oxford University Press, 1962), p.192? 2Mildred Berman, op. cit., p. 70. 31bid., p. 72. 41bid., p. 74. 5Daniel G. Bates. Nomads and Farmers: A Study of the 45 settlers' change, Bates also clarifies "that what is at issue in Ybrfik adaptation to new resources and sedentary community life is not massive change/ih/formal institutions or social rules."1 The impact of settlement is in fact, positive and sound. As in the case of southwest Asia, Barth sees that "the con- tinual process of sedenggrization of the nomadic population excess shows that the individuals are fully able to cope with the readjustment required in settling, and can learn what new skills are required; and the varieties and changes in the\forms of nomadism reveal a continual will and ability to adapt, modify, and learn."2 The examples are many and they all agree in this direction. And to conclude this topic, Zhdanko's remark about the Soviet experience are expedient. He says, "despite the assertions of certain sociologists and ethnographers about the "psychological unpreparedness" of nomads for a modern way of life, and the immutability of the traditional "cultural patterns" of each people, the example of the Soviet Union shows 3 that traditions are, in fact, subject to change." So far, YBrflk of Southeastern Turkey (Ann Arbor: The University of Mishigan,IMuseum of_Anthropology, Anthropological Papers No.52, 1973), pp. 201-202. 11bid., p. 222. 2Fredrik Barth. "Nomadism in the Mountain and Plateau Areas of South'West Asia," Arid Zone Research, op. cit., p. 354. 3T. Zhdanko. "Sedentarisation of the nomads of Central Asia, including Kazakhstan, under the Soviet regime," International Labour Review~ (Genevgé International Labour Office, Vol. 93, . 8 me p p. O. 46 from the preceding discussion and this last topic in particu- lar, this study comes to the conclusion of accepting its second principle, which says that nomads are not reluctant to changing their way of life if they are provided with another one. Also, the foregoing review and the acceptance of this second principle, support and reinforce the acceptance of the first principle, which suggests that nomadism, the actual style of life, is an inflexible system- It can be changed to different style, but cannot be improved without changing its basic characteristics and fundamentals. In talking about the arid areas, the nest of nomadism.today, Amiran says, "the pastoral nomad will be less and less characteristic of these lands: already now he is turning for part, or even all, of "1 . his living to conventional modern employment. He adds, "it is significant that the nomad rather readily relinquishes his nomadic habits, if he has a chance to do so."2 Losses and Gains When the nomads settle, whether on their own or by governmental plane, it is for the sake of providing them with a better life and a higher standard of living. By settling, the nomads will benefit from many public services which cannot reach them in any sufficient way under the atmosphere of nomad- ism. Obviously, their settlement may necessitate a partial 1David H.K. Amiran. "Arid Zone Development: A Re- appraisal," op. cit., p. 203. 21bid., p. 203. 47 or complete change in their economic bases and organizations, and perhaps to a certain extent in their culture. The literature documentations show no doubt that by settling, the nomads economic change is for their best. The strong aptitude of adaptability among the nomads was motivated and induced by higher profitability from their new economic activities, than the low or, in some cases, negative returns of pastoralization. Because of the severe droughts, the over- grazing and degradation of the pastures, and the soil erosion, pastoral activity is falling short of sufficing for the nomads own needs and subsistence instead of contributing to the national income and welfare. Thus, economic losses due to settlement are insignificant or even nil. Furthermore, the pastures can be restored and managed for more profitable and organized future use. Concerning the national economic requirements, Berman states that "a dynamic economy for any Cap”, nation requires an enlightened population capable of perform- ing a variety of skills. The Bedouin lack of interest in this direction acts as a serious obstacle to their material pro- gress."1 It is likely that if the nomads engage in agriculture which is already suffering from the adverse effects of the rural migration to the cities, as is the case in Saudi Arabia, their contribution to the gross domestic product will become significant or at least higher than its former level, and the 1Mildred Berman. op. cit., p. 75. 48 agricultural development will accelerate. In terms of the cultural change, it is neither serious nor damaging. Alan George acknowledges that "many writers have bewailed the demise of nomadism.for the cultural loss which it represents, but it seems that ultimately the require- ments of modern states and economies cannot be reconciled ‘with the structures of nomadism."1 Nevertheless, the cultural and social change is not massive as described in the last sec- tion by Bates in his study about the YBrflk Kabile of Turkey. As Awad observes, many tribal groups have settled and abandoned their wandering life, but retain their tribal organization.2 In addition, Lipsky, talking about Saudi Arabia, has noticed that the tribal structure is still intact among the settled communities.3 For the region of the Middle East, Patai points out that "the close interaction and interdependence of the nomadic and settled papulation groups in every corner of the Middle East is a very strong indication of the advisability of treating their cultures as mutually complementary elements ¥Alan George. "Bedouin Settlement in Saudi Arabia," Middle East International, op. cit., p. 30. 2Mohamed Awad. "Nomadism.in the Arab Lands of the Middle East," op. cit., p. 334. 3George A. Lipsky. Saudi Arabia, its eo le its society, its culturepp (New Haven, COnn.: HRAF Press, I959), p. T. 49 1 This means that the nomad will of one single culture area." not be shocked by drastic cultural change when he settles. After all, for nomads in Arabic and Islamic nations, the culture, be it in the city, in the farm, or in the pastures, is mostly identical and based rigidly on the religious teachings, especially in conservative country-like Saudi Arabia. The following examples are two of the Prophet's many traditions which underlie the Moslems' social and culture structure. The Prophet (P.b.U.H.) says: 1. "The faithful are to one another like arts of 2 a building - each part strengthening t e other." 2. "Every Muslim is brother to a Muslim, neither wronging him nor allowing him to be wronged. And if anyone helps his brother in need, God will help him.in his own need; and if anyone removes a calamity from (another) Muslim, God will remove from.him.some of the calamities of the Da of Resurrection; and if anyone shields (anot er) Muslim from disgrace, God will shield him from disgrace on the Day of Resurrection."3 The Role of Technology Technology is the most responsible agent of both settle- ment success and nomadism.decline. All of the official settle- ment projects reviewed in this chapter are carried out with scientific techniques. Not only that, but all the suggestions lRaphael Patai. 0p. cit., p. 414. zAl-Bukhari and Muslim, on the authority of Abfiiufiaz; Cited froma'Muhammad Asad; The Princi 1es of State and Govern- ment in Islam. (Los An eles: The Near Eastern Center, univer- sify of Caiifornia, l9 1), p. 31. 1b 'Uma 3Aligg§hari and Muslim, on the authority of Abd Allah n r., . 50 and recommendations, offered in the literature for solving the nomads' problem.and eliminating the remainder of nomadism are scientific. Capot-Rey indicates that "modern techniques, such.as dams, wind-driven pumps and artesian wells offer the prospect of more extensive irrigation: the lack of water is less and less of an obstacle to increased cultivation. The pastoralist can henceforward settle at an oasis: no longer obliged to roam with his animals, he counts among the seden- tary people practising transhumance of their flocks and herds."1 Jarvis, as quoted in Awad, "speaks of the Sinai Bedouin in the following terms: suggest to an Arab that he should take a £39 (plow) and put in an hour's work cutting a water-channel to his cultivation."2 In their solutions, Brémaud and Pagot suggest that "more can be done towards raising the pastoralist's level of civilization and standard of living by education and by improving sales possibilities than by improving the breeds and pasturage as such."3 The FAO of the United Nations in- cludes many technological factors in its directions for solv- ing the nomads' problem" They suggest an action "which will make it possible if not essential for the free-range graziers 1R. Capot-Rey. "The Present State of Nomadism in the Sahara," Arid Zone Research, op. cit., p. 306. 2Mohamed Awad. "Nomadism in the Arab Lands of the Middle East," op. cit., p. 335. 30. Brémaud and J. Pagot. "Grazing Lands, Nomadism and Transhumance in the Sahel," Arid Zone Research, The Prob- lems of the Arid Zone, Proceedin s of the Paris Symposium, ,IPrinted in France,Vol. 8] I962, p. 324. 51 and their livestock gradually to rely less and less on the semi-arid grazing resource, and to become more sedentary than 1 In general, all the recent books, reports, they were before." studies or remarks are loaded with many suggestions, recommend- ations and solutions of a highly scientific nature for the nomads and nomadism.issue. Obviously, there is nothing wrong ‘with that, and technology is always considered the problems solver of man. The only remark to add here, is that all the tools and facilities technology offers to the nomad, such as the car, radio, watch, tractor, gas, plough, medicine, fas (plow) education, and many others, will make him more and more depend- ent on technological products, i.e. become more modernized, and drive him sooner or later from.nomadism. This may be all right with everybody and with the nomad in particular, but nomadism will be lost. Overview "The contribution of geography is to integrate and weigh all the factors, physical and cultural, and to present 2 a total budget of assets and liabilities." Without exception, ., this study is trying to keep up with this principle. 1Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations, op. cit., p. 363. 2George B. Cressey. "water in the Desert," Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 47, No. 2} (Jane, 1957). p. 124. 52 From the literature review, it is clear that most writers are following the same style in studying nomads or nomadism. The main subjects they discuss are the nomads' culture, economy, mobility, development, and some suggestions or solutions. In this regard, of course, this study is no exception. However, the first finding this study comes to, is that none of these scholars, who address themselves to explaining nomadism, has indicated the weakness of today's prosperous technology to improve and develop this cultural human phenomenon without destroying it; i.e. solving the nomadic problem creates another problem. Technology can go either in favor of the nomads or in favor of nomadism, but not in favor of both. It is obvious that applying advanced tech- niques and using modern tools will improve the nomads' con- ditions, which is desirable, but at the expense of losing nomadism and erasing its position from the world map. 0n the other side, if nomadism is to be kept and retained, especially for those who admire its romantic side, technology has to leave it alone and never drive in its direction. But in this case, it is at the expense of nomads themselves, who will be left in their misery- and backwardnessn X, CHAPTER III DEVELOPMENT OF SAUDI ARABIA The circumstances for development in Saudi Arabia are very favorable; the most vital of these are the local need for improvement and increasing revenue. The economy has been growing steadily over the last few decades. Consequently, the standard of living is improving and changes are underway in almost every sector. This chapter is designated to examine generally development in Saudi Arabia. To provide a context for the problem.of nomad settlement, special emphasis is given to the agricultural sector. Saudi Arabia: An Introduction Physical Features ‘ Saudi Arabia rests upon a complex foundation of pre- cambrian age, made up predominantly of granites and schists. Prior to the crustal faulting which formed the basin of the Red Sea, the Arabian peninsula was connected to the African con- tinental block. After separation from Africa during the tertiary period, the peninsula assumed the form of a giant plateau tilted eastward from.the Red Sea towards the Arabian Gulf. Exposed in the western highlands and mountains, the I basement complex known as the Arabian shield ranges in elevation 53 54 from 3,760 meters in the Yemen.mountains to somewhat less than 1,900 meters near the Jordanian border in the northwest.1 Actually, most of the surface of Saudi Arabia, east of the Arabian shield, is composed of sedimentary formations such as sandstones, limestones, shales, and alluvium which contain groundwater reservoirs and aquifers. The layers of these sedimentary formations increase in thickness fromwwest to east, and contain the vast petroleum deposits which derive from.organic matter deposited in the Tethys Sea. In the western part of the shield are many volcanic formations and lava beds. Much of the surface of Saudi Arabia is cut by piers (drydwater courses) which contain some alluviuma Sebkhahs, or dry-salt flats are numerous also. Occupying four-fifths of the Arabian peninsula, Saudi Arabia is bordered on the west by the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aqaba, on the east by the Arabian Gulf, Qatar, Oman, and the Union of Arab Emirates, on the north by Jordan, Iraq, and Kuwait, and on the south by Yemen and the Republic of South Yemen, Figure l. The physical features of the kingdom.can be portrayed in terms of a cross-section from west to east. The first zone in this cross-section is a narrow coastal plain along the Red Sea. It gradually broadens from.north to south. The southern portion of this plain is more fertile than the 1James E. Pasteur. Soil and Land Classification in Saudi Arabia A report for the Ministry of Agriculture and Water, (Riyadh: The Ministry of Agriculture, 1971), p. 2. 55 (213 .06. 2.44.... .3th zmwhmws) ozu\\\ _hIOhm_ OhImmm_ rt v—rvr ‘r &\\\\\\\\\\\ I\\\\\X\\fi\\_\\§ 2.25.260 a :o I :2. 333.5 g :0 no. flow 10m :0? tom tom :05 100 iuaaiad 80 The Second Development Plan (1975-1980) Like the first plan, the second plan is consistent with the government's goals and objectives, mainly diversi— fying sources of national income and improving the economic and social well-being of the people. Undoubtedly, oil pro- duction and refining will continue to dominate the economy over the plan period. On the other hand, private non-oil' sectors should experience more rapid growth reflected by increased share of the GDP. In Tables 8 and 9, growth in real and relative shares in the GDP by the three components of the economy's structure are illustrated. The relative share of oil in the GDP has reached its highest as of 1974-75. It is estimated that this high share will slowly decline during the late seventies, reaching 82.1 ,percent of the GDP in 1979-1980. This decline should not ' be seen as reduction in oil production and/or prices. Rather, it means an improvement and an increase in shares to the GDP. by manufacturing other than petroleum production and refining, by agriculture, and by the governmental and service sectors. Total plan outlayis estimated to be SR 498.2 billion, (approximately U.S. $142 billion) of which SR 331.6 billion (two-thirds) is for development projects (Table 10). Obviously, this large amount of capital is surplus to everyday needs, and therefore, it is invested in the country's development. With this abundant capital, the second development plan has no financial constraint as it was the case in limiting the start of the first plan. Thus, in relation to finance, the recent 81 TABLE 8 GROWTH OF GDP IN CURRENT PRICES (SR Millions) Sector 1969-70 1974-75 1979-80 estimated Oil 9,347.2 128,726.7 261,341.5 Private non-oil 6,127.0 16,390.5 47,453.0 Government 1,675.0 3,600.1 9,591.4 TOTAL 17,149.2 148,717.3 318,385.9 TABLE 9 RELATIVE SHARES (Percent) Sector 1969-70 1974-75 1979-80 estimated 011 54.5 86.6 82.1 Private non-oil 35.7 11.0 14.9 Government 9.8 2.4 3.0 TOTAL 100.0 100.0 100.0 SOURCE: The Second Development Plan 1975-1980, op. cit., pp. 2I, ZB’and 84. 82 TABLE 10 SECOND DEVELOPMENT PLAN OUTLAYS (Billion Riyals) Field Recurrent Projects Total Economic Resource Develop- ment 4.5 87.6 92.1 Human Resource Development 43.9 36.2 80.1 Social Development 18.1 15.1 33.2 Physical Infrastructure Development 12.5 100.4 112.9 SUBTOTAL: Development 79.0 239.3 318.3 Administration and Defense 32.7 83.7 116.4 External assistance, emer ency funds, food subs dies and general reserve 54.9 8.6 63.5 SUBTOTAL: Other 87.6 92.3 179.9 TOTAL 166.6 331.6 498.2 SOURCE: Sang; Arabian Monetary Agency, Annual Report (1975), p. . 83 plan has a better chance to achieve all its targets. The amount allocated for economic, manpower and social develop- ment is about 64 percent of the total outlay. Maximum.real growth envisaged by the plan is of 13.4 percent annually in the non-oil private sector, compared to 12.9 percent in the public sector and 9.7 percent in the oil sector. It is fore- cast that the GDP will register an overall growth of at least 10.2 percent annum during the period of the second plan.1 The contribution of the private non-oil sector to the GDP as estimated for 1980 consisted of 4.6 percent from agriculture, 39.8 percent from industry, and 55.6 percent fromservices.2 Finally, the second plan has no financial constraints at all, but its success hinges on efficiency and administration in implementing the various development programs. Agricultural Development Development of agriculture in an arid country like Saudi Arabia is difficult but crucial. Before the oil dis- covery it was the most important activity, in which more than 60 percent of the population were engaged. The decline in this sector's labor force from 40.4 percent in 1970 to 28.0 percent in 1975, is not a result of improving productivity only, but it is caused by the low real incomes in agriculture and the 1Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency; Annual Report; 1975, op. cit., pp. 53-4. 2Second Development Plan, p. 85. 84 increasing demand for labor at high wages in the other sectors. Agriculture was also a major contributing sector to the national economy. (In 1962-63 agriculture contributed by 10.1 percent of GDP and about 6 percent in 1970.1 A further decline occurred in 1975 when agriculture counted only for 1.0 percent of the GDP!” Of course, this relative decline in contribution to GDP does not mean a real decline in the sector value added to the national economy. In fact, the average annual rate of growth in value added in the sector from 1962-63 to 1971-72 was an estimated 1.6 percent in constant prices. For the five years 1970-1975 of the first development plan, this rate is estimated at 3.6 percent compared with a plan target of 4.6 percent.2 Total value added in this sector has increased from SR 866 million in 1962-63 to SR 974 million in 1968-69, to SR 1,409 million in current prices in 1975. It is also projected that the agriculture total value added to the economy will be SR 2,188 million in current prices in 1980.3 Agriculture is the country's most troubled sector. In addition to the hot dry climate and scarcity of water, a variety of factors hinder agriculture: a lack of agricultural expertise among farmers: small farm.size; traditional market- ing systems and lack of information; poor transportation facilities; and non-existent storage facilities to help in 1Development Plan 1390 A.H., op. cit., p. 249. 2Second Development Plan 1975-1980 A.D., 0p. cit., p.114. 31618., p. 83. 85 product distribution between regions and over seasons. The government has given serious attention to the importance of this sector, since it is the source of daily food. The government has undertaken many programs to overcome these problems and to reach a level of self-sufficiency in food production in the future. The potential for agricultural development has three dimensions: area, yield, and value. In terms of area, the cropland has increased from 268,0001 hectares in 1960 to 525,000 hectares in 1970. This late figure is divided into 121,000 irrigated hectares and 404,000 rainfed hectares. The target for the second development plan is to expand irrigated land by new reclamation to 171,000 hectares by 1980.2 This should increase the total cropland in the country to 575,000 by 1980. The irrigation water used in 1970 is estimated at 1,850 million cubic meters. The in- creased potential of ground water has encouraged expansion in irrigated land. As Asfour stated, "improvements in yields could prob- ably be the less costly and faster means of raising output in Saudi Arabia in the future, should the effective means of spread- "3 ing improved cultivation methods be found. In fact, about 1Edmond Y. Asfour. Saudi Arabia, Long-Tenm Projections of Su‘ 1 of and Demand for A icfiltural Products, (Beirut: Econahic REsearch Insfifufe, hhhrican Universify of Beirut, 1965). 2Second Development Plap, op. cit., pp. 91 and 119 3Asfour. op. cit., p. 66. 86 55 percent by value of total food consumed was domestically produced in 1971, while the remaining 45 percent was made up 1 of net imports. Table 11 shows the slow increase in lead- ing craps for ten year span. TABLE 11 INCREASE IN OUTPUT OF MAIN CROPS: 1970-1980 (Thousands of Tons) Crop 1969-70 1974-75 1979-80 estimated Wheat 135 . 231 250 Barley 37 56 - Rice 3 7 - Sorghum 112 131 225 Millet 155 160 _ 200 Vegetables 510 693 1030 Dates 250 240 300 Fruit 94 100 - SOURCE: Stanford Research Institute, A Plan For Development of the riculture Sector of Shudi Arabia (MenIOIPark, CaIifornia IS7I), ana Ninisfry of Planning, Second . D'"]” ..u. Plan. 1Second Development Plan, p. 114. 87 As Table 10 demonstrated, the growth rate of crap production is low, compared with the high growth rate in food consumption as a result of increasing national income and population. Figure 5 illustrates the percentages of short- ages in commodities which must be imported. To increase yield in agriculture, the government has subsidized fertilizers to encourage their use. In addition, the government subsidizes some other inputs and outputs. Through numerous extension services, the government is trying to provide farmers with guidance and advice on how to adopt modern technology. Mechanization of crop production is also encouraged and introduced at subsidized prices to improve pro- ductivity, and hence to increase the product value. The corresponding high profit will satisfy and motivate farmers. In order to accelerate the rate of development and increase the rate of growth in food production, the government will give high priority to research and development aimed at the appli- cation of new and productive developments from abroad.1 The continuous increases in investments in the agri- cultural sector (Table 12) reflect its significance in Saudi Arabia and the tremendous efforts by the government to improve it. Large proportions of the Ministry's budget during the last six years have been donated to projects like irrigation, 1Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Agriculture and Water; The Agricultural Policy of Saudi Arabia, (Riyadh: Safir Press, 1975), p. 6i 88 ism. .EEoEoo .fom 0.53 .0324 .35 .6 coeoom Scarecrom of .o 22.5% .>qu Icoelwlmlue_ 4. .36 Eat are .2 S< .2. .2 co. caged «aoqISIIofi IE]; .2. alliterammIfoeeam .325... e233: 225$ .69; oozes .858 new. .2984 62% E 3585600 6.2.3.54 2mg *0 382m 95 .2 weapon o 059“. 3323; .2: £2.30 8:. H \ e... a m \‘C X; O\owm \\ ‘ \ \\ o\on . room 1000 Too» spuosnoul suol 0mm 10 89 TABLE 12 MINISTRY OF AGRICULTURE AND WATER BUDGET (Million Riyals) Total Proaects‘Approariations Year Budget ctua aIue .ercentage of— Total Budget 1970-71 312.5 230.1 73.6 1971-72 568.6 456.0 80.2 1972-73 708.0 572.5 80.9 1973-74 1032.0 855.0 82.8 1974-75 1302.5 1053.5 80.9 1975-76 2178.0 1718.0 78.9 SOURCES: Compiled from Saudi Arabian Monetary ency (Annual Report, 1975), and Emile A. Nakhleh; e United States and Saudi Arabia,,A Policy Analysis, (Washin ton, DC C.: AmericanEhterprise Institute for Puinc Policy Research, 1975), and Abdel Basset El Khatib; Seven Green S ikes; The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Kgricquure and‘Water, 1974. drainage, dams, sand control, desalinization of sea water, an agricultural credit system, distribution of fallow lands, reclamation of new agricultural lands, and settlement. Agriculture Development Projects There are four major projects among the numerous pro- grams introduced by the Ministry of Agriculture and Water to improve this sector: 90 Al-Hasa'Irriggtion'and'Drainage Project: A new irrigation and drainage system.has been constructed in order to improve the traditionally-irrigated lands, to increase the irrigable areas, and to stabilize the sand dunes endangering the eastern oasis of Al-Hasa. The project was started in 1963 and it has cost so far about U.S. $4.2 million. The larger part of this investment is for the construction of offices, rest houses, garages, stores, forest nurseries. It also includes the con- struction of fifty-seven wells (both artesian and dug wells), roads, concrete canals, fences and all supporting agricultural works; wages, labor and maintenance costs are also included in the total costs. An area of 645 hectares has already been forested. It is worthy of note that the stabilization of more sandy areas and the expansion of forestry is now becoming much more economical due to the construction and related works carried out by this project. The project comprises a total of 1,520 Km irrigation canals and about 1,320 Km drainage network.1 Al-Qatif Development Project: This is an irrigation-drainage project to reclaim.an area of 7,000 hectares, including estab- '1ishment of an agricultural experiment and training center. The project is designed mainly to control the use of ground 1/1 <« 1Abdel Basset El Khatib. Seven Green Spikes, The Kingdom.of Saudi Arabia, Ministry hfiAgriculture and Water, 197 , pp. 123-129. 91 water and to improve the productivity of the lands. The prob- lems in Al-Qatif Oasis were the use of excessive quantities of uncontrolled flowing water coupled with water distribution and the lack of effective drainage over many centuries. The land became water-logged, salts came to the surface, and it became less productive or was abandoned. Moreover the exces- sive use of flowing water had reduced the artesian pressure and there was a fear that if the water continued to be in this way hardly any of the wells would be free-flowing in an- other 10 to 15 years' time. As of now, the project is being executed. It includes the construction of fourteen wells, penetrating 150 meters deep to the Khobar aquifer, the instal- lation of a complete pumping plant, the construction of irrigation and drainage systems, the improvement of the exist- ing road system, and the scaling of some ninety-three uncon- trolled‘wells.1 Wadi Jizan Development Project: This project is located in the southwestern region of Saudi Arabia. It includes the con- struction of a multi-purpose dam to store water for irrigation, to increase the recharging of groundwater and to control floods. The area benefitting from the project is some 6,000 hectares for seasonal single-crap irrigation and 1,000 hectares for perennial irrigation. At present the area under irrigation is 1ibid., pp. 157-164. 92 very small. However, the availability of water, land, and labor are all favorable for agricultural development. Be- sides the construction of a dam, the project includes the development of irrigation system and the establishment of a pilot agricultural experiment station. With regard to agri- cultural development, proposed change in the existing cropping pattern would involve the introduction of cotton as a first choice cash crap on at least 50 percent of the area under cultivation, and beans or groundnuts as marketable crops which could be easily exported. In addition, it is anticipated that as the scheme progresses, benefits will be derived from.the introduction of mechanization and better water control, and stockraising and animal production will also increase 1 Haradh Settlement Project: This project is mainly a nomads settlement attempt based around two natural resources, fertile soil and usable water. The government has come to the con- clusion that settlement of the nomads contributes to the coun- try's development and hence should be included in their developmental programs. So, the government took the chance of utilizing these resources to create a suitable social and economic environment for nomad settlement. According to this study organization and purpose, the subject of this project is discussed thoroughly in the next chapter. 11618., pp. 133-143. CHAPTER IV THE HARADH SETTLEMENT PROJECT The purpose of this chapter is to provide background for understanding the scope of the project. The aim of the project is to provide a permanent settlement for some of the Saudi Arabian nomads, based on an agricultural system. To carry out this plan requires the reclamation and development of 4,000 hectares of previously non-productive land. The choice of the Haradh site for this purpose in particular is due to its advantageous location and natural resources. The Project Area The project is located on the northeastern edge of the Al-Rub'Al Khali desert about 240 airline kilometers east- southeast of the capital of Riyadh. It lies along part of wadi-As-Sahba.which stretches from.northwest to southeast in the southern part of the eastern province of Saudi Arabia. The project is about 40 kilometers long and, on the average, one kilometer wide. The project area extends along the floor of wadi.As-Sahba from.the railroad south of Jebel Ashawi to below the Haradh-Jabrin-Ubaila road intersection. It is bounded on both sides by small hills. The general ground elevation is approximately 310 meters above sea level. As the rest of Nejd 93 94 Plateau, it has a gradual slape from west to east. The area is linked to the capital city and to the eastern province by railroad. The location of the train station at Haradh is just ten kilometers from the project administration center, Figure 6. The area is in general desert land. A sparse cover of aperennial shrubs in the drainage channels is typical of this desert landscape. Rainfall is infrequent, but after what little rain does come, some small annual growth of grass, herbs and other desert vegetation spring up here and there, especially in low lying places. This area like many other parts of Saudi Arabia does not have favorable climate conditions. The closest body of ‘water is the Arabian Gulf, located about 350 km to the east. The prevailing wind is the north dry wind. Even when it takes a northeast direction or when it blows from the gulf direction, it does not bring to the area any moist air masses because of the vast desert in between. The Haradh area, as well as the rest of Saudi Arabia, is located in the arid tropical zone;. The main features of Haradh weather as approximated by FMIC1 are as follows: Summer temperature range 659Fto 1200 F (18°C to 43° C Winter temperature range 32°F to 95°F (0°C to 35C Summer relative humidity range 5% to 55% Winter relative humidity range 10% to 100% . 1FM'C Corporation, Land Reclamation and Develo ment Haradh Project, Kingdom of Sauai Kfahia, VoI. I, (HErch I965), p. 10. 95 eioo‘ 49' Id [9 Gas turbine station N ./ / Kilometers l L _L i i io‘ .. V‘° 24’Id- Main wind direction v \ / s- “‘ .. m "3‘. . Iml . .. . 2m - -v-- "--‘ \ e .‘ . \ S [Main We canal] "" K a" e a '0 H “ 19,, _ 'mi (HUI B A a, . \. o \_, ( \ of l IRAN 30H '7” ,,.I’,«’. .. SETTLEMENT PROJECT _ Figure 6. GENERAL MAP OF ,. 253-4 ~ THE KING FAISAL Source= Wdiutl, ' R m, F I it oigpt figrodh, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Agriculture and Water, (March, l972). 96 Annual rainfall 2% inches (63 mm) Peak wind velocity 55 mph (89 Km/hr) Maximum aver e for 15 minutes 40 mph (64 Km/hr) Duststorms an sandstorms 35 to 40 days per year. Deviations from.the above measures do occur. Tempera- ture maximum of 55°C and minimum of -7°C have been recorded. There are years with over six inches of rain and dry ones with under one inch of total rainfall. The possible precip- itation occurs between November and May, and could reach daily values of up to 25 mm. Winds reach high velocities in the spring and so sandstorms in this season have a real devastat- ing effect. . The annual potential evapotranspiration reaches a ‘maximum of 2500 mm. In the summer months, evapotranspiration could reach a value of 250 mm, but then it drops to 150 mm in the winter months. Correspondingly, the daily values are 8.3 mm. in the summer and 5.0 mm in the winter. According to Brichardl, this estimate is high. He believes that the daily average is near 1.10 mm, mainly due to cropping.2 The Project Idea During the course of their extensive oil exploration studies in the Wadi As-Sahba area, Aramco (the Arabian American Oil Company) discovered a large amount of water in two deep formations, called the Ummer-Radhuma and Wasia aquifers. These 1Frank Prichard is the chief expert and the Director of Crop Production Department in the project, Summer 1975. 2Frank Prichard. Organizational Structure, A Report, (November 15, 1975). 97 aquifers have shown a great potential for development of irrigated. agriculture. XAt the same time the government of Saudi Arabia has realized that nomadism creates an Obstacle to development. Due to their mobility and migrations, the nomads cannot be provided with efficient public services, such as education and sanitation.\( While the overall average of the standard of living of the Saudi population is rising, the nomads' standard of living is decreasing. The degradation of the pastures and the frequent severe droughts have reduced their herd sizes and upset the balance of survival in the desert environment. So development, as it seems to the govern- ment, has to benefit all the population groups and cover all the economy sectors in both urban and rural area. Thus, the [government has considered that settling the nomads is one important objective of its overall economic development. . The inhabitants of the Haradh area are the Al-Murrah tribe. Their economic organization and their living at sub- sistence level make them typical of the Saudi Arabian nomads who suffer from the desert harsh life and who need attention and help. Therefore, this project idea has evolved from several circumstances: the discovery of water combined with cultivable soils, the serious effort by the government to settle the nomads as a first step for improving their living, and the high increase in oil revenue to finance imported tech- nology and invest in expensive developmental programs. . After Aramco discoveredmthe underground water and ,— fi—Ma— -- h M “*‘“*~fiW—+-—*‘ tested the area soil, the company brought the subject before 98 the Ministry of Agriculture and Water. In August 1963, the Ministry obtained the approval of high officials in the government to initiate the project with some technical coop- eration from Aramco. In the fall of the same year, the joint effort started with the drilling of two wells and the con- struction of experimental farm and tree nurseries. Soon afterward the Ministry realized that a developmental project of this size needed to be planned and organized in advance, then constructed and implemented scientifically by qualified technicians. The result of this decision was the awarding of a contract to an American firm, Food Machinery Corporation (FMC) of California. They were contracted by the Ministry in the Spring of 1964 to investigate the economic feasibility of the project and to evaluate its resources. The contract also included designing an irrigation system.and housing and pub- lic services centers, plus planning for food processing and marketing. In March 1965, FMC presented the results of their work to the Ministry for its consideration. Their findings were organized into six volumes covering all the contract terms. .After reviewing these reports, the Ministry decided to hire the services of a professional firm to carry on the project tasks. So in July 1966, a contract agreement was con- cluded between the Ministry of Agriculture and a German-Swiss firm, Wakuti, to manage and administer the project over a five year period. In addition, they had to prepare detailed 99 specifications, designs, and tendering documents for all equipment, machinery, supplies and construction work during the five year span.1 When Wakuti had completed their obligations, the government of Saudi Arabia became not only the owner, but also the managing body for the implementation and completion of the project work. To ensure efficiency in project functions, the government has appointed a special organization--the Faisal Settlement 0rganization--for carrying out the project's res- ponsibilities. "The Council of Ministers' Resolution No. 16973/3/W dated 10/8/1391 A.H. indicated the purpose for which the F80 has been formed. It is to operate the project's facilities, and to carry out and manage reclamation and seasonal agricultural production, as well as animal production, on an experimental basis. The purpose of establishing the project ‘was to develop a suitable economic and social environment for the settlement of Bedouins."2 The Faisal Settlement Orggnization (F891 Having its headquarters at Haradh, the F80 consists of two major components. They are the Board of Directors and the project management. The former makes all the decisions and 1Aramco. The Faisal Settlement Project, A report dated 9/11/66. 2David J. Keogh. Al- Faisal Settlement Project Organi- zation Development Assistance Corporation, S. A. , A‘Dra t nua for the Ministn of A riculture and Water, Kingdom.of Saudi Arabia, (January 30,1974). 100 the later carries them.out. The Board of Directors is com- posed of five members chaired by the Minister Of Agriculture and‘Water or his assignee. The Director General of the Organization is a member of the Board. In addition three competent members from.autside the Ministry of Agriculture, are nominated by the Minister of Agriculture and approved by the Council of Ministers. Their membership continues for three years, renewable by a Council of Ministers' decision based on a nomination by the Minister of Agriculture. The Board of Directors is the leading authority respons- ible for all aspects of the project; it lays down the overall policy,monitors the implementation of policy in accordance 'with the administrative and financial regulations laid down by the Board of Directors in conjunction with the Ministry of Finance and National Economy. The Board convenes at least once a month upon a call by the Chairman of the Board, or by two of the members. The meetings of the Board are held usually in the Ministry of Agriculture in Riyadh and occasionally at the headquarters in Haradh. The project management is headed by the Director- General of the organization and is located at Haradh. Beside implementing the Board of Director's decisions, the project management proposes plans and programs, prepares the general budget, presents periodic reports on the progress of work and supervises all activities. The project management is organized in specialized divisions and sections as depicted in Figure 7. 101 .Aanma .dm humpcahv Hana «neon no cannons .momnv nonncnnoc no noouonn aeoaoannom Annapurna .nmooe .n on>ca ZOHHDmHMHmHD Hosnomm onHmmm WOMU AMmm wAOMU QAmHh MUOHmm>HA DszmMZHozm MMNZHmomz ,m>HH us 22:63 _ : . 82:63 I III . .1 H . . . gwgm Ilullllll; H .882... H H H H .8883 vs. III: :5 9.3.88. H H. H . .IIIIIIIII a; . . ugh INF; TIIIIIxIIIrL. QUUO.JQ e3 5... “.2393. 9.... LI HERE 3...: on»; LI. . PIF .. x .... I9! 8... a... HHHHHn 5...... e... _ t a . e... 2...... t I. _ r 228.5. 9.5 82.3... Heb v8 82. 2o .8. . . NZNOQII Ea . . . 9395.26.88.83. H H H H 6%...oc.o.eo I92 PH H , as 2885. a «it o 1.... .t H H .95. 2...! 3.3838 .IIIII... : wzwnw-OLI—m 9.28:... CD. , H H H H.H H. H u H H” - F F .. y .e , . 828:3 v.8 iH H .ch H . a o. .a . o 1.28%. in H. H. H1 H taco-SS .. [a iguhg Shelia-fee fit .0. .. >5(25.530 .22.. as as. .4. y. c on. 54.95.53 To ,9. . .. o. a. o .._<_me_ .. 68 s... /\ . . \ \t/H. // ,/\ / /H 7/1. I x, /, \./ 7 . \f/ I. A /\ . .1 .I , . \ .1 . /, _ l\. / Xx, I../\/. I . incoming \/\/\// 2.1)} / I /\ i .- . ,I / .IrIIIIIIIIJ I/ \ I / \/.. g/HI/I 8' H.288 E $802-9... m— eagre»; a mums 107 annual renewal of this aquifer can be met by the precipitation falling over the 2600 sq.km.1arge catchment area. By count- ing for the discharge-recharge equilibrium, the above estimate for the water lasting time becomes even more optimistic. According to Wakuti's studies, "the aquifer in the project area is assumed to receive a yearly recharge of approximately 117 x 106 mg per year, which is slightly higher than the demand. Recoverable groundwater resources in storage are calculated using 15 percent average porosity and a 35 percent recovery factor as 28,112 x 106'm3. The approximate yearly demand is 110.4 x 106‘m3/year. Therefore, the reserves in storage alone 1 This leads to the fact should be sufficient for 250 years." that no depletion is expected in the wells even when the 52 wells are in full operation, and that the production of wells could be maintained from.recharge only. The quality of the Umm.er-Rathume water is considered very suitable for irrigation use. According to Aramco studies,2 total dissolved solids should be about 1,200 parts per million. In comparison to water in neighboring areas, this water is rated as very good to excellent. For example, at Qatif Oasis water contains about 2500 parts per million total dissolved solids, and the Neocene water used in the A1- Hasa Oasis (Hufuf) contains 110 to 1300 parts per million total dissolved solids. 1Wakuti. Summar of the Final Report on Water Wells, Kingdom of Saudi Arahia, Ministry of Agriculture and water, (November 1971), p. 12. 2Aramco. Groundwater Resources, op. cit. 108 Wasia Aquifer: The depth of this second major aquifer is estimated to be 3000 to 3500 feet. The quality of this aquifer water is consideredthe same as Umm er-Radhuma. "Storage capacity of the Wasia is estimated at four times that of the Umm er-Radhuma. Recharge estimates range from 280,000 to 1,400,000 dunum/meters per year. There is some indication that there might be higher artesian pressure and a correspondingly higher standing water level from the Wasia 1 than from the Um er-Radhuma formation." As W. Dimock‘stated, this aquifer "has a large potential for development as a source 2 of supply for domestic use and irrigation." However, because of the Umm er-Radhuma large water quantity, Wasia water will not be used in the'foreseeable future.- The Irrigation Systems A total of fifty-two wells were drilled along the two sides of the valley. They are equipped with fifty-two sub- mersible pumps to lift the water from a static water level of about 150 meters through 16' pipes. Locations of wells were determined to fit the irrigation system requirement. The distance bemeen the wells varies from 450 to 2500 meters. The production capacity of the wells together is 3.9 cub.m/sec, or an average discharge of 71 to 75 liter/sec. per well. Each well is designated to irrigate approximately 80 hectares. 1FMC, op. cit., p. 9. 2W.C. Dimock. A Studj of the Wasia Aquifer in East- ern Saudi Arabia, UndatEd reportTrom Aramco, p. 2. 109 The project is covered with a network of 70 Km of main irrigation canals and 233 Km of lateral irrigation canals. The main canals are arranged on both sides of the project developed area from.the connection to the various ‘wells. , Three systems of irrigation are used at Haradh: open canal system, pipe irrigation system, and sprinkling system. The Open Concrete Canal System: This system.has been regarded as the most economical irrigation method. About 3700 hectares of the whole culti- vated area of 4,000 hectares are irrigated by this system. The scheme, composed of main and lateral canals, is laid out in a simple way which can be easily maintained and supervised. TwO‘main irrigation canals are erected along either side of the developed area. They interconnect in natural fall the bore wells. The lateral canals are branching off the main canals in a pointed angle parallel lined to the Wadi center, forming a herring-bone like pattern with the main drainage canal as the middle axis (Figure 9). "All irrigation canals are prefabricated reinforced concrete elements of parabolic profiles of 066,055 and 42 cm which are placed on saddles arranged every 5 meters. The sealing of the profile against the saddle is effected by means of bituminous-caoutchouc cords. The two greater pro- files are used for the main canals and the profiles of 055 and 042 cm are provided for the lateral canals. In all 110 .ANNQ .5226 £225 use 8.53:3 S 3.35: .0324 :58 ac Eouofix £35: 503$ 225.com .0 Eu .aaom 8:2an0 .05“. .2383 .358 925.me mo cient. and all these extra costs are added to the initial K investment values. Even if the project achieves the ten-yeaf) plan targets and makes a return of 3 million riyals a year. it cannot be considered economical, because it will require more than 40 years to pay back all initial investments. which have already exceeded 120 million riyals. Sometimes it is possible for large investments to pay back in long terms if some social benefit is associated with the economic venture. Indeed. the Haradh project is not devoid of social benefits. The wages and salaries are the most benefit the project has provided to many of its employees. But unfortunately. most of this particular benefit is exported outside the Haradh region. As of 1975. 56 percent2 of the project total wages and salaries were paid to non-Saudi personnel. Most of the remaining 44 percent were paid to Saudi laborers who were attracted by high wages from.far areas and not from the Haradh region. So the most vital benefit of the project, which con- tributes significantly to raising standard of living, is not 1Faisal Settlement Organization, Animal Production Budget,l975-76. A report at the Headquartersin Haradh. 2Faisal Settlement Organization, Accounting Department. Costs Calculation Report for First Quarter of 1395. p. 2. (In Arabic). 129 efficiently kept for the region's people. Hence, settlement of local nomads through job opportunities alone is not work- ing out as the project had expected. So far, the project is not functioning, either ~wux economically or socially, as well as had been hoped. Numerous problems have inhibited the project from.reaching its full potential. According to Dr. Massengale and his team. changing the method for implementing the project has also altered pro- ject objectives. The original objective was settlement. There seems not to have been an economic objective because of the small size farms to be created. But shifting to a come mercial operation seems to have given more stress to economics of operations than had been intended originally. Therefore, the project does not appear to have clearly defined objec- tives or if such objectives exist they are not understood by the management.1 The current production system.and use of the project facilities are not necessarily the suitable alter- natives for the project's original goals. Thus, reassessment of both social and economic aspects is necessary. There is no doubt that the project management can play an important role in achieving its ultimate goals. Avoiding shift in plans or ‘method of implementation would improve the project's various functions. Also. altering the project objectives may slow 1Dr. Martin Massengale and others. Evaluation Study of the Farminr Operation of Faisal Settlement Organization at Haradh-Sauci Arabia, Draft Report (october 7. 19747. 130 down the settlement task or even affect negatively the atti- tude of the potential settlers toward the project. CHAPTER V THE HARADH PEOPLE: AL-MURRAH The importance of an area or region derives from its existing resources. At Haradh two types of resources are found: natural resources and human resources. The natural resources are mainly soil and water, both of which were in- vestigated and developed for agricultural uses. This develop- ment aims to settle some of the country's nomads. The human resources. in this case. are the nomads of the Al-Murrah tribe. The two types of resources complement each other. As far as development is concerned. these resources have to be brought up as close to Optimum utilization as the circumstances per- mit. In the last chapter soil and water were discussed. and in this chapter the tribe of Al-Murrah, the Haradh inhabitants, are introduced as well. Before discussing this topic, it is necessary to *mention that most of the literature on nomads, including A1- Murrah, is out of date and has only minor relevancy to the present nomad's lifestyle. Therefore reliance on these sources will be limited. The reason is that the recent nomad's life is not nearly as typical as it was described in the early works. The foundation of a strong central government. a 131 132 rapidly growing national economy. introduction of modern communication modes (mainly the automobile which has substi- tuted for the camel, the desert ship), and frequent droughts-- all these circumstances have induced many changes in the nomad's domestic arrangements. For example, disputes and conflicts between tribes are virtually non-existent. Their migration rhythms are not as consistent as they were. In general. there is a change in nomadic life. Despite the slow nature of this change. the gap is widening between the current conditions of nomadic life in Arabia and those recorded in the previous literature. However. there are some recent works more relevant to the present-day nomadic lifestyle. 1 Ahmed A. Shamekh's Spatial Patterns of Bedouin Settlement in Al-Qgsim 2 . Cole's work. Nomads of the Nomads, is an example. Region of Saudi Arabia is another. The Al-Murrah Tribe There is no accurate census for the Al-Murrah population, but they are estimated at about 1,200 families. or 8,000 persons. Some estimates count as much as 36,000 peOple. although this seems very high. They are one of the distinguished tribes of 1Donald Powell Cole. Nomads of the Nomads The A1- MMrrah Bedouin of the Empty Quarter. (Chicago: Elaine PuEIish- ing Company. 1975)- 2Ahmed A. Shamekh. Spatial Patterns of Bedouin Settle- ment in Al-Qasim Re ion, Saudi’Arabia. Lexington,Kentucky: TheflUniversity of Kentucky, Department of Geography. 1975). 133 Arabia for their traditional social rank and their degree of nomadism. The majority of Al-Mbrrah still practice sheep and camel herding. It is not until recently that a few members of the Al—Murrah have broken the tribe's conservative mode and isolation and fled to the adjacent urban world. But since this move has started in the early sixties, its streamlet is flowing slowly and infrequently. Despite the break with tradition, those tribe members who are engaged in industrial work as in Abqaiq or in urban living as in Dammam or Hufuf, are guarding cautiously their links and ties with their people in the desert. On holidays and such occasions, the only direction these modernized groups take is to their relatives' tents or residences in their Dirah. The Tribe Area (Dirah) The Al-Murrah roam and live in an area of about 135,000 square kilometers. in which lies the area of the Haradh pro- ject. Now it is worthy to note in this connection that writers frequently omit an important distinction between the range area of a tribe and its traditionally owned dirah. These two areas were always treated as one. In fact. the tribe 92223 is of smaller size than the range area. whereas the range areas overlap with those of other tribes. Also, the con- cept of dirah itself is changing. The nomads have started to realize that the concept of dirah has changed from.exclusive to national. Until the recent past, each tribe controlled and protected an area in which they lived for centuries. No 134 other tribe's members were allowed to graze or live in this area unless permission was granted from.the dirah tribe. Grazing or cutting wood on another tribe's dirah easily gener- ated conflicts between tribes. Each tribe's dirah was recog- nized and separated from the neighboring dirahs by natural landmarks, such as a hill. mountain or valley. As compared with the range area. the tribe's dirah is the core or central part from which the tribe can spread out to the wider range areas; this wider range area includes many parts of other dirahs acquired temporarily by mutual agreement between tribes. Mistakenly. writers have used the two terms--range area and dirah--interchangeably; in many cases they have even considered the migration territory or the grazing country as tribal dirah. Thus, the concept of dirah is associated with a tribe and refers to the particular area used by the tribe for summer watering and grazing. enclosing a number of wells of tradi- tional tribal ownership. At present, the dirah concept is undergoing further deterioration. In the first place. the growth and consolida- tion of a central government has made inter-tribal warfare or even major disputes on watering and grazing rights practically impossible. .Secondly. the feeling of tribal membership or tribal allegiance. while being undermined by political or economic circumstances. is being replaced by a growing feeling of national solidarity.1 1F.S. Vidal. Bedouins in the Ghawar Area, A Report, (December 31. 1956). 135 With the above implications in mind, it is possible then to define and distinguish between the Al-Murrah dirah and range area. In terms of range area. the Al-Murrah members travel with their herds sometimes as far southwest as Najran and east to Qatar and the borders of Oman. and north to the Kuwait and Iraqi borders. Of course. in their migra- tions they cross over many other tribes' dirahs with no per- mission and without facing any conflicts. In contrast. the dirah of the Al-Murrah is much smaller than the range area they cover. It is not demarcated geographically. but it can be recognized as their traditional land where they live and roam frequently. It is bordered on the west by the sands of the Dahna and the Jafurah sand desert on the east. The north- ern limit of the Al-Murrah dirah can be traced by following the trade route from Al-‘Uqair on the gulf to Hufuf and west- ward to the Dahna sands.1 From the south the Al-Murrah dirah includes the northeast section'of Al-Rub-al Khali between 48° and 52° east approximately (Figure 10). This area contains some water wells used for both drinking and watering their herd. Within their large dirah. Haradh and the oasis of Jabrin are the main concentration centers. Enclosed by sand bodies on the east. west and south and by the Summan plateau on the north. this dirah comprises gravel plains of sandy limestone formation interrupted at intervals with hills and small mountains. Vege- tation for grazing is sparse in the 'wadis' channels. Shrubs 1A1 Murrah. A report from the Ministry of Planning Library. 136 ...........,....M . @000‘32 see .4 a u... I ‘ 4 o. C . . .. .. .13.. . . . .... .... I... .1 . as c . am O . 4.” . . .. s A? CON___. 0 an .. l ...- . I .r. . ' 'I a o .. I. s u \ .s-fl .- ..E. ...... e —. ----- ‘ . 38: 2. \ \I‘ i I I I I LY. ......II. 1:44...)— . use... . :0... no... oocom | I- och .2502 E 2653. .TI. reason acetone: Sin 3352. .ocogEoE. .l.l con 6.6. m. . .6 . .. . e63... ......... W ‘22.... .< n I 228 3 u C 2.2:. Em n v. .66.: n D onus”. H N 1.333 n O :38: "2 . . .OON z magnum .oz «m and“. 330 mom mmMZHgmm 174 the ten statements. About 54 percent of them agree with be- ing tired of nomadism. Children's education, hope for land and minimal attraction by birthplace are among the indicators they strongly supported. This suggests that they are not satisfied with their traditional nomadic living. Also, edu- cation and possession of lands are becoming important factors in the nomad's mind. Distinction between the nomadic groups provides a basis for further analysis. The non-local nomads do not actually deviate very much from the average nomads' response. Still their higher percentage is in support of education, land ownership and the minimal importance of birthplace. However, less than 50 percent of them agree with being tired of nomad- ism. Thus, their readiness to change is stronger than the villagers but should not be described as enthusiastic. In contrast, local nomads have strongly supported seven out of the ten statements. In addition to supporting educa- tion and land ownership statements, more than 68 percent of them agree with being tired of nomadism. In general, their response to all ten statements is higher than non-local nomads. Movement of the entire family to the Haradh area is the most significant difference between local and non-local nomads. About 96 percent of local nomads have actually moved their families to Haradh area as compared with only 24 percent of non-local nomads. Bringing the family to the Haradh area is considered a strong indicator for readiness to change among the nomads. The next important indicator related to change 175 deals with their intention to keep herds even when given farms and becoming involved in agricultural activity. Approximately 55 percent of the local nomads are not willing to keep any of their herds when they begin to farm. As compared to the less than 30 percent of non-local nomads, this intention among the local nomads shows their seriousness in accepting change. The nomads readiness for change is also measured from a different point of view. Readiness to adopt a new way of life implies the tendency to sacrifice the old one. As it is known, animals, including sheep, goats or camels, are the backbone of the traditional nomadic life. So, the fewer animals kept and the sooner they are disposed of, the readier the nomads are for change. In this matter, three points are examined. They are: the amount of animals to keep with farming, the time of animal disposal, and the relationship with individuals looking after herds in the desert. In fact, the majority of the nomads do not have any animals at all. Few of them have animals in large numbers. Sell- ing or giving up the core of nomadism, animal management and herding, reveals the need for alternative. The few nomads who still have animals at the time of the survey were asked about the amount of animals they would keep after they obtain farms at Haradh. Their response to this question is sumarized in Table 25. There is a clear indication that most of the animals' owners are inclined to keep few, if any, of their animals. 176 TABLE 25 AMOUNT OF ANIMALS TO BE KEPT WITH FARMING (Percent) Groups None Few 1/4 1/2 3/4 All Local nomads 50 32 6 0 12 0.0 Non-local nomads 24 16 12 12 12 24 This tendency is stronger among local nomads than the non- local nomads. Fifty percent of the local owners do not want to keep any of their herds, and none of them want to keep all of their animals. TABLE 26 NOMADS' RESPONSES TO DISPOSAL TIME (Percent) No. Alternatives Local Non-local nomads nomads 1 Very soon 12.50 0.0 2 When given a farm. 43.75 28.0 3 When start building a house 18.75 16.0 4 When the house is finished 12.50 20.0 5 Sometime after the house is 6.25 8.0 finished 6 Never 6.25 28.0 TOTAL 100.0 100.0 177 To find out how soon the nomads want to dispose of the rest of their herds, a time table question was given. The response is organized in Table 26. The higher the sequence number of the alternatives, the later the disposal time. Again, the feeling of readiness is noticed. Among the local nomads, the sooner the time of disposal the stronger the agreement. Surprising, about 44 percent of them relate the disposal of animals to the second alternative, having a farm, Of course, non-local nomads have less tendency to dis- pose of animals, and hence their readiness for change is weaker than the local nomads. The third point is concerned with relations and ties between these potential settlers and their relatives in the desert who watch their herds. A question about who looks after their herds in the desert if they stay at Haradh and have farms was asked. The purpose of this question is to ex- amine the strength of their interest in the desert and in nomadism. Here, the alternatives of this question are arranged in terms of decreasing importance. A summary of nomads' res- ponse is shown in Table 27. The smaller the alternative sequence number, the higher the nomads interest in the desert life. The second alternative, to hire a shepherd, which comes immediately after wife and children, is important because it involves money payments. It is not likely that the nomad would invest some of his scarce money on animal herding unless 178 TABLE 27 RELATION TO HERD KEEPERS IN THE DESERT No. Alternatives Local Non-local Nomads Nomads 1 ‘Wife and children 12.50 48.0 2 Hired herders 12.50 32.0 3 Oldest son 25.00 0.0 4 Other relatives 50.00 20.0 TOTAL 100.0 100.0 he is still attached to the activity and nomadism still is his main interest. On the contrary, the alternative, other relatives, is considered the least important because the relationship it indicates is not as close as the first or the third alternatives. Also it includes a free service provided by some relatives for family and social reasons. This implies that the nomad is not interested in investing any money for herding as long as he can obtain free service. Once this free service stops, he is likely to give up the nomadic pro- fession all together by disposing of his herds. Hence his readiness for change is considered stronger than others. It is clear from.Table 27 that local nomads are less interested in the nomadic life than the non-local nomads. Only 25 percent of the local nomads have strong interest or 179 important relations with the nomadic life and activity in the desert as compared with 80 percent of non-local nomads. This indicates that local nomads are more serious about changing than non-local nomads. Because free services by relatives do not last and cannot be dependable, just 20 percent of non- local nomads are utilizing this possibility whereas 80 per- cent of them.are keeping their animals in the desert with their families or hired herders. This suggests that they are definitely less ready for change as compared with local nomads. Finally, the respondents average response does not show a strong positive feeling for change. But indeed this weakness comes as a result of the villagers' negative attitude toward change. Nomads, on the other hand, demonstrate within certain limits their readiness for change. In particular, local nomads are more dedicated and ready to change than non- local nomads. It is not unreasonable to conclude that con- structing the project in the local nomads area has motivated their feeling and made them more ready to settle and change their nomadic style. The existence of the project alone has stimulated a change in the attitudes of the nomads in closest contact with the project area. Activity Preferred by Potential Settlers In a previous discussion it was pointed out that the project population had different opinions about activities on the project. Although the villagers have a wider experience in agriculture, 58 percent, than nomads, they have strongly 180 supported the current activity: sheep raising. The villagers' strong agreement is a result of their own special interests.‘ IMore than 88 percent of them encourage this current activity, because of the income they make through high wages. They see no wrong in continuing the current operation, and there- fore sheep raising activity on the project is expected to be their preference. But, according to the project's objectives, villagers are not the main interest as potential settlers. They just happened to be there by lack of restricted regula- tions. 0n the other hand, more than 72 percent of the non- local nomads also approve of sheep raising for the same reason as the villagers, high income. But just slightly above 18 percent of local nomads are in agreement with this choice. Although it is not their traditional profession, 60 percent of non-local nomads and 73 percent of local nomads think of agriculture as a considerable profession. This attitude in- validates the belief that nomads look down on agriculture. In fact all the Al-Murrah group who actually work for the project think of agriculture as a considerable profession. In a way this could be attributed to the project positive impact on nomads. To obtain more specific information, four alternatives were given to the sample population through the interview procedures to examine their opinions in terms of project use and activity. The alternatives presented for choice are: 181 The project should be a. Used for food craps and cultivated by nomads b. Used for food crops and cultivated by FSO c. Used for sheep raising and by nomads d. Used for sheep raising and by FSO A summary of their responses is illustrated in Table 28. About 50 percent of the average responses, which is the highest, is for food crops by nomads and 37 percent is for the same use but by F80. The sheep raising activity whether by nomads or by the F80, has very low support. Less than 8 percent is the average response to approve of sheep raising activity by nomads and 21 percent if it is by the F80. Surprisingly enough, the majority of the villagers, about 42 percent, support for the food craps activity but by FSO. Their next stronger choice is the sheep raising activity and by the F80 also. Therefore, they can be regarded as user- minded. But in spite of that, they approve of food craps activity more. Nomads, on the other hand, have shown strong prefer- ability to food crops activity. In comparison to the villagers they can be regarded as use-minded. About 70 percent of them prefer the food crops activity by nomads. Here, their next strongest choice is the same activity "food crops" even to be by the F80. This indicates the nomads' serious desire and need to adopt another profession. By separating non-local nomads from local nomads, the general trend concerning activity preference is still consistent, 182 TABLE 28 PREFERENCE OF ACTIVITY AND USER OF THE PROJECT (percentages of respondents) Nomads Alternatives Villagers """‘N6n- Dyer All local Local :vera e nomads nomads nomads 8 Food crops by nomads 14.0 69.7 61.1 90.9 49.6 Food crops by FSO 41.9 34.2 44.4 9.1 37.- Sheep raising by nomads 7.0 7.9 11.1 0.0 7.6 Sheep raising by FSO 32.2 15.8 22.2 0.0 21.7 although some variations between the two major groups are noticed. A little over 61 percent of non-local nomads do pre- fer the food craps activity by nomads, and about 44 percent of them prefer the same activity by F80. The sheep raising activity either by nomads or FSO is only favored by about 11 percent and 22 percent respectively, of non-local nomads' preference. In comparison, all local nomads, 100 percent, pre- fer the food crops activity regardless of user. In.terms of user, 91 percent of local nomads prefer food crops activity by nomads and only 9 percent by FSO. They have no desirability at all for sheep raising activity, no matter who carries it out. As mentioned before, nomads have no experience in agriculture and because they desire it strongly, especially the local nomads, they were questioned about how to learn farm- ing skills. The purpose of this inquiry is to re-examine their 183 activity preference on one hand, and to gain more insight about their commitment and dedication on the other. The question was put in a choice form between four alternatives. They are arranged in terms of importance. The percentages of nomads' responses to these alternatives are summarized in Table 29. As a rule, the higher the sequence number, the more dedication and devotion. First alternative is the extreme negative to which no chance was given from local nomads and only about 11 percent of the non-local nomads have considered it. The second choice TABLE 29 WAYS TO LEARN FARMING SKILLS (Percentage) No. Alternatives Non-local Local nomads nomads 1 Not willing to farm at all 10.6 0.0 2 By hiring someone who 14.9 10.6 knows how. 3 ‘With idance and direc- 42.6 36.8 tion rom.the government 4 By practicing and learn- 31.9 52.6 ing from mistakes TOTAL 100.0 100.0 184 involves a desire to farm but with complete dependency and reliance on others. For this weakness, it was chosen only by about 15 percent of non-local nomads and less than 11 percent of local nomads. The third alternative is somewhat stronger than the previous one. It has the desire to farm with less dependency and reliance. The majority of non-local nomads, 43 percent, has approved of it as compared to about 37 percent of local nomads. The last and most strong signal of dedica- tion and seriousness is the fourth alternative. It shows an energetic desire to sacrifice and learn from.mistakes with self-confidence and no dependency. Nearly 53 percent of local nomads are in agreement with this condition, against 32 per- cent of non-local nomads. Considering only the last two cases, nomads in general have shown encouraging desire to farm and to adopt this profession. It is, though, stronger at local nomads than at non-local nomads. Farming as a progressive profession, cannot be under- taken with skills only, be it learned or known already. Meney is the second important factor. To a beginning farmer, it is very serious and hard decision to make. Therefore, nomads were asked hOW”W111 they finance their farming. This question was to find more evidence of nomads preference of activity, and the way to finance it. Six alternatives were presented for this question. The higher the sequence number of alter- natives, the stronger and consistent the response. Table 30 shows these alternatives and the percentages of nomads responses to them. 185 The slightly less than 17 percent of non-local nomads who have no idea from where to get money are not willing to farms If this is not the case, then they would have given it some thought. For the 18.5 percent who chose the second alternative, their desire is rather weak. Mostly, nomads' relatives are very likely not to have enough cash for loans TABLE 30 ANTICIPATED FINANCIAL SOURCES FOR.FARMING (Percentages) Sequence Non-local Local No. Alternatives nomads nomads 1 I have no idea 16.7 0 2 By borrowing from relatives 18.5 3 By borrowing from the 5.6 4.5 merchant in town 4 By borrowin from the 29.6 27.3 agricultura bank 5 From previous savings 16.6 31.8 6 From sellin some of the 13.0 36.4 herds for t e farming purpose TOTAL 100.0 100.0 ‘\-. at hand. Besides, borrowing from relatives is governed by ‘morals and usually has no definite due date for paying back. Thus, the borrower will have no incentive to work hard and struggle to pay back his debts. With similarity to the second 186 alternative, third alternative has more restrictions. It is possible that the merchant in town may lend some money to his clients just to keep their patronage. ‘With the risk involved, merchant loans are always small and for short terms. So, for these small percentages of nomads who gave some consideration to this alternative, their desire to farm is believed weak. The agricultural bank, fourth alternative, is a regulated government credit system" And borrowing fram this source means prompt readiness to repay back or be sub- jected to pursuit and penalty. The more than 27 percent of local nomads and about 30 percent of non-local nomads who in- clined to use this source are, in fact, serious potential farmers. The nomad is conservative in his use of money and it takes many convincing efforts to get him to spend. For that reason, the nearly 32 percent of local nomads and about 17 percent of non-local nomads who selected the saving alter- native, are considered very serious in their farming prefer- ence. The last alternative is of two-sided effect. It shows at once giving up nomadism.for farming and settlement. Tradi- tionally, herds are the most luxurious and treasurable posses- sions to nomads. So, when they are willing to sell or dispose of them, they are, in turn, desperately ready for something dreamwlike or highly hoped for. Thus, the majority of local nomads, a little over 36 percent and the 13 percent of non- local nomads are indeed dedicated and in complete position to settle and farm. 187 Generally speaking, more than 68 percent of local nomads have expressed very strong commitment by their agree- ‘ments to the two most hard sources of finance. The non- local nomads have agreed to this level of seriousness only to the level of 30 percent. If the last three most hard sources of finance are grouped together, then about 96 per- cent of local nomads and 59 percent of non-local nomads are truly preferring farming over sheep raising activity. Distribution and Ownership of Land As far as this study is concerned, distribution of land and individual ownership is another important piece in the mosaic picture called "settlement". As Barlowe says, most people have a strong desire for property ownership. This desire has some basis in human nature. It also is magnified and stimulated by (1) traditional attitudes and sentiments favoring ownership, (2) the cultural approval of society, and (3) the promotional efforts that develop properties or make them available.1 The people of Haradh are not different from anybody else in this respect, and private ownership to them.is given importance. Traditionally known as the nest of nomadic tribes, Saudi Arabia is composed of many undemarcated territories for 1Raleigh Barlowe. Land Resource Economics, The Economics of Real Progerty4 (Englewood Cliffs, N. 3.: Prenticeéfiall, Inc. , . PP 188 many tribes and sub-tribes which make up the majority of the kingdom's papulation. Each tribe grazes, protects, controls, and lives anywhere within its territory. This dominion is rather relative. Recently, the nominal ownership of a territory has not prevented a tribe from moving to another tribe's territory (or vice versa) during their seasonal migra- tion or grazing. The powerful central government is also known as the real owner of all public lands. Thus no tribe has the right to claim any particular piece of land, even with- in his tribe's territory, unless the government entitles him to do so. It means that even though the Haradh settlement project is located within Al-Murrah tribe territory, it is not necessarily to be devoted to them. The government with its strong domain has the final decision. Implicitly known is the assurnption that the govern- ment decision is for the best of all people and the country, regardless of where and who gets the immediate benefit. There- fore, this decision must be made carefully to keep to the original goal of the project on one hand, and to find the right people for the proposed goal on the other. Eleven statements from the questionnaire were selected to indicate the peoples' resolutions and determination to acquire lands (Table 31) . These statements or indicators were used to obtain information incentives for land acquisi- tion and the relation between ownership and settlement. In other words, is land acquisition for psychic, personal, or tribal reasons, or for the project prime goal, settlement? 189 00.00 0.00 0.00 «.«0 0«.00 8000088 03820.0 00 80.005000 0.00 .000 0.00 0.00 0.00 00 880800 8 8 Bosses sea 00 0.38803 0.00 .000 0.00 0.00 0.00 00 880 0 8 0880 .080 0:000 0 0 usin— 0.«« 0.00 0.0« 0.00 0.00 0 as 80 e 0:096 £03 03888 0 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.0« 0.«0 80808 08 80 0508803 .8 08000.0 0 . oomaxuuom 0.0« 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 80 080088 00 800200830 080 0 0.0 0.0 0.00 0.0 0.0 88.8 00 0:00.000 08.00 8080 0 0.0« 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.«0 0088 00 000088 080 8080 « 80308000. 0.«0 0.00 0.00 «.00 0.0 3 000038 0003 0000 use 0080 0 0.00 0.00 0.00 «.00 0.0 8003085 060 0.88900 0 0.00 0.00 «.00 «.00 0.00 80.0 s 80 0800 0 ommmso momax0 molas— Esau: 000 088 0800.; 50 sexy asauz mnnaanfip Ramauanxw .oz Amuooooommou mo mowouomouoov nzraunng 3 IflghlylnxoMcthuzdue 4402 35d5 44J4 13.6 38:7 tolfixlmaumemau: 199 In terms of use, more than 40 percent of the people think that the project will not be productive and lead to settle- ment because of the sheep raising activity. If these scores, 48 percent and 40 percent, are considered low, it must be put in mind that they may be influenced by villagers and non- local nomads intentions as well. The third alternative, which is always favored by villagers and some of non—local nomads, reflects this fact. About 39 percent on the average, think that the project will be a highly productive agricultural area, because of the F80 management and ownership. Even if this last prediction is considered similar or as high as the previous ones, the above argument proves otherwise. As illustrated in TabCLe 33 the third alternative has less than 14 percent of local nomads approval, whereas the first and second alterna- tives, get about 68 percent and 64 percent respectively. After all, the last alternative supports agriculture as the expected activity on the project. In fact the group of local nomads working for the project has rejected completely, 100 percent, the notion that the project will be highly productive area if not distributed, and agreed with the same strength of response to the non-productivity due to the current use, second alternative. These results and others mentioned before, leave no doubt that local nomads have no contradiction, no hesitation, and no inconsistency in their perception of the project. As far as future plans are concerned, each of the sample was asked what will he do for a living if the project 200 is distributed and he is not included. Their responses are sorted under the following four categories: 1. Do not know what to do 2. Go back home and join the rest of my family 3. Search for a job with the government, with private companies, or in town. 4. Stay around and look for a job at the individual farms at Haradh. A summary of their future working plans is shown in Table 34. TABLE 34 PEOPLES' PLANS OF WORKING FOR FUTURE LIVING IF NOT AT HARADH (percentage) lanegomue. \thqne All anékxel Load nonakz IKEBdS trnads .awaege l 0.0 7.7 3.7 17.4 4.9 2 36.5 26.3 37.0 0.0 29.9 3 53.5 57.7 51.5 73.0 56.2 4 104) 803 7.8 9.6 8J9 TOD“. 100 100 100 100 100 The villagers have shown stronger certainty of what they ‘will do afterwards, while about 8 percent of the nomads have no idea what they will do. When no land is obtained, the 201 unknown way of living in the future is very noticeably a disturbing factor. Mbre than 17 percent of local nomads do not know about their future working plans. This means that local nomads have the highest reliance among all the groups on the settlement question. The other remark worth mention- ing is the high average percent, more than 56, of people will- ing to immigrate from rural to urban sectors. Also, this alternative is favored highly, by 73 percent of local nomads. Regardless of urban needs of workers and some public servants, people generally feel rural population should be encouraged to stay in the region. Thus, the settlement project at Haradh should persist to reach its final goal. If successful, the project will be a guideline for initiating more programs. It will be also a sign of courage and hope for the people to participate and improve their living conditions. Summary and Assessment Starting from.the FSO decision of considering the project workers alone as its potential settlers, a sample of 100 persons was designed and selected from.these people. An- V other 18 persons from.AlaMurrah tribe were picked randomly ‘~"_M_flfl____. from areas around the project to affect their small represent- ation.among the sample group. The sample was divided to three groups proportionately due to the project worker's structure. After this step was completed, a questionnaire was conducted on the project site. 202 The outcome of the 100 interviews was analyzed to .aid.this investigation to find out about peoples' attitudes toward the settlement project. Six interrelated ideas or tapics were investigated individually. They are, acceptance of the project, desire to settle, readiness for change, acti- 'vity preferred by potential settlers, distribution and owner- ship, and finally, future expectations. For each respondent answers to the following were obtained: is this person aware of the project and its purpose so that he is accepting it? 'Would he like to settle? If so, is he ready? Then, what activity does he prefer for the settlement? What are his ‘motivations and incentives to settle? And what does he ex- pect from the project in the future? The analysis procedures show that the project is being highly accepted by its.people. Ninetyffive_percent_of ‘nomads are willing to participate as well as 72 of villagers. The nomads, for whom the project was constructed, show higher positive attitude than the villagers to associate with the project and become part of it. This strong acceptance of the project reflects many desires and wishes. Most of the villagers are in favor of the settlement idea not for the actual conduction of nomads settlement per se, but for the job opportunities and the high wages. Non-local nomads also support the settlement theme with stronger feeling than the mu 1 . villagers. Besides job and high wages as their most important 4" ~r ._,/ reason of support, they have some concern for children's education and land ownership. The local nomads, on the other ” 0~___fl,,000//” 203 side, are actually accepting the project for settlement. Most of them.have already moved their families to the settlement area. They have shown strong desirability to give up nomad- ism and have farms instead, and permanent residence at Haradh. pl In regard to change, villagers have expressed 'very weak desire to change from.their present lifestyle. But the nomads readiness for change is noticeable. Mbst_of themhagree to being tired of nomadism. The local nomads, in ?”l particular, are willing to dispose of their animals as soon as possible. None of the other nomads are ready as the local 'nomads for giving up nomadism.and becoming settlers. Here the change process suggests a choice of two activities, sheep raising or farming. Economically speaking, _the cost-benefit analysis could draw a line between the two professions and hence the most profitable the profession, the ‘more likely it is to be adopted. But for the potential settler, it is not profitability, but rather it is their desire and preference which dictate or decide the proper activity through.which the project goals are likely to be reached. This investigation has found out that villagers have strong support for the sheep raising activity on the project. Accord- ing to the project policy, their choice is not considered because of being already settlers and because the project is to settle nomads only, so they can not decide for others. Influenced by job security and high wages, 72 percent of non- local nomads prefer sheep raising too. Therefore, more in- tensive study was undertaken on the issue of choice of activity. 204 ‘When the people were asked to choose their favorite combina— 04:: tions of use and user, food crops by nomads was the highest “M average choice. Even the villagers themselves as well as the non-local nomads, have chosen food crOps as their high- est preference. User becomes the only difference between -villagers and nomads. So, agriculture is the most accepted } activity among all the project people in general. The I 'villagers' preference of user is a different question, and it is logical that they prefer FSO for their own benefits. The sheep raising activity by nomads has the least support of people, less than 8 percent. It has been only chosen by 21 percent if carried out by FSO. In detail, only 7 percent of villagers prefer sheep raising activity by nomads. If by FSO, less than 31 percent of them.have approved of this case. From the nomad side, about 8 percent prefer sheep rais- ing activity by nomads. If by FSO, about 16 percent of them have agreed to this preference. The deviation of non-local nomads from.the average nomads responses are small. The local nomads, however, have not given any choice or chance to the sheep raising activity by either nomads or FSO. They reject completely this activity and they think it would not lead to settlement. Therefore, it is found that regardless of its profitability, sheep raising activity does not necessarily encourage settlement. Food crops activity on the other hand, was given~r r I" ,.. the highest average preference of all people if carried out , {1.14“- by! due pre Inf ha\ CU 205 by nomads, and the next highest average preference if con- ducted by FSO. In detail, about 43 percent of the villagers' preference goes to food craps activity but managed by FSO. Influenced by their personal interests, 14 percent of them have preferred this activity by nomads. For the nomads, food P= crops activity carried out by nomads is their highest prefer- '* ence, about 70 percent. The.same activity is their next highest preference, about 34 percent, with the project farmed ‘by F80. The non-local nomads' deviations from the average nomads' responses are rather small again. The significant \ ’0m5 (‘4 arl: -"-‘ ’0 deviations are the local nomads' responses. They absolutely I prefer food crops activity, 100 percent, be it carried out by fi‘wwf FSO or nomads, with 91 percent of them prefering this activity .0,j;. by nomads. Farming skills and finance were thought of as two important obstacles for the_nomads. So the nomads were asked questions on these topics. For skill learning, about 32 per- cent and 53 percent of non-local nomads and local nomads respectively, say that they would learn by practice and trying to learn from their mistakes. This strong intention is seen as a sacrifice. Approximately 43 percent of non-local nomads and 37 percent of local nomads want to learn farming skills with directions and guidance from the government. Both forms of learning show a serious desire. Summing these two cate- "ij' gories shows that about 90 percent oflocal nomadsuare willing tuilf to learn farming skills by practice and struggle and by some help from.the governmenti? This indicates their serious prefer- ence to farming activity. 206 For the finance problem, about 30 percent of non- local nomads and over 68 percent of local nomads are willing to either spend from their previous savings or sell some of their herds to finance their preferred farming activity. It should be kept in mind that these two sources are the hardest from.the nomads point of view. Consequently, the project people have strongly preferred the farming activity, especially if it is carried by nomads. Nomads in general and local nomads in particular, have exhibited very strong dedica- tion and seriousness to settle and farm. So it can be con- cluded that adOption of farming activity will encourage settlement. The distribution issue is very important. It is to the settler a matter of joy and satisfaction and to the decision-makers a highly desirable motive to attract nomads to settle. The psychological feeling of private ownership which is in everybody's mind can be utilized for the settlement purpose. The greater the hope for land the stronger the desire to settle. This study has investigated people's tendency to own lands. According to their responses, less than 26 percent of the villagers hope for land. As noticed earlier, this small percentage is not also supported or consistent. For this reason and because of the F80 policy the villagers are excluded from.the distribution task. Nomads, in contrast, want to have _! ~~ 1 1‘ I lands. On the average, more than 72 percent of them.bope for lands. They think it is essential for settlement. But reasons " such as average annual income, necessity of distribution to ’"x -3" 207 settlement, starvation for land, full support of the agri- cultural activity, very strong dedication and devotion, with- drawing if encountering difficulties, leaving in rainy year, attraction by birthplace, and many others have illustrated confidently that local nomads do seriously need lands and that their enthusiasm.and desirability are much stronger than the other nomads. A.test for the project user showed that non-local nomads are almost indifferent as to which user they prefer. This reflects their weak desire to acquire lands and their enjoyment of the continuing flow of high wages from the current use which is not likely to lead to settlement. 0 In comparison to this, local nomads support strongly, by 91‘: ‘ percent, the nomads' use of Haradh. The differences in the project peoples' future ex- .pectations are not surprising, because they stem from their present conditions. They reflect the peoples' desires and in- tentions. More than 80 percent of the people believe that the project land, if distributed, will at least support its people adequately, if not actually supply the nearby cities' markets by producing surpluses. They insist on distribution. Local nomads feel even stronger in this matter. They reject the withdrawal possibility, and the more prosperous and hopeful fl , 4,1._. \ the expectation, the more local nomads agree to it. About )35009 half of the people are reluctant to settle without distribu- )21 M tion of land. If not distributed, a satisfactory productivity of the project is not foreseen, and a continuation of the current use and user are clearly not desirable. However, it 208 has to be mentioned that some personal and financial interests always find their way to the non-local nomads' attitude as well as to the villagers. Local nomads are exceptional. Their thoughts and beliefs are obviously strong, consistent, and devoted. ‘Wbrking for the project and being attached to it, has increased their readiness to change and their desire to settle. It has helped them make their judgments for their activity preference. So far, the project is being successful I by developing this feeling. Thus, local nomads are the .74 . 144‘)” g f’ it '4'. . r“ a" .4: - ”‘1’",v logical choice to settle and farm.Haradh. There are other serious reasons for their eligibility:' Haradh is located within their traditionally accepted terri- Pf 1’ tory or Dirah. So, to give the project lands or part of it 4;;“* to another tribes members will definitely create a complicatedgfifiij” conflict. Even with the strong control of the government, . dispute and fights will now and then break out between tribes. Being a serious problem by itself, it creates another problem, to the government to keep things in order. Thus, to avoid all of this the local nomzas again appear as the logical choice. Another fact is the continuous flow Of government expenditures in the form of operating and maintaining costs.- A termination of this flow is a real possibility. It is to help reduce inflation on one hand, or to be allocated for other similar purposes on the development arena on the other. A possible solution to this problem is the project distribution to the right people. Of course, very careful procedures of distribution and a close supervision afterwards is definitely necessary. 209 Another reason is the psychological satisfaction private ownership creates. Local nomads seem very eager for lands. This eagerness can be fulfilled on a conditional ‘basis. That is to say, that they be given land in exchange for the commitment and obligation from.the nomads to follow the settlement procedures and the farming proposed methods and technique. Even if the project land was not constructed on their territory, the strength of their dedication and the serious- -ness of their desire to settle and give up their traditional lifestyle makes the Al-Murrah tribe the most eligible potential settlers. Their continuous strong support and their enthusiasm indicates with no doubt, their proper perception of their role and participation to the project's success. In terms of future working plans, if no land had been :91, obtained, more than half of the people, 56 percent, are will- fif“;‘ ing to immigrate to the cities and seek jobs. In the long (9" run, this could be a dangerous phenomenon. The rural sector should be given its share of care and should not be neglected. If migrations from rural to urban sectors are not discouraged immediately, it may become too late in the future. To allo- cate attention between both urban and rural sectors is to motivate both sectors and create a harmonic economy for the whole country. After all, the rural sector in almost every society is the reliable supplier of food. This argument suggests further the fulfillment of the project goal and the 210 distribution of lands to the more motivated peOple, the local nomads. Looking again at the future working responses of local nomads, more than 17 percent of them have no idea of where to go for making their living if no land is obtained. Considering this as an extreme devotion to the project and reliance on its promises, it is also a serious case which requires more similar deve10pment programs . Again, distribu- tion of lands is highly recommended. A further delay in this matter leads to frustration and disappointment. Because it is the first heavily-financed project of its kind in the kingdom, its success will pave the road to more improvement programs. CHAPTER VII CONCLUSION Summary It is the purpose of this dissertation to investigate the problem of nomadism.and its social and economic implica- tions on one hand, and to discuss settlement of the nomads as a solution for this problem. The experience of the Haradh Project for nomad settlement is the focus of this study. Nomadism is a livelihood form closely related to its physical environment. The state of pastures and the water sources or the rainfall are the determinant factors of herd sizes, the migration direction and labor utilization. In fact, the environment control goes even beyond the economic atmosphere. The nomads social organizations and habits are underlied and influenced by environmental circumstances. The realm of kinship, which governs their behavior and specifies their rights and duties toward each other, is necessitated by the surrounding conditions. The insecurity of desert living because of the ever expected threat of drought, famine, disease or even attack by other people has reinforced the dependency feeling among each nomadic group and enhanced the need for strong close relationships. The tendency of in- creasing family, clan, or tribe members from.marriage within 211 212 the kinship system is indeed a tendency to increase as much as posible the aid of relatives for support and protection from any expected insecurity or environmental threat. Habits, like nomads hospitality for example, are in.most part due to interpretation of the harshness of their environment. The concept of hospitality guarantees food and shelter for the ‘nomads when the surrounding environment offers none. Nomadism.has survived for a long time. But with respect to the present time, nomadism has never witnessed a decline as it does now; Therefore, it is logical to conclude that the long survival of nomadism was due to the primitive and limited technology man has lived with for a long time. Nomadism cannot resist the highly advanced technology of this time. Evidently, the concepts of the twentieth century tech- ‘nology have no place for nomadism. The persistence of tech- nology and the retreat of nomadism.indicate the nearly com- plete elimination.of this human phenomenon. The decline of nomadism.also suggests the inflexibility of this culture in the face of today's technology. Nomads, on the other hand, are adaptable people who manage to make a living out of harsh and inhospitable environ- ment. They fit exactly Nash's description of the people in h- the developing world. He says, "the people and societies do not lack economic rationality, the matching of means and ends for best outputs, they do not hedge economic activity with a L, host of traditional barriers; they do not despise wealth and hard work; and the economics exhibit the free market where 213 "1 The nomad is each man follows his own economic interest. no doubt rational in his behavior and is a profit maximizer. When the urban labor, for instance, enriches him with more income than his herd or his pastoral activity does, he cer- tainly, due to his rationality, chooses the most profitable. The many examples of spontaneous settlements in almost every country in the Middle East support this. Also as seen in the literature, when the nomads are settled on planned settle- ments they face their new life and new system of production with strong aptitude of adaptability and change. The reasons for nomad's change are numerous. Severe, frequent droughts, famines, population pressures or popula- tion redistribution, discouragement of rural-to-urban migra- tion, developing the agricultural sector, raising the nomad's standard of living and narrowing the gap between their living status and the urban dwellers, loss of traditional contribu- tions of importance economically, politically or socially, and many other related reasons, are the major factors of nomads settlement and nomadism decline. Therefore, spontaneous settlements as well as planned settlements are continuing to absorb most, if not all, the nomads to sedentary lives. The work of settlement is continuing vigorously, and nomadism may come to its final end even before the end of this 1Manning, Nash. Primitive and Peasant Economic S stems (San Francisco: Chandler PuBIIsfiIng Company, 1966), p. 7I. 214 century. This reflects the vast advancement and command tech- 'nology has achieved to change man's life. The economic aspect of man's life is always the leading field through which technology enforces its measures of change. It is not surprising to be the case, as long as man is always striving to secure more or reallocate existing resources for better survival. If this betterment process requires a partial or complete change in his cultural system, man does not hesitate to meet this requirement. In the present, slogans like projects, plans, programs are used in the developmental race for economic change and its social and cultural involvement. The economic development in Saudi Arabia, discussed in Chapter Three, reflects this fact. 'Measured by the gross domestic product, development in Saudi Arabia has made real economic progress. The growth of the economy has, in turn, a great impact on the social life. With higher standard of living, measured by per capita income, the people of Saudi Arabia, within their Islamic regulations, have experienced many changes in consumption and production habits. The increase in their income has increased their consumption capacity and, in turn, this increased their demands elasticity. This trend was more obvious in the urban sector, as the gap in standard of living between the rural population and the urban dwellers widens. So, rural development, including that affecting the nomads, has become due. The Haradh project, as discussed in Chapter Four, has been constructed around a new discovery of abundant groundwater 215 accompanied by good soil for cultivation. The purpose of the project is originally to utilize these natural resources to settle the nomads to engage in agricultural activities. The project area was leveled and prepared for large scale cultivation. In their design plan, the government has decided to reclaim 4,000 hectares to be distributed to one thousand nomadic families. ‘With highly technological designs," the project includes the drilling of fifty-two deep wells, an irrigation system, a drainage system and power station. According to many professional studies, the project resources are economically feasible and will last for many years. In addition, the project location is favorable. It lies on the railroad between Riyadh and Dammam, the center of the whole eastern province in the kingdom. So, future products can be transported within a few hours to the markets of Riyadh or any. urban center in the eastern province. Since the project was constructed on their land, or dirah, the tribe of Al-Murrah are considered the project's potential human resources. As discussed in Chapter Five, the majority of them still live in their tents in the desert and practice pastoralisms As with many other nomads, the desert is becoming more and more unable to support their animals and maintain their subsistence. ‘Without some outside support, such as governmental in-cash help or labor wages, or aid from relatives, their nomadic system cannot provide for even.minimum requirements for survival. Therefore, helping these nomads to 216 settle and depend on a more stable economic system is a wise} “' decision. But the problem is that the project has put more ' emphasis on the economic aspects and returns, giving less attention to the socialhaspects. The project's original goal was to distribute the re- claimed area to the nomads and through frequent supervision and guidance, they were supposed to start cultivating their individual farms with food crops and mixed farming which is proven possible under the project conditions by the project design and construction firms. But this original goal has been revised to use the project land and facilities to grow fodder—for sheep-raising. This decision was made on the basis that raising sheep on the project is more economically feas- ible to pay off the project construction and operational costs. Also this activity, with its emphasis on livestock, was thought of as more desirous and attractive to the nomads because it is similar to their former activities and would en- courage them to settle. This change in policy is a departure from the original goal. Moreover, from an economic point of view, the sheep- raising activity at present, is not paying even for the operational cost alone. Detailed economic analysis of the project costs and benefits may fall beyond the scope of this study, but as demonstrated in Chapter Four, the project budget, if considered an operational cost, exceeds many times the pro- ject income from the sale of animals. From the economic point 217 of view, these extra costs and high budgets are added to the initial investment costs. Even if the project reaches its full potential of production and makes a profit or a return on the investment of 3 million riyals a year as planned, it cannot be considered economical because it will take it more than 40 years to pay back all its costs. The social benefits which may justify the long-term.of repayment are exported from.the region. Therefore, the current production system may have to be altered with another one which should take in- to consideration the social factor and the original objectives of the project. As investigated in Chapter Six, the local nomads, Al-Murrah, demonstrate their strong desire to settle and their readiness for change. The villagers and the non-local nomads should not be considered potential settlers since they are not as ready to change nor are they as serious to settle as the local nomads demonstrated. For achieving the project's“. ultimate goal, which is settlement, there are some important factors to consider: 1. Limiting the potentiality of settlers to local nomads only. This may necessitate a revised policy for workers employment. 2. Adapting a mixed agricultural production system, and abandoning the current sheep-feed system. The mixed agriculture activity is found more preferable to the nomads and hence leads to permanent settlement. 1 l ‘t/du’“ ‘ 3. 218 Distribution of land is an important incentive, and it realizes the nomads hope and dream of private ownership. Land ownership makes the nomads strongly attached to their own farms and reinforces the settlement desire. . A delay in land distribution and/or the proper activity adoption would affect negatively the nomads desire for settlement and their expecta- tion. If the nomads do not obtain lands and help for permanent settlement sooner than the commer- cial operations pretend, they will be disappointed and withdraw completely from.the project. This will leave the project with workers who do not fit the character of potential settlers. . Utilizing Haradh water, a precious asset, in come 'mercial use may in the long run become an unwise decision. Hence, this resource must be reassessed and utilized wisely for the most beneficial uses, whether economic or social. Recommendations The literature of nomadism.and settlement in general, and the Haradh project studies in particular, are loaded with many recommendations for nomads' settlement. Those recommenda- tions were given from reliable experiences and sources, and if they are followed in the Haradh project, they should smooth out and contribute to the settlement task. So, repeated 219 recommendations were felt unnecessary in this research. But a general word on nomads' settlement is appropriate. The nomadic problem should not be looked at as an unsolvable problem that has exhausted all solutions. It is not that nomadism.is just another human phenomenon which can- not‘compete with modern economic and social styles, but on the other hand, it is subjected to change and solvable. The technological tools and measures which enabled man to master, to a great extent his physical environment, should be more than capable and adequate to change him himself, directly or indirectly, from his primitiveness to more advanced levels. Settlement per se does not mean a complete solution to nomads' problems. Instead it should be considered the base from.which all the solutions emanate and within which all benefits merge. Settlement also leads in the long run to nomads detribalization and creates instead a national integra- tion among all the population groups. Settlement of the nomads should always be a complemental part to rural sector development. With the urban sector, rural development must be realized as the second shoulder in the body of the Kingdom's development. Its importance is not only for the fresh food- stuff it supplies, but also for the critical conditions surrounding its development. The enlightening of the rural population including nomads, will contribute significantly to ease some of the physical or environmental constraints on agricultural growth. 220 The key factors, investigated in Chapter Five, and summarized in this chapter, are important for the success of the Haradh Settlement Project. It is a fact now that nomads want to settle and improve their living. Their con- tact with their urban relatives has convinced them that nomadism is inferior to settled and stable life. According to Burckhardt, "all that has resulted to the Bedouins from their intercourse with towns, is an increase of wants."1 .The Haradh project infrastructure seems very much in line*with successful settlement designs. Amiran, in talking about suitable settlement designs, says "the principle is to build a settlement pattern of some six to ten agricultural villages, located close to one another. In a central posi- tion between them a service village is located, where all the "2 Therefore, the professional and service personnel reside. project designs and facilities and organization fit a scien- tific settlement requirement. Except the social aspects have '1' to be reconsidered if settling the nomads is still an ultimateaf, q I E , goal . Underestimation of this factor could lead to failure, as it was the case with some settlement tasks early in Syria. As Mahhouk mentions, "the technical aspects of settlement have Undoubtedly been carefully and thoroughly worked out. But one 1John Lewis Burckhardt. Notes on the Bedouins and Mbs (London: Henry Colburn andRichardBentley, V01. 1, I83I), (First reprinting 1967), p. 363. 2David H.K. Amiran. "Arid Zone Development: A Re- appraisal Under Modern Technological Conditions." Economic GeoggaphiyI op. cit., p. 197. 221 misses the Bedouin himself from the picture."1 So, taking the Haradh nomads feeling into consideration, especially in a [42, regard to activity and distribution, should undoubtedly push :Ha“‘ the settlement task many steps toward the final goal. Also, '{;.;. _ it is meaningful to incorporate the tribe leaders and sheikhs if . in some of the decision-making process for settlement. Bates has noticed the effect of this action on settlement success. In the successful case of Nogaylar in Turkey, he says, "it is apparent that lineage leaders, not marginal herders, were instrumental in organizing the joint settlement."2 He also ix" noted that "most nomadic settlement in Turkey, however, has 2, been in the form of related families settling as a group in a pre-existing community, not as isolated households entering a village or town where there were no other tribe or lineage ‘members."3 This observation and Cole's similar recommendation should be kept in mind for its seriousness and importance at the Haradh Project. It is very wise to distribute the project reclaimed land to the local nomads and not to others from.far areas. In this regard, Cole suggests that "a lineage settle- ment, however, located at a convenient place in one's territoty, 5 inhabited either full-time or part-time by some of the lineage members and visited at least occasionally by nomads from one's 1Adnan Mahhouk. "Recent Agricultural Development and Bedouin Settlement in Syria," The Middle East Journal, op. cit., p;/1lfi. 2Daniel G. Bates. Nomads and Farmers: A Study of the YBruk of Southeastern Turkey, Op. cit., p. 197. 31bid., p. 219. 222 own lineage, is not only acceptable but ideal."1 It must be mentioned here, that the government of Saudi Arabia's approach to settle its nomads in accordance with their choices and personal tendency and satisfaction is wise and meaningful. Otherwise enforced settlement, as Barth observes in Iran, is not wise and could bring about a disaster. Most of the Basseri of Iran were forcibly settled for some years, suffering a considerable loss of flocks and peOple.2 According to George, "Turkey and Israel, may be criticized for their inept handling of nomadic affairs, particularly for pursuing policies of forced sedentarization ‘ which show little consideration for the psychological up- heaval consequent on over-rapid settlement."3 It is also worthwhile for the Kingdomfs government not to lose the local nomads of Haradh ambition to settle as cultivators. For one reason they are already alerted to nomadismfs deficiency and the possibility of making better living from.the labor markets in the oil industry, construc- tion, or urban employment. So, if they are not given the chance to settle and farm, they may not stay in their nomadism and hence, they will look for any other better alternative 1Donald P. Cole. Nomads of the Nomads, op. cit.,p.156.‘ 2Fredrik Barth. Nomads of South Persia, op. cit., p.3. 28 3A.R. George. "Egypt's Remaining Nomads," op. cit., p. . 223 than nomadism excepting agriculture. The other reason is that agriculture itself needs to be developed intensively as well as extensively to meet the evergrowing demand for food in the country. This inelastic demand for food gives agriculture a priority on industry or construction for more attention and improvement. So, settling the nomads in agri— cultural activities will not only fulfill the nomads' ambi- tion but also accelerate the development of the most needy sector, agriculture. It is also wise not to delay settlement of the nomads, otherwise, they will join the industrial and urban sectors and instead of accelerating agriculture development, they will increase the demand for agricultural products, and then the gap between shortage and self-sufficiency, the closing of which is the ultimate target of the government, will become even wider. Finally, the strong need for settlement should not outweigh the capacity of the natural resources, the funda- mental basis of settlement. These natural resources, especially water, may have to be reassessed carefully and scientifically before settlement takes place to ward off even costlier solu- tions. APPENDIX 224 QUESTIONNAIRE I am.a Ph.D. Candidate in Geography at Michigan State University, U.S.A., and for my dissertation about the settle- ment project at Haradh, I kindly ask you to answer this questionnaire. Your time and cooperation are very much appreciated. NOTE: You can choose more than one answer for any question and also you may avoid any question if it is not applicable to your case., 1. How old are you? 2. Before you came to Haradh area, were you a nomad or a village dweller? a) ___ A nomad living in a tent in the desert. b) __ A villager. c) ___ Other (specify) 3. How many members in your family? a) ____ 2. b) 3. c) 4. d) 5. e) __ 6 or more. 4. Did you move your family with you to Haradh? a) Yes b) No. 5. What do you do now for a living? a) ____Work as an employee for the project. b) ___ Take care of my sheep and live around the pro- ject to watch if they will give me land to farm. c) ___ Live far away from.the project and take care of my herds only. d) ___ Waiting only for the project to be distributed to the nomads. 6. 7. 8. 9. e) ___ £)__ 225 Sometimes work for the project and sometimes leave it. Other (specify) What do you think of the settlement idea itself? a) b) a) d)__ I think it is great and necessary for helping the nomads to own lands and improve their living. ‘ ___ I do not think its a ood idea because nomad- ism is our traditions heritage and we have to keep it. ___ The settlement is bad, because nomads are the only people to exploit the desert and raise sheep for the local need. Other (specify) What do you think of the settlement project as a whole? a) b) If you a) b) c) ____ d) e) ___ f)_ s)_ I encourage it and want to participate. I do not encourage it and do not want to parti- cipate. encourage it, Why? Because agriculture is more considered occupa- '__- tion and preferable now than herdings. Because I can settle and send my children to school. Because I make more income. Because I may get land to farm and a place for a house. Because I am tired of following my herds in the desert and want to try another way of living. All of the above. Other (specify) If you do not encourage it, Why? 10. How 11. Why 12. Why a) b) e) d) e) f) a) do a) b) do a) b) e) d) e) f) 226 Because herding my sheep in the desert is more convenient and familiar way to me. Because it ties me to the land and takes away my freedom, Because herding is our traditional job which we took after our ancestors and we do not want to change it. Because herding activity is easier than farming activity. I will feel ashamed before the other tribes if I became a farmer. I am not from this area and the project is not on our land. Other (specify) feel about the project as it exists now? I like it. I do not like it. like it? Because it secures a job for me and a good salary. Because I am learning some skills. Because it will be distributed to the nomads. It has brought a new life to the area. Because its just fun to work and be here. Other (specify) don't you like it? a) b) Because they treat and raise sheep different from.our traditional ways. Because we can not use any of its facilities or get any of its forage for our own sheep. c) Because they will not distribute it to the nomads and it is not leading to settlement. d) e) 13. If you are project is a) b) e) d) e) f) s) 14. If you buted, a) b) e) d) e) f) 15. How do use? a) b) e) d) did 227 Because it is used for sheep raising and not for food crops. Other (specify) a villager, do you hope to get a farm if the distributed? Yes, because I have no property or anything to tie me to where I came from, Yes, because I can manage to bring my family to live here and still be in touch with home. Yes, because I like living here at Haradh. No, because we have our own property at home. No, because I cannot separate my family or leave them for long periods of time. No, because I do not like living here at Haradh. Other (specify) not obtain land after the project is distri- what will you do? Stay around and look for a job at Haradh on the individual farms. Go back home and join the rest of my family. Go to any city to find a job. Apply for apprOpriate governmental job. Try to find a job with any company. Other (specify) want the settlement project to be and for what Distributed to the nomads and owned by them. Devoted to food crops and cultivated by nomads. Devoted to food crops and cultivated by the F.S.O. Used for sheep raising by nomads. 228 e) Used for sheep raising by the F.S.O. f) __ Other (specify) 16. Do you have any experience in agriculture? a) Yes. b) No. 17. If you have no experience in agriculture, how do you want to farm? a) I do not want to farm at all. b) With guidance and directions from the govern- ment until we get some knowledge. c) By practice and trying until we learn from our mistakes. d) By hiring someone who knows how to farm. e) __ Other (specify ) 18. How are you going to get the needed money to start farming? a) From selling some of my herds for this purpose. b) __ I have saved enough money along the years. c) __ By borrowing from the agricultural bank. d) __ By borrowing from the merchant I deal with in town. e) __ By borrowing from relatives. f) __ Other (specify) 19. How many head of animals do you have? a) Sheep. b) _ Goats. c) __ Camels. 20. If you get a farm and build a house at Haradh, are you going to farm and at the same time keep your herds? a) Yes b) No . 21. After you have a farm at the project, how many of your animals will you keep? a) __ All of them b) __ 3/4 of them. 229 c) __ 1/2 of them. d) __ 1/4 of them. e) ___ a few of them. f) ___ none of theme 22. When will you dispose of the rest of your herd? a) ___ I already disposed of the herd. b) ___ When given a farm. c) ___ When I start building a house d) ___ When my house is finished e) Some time after the house is finished. f) Never 8) ___ Other (specify) 23. When you have a farm.snd house at Haradh, who will look after your herd in the desert or in your village? a) ___ My wife and children. b) ___ I will hire somebody to do the job for me. c) ____My oldest son. d) ___ Other relatives. e) ___ Other (specify) 24. What do you think will happen to the project land after it has been distributed to the nomads? a) ____It will be a place of grazing and the nomads will not stay on it for long. b) It will just support the people adequately. c) It will be a prosperous agricultural area pro- ducing enough crops so that some can be sold in town. d) ___ The project will be a prosperous area and the settlers will be living in houses and benefit from.many public services. e) ___ Other (specify) 230 25. What do you think will happen to the project land if it is not distributed to the nomads? a) b) e) d) 62> It will be a highly productive agricultural area, because 0 the F.S.O. management and ownerships. It will not be productive because of the way it is being used. There will be no permanent settlement and no villages along the valley. The people of Haradh will be very disappointed and reluctant to believe any promises made in the future. Other (specify) 26. WOuld you go back to the desert or your village after you have a a) 13) farm and house at Haradh? No, because I will not fail and I will not leave my house and land for which I spent my money. No, because I want to settle and send my child- ren to school. c)‘___ d) ___ e) No, because I am contented with what I will have. Yes, if my farm failed and I lost a lot of money. Yes, if it is a good rainy year and the pastures are rich. f) 8)__ Yes, because I cannot live far away from my people and birthplace. Other (specify) '\27. What was/or is your approximate income before you came to Haradh? 28. Do you have anything to add? Thank you. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY Al Filali, Mustafa; "Experiments of Nomads Integration in Rural Life in Tunisia", Nomads Welfare and Modern- ization and Settlement; The ArabfiLeague, The NInth Conference of:Labor and Social Affairs, Vol. 2 (May, 1965). PP. 139-199. (In Arabic) Aguer, Nikanora M. The Way to Rehabilitation in the Southern Provinces of the Sudan A Report, Arabic versIOn, Cairo: Funded by the—Ford Foundation and UNICEF, (19-30 September, 1971). Alkasab. Nafi. "Geographical Features Concerning Settling Roaming Bedouin Tribes, Comparative Study Between Iraq and Saudi Arabia," From: The Journal of Iraqi Geographic Society, Vol. 5, 1969. Al-Murrah, A report from the Ministry of Planning Library. Al Nassiri, Mohammad. "Nomadism Problems and Settlement Pro- jects in The Moroccian Kingdom," Nomads Welfare and Modernization and Settlement; The—ArabILeague,TEE Ninth Gonférence of Labor and Social Affairs, Vol. 2, (May, 1965). PP. 249-278 (In Arabic). Amiran, David H.K. "Arid Zone Development: A Reappraisal Under Modern Technological Conditions," Economic Geo ra h , Worcester, Mass.: Clark University,IVol. II, No. 3 (July, 1965). PP. 189-210. Aramco. Groundwater Resources, Proposed Wedi Sahba Agricul- tural Project, Undated dra t report. Aramco. 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