-. . .._..._A,.V I, L;- r....“._0— M . 4- "_‘ ' :~A“-_' ‘ ‘- 3 .f . .. M 1:... . In L. w . a. ....-r 4 _ . ...- _- - _,_- ._. . ¥L*‘fl._:;£a—~‘ a.- : _ .._-,. . -- A .. V ms [MPUCATIONS or 50mm. CLASS m CLO-mm ammoa: me ACQU‘ISETtOfi AND use or APPAREL rm GIRLS» SEVEN, mam AM!) was YEARS. or A5: m mags seem ems-Sis m was mamas, WWA Thai: for the Dean. of Ph. D. MICHSGAN STATE UNIVERSITY Margaret Cynthia Warning 1.956 Ill!lllllilljfllfllllllfllfllfllflfllfl WW 5 This is to certify that the thesis entitled THE IMPLICATIONS OF SOCIAL CLASS FOR CIDTNINGHBEHAVIOR: The acquisition and use of apparel for girls seven, eight and nine ears of age in three 8001a classes 1n es Moines, Iowa presented by Margaret Cynthia Earning has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. Sociology & Anthropology degree in OMXW Major professor Date May 1;, 1056 368a MAR 2 901920 4 w THE IMPLICATIONS OF SOCIAL CLASS FOR CLOTHING BEHAVIOR: The acquisition and use of apparel for girls seven, eight and nine years of age in three social classes in Des Moines, Iowa BY Margaret Cynthia Warning AN ABSTRACT Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan State University of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology and Anthropology Year 1956 C > , (2:: Approved ,- An Abstract by Margaret Warning The purpose of the study was to determine whether practices in the acquisition, use and care of garments for girls seven through nine years of age in Des Moines, Iowa whose families were in the upper-middle, lower- middle or upper-lower social class varied with social class. Using school census cards a sample of 212 cases was drawn from families which were: unbroken, white and had a daughter of seven, eight or nine years of age living in the home and at least one other child. 'The daughter attended‘ public school in an area not known to contain a large ethnic group. The Earner Index of Status Characteristics was used to determine the social class position of the families. Data concerning the acquisition, use and care of the girls' clothing was obtained by personal interviews with the mothers. It was hypothesized that the practices of upper-middle and upper- lower social class members would differ in regard to numbers, prices and varieties of garments provided, in purchasing practices, in participation allowed the daughters, in the concern for the opinions of others concerning how the girls were dressed, in the construction, care, use and discarding of girls' garments and that the ways of the loweramiddle class members lie between the extremely different practices of the other two social classes. Of the 92 relationships considered, 22 were in the direction hypothesized and 31 relationships were statistically significant. In assembling girls' wardrobes the social classes varied in number of garments owned, prices paid, and the provision of different kinds of garments for occasions such as parties, church, club meetings and athletic activities. In acquiring the garments the families followed different purchasing practices, for example, they purchased in different kinds of Margaret Warning stores, held different opinions about the importance of price and brands, toward a sizing label and toward high-style garments. The daughters in the different social classes varied in the amount and type of participation in the selection of their own clothing and the age at which they began to take part in the selection and care of garments and to sew. The amount of and reasons for construction differed. The practices in discarding girls' garments also differed. The amount of concern felt by the mothers and daughters regarding the opinions of others about the ways in which the girls were dressed differed in the various classes. In nine of the thirty one relationships which were significantly different, the lower-middle class members behaved in a way which appeared to lie distinctly between the upper—middle and upper-lower class ways, in ten they were more like the upper-middle class members and in five more like the upper-lower class and in seven they seemed to follow a pattern of their own which was not between or like that of the other two social classes. In general the similarity of practices in the acquisition and use of apparel for girls seven, eight and nine years of age within one social class and the differences between the clothing behavior of members of the upper-middle, lower-middle and upper-lower social classes clearly revealed that the clothing behavior of families in regard to the garments of daughters varied with the family's social class. THE IMPLICATIONS OF SOCIAL CLASS FOR CLOTHING BEHAVIOR: The acquisition and use of apparel for girls seven, eight and nine years of age in three social classes in Des Moines, Iowa By Margaret Cynthia Warning A THESIS Submitted to the Graduate School of Michigan State University of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology and Anthropology 1956 IHESlS COPYRIGHT BY MARGARET CYNTHIA WARNING 1957 57/).?//5'7 ? 4176’ A CKN 0.131) SIIEI‘IT S The author wishes to express her gratitude to Dr. Duane L. Gibson for his counsel and guidance throughout this investigation; to the members of her Guidance Committee in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Dr. Charles P. Loomis, Dr. Wilbur B. Brookover, and Dr. John Useem; in the College of Home Economics, Dean Marie Dye and Miss Hazel Strahan, and although not directly connected with the study, to Dr. Wilma D. Brewer for her encouragement and assistance. The author is grateful for the financial assistance from two sources: a Graduate Fellowship from Michigan State University and the Effie I. Raitt Fellowship from the American Home Economics Association. She wishes to thank the two hundred thirty six homemakers without whose generous cooperation this study could not have been conducted. Margaret Qynthia‘Warning candidate for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Examination: May 15, 1956, 1:30 P.M. Dissertation: THE IMPLICATIONS OF SOCIAL CLASS FOR CLOTHING BEHAVIOR: the acquisition and use of apparel for girls through eight years.of age in two social classes. Major Subjects: Sociology and Anthropology Minor Subjects: Textiles and Clothing Biographical Items Born, November 1, 191h Bachelor of Arts Degree, Morningside College, 1936 Bachelor of Science, University of washington, lth Master of Arts, University of‘washington, l9hS Experience Snoqualmie High School, Washington, l9b0 - l9h3 Teacher University of washington, Seattle, 19h3 - 19Sh Assistant Professor Iowa State College, Ames, Iowa, 1955 - 1956 Head of Department of Textiles and Clothing Member of Alpha Kappa Delta Member of Omicron Nu Chapter I. II. III. VI. VII. VIII. TABLE OF CONTENTS Eggs INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 METHODOFS’IUDY............... ...... ..21 A COMPARISON OF THE GIRLS"WARDROBES . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 A COMPARISON OF PURCHASING PRACTICES . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 THE SOCIALIZATION OF THE DAUGHTERS IN REGARD TO CLOTHING BEHAVIOR 0 I C C I I O O O O O O I O O O O C O O O O C O O O 7 S A COMPARISON OF THE SEWING CONSTRUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . 98 A COMPARISON OF SELECTED PRACTICES IN THE USE, CARE, REPAIR AND DISCARD OF GIRLS' CLOTHING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11h CONCLUSIONS. 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 139 APPENDIX LITERATURE CITED III 3 ‘I . .l - ,S‘Iilll‘ll cl‘és v“.. t d‘:a ii... [1. ~‘r‘t {at I ‘1'. aa- D‘Il'.\lll'.‘."nv{({'(lll‘n EELS. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. XIII. XV. XVI. XVII. XVIII. XIX. XXI. LIST OF TABLES TOTAL GARMENTS OWNED BY GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES COATS OWNED BY GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES SCHOOL DRESSES OWNED BY GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES SWEATERS OWNED BY GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES SHOES OWNED BY GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES SLEEPING GARMENTS OWNED BY GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES PRICES PAID FOR GIRLS' WINTER COATS, BY SOCIAL CLASS PRICES PAID FOR GIRLS' SCHOOL DRESSES, B! SOCIAL CLASS PRICES PAID FOR GIRLS' SLEEPING GARMENTS, BY SOCIAL CLASS PRICES PAID FOR GIRLS' SHOES, BY SOCIAL CLASS PRICES PAID FOR GIRLS' PARTY DRESSES, BY SOCIAL CLASS CLOTHING BUDGETS FOR FAMILIES BY SOCIAL CLASS CLOTHING BUDGETS FOR GIRLS BY SOCIAL CLASS PARTY DRESSES OWNED BY GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES KINDS OF CLOTHES WORN TO PARTIES BY GIRLS, BY SOCIAL CLASS KINDS OF CLOTHES'WORN FOR CHURCH ATTENDANCE B! GIRLS, BY SOCIAL CLASS KINDS OF CLOTHES WORN TO MOVIES BY GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES GIRLS'WHO HAD SPECIAL CLOTHES FOR CLUBS AND ORGANIZATIONS, BY SOCIAL CLASS GIRLS NHO HAD SPECIAL CLOTHES FOR PRIVATE LESSONS, BY SOCIAL CLASS GIRLS WHO HAD SPECIAL CLOTHES FOR ATHLETICS, BY SOCIAL CLASS KINDS OF STORES IN WHICH GIRLS' COATS WERE PURCHASED, BI SOCIAL CLASS £233 32 32 33 33 35 37 37 39 39 to h2 he M: h6 1:8 1:8 50 SO 52 SS Table XXII. XXIII. XXIV. XXVI. XXVII. XXVIII. XXIX. XXXII. XXXIII. XXXIV. XXXV. XXXVI. XXXVII. XXXVIII. KINDS OF STORES IN WHICH GIRLS' DRESSES WERE PURCHASED, BY SOCIAL CLASS KINDS OF STORES IN WHICH GIRLS' SLEEPING GARMENTS WERE PURCHASED, BY SOCIAL CLASS KINDS OF STORES IN WHICH GIRLS‘ SOCKS WERE PURCHASED, BY SOCIAL CLASS KINDS OF STORES IN WHICH GIRLS' SHOES WERE PURCHASED, BY SOCIAL CLASS MOTHERS WHO PURCHASED CIRLS' GARMENTS BECAUSE OF BRAND NAMES, BY SOCIAL CLASS IMPORTANCE GIVEN TO PRICE AND BRAND OF GIRLS' GARMENTS BY MOTHERS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES FREQUENCI OF PRICE DETERMINING PURCHASE OF‘ GIRLS! GARMENTS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES MOTHERS' USE OF A SIZING LABEL BASED ON GIRLS' HEIGHT, HEIGHT, GIRTH MEASUREMENTS, BY SOCIAL CLASS FREQUENCY OF EXAMINING NORIHIANSHIP OF GIRLS! GARMENTS BEFORE PURCHASE, BY SOCIAL CLASS FREQUENCY OF TRYING ON GIRLS' GARI‘ENTS BEFORE PURCHASE, BY SOCIAL CLASS REASONS FOR TRYING ON GIRLS! GARMENTS BEFORE PURCHASING, BI SOCIAL CLASS FREQUENCY OF RECOGNITION AND PURCHASE OF FADS IN GIRLS' CLOTHING, BY SOCIAL CLASS FREQUENCY OF RECOGNITION AND PURCHASE OF HIGH-STYLE GARMENTS FOR GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES FREQUENCT OF GIRLS! SHOPPING WITH MOTHERS FOR GIRLS! CLOTHES, BI SOCIAL CLASS MOTHERS' ATTITUDES TONARD GIRLS! PARTICIPATION IN CLOTHING SELECTION, BY SOCIAL CLASS REASONS FOR FAVORING GIRLS! PARTICIPATION IN CLOTHING SELECTION, BY SOCIAL CLASS FREQUENCY OF LIMITING GIRLS' SELECTION TO SEVERAL GARMENTS FROM WHICH FINAL CHOICE IS MADE, BY SOCIAL CLASS 59 61 63 63 6h 65 67 68 7O 71 73 77 78' 80 Table XXXIX. XLI. XLIl. XLIII. XLIV. XLV. XLVI. XLVII. XLVIII. XLIX. XLI. XLII. XLIII. FREQUENCY WITH WHICH GIRLS MADE FINAL DECISIONS IN CLOTHING SELECTION IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES SELECTED FACTORS WHICH MAY DETERMINE GIRLS' CHOICES IN CLOTHING SELECTION, BY SOCIAL CLASS THE NUMBER OF MOTHERS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES WHO FAVORED MOTHERQDAUGHTER COSTUMES THE NUMBER OF GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES WHO FAVORED MOTHER—DAUGHTER COSTUMES AGES AT WHICH GIRLS BEGAN TO PARTICIPATE IN CLOTHING SELECTION, BI SOCIAL CLASS HETTLHRTH OP DISAGREEHENTS CONCERNING PREFERENCES OF GIRLS! CLOTHING, HI SOCIAL CLASS PROCEDURE FOLLOWED IF CLOTHING PREFERENCES OF MOTHERS AND DAUGHTERS DIFFERED, BY SOCIAL CLASS FREQUENCY OF EXPLAINING MOTHERS' REASONS FOR PREFERENCES CONCERNING GIRLS' CLOTHING UNNISE SELECTION OF GIRLS' GARNENTS USED AS A MEANS OF TEACHING CLOTHING SELECTION, BY SOCIAL CLASS SUCCESS IN TEACHING GIRLS' CLOTHING SELECTION BY! ALLOWING UNWISE SELECTION, BY SOCIAL CLASS FREQUENCY OF "GIVING IN" TO GIRLS' CLOTHING DEMANDS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES THE DEGREE OF IMPORTANCE GIVEN BY MOTHERS TO THE OPINIONS OF ADULTS OUTSIDE THE FAMILY CONCERNING GIRLS‘ CLOTHES, BY SOCIAL CLASS THE DEGREE OF IMPORTANCE GIVEN BY MOTHERS TO THE OPINIONS OF OTHER MEMBERS OF THE FAMILY CONCERNING GIRLS' CLOTHES, BY SOCIAL CLASS THE DEGREE OF IMPORTANCE GIVEN BY DAUGHTERS TO THE OPINIONS OF OTHER MEMBERS OF THE FAMIEY CONCERNING GIRLS' CLOTHES, BY SOCIAL CLASS THE DEGREE OF IMPORTANCE GIVEN BY DAUGHTERS TO THE OPINIONS OF ADULTS OUTSIDE THE FAHILI CONCERNING GIRLS! CLOTHING, BY SOCIAL CLASS Page 80 82 82 83 87 89 9O 9O 91 91 93 9b 9b \ Table LIV . LV . LVI . LV II . LVIII . LIX. LX. LXI. LXII. LXIII . LXIV. LXV. LXVI. LXVII . LXVIII . LXIX. THE DEGREE OF IMPORTANCE GIVEN BY THE DAUGHTERS TO THE OPINIONS OF CHILDREN OUTSIDE THE FAMILY CONCERNING THE GIRLS' CLOTHING, BY SOCIAL CLASS FAMILIES IN WHICH GIRLS' CLOTHING WAS CONSTRUCTED, BY SOCIAL CLASS GIRLS GARMENTS CONSTRUCTED DURING ONE YEAR, BY SOCIAL CLASS MOTHERS' EN JOYIENT OF SEWING FOR THEIR DAUGHTERS, BY SOCIAL CLASS GUILS' ATTITUDES TOWARD MOTHERS' CONSTRUCTION, BY SOCIAL CLASS MOTHERS AND OTHER RELATIVES WHO SEW FOR GIRLS, BY SOCIAL CLASS REASONS OF MOTHERS WHO ACTUALLY 5mm FOR CONSTRUCTING GELS' ,CLOTHING, BY SOCIAL CLASS THE FREQUENCY OF COMPARING THE COSTS OF READY -TO-WEAR AND HOME CONSTRUCTED GARMENTS OF ENTIRE SAMPLE, BY SOCIAL CLASS THE FREQUENCY OF COMPARING THE COSTS OF READY-TO-WEAR AND HOME CONSTRUCTED GARMENTS BY THE MOTHERS NHO ACTUALLY CONSTRUCTED GIRLS' GARMENTS, BY SOCIAL CLASS SEWING MACHINE AVAILABLE, BY SOCIAL CLASS FREQUENCY OF WEARING GARMENTS CONSTRUCTED AT HOME , BY SOCIAL CLASS AGES AT WHICH THE GIRLS BEGAN TO SEW, BY SOCIAL CLASS AGES AT WHICH MOTHERS INTEND TO TEACH GIRLS TO SEW, BY SOCIAL CLASS GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES W10 SEWED GIRLS WHO ASKED TO BE TAUGHT TO SEW, IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES DITENTION OF MOTHERS TOWARD TEACHING DAUGHTERS TO SEW, BY SOCIAL CLASS GIRLS WHO WORE GARMENTS PREVIOUSLY OWNED BY ANOTHER PERSON, BY SOCIAL CLASS Page 96 100 100 102 102 103 103 10h 101; 105 107 108 109' 111 111 11? 116 . \A‘ll(ll - (It! |‘ 1‘ [I I" ‘([.[-l‘{’.‘f\£ Illl .. . [(‘Gl‘ l Table LXXI. LXXII. LXXIII. LXXIV. LXXV. LXXVI. LXXVII. LXXVIII. LXXIX. LXXX. LXXXI. LXXXII. LXXXIII. LXXXIV. LXXXV. LXXXVI. LXXXVII. FREQUENCY WITH WHICH GIRLS WORE GARMEN'I‘S PREVIOUSLY OWNED BY ANOTHER PERSON, BI SOCIAL CLASS FREQUENCY OF LENDING GIRLS' GARMENTS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES FREQUENCY OF BORROWING-GIRLS' GARMENTS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES FREQUENCY OF LENDING GIRLS' GARMENTS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES GIRLS WHO MADE DAILY SELECTION OF CLOTHING, BY SOCIAL CLASS GIRLS WHO TOOK PART IN THE CARE OF THEIR OWN CLOTHING, BY SOCIAL CLASS AGES AT WHICH GIRLS BEGAN TO TAKE PART IN THE CARE OF THEIR OWN CLOTHING, BY SOCIAL CLASS ' KINDS OF CARE GIVEN CLOTHING BY GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES FREQUENCY WITH WHICH GIRLS CHANGED CLOTHES AFTER.SCHOOL, BY SOCIAL CLASS KINDS OF CLOTHES WORN AFTER SCHOOL BY GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES INITIATIVE OF GIRLS IN CHANGING CLOTHES AFTER SCHOOL, (ENTIRE SAMPLE), BY SOCIAL CLASS INITIATIVE OF GIRLS WHO CONSISTENTLY CHANGED CLOTHES AFTER SCHOOL, HI SOCIAL CLASS REASONS FOR GIRLS' CHANGING CLOTHES AFTER SCHOOL, BY SOCIAL CLASS OWNERSHIP OF GIRLS' GARMENTS DIFFICULT TO IRON, BY SOCIAL CLASS FREQUENCY WITH WHICH MOTHERS WOULD BUY GIRLS' GARMENTS DIFFICULT TO IRON, BY SOCIAL CLASS MEANS OF LAUNDERING GARMENTS, BY SOCIAL CLASS GIRLS' GARMENTS WHICH MUST BE DRY CLEANED, BY SOCIAL CLASS 118 119 121 122 122 121; 125 125 126 126 128 129 129 131 131 I l‘ - I. I I. ..‘u - I: I .“"-Iat(l((rllllvw I.J.r. it!“ I II I(..V'|.\ I|I Table LXXXVIII. LXXXIX. XC. XCI. XCII. MOTHERS' ATTITUDES TOWARD DURABILITY OF GIRLS' GAREENTS, BI SOCIAL CLASS MOTHERS' ATTITUDES TOWARDS MENDED GARMENTS, BY SOCIAL CLASS DAUGHTERS' ATTITUDES TOWARDS MENDED GARMENTS, BY SOCIAL CLASS CONDITIONS OF GIRLS' GARMENTS WHEN DISCARDED IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES WAYS OF DISPOSING OF GIRLS' GARMENTS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES 133 13h 136 136 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION American society, like most complex societies, is generally con- sidered to be divided into various social classes. Perhaps we Should not assume this to be a universal truth, however, because as Parsons wrote: "The theoretical possibility exists that not only any two indi- viduals but all those in the system Should be ranked as exact equals. This possibility, however, has never been very closely approached in any known large-scale social system".1 For many years, we have recognized and accepted the fact that we do have a class system in America. ‘Warner and hunt wrote in l9b1: “By class is meant two or more orders of people who are believed to be, and are accordingly ranked by the members of the community, in socially superior and inferior positions. . . . A class society distributes rights and privileges, duties and obligations, un- equally among its inferior and superior grades".2 In American Life: Dream and Realit ,‘Warner wrote: “Social class in America is not the same as economic class. Social class refers to levels which are recognizable in the general behavior and social attitudes of the people of the whole commnity where the levels exist”.3 1Parsons, Talcott. "An Analytical Approach to the Theory of Social Stratification"éhAmerican Journal of Sociolog. Volume XLV, No. 6 (m 19110), p. 30 zH’arner,‘W. Lloyd and Paul S. Dunt Ins §2§ifi% Life of a Modern W. New Haven: Yale University ress. , p. . 3Warner,‘w. Lloyd. American Life: Dream and Realit . Chicago: The University of Chicago FEess. I§33, p. 53. -2- Hhen a child is born in America, he is born into the social class of his parents. As long as the family remains together as a unit, in one community and in the same household, the parents and the children will be members of the same social class. This does not mean that they must necessarily remain within the social class to which they belonged when the child was born, but it does mean that the family unit of parents and children will be in the same level whether they all move upward or down- ward or remain in the same social class until the children establish independent households for themselves. An American child is born into and remains a part of the social class of his parents, but since America has an open-class system, the child may change from one level to another during his lifetime as his family changes, or he may be educated and trained so that when he establishes his household as an adult, he and his new family become part of a different social class, or he may change class position because his marriage partner belongs in a different social class. "To belong to a particular level in the social-class system of America means that a family or individual has gained acceptance as an equal hy those who belong in the class. The behavior in this class and the participation of those in it must be rated by the rest of the community as being at a particular place in the social scale".1 Although we recognize and accept the social class system, it is difficult to realize how important and influential it is in our lives. ‘Warner, Heeker, and Bells wrote: "social class enters into almost every 1Harner,‘w'. Lloyd, Marchia.Heeker, and Kenneth Eells. Social Class in America. Chicago Science Research Associates, Inc., I§E§, p. 23. aspect of our lives, into marriage, family, business, government, work, and play. It is an important determinant of personality development and is a factor in the kind of skills, abilities, and intelligence an indi- vidual uses to solve his problems. . . . What a woman buys to furnish her house and clothe her family is highly controlled by her social-class Vanna} It is logical, therefore, that the clothes of amr member of the family serve the following purposes: 1. Indicate to which social class the wearer and his family now belong. 2. Increase the feeling of group solidaity by the similarity of his clothing and the clothing of other members of his social 81'0“?- 3. Indicate that the wearer wishes to move from his present level to a different social class, and that his family can afford to have him behave according to the ways prescribed by the members of that social class. People are not alwcs conscious of their use of clothing for these purposes. According to Warner, Hooker, and Belle, "The house they live in, the neighborhood they choose to live in, and the friends they invite to their home, consciously, or more often unconsciously, demonstrate that class values help determine what things we select and what people we choose as our associates".2 Whether or not the wearer is conscious of it, his clothes indicate to other people that the wearer is willing fWarner, W. Lloyd , Harchia Meeker, and Kenneth Bells. Social Class in America. Chicago Science Research Associates, Inc., 1W5, p.vi.. 2Warner, Hooker, and Bells, ibid, n. vi. ‘. and is able to conform to the clothing behavior common to the members of a certain social class. Both Veblen and Parsons indicated that the clothing of the husbands and the wives serve different purposes, and it seems logical that the clothes of the children in the family belong in the same category with the mother's. Parsons said: "Hemen's interests, and the standards of judgment applied to them, run, in our society, far more in the direction of personal charm than is the case with men. Men's dress is practically a uniform, admitting of very slight play for differentiating taste, in marked contrast with that of women. This serves to concentrate the Judgment and valuation of men on their occupational achievements, while the valuation of women is diverted into realms outside the occupationally relevant sphere. This difference appears particularly conspicuous in the urban middle classes where competition for class status is most severe . . . In our urban society with its competitive atmosphere, the qualities and achievements of the feminine role have come to be significant as symbols of the status of the femily, as parts of its 'standard of living' which reflect credit on it. The man's role, on the other hand, is primarily to determine the status of his family by 'finding his level' in the occupational sphere".1 ‘Why did Parsons say that competition for class status is most severe in the urban middle classes? Perhaps it’is because the members of the middle classes are in a strategic position for vertical nebility, but the direction may be either upWard or downward and we have a keen feeling concerning the direction taken. Davis, Bredemeier and Levy' 1Parsons, op. cit., p. 853. wrote: "is class is an expression of economic success, than it follows that to belong as a child or adolescent in a class below others is a statoment that one's parents have failed, that they did not make good. This is bad enough when they have not risen, unbearable if they have started to fall even lower. Deeper than our disapproval of any breaking of the ten commandments lies our conviction that low economic estate is something dreadful and that a failure to keep moving upward is an un- forgiveable sin. . . . success and conformity - outward conformity made possible by the economic success - these are the marks that one is a good American."1 members of the upper classes prdbably feel secure. As Davis, Gardner, and Gardner wrote: "Upper-class individuals especially upper uppers, think of class divisions largely in terms of time - one has a particular social position because his family'has 'always had' that position. Members of the middle class interpret their*position in terms of wealth and time and tend to make moral evaluations of what 'should be'. Both middle-class groups accept the time element as an important factor in the superordinato position of the 'old aristocracy‘, but for the rest of the society they consider only individual wealth and moral behavior as differentiating factors. Lower-class people, on the other hand, view the whole stratification ef the society as a hierarchy of wealth. The lower lowers think that all those above them on the secial scale are pregressively wealthy and that their own subordinatien is dependent upon this economic facter alone. While upper lowers have a 1Davis, Kingsley, Harry C. Bredemeir and Marion J. Levy. Medern American Society. new York: Rinehart and Company, Inc., l9h9, P. I§l. similar idea of those above them, they frequently add a moral note in explaining the subordinate position of lower lowers."1 This leaves the members of the middle classes in a position where they would be expected to feel more insecure than the members of the classes either above or below them. The members of the classes below them do not have much opportunity to devote thought to upward mobility, according to Allison Davis: "The actual daily pressure of S to 10 hungry stomachs to fill, backs to clothe, and feet to cover forces the working- class parent to reduce his ambitions to this level of subsistence; to lower his sights as far as long-term planning and studying for better jobs and for finer skills are concerned; to narrow, limit, and shorten his goals with regard to the care, nutrition, education, and careers of hi. children."2 Middle class parents, therefore, to a greater extent than upper or lower-class parents, are concerned and anxious to bring up their children so that they know how to maintain their social-class position, at least, and often prefer to have them rise to higher positions in the social class system. We know that the goals and the anxieties of members of the classes differ. Warner expressed this by writing: "When the middle class judges the lower class and its apparent lack of responsibility and social conformity, it expresses ignorance of the motivations and goals of this class. A family cannot learn to save and budget when there is no 1Davis, Allison; Gardner, Burleigh‘ B. and Gardner, Hary R. Deep South. ‘ Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 191:1, PP. 71-83. 2Davis , Allison. "The Motivation of the Underprivileged Worker" , in H.‘ 1". We (ed. WM and Society. low fork: HeGraw-Hill Beck c.., m.., 19h6, pp. - O prospect of regular income which would give the relative security which must underlie these habits. The cultural goals in the slums mean sub- sistence. Restraint, foresight, and moderation are characteristic of the goals and performance of the middle class. . . . Upward mobility in the middle class is alqu encouraged and strongly rewarded, not only in the training of the child by the parent and his school teachers, but in the later rewarding experiences he has when he strives for success as a mature person in an adult world."1 Clothing, 5 mbol 35 Social Acmtance In light of the observations presented above, it would appear to follow that the clothing behavior of the members of the various social classes would also conform to expected practices and illustrate these same principles which govern the social class system in America. Clothing is used as a symbol, an extremely imortant one. If "the 'right‘ kind of home, the 'right' neighborhood, the 'right' furniture, the proper behavior - all are symbols that can ultimately be translated into social acceptance by those who have sufficient money to aspire to higher levels than they presently enjoy"2 as Warner, Hooker, and Eclls say they are, clothing is a similar symbol with these differences: clothing is not confined to one location, but accompanies an individual thorover he goes; clothing itself is not permanent and is not inherited, but must be supplied by the present wealth of the family; clothing is not limited to one person, but is associated with every member of a IWarner, W. Lloyd, op. cit., pp. 87 and 88. 2Herner, w. Lloyd, Marchia Hooker, and Kenneth Bells, op. cit., p. 23. -8- family and is seen whenever the person is seen; clothing is, therefore, a constant visible indicator of the whole family's social position. Not only the actual items of clothing, but the practices in the acquisition and use of these garments show class differences. Expectancies m _A_ Theoretical Comparison of. Practices If the practices of mothers of the upper-middle , lower-middle , and the upper-lower classes were compared, one would expect to find that since the amount of the family income is usually larger in the upper- middle than in the lower-middle and upper-lower class families, the upper-middle class families would be expected to pay a higher price for items of apparel for girls. For the same reason, a larger amount of family income available, and also because the display of possessions is important to them, the upper-middle class families would be expected to purchase more garments for their girls than would the upper-lower class families while the number of garments of a lower-middle class girl would be in between the numbers owned by the other classes. The wardrobes of girls who belong to the upper-middle class families, therefore, would probably be more costly and larger and also would be expected to have greater variety than the wardrobes of girls who belong to the upper-lower class families, because they would contain more clothes for special occasions. The parents who are members of the upper-middle class arrange for their daughters to take private lessons in tap, ballot, or ballroom dancing, riding, fencing, swimaing, music, or drama, whatever activities are being provided for the other children by their upper-middle class parents. Usually a special costume must be provided for the practice and for the public performance of these lessens; these costumes are made available so that the upper-middle class child can appear and behave as one of her peers. Being dressed suitably for special occasions such as parties and Sunday social activities, means that an upperhmdddle class child has a complete costume. Some lowerdniddle class families would provide special clothes for dressy occasions. The upper-lower class fanilies would be expected to provide only the clothes necessary for the everyday activities of their child. The same garment (for example, a cotton dross), might be used for special occasions when new or in good condition and for school and play later when it is old. One would expect that if other middle class children were wearing clothes which were high-style or feds, the mothers would purchase similar garments for their children because the children.nust gain the approval and be like the others in the upper-niddlc class. The upper- lower class.nothers might consider the cost, because high-style garments and feds are not so satisfactory fer long use by one child and certainly limit the use of the garments if they are to be handed down to another child. If it is true that what a woman buys to clothe her fanily is highly controlled by her social class values, one would expect to find that a middle-class nether would go to the large department stores and specialty shops to do the purchasing for her daughter's clothing for two reasons: (1) she wants to be seen where the other mothers who are nonbore of the upper-middle class do their shopping and when asked by then, she wants to be able to say that she purchased her child's garments there; (2) her daughter’s garments must have the cane -10- appearance, the sane brand names, and labels as the clothes of children in the upper-niddle class. A nether who belongs in the lewer-niddle class will shop in the department stores or specialty shops if she is upwardlyhmnbile or in the chain stores if she is conservative and care- ful with her money. A mother who belongs in the upper-lower class will shop more often at a large chain store or at a retail outlet of a nail order house because she is interested in economy and feels that in these stores she "gets the nest for her money." In line with the theory that the niddle-class parents are particularly concerned about appearances, one would expect that the upper-middle class mothers would have their daughters try on garments to determine the fit, becomingness of line, design, and color before they would purchase the garments nore frequently than would the upper-lower . class nethcrs. Because there is a greater expectancy of regular income and because upper-middle class members are trained to use foresight, to anticipate future needs, and to delay rewards, there any be a greater tendency among the upper-middle class families than among the upper-lower class families to make and follow clothing plans and budgets. The upperaniddlo class nether probably feels that her child must be carefully trained in the selection of clothing which is considered "right" in their class (or for the class above if the fenily is upwardly nobilc) so she would take the daughtershopping and would let her par- ticipato as a way of educating her, but the .mav. participation would be guided carefully and limited because the family could not permit the child to make a mistake which would weaken the fanily's acceptance in a social class. The participation of the child in the upper-lower class would be guided, too, because the child must not be allowed to waste nosey, but the sooner she could learn to make her own independent economical purchases, the loss shopping time and work would be required of the mother, so the child would be encouraged to learn to make her own decisions at an earlier age than an upper-middle class child. If the parent and child were to disagree about the selection of a garment, the upper-middle class nether would be more inclined to be permissive and to "reason with her child" because she has been taught that that is the correct way for a mother to teach her child while an upper-lower class mother might retain norc of the nothods of rigid discipline. Today there are probably'a anchor of different factors which determine whether or not a mother constructs garments for a daughter who is seven, eight, or nine years of ago. On the basis of the position that a child's clothes indicate the social class of the family, it would soon that there would be more nothors in the uppcrhmiddlo class who would sow for their daughters than there would be in the upper-lower class, not because the upporwmiddle class nothors would be particularly eager to save money by sewing, but because they enjoy making something beautiful which shows their creative ability and skill. Anyone can see that the mother has leisure tine, if she makes dainty snooked dresses for her daughter to wear. By her sewing, by her use of tine, the upper- middlc class nether is demonstrating the high status of the family; The lower-middle class nether would construct children's clothes for economy rather than for pleasure. The upper-lower class mother buye ready-te- wear garments because mass production and distribution provide then at i.‘l.‘ n‘l". lawl'tl\ yi.‘ ‘ a fairly inexpensive cost, and because she may have little time or equipnont or training for sowing. One would expect girls of all three classes to change clothes after school, but for different reasons: all night want to protect their school clothes, but the upper-middle class child would want to protect them.becausc they are in such good and new condition, the lowerdniddlc class child would want to protect then because she wants to keep them attractive as long as possible, while the upper-lower class child may need to protect then because they are not in very good condition and must be made to last as long as possible. The upperaniddle class child may change because she wants to wear special clothes which are more appropriate and comfortable for her activity, for cxanplc, shorts or blue Jeans. The upper-lower class child nay not change at all, if all of her garments are in about the same condition. Because of their position in society, the upperbmiddle class nethers night exchange their children's clothes with relatives or close friends and sometimes in neighborhood exchanges, but they would not be expected to be enthusiastic and verbal in admitting that their girls wear clothes which once belonged to some othcr'pcrsons. The lower- ‘middlc class families consider it smart and necessary to nuke use of clothes previously'owned by others. The upper-lower class mothers prwbably'plan and expect to make use of used garncnts for their own children (within the family, not the neighborhood) and buy with that in mind whonover possible. They feel that this procedure is the only economical plan to follow. -13- Uppcrdmiddle class mothers would not encourage borrowing of clothing by their daughters, because that practice night lead people to think that the family'could not afford to provide everything which the child needs. Lower-middle class families would not object to borrowing within the immediate family. Upper-lower class children may borrow or lend clothing more freely. Kingsley Davis wrote of a girl named Ruth who no longer lived with her lower-class family but who "still has her group of friends, her large social clique, who are really her 'adopted' fhmily and who will give her shelter and food and lend her clothes whenever they have them."1 Hypotheses General hypothesis: Practices in the acquisition and use of garments correspond to social class differences. I. The practices in assembling a wardrobe for a girl seven, eight, or nine years of age differ in families of the upper-middle, the loweraniddlc, and the upper-lower social classes in the following‘ways: l. The upperamiddle class families provide the largest nunber of garments for their daughters, the lower-middle the next largest number, and the upper-lower class families provide the smallest number of garments for their daughters. 2. The upper-mdddle class families buy the most expensive garments for their daughters, the lower-middle buy less expensive and the upper-lower class families buy the least expensive garments for their daughters. 1Davis, Kingsley, op. cit., p. 210. II. The upper-middle class girls own more kinds of garments for specific activities and for special occasions than do the lower-middle class girls who in turn own more garments for these special activities and occasions than do the upper- lcwer class girls. More of the upper-middle class families have clothing budgets which they follow than do families of the lower- middlc class and the families in the upper-lower class follow clothing budgets less frequently than do the middle class families. The practices in the shopping procedures of mothers who are purchasing garments for girls seven, eight, and nine years of age differ in families of the upperdmiddle, the lowersniddlc and the upper-lower social classes in the following ways: 1. The upper-middle class mothers are the most willing to purchase garments which are high-style and fade, the nothers of the lower-middle class are next, and the least willing to buy high-style and fads are the mothers who belong in the upper-lower social class. Because of the greater concern about the appearance of their daughters, the upperbniddle class mothers have the girls try cn.mcre garments before purchasing than do the mothers of the lower-middle class and the upper-lower class mothers are the least insistent on trying on garments before purchasing them for the daughters. c!.l' ‘ . I I ‘| l ‘ 1- .{fr ('1 III. 3. -15- The mothers who belong to the three social classes con- sidered in this study Shop for their daughters' clothing in different kinds of stores. The practices in permitting a child to participate in the selection of her own clothing differ in fhmilies of the upper- middle, the lower-middle and the upper-lower social classes in the following ways: 1. The upperdmiddle class mother allows her daughter to par- ticipate in the selection of her clothing as a means of educating her, but guides and limits her selection; the child of the lowerdmiddlc class is allowed to participate because this participation satisfies and gives pleasure to the child; in the upper-lower class the child is encouraged to make independent decisions in the selection of her own clothing at an earlier age and more participation is allowed. If a parent and child disagree in the selection of a garment for the child, the decision to purchase will be in favor of the mother's opinion more often in the upper- niddle social class, while in the lower-middle class the mother will be more inclined to "reason with the child" until the mother and child agree, and in the upper-lower class the mother may retain more of the methods of rigid discipline. IV. The practices in the construction of items of apparel for girls who are seven, eight and nine years of age differ in families uw I’l‘lt nuf‘I‘u -‘{1.(.ll’k -16- of the upper-middle, the lower-middle, and the upper-middle social classes in the following ways: 1. Mbthers in the lower-middle class may construct the most garments for their daughters because they sew both for pleasure and economy, the mothers in the upper-middle and upper-lower classes may construct about the same amount, but for diffhrent reasons, upper-middle class mothers for pleasure and to show ability to create garments and to spend leisure time, the upper-lower class mothers for economy. The upper-middle class mothers teach their daughters of seven, eight and nine years of age to sew more frequently than do the mothers in the upper lower class and lower- middle class mothers teach their daughters more frequently than do the mothers of the other two social classes. The practices in the care and repair of items of apparel for girls seven, eight and nine years of age differ in families of the upper-middle, the lower-middle and the upper-lower social classes in the following ways: 1. The upper-middle class mothers purchase more garments which require special cleaning or a longer time for laundering than do the mothers in the lower-middle class and the mothers in the upper-lower class purchase fewer such garments than do mothers of either middle class. The upperamiddle class families express a stronger feeling against the child's wearing mended garments than do families in the lowerhmiddle class and the feeling expressed is least strong in the families of the upper-lower social class. VI. 3. -17- The upper-middle class mothers expect their daughters to assume responsibility for the care of clothing at an earlier age than do upper-lower class mothers, but not so early as do the mothers in the lower-middle social class. The practices in the use and discard of items of apparel for girls seven, eight and nine years of age differ in families of the upperhmiddle, the lowerdmiddle and tho upper-lower social classes in the following ways: 1. The upperdmiddle class mothers do more guiding by telling daughters what garments to wear, the lower-middle class child is given more freedom of choice, and the upper-lower class child has the greatest amount of freedom of choice in the use of clothing. The upperhmiddle class families discourage the practice of borrowing clothing; the lowerbmiddle class families permit a moderate amount of borrowing, and the upper-lower class families encourage the practice. The upper-middle class families discard the daughter's clothing while it is still in better condition than would lower-middle class families and the upper-lower class families would continue to use the garments for a longer period of time. The upper-middle class families do not openly and obviously make use of clothing which was previously owned by another person as do the upper-lower class families, and the lower-middle class families make the most use of such garments because they consider the practice economical and necessary especially within the family. -18.. Orientation of: the m A number of writers and students have presented the relationships between adults' clothing and social class, or at least between adults' clothing and the characteristics which are usually associated with social class. At Michigan State'University,‘William H. Ferm.and Gregory P. Stone in "The Social Significance of Clothing in Occupational Life" stated that they found differences in the importance ascribed to clothing by white collar workers and workers employed in occupations accorded high social standing and manual workers and workers employed in occupations of lower prestige. The men employed in the high prestige occupations ascribed higher importance to clothing than did the men employed in the lower prestige occupations.1 At the same University, Arthur M. Vener wrote "Stratification Aspects of Clothing Importance" in which he showed that: the degree of importance which a person places upon clothing is related to that individual's social status; people who hate been upwardly mobile show a higher degree of clothing importance than do those who have been non- mobilc or downwardly mobile; and the personal estimates of clothing importance are related to social participation.2 Corinne Gray in her thesis "Orientation to Fashion" wrote that a new style was adopted by the elite as a symbol of their prestige and jd"orm,William H. and Gregory P. Stone, The Social Si ificance of Clothin in Occupational Life, Technical Bulletin 557, Michigan State University'AgricfilturaIExperiment Station Departments of Sociology and Anthropology, and Textiles, Clothing and Related Arts, East Lansing, £11an 1955) Do be 2‘Vencr, Arthur M., "Stratification Aspects of Clothing". Un- published Master's Thesis,‘Michigan State College, 1953, p. 101. -19- position, then copied by the classes immediately below as a means of imitating and being like those who have the status to which the imitators aspire. She also stated that there must be a class system with some mobility if this phenomenon of fashion is to exist. In the maple County study, it was found that fashion is related to one sort of social class system (the system.ef the localites), but not related to social class among the cosmopolites. For status groups, fashion seems "to be a symbol of group membership; for status aggregates it seems to be a symbol of identification with or striving toward a higher status."1 Mhry Lou Rosencranz studies the difference in interest in clothing of women and found that most closely related to the total score on the interest in clothing questionnaire which she developed were these characteristics: rural or urban background (the urban women had highest interest in clothing); age (the younger women had higher interest in clothing); occupation; and income (the women in the higher brackets had higher interest in clothing). Other characteristics were related to interest in clothing, but not so closely as these.2 Dorothy Cree Van Bertel made a study of home management in the upperbmiddlo and the upper-lower socio-economic classes in which she found differences in the amount of time spent in washing, ironing, and constructing the clothing, but the same amount of time spent in mending clothing for the families.3 lflray, Corinne, "Orientation to Fashion", Unpublished Mister's Thesis, Michigan State College, 1953,‘PP. 102 and 107. 2Rosencranz,iMary Lou Lerch, "A Study of Interest in Clothing among Selected Groups of Married and Unmarried Young women". ‘Unpublished Master's thesis, Michigan State College, l9h8, pp. 209. 3Van Bertel, Dorothy Greo and Irma H. Gross, "A Comparison of Home Minagonent in Two SecioAEeosemie Groups",‘Miehigan State College, Technical Bulletin 2&0, April 195b, p. 15. -20.. A series of studies on the "Psychological Effects of Clothing" among college girls has been conducted by Mary 5. Ryan1 at Cornell University and studios have been.made of the clothing behavior of adolescents, but few studies of grade-school children's clothing have been made. This study will probably'be the first to consider the implications of social class for the clothing behavior of girls seven, eight and nine years of age. lRyan,‘M’ary S., "Psychological Effects of Clothing", Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Agricultural Experiment Station, (Sept. 1952; August and July 1953; and August, 1951;). CHAPTER II METHOD OF STUDY The purpose of the study was to compare the practices of clothing behavior of selected family members who belonged in three social classes to ascertain the relationships between social class membership and the clothing preferences and usages. The selected family members were mothers who belonged to the upper-middle, loweramiddle, and the upper- lower social classes and their daughters who were seven, eight or nine years of age. The mothers were the only actual respondents in the study. A means of categorizing families according to social class had to be adopted. ‘William Lloyd‘Warnor, well-known student of social class in.America, wrote the brief definitions of the three social classes which were included in this investigation. The upperbmiddle social class: "The hard core of the upper-middle class, the level below the top two, consists of the solid citizens who are the active civic leaders of the community. They are thought of as the 'Joiners', for they belong to the associations which are better known to the public and are given more respectful attention'by the public press. The upporemiddle class feels itself to be, and in fact is, above the Level of the Common Mhn just beneath it. Its members are acutely aware of being socially inferior to the upper classes. To the upperbmdddle families that are not anxious to move up socially, this problem is not particularly distressing; but, to those that are socially mobile, the presence of an upper class sufficiently open to make it possible for some of their level to climb into it is a source of continuing frustration or anxious anticipation. . . . The uppermmiddle class tends to live on the broad residential streets, in the better houses with the larger gardens. Upper-middle-class dwelling areas in the smaller communities are sometimes indistinguishable from those of the class above them." 1warner,‘w'. Loyd, American Life: Dream and Reality. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1 , pp. - . 'D‘I .I,.Il'lllil' l.l\ II: b. 1“. 1 (a. It VIII} .l I ll:l r .e'lll‘ 1: ‘il... .. -22- The lowerdmiddle social class: "The loweramiddle class, the top of the Common Han Level, is composed economically of small businessmen, a few highly skilled workmen, and a large number of clerks and other workers in similar categories. Members of this class tend to be extremely proper and conservative. They are joiners, belonging to patriotic organizations, fraternal orders, secret societies and auxiliaries, or other associations based on family membership. They live in the regions of the little houses, with the well-kept but cramped gardens and lawns, on the side streets rather than the better residential ones" . . . The men and women of the lowerdmiddle class tend to approach the ideal typical of the Protestant ethic, being careful with their money, saving, far-sighted, forever anxious about what their neigh ors think, and continually concerned about respectability." The upper—lower social class: "The people of the upper-lower class are the semi-skilled workers, the small tradesmen, and often the less-skilled employees of service enterprises.‘ They, too, are highly respectable, limited in their outlook on the world around them, and are thought of as 'honest workmenh"2 ' This definition of the upper-lower social class'was so brief that an earlier definition written by'Whrner, Meeker and Eells was added: "Individuals in the upper-lower class tend to be ambitious. They want money, but they are trying to acquire the symbols of higher status such as 'nice furniture', 'pretty yards', and a 'good education'. Such things differentiate them from the class below and make them more like the people who are just above them. They are much nearer the bare struggle for existence than the lower- middle class, but they utilize their money for neat-looking clothes, good magazines, and to 'give our children a better education than we had'." Not only did warnor define the social classes which were included in this study, but he provided the method used for categorizing the fumilies into these social classes by use of the Index of Status iWarner, op. cit., p. 57. PWarner, ibid., p. 57. 3Whrner,'w. Lloyd, marchia.Mooker and Kenneth Eells. Social Class in America. Chicago: Science Research Associates, Inc., 1959, p. 555. -23- Characteristics. ”The I.S.C. is a rating syetea based on fear easily'obtained all comparatively objeotivo social characteristics. They are occupation, source of income, house type, and dwelling area. . . . . The Index of Status Characteristics as a measurement of social class is based on two propositions: (1) that economic and other prestige factors are highly important and closely related to social class; and (2) that these social and economic factors, such as talent, income, and money, if their potentialities for rank are to be realized must be translated into social-class behavior aiccptoble to the members of any given social level of the community. According to Warner's plan, once the information concerning the father's occupation, the source of income, the house type, and the dwelling area had been collected, weighting for scores was done as follows: "we learned to give the proper weight to the four characteristics: occupation received a 2h; source of income and house type, each a 3, and dwelling_argg,maL .1 This means that if a man scored a 1 for each characteristic and each was multiplied by its proper weight, he would receive a perfect 12, placing him at the top of the upper class. On the other hand, if an individual scored an unfortunate 7 for all four, he would rank at the very bottom of the class system ‘with an 8h. Ehe_uppermclass_extended from_12 t1 2?; the lowerqlower, at the otho_r extreme, from 61,te8h Between them the upperamiddle ran fron_23.&l_3la_&h%_lgwer-middle from 38 to . 53, and the upper- kgflariizeuhfihitg;66 " . on.“ The Pro -te at A pro-test for the study was conducted in Lansing, Michigan during the winter of 1955. Twenty-two interviews were conducted with mothers who had daughters of six, seven or eight years of age. As a result of the pro-testing, several questions in the original schedule were omitted, others were changed, and to gain greater homogeneity in the behavior of the families included in the study one of the controls of the sample was changed so that the mothers in families having at least one daughter lWarner, op. cit., p. 61. 2Warner, Hooker, Eolls, op. cit., p. 6h. \ -Zh- ~.‘\ seven, eight, or nine years of age rather than a daughter of six, seven or eight years of age would be interviewed in the larger study. 2:: Re search §_i_t_e The community selected for the study was Des Moines, Iowa. This city was large enough to be considered urban, was located near the center of the state, had a variety of industries and occupations within it, and appeared to have a wide range of dwelling areas indicative of social stratification. mm In Des Moines, Iowa, the school census cards were used as the source of the sample for the study. In an attempt to obtain a stratified sample with homogeneity within the various levels, an official who was well- acquainted with the school population of Des Meines was consulted. The census cards from the entire area ef'Des Meines were used for drawing the sample, except that areas of high concentration of negro population and of ethnic groups were excluded. The first census card was selected by using tables of random numbers, examined to see if the pupil whose name appeared on the card were a white girl of seven, eight or nine years of age, if there were siblings in the family, if there were two parents apparently married and living in the same household, and if the girl attended a public school in an area not known to contain a large ethnic group in its population. If these controls were satisfactorily met, the father's occupation was noted. .J . I ‘rfll ulll'. I I.II \IF. (‘1‘! .lll'z'ftz -25- The occupation of the father was used as the initial way of Judging the family‘s probable social class for several reasons: two of the four characteristics used in the rating system were based directly or indirectly on occupation; occupation was considered to be related to the economic status of the family which warmer considered of importance in assigning social class membership, for he wrote, "Social class in America is not the same as economic class. . . . Although economic factors are of prime importance and are some of the principal determinants of social class, they are insufficient to account fir all social-class behavior or for its presence in contemporary America."1 The occupation of the father could be obtained from the information on the school census cards. Six lists of thirty-five names each were made from the census cards which were drawn, and additional names were drawn to be used as alternates if necessary. One list, for example, consisted of seven year old girls whose families probably belonged to the upporbmiddle social class, and another list of seven year old girls whose families probably belonged to the upper-lower social class. As the interviewing preceded, the houses and housing areas were observed, the information concerning the amount and source of the incomes was collected, the amounts of education of the parents were recorded, so the social class of the families could be determined more satisfactorily. 'With the additional information and the weighting, it was found that a large number of the families interviewed belonged to the lower-middle social class rather than to the upper-middle and upper- lower social classes which explains the differences in the numbers lWarner, op. cit., P. 53. ~26- of the families interviewed in each of the three social classes which were as follows: 60 in the upper-middle social class, 65 in the lower- \-____.--_‘__'___ ____,_ _ ~—.— ‘4 _. _ _ middle social clg§§,jandm82nin the upper—lower social class which made a total of 212 mothers who were interviewed. Length if; 2323 for tho Interviews The time required for the completion of an interview differed because of differences in interest of the respondents, but the time was usually between forty-five minutes and two hours. The interviews were conducted at various times of day and evening. The Time of the Interviewing All of the interviewing was done within a three month period from May 1 to August 1, 1955, and the largest numbers of interviews were held during tho first five weeks while school was in session. The Dependent Variables The dependent variables consisted of the following: The number of ggrmen,s in the girls' wardrobes. An inventory of the wardrobes of the girls was obtained from the mothers who were asked to tell the number of each of the following outer garments which their daughters owned: coats, raincoats, jackets, sweaters, skirts, blouses, suits, school dresses, "dressy” dresses, and sportswear. The inventory also included the number of each of those undergarments: slips and petticoats, pajamas, nightgowns, bathrobes, undershirts, and panties. The wardrobe was considered to be the total number of outerwear and under- wear garments without nocessories. Tho accessories which were recorded but not included in the wardrobes were: socks, shoes, overshoes, rubbers, hats, scarfs, mittens, and gloves. The inventory was frequently made by -27- recall by the mother rather than by a careful counting of garments although the interviowor encouraged the mothers to look at the children's wardrobes as tho inventories were made. The inventories were to include all garments owned at the time of the interview, but worn during any" season of the year. The price of selected garments in the girls' wardrobes. It was originally planned to obtain the price or price range which a mother would be willing to pay for each garment, but during the pro-test it was found that obtaining this information for every item in the wardrobe was far too time consuming, so a few garments were selected for which the price of tho last garment of the kind which was purchased or the range of prices within which the mother would be willing to pay was recorded. The ~garments which wero selected for quostions about price were: a winter coat because every child would probably own.one and because the amount of money invested in a winter coat would be relatively large; school dresses because most of the girls would probably own them and use them frequently; party dresses because wide variations in the prices of these itoms would be possible; sleeping garments because they are used at home and are not observed by the general public; and shoes because every girl would own them, a wide variation in prices would be possible, and the prices of shoes are relatively high. Kinds of garments included in the daughters"wardrobes. The uniforms worn by members of some organizations, the costumes worn for some private lessons such as dancing, the special clothing needed for athletic activities such as riding and swimming, the entirely special costumes worn for some social events such as church attondance or parties were asked for in specific questions in the schedules. -28.. Procedures followed in the purchasing of garments for daughters, in using the garments, in caring fir and repairing, in actually con- structing garments, and in discarding them were obtained through questions answered by the informants. Attitudes toward practices in clothing:behavior, for example, the concern about opinions of other adults outside the family of how the girl is dressed; attitudes toward having the girl wear mended garments; attitudes toward letting the child participate in the selection of her own clothing were obtained during the interviews. 22: Independent Variables For this study the independent variables consisted of the three social classes: upper-middle, lower-middle, and upper-lower. Statistical.£§§£gl=£ Significance Two tests of significance were used in the statistical testing to show the significance of relationships between the social class and the dependent variables: 1. the test for the significance of difference between means according to Hagoed, Margaret J. and Daniel Price Statistics for Secielo ists, Henry Holt and Company, Revised edition 1952, pages 320 and 322. 2. -the Chi-square test, also according to Hagood and Price pages 365 to 370. In this study a probability of less than .05‘was considered to indicate that the relationship was significant. -29- 3. The coefficient of contingency was calculated and corrected according to the method in Elementary Social Statistics by Thomas Carson McCormick, McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 19b1, pages 206 and 207. CHAPTER III A COMPARISON OF THE GIRLS' WARDROBES The inventories of the wardrobes of the girls who were included in this study provided the necessary information concerning the numbers of garments owned by the girls in the upper-middle, the lowersmiddle and the upper-lower social classes to illustrate characteristics which have been attributed to members of these specific social classes. Two characteristics attributed to the members of the upper-middle class were the desire for the possession of and the wish to display great wealth with emphasis on modern styles, not on time values. A characteristic attributed to members of the lowerqniddle seeial class was concern fer "quantity" of possessions.1 A characteristic attributed to members of the upper-lower class was their utilization of their money for acquiring neat-looking clothes and similar possessions to differentiate themselves from members of the class below.2 A Comarison :5 212 Average Numbers _o_f_ Garments Owned A comparison of the average numbers of garments owned by the girls in each of the three social classes showed that the girls in the upper- middle social class had the highest average number of garments, the girls IDavis, Allison, Gardner, Burleigh, and Gardner, Mary R. Deep South. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 19hl, p. 257. 2Warner,‘w. Lloyd, Marchia Hooker, and Kenneth Eells. Social Class in America. Chicago: Science Research Associates, Ine., 19h9, p. 555. in the lower-middle social class had the next highest, and the girls in the upper-lower social class had the lowest average nuMber of garments. (See TABLE I). A Cmarison _e__f 3113 Numbers 3; Selected Garments masses: 2:: m m _____cl..s.s Five kinds of garments were selected from the complete wardrobes of the girls for the purpose of comparing the numbers of garments owned: coats, school dresses, sleeping garments, shoes, and sweaters. These garments were selected because: coats represented wraps; school dresses, one kind of outerwear; sleeping garments, underwear; shoes, accessories; and sweaters, garments which might or might not appear in the wardrobes of all girls, garments which seemed to be collected as "prestige" items in the wardrobes of older girls and might be found to serve a similar function in the wardrobes of girls of seven, eight, and nine years of age. The average numbers of coats were found to be almost the same in the wardrobes which belonged to girls in all three of the social classes. (See TABLE II). The average numbers of school dresses owned by the girls were also similar in all three social classes, for the upper-middle class girls had only a slightly higher average number than the girls in the other classes. (TABLE III). When the average numbers of sweaters owned by the girls were compared, (information is in TABLE IV), the numbers were found to be similar, but the girls of the upper-middle social class had a slightly higher average number, next the girls of the lower-middle social class, and the girls of the upper-lower class owned the lowest average number of sweaters. The same situation appeared when the average numbers of II‘ :‘I lit-tiI .. A V] II). I! ‘1'! vllifiil‘. TABLE I TOTAL GARMENTS (MNED BY GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES - - .-. ‘ .....__ -—-._--—.-—.-—.— -na- ..—<——-—-»—-’-.--—-.—-— ——v -.A_—fin.u-~ .——-—.-_ -—~._— Social Classes _ - -—-—. .——.-»i_—-u-.—____ ___- ‘g... _ _ Upper-middle ‘L—owerlmijd‘dle ~.ilpper.-:]:ox:rer Totals Average number of garments 80.h7 71.03 63.9h Number of girls 60 65 87 212 t of Upper-middle against Lower-middle . 2 .341: .02) P) .01 t of Lower-middle against Upper-lower = 2.h2 .02 > P>.Ol t of Upper-middle against Upper-lower»:- . 3.91 P<.OOl TABLE II COATS (MNED BY GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES Social Classes + -- i _ Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lowerV-W—Totals Average number 01' coats owned 2.142 2.143 2.39 Number of girls 60 65 86 211 * —— «Ha- ..-.—. .- . is- *H”w_«-0 - a.“ t of Upper-middle against Lower-middle . .Ol P> .9 t or Lower-middle against Upper-lower . .25 .8> P> .7 t 0f Upper-middle against Upper-lower = .01 P) .9 *Hagood, Margaret J. and Daniel Price. Statistics for Sociologists, Henry Holt and Company, 1952, PP. 320-372? -33- TABLE III SCHOOL DRESSES OWNED BY GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES Social Classes .3. .--‘.'"- “A“- whn‘a- ..mcn-a- .‘t-—_ Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals Average number of dresses owned 9.2 7.5 7.57 Number of girls 60 65 86 211 t of Upper-middle against Lower-middle . 1.26 .3> P >.2 t of Lower-middle against Upper-middle a .03 .9) P .S>P>.h II (I) 3‘ t of Upper-middle against Upper-lower TABLE IV SWEATERS OWNED BY GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES Social Classes ‘~“ .‘.-.~ . _..-.M... ......_..._..» - — 1 -.9- ~—-—— Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals Average number of waters owned 14.53 3.91 3.6 Number of girls 60 65 87 212 g .a—g—w. .~_. -—- —— t 0f Upper-middle against Lower-middle = .08 .9) P .9 > P .9 > P I! O 5...: O t of Lower-middle against Upper-lower I I [.1 H t 01’ Upper-middle against Upper-lower pairs of shoes owned by the girls were compared: the girls in the upper- middle social class had a slightly higher average number than the girls in the loweremiddle class, and the girls of the upper-lower class owned the lowest average number of pairs of shoes. (See TABLE V). The differences between the average numbers of sleeping garments (shown in TABLE VI) and pairs of shoes owned by the girls of each social class were found to be larger than the differences between the average numbers of coats, school dresses, or sweaters owned by the girls. ‘Was there some social class difference which corresponded to or was responsible for this greater difference in the numbers of sleeping garments and pairs of shoes than in the numbers of other garments provided for the girls? The reasons for the differences were not revealed in this study, but several explanations may be possible: perhaps the sleeping garments were used differently'by the upper-middle class girls; for example, they may have more slumber parties or occasions for staying over night in the homes of their friends, or they may be permitted to be seen wearing sleeping garments on more occasions than girls in the other social classes, for example, they may eat breakfast before dressing, or may appear in sleeping garments to say goodnight to family guests at the child's bedtime; adults of the upper-middle class may own more sleeping garments and the girls may imitate the adults, or attractive sleeping garments may be more acceptable as gifts in the upper-middle class families than in families of other classes. The higher average number of pairs of shoes owned by the upperbmiddle class girls may be due to their kind and amount of social participation. ‘Whatever the reasons, the differences in the average numbers of sleeping garments and -35- TABLE V SHOES OWNED BY GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES ——.~—‘~dr .— ' OH ‘- Social Classes ._‘_-,__._ _. --fi --—_.4---.—v-—---o ~— *v. ,,. --—--4\ “.m--._—_-. -- Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals Average number of pairs of 311.98 ”med 3o3 2e9 2.55 Number of girls 60 65 87 212 A -mwwmao-o.--—~-- -a 4;" - t of Upper-middle against Lower-middle . 2.03 ..05> P2>.02 t of Lower-middle against Upper-lower a 2.110 .0?) P> .01 t of‘Upperamiddle against Upper-lower - 3.76 P<1.001 TABLE VI SLEEPING GARMENTS OWNED BY GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES Social Classes " ”-05-..— '.-._v-— .n-o— Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals Average number of sleeping garments 6 . 2 h . 5 3 . 8 Number of girls 60 65 86 211 ..._--. . _.~ L. . _ - _... _.-,_ e.-- - . . . a. -. r-._--.--—- t of Upper-middle against Lower-middle - b.79 P‘1.001 t of Lower-middle against Upper-lower . 2.08 .05)? >.02 t of Upper-middle against Upper-lower 3 7.139 P< .001 -36- pairs of shoes owned by the girls were significant, an indication that the numbers of garments owned by the girls in the three social classes were related to the girls' social class membership. A Cegparison :_f_ Eh: m mg £3; Selected Garments The next undertaking was to determine whether or not a relationship existed between the prices paid for selected garments of the girls and their social class positions. The garments which were selected for the comparison of prices were: winter coats, school dresses, sleeping garments, shoes, and party dresses. When the prices paid for winter coats for girls were compared (see TABLE VII) it was found that the upper-middle class families paid only $1.50 more than lower-middle class families for the average price paid; the difference between the average price paid by lower-middle and upper-lower class families, however, was much greater, six dollars. When the data were grouped, the greatest frequencies for purchasing girls' coats in the upper-middle and the loweramiddle social class families were in the price range between 820-330 while the greatest frequency for the upper—lower social class was in the price range of $10-$20. When the prices paid for school dresses were compared, the similarity of prices was between the average price paid by families in the lower-middle and upper-lower social classes; the difference was between the average price paid by the upperdmiddle class families and the other two, the upperamiddle class families paid one dollar more for the average price of school dresses. (Fbund in TABLE VIII). {.ui. 11o [Ills if ill Ill-If! III. til -37- TABLE VII PRICES PAID FOR GIRLS"WINTER COATS, BY SOCIAL CLASS —~‘~.__..“.__-._ -~ .. Social Classes A... - o ‘--q «.1 Upper-middle Lowerbniddle Upper-lower Totals Average price of winter coats $26.53 $25.00 $19.07 Number of girls 59 65 86 210 *A —— Amw-Q-e i -~»-—.—-« «cure—v “m... am.-._~-.-mm—-v-~s ——— -.~----— --.. -—...__—- -_.... i.“ --n--- .-—_-—.- t ef‘Upporqmiddle against Lower-middle - .89 .h>'P:>.3 t of Lower—middle against Upper-lower : 3.63 P<1.001 t of Upper-middle against Upper-lower . h.53 P‘L.001 TABLE VIII PRICES PAID FOR GIRLS' SCHOOL DRESSES, BY SOCIAL CLASS -—-- Social Classes H” M- .. -—o ~-— . _ Upper-middle Loweramiddle Upper-lower Totals Average price of school dresses $h.50 $3.50 53.50 Number of girls 59 65 86 210 t of Upper-middle against Lower-middle g 3.38 P<1.001 .L b of Lower-middle against Upper-lower . zero t of Upper-middle against Upper-lower . 3.3h P21.001 -38- The differences between the average prices paid by members of the three classes for sleeping garments were small (see TABLE IX); the upper- middle class members paid only sixty-four cents more than the upper- lower and the loweramiddle class members paid a price about midway between the prices paid by the other two classes. The differences between the prices paid for shoes were larger and were significant (TABLE X): the upper—middle class families paid one dollar more than the lowerdmiddle and the lower-middle class members paid one dollar more than the upper-lower class families for the average price for shoes. The average prices paid for party dresses were compared and the same pattern appeared: upper-middle class families paid the highest average price, the lower-middle class families paid a price in between, and the upper-lower class families paid the lowest average price for party dresses. (See TABLE XI). The differences between the average prices paid were larger, two dollars, but otherwise the situation was the same as for winter coats, sleeping garments, and shoes. The differences between prices paid for these selected garments were large enough to indicate a relationship between the prices paid for girls' garments and social class membership in all cases except for sleeping garments and even the prices of sleeping garments showed a similar pattern although the differences were too small to be significant. The reason for the difference between the prices paid for school dresses by members of the upper-middle and the other two classes was not investigated in this study, but perhaps the explanation is that since girls of all three social classes preferred to be like their peers rather than different from them and since the opportunity for girls of \.lll‘[l\l|1ll|l.lllle!lflllllllllafllllll' Illllllle 1.4.1 III. TABLE IX PRICES PAID FOR GIRLS' SEEEPING GARMENTS, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes ——_ ., o..- ---. e a. . .___ Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals Average price of sleeping garments 33.57 $3.3h $2.93 ~J Number of girls 58 62 77 19 t of Upper-middle against Lower-middle - 1.?6 .3) P)>.2 .113 .7) P) .6 .66 .6>P>.S t of Lower-middle against Upper-lower t of Upper-middle against Upper-lower TABLE X PRICES PAID FOR GIRLS' SHOES, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes '__~ . .u—ae- - _r--———.l.—-- ._ .——o--—.——.— .4..- Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals Average price sf shoes 37.00 $6.0h $5.00 Number of girls 60 65 87 212 t of‘Upper-middle against Lower-middle . ..----- _— .- .---.i-._ .. ~ _ —.—. 3.78 P < .001 t of Lower-middle against Upper-lower a 3.57 P<<.001 t of Upper-middle against Upper-lower 7.07 P .001 .01) P>.001 P<.OOI -h1- all three social classes to be together is greater at school than any- where else, school clothes are more alike than other garments. The result may be that the loweramiddle class families may emphasize quantity which would lower the average price paid for a dress while the upper- lower class families in their attempt to be like the members of the class above them may pay more for the garments worn most frequently where girls of different social classes come together; this would bring the practices of the lower-middle and upper-lower social classes closer together and widen the difference between upper-middle and lower-middle class practice in the price paid for school dresses. A Comparison 2.1... 3133 is: 32 Clothing Budgets Few lower-middle class families made or followed clothing budgets either for the whole family or for the daughters. Of the few who did have clothing budgets, more than half were in the upper-lower social class. Information concerning clothing budgets is found in TABLES XII and XIII. g Comparison 3!. the m Lf Garments 011153 It was hypothesized that the wardrobes of the girls who belonged in the upper-middle social class have greater variety than wardrobes of girls in the loweremiddle social class because of the special kinds of garments required for the social, cultural, and athletic activities in which the upper-middle class girls and their peers participate. The wardrobes of the lower-middle class girls may in turn have greater variety than the wardrobes of the upper-lower social class girls because a . .. ] -hg- TABLE XII CLOTHING BUDGETS FOR FAMILIES BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes A.. war Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals . N f! N 5% N 5% N % Yes, have clothing budget 2 3.3 6 9.2 9 10.1: 17 8.] No, do not have clothing budget 58 96.7 59 90.8 78 89.6 195 91.9 Chi square 8 2.35 2 d.f. .S>P>.3 C . .ll 5:.15 TABLE XIII CLOTHING BUDGETS FOR GIRLS RY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N z N 7% N 5% N % Have budget 2 3.3 3 h.6 7 8.1 12 5.6 Have no budget 58 96.7 62 95.). 80 91.9 200 9M; —___‘_I % Chi square . h.hl Clem 6-o21 ”.v-—- -.._ 9”,” 2 d.f. .2>P>.l \L {.l [I of the uniforms worn for organizations in which lower-middle class girls were members and "dressy" or "special outfits" which are considered "right" to wear fer church attendance. The different kinds of activities and the smaller amount of participation in social life which may require special kinds of clothes for the upper-lower class girls may mean that their wardrobes have fewer kinds of garments. The occasions for which girls of seven, eight and nine years of age were thought to have special garments in their wardrobes were: parties, Sunday School or church, movies, organizations and clubs such as Brownies, private lessons such as dancing and music, and athletic activities such as swimming and riding. _A_ Comparison :5 21.3 Clothes m _t_o_ Parties 3: 9.1g: .12 1a.: 222. m _____c1..... Some of the girls in each of the three social classes owned no party dresses at all: in the upper-middle class 6.6%; in the lower-middle Class h.6%3 and in the upper-lower 23%. At the other extreme, one girl in the upper-middle social class owned fifteen party dresses, two in the lower-middle class owned four party dresses each, and two of the upper- lower social class had five party dresses each; but these examples were the extremes, the average numbers of party dresses were in agreement with the theory upon which this thesis is based that the pattern would be as it appeared: the upper-middle class girls owned a higher average number of party dresses than the others and the girls in the lower-middle class had a slightly higher average than the girls in the upper-lower class. Average numbers of party dresses appear in TABLE XIV. A question was asked in an attempt to discover whether or not each child would wear a special "dross" costume for party occasions: ”What I v .‘ ‘ {III-[iiil‘ulillls lti‘l‘i . [ill III .III -hh- TABLE XIV PAHflT'DRESSES OWNED BY GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower stuns Average number of party dresses 2.31 1.59 l.h5 Number of girls 59 65 86 210 --.__. l-. ... . .‘_—._._. _. _. _. t of Upper-middle against Lower-middle _., 2.h9 .02>P> .01 t of Lower-middle against Upper-lower : 0.8115 .5>P>.h t of Upper4middle against Upper-lower g 2.93 .Ol>~P)>.OOl -hS~ would your child wear if she went to a birthday party tomorrow?" The mothers' answers were arranged in four categories: an entirely special outfit; a costume reserved for "good" while new to be used for school later; the same clothes as for school; and play clothes. The comparison (see TABLE XV) showed small differences between the practices of the members of the three social classes. The differences shown in the answers to this question may have been small for two reasons: (1) the question was asked for a specific day which may have meant that some children would go directly from school to a birthday party with no opportunity to change clothes whether or not they owned party clothes; and (2) the question was asked so that a mother whose child had five party dresses and one whose child owned one party dress might give the same reply. The numbers of special costumes worn by the girls in the upper- lower social class for social occasions were higher than the author had expected, 62% of the girls had special costumes which they were to parties. A possible explanation for the high proportion of girls who owned "dress" clothes may be that the adults of the families make a clear distinction between work clothes and "dressup" clothes in the manual workers' homes while in the business class homes a conservative suit or costume is considered acceptable for both work and social occasions in some communities.1 This distinction may influence the clothing behavior when the family is providing clothing for the child. 1F'erm,‘William H. and Gregory P. Stone, The Social Si ificance of Clothing in Occupational Life. Technical Bulletin 257, Michigan State Un ver31 y Agr.cu ural Experiment Station, Departments of Sociology and Anthropology, and Textiles, Clothing and Related Arts, East Lansing, Michigan, June 1955, p. 28. .a‘ll‘ ‘1 3!! [i i I -ue- TABLE XV KINDS OF CLOTHES WORN TO PARTIES BY GIRLS, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N z N z N s N % Entirely special hS 75.0 h6 70.3 5h 62.0 th 65.h Reserved while new 3 5.0 S 7.7 8 8.9 16 7.6 School clothes 10 16.6 .13 20.0 22 26.6 LS 21.2 Play clothes 2 3.h 1 1.5 3 3.5 6 2.8 'Tetals 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 Chi square* = 3.25 2 d.f. (Categories collapsed for purposes of testing significance) 0’” = .12 .2)? >.1 6 = .18 *Hagood, op. cit., pp. 365-370. **Mc0ormick, T.C., Elementag; Social Statistics. ‘MCGraW-Hill Book Co., 19h1, pp. 206-207. -h7- Clothes M by w m Attended M :3. m M A large proportion of the girls included in this study attended church or Sunday school (911.7» attended and of these who did not attend, 75% were in the upper-lower social class). Every girl who belonged to the lower-middle social class who attended church had an entirely special costume which she were for that occasion. Most of the upper-middle class girls had entirely special costumes, too, but a much larger number of the upper-lower class girls were new school clothes or the same clothes to school and to church than did middle class girls. (See TABLE m). Clothes Worn 131 Girls EL”. Attended Movies The number of girls of seven, eight, and nine years of age who attended movies was found to be small. In all three of the social classes, the girls seemed to wear about the same clothes when they attended movies. Whether the girls were "good" clothes, school clothes, or blue jeans may have depended upon where the theater was located rather than upon the clothing behavior of members of a social class. (See TABLE XVII). Clothes M by w W_h:_ Belonged 2 Organizations Adult members of families in the upper-middle social class are supposed to be "joiners" of associations which are well-known and highly reSpeected by the public and the press; lower-middle social class members are supposed to be "joiners" of patriotic organizations, fraternal orders, and auxiliaries; upper-lower social class members are not supposed to be Str'ngly inclined to be "joiners" of organizations. Did the behavior of the girls in this study 1511.»: this pattern attributed to the adults and did their clothing behavior correspond? -53- TABLE XVI KINDS OF CLOTHES WORN FOR CHURCH ATTENDANCE BY GIRLS, Entirely special Reserved while new Same as for school Totals Never attend Chi square 3 18.51 C a .08 C a .13 BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lowe Totals h 5 N % N g N z 55 93.2 63 100.0 61 78.2 179 89.5 3 5.1 0 0.0 8 10.3 11 5.5 1 1.7 0 0.0 9 11.5 10 5.0 59 100.0 63 100.0 78 100.0 200 100.0 1’ i 2 9 - viz Ob‘ l d.f. P<:.OOl. (Categories collapsed for purpose of testing significance.) TABLE XVII KINDS OF CLOTHES WORN TO MOVIES BY GIRLS IN Number of girls who wore "Good" clothes School clothes Blue jeans or play clothes MW“... ho.— ”an—o- Totals Chi square 0 2 o09 C I .12 .96 THREE SOCIAL CLASSES Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower r—oa h8.7 _H_ N s N z 2 8.h h 10.8 11 115.8 15 1.0.5 _“ 11 ‘h5.8 18 at 100.0 37 100.0 h d.f. .95>P>.9 -h-w- .. hS __ —-- - » 7---; H», - mm— _ _ Totals N z N S 3 6.7 9 8.5 22 h8.9 h8 h5.28 .29 ,_--.li’g.e_h 1:9 14632 100.0 106 100.00 The organizations to which girls of seven, eight and nine years of age most frequently belonged were Brownies and Bluebirds. One mother who belonged to the upper-middle social class said that her daughter belonged to a country club and one mother in the upper-lower social class said that her nine year old daughter belonged to the YQW.C.A. The percentage of girls who belonged to organizations did follow the pattern expected of adults: that is, 68% of the girls in the upperamiddle social class belonged to organizations; 72% of the girls in the lower-middle social class; and only h9% of the girls in the upper-lower class belonged to organizations. The clothing behavior of the girls was influenced by participation in organizations because special uniforms were worn by many club members. The percentages of girls who belonged to organizations and who owned the uniform of the organizations were as follows: (TABLE XVIII) 8 z of the girls who belonged to organizations and who were in the upper-middle social class owned uniforms; 83% of the girls in the lower-middle class who belonged to organizations owned uniforms; and 60% of the girls in the upper-lower class who belonged to organizations owned uniforms. Clothes 19.5.". by 9.1.133 Eb... 1:313 Private Lessons It was hypothesized that more of the girls of the upper-middle class take private lessons which required special costumes than do girls of the other classes. The findings were: in the upperamiddle class 73% of the girls took private lessons; in the lowersmiddle class and in the upper-lower classes each 29%. Not all of the private lessons required special clothing, however; in fact, (as seen in TABLE XIX), only one half of the girls who took private lessons had special costumes. TABLE XVIII GIRLS WHO HAD SPECIAL CLOTHES FOR CLUBS AND ORGANIZATIONS, BY SOCIAL CLASS -\,__. --fiw-.. ~~.-—. _ _ .—--—~-- _____'_, Wfi‘ -_.__ "--~— Social Classes ~— w..._. -.—.-._— ..- .m- Upper-middle Lower-middle U per-lower Totals N 73 N 5 N 75 N 5% Girls Who had: Uniforms 36 87.8 39 82,9 26 60.5 101 77.9 No uniforms “L -1 5 12.? 8 l7.l_ 17 _39.5 4' 30 27.1 Totals who belonged to organizations bl _100.0 h7 100.0 h3 100.0 131 100.0 Chi square - lh.h 2 d.f. P<:.OOl C = .31 C'= .hé TABLE XIX GIRLS WHO HAD SPECIAL CLOTHES FOR PRIVATE LESSONS, ‘ RY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N 5 N % N 5 N % Girls who had: Special clothes ' for lessons 21 h7.7 10 52.6 13 52.0 hb 50.0 No special clothes _for lessons ‘ u 23 52.3 9 h7.h 12 h8.0 hh 50.0 Totals (girls who took private lessons) bu 100.0 19 100.0 25 100.0 88 100.0 Chi square :I .18 2 d.f'. .5>P>.3 c . .05 6 = .07 -51- Clothes E3513 £35 Athletic Activities b1 Girls _o__f_ All; 11119.3 _S_g_<_:_i_._a_]_; Classes Girls of all three of the social classes included in this study may be equally active in participating in athletics, but it was hypothesized that the girls in the upper-middle class participate in athletics requiring special clothing mere frequently than do girls in the other classes. The data showed this to be the case: in the upper-middle class h2% of the girls had special costumes for athletics; in the lower-middle class 37% had costumes for athletics; and in the upper-lower class 15% of the girls owned special costumes for athletic activities. Summagz A comparison of the numbers of garments owned by the girls who were seven, eight and nine years of age showed that there were differences between the clothing behavior of the upper-middle, of the lower-middle, and of the upper-lower social classes. The prices which families in these three social classes paid for selected garments for their daughters also showed differences in their clething behavior. The use of clothing budgets was too limited to have much value in this Study. The kinds of garments which the families provided, the special clothes for parties, for church, for movies, for clubs and organizations, for private lessens, and for athletic activities showed differences. Most of the data presented in this chapter, supported the theory that clothing behavior and social class corresponded. TAHLE XX GIRLS WHO HAD SPECIAL CLOTHES FOR ATHLETICS, BY SOCIAL CLASS 7 v _ . __. i _ i _l__.-_-——.—-—- ..-...a....-. — .— - -- _ —-“" ““-‘ " ”Wm Social Classes . ‘ m ‘-—-—~ »- .._-._.k F“ _ _-_—_.-_— ____.._~-__-__._._—_ _.__—.-— -51... Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N z N % N % N % Girls who had: Special clothes for athletics 25 h1.7 2h 36.9 13 lh.9 62 29.3 No special clothes for athletics _ 35 58.3 hl 63.1 7h 81.1 150 70.8 Totals 60 100.0 65 100.0 —— ~—- ~-—r — » *— ..-._ h...— 87 100.0 212 100.0 Chi square ; lh.9h 2 d.f. P<<.OOl C = .26 0| ll .37 CHAPTER IV A COMPARISON OF PURCHASING PRACTICES The purchasing practices used in assembling girls' wardrobes showed clearly similarities within the social classes and differences between the practices of mothers in the three secial classes, and were therefore as important in this study as the numbers, prices, and kinds of garments provided for the girls. It was hypothesized that the mothers shop in different kinds of stores because of their social class orientations. A mother who is concerned with making an impression by shopping where expensiVe merchandise is sold or who is eager to buy garments which assure a "smart" appearance for her daughter, may be expected to purchase garments in a specialty shop. A mother who is concerned with getting the most for her money, shops in chain stores and "Dime" stores. If she is concerned about saving both time and money, a mother may purchase by mail order catalogue. If these factors do not greatly concern her or if she is conservative or eager to shop where the largest numbers of people shop, she may patronize the department stores. Different garments may be purchased by the same mother in different kinds of stores, depending upon the use to be made of the garments. ' For the comparison of purchasing practices, five garments were selected for investigation: coats, sleeping garments, dresses, socks, and shoes. ‘43 l— i_i_c-maris-ngiesisgmsmm Mothers Purchased 23223 The largest numbers of mothers in all three classes bought coats for their daughters in department stores. A smaller percentage of mothers in the lower-middle than in the other two classes, however, purchased coats in the department stores. The second most frequently used kind of store was the specialty shop for upper-middle class and the chain store for lower-middle and upper-lower classes. A few families in each class bought coats for their daughters by mail order, but the number in the upper-lower class was more than twice as large as in the other two classes. Kinds of stores in which girls' coats were purchased may be seen in TABLE XXI. i_riv______c~ iimmsLimm Mothers Purchased Dresses Almost the same pattern (see TABLE XXII) was followed in the purchasing of dresses as was followed in the purchasing of coats: the largest numbers of mothers in all three social classes bought dresses in department stores, but a smaller proportion of the mothers in the lower- middle than in the other two classes purchased dresses there; for the upper-middle class mothers the second kind of store which was frequently patronized was the specialty shop. The lower-middle class mothers also named the specialty shop as the second kind of store in which they purchased dresses for their daughters. The second kind of store for dresses purchased by the mothers in the upper-lower social class, as for the purchase of coats, was the chain store. TABLE XXI KINDS OF STORES IN WHICH GIRLS' COATS WERE PURCHASED, BY SOCIAL CLASS _———._-_._..._Fi_.— "-P:>.o§ 'C . .23 6 = .29 KINDS OF STORES IN WHICH GIRLS' SOCKS‘WERE TABLE XXIV PURCHASED, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N ,1. If ”' N :25 1: f3 Kinds ef stores Specialty shop 8 13.3 h 6.2 1 1.1 13 6.1 Department stare 33 55.0 23 3§.h 17 19.5 73 3h.t Chain stare h 6.7 11 6.2 15 17.3 30 lh.2 Department store basement 1 1.7 O 0.0 2 2.3 3 l.h Dime store 5 8.3 16 2h.6 38 h3.7 59 27.8 RetailéMail and catalogue 3 5.0 5 7.7 10 11.5 18 8.5 Other 6 10.0 6 9.2 h h.6 16 7.6 Totals 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 Chi square 3 110.110 8 d.f. P<.OOl C 2 oh 5 = .119 -60- the upper-lower class than in the middle classes bought socks in the retail mailorder stores and by catalogue than did mothers in the other two classes. A Comparison _e_£ the Kinds _o_f_ Stores _i_n Which The Mothers Purchased £1325 _f_e_r M Daughters A striking difference appeared in the data concerning the kind of store in which mothers purchased shoes for their daughters; the largest percentage of upper-lower class mothers purchased shoes for their daughters in specialty shops. The mothers in the other two classes, the upper-middle and lower-middle, purchased shoes as well as other garments hCSt frequently in the department stores. (See TABLE XXV). Perhaps the characteristics of a store which specializes in the sale of shoes are not the same as the characteristics of a specialty shop for other garments for children. Shoes have been made and sold apart from other wearing apparel throughout the history of the United States. Stores which sell nothing except shoes are traditional and the merchandise may be of varied prices and qualities; special shoe stores are not all supplied with expensive, unusual, exclusive items. Perhaps this is the explanation for the different pattern in the purchasing practices connected with shoes, in any case, the purchasing practices of the mothers in the three social classes differed in the place of purchase of shoes for their daughters as well as in the kinds of stores in which they purchased coats, dresses, sleeping garments, and socks. Other Selected Purchasing Practices When they had decided where to shop, did the mothers in each of the social classes examine the garments for the purpose of considering TABLE XXV KINDS OF STORES IN WHICH GIRLS' SHOES WERE PURCHASED, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower N g N % N % Kinds of stores _ Specialty store 22 36,7 26 ho.o L3 h9.h Department store 36 60.0 37 57.0 32 36.8 Chain store 0 0.9 O 0.0 6 6.9 Dime store 0 0.0 0 0.0 2 2.3 Mailorder or catalogue O 0.0 l 1.5 h h.6 Other 2 3.3 l 1.5 O 0.0 Totals 60 flO0.0 65 100.0 87 lOO:O Chi square g 1h.l9 h d.f. .Ol) PZ>.OOl C = .?S C .3h 6 2.8 2 9.0 5 ?.h 3 l.h 212 100.0 -62- the brands, labels, and characteristics such as workmanship before purchasing the garments? The mothers were asked to indicate whether or not they bought garments for their daughters because of the brand names which were attached; the mothers in the two middle classes had similar practices, (shown in TABLE XXVI), more than three-fourths of them bought garments because of the brands, while the mothers in the upper-lower class differed because less than half of them purchased garments for girls because of the brand names. When asked to indicate which they considered first, when purchasing - garments for their daughters, price or brand, a few mothers insisted that they considered both at the same time, but most of the mothers indicated that price was considered before brand. (This can be seen in TABLE XXVII). The percentages of mothers who considered price before brand were largest in the upper-lower, in between in the lower-middle, and smallest in the upper-middle social class. The percentages of mothers who considered brand before price were, of course, in the reverse order. The importance of price can also be seen in TABLE XXVIII. Th3 Mothers' £133 3; _a_ Specific Label The mothers were asked whether or not they purchased garments for their daughters which were labeled by height, woight, and girth rather than garments sized by chronological age of the girls. The mothers in the two middle classes gave similar answers, (see TABLE xxxx), 55% did buy garments with this special label and the mothers of the upperelower TABLE XXVI MOTHERS WHO PURCHASED GIRLS' GARMENTS BECA'SE OF BRAND NAMES, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes Upper-lower —-‘ Totals N % 139 65.6 Upper-middle Lower-middle N % N % N % Yes h6 75.7 50 76.9 h3 h9.h No lb 23.3 15 23.1 hh 50.6 Totals 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 Chi square 3 18.6h 2 d.f. P<:.001 C..28 6 = .hl TABLE XXVII IMPORTANCE GIVEN TO PRICE AND BRAND OF GIRLS' GARMENTS BY MOTHERS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES .——-——-——_.-_— _._, -__~.- '_ . -.. _. ____.. -,_.. ~.. .__- ,_.—‘, Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower -—-—_—-n-_l Totals N 3% N :5 N 3" N 5"- ?rice more important 3h 57.0 hl 65.0 6h 7h.h 139 66.5 Brand more important 19 31.5 18 28.5 21 2h.h 58 27.75 Price and brand equal 7 11.5 h 6.5 1 1.2 12 5.75 Totals 60 100.0 63 100.0 86 100.0 209 100.0 Chi square = 6.05 h d.f. .2>P>.l C n .17 63023 -6h- TABLE XXVIII FREQUENCY OF PRICE DETERMINING PURCHASE OF GIRLS' GARMENTS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES ———---—.——-—-» m- wk- ‘ "' u“ ' Social Classes ——-.._...*-._‘___e._ ...-. _— ._~- d...- ‘ Upper-middle. Lower-middle Upper-lower wTotals N % N s N 5 N z Degree of influence of price Price almost always determined 11 18.9 lb 21.5 38 h3.7 63 30.0 Price often determined 31 53.5 3h 52.3 39 hh.8 10h 29.0 Price seldom or never determined 16 27.6 17 26.2 10 11.5 b3 hl.0 Totals 58 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 210 100.0 -..~_— . -... -~—.—..‘-.--o-..—a . --. _-_ . -_ _.-..~.—- Chi square 3 35.36 h d.f. P.{.001 C = .38 .51 Ol II TABLE XXIX MOTHERS' USE OF A SIZING LABEL BASED ON GIRLS' HEIGHT, WEIGHT, GIRTH MEASUREMENTS, BY SOCIAL CLASS Yes, use in purchasing No, do not use Social Classes ,1 7......7. —».‘.h.- Upper—middle Loweramiddle Upper-lower N E N % N % 33 55.0 21 39.3 27 31.1 27 h5.o nu 67.7 60 68.9 Totals Chi square 3 3.15 C : .12 5 = .18 -.a-..‘ . .—--_ ..- "sea?" N % 81 38.2 131 61.8 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 .-...-.—--.._.._~e—-.- q... ... . .. 212 100.0 2 d.f. .3>P>.2 -66- class differed because only 32? of them purchased garments labeled in this manner. 22: Practice 2f Examining Eh: Garments Before Purchasing When asked if they examined the workmanship of garments for their daughters before purchasing, almost three fourths of the mothers in the lower-middle class said that they did, a higher percentage than in either the upper-middle or the upper-lower classes. More of the upper-lower than of the upper-middle social class mothers examined the workmanship of garments before purchasing them for their daughters. The reported behavior supported the theory that the lower middle class members tend to be more careful in spending their money. (ThBLE XXX). The Practice 2: Considering the Becomingpess‘gg'thg Garments Before Purchasing One of the characteristics attributed to the upper-middle social class members was their concern for appearances, so it was hypothesized that mothers in this class have their daughters try on garments to judge the becomingness more frequently than do the mothers in the other social classes. The garments selected for the comparison were: wraps, outer- wear, underwear, sportswear, shoes, and hats. The practice of having daughters try on wraps before purchasing was similar in all three social classes (see TABLE XXXI). The practice of trying on outerwear was similar for the girls in lower-middle and upper- lower classes, but most of the girls in upper-middle class tried on outerwear garments; almost none of the girls in any of the classes tried on underwear or spertswear before purchasing; almost all of the girls, TABLE XXX FREQUENCY OF EXAMINING‘WCRKMAWSHIP CF GIRLS' GARMENTS BEFORE PURCHASE, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N fl N % N z N % Frequency of examining Almost always 35 59.3 h? 72.3 51 60.7 133 63.6 Often 1? 20.0 13 20.0 18 2l.h h3 2C.6 Seldom and never 13 21.7 5 7.7 lg 17.? 33 15.8 Totals 60 100.0 65 100.0 8h 100.0 ?09 100.0 Chi square 3 8.70 h d.f. .1>?>.0f~? C B .2 E=.27 —68- TfiBLE XXX] FREQUENCY OF TRYING OW GTFL"' GAEMENTS BEFORE ’UpCHASE —_ -. fi‘... BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes —1 "’f356rlmiddle”"fi6fierimiddle 'Upperlmiddie"“'Totai§__ F? 95 N 7% V- ‘7 ‘J 2' Garments and fre- ’ ' ’ ‘ quency of trying on Wraps Almost always and often 51 86.3 58 89.23 75 88.2 182 88.0 Seldom and never 8 13.7 __ 7 _lC.77 10 11.8 25 12.0 Totals “ 59 100.0 65 100.0 85 100.0 209 100.0 Outerwear Almost always and often 39 65.5 35 5h.7 hé 53.6 93 57.1 Seldom and never _ M21 35.0 29 hS.3 to no.5 90 2., Totals 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212- 100.0 Underwear Almost always and often 2 3.3 O 0.0 l 1.2 3 l.h Seldom and never ””58 96.7 65 100.0 86 99.8 209 98.§_ Totals 60 100.0 65 100.0 8 100.0 2 2 100.0 Sportswear Almost always and often 15 25.0 it 21.5 18 20.7 h? 26.9 Seldom and never __,h5 75.0 “51 78.5 69 _79.3 _165 7h.§ Totals 60“‘100.c 6, 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 Shoes Almost always and _ often 57 95.0 69 95.h 83 95.h ?02 95.5 Seldom and never 3 5.0 3 h.6 h h.6 10 h.5 Totals __”60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 Hats Almost always and often hh 7h.5 bl 6h-0 h? 59.1 13h 65.0 Seldom and never 15 25.5 2, 35-0 3h h0.9 69 35.0 ‘Totais -‘59' 100.0 6h 165 0 83 100.0 206 100.0 Wraps, Chi square 3 .23 2 d.f. 9)IP>-.8 6 .05 Outerwear, Chi square = .17 2 d.f. .5>’P‘> 3 E ' .lh Underwear, Chi square = 2.29 l d.f. .“>~P:>.l C = .16 Sportswear, Chi square g 1.52 d.f. .57? >. 6 = .09 Shoes, Chi square ' .05 2 d.f. .98>’?>>.95 = .02 Hats, Chi square . 3J9 2 d.f .2> P>.l 5 .19 (n ”5"! ~ ‘A stN .-.1 R 2 ‘on s V- a . ss tiled on sates; Mule Ll: s in tic Lfiifil-mlddle ‘1) regardless of social cl class, an in-between number in the l Her-middle and the lowest percentage of the upper-lower class girls tried on hats before purchasing them. When asked why they had the girls try on garments before purchasing them, more of the mothers in the upper-middle class indicated that it was for the purpose of judging becomingness of line and color: upper-middle Class hBT; lower-middle class hOZ; and upper-lower class 32% of the mothers gave that answer. This can he seen in TAfiLE XXXII. The mothers were asked if they would purchase a garment which was becoming to the dam hter although they did not like the tries. A lay e proportion of the mothers in all three social classes would Mot make such g purchase. CF those who would buy such a garment, the largest percentage of mothers was in the upper-middle class, the next largest in the lower— middle class, and the smallest percentage in the upper-lower social Class. A Cogparison of the Practices of gflzing Fads and High—style Garments for Girls A characteristic attributed to the members of the lower-middle class was conservativism; in purchasing practices did the mothers of the lower- middle class appear more conservative than the mothers of the upper-middle and the upper-lower classes? Questions were asked to determine whether or not the mothers recognized that there were fads and high-style garments for little girls, and then, if they recognized fads and high-style garments would they purchase them for their own daughters. The percentages of the mothers who indicated that they recognized fads were (TABLE XXXIII): 58% in the upper-middle social class; 35% in the lower-middle; and 30% in the upper-lower social class. The TABLE XXXII REASONS FOR TRYING ow GIRLS' Gisxsrrs BEFORE PURCHASING, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N % t Z N f N % Reasons For trying on: Fit only us 56.7 37 59.7 57 o7.9 178 6?.1 Becomingness, of line, color 26 h3.3 ?5 no.3 27 32,1 78 37.9 Totals 60 100.0 62 100.0 8h 100.0 206 100.0 Chi square = 2,09 2 d.f. .f'>'_’>,3 C = .1 O H O H K“ -71- TARL XXXIII FREQUENCY OF RECOGNITION AND PURCHASE OF FADE IT‘I GIRLS' CLOTHING, BY SOCIAL CLASS Sonial Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals Iq ft ii if Tl fl? 7? ‘3 Frequency of recog- nition and purchase filmost always purchase 15 73.° 8 -12.7 11 12.7 it 18.5 Often purchase 10 17.2 10 15.7 9 10.3 ?¢ 13.9 Seldom purchase 9 15.5 h 6.1 5 6.9 19 ?.1 Never purchase 1 1.? l 2.0 0 0.0 2 .9 Do not recognize 23 39.6 to 63.5 61 70.1 12h 59.6 Totals 98 100.0 63 98.0 87 100.0 208 100.0 No reply 2 2 O h Chi square = h.03 6 d.f. (Categories collapsed for testing significance) .7> T">5 C 3 .1h 6 n .17 -72- conservativism Of the lower-middle social Class mentors Was indicated by the fact that of those who recognized fads, the following percentages of mothers said that they almost always purchased fads for their daughters: h31 in the upper-middle; 35% in the lower-middle; 2nd h2§ in the upper- lower social class while those who said that they would never purchssc fads were: 37 in the upper-middle; kg in the lower-middle; and 0% in the upper-lower social class. The number of mothers who recognized thst there were high-style garments for little girls were as follows (See TABLE XXXIV): 38? in the upper-middle class; 25% in the lower-middle; and 97 in the upper-lower social class. The conservativism of the lower-middle social class was not so clear here, because hhfl of he mothers in both upper and lower- middle classes who were able to recognize that there were high-style garments for little girls, said that they would buy them for their daughters while only 25% of the upper-lower class mothers who recognized high-style garments would purchase them. More of the mothers of the lower-middle social class said that they would never purchase high-style garments for their daughters, howevsr, than did mothers in the other two social classes. Summa The selected practices which were followed by the mothers when they '5‘) purchased garments for their daughters differed: they purchased the ame kinds of garments in different kinds of stores, they had different attitudes toward the use of brand names and one type of sizing label, they differed in the practice of examining garments for workmanship before purchasing and in the importance which they attributed to becomingness of -73.. TABLE XXX FREQUENCY OF RECOGNITIC” AWD PURCHASE CF } {ISH-STYLE G 3EEMTS WOR GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES ~___.~- Social Classes .—-- u—o-. _..___. w Upper-middle Lower-mifldle Upper-lower Totals N % N % N z N % Recognition and fre- quency of purchase Recognize and purchase .Almnst always 10 15.7 7 ll.l 2 2.3 19 9.1 Often purchase 8 13.3 d 7.9 5 5.7 18 c.6 Never purchase 0 0.0 ? 3.? 0 0-0 2 -9 Do not recognize 37 61.7 h? 7h.6 79 90.8 163 77.6 Totals 60 1on.n 63 100.0 87 100.0 210 100.0 Chi square = 18.7 h d.f. (categories collapsed for testing significance) 5‘(.Ofll 0 ll 0 5) CD 3' II o w .‘1 -7u- girls' garments; they differed in the practice of and the reasons for having the girls try on garments. Some of the purchasing practices differed more widely than others, but the findings showed that in their purchasing practices the mothers indicated that clothing behavior corresponded to other characteristics attributed to social class. CHAPTER V THE SOCIALIYATION OF THE DAUGHTERS IN IEGAHD TO CLOTHING BEHAVIOR Learning the clothing behavior which is appropriate for her own social class is a task for a child similar to acquiring other behavior patterns. Davis and Havighurst in a study of child-rearing as practiced by 202 mothers in Chicago found that the middle class parents began the training of children in behavior such as practices of feeding and toilet training at an earlier age and usually completed the training at an earlier age than did the working class parents.1 They found, too, that children of middleclass families were expected to assume certain responsibilities at earlier ages than were children of workingclass families, for example: "Middleclass mothers expect child to help at home earlier." "Middleclass boys and girls expected to go downtown alone earlier." ‘ ”Middleclass girls expected to begin to sew earlier."2 It was hypothesized that the girls in the upper-middle social class would be educated at an early age to select their own clothing with the careful guidance of their mothers who would be anxious that the children make no mistakes; the loweramiddle class girls would be allowed to select their clothing because they would be better satisfied with the garments and 1Davis,‘w. Allison and Robert J. Havighurst. Father of the Nan. Boston: Houghton Nifflin Company, 19h7, P. 216- ?Ibid., p. 217. would enjoy the shopping and purchasing procedures; the upper-lower class girls would be allowed much freedom in selecting their own clothing and would be encouraged to learn to buy economically. 5 Comparison 25 the Daughters' Participation in Clothing Selection In actual practice it was the mothers in the upper-lower class who most frequently took their daughters with them when they went shopping for the girls' clothing. Next were the mothers in the upper-middle class and least frequently the mothers in the loweramiddle class as is shown in TABLE XXXV. Apparently the mothers' attitudes and practices toward the daughters' participation in clothing selection agreed, (see TABLE XXXVI), because a larger percentage of the mothers in the upper-middle and upper-lower classes than in the lower-middle class strongly favored the child's participation. Again it was a larger percentage of lower-middle class mothers who were indifferent about and who did not favor the participation of the daughters in the selection of their own clothing. 223 Mothers' Reasons £23 Favorina 22: Participation 2f 212 92.123 in. the Selection 2; m Q_wn_ Clothing Participation in the selection of their own clothing as a means by which the girls learned to select clothing wisely was a reason given by a larger percentage of mothers in the upper-middle social class than by mothers in other classes (see TABLE XXXVII). The reason that the girls who participated in the selection of garments would give the garments better care if thcy selected them was indicated by more of the mothers TABLE XXXV FREQUENCY OF GIRLS' SHOPPING WITH MOTHERS FOR GIRLS' CLOTHES, FY SOCIAL Cy.5_5_5_ ,_ -.__-..-..._ Social Classes m--fl__———_fr__---fii. fi__-.- _ -_.. .. ~-..—..—. ..— T0133 18 Upper—middle Lower-middle Upper—lowor V % Y i Y % N 1 Frequency Almost always 23 39.0 20 31.3 ts 52.9 89 h2.h Often 17 29.8 19 29.7 16 18.3 52 2h.7 Seldom 17 28.8 25 39.0 22 25.3 on 30.3 Never 2 3.h O 0.0 3 3.5 S 2.h “ l" “0 100 2 6h 1““ 0 °" 1C” C 2 C 100 2 iota- L) "I' , z.\l \ .4. ‘ ‘4‘ - _.\_,.\,‘ 1 , _ .\7.' Th) reply" 1 l O 2 Chi square 3 68.26 h d.f. P<:.OOl (Categories were collapsed for testing significance) C I .h‘) C = .67 TABLE XXXVI MCTHERS' ATTITUDES TOWARD CIP’S' THill”?ICI’F’IX'I‘IC‘J.’ IV CLOTHING SELECTIOY WY SOCIAL CLASS .—_—-...~..~— -———......_—— _— _ Social ClaSSfis _ -——.-_ _- —— m» —_ .---..—._-—— ‘sps.s.mss51§”"Lossslsiasl. Upper-lower iaTotals N z s 1 u s h % Strongly favor 2h h0.0 20 30.7 36 hl.6 80 37.7 Favor 23 38.3 28 h3.0 37 h?.5 88 h1.5 Indifferent 5 8.3 7 10.8 3 3.h 15 7.1 Do not favor 6 10.0 9 13.8 7 - 8.0 22 10.h Strongly disapprove 2 ‘ 3.hr '_l l:7 ‘ th_ h.§ 7 3.3 Totals 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 Chi square 9- L7.36 6 d.f. ,S>P>,3 C = .16 C = .2 -79- TAQLE XXXVII REAFONS FOR FAVCRIWG GIPLC' hARTICIPLTICFT I? CLOTHING STUEGTIOH, WY SCCIQL CLASS -.n. Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-riddle Upper-lower Totals f! i M ‘ % N % N % Mothers' reasons To learn to select 31 5h.u 29 h9.2 37 no.2 97 u6.6 Child will take better care 11 19.3 18 30.9 29 31.5 58 27.9 To save time 3 5.3 3 3.1 10 10.0 1C 7.7 Other reasons 12 71.fi 9 15.2 16 17.L 37 17.8 Totals 57 100.0 99 'ioo.o 92 100.0 208 1nn,n ..e -—-..—on~ ——..-. .9- Chi square = 7.1:? 6 d.f. 5%)?) .2 C)! I I o I'\) D‘ in the lower-middle and u per-lower class ses than by the mothers in the wt’per—mz ddle class. Twice as many mothers from the upper-lower social V class than from the other classes gave the reason that the child's participation would save the mother's time. Nothers' Mothers in all three social classes followed the pIT do ice of selecting From all of the gnrm°nts available in the stores a few :ui able garments from .nlich the child could select one which the family would buy for her. More than {wice as many mothers ir the upper-midfile and lower- middle classes than in the upper-lower class always limited the selection of garmerts in this way. (She TABLE XXXVIII). The frequency with which the girls were allowed to make the tinal ‘ decisions varie eo. In all three classes thré largest percentage of nothers answered that the girls often made the final 630 is 1 ans (TABLE "XIK), in the upper-middle class hlfl, in the lower-niddle class 50¢, and in the upper-lower class «W04. Next in size were the percentages of mothers in families where the girls alwols made the fi nal decisio in the unner— middle Class 32%; in the lower-midclle and the upper-lower classes t‘le percentages were almost equal, 203' and 21m. All three social classes had similar percentages of girls who seldom decided about their own clothing. There were fifteen girls in the entire sample who were never allowed to make a final decision concerning the selection of their own clothing: GXPT’S Sefl in Percentages this would he, in the uppor-mifldle class 10?; in the lower—mindle 9% o; and in the upper-lower class hfl. I TABLE XXXVIII -80.. FREQUENCY OF LIMITING GIRLS' SELECTION TO SEVERAL GARMENTS Froqnonqy Almost alleys Ofton Soldom Novor Total! c'o27 C‘.35 _ “s.--_'— .1." 1 ..- _.-~ -.- ifiiperdniddlo Loner-middle Upper-lowor Social Classes Chi oquoro a 17.07 N N 23 39.6 28 h3.7 17 29.3 17 26.6 In 2h.1 10 15.6 h _ 7.0 9 11.1 58 100.0 6h 100.0 6 d.f. .01) P >.001 TABLE xxxxx FROM WHICH FINAL CHOICE IS MADE, BY SOCIAL CLASS — .— -——'-' “fl-"ww , ». -_ .-. --w FREQUENCY WITH WHICH GIRLS MADE FINAL DECISIONS IN W......_.—.. ..‘h_ _. Froqoonoy Almost elunyo ‘ .Ofton' Soloom Novor Total- fi; ram cm ”‘1'. I 7o77 Ccol9 6-.23 Uppor-niddlo Loworuniddlo Upper-lower N 19 2h 10 6 59 l 6 d.f. - m -. _ 7 .‘fl— ——._v-. .. Sooiol Clooooo % N 1 32.2 13 20.3 no.7 32 50.0 16.9 13 20.3 10.2 6 9.h 100.0 on 100.0 111. .3>P>.2 CLOTHING SELECTION IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES 1.3113“ N n 15 17.2 66 31.6 35 no.3 69 33.0 21 2h.1 as 21.5 -_-1.--;_.-_.1_§_..}§-¥! 1 ‘29 13-9 87 100.0 209 100.0 $217— N z N z 18 21.2 50 21.01 51 60.0 107 51.hh 13 15.3 36 17.31 3 3.5 15 7.21 85 100.0 208 100,0 2 - -—A-o— -80.. TABLE XXXVIII FREQUENCY OF LIMITING GIRLS' SELECTION T0 SEVERAL GARMENTS Social Classes FRCMHWHICH FINAL CHOICE IS MMDE, BY SOCIAL CLASS m-W—q—-.‘.w~-—-—D .-v-—.-. _-7.. 7*— U'iper-amdlb Loin-media Uppor-lmr Total; N N z N z N % Froquonqy Almost always 23 39.6 28 10.7 15 17.2 66 31.6 Often 17 29.3 17 26.6 35 110.3 69 33.0 Seldom 1h 2h.1 10 15.6 21 211.1 1.5 21.5 thnr _ _h 7.0 9 ;h2}11,1}§__,}§39.- 29 13.9 Total: 58 100.0 61. 100.0 87 100.0 209 100.0 cm .66.... :16 .6? W 6 2.2. We}; 3‘; .661 W "WW 0 I .27 ' c a .35 TABLE me FREQUENCY NITH WHICH GIRLS MADE FINAL DECISIONS LN CLOTHING SELECTION IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES .2--.- ' 6.6.1" "6‘i...'..W " ——”men-u Uppor-nidélo “LCNINQniidio Uppcr-lcwnr COC:I:~—- N x N z N z N 75 Frequency Anon any. 19 32.2 13 20.3 18 21.2 50 211.01: omn- 2h 1.0.7 32 50.0 51 60.0 107 51.hh 5.14m 10 16.9 13 20.3 13 15.3 36 17.31 Hour 6 10.2 6 9.h 3 3.5 15 7.21 Totals. 59 100.0 61. 100.0 85 100.0 208 100.0 M2111”...- __-.1_ _, _-.-_..---._---_.,__1-_.- 2 - Chi Iquro - 7.77 6 d.f. .3) P>.2 08019 E-.23 -81.. 'Hhen the girls ioro allowed to select their own clothing, the mothers thought that the strongest determining factor was that they wanted what their peers wore. This was true in all three social classes, but was stronger (as shown in TABLE XL) for the lower-niddle and upper- louor than is the upperqaiddlo social olass. A slightly larger percentage of girls (7%) in the upperbliddlo than in the other classes (hflD liked to imitate adults in their clothing. The mothers were asked to express their own and their daughters' attitudes toward nether—daughter sostunes. The results are shown in TABLES XLI and XLII. About half of the mothers (h9%) in all three classes favored nether-daughter oostunos and believed that 83% of the daughters liked nether-daughter costumes. The girls in the lover-middle and upper-lower social classes favored the mother. daughter costumes more than did the girls in the upperbniddle social class (90% and 6820. The explanation for the difference in the girls' attitudes towards mother-daughter costumes may be that the clothes worn by the mothers in the three social classes differed so that the clothes worn by adults in the upperhniddle class may be too sophisticated to appeal to little girls, or it may be that because of the lack of encouraging the little girls to "grow up" in the upper-middle social class they are not so eager to imitate their mothers. It is also remotely possible that the mothers did not know the real attitudes of their daughters toward wanting mother-daughter costumes. 5 Comparison _o£ .133: Ages it Which the Girls Began to Participate in the Selection g£ Their‘gzg Clothing In spite of the findings of Davis and Havighurst, it was hypothesized that the girls who belonged in the upper-lower class may be encouraged *0 -82- TABLE XL SELECTED FACTORS WHICH MAY DETERMINE GIRLS' CHOICES IN CLOTHING SELECTION, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes Upperbmiddle Lowerdmiddle Upper-lower Totals N :6 N z N z'N % Child selects because of: What peers own 31 h0.2 ho 51.9 h8 h7.5 119 h6.6 Color 25 32.5 21 27.3 29 28.7 75 29.1: Type 16 20.8 13 16.9 20 19.8 h9 19.3 To imitate adults 5 6.5 3 3.9 h b.0 12 h.7 Totals 77 100.0 77 100.0 101 100.0 255 100.0 Chi mm I 2.62 6 dots o9>P>s8 C a .1 C=.13 TABLE XLI THE NUMBER OF MOTHERS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES WHO FAVORED MOTHER-DAUGHTER COSTUMES Upper-middle Lowerbniddle Upper-lower Totals N S N z N z . N z Favor 29 h8.3 30 h6.1 h5 51.7 10h h9.1 Indifferent 9 15.0 12 18. 5 12 13. 8 33 15. 5 Dislike 22 36.7 23 35.14 30 3h.5 75 35.1: Totals 60 100.0“. 65 100.0 87 100.0W 212 100.0 cm square . .53 h d.f. .98>P>.95 : .05 = .07 GIG TABLE XLII THE NUMBER OF GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES‘HHO FAVORED MOTHER-DAUGHTER COSTUMES Social Classes Favor Indifferent Dislike Totals “— cm square .. 20.51. c = .36 (Ta-.148 u...--_-., N z N z N z N 32 68.1 37 90.3 LB 90.6 117 1h 29.8 3 7.3 l 1.9 18 1 2.1 1 2.1; h 7.5 6 I Uppe;-niddle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals 5% 83.0 12.8 h.2 —' .-, __.._ -~_.-.. 87 100.0 N1 100.0 _ “—w - -—_.- _- o»- 53 100.0 11:1 - “w.-.— h d.f. P‘:.OOI 100.0 -Bh- participate in the selection of their own clothing at an earlier age than the girls in the lower-middle and upper-middle social classes for several reasons: the importance of the girls' clothing may not seem so great to the upper-lower class mothers as to the mothers in the middle classes, so it would seem safer to let the upper-lower class child have freedom of choice at an earlier age; the sooner the child could learn to make her own independent purchases, the less chopping time would be required of the nether which was a factor of more concern to mothers of the upper- 1ower class than fer the other'mothers; the child must be taught not to ‘wastc any money and the sooner she learned, the better for the upper- lcwer class family. The number of children who began to participate in the selection of their own clothing at the age of four'years was larger in the upper-lower class and the number of girls who began to participate at the age of eight and nine years of age was smaller in the upper-lower than in the middle social classes. For all three social classes, age five was the one at which the largest percentage of the girls began to participate in the selection of their own clothing. This age was the most frequent one because many of the girls of the upperumiddle and the upper-lower classes began to participate in clothing selection at this age, but more of the girls in the lowerbmiddle class began at the age of six as can be seen in TABLE XLIII. A comparison of the practices within the two middle classes showed that more of the girls in the upperquiddle class waited until they were seven, eight and nine years old before they began to participate in clothing selection than did girls in the lowerbniddle class. The difference supported the theory that the upperauiddle class mothers tended to delay the independent behavior of their daughters and that the "right" -85- TABLE XLIII AGES AT WHICH GIRLS BEGAN TO PARTICIPATE IN CLOTHING SELECTION BI SOCIAL CLASS .,... —..,.--'-..~\- ~-- --—— Social Classes Upper-middle LOIher-middle WUpper-lowerm— W N z N z N z N % Age at which child began to participate Three years old 2 3.h 2 3.3 3 3.7 7 3.5 Four years old 7 11.8 8 13.1 12 1h.8 27 13.h Five yearo old 19 32.2 lb 22.9 32 39.5 65 32.3 Six Years old 13 22.0 23 37.7 18 22.2 Sh 26.9 Seven years old 9 15.3 8 13.2 13 16.1 30 1h.9 ”Eightend nine _ 9 .___15.3_ 6 “9:8 ___3 3.7 «18 9.0 rail. “- 59 100.0 61 100.0 81 100.0 201 100:; Chi square . 12.37 10 d.f. .3 > P 9 .2 03.25 5:.3 -86- selection of clothing was so important that an adult rather than a child should make the decisions about it. The upper-middle class should be taught to select clothing, but at a slightly later age than for girls in This finding did not agree with Davis and l the other into social classes. Havighursts' findings concerning other behavior practices. Was _o_{ Settling Disagreements About Clothing Preferences It was found that when mothers and daughters disagreed about the selection of garments, a compromise was reached in more than half of the families of all three of the social classes, (see TABLE XLIV), but most frequently in families of the upper-middle, then the lower-middle, and then the wiper-lower social classes. If a compromise were not reached, the choice would be in favor of the child ' s preference in more of the upper-lower class families (31%) than in the upper-middle class (211%) or the lower-middle (20%) social class families, while the choice would be in favor of the mothers' preferences in more of the lower-middle (23$) , then the upper-middle (19%) , and the upper-lower (17%) social class families. The answers to an open-ended question asking the mothers what they wtruld do if their preferences and the daughters' preferences were not the same, indicated that the largest percentage of the families would either ame or compromise, the next largest would let the child have her choice, and in the next largest percentage of families the mothers and daughters \r Davis and Havighurst, op. cit., p. 217. -87- TABLE XLIV SETTIMNT OF DISACREEMENIS CONCERNING PREFERENCES OF ' _ GIRLS{ CLOTHING, SI SOCIAL CLASS _ ._..__._,.. o..- . . _.—.._._ —_ Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N N % N % N % Mother's preference 11 18.7 15 23.1 15 17.1; 141 19.5 Child's preference 1!. 23.7 13 20.0 27 31.1. 51. 25.7 Compromise 3h 57 .6 37 56 . 9 M: 51 . 2 115 5h . 8 Totals 59 100.0 65 100.0 86 100.0 210 100.0 No reply - WW 1 O A 1 2 _ H— -____._.._._1_,_. .~.— .._~...-_.._.. .. ,....__.._. -....-. Chi square : 2.72 ’4 def. o?) P) .5 (3 =3 .11 5=.15 —88- would talk it over but would buy no garment for the child. (This is presented in TABLE XLV). or the families in which the mother and daughter would talk it over without buying aw garment over which they disagreed, the largest percentage occurred in the upper-middle class, next in the lower-middle, and the lowest in the upper-middle social class. A larger percentage of the mothers of the middle social classes said that they "almost always" explained the reasons for their preferences to their daughters (TABLE XLVI) than did the mothers in the upper-lower class, however, the percentage of the mothers in the lower-middle class was higher than the percentage of mothers in the upper-middle class. The percentage of mothers who m explained their preferences to their daughters was lowest in the lower-middle class also. The practice of letting a child make an unwise selection as a means of learning by experience how to select clothing wisely was tried by a larger percentage of mothers in the lower-middle class than in either of the other classes. (TABLE XLVII) . More of the mothers of the upper- niddle and upper-lower social classes thought that the nethod was successful in teaching the girls how to select their clothing, (shown in TABLE XLVIII); only half of the mothers in the lower-middle class who Practiced it felt that it was successful; the numbers of mothers who let their daughters asks an unwise selection was mall. The theory that the mothers of the upper-middle class girls might be so concerned with the appearance of correct behavior by their daughters tht they would "give in" to avoid all unpleasant scenes in a store was “-13 supported by the findings since a slightly larger percentage of ‘.‘hers in the upper-lower class "gave in" almost always and often, ( ‘Qe TABLE ILIX) , while a larger percentage of the mothers in the ~89- TABLE )CLV PROCEDURE FOLLOWED IF CLOTHING PREFERENCES OF MOTHERS AND DAUGHTERS DIFFERED, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N z N z N z N z Usually agreed or compromised 16 27.6 17 26.9 23 28.0 56 27.5 Child given choice 9 15.5 18 28.6 25 30.6 52 25.6 Talked over but did last buy 21 36.2 lb 22.2 13 15.8 h8 23.6 Mother bought her . choice and explained 12 20.7 13 20.7 19 23.2 M; 21.7 Shepped elsewhere and others 0 0.0 l 1.6 2 2.1; 3 1.6 fl..- ——.——»- a---.~—n..._—..- ~ _... _ e.-. -_— ..—o.__,.—'~—-o o-.—..-.o—-..-’——~—...—— _— ~ Totals 58 100 .0 _____, u....— ---.— 63 100.0 .— -__...— ._. -—-..—.——.—~—. 82 100.0 203 100.0 -‘ e”..._._ _~-. ..—_._._.--...-.._—------ "‘ ' ' Chi ’quare I 9.6 6 dofo o2) P) o1 -90- TABLE XLVI FREQUENCY OF EXPLAINING MOTHERS‘ REASONS FOR PREFERENCES CONCERNING GIRLS' CLOTHING —- -—- -r—Htm --— -m»..- r...“ “w. .fi‘n.‘ M m‘ Social Classes w wg< _ H ._ 4‘. --Cr— Upper-middle Loweramiddle Upper-lower Totals N z N z N z N z $0123lequ 36 60.0 1:2 67.7 38 811.2 116 55.8 Often 13 21.7 13 21.0 30 3h.9 56 26.9 Seldom 6 10.0 h 6.5 12 13.9 22 10.6 Never 5 8.3 3 h.8 6 7.0 }§ 6.7 {Totals - 8- I; ' 60 --100.0—_— 62 100.0 86 100.0 208 100.0 Ware; 9.81"" 6 8.1-. .231» >.1 (3 i .22 (‘5 = .28 TABLE XLVII UNWISE SELECTION OF GIRLS' GARMENTS USED AS A MEANS OF‘TEACHING CLOTHING SELECTION, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes 0...... ._.-.. ..r____._ .u. —.—._..... 5‘..- -h...-.-.-...—._.._...__- Hm... ..«o-w 1-..... .' Upper-middle Lowerqniddle Upper-lower Total- N z N :5 N z N :6 Number of girls ’iJLJLarued to make Wee selections You 12 20.0 18 27.7 9 10.3 39 18.1: “0 b8 80.0 1.7 72.3 78 89'71173 81.6 \_._...__.... .11 .._, . . - . -..--..-_- T-ta13 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 hi— aquare.7.60 2d.f. .05>P>.02 C = .19 '5 -91- TABLE XLVIII SUCCESS IN TEACHING GIRLS' CLOTHING SELECTION BY ALLOWING UNWISE SELECTION, BI SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-siddle Upper-middle Totals N z N z N z N 1 Number of mothers she thought method was successful Yes 7 70.0 9 50.0 5 71.1. 21 60.0 N. 3 30.0 9 50.0 2 28.6 11. 1.0.0 2.0.1: 10 100.0 18 100.0 7 100.0 35 100.0 Chi square a 1.55 2 d.f. .5 >P:3 1. --— C = .21 6 = .3 TABLE XLIX FREQUENCY OF "GIVING IN" TO GIRLS' CLOTHING DEMANDS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES Social Classes -,__,-... _~‘_,,~. . q—‘Q.—‘-.. ~H~u~u *7 O w--r- Q...- 1 -~‘ ‘-a— -1 m” n.-.‘ w—. Upper-aiddle Lover-aiddle Upper-middle Totals N Z N 7% N z N z Frequency of ”giving in" Almost always 0 0 1 1.5 3 3.11 h 1.9 Often 5 8.3 5 7.7 6 6.9 16 7.5 Seldom 18 30.0 21 32.3 28 32.2 67 31.6 New. 37 61.7 38 58.5 50 57.5 125 59.0 \ Tetau 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 \- , _._..- ----..._--_...... .__ _ _-_ ...,.._‘...--- _-,... .,.__ .-,_ _ __-_,__ .__._. ._... --1 _ _-_._1 .__-___,______. Chi square - .26 h d.f. 94.99 C = .03 C = .05 -92- upper-middle social class said that they never "gave in" to the daughters. The findings agreed with Davis' and Havighurst's.1 Attitudes 3g Mothers 93 Daughters mg 3133 Opinions of 9232! Concerning the Appearance of the $13 Sbvonty-two percent of the mothers in all three social classes said that the opinions of other adults who were outsidothe family were not at all isportant to then, (TABLE L), but this attitude was stronger in the upper-lower than in the niddle classes. A small number of the mothers in the upperqniddle class, nevertheless more than twice as many as in the upper-lower class, said that the opinions of other adults outside the finily concerning the way in which the daughter was dressed were :35! isportant to then. The opinions of other adults who were nesbers of the family were felt by more mothers to be very important; this feeling was particularly strong in the lower-middle class fanilies. (See TABLE LI). When the mothers reported the importance to their daughters of the opinions of other finily nenbers, it appeared that about one-third of the girls in all three classes thought the opinions of family members :35; important, (TABLE LII); at the same time, more of the upper-lower social class girls considered that their opinions were not at all important than did girls of other social classes. The opinions of adults who did not belong to the families were not considered important by the girls, (TABLE LIII): in the upperdmiddle class 67%, in the lower-middle class 75%, and in the upper-loser class 89% of the girls felt that way. The opinions of peers, however, concerning 1Davis and Havighurst, op. cit., pp. 76-97. TABLE L THE DEGREE 0F IMPORTANCE GIVEN BY MOTHERS TO THE OPINIONS OF ADULTS OUTSIDE THE FAMILY CONCERNING GIRLS' CLOTHES, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-‘iddle OpEOr.1.w.i" N z N z N 2 Degree of importance very important 7 11.7 5 7.7 3 3.h Moderately 15 25.0 18 27.7 12 13.8 Not at all 38 63.3 h2 6h.6 72 82.8 Totals 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 -.‘w--~-_ - ..._— .-‘- —. ..— .._- . . -_-_ .____- -.—._-_—.-. Chi square I 1h.28 h d.f. .01.)? >.001 C=.26 5 I .35 TABLE LI DEGREE 0F IMPORTANCE 01sz BY norms '10 ms OPINIONS OF OTHER MEMBERS OF THE FAMILY CONCERNING GIRLS' CLOTHES, BI 50an cuss ~_—--——_—_- _,,,;., Social Classes 'Upperbniddle Loserhniddle Upper-lower N z N z N % Degree of importance Very important 16 26.7 21 33.3 18 20.7 Moderately 19 31.6 28 hh.5 36 h1.h . Not at .11 25 81.7 1!. 22.2 33 37.9 Totals 60 100.0 63 100.0 87 100.0 Chi-squaresmté? h d.f. .5>P>.3 C = .15 C = .2 _, “ho—l“ TOtals N z 15 7.0 85 21.0 152 72.0 212 100.0 Totals ~- N 7% 55 26.2 83 39.5 72 __ 311.2 210 100.0 TABLE LII THE DEGREE OF IMPORTANCE GIVEN BY DAUGHTERS TO THE OPINIONS OF OTHER MEMBERS OF THE FAMILY CONCERNING —————-——————-—-—__. _—._11_. Degree of importance ‘Very important Moderately Not at all ..*_11. Totals (Ihi .q8.}e s 13:35 .25 o3h C: C: .H— .— __a. - -mw-.. GIRLS' CLOTHES, BY SOCIAL CLASS .__-__.,_--.__.._.. -—.____ _. ..__ Social Classes . 4.- L-HHW---.——— Uppeaniddle Leweraniddle Upper-lower N z N 1, N 5% 20 33.3 21: 36.9 30 311.5 6 26.7 20 30.8 9 10.3 28 80.0 21 32.3 88 55.2 60 100.0 ...~—-— m-— 11-8.2. 5.01.5.1» .001 5 TABLE LIII THE DEGREE OF IMPORTANCE GIVEN BY DAUGHTERS TO THE OPINIONS OF ADULTS OUTSIDE THE FAMIII CONCERNING Degree of importance Very important ”Oderately Not at .11 = 9.17 GIRLS' CLOTHING, BY SOCIAL CLASS H-_— _..... --u - Social Classes Upper-middle Letter-middle Upper-lower N z N z N 13 21.7 9 13.8 2 2.3 7 11.6 7 10.8 8 9.2 ho 66.7 89 75.h 77 88.5 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 k d.f. .1>P> .05 5 65 100.0 87 100.0 Totals N % 72 314.9 NS 21.2 _. 93__ 113.9 212 100.0 TotalOHI- N x 20 11.3 22 10.8 116 78.3 212 100.0 -9 5- the appearance of the girls was entirely different, (TABLE LIV): in the upper-middle class 67%, in the lower-middle 78%, and in the upper-lower class 71% of the girls felt that their peers' opinions were very important or at least moderately important to them. Sumagz In comparing the clothing behavior of members of the three social classes, upper-aiddle, lower-middle and upper-lower, it was found that there were differences in the socialization of the daughters in regard to clothing. The study showed that while mothers in the upper-siddle and the upper-lower classes were almost equally in favor of the child's participation in the selection of clothing, more of the upper-lower class girls actually accompanied their mothers when shopping for the girls' clothes. Mothers of lower-middle class indicated the least interest in the child's actual shopping, as was expected. The reasons given by the mothers supported the theory that mothers in the upper-middle class wanted the girls to learn the "right" clothing behavior and encouraged them to participate in clothing selection as a means of educating them. The lower-middle and upper-lower class mothers encouraged the girls to select clothes in the hope that the clothes would receive greater care 1" roam the child. As was expected, more of the upper-middle class girls £9215 made the final decisions on their own clothes, but more of the upper-lower “1888 girls 2f_tg_rn_ made the decisions. If the frequencies for the "almost ‘lwilys and often" categories were added, about 10% more of the upper-lower “‘88 girls than of the middle class girls were allowed to make the £113.11 ch.1°es. This finding supported the theory that upper-lower class girls had the greatest freedeu of choice in clothing selection. -96— TABLE LIV THE DEGREE OF IMPORTANCE GIVEN BY THE DAUGHTERS TO THE OPINIONS OF CHILDREN OUTSIDE THE FAMILY CONCERNING THE GIRLS' CLOTHING, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes .7..— Upper-middle Lower-niddle Upper-lower Totals N 5% N 5% N % N 5% IJegree of importance 7.” important 27 1.5.0 31 1.7.7 37 1.2.6 95 1.11.8 Moderately 13 21.7 20 30.8 25 28.7 58 27.1; Not at .11 20 33.3 lb 21.5 25 28.7 59 ____._ 27.8 r:.1. 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 _—_.... -_.._._. .‘ Chi square 2 7.1 h d.f. .2>P >.l C = .18 ES == .2h -97 . The girls in the upper-lower class began to participate in the clothing selection at an earlier age than did the others, that is, a much larger proportion of then were participating before the age of six. On the other hand, a larger percentage of the upper-middle class girls did not begin to participate until they were seven, eight or nine years of age. This was not in line with the Davis and Havighurst findings. As was expected, in regard to olethinhgthcmppergniddlo class mothers were more c_gncerned about the education ch: behavior and the public approval of the appearances of their daughters. thanyre the aothors of the lower- middle and upper-lower social classes. CHAPTER VI A COMPARISON OF THE SEWING CONSTRUCTION FOR GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES The amounts of construction of items of apparel for girls in the three groups were compared because the practices of mothers in families of the upper-middle, lower—middle and upper-lower social classes were expected to differ as follows: the mothers in the lower-middle class were expected to construct the most garments for their daughters because they would sew both for pleasure and for economy, while the mothers in the upper-middle class would sew for their daughters because of their concern about appearances. To assure their daughters' having beautifully designed and constructed garments of the most becoming colors, lines and designs Possible, the upper-middle class mothers would create such garments for their own daughters; they would sew to demonstrate their own skill, ability, and training in this aesthetic area and to demonstrate their Posaession of leisure time which they could devote to the pursuit of such ‘ Creative hobby. The upper-lower class mothers were expected to construct IQWQI- garments than lower-middle class mothers, but about as many as the upper—middle class mothers because the upper-lower class families would be 1°38 concerned about appearances, less particular and better satisfied with mass Produced garments which they could purchase ready-made, and they would not want to devote much time to sewing construction. The amount of construction which the daughters did was also compared because the sewing practices of the girls were expected to reflect the -99- construction practices of the mothers and to show differences in practices and attitudes of members of the three social classes. The mothers of the lower-middle class were expected to teach their daughters to sew more frequently and at an earlier age than were the mothers of girls of the other two classes . A Comparison 92 the Amount of Construction A comparison of the numbers of homes in which construction for the daughters was done indicated that the theory was supported since .a much larger percentage of lower-middle class families than upper-middle or upper-lower class families reported home sewing. The percentages of families who did construction in the other two classes were similar although the number was about 5% higher in the upper-lower class. (TABLE LV). When the mothers were questioned about the actual amount of construction Which had been done for the daughters during the year, however, it was found that the highest numbers of garments were constructed in the families or the upper-lower class and that the amounts of construction done by fat"III—lies of the other two classes were approximately equal, (see TABLE LVI): in the upper-middle class the average number of garments constructed in a year Was 8.0, in the lower-middle class 8.7, and in the upper-lower class 10.6. :5 Comparison of the Reasons £33 Sewing According to the theory upon which this thesis was based, the mothers °f the lower—middle class would sew for both pleasure and economcfthe ‘ ”other; of the upper-middle class for pleasure, and if the uppert-lower ch83 mothers sewed at all, they would sew for economy. Regardless 01' 59" "“1011 construction they actually accomplished, the mothers were asked c whether or not they enjoyed sewing for their daughters. Contrary to ~ ‘ -100. TABLE LV FAMILIES IN WHICH GIRLS' CLOTHING ms CONSTRUCTED, BY SOCIAL CLASS _—~.—-.._._—_~__—__~ AW"—- Social Classes -Upper-middle””Loweeriddle1 Upper-lower Totals N 2‘5 N :8 N 5% N z Fhmilies do construction Yes 38 63.3 53 81.5 59 67.8 150 70.8 . No 22 36.7 12 18.5 28 32.2 62 29.2 Totals 60 100.0 7‘ 65 100.0 87‘ 100.0 212 100.0 —-.-— _._._. _...- - .- ...-- .. _ __. _. --—-—-— — -— Chi square = 562 2 df. .1> P7.05 . C 8 .16 C = .23 TABLE LVI GIRLS' GARMENTS CONSTRUCTED DURING ONE YEAR, BY SOCIAL cuss Social Classes l-Upper-middle Loweromiddle Upper-lower Totals Average number of garments made in one year a 8.03 8.65 10.63 Number of garments constructed in one year 505 hSO 57h 1329 Number of girls 36 52 5h lh2 V _..—-—'- m -.————— ”son."- auto-m urn-.1- —-----‘-~.-e- - .-. _. __ —- ...a-__. -_——-—--—..l v— t of Upper-middle against Lower-middle = .55 .6>>P:>.5 t of Loweramiddle against Upper-lower I 1.81 .l)»P>>.05 t of Upper-middle against Upper-lower - 2.13 .05) P> .02 -101- expectations, (see TABLE LVII), the percentages of mothers who enjoyed sewing for their daughters were as follows: in the upper-middle class 61%; in the lower-middle class 75%; and in the upper-lower class 71%. It is interesting to observe that when the mothers were asked whether or not the daughters enjoyed having them sew for them, the pattern was the same, (TABLE LVIII): in the upper-middle class 67% of the girls enjoyed having their mothers sew for them; in the lower-middle class 89% did; and in the upper-lower class 77% enjoyed it. When the mothers who actually had constructed some garments for their daughters during the year were asked whether they sewed for their daughters for pleasure or for economy, the answers (shown in TABLE LX) fit the pattern predicted according to the theory: in the upper-middle class 62% of the mothers who sewed did it for pleasure; in the lower-middle class h0% of the mothers who sewed did it for pleasure, and in the upper-lower class 33% of the mothers who sewed did it for pleasure; while the mothers who sewed for economy were, in the upper-middle class 38%, in the lower- middle class 60%, and in the upper-lower class 67%. If the mothers were really seriously concerned with economy, it would seem legical for them to compare the costs of sewing construction at home with ready-to-wear garments. The largest percentage of mothers who compared costs were in the lower-middle social class, the next largest in the upper-lower social class and the largest percentage of mothers who ‘22135 compared costs was in the upper-middle social class. (TABLES LXI and LXII). One fictor which was thought to have an influence on the amount of sewing done at home was whether or not the family had a sewing machine available. TABLE LXIII shows the number of machines available in the -102- TABLE LVII MOTHERS' ENJOYMENT OF SEWING FOR THEIR DAUGHTERS, ..._-_.--_‘-\ n- .r M.- BY SOCIAL CLASS —--.-._ '._~.~. —.-- Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower M _. _——.~.‘,-_— n». ..»771 __- Social Classes --— Ova-s Totals N 5% N s: N z N 1 Number of mothers who Enjoy sewing 35 61.); 1:9 75.1; 58 70.7 182 69.6 Do not enjoy 22 38.6 16 2h.6 21; 29.3 62 “30.1; Totals 57 100.0 65 100.0 82 100.0 208 100.0 Chi square”: 213‘s; 2d.f. .5>B>.3 __.._,_ l ”H C = .11 5:.16 TABLE LVIII GIRLS’ATTITUDES TOWARD MOTHERS' CONSTRUCTION, BY SOCIAL CLASS ‘ ” tam“... “ Upperdmiddle Lower-middle Upper-lewer Tetalsr- N z N N z N % Child enjoys 35 67.3 514 88.5 62 76.5 151 77.8 Child dislikes 17 32.7 7 11.5 19 23.5 h3 22.2 {38.1. .. 52 108.8 61 W1OO.O 81 100.0 191; 100.0 fiii‘inoa’ina no ” _ reply , ____ S_ _ -_ mm}: 6 _1_.._.]_-5.,.__..._._ Chi square 2 7.01 2 d.f. .OS>F >.02 C: .19 E: .27 -103- TABLE LIX MOTHERS AND OTHER RELATIVES WHO SEW FOR GIRLS, BY SOCIAL CLASS .2.-— - _4 Social Classes no“- -____ -____. ___—_—-”.r——_——.-- Totals “Bppgr;middleWALoweremiddle-w8pper;lower N 35 N z N a; N .73 Persons who do construction Mother 31 81.6 hh 83.0 51 87.9 126 8h.6 Other relative 7 18.8 9 17.0 7 12.1 23 _15.8. Totals “*‘“”“*" 38" 100.0 53 100.0 58 100.0 lh9 100.0 Chi square =‘i’so""““2"a.n‘ ””l‘”7’>‘i>‘>.5"w"aw-MWw _- C = .08 C = .11 TABLE LX REASONS 0F MOTHERS WHO ACTUALLY SEWED FOR CONSTRUCTING GIRLS' CLOTHING, BY SOCIAL CLASS A 8‘“ Social Classes Upperamiddle Lower-middle Upper-lower ‘8'TOtaISD-_ N % N % N :8 N z Reasons Pleasure 23 62.2 23 h0.2 19 32.8 65 h2.8 EconOIW 11; 37.8 w3h 59.6 --.3Z,....§3.'?.--. 87 57.2 Totals 37 100.0 57 100.0 58 100.0 152 100.0 Chi square .-. 7".56 2 d.f. 55535165 ___-- C : .22 6.032 -10h- TABLE LXI THE FREQUENCY OF COMPARING THE COSTS OF READY-TOAHEAR AND HOME CONSTRUCTED GARMENTS OF ENTIRE SAMPLE, BY SOCIAL CLASS _, _-, _,__..1.~.— _—--- r-ma Social Classes ——1_r-~~‘~ir---.--V fi~-.___.~m-.-_ , ._- a",- —_—————__— ._._._.__—_—_-- - -_ _ . _ ._._-—_- . .. __ --y ..“a... Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N % N 1 N z N % Frequency Almost always 13 22.0 21 32.3 25 28.7 59 27.9 Often 9 15.3 16 28.6 22 25.3 h7 22.3 Seldom 13 22.0 16 28.6 18 20.7 h? 22.3 rfever 28 No.7 12 18.5 22 25.3 58 27.5 iQTZQiQF 59 100.0 12 100.0 87 100.0 211 100.08 ._4__- w .. ~~-— Chi square = 8.33 6 d.f. .3>P> .2- C = .19 5:.25 TABLE LXII THE FREQUENCY OF COMPARING THE COSTS OF READY-TO4WEAR AND HOME CONSTRUCTED GARMENTS BY THE MOTHERS WHO ACTUALLY CONSTRUCTED GIRLS' CARMENTS, BY SOCIAL CLASS ._..¥__1,_-__ _______--___..— ..1 .. _.. . “no. - _...--—....- . _.__ ..— Social Classes - ~.—— Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N % N % N z N % Frequency Do compare costs (Always and often) 22 57.9 36 67.8 bl 69.8 99 66.0 Do not compare (Seldom and never) l6 h2.l 17 32.2 18 30.6 51 3h.0 — *— '-'~vo—-‘ v -.- --.~.—- . Totals 38 100.0 53 100.0 59 100.0 150 100.0 - is “maven-s... .. wwm'...’ 5mm pow-r- -- .. ..— .-- -n. ”a... M Chi square = 1.37 2 d.f. .7>P>.5 C = .03 aleoh 6.17! [I'll-II -105- TABLE LXIII SEWING MACHING AVAILABLE, BY SOCIAL C SS Social Classes w...”— .. -_.- - ___. _. ”-——..— ..o'm UppersmiddlcmuLower-middle Upper-lower Totals N z N z N % N Z Availability ‘Yes 52 86.7 61 93.8 77 88.5 190 89.6 No 8 13.3 h 6.2 10 11.5 22 10.h Totals ivv60 100.0mm 65 8 100.0 .8-” "*“*I 87 100.0 212 100.0 _ .—-- . -- -_——_— ‘ Chi square = 1.118 2 d.f. .S>P>.3 C = .08 I. O H M 5 -106- three social classes, the highest percentage of families having machines were in the lower-middle class, next highest in the upper-lower class, and the lowest in the upper-middle social class. This pattern was the same as for the enjoyment of sewing, the number of homes in which construction was done, but not the amount of sewing done, that is average number of garments constructed in a year. 2113 Behavior 2f 2:13 Daughters _i_r_i Connection 3.9.13 ‘§gwigg Construction If the daughters enjoyed having their mothers sew for them, they pr‘obably liked what the mothers made and therefore would wear the garments. 'Fhe percentage of girls who almost always wore garments made for them at home and those who almost never wore them were almost alike in the lower- zniddle and the upper-lower classes (”always wore" 85% and 8h%, "never wore" 10%) while in the upperamiddle class the percentage of girls who ”always wore" the garments was lower (7&50 and who "never wore" them was higher (1623 than in the other two social classes as can be seen in TABLE LXIV. In a study made in Chicago, Davis and Havighurst1 found that "Middleclass gir1s(were) expected to begin to sew earlier" than girls in ‘workingclass families.1 The findings of this study in.Des Mbines which are presented in TABLES LXV and LXVI agreed with their statement because inore of the girls in the upper-middle class had already begun to sew before they were seven years old (35%) than in either lower-middle class (2833 or in the upper—lower class (2h23. Less than half of the girls who were included in the study sewed at the time of the interviews, but of these the largest proportion were in 1Davis and Havighurst, op. cit., p. 217. -107 .. TABLE LXIV mommy or sumo GARMENTS CONSTRUCTED AT HOME, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes Upper-midd 1e Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N 5:; N 3: N z N % Erequency of wearing Almost always 28 73.7 3h 85.0 M 811.3 105 81.1: Often 2 5.3 o 0.0 3 5.9 ‘ 5 3.9 Seldom 2 5.3 2 5.0 o 0.0 h 3.1 Almost never 6 15.7 h 10.0 5 9.8 15 11:: Totals 36““ 100:0— h hO—FlCC-:O*-;l 100.0 129 100.0 Chi square 3 1.52 2 d.f. .S>P >.3 C : .11 C = .16 ~108- TABLE LXV AGES AT WHICH THE GIRLS BEGAN TO SEW, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N % N % N z N % Age at which girls began to sew Three years 0 O 1 1.5 2 2.3 3 l.h Four years h 6.7 2 3.1 2 2.3 8 3.8 Five years 5 8.3 10 15.h 6 6.9 21 9.9 Six years 11 18.3 5 7.7 11 12.6 27 12.7 Seven years b 6.7 7 10.8 7 8.1 18 8.5 Eight years 3 5.0 3 8.6 h h.6 10 h.7 Nine years 1 1.7 O 0.0 0 0.0 1 .5 Not yet 32 53.3 37 56.9 55 63.2 12h 58.5 Now sew V 28 28 32 '_ .-_ .86-_,1_____ ;;;.1s 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 -.— Chi square = 6.11 8 d.f. .7> Tv.5 C = .17 C = .2 ~109- TABLE LXVI AGES AT WHICH norms 1111mm TO TEACH GIRLS TO SEW, BY SOCIAL CLASS q~_ -- _-#-~w._,-..--. ‘ - H---.- . ,____,,_ Social Classes "q Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals- N 333 N % N ;‘e N % Ages of girls at which mother will teach to sew Seven, eight, and nine h 26.7 6 27.3 6 22.2 16 25.0 Ten, eleven, twelve 11 73.3 16 72.7 19 70.14 146 71.9 Thirteen, fourteen, and fifteen o 0.0 o 0.0 2 7.1; 2 3.1 Totals 15 100.0 22 100.0 27 100.0 6h 100.0 Don't know 0 1 2 3 k _ .-———. .e. -.-...- «>_..--... Chi square : 1.91: 2 d.f. .5>P7-3 C = .05 C = .08 ~110- the upper-middle social class and next in the lower-middle class (see TABLE LXVII). For the non-sewing girls (TABLES LXVI and LXIX) who are going to learn to sew in the future, the mothers of both middle classes intend to follow the same pattern which differs from the upper-lower class intentions by having the rest of the middle class girls planning to learn to sew at earlier ages. Since the girls' eagerness to learn to sew was thought to have some influence upon the mothers' behavior, the mothers were asked to indicate whether or not the girls had asked to be taught to sew, (TABLE LXVIII): 76% of the girls in the upper-middle had asked to be taught, 914% of the girls in the lower-middle, and 71% of the girls in the upper-lower social class had asked to be taught to sew. Summafl If the numbers of families in which construction was done for the girls were compared, the practices of the mothers were seen to follow the theoretical predictions, for the highest percentage was in the lower- middle class, but if the actual average numbers of garments constructed during the year were compared, the largest numbers were found to be in the families of the upper-lower class. The reasons for sewing followed the theory upon which this thesis was based : the mothers in the upper-middle class who did actually sew did it for pleasure and for economy, but with much greater emphasis on Pleasure; the mothers in the lower-middle class sewed for pleasure and for economy but with much greater emphasis on economy; and the highest percentage of mothers who sewed for economy was found in the upper-lower social class, The mothers who seemed most interested in estimating and ~111- TABLE LXVII GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES WHO SEHED ”In...“ M, ‘- Social Classes Upper-middle Lower—middle Upper-lower Totalsw - -_ ..~—-.— -— n % N 5 N z N 5 Do sew 29 h8.3 31 h7.7 3h 39.1 9h hh.3 Do not sew 31 51.? 3h 52.3 53 60.9 118 _“§S.Z Totals JIM- .- r 60 100.0 65 100.0. I 87 3160.0” El? 100.0 Chi square : 1.65 2 d.f. .5>P).3 C = .09 C : .13, TABLE LXVIII GIRLS WHO ASKED TO BE TAUGHT T0 SEw, IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES I H Social ClaSses “ I Upperlmiddle‘ -L‘ovwer-middl*en~iJ—pper-lohw—er~I -- T812217 N 5 N z N Z N z Asked 22 75.9 29 93.5 2h 70.6 75 79.8 Did not ask 7 28.1 2 6.5 .10 139:9._e_¥?,21_39°2 Totals 29 100.0 31 100.0 3h 100.0 9h 100.0 Chi square = 5.5 2 d.f. .17>P;>.05 C=.23 C 2 .3h ~112- TABLE LXIX INTENTION OF MOTHERS TOWARD TEACHING DAUGHTERS TO SEN, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes o -~-~-.~ -- Cpper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N 5 N :1, N z N 52'. Intend to teach 15 53.6 23 71.9 28 5h.9 66 59.5 Do not intend to teach 13 h6.h 9 28.1 23 h5.1 hS h0.5_ Tom. "”:3’”£63.B”"3; 108.0" ‘ "‘3: ""1oo.'3"“1h 105.0 Chi square - 2.89 2 d.f. .3) P) .2 C : .16 E = .23 -]13- comparing costs of buying ready-to-wear or making their daughters' clothes were in the loweramiddle and upper-lower classes. Judging by the frequency reported, the girls in the lower-middle and upper-lower classes wore garments constructed for them more than did the girls in the upper-middle class. The girls of the middle classes began to sew at earlier ages than girls of the upper-lower class. More of the mothers of girls who did not yet SGW‘WhO were in the middle classes intended to teach their daughters at earlier ages than did the upper- lower class mothers. CHAPTER VII A COMPARISON OF SELECTED PRACTICES IN THE USE, CARE, REPAIR AND DISCARD OF GIRLS' CLOTHING According to the theory upon which this thesis is based, the practices of mothers in the three social classes were expected to differ in the following respects: the amount and frequency of use of garments fer daughters which were previously owned by another person, the attitudes of mothers and daughters toward these handed-down garments, the practices of borrowing and lending clothing, the daily selection of what to wear, the participation by the daughters in the care of their clothing, the care of the girls' clothing by the mothers, the importance given to the charac- teristic durability, the attitudes toward the daughters' wearing mended garments, the practices connected with discarding girls' clothing. The ways in which these selected attitudes and practices differed in the three social classes are presented in this chapter. 1h: Hg: 95 Garments Previously 9213-9. by Another 2932.93! A characteristic attributed to members of the upperamiddle class was the desire to own and to display possessions indicative of wealth. If clothing is used as a symbol, the families in the upper-middle class would not make use of clothing previously owned by another person, but would buy new garments for each of their children. Lower-middle class members are supposed to be careful of their money yet are interested in quantity of possessions, so they would make as much use as possible of garments handed- down to their children especially within the family. In the upper-lower lll‘lljllil -115- class families the need for economy may be greatest and the concern about accepting garments from people outside the family less than for members of the other two social classes, so the use of garments previously owned by other people mar be the most extensive in the upper-lower class. In the upper-lower class 93% of the girls wore garments which had previously been owned by another person, but so did 80% of the girls in the upper-middle class while only 727; of the girls in the lower-middle class wore handed-down garments. (See TABLE LXX). Perhaps possession and display of apparent wealth are increased rather than decreased by the use of garments previously owned by other people. The frequency with which the girls wore garments which had been handed-down to them was not the same, (TABLE LXXI).: slightly more than half of the girls in the upper- middle and upper-lower classes wore handed-down garments frequently while 624% of the lower-middle class girls did; the highest percentage of girls who 2313!. wore handed-down garments was in the upper-lower class (35%), next highest who 93335 wore them was found in the upper-middle class (33%) , and the lowest percentage of people who _n_e_v_e_r_ used handed-down garments ( 2851.) appeared in the lower-middle class. The unexpected finding was that the lower-middle class made more frequent use of handed-down garments than did members of the upper-lower class, although the number of families in which handed-down garments were used was more widespread in the upper-lower class and that such a large number of upper-middle class girls owned h“traded-down garments. Although more of the girls in the lower-middle class wore handed-down Garments frequently than did the girls in the upper-middle and upper-lower clasees, it was evidently not because of the girls' attitudes toward wearing garments which had been owned previously by another person, because -116- TABLE LXX GIRLS wno WORE GARMENTS PREVIOUSLY OWNED BY ANOTHER PERSON, BY SOCIAL CLASS Yes No Totals Chi square = 11.9h 2 d.f. .01:>P;>.001 Social Classes —_._.,..___, Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N z N z N z N z LB 80.0 h7 72,3 81 93.1 176 83.0 12 20.0 18 27.7 6 6.9 ‘ r36“ _17.0 -- -.- - —--=--a:‘..... 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 «.- -....--—. on“ c = C = .37 TABLE LXXI FREQUENCY WITH WHICH GIRLS WORE GARMENTS PREVIOUSEY OWNED BY ANOTHER PERSON, BY §99¥§Plgfii§§ .- . ‘. Social Classes Upperamiddle Loweramiddle Upper-lower Totals N % N % N z N % Frequency Almost always 8 16.7 6 12.7 17 21.0 31 17.6 Often 18 37.5 2h 51.1 26 32.1 68 38.6 Seldom 6 12.5 h 8.5 10 12.3 20 11.h Never 16 33.3 13 27.7 28 3h.6 57 32.h Totals h8 100.0 h7 100.0 81 100.0 176 100.0 Chi square = 6.92 6 d.f. .5>>P:>.3”**”"_"~"__"*~"’“mum'fli“ ‘ ‘ = .19 (NC) = .29 -117- the percentages of the girls who liked to wear handed-down garments as well as or better than new ones were as follows, (TABLE LXXII): in the upperamiddle class 78%; in the lowerdmiddle class 67%; and in the upper- lower class 75%. The Practices 2; Borrowing 22g Lending Clothes According to the theory upon which this thesis is based, the upper class families may discourage practices of borrowing or lending clothing because each family member should be provided with all of the garments needed, while the lower-middle class family members may borrow and lend clothing among immediate family members, they would not Obviously and openly encourage borrowing and lending of clothing because of their concern about "what the neighbors think proper"; the upper-lower class families may encourage the practices of borrowing and lending clothing within and outside the immediate family. In actual practice, the girls in the lower-middle and the upper-lower classes who borrowed clothes frequently were almost equal and were more than in the upper-middle class. As shown in TABLE LXXIII, the percentages of girls who 33:25 borrowed clothes were equal in the upper-middle and upper-lower classes, however, and were higher than the percentage of lower- 'middle class girls who did not borrow clothes. The percentages of girls who £3125 lend clothing was very high, (see TABLE LXXIV), which indicated that more girls were willing to borrow clothes than to lend them: in the upperamiddle class 90%, in the lower- rniddle class 80%, and in the upper-lower class 81%. Of the girls who were 'willing to lend garments frequently, the percentages were: in the upper- xniddle class 52; in the lower-middle class lh%, and in the upper-lower -ll8- TABLE LXXII GIRLS' ATTITUDES TOWARDS CARMENTS PREVIOUSLY OWNED BY ANOTHER PERSON, BY SOCIAL CLASS —.—.-..-——.—..— v-.- -‘ M~-—“T.’—. Social Classes ,____. ____ . ..— _...- .. ..a. -...___._.. ”A... w- rmm-~.w~ Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower N T N T N % I .. v-1- Girls who like to wear as well as and better than new 25 78.1 16 66.7 39 75.0 Do not like to wear as well as 7 21.9 8 33.3 13 25.0 Totals 32 100.0 2h 100.0 52 100.0 — — _—--.—-—- —._ Chi square = .98 2 d.f. .7)P).5 N Totals \« C = .09 TABLE LXXIII FREQUENCY OF BORROWING GIRLS' GARMENTS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N z N 55 N :6 N z Frequency Almost always and often 5 8.0 12 18.5 16 18.h 33 16.0 Seldom 12 20.0 13 20.0 9 10.3 3h 16.0 Never b3 72.0 ho 61.5 62 71.3 1h; 68.0 Totals 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 C = .13 E .18 -119- TABLE LXXIV FREQUENCY OF LENDING GIRLS' GARMENTS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES fl-.— Social Classes a... Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N :3 N " N j' N :1 Frequency Almost always and often 3 5.0 9 13.8 9 10.3 21 10.0 Seldom 3 9.0 h 6.2 8 9.2 15 7.0 Never Sh 90.0 52 80.0 70 80.5 176 83.0 Totals 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 Chi square 1: 3.6,“; h d.f. 55>? >.3 C z: .111 C .13 ~120- class 10%. Within this sample almost all of the lending and borrowing of garments took place within the families. _T_h_e_ Daily Selection _o_f: Clothing In each of the three social classes more than half of the daughters were allowed to select the garments which they wished to wear everyday, but by far the largest percentage appeared in the lower-middle social class, (TABLE LXXV): in the upper-middle, 55%; in the lower-middle 79%, and in the upper-lower class 58%. In very few families did the mothers and daughters talk over the possibilities, if the girls were not allowed freedom in selection, the mothers appeared to lay out the garments or tell the children what to wear. or the families in which the mothers and daughters talked over the decision, the largest number (which was only ‘é%) occurred in the lower-middle social class. 1h; Participation 2}; 213 Daughter _i_n 21?. 2.353 21: Clothing According to the theory the mothers in the lower-middle class may expect their daughters to assume more responsibility for the care of their own clothing than do the mothers in the upper-middle or upper-lower social classes. The data in this study supported the theory, in that the percentages of girls who took part in the care of their own clothing were as follows, (TABLE LXXVI): in the upper-middle class 83%, in the lower- middle class 92%, and in the upper-lower class 85%L The average ages at which the girls began to take part in the care of their clothing were between five and six years old in all three classes, but the upper-middle class girls began at the earliest age, (TABLE LXXVII), the lower-middle next, and the upper-lower class girls were slightly older when they began. ~121- TABLE LXXV GIRLS WHO MADE DAILY SELECTION OF CLOTHING, BY SOCIAL CLASS A “-‘I-i-Co-* -W~—. *. - w—v~-'NM—.av-W-w---r .- Social Classes ‘v-I-v'h—r- U~H-m~_# owns—"F- .0 q. -..._—.._., .— ..,_._‘_, W ,“- .o- ‘h.._ - Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N :5 N :1 w z 11 3% Child selects alone 33 55.0 51 78.5 50 57.5 131; 63.2 Mother lays out clothes 13 21.7 2 3.0 13 lh.9 28 13.2 MOther tells child 12 20.0 8 12.3 23 26.h h3 20.3 Mother and child talk over and decide together 2 3. 3 h 6.2 1 1.2 7 3.3 —-_.—-~.-« ' l' .- _-- Totals 60 100. 0 65' 100. 0 87 100.0 212 ‘lO0.0 Chi square = 181:6 6 d.f. .01>t'> .001 C : .28 C - .36 -122- TABLE LXXVI GIRLS WHO TOOK FART IN THE CARE OF THEIR OWN CLOTHING, BY SOCIAL CLASS ---.~ -. _ ...... ..— WW—fl-m-v Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N z N z N z 11 :5 Girls who take part in care of own clothes 50 83.3 60 92.3 7h 85.1 18h 86.8 Do not take part in care of clothes 10 16.7 S 7.7 13 1h.9 28 13.2 Totals 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 Chi square = 2.58 2 d.f. .3>P>.2 II I H H C TABLE LXXVII AGES AT WHICH GIRLS BEGAN TO TAKE PART IN THE CARE OF THEIR OWN CLOTHING, BY SOCIAL CLASS _ ..h.__.=_., M *—7, .._. -r‘—.—- --.. ".—W.—- ”a”- -——._ _ -_'.— ___,,,.._ g 1 __.-_. e ,, 7.--- Social Classes H—m--~.“.——._ .._.. .-....._..- _,,_.__-_._..____. H... *hV - — -—.—-——-———'-—- Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals Average ages at which girls began to take part in care of own clothing 5.18 S.h6 5.63 Number of girls 50 S9 72 181 t of Upper-middle against Lower-middle = .92 .h> P>.3 .89 Cb> p > .3 1.38 . 2 > P? .1 t of Lowerqmiddle against Upper-lower t of Upper-middle against Upper-lower -123- The activities which were carried on by the girls who took part in caring for their clothing were similar in all three classes, (see TABLE LXXVIII): the act most frequently performed by all of the girls was to hang up clothing; next to polish shoes and to put soiled clothes into the laundry; and third to put clean clothes away. The practice of changing clothes when they came home from school was another way in which a large number of the girls took care of their clothing, (TABLE LXXIX): in the upperemiddle class 92%, in the lower- middle 95%, and in the upper-lower 85% of the girls frequently changed clothes when they came home from school. The main difference in this practice was that more of the upper-lower social class girls than any of the others seldom or never changed clothes after school. In all three social classes the largest percentages of the girls put on blue jeans when they changed clothes after school; more of the girls in the middle classes than in the upper-lower social class wore slacks or pedal pushers; more of the girls in the upper-lower social class changed to an old dress than did girls in the other social classes. The kinds of clothes worn after school are shown in TABLE LXXX. It was expected that differences would occur in the practice of the child changing voluntarily or the mother telling her to change clothes; the difference was that the percentage in the upper-middle class was 10% higher than in the upper-lower social class. For the entire sample the data are presented in TABLE LXXXI and fbr the girls who changed clothes consistently, TABLE LXXXII. Perhaps the girls in the upper-middle social class were taught more carefully that this behavior was "correct" or perhaps the girls had more clothes into which to change. The percentage of girls in the lower-middle social class was slightly higher than the -12b- TABLE LXXVIII THREE SOCIAL CLASSES ---‘~- KINDS OF CARE GIVETHY CLOTHING FY GIRLS IN — ~.———— — Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N 5 N z N z n 5 Kind of care Hangs up own clothes Yes h7 78.3 58 89.2 69 79.3 17h 82.1 No 13 21.7 7 10.8 18 20.7 38 17.9 Totals 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 Puts soiled clothes in laundry Yes 17 28.h 27 h1.6 16 l8.h 60 28.3 no h3 71.6 38 58.L 71 81.6 152 71.7 Totals 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 Put clean clothes away Yes 1h 23.h 18 27.7 21 2b.? 53 25.0 No 1.6 76.6 b7 72.3 66 75.8 159 75.0 Totals 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 Polish shoes Yes 18 30.0 27 h1.6 39 hh.8 8h 39.? No L2 70.0 33 58 u us 55.2 128 60.3 Totals 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 Chi square (Hang up) - 3 26 2 d.f. .2> P:>.1 C = .17 Chi square (Laundry) = 10.624 2 d.f. .01) P) .001 6 = .31 Chi square (Put away) - 1 15 2 d.f. .5) P>.3 C = .10 Chi square (Shoes) - 3 71 2 d.f. .3>P>.2 C = .17 -125- TABLE LXXIX FREQUENCY WITH WHICH GIRLS CHANGED CLOTHES AFTER SCHOOL, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes _ _ __ ._.-- .Ia— *. -fl—q... - _-_,- “-1 .n—- -. M. Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper—lower Totals N z N z N 5 N 1 Frequency Almost always h2 70.0 hS 69.2 59 67.8 1h6 68.9 Often 13 21.7 17 26.2 15 17.3 h5 21.2 Seldom and newer~_-__ME;-M*~8.EE_ ‘ 3 h.6 13 lb.9 21 9.9 Totals 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 ZICImNIGCIC- “— _- --_~—.— _.__. _-_-_. - -o_-..-——......—-—-n _ ~*—._-.- —. Chi square = 5.75 h d.f. .3>_P> .2 C=.16 C = .22 TABLE LXXX KINDS OF CLOTHES WORN AFTER SCHOOL RY GIRLS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N z N z N 3% N 5 Kinds of clothes Jeans 3b 57.6 D7 7h.6 h? 62.0 130 6h.6 Slacks and pedal pushers 11 18.6 11 17.5 6 7.6 28 1h.0 01d dress 1 1.7 h 6.3 18 22.8 23 11.h Any of above 13 22.1 1 1.6 6 7.6 20 10.0 Totals 59 100.0 63 100.0 79 100.0 201 100.0 _.._.- —— -... ——.--._-- 1M—---.n ‘-_--—... o- <——-— -~~—- Chi square 8 33.15 6 d.f. P<.001 C = .38 C = .h8 -126- TABLE LXXXI INITIATIVE OF GIRLS IN CHANGING CLOTHES AFTER SCHOOL, ENTIRE SAMPLE, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes -m—un—v.-_ . .“.__,_._...- _—.. "-7..." .. Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N z N z N 5 N z Child changed with- out being told 36 60.0 39 62.9 39 50.0 118 57.0 Mother suggested 2h 10.0 23 37.1 39 50.0 86 83.0 Totals 60 100.0 62 100.0 78 100.0 200 100.0 Chi square - 3.79 2 d.f. .2>P) .1 .lb 5 : .2 C TABLE LXXXII INITIATIVE OF GIRLS WHO CONSISTENTLY CHANGED CLOTHES AFTER SCHOOL, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes Upperamiddle Lowersmiddle Upper-lower Totals N % N z N % N % Child changed with- out being told 33 58.9 38 62.2 36 50.0 107 56.7 Mother suggested 23 h1.1 23 37.8 36 50.0 82 h3.§_ TOtals 56 100.0 61 100.0 72 100.0 189 100.0 Chi square 8 2.2 2 d.f. .5>P>.3 C = .11 5 = .16 -127- upper-middle, perhaps the need to protect clothes in good condition was felt more strongly by girls in this social class. The reasons for changing clothes after school differed, (see TABLE LXXXIII), the percentage of those who changed to protect school clothes was highest in the upper-lower social class; to keep clothes clean to save laundering was highest in the upper-middle social class, for the comfort of the child high in the upper-middle and loweramiddle, but highest in the lower-middle social class. 1132 Care _o_i: the Girls' Clothing by the. Mothers According to the theory, the upper-middle class mothers may purchase rnore garments which require special cleaning or a longer time for Ilaundering than do the mothers in the lower-middle class and the mothers in the upper-lower class may purchase fewer such garments than do the mothers in either of the middle classes. A kind of garments which required a longer time for laundering was one which was difficult to iron; the percentage of mothers who reported, (TABLE LXXXIV), that their daughters owned garments which were difficult to iron was twice as large in the upper-middle as in the other classes, while the percentage was slightly larger for the lower-middle than for the upper-lower social class members. Heuld mothers continue to purchase garments for their daughters if they knew that the garments would be difficult to iron? Mothers in the three social classes gave different opinions: in the upper-middle class 78% of the mothers would at least sometimes purchase a garment known to be hard to iron: in the lower-middle class 68% would; and in the upper- lower class 67% of the mothers would. This can be seen in TABLE LXXXV —128- TABLE LXXXIII REASONS FOR GIRLS' CHANGING CLOTHES AFTER SCHOOL, BY SOCIAL CLASS - fi-%m~-*"w" ‘. — . -—~ -—- ——_——_—.._....._ - Cw.-- -__ _ .- _._,._ Social Classes ””_~ _.-_. 1 -fie ‘_ v“ .. Upper-middle Loweramiddle Upper-lower Totals N z N z N z N % Reasons To protect school clothes 21 35.6 23 37.1 h5 60.0 89 h5.h To keep clothes clean, save laundering 16 27.1 13 20.9 15 20.0 hh 22.5 To make child more comfortable 10 16.9 12 19.h 7 9.3 29 1h.8 Combinations of . reasons and others 12 20.u 1h 22.6 8 10.7 3h 17.3 _- .—-—.—-—.~——~—~.—_._- - “a -- - ._, v. - a- .. -.- Totals 59 100.0 62 100.0 75 100.0 196 100.0 Chi square = 10.80 6 d.f. .1>P >.05 C = 023 .29 0| ll -129... TABLE LXXXIV OWNERSHIP OF GIRLS' GARMENTS DIFFICULT TO IRON, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N z N % N % N % Number of mothers whose daughters own clothes which Are difficult to iron 35 61.h 23 35.9 27 31.0 85 h0.9 Are not difficult to iron 22 38.6 N1 6h.1 60 69.0 123 59.1 Totals 57 100.0 on 100.0 87 100.0 208 100.0 Chi square . 12.51. 2 d.f. .01>P>.OOl C x .2h C = .35 TABLE LXXXV FREQUENCY WITH WHICH MOTHERS NCUTD BUY GIRLS' GARMENTS DIFFICULT TO IRON, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper—lower Totals N 75 N z N % N S’é Frequency with which mothers would buy garments difficult to iron Almost always 11 18.6 10 15.3 10 11.5 31 1h.7 Often 12 20.h 7 10.9 15 17.2 3h 16.1 Seldom . 23 39.0 27 hl.5 33 38.0 83 39. Never 13 22.0 21 32.3 29 33.3 63 29.9 Totals 59 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 211 100.0 Chi square 8 14.3 6 d.f. .7 >P>.5 C - .lh C = .18 -130- which also shows the frequencies with which the mothers would purchase garments which they knew would be difficult to iron: in the upper-middle class 39%, in the lower—middle 26% and in the upper-lower class 29% of the mothers would frequently purchase garments which they knew would be difficult to iron. The percentages of mothers who would m purchase such garments were: in upper-middle class 22%, in the lower-middle 32%, and in the upper-lower class 33%. In all three social classes most of the laundering was done at home, but the mothers in the upper-middle social class had more help from other people than did the mothers in the other social classes as is shown in TABLE LXXXVI. Almost every family had girls' coats which had to be sent to the dry cleaners except h.6% of the upper-lower class. When garments other than coats were considered, however, (see TABLE LXXXVII), a slightly larger percentage of girls in the upper-lower social class had garments Which were dry Cleaned and the lowest percentage of girls who did not have garments dry cleaned was in the lower-middle social class. Mothers' Attitudes Towards 919225 Durable Garments £93; 93313 If the mothers of the girls in the lower-middle class were especially careful of their money, perhaps they would be the ones who would favor most strongly buying clothes which were thought to be durable; the mothers in the upper-middle class would consider durability much less important than appearance and the upper—lower class mothers may say that children grow so rapidly that they outgrow garments anyway, so durability is not i“"IIDOJI'tant. The data supported the theory as follows: in the upperomiddle class 67% of the mothers said that they favored buying durable clothes HEANS OF LAUNDERING GARMENTS, BY SOCIAL CLASS TABLE LXXXVI .-V. _.¥, _. _- ._...—_---‘_-———_—— Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N % N % N z N 2 Number of mothers who do laundry at home 51 85.0 6h 98.5 St 96.6 199 93.9 Number of mothers who have laundry done at commercial laundry or have help of a servant 9 15.0 1 1.5 3 3.h 13 6.1 Totals 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 cm square . 11.73 {d.f. ‘.01> P) .001 WM“ 0 = .25 C - .36 TABLE LXXXVII GIRLS' GARMENTS WHICH MUST BE DRY CLEANED, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes N Girls who own: Garments other than coats which must be dry cleaned 38 No garments other than costs which must be dry cleaned 22 —_. Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals 76 N at N g N 75 63.3 3D 52.3 59 67.8 131 61.8 36.7 31 h7.7 28 32.2 81 38.2 Totals 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 Chi square = h.8 2 d.f. .1> P>.OS C 8 .1h 6 = .20 for their daughters; 83% in the lower-middle class; and in the upper- lower class 78% favored buying durable clothes. This information is presented in TABLE LXXXVIII. Attitudes Toward the Daughters' Hearing Mended Garments According to the theory, the upper-middle class families would feel most strongLy against having the girls wear mended garments, the lower- middle class families would practice mending, but would object to it for some garments and occasions, and the upper-lower class mothers would feel least strongly against having their daughters wear mended garments. According to the findings, shown in TABLE LXKXIX, the mothers in the upper- middle class were the ones who favored mending (56%), then the mothers in the upper-lower class (51%), and then the mothers who favored mending in the lower-middle class (LBS). It was true, however, that the members in the lower-middle class seemed to indicate that their attitudes depended upon what garments or what uses were to be made of the mended garments. The percentages of girls who favored and who disliked wearing mended garments followed the pattern anticipated from the theory (TABLE XC): the largest numbers of girls who favored wearing mended garments were in the upper-lower class, the next largest numbers were in the lower-middle class, and the smallest numbers to favor mended clothes were in the upper-middle class. The reverse order was found for percentages of girls who disliked wearing mended garments. Practices Connected with Discarding Girls' Clothing According to the theory, the upper-middle class families may discard the daughters' clothing while it is still in better condition than do lower-middle class families and the upper-lower class families may -133- TABLE LXXXVIII MOTHERS' ATTITUDES TOWARD DURABILITY CF GIRLS' GARMENTS, BY SOCIAL CLASS _-.‘ A‘- L——_‘ Social Classes Upperamiddle Loweramiddle Upper-lower Totals N % N g N Favor buying durable clothes to 66.7 Sh 83.1 68 Consider durability ' not important 20 33.3 11 16.9 19 % N p 78.2 162 76.h 21.8 50 23.6 Totals 60 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 212 100.0 Chi square = b.91 2 d.f. .1>P>.05 C 3 015 C = .22 TABLE LXXXIX MOTHERS' ATTITUDES TOWARDS MENDED GARMENTS, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes § —._.-_ __..__. --._. —--..... — Upper-middle Lower—middle Upper-lower Totals N % N % N % N % Attitudes Favor 31 56.h 31 h7.7 h3 50.6 105 51.0 Indifferent 1 1.8 0 0.0 3 3.5 h 2.0 Dislike 6 10.9 7 10.8 10 11.8 23 11.0 Depends on use 17 30.9 27 hl.S 29 3h.1 73 36.0 Totals 55 100.0 65 100.0 85 100.0 205 100.0 Do not mend and no reply 5 0 2 7 Chi square = 1.77 h d.f. .8) P> .7 0:009 6 = .12 TABLE XC DAUGHTERS' ATTITUDES TOWARDS MENDED GARMENTS, BY SOCIAL CLASS Social Classes Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower Totals N 2’ H a: N ,3: N % Attitudes Child favors hé 78.0 52 81.3 7h 87.0 172 82.6 Child dislikes 11 18.7 10 15.6 9 10.6 30 1h.h Depends on garment and use 2 3.3 2 3.1 2 2.h 6 3.0 Totals 59 100.0 6h 100.0 85 100.0 208 100.0 Chi square = 2.51 1: d.f. .7) p) .5 C = .12 .15 0| H continue to use the girls' garments for even longer periods of time. As was expected, the largest percentage of mothers who discarded garments which were merely outgrown was in the upper-middle class, next were the mothers in the lower-middle, and then the mothers in the upper-lower class with about 10% difference between each class. These data are shown in TABLE XCI. The percentages of mothers who discarded garments which were worn out as well as outgrown were in the reverse order. ‘when the garments from the girls in this sample were handed-down, by far the largest percentage of mothers gave the garments to other members of the family, (see TABLE XCII), but this practice was followed by a larger proportion of the lower-middle and the upper-lower than of the upper-middle social class members. More of the upper-middle social class mothers disposed of garments by giving them to friends or by means of neighborhood exchanges than did mothers in the other two social classes. Summagy The mothers in the three social classes showed differences in their use of garments owned by their daughters which had been handed-down. As 'was anticipated from the theory, the upper—lower class members used garments previously owned by another person the most extensively, but contrary to the theory, a large percent of girls in the upper-middle class _ also used garments which were handed-down. Perhaps the upper-middle class Inothers are so particular about the appearance of their daughters that they discard the garments as soon as they begin to look slightly "skimpy" or short while members of other classes would continue to use them. Perhaps the upper-middle class mothers buy better garments which are in good condition when outgrown and therefore worth handing-down. A large -136- TABLE XCI CONDITIONS OF GIRLS' GARMENTS WHEN DISCARDED IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES “M--- , , . Social Classes on. ..— ‘-_ -. -V~W........._____ Totals Upper-middle Lower-middle Upper-lower N 2: N a: N a: N : Outgrown only hO 67.8 36 55.h hl h7.l 117 SS.h Outgrown and worn out too 19 32.2 2? hh.6 A6 52.9 9h hh.6 Totals 59 100.0 65 100.0 87 100.0 211 100.0 Chi square = 6.08 2 d.f. .05>F> .02 C - .17 C = .?h TABLE XCII WAYS 0F DISPOSING 0F GIRLS' GARMENTS IN THREE SOCIAL CLASSES Social Classes Upper-middle “deeremiddle Upper-lower Totals N s N % N z N % Garments given to Family and relatives 30 hu.8 Sh 62.8 58 61.7 1L2 57.5 Friends 21 31.3 1t 16.3 20 21.3 55 22.3 Charity organi- zations l 1.5 2 2.3 2 2.1 5 2.0 Neighborhood exchange 15 22.t 16 18.6 lb 1h.9 hS 18.2 Totals 67 100.0 86 100.0 9h 100.0 2h7 100.0 Chi square = 12.75 6 d.f. .05) P) .02 C = .22 6 = .28 percentage of the girls in the upper-middle class like to wear handed— down garments as well as or better than ones purchased for them, so the handed-down garments must have a pleasing appearance. It is true that more borrowing and lending of clothing occurred in the lower-middle class than in the other classes and that it was done within the families. In selecting clothing for everyday, more of the lower-middle class girls could wear whatever they wanted to than could the girls in the other two classes. The girls in the loweramiddle class do more in taking part in the care of their clothes than do girls of the other classes, and began at a slightly earlier age. They also changed clothes after school more frequently than did the girls in the other classes, and for different reasons: to keep their clothes clean for school and thus save laundering, and for comfort; the girls in the upper-lower class changed to protect their clothes, not to keep them clean. More of the mothers in the upper-middle class owned garments for their daughters which were hard to iron and would continue to buy them frequently, but a large percentage of the mothers in the upper—lower class would 32mg- ‘timgs purchase garments which they knew to be difficult to iron. These findings may show that the mothers in the lower-middle class are inclined to be a little more practical where care of clothing is concerned than are the mothers in the upper-middle and upper-lower classes. It was by the loweramiddle class mothers that durability was given high importance. Mere mothers in the upperamiddle class discarded garments from their daughters' wardrobes which were merely outgrown, next the mothers in the Zlowerdmiddle and then in the upper-lower class; mothers who discarded -138- garments wornout as well as outgrown were in the reverse order. The practices in the use, care, repair, and discard of girls' clothing differed in the three social classes, a fact demonstrated by the selected practices investigated in the study. CHAPTER VIII CONCLUSIONS Clothing has been used as a symbol ef status from one generatien to another; throughout history adults have indicated their rank and royalty by the colors, the fabrics, the designs and the ornamentation of their clothing. EThe clothing behavior of adults today corresponds to their social class position in American society. Parents and children of a family belong to the same social class, therefore, it is the thesis of this study that the clothing of the daughters is used in the same way as the clothing of the adult family members, that is, as a symbol which corresponds to the social class of the family. The numbers of garments owned by the girls, the individuals/who”“”"” selected the garments, and the types of stores in which the purchases were made are not important facts in themselves, but they are indicative of the values and the attitudes which are responsible for the similarities in clothing behavior within one class and for the differences in behavier between social classes. The fact which is vitally important is that the tecial class members recognize that they belong to a social group and want to own and use clothes which give them the feeling of group solidarity because the garments are similar to the clothes worn by the other members of the social class. Social class members want to follow the practices which they recognize as behavier acceptable to I the other members of the social class to which they belong. -1340- The data collected from the interviews with the mothers in Des Moines supported the theory upen which this thesis was based: about one-third of the items of information were found to be statistically significant below the five percent level and the other two-thirds of the items supperted the thesis by indicating the trend in the direction which was theoretically anticipated. The thirty items which were significant were grouped according to: attitudes of the mothers and daughters, practices of family members, and characteristics of social class members. Three examples of attitudes of mothers and daughters which showed wide differences between social classes were: (1) the recognition and purchasing practices of high-style garments fer girls, (2) the importance given by the methers to the epiniens of others concerning how the girls were dressed, (3) the importance given by the daughters to the opinions of others cencerning how the girls were dressed. The mothers' recegnitien er high-style garments for girls of seven, eight and nine years of age and their attitudes toward purchasing high-style garments fer their own daughters showed wide differences between the members of the three social Classes; mothers of the upper-middle secial class most frequently recognized ‘nd favored high-style garments for girls. . The degree of importance given by the mothers to the opinions of other adults who were not members ef the family concerning the way in which the doughters were dressed indicated wide differences between the attitudes of the social class members; the mothers in the upper-middle class considered .Diniens of others of great importance, the lower-middle class considered the opinions moderately impertant and a very large propertien of the upper- lower class methers gave no importance at all to the epiniens of adults °ut side the family. -lh1- Within the family itself, the mothers were concerned about the opinions of other family members, but the mothers' attitudes were similar in all three social classes. The daughters differed, however, in the importance which they assigned to the opinions of other members of their families; the girls in the lower-middle social class showed greatest concern and the girls in the upper-lower class showed least concern and the girls in the upper-middle class were moderately concerned over the opinions of family members about the way in which the girls were dressed. The purchasing practices which showed clearly the differences between clothing behavior of members of the three social classes were: (1) the girls in the upper-middle class owned the largest number of garments, girls in the lower-middle class next and girls in the upper-lower class owned the fewest garments; (2) the same fact was true of two of the selected garments which were investigated, the upper-middle class girls owned the most sleeping garments and shoes, the upper-lower class girls owned the fewest of both garments; (3) the mothers purchased selected garments for their daughters in different kinds of stores, the differences occurred in stores in which the mothers purchased socks, shoes, dresses and coats. The fourth way in which the purchasing practices differed widely was in the average price paid for party dresses by mothers in the three social classes. (5) The frequency with which the mothers said that price almost always determined and seldom or never determined whether or not they purchased garments for their daughters indicated that price was less important to the upperamiddle and more important to the upper-lower class Inothers than to lowerdmiddle class mothers. (6) The percentage of mothers in the upper-middle social class who would purchase becoming dresses for ’ -1Lt2- their daughters although the prices were not what they wanted to pay was much larger than the percentages of mothers in the other classes. (7) Although the mothers in the middle classes behaved alike, their purchasing practice of buying garments because of the brand names differed widely from the practices of the upper-lower social class mothers. ways in which the mothers in the three social classes differed widely regarding the participation allowed the daughters when their own garments were being selected were: (l) more of the upper-lower class mothers usually took their daughters shopping when their clothes were being purchased; next were the mothers in the upper-middle class; (2) more mothers in the upperamiddlo class always selected several garments from all of those available in a store and let the daughter choose from the limited number while more mothers in the upper-lower social class 2533; followed this practice; (3) mothers in the lower-middle social class were more inclined toward allowing daughters to make unwise selections as means of teaching them how to select clothing, next were the mothers in the upper- middle class and very few of the upper-lower class mothers followed this practice. The ways in which the mothers in the three social classes differed clearly in practices of clothing construction were: (1) the average numbers of garments constructed for the daughters during the year differed because the upper-lower class families did more construction than did families within either of the middle classes; (2) more of the upper-middle class methers sewed for pleasure, more of the upper-lower class mothers sewed for economy, the lowerwmiddle class mothers sewed for both pleasure and economy, but their emphasis was on economy; (3) the largest percentage of —1h3- girls who enjoyed having their mothers construct garments for them were girls in the lower-middle class, next in the upper-lower and least in the upper-middle social class. The numbers of girls in each social class who owned garments which had previously been owned by another person differed: the girls in the upper-lower class were the largest percentage, next highest was the percentage of girls in the upper-middle class and the lowest percentage of girls was found in the lowerbmiddle social class. This fact was true for the numbers of girls who owned garments which were handed-down to them, but not for the numbers of garments. Three practises concerned with the care of girls' clothing showed differences for the different social classes: (1) more mothers of the lower-middle and next the upper-lower classes did the laundry themselves at home while more of the upper-middle class mothers had servants or used commercial laundries; (2) a much larger percentage of mothers in the upperamiddle social class had garments for their daughters which were difficult to iron while a few’more lower-middle class methers than upper- lewer class mothers had such garments, the practices of loweramiddle and upper-lower class mothers were more nearly alike; (3) the kinds of clothes which the girls put on if they changed clothes when they came home from school differed clearly in that although blue jeans were the most popular attire for girls in all three social classes, the highest percentage was of the girls in the lower-middle class; second most popular garment for ‘upperumiddlo class girls were slacks or pedal pushers, but almost never an "old dress", while for the upper-lower elass girls this garment was 'the second most popular. 431,- The practices of discarding garments from the girls' wardrobes differed because more mothers in the upper-middle class discarded out- grown garments, the lower-middle class mothers were more evenly divided between discarding merely outgrown and the eutgrown-wornout garments, while more of the upper-lower class methers discarded garments which were both outgrown and worn out. In all three social classes methers handed- dewn garments within the family and to relatives, but the greatest frequency for this practice was in the lower-middle social class. The second greatest frequency for mothers of the upperamiddle class was to give garments to friends and then next was to dispose of them through a neighbor- hood exchange, while these recipients wero in reverse order for the lower- middle class. The second place of disposal of garments for upper-lower class was also to friends and third place to neighborhood exchanges, but the percentages were much lower than for upper-middle class. The kinds and the amounts of social participation differed in the various social classes and effected the clothing behavior of social class members. This theory was supported by three of the items in the study which showed significant differences: (1) The number of girls who were special clothes when they attended church was the highest in the lower- middle class, next in the upperamiddle and lowest in the upper-lower class; (2) the girls who had special clothes for athletics were highest percentage in the upper-middle class, next in the leweramiddle class, and lowest in the upper-lower class; (3) the percentage of girls who belonged to clubs and organizations was highest in the lower-middle class and next in the upper-middle class, but more of those who belonged and also owned special uniforms for the organizations were in the upper-middle social class. The conclusion drawn from this study that the clothing behavior of families corresponded to social class is important to any person who is involved in clothing little girls: parents, manufacturers, designers, producers, retailers, salespeople, teachers, social workers, and leaders of young people's organizations because the realization that clothing is more than an individual matter, that the clothing of the daughter is used by the family to show status and is therefore not the concern of one child alone, may be a concept new to the worker. For the family members to realize that the clothing behavior of members of a social class and not of an individual child is to be considered, may result in a better under- standing of the fact that the acquisition and the ownership of a specific garment assumes a degree of importance to a child which seems to an adult unwarranted by the actual material garment. The conclusion drawn from the study will cause a thoughtful person to .have a keener recognition of and respect for the clothing behavior of members of another social class and to refrain from imposing the behavior which seems "right" because of the class orientation of the worker upon members of different social classes. An example of a lack of understanding of the differences between the clothing behavior in various social classes ‘will illustrate why this realization is important. A teacher who had grown up in the upper-middle social class felt that the middle class ways were "right" for everyone and was shocked when she discovered that none of the girls in her class used bathrobes or housecoats. These garments seemed essential to the teacher, so she insisted that every girl in the class make a houaecoat as her clothing construction project. The fact that no one in the group used such a garment should have indicated to her that there were other garments which would serve more important functions for -1h6- these girls who had limited amounts of money to spend on clothing, but this teacher could see the situation only in the light of her own social class ways and lacked the ability to recognize the differences and to appreciate the behavior of members of another social class. If a family wants to be upwardly mobile instead of remaining in its present position, however, the worker's knowledge of the differences in clothing behavior of the various social classes can serve a practical purpose because clothing can be utilized to help the family acquire a new position and the lack of knowledge of social class practices may make upward mobility slow to accomplish and difficult to maintain. The differences between practices and attitudes of mothers in different social classes toward clothing behavior are not always distinct, there is overlapping as there is in social class membership, for a fine line between social classes cannot be drawn. According to Warner, this situation is especially true in the Middle west, "Although social-class categories are not sharply defined and, by the very nature of social class, there can be no high wall separating one level from another, nevertheless there is in American communities a clear understanding of the social differences, values, and behavior which compose a class system . . . The class differences among the communities of the several regions are significant and need comment. The newer regions of America, because of rapid social change and their comparative recency, tend not to develop a superior old-family class. This is true of many of the communities throughout the prairie states of the Middle west. An old-family group may be present in the community and feel some claim to superior recognition, but ordinarily communities in new regions look upon them as no more than the equals of the new- family group. It will take several more generations to validate their claims to a rank above the more recently arrived." In this study there were few practices which were followed by every family in the sample of the social class. One of the few examples, 1Warner,‘W. Lloyd, American Life: Dream and Reality. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1953, pp. 63 and S9. -1h7- however, was the response to the question about what clothes the girls wore for church attendance: one hundred percent of the girls in the lower- middle social class who attended church had special clothes to wear for the participation in that religious and social activity. Examples of complete uniformity of clothing behavior within a social class were rare in Des Moines, but the similarity of practices in the acquisition and use of apparel for girls seven, eight and nine years of age within one social class and the differences between the clothing behavior of members of the upper-middle, lower-middle and upper-lower social classes clearly revealed that the clothing behavior of families in regard to the garments of daughters corresponded to the family's social class. LITERATURE CITED LITERATURE CITED Davis, Allison. The Motivation of the Underprivileged Worker. Whyte, M.F., Editor. Industry_and Society. New'York: McCraw-Hill Book Company, 19h6, pp. 86-106. Davis, Allison, Burleigh B. Gardner and Mary R. Gardner. Deep South. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 19hl, 558 pp. Davis, W. Allison and Robert J. Havighurst. Father of the Man. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, l9h7, 2h5 pp. Davis, Kingsley, Harry C. Bredemeir and Marion J. Levy. Modern American Society. New York: Rinehart and Company, 19h9, 73h pp. Edwards, Allen L. Statistical Methods for the Behavioral Sciences. New York: Rinehart and Company,.l95h,5h2 pp. Ferm, William H. and Gregory F. Stone. The Social Si ificance of Clothing in Occupational Life, Technical Bulletin 257, Michigan State University Agricultural—Ekpériment Station, Departments of Sociology and Anthropology, and Textiles, Clothing and Related Arts, East Lansing, Michigan, June 1955, 53 pp. Gray, Corinne. Orientation to Fashion. Unpublished Master's Thesis, Michigan State College, 1953, 110 numb. leaves. I Hagood, Margaret J. and Daniel 0. Price. Statistics for Sociolo ists. Revised edition. New‘York: Henry Holt and Company, 1952, 575 pp. McCormick, Thomas Carson. Elementa Social Statistics. Mew'York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, l9hl, 3§3 PP- Parsons, Talcott. An Analytical Approach to the Theory of Social Stratification. American Journal of Sociology. Volume XLV, No. 6 (May 19h0), Pp. 8h143537 Rosencranz, Mary Lou Lerch. A Study of’Interest in Clothing among Selected Groups of Married and Unmarried Young Women. Unpublished Master's Thesis, Michigan State College, l9h8, 209 numb. leaves. Ryan, Mary S. Psychological Effects of Clothing. Part I, Survey of the Opinions of College Girls. Bulletin 882. Cornell University Agricultural Experiment Station, Ithaca, New York. September 1952, 39 pp. Psychological Effects of Clothing. Part II, Comparison of College Students with High School Students, Rural with Urban Students, and Boys with Girls. Bulletin 898. Cornell University Agricultural Experiment Station, Ithaca, New York. July 1953, 36 pp. Psychological Effects of Clothing. Part III, Report of Interviews with a Selected Sample of College Wench. Bulletin 900. Cornell University Agricultural Experiment Station, Ithaca, New York. August 1953, 26 pp. Psychological Effects of Clothing, Part IV, Perception of Self in Relation to Clothing. Bulletin 905. Cornell University Agricultural Experiment Station, Ithaca, New'York. August l95h, 19 pp. Stone, Gregory F. and William H. Form. Clothina Inventories and Preferences Amon Rural and Urban Families, Technical BEITetin 2H6, Michigan ta 9 University Agricultural Experiment Station, Departments of Sociology and Anthropology, and Textiles, Clothing and Related Arts, East Lansing, Michigan, March 1955, he pp. Van Bortel, Dorothy Gree and Irma H. Gross. A Comparison of Home Manage- ment in Two Socio-Economic Groups, Technical Bulletin 2h0, Michigan State College, East Lansing, Michigan, April l9Sh. Veblen, Thorstein. Theory of the Leisure Class. New York: Macmillan Company, 1919, hOh pp. Vener, Arthur M. Stratification Aspects of Clothing. Unpublished Master's Thesis, Michigan State College, 1953, 101 numb. leaves. Earner, William L. and Paul S. Lunt. The Social Life of a Modern Community. New Haven: Yale University Press, lS‘pr. ___7 _ The Status . stem of a MOdern Communi x. New Haven: Tale University Press, 19 , ’67pp. Warner, W. Lloyd, Marchia Meeker, and Kenneth Eells. Social Class in America. Chicago: Science Research Associates, Inc., 1 . warmer, w. Lloyd. American Life: Dream and Reality. Chicago: The University of Chicago'Press, 195§, 268ipp. APPENDIX INTERVIEW SCHEDULE Schedule Name of the mother being interviewed Address Date of interview How long have you lived at this address? Time of interview Where did you live before you liVed at this address? Telephone Name of the girl who is seven, eight or nine years old Date of her birth Composition of the Family - fifetfigst Education Grade Children Family Members Pr ay Living arents Com- Now at Home Between pleted Attend- Names Relationship ZSQhS yrs. ing Yes No r . . Name of school girl is attending Occupations of family members: Husband Husband's Father Wife Wife's Father Any other family member who contributed to the family income Describe as accurately as possible what the person who contributed most to the financial support of the family makes or does on the job (fer example, he sells shoes in a shoe store): Original Inventory Previously Price or Garments and Ready-to Made-at Owned by Price Range No. Gift Brief Description wear Home Another Which Mother For Identification Person Is Willing To Pay Undershirts Panties Socks Shoes Overshoes Rubbers Hats Scarfs Mittens Gloves Others II. Reasons for purchasing garments in different kinds of stores: 1. People shop in different kinds of stores for various reasons. Where do you buy (coats) fbr your daughter? I should like to know why you buy (coats) where you do. Will you look at this list of reasons for shopping in one kind of store and tell me why you buy coats where you do? (Check number if answer is taken from cardz) l_, 2__, 3___, 14-, S__, 6___, 7___, 8_. Reasons presented on card: 1. Store has wide selection. 2. I get the most for my money. 3. Clothes are individualistic; not many alike. h. Salespeople are helpful. 5. My relatives or friends shop there. 6. I can save time. 7. Store has charge accounts and special services. 8. Other reasons. 2. Why do you buy dresses at ? (use same card). l_, 2_.9 3_’ h_’ S_.’ 5., :_’ ~8_’ 3. Why do you buy sleeping garments at ? 1..) 2_’ 3......) _’ _’ _’ 7....9 8“ h. Why do you buy socks at ? l_, 2" 3_’ h_’ S.) 5,...3 :_3 8_° 5. Why do you buy shoes at ? l__, 2 D 3__; h__, 5__:§__,'Z__, 3* - III. Garments for special occasions: I. (a) Does your daughter take any private lessons outside of school such as tap, ballet, or ballroom dancing, riding, swimming, music, etc.? ‘Yes , No___. (b) If’yes, what lessons does she take? (c) What does she wear during these lessons? (d) Does she have any other clothes or costumes for the practice or the performance of this activity? 2. (a) In what athletic activities does your child take part? (b) What does she wear for these athletic activities? 3. (a) (b) (C) What did your daughter wear to school today? Is this typical? 'Ies___, No . If no, how does it differ from what she usually wears to school? b. What would your child wear if she went to a birthday party tomorrow? 5. (a) (b) 6. (a) (b) (C) 7. (a) (b) About how often does your child go to movies? Once a week or more often . Once or twice a month . Less than once a month . Almost never . What does she usually wear when she attends movies? How often does your child go to church or Sunday School? Once a week or more often . Once or twice a month . Less than once a month . Almost never . What does she usually wear to church or Sunday School? What church or Sunday School does she attend? What clubs or organizations in school and outside of school does your daughter attend? (Interviewer may need to comment on organization, not extracurricular activities in general.) Name or describe organization or club: What does she usually wear when she attends these meetings? (b) (C) (d) 9. (a) (C) (a) Are there fads in clothes for girls of your daughter's age? Yes____, No____. If’yes, can you describe any fads which are popular at present? WOuld you buy your child a garment like these which you knew to be a fad? Almost always_____. Frequently . Seldom . Never . Why ? Some of the designs and colors of adults' clothing are con- sidered to be more stylish than others. Some people call them "high-style". Are there high-style clothes for children who are the same age as your daughter? 'Yes , No , Don ' t know____. If'yes, can you describe any children's garments which are high-style at present? If'yes, would you buy garments for your child which you knew to be high-style? filmost always . Frequently . Seldom . Never . Why? IV. Practices in shopping procedure: 1. Some women prefer to go out alone to do the clothes buying for the members of their families. Other women prefer to have the person along for whom the clothing is being purchased. When you buy clothes for your daughter, do you take her with you to the store? Almost always . Often . Seldom . Never -_-: \1') 2. Do you have the child try on garments before you purchase? 3. _‘_~ ‘f ‘ LL Outer‘Wear Frequency wraps (such as Underwear Sportswear Shoes Hats dresses) Almost always Often Seldom Never If’you do have the child try on the garments before you buy, what do you want to find out by having her try them on? (The inter- viewer may have to probe with: "Is it to see if the design and color)are becoming?" "Do you have her try them on to see how they fit?" Do you examine the workmanship of garments when you are selecting? Almost. always . Often . Seldom . _ Never . Comments:_g Sometimes garments for children are labeled by the actual measure- ments, such as height and girth of the child, rather than by age. Do you buy garments which are sized by weight, height, or girth of children? (a) 'Yes . No . (b) Why or why not? (c) What garment? 6. hould you buy a garment because it was becoming to your daughter 0 10. if you.did not like the price? Almost always . Often . Seldom . Never . How important to on are the opinions of other members of the family'about the way this child is dressed? (a) Veny important to you , Moderately , Hot at all . (b) Whose opinion do you consider the most important? (c) Why do you consider that person's opinion the most important? (a) How important to you are the opinions of friends and acquaintances about the way this child is dressed? Very important to you . Moderately important . Does not make any di- erence . (b) Is there some specific person? es No (c) If'yes, why do you consider that person's opinion to be the most important? (a) How important to your daughter are the opinions of other members of the family about the way she is dressed? Very important___ . Moderately important . Does not make any di erence . (b) Within the family, whose opinion is most important to her concerning what she wears? (not name) (c) Why is this family member's opinion important to her? (a) How important to your daughter are the opinions of your friends and acquaintances about the way she is dressed? Very important Moderately important Does not make any difference , (b) Is there some specific person? Yes No (c) dhy is this person's opinion important to her? ll. 12. 13. 1h. 15. ll (a) How important to your daughter are the opinions of her friends and acquaintances about the way she is dressed? Very important . Moderately important . Does not make any difference . (b) Among her friends and acquaintances, is there some specific person whose opinion is most important to her? Yes , Io . (c) why is this person's opinion important to her? Do you have a definite amount or percent of the family income which you plan to spend for the clothing for the whole family? Yes , No . Comments: (a). Do you have a definite amount of money or percent of income which you plan to spend for your daughter's clothing? Yes , No . (b) If‘yes, how did you decide upon the amount? (c) If no, how do you go about deciding when and what to purchase? (The interviewer may have to probe with: Growth of child? Wearing out of garments? Change of Season?) When they are shopping for children's clothes, some people think first about the price range while other people look for certain brand names and then consider the price. (a) Which do you consider first? Price , Brand . (b) In most cases, is it the price of the garment which deter- mines whether or not you purchase? Almost always price . Often price . Seldom price . Never price . Do you buy certain garments because of the brand names which are attached to them? (a) Yes , No . (b) If'yes, what garments? (C) Why do you (or do you not) buy garments because of the brand names? V. Child's participation in the selection of her clothing: 1. 7. Do you like to have your child go along and actually take part in the selection of her own clothing? Strongly favor . Favor Indifferent . Do not favor . Strongly disapprove . If'you do like to have your child go along and actually take part in the selection of her own clothing, is it because of any of these reasons? (Interviewer presents card with these reasons on it: ) 1. She will learn sooner to buy her own clothes and thus save me time 2. By doing this, she will learn how to select her clothes . 3. She will take better care of clothes which she helps to select . b. Other reasons: If you are not in favor of having the child go along and take part in the selection of her own clothing, why are you not in favor? Some mothers select a few garments from all the garments in the store before making the final decision. If'you take your child along and want her to take part in selecting her own clothing, do you limit her selection to several garments in this way? Almost always . Frequently . Seldom . Never . When you take your daughter along with you, what part does she play in making the final decision? Always makes final decision Frequently makes final decision“ . Seldom makes final decision . Never makes final decision . At what age did your daughter begin to participate in the selection of her own clothing? When your child is allowed to indicate her preference, does it seem to you that her choice is determined by: a. Desire to have what other children have . b. Desire to imitate an adult . c . Color . *- d. Type BT-Earment . e. Some other reason . If'your preference is not the same as the child's, what do you do? 9. lo. 11. 12. 13. 1h. 13 How often do you try to guide her selection by explaining the reason for your preference? Almost always . Often . -_- Seldom . Never . Can you remember any time when you let your child make an unwise selection as a way of teaching her how to select clothing? (a) Yes , No . (b) Did it work? Yes , No . (c) How did you try to make sure that she recognized it as unwise? How often do you find it necessary to give in to the child's demands concerning clothing in order to "keep peace" while you are in a store? Almost always . Often . Seldom . Never . When you and your child disagree about the selection of a garment, how is it usually settled, in your favor, your child's favor, or by compromise? ' Your preference . Child's preference . Compromise . 'Would you say that your child likes to wear clothes which are like the other girls' in her grade at school or different from the other girls'? Like others' . Different rrB'm'Bthez-s' . (a) How does your daughter feel about mother-daughter costumes? (b) How do you feel about mother-daughter costumes? Q: 1h VI. Sewing at home: 1. (a) Do you or does someone else make any of your daughter's 2. 3. clothing at home? Yes , No . (b) If yes, who does most of the sewing? (not name) (c) About how many garments were made for her during the last year? What are your reasons for making (or not making) your daughter's clothing? Do you compare the actual cost of buying garments ready-made and making them at home? (a) Almost always . Often . Seldom . Never . (b) If’you have compared the actual costs, what are your conclusions? (a) Do you own a sewing machine? Yes , No . (b) Is one available for your use? Yes , No . Do you enjoy sewing for your daughter? Yes , No . Comments: (a) Does your daughter seem to like to have you sew for her? Yes , No . (b) What makes you think she does (or does not)? (If not answered in 6). Does your daughter like to wear the clothes which have been made for her? Almost always . Often . Seldom . Never _: (a) Does your daughter do any sewing? Yes , Yo . (b) If‘yes, what? (c) If'yes, at what age did she begin? (d) If'yes, did she ask you to teach her? ‘Yes , No . (e) If no, she does not do any sewing, has she asked you to teach her? Yes , No . (f) If she does not sew, are you going to teach her? Yes__, No__, (g) If'you are going to teach her, at what age will you have her begin to learn? . VII. Care of clothing: (a) kill you look at the inventory of your daughter's Clothes and tell me how many of these garments require special treatment such as dry cleaning rather than regular washing and ironing? a. How many garments does your daughter have which are difficult to iron? . 3. If'you liked the appearance of a garment for your daughter, would you buy it if you knew that it would be difficult to iron? Almost always . Often . Seldom . Never __-: Comments: fi— h. (a) Do you do your own washing and ironing at home? Yes , “o (b) If yes, what equipment do you use? (c) If no, how is the laundry done? 5. (a) When your daughter comes home from school does she change clothes? Almost always . Frequently . Seldom . Never . (b) If‘yes, she does change clothes, what does she usually put (Ni? (O) If’yes, she does change, is it her own wish to change, or do you have to SUBEBSt it? Child's idea__~, Mother sugges.s (d) If’yes, why does she change or why do you have her change? w ‘Q~"_.O -~44gefivma.o .‘wuoau‘dfi'004-‘cfifl-O‘" (e) If she does not change clothes when she comes home from school, why do you think that she does not? no- —-—-....‘~o-.-.m~o U—W‘.CHM u"..— 6. (a) Does your daughter mind wearing menderl cloH:e:? (b) Now do you feel about having your daughter wear mended Clothing? 7. (a) Does your daughter take any part in the care of her own clothing? ‘Yes , No_w”_ (If no, the interview r hay say, "By that I mean hanging up, putting soiled in clothes hamper, polishing shoes, washing socks, etc.) (b) If’yes, what does she do?“_ -. . it'w’ "_‘..o—“-a-9 -O !_.—__-__w__ _ in“ w—‘—‘~-‘----.n‘;_— .- (c) If'yes, at what age did she begin? _.._. A A A . ‘w (d) If no, do you intend to teach her to care for her own clothing? Yes No .1 ’ C “a-“ (e) If'you do intend to teach her to take {art in the care of her own clothing, at what age do you intend to have her begin to learn? . VIII. Using and discarding clothing: 1. (a) Do you lay out what your daughter should wear, or does she select what she wants to wear from closet and drawers? Lay out . Child selects_,,“, Mother tells child . (b) On what occasions is the method of selection indicated In question (la) above used? Every day . School days . Su nd ay 5 . For narties . Never . ~‘—‘ 2. (a) Does your daughter use clothes borrowed from other members of the family? Almost always . Often . Seldom . '. Never'"" . (b) Whose clothes?_‘ _____ (not name) 3. (a) Does your daughter use clothes borrowed from anyone who is not a member of the family? Almost always . Often . __i- Seldom . Never . (b) If so, from whom? 1» ‘_ .#___ h. (a) Do other children use her clothing? ‘(not name) Almost always . Seldom . Frequently . Never . (b) IF so, who uses it?__, (not name) A:— _ ~‘n-O‘. l7 5. Some mothers buy durable children's clothing which they know will last for a long time. Other mothers feel that a child outgrows clothing so rapidly that durability of a garment is not important. Do you buy durable children's clothes which will last for a long time, or do you feel that durability is not important? Buy durable clothes . Durability not importantfluuw. Qualiinng comments: “fl-wm-“nmw.~~‘ M‘- n“m -’ D 6. When we were making the inventory of your child's clothing, you said (or did not say) that your daughter has some garments which were previously owned by another person before your daughter owned them. If she owns some which were handed-down or made-over for her, how often does your daughter wear these garments? Almost always . Frequently . SP if] om . Never . 7. Some children seem to like to wear handed-down and made—over garments as well or better than clothes which were new when they got them. Other children do not seem to like to wear handed—down and made-over garments. How does your daughter feel about wearing garments which were previously owned by another person? Likes to wear them as well as new ones . Likes to wear them better than new ones . Does not like to wear them as well as new ones . Refuses to wear them . o. People seem to disagree about when a child's garments should be discarded from her wardrobe. How do you go about deciding when to have your daughter discard them? ‘____A ‘ A _ “.‘-- 9. What do you do with most of the garments which your child outgrows or no longer uses? ' _-_ -___- ‘.~—.-‘-— —.-- 10. Is the answer to question 9 for all garments? 'Yes_ , No . --‘l"' - w H '. Information about family: Would you mind telling me in which range your total family income falls? a. less than $2,5CO b. $2,5bo—h,099-a c. $5,000-7 h??? - 6. $7,500-9, 99 e. $10,000 and over . ‘ 3"” H "Illlfillflllllll'llllr