ABSTRACT DIFFERENCES IN PERSONALITY ADJUSTMENT AMONG DIFFERENT GENERATIONS OF AMERICAN JEWS AND NON-JEWS Victor D. Sanua The purpose of the study was to explore the psychological adjustment of the Jewish minority group in its process of assimilation into the American culture. The students were classified on the basis of their socio-economic status, religious affiliation (Orthodox, Con- servative or Reform) , and generation (first, second, mixed and third ).' It is believed that past research comparing the adjustment of Jews and non-Jews was inconclusive because these factors were neglected. ' Furthermore, previous investigations did not make use of projective techniques for comparative purposes. The Thurstone Personality Schedule and the Rorschach Multiple Choice Test was administered to 366 Jewish boys and girls attending private, religious, and Sunday schools in New York City. To evaluate the extent of their Jewish identification, a questionnaire was devised for that purpose. Fifty—one students of established American Protestant families were used as a control group. All students were either Juniors or Seniors in high school. Jewish boys born abroad had the poorest mean score on the Thurstone Personality Schedule (32. 88 compared to 25. 11 for the native Protestant group) . Their mean score on the Rorschach Multiple Choice ABSTRACT - 2 - Victor D. Sanua test was close to normal (7. 91 compared to 6. 98 for the native born Protestant group) . Results in the Opposite direction are obtained with the third generation Jewish group; while they had a normal mean score on the Thurstone Personality Schedule (22. 39 as compared to 25. 11 for the control group) , they gave the poorest Rorschach mean score (11. 84 as compared to 6. 98 for the Protestant group) . Jewish students whose mothers were Orthodox and born in the United States, and whose fathers were born abroad, tended to be similar in psychological adjustment to second generation students. However, when the mothers were Conservative or Reform, the chil- dren were closer to the third generation group. The experimenter attributes these differences to the factor of social or cultural identi- fication. He believes that within the Orthodox family of mixed parent- age, a boy is likely to have stronger identification with his foreign- born father, because of the mother's more subservient role; while, on the other hand, if she is Reform or Conservative, a boy is likely to feel closer identification with the American culture through the mother's more culturally active influence. When the second and third generation Jewish boys were matched for socio-economic status, this factor was found not to affect the direction of the results. Likewise, a second classification on the basis of religious affiliation (Orthodox, Conservative and Reform) did not materially affect the scores. ABSTRACT - 3 - Victor D. Sanua The questionnaire revealed that first and second generation Jewish boys and girls have a closer identification or feeling of belong- ingness with their minority group than the third generation group, while both groups recognize to the same degree the existence of anti-semitism and non-acceptance. The interpretation presented is that the third generation group, through acculturation, appears to have adOpted dominant group values. As a result, they appear to have more favorable social adjustment than the first and second generation group, as measured by objective tests. However, the third generation group, as evidenced by a high maladjust- ment score on the Rorschach Multiple Choice Test, revealed more anxiety. Conflicts resulting from weaker identification with the minority group combined with the uncertainty of acceptance by the dominant group produce this greater degree of anxiety in the third generation . DIFFERENCES IN PERSONALITY ADJUSTMENT AMONG DIFFERENT GENERATIONS OF AMERICAN JEWS AND NON-JEWS BY Victor D. Sanua A THESIS Submitted to the School for Advanced Graduate Studies of Michigan State University of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Psychology 1956 ACKNOWLEDGMENT The author wishes to express his sincere and heartfelt thanks to Dr. Gustave M. Gilbert, under whose constant supervision and guidance this in- vestigation was undertaken . He is also indebted to the other members of his Committee, Dr. Donald M. Johnson, and Dr. Henry Smith, of the Department of Psychology. Grateful acknowledgment is due to Dr. John Useem for his assistance in clarifying anthro- pological and sociological concepts. The writer also wishes to extend his sincere thanks to all the principals and teachers for their permission to carry on this study in their schools and classes, and for their interest and c00peration. TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION A. The concept of "marginality" in the sociology of assimilation . l. Lewin's explanation of the marginal man with special emphasis on the Jew . 2. Various solutions to the feelings of isolation . 11. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE A. Research on general populations by social scientists . B. Research using objecting Personality Tests to compare Jews and non-Jews. C. Discussion of these investigations . III. NATURE OF THE STUDY A. Statement of the Problem . B. Purpose and Methods used in the present investigation . C. Description of the Sample . D. Description of the Tests used . 1. Thurstone Personality Schedule . 2. The Rorschach Multiple Choice Test . 3. Theoretical Rational of the tests used . PA GE 10 l3 16 21 26 28 28' 30 32 35 35 38 39 ii CHAPTER PAGE IV. ANALYSIS OF DATA 43 A. Scores obtained by high school students according to generation . 43 B. Attitude of Jewish students towards their reference group . 55 C. Socio-economic status and Test results . 57 D. Scores obtained by Orthodox, Conservative and Reform Students . 62 E. Test results obtained with samples of Gentile students . 64 V. DISCUSSION OF THE RESULTS 70 VI. SUGGESTED RESEARCH 86 VII. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 90 APPENDIX BIB LIOGRAPH Y TABLE vui. IX. LIST OF TABLES SUMMARY OF THE RESEARCH OF PERSONALITY DIFFERENCES BETWEEN JEWS AND GENTILES . DISTRIBUTION OF SAMPLES OF STUDENTS TESTED IN 'NEW YORK . MEAN SCORES OBTAINED BY JEWISH BOYS ON THE THURSTONE PERSONALITY SCHEDULE AND THE RORSCHACH MULTIPLE CHOICE TEST . TESTS OF SIGNIFICANCE AMONG THE MEAN SCORES . MEAN SCORES OBTAINED BY JEWISH GIRLS ON THE THURSTONE PERSONALITY SCHEDULE AND THE RORSCHACH MULTIPLE CHOICE TEST . MEAN SCORES OBTAINED BY JEWISH BOYS OF SECOND AND THIRD GENERATION WHEN SOCIO- ECONOMIC STATUS IS CONTROLLED . COMPARISON OF SCORES OBTAINED BY JEWISH AND GENTILE STUDENTS . COMPARISON OF SCORES OBTAINED BY THIRD GENERATION JEWISH AND THIRD GENERATION PROTESTANT STUDENTS . COMPARISON OF BLAIRS' STUDY WITH WHITE AND NEGRO STUDENTS AND PRESENT STUDY OF ' . JEWS AND GENTILES ON THE RORSCHACH MULTIPLE CHOICE TEST . PAGE 22 33 44 46 52 61 65 67 69 LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE PAGE I . Comparison of the mean scores obtained by various generations of Jewish boys on the Thurstone Personality Schedule, and the Rorschach Multiple Choice Test . 47 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION A. THE CONCEPT OF "MARGINALITY" IN THE SOCIOLOGY OF ASSIMILATION The problem of assimilation of immigrant groups in their adapted cultures has long been a subject of considerable importance to sociologists and, more recently, to psychologists. Of special interest is the personality adjustment of the "marginal man" . The concept of "marginality" , aside from its economic meaning, has been evolved by sociologists to describe members of ethnic groups who are not completely identified with either the dominant in- group or the minority out-group , and yet maintain cultural ties with both. The following is the definition which Stonequist gives : ”The marginal man is the individual who lives in, or has ties of kinship with two or more interacting societies between which there exists sufficient incompatibility to render his own adjustment to them difficult or impos- sible. He does not quite "belong" or feel at home in either group. This feeling of homelessness, or of es- trangement does not arise in the same way or for the same reasons in all individuals, nor is it identical in all situations. For many it is a matter of incomplete cultural as sirnilation in one or both societies; for others it arises less because of lack of cultural assimilation than from failure to gain social acceptance, and in some cases it originates less because of obvious external barriers, than because of persistent inhibitions and loyalties." (42. p.297) We could therefore consider "marginality" as a kind of no-man's land in which the individual stands between two cultures , the - 2 - two extremes of his position being on the one hand complete identification with the minority group and on the other, complete assimilation with the majority group. In between, we have the individual who tries to make an adjustment in which both cultures are involved, with all the attendant con- flicts of ambivalent identification, rejection, guilt and frustration. Warner, ( 46. ) in his book, The Social Systems of American Ethnic Groups , made a study of various minority groups in a small New England town and the various stages involved in their assimilation. He elaborated the concept of "marginality" from the research point of view. He states that the greater the cultural differences between the host and the immigrant culture and the greater the racial difference between the p0pulation of the immigrant and the host society, the greater would be the subordination of the immigrant group, the greater the strength of the social sub-system, and the longer the period of assimilation. An Englishman would certainly have less difficulty becoming assimilated in the United States than an Italian or a Frenchman. However, one of the slowest and most painful processes is when both cultural and anatomical traits are highly divergent from those of the host society. In conclusion, this is what Warner has to say about his conceptual scheme : “With these propositions in mind, it is possible to construct a rough scale by which hypotheses may be developed about the relative ranking of each racial and cultural group in American Life, the strength of its sub-system, and the period neces- sary for ultimate assimilation." (46. p. 286 ) - 3 - Let us now see what are some of the major end-results of marginality. In the first place, since the marginal individual is, or is made to feel different from the dominant groups, he is subject to feelings of inferiority and rejection, and frequently reacts with aggres- sive resentment. Loewenstein states the following : ”The resultant stress and strain of the divided allegiance create the ambivalent attitudes and emotions so charact- eristic of the marginal individual. He is perpetually torn betiveen hatred and resentment of the dominant group and hatred and re sentment of his own group." (33. p. 150) Such conflicts involved in a marginal status would, in many instances, lead to psychological damage. It has been found that there is a greater incidence of suicide and mental disease among immigrant groups and a higher rate of juvenile delinquency, particularly among the native- born of immigrants, where children are half assimilated, and in conflict with their non-assimilated parents. Sometimes this would result in "self-hatred" , which is found among Negroes (Kardiner, 25. ) and among Jews (Lewin, 73.; Greenberg, 64. ) This self-hatred would make the individual go as far as to identify himself with the aggressor. (Sarnoff, 86.; Pelcovitz, 82. ) It is reported that in concentration camps in Germany, some Jewish internees ended up imitating the conduct of their Nazi tor:-.::.-sntors. Identification with the dominant group explains why among light-colored or more educated Am erican Negroes the re may be contempt for their darker- _ 4 _ skinned fellow countrymen. One African student who spent sme time in a Negro University in the East reported to the writer that he was appalled to see that a Negro co-ed would not date a boy who was darker-skinned than herself . We find a similar trend among the Jewish settlers in America. The original group which was made up of Spanish Jews looked down upon the Germans when they came to this country, and later the German Jews looked down upon their less sophisticated brethern from Poland and Russia. Concerning the conflicts of an immigrant group, signi- ficant investigation was undertaken by a Norwegian psychiatrist who studied a small community of Norwegian immigrants to the United States. He found that the incidence of schizophrenia was much higher among this group than in the general population, and also much higher than in Norway itself. It is obvious that the Norwegians - applying Warner's conceptual scheme - would have greater similarity to the dominant group and would therefore have relatively less difficulty in assimilating. Nevertheless, the difficulty still appeared to exist. Dr. Ernest Harms, a psychologist, who made a report of this research, and who called this phenomenon "Emigration Neurosis" , has the following to say : ”Here is a clear statistical indication that immigration can have wider psychOpathological consequences. ” (69. p. 18 ) It has been emphasized (Anastasi and Foley, 4. ) in the literature that the individual who would be most subject to difficulties in - 5 - his adjustment is the American-born of immigrant parents. The child, inculcated with the attitudes and values of his parents, and at the same time exposed to the influence of American culture, finds himself in a rather unstable condition. He lives on the border of two worlds, not feeling at home in either one of them. Samuel Koenig, discussing the differences between first and second generation Americans, has the following to say : ”The marginal individual often becomes a tragic figure, lacking a cultural anchorage and a sense of be longing. As a result he may experience serious personality dif- ficulties and become a maladjusted person. The first- generation individual, who has arrived here at a mature age, is sufficiently anchored in his culture to be able to withstand the inner conflict resulting from the clash of cultures. If necessary, he can, as he often does, with— draw into his own group. Not so with the native born. He is forced to struggle and sometimes to succumb, that is lose the inner security necessary to a satis- factory adjustment to life. " (30. p. 512) On the basis of the foregoing statements, it would be ex- pected that second generation Jewish boys would show a greater degree of maladjustment than immigrant boys, since the former would be more marginal because of their greater conflict potential, i. e. a Jewish family life and a partial identification with the gentile world. However, dis- cussion of this subject will be postponed until some of the empirical data obtained in this research are given. There seems to be little empirical research on white Americans, indicating that this relationship between the degree of .. 6 - acculturation and adjustment does exist. Hallowell (67. ) in a Rorschach study of the Salteaux Ind‘ans in three degrees of acculturation, found that those who had adopted the We stern garb showed the greatest degree of maladjustment. There was more drinking and criminal behavior among these Indians. W. I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, in their monumental work on the Polish Peasant in Europe and America , pointed out that assimilation is a complex problem and is more than merely a complete adoption by the minority group of the habits of the dominant group. This is what Znaniecki reports elsewhere : ”Do not let the Americans illusion themselves because the second and third gene ration Polish or German immigrants talk American slang and know how to vote, they are assimilated psychologically and have acquired the American way of feeling and thinking. More is needed to attain such a result than most pe0ple are inclined to imagine. . . The process of adaptation is necessarily a gradual one, and can be completed only under favorable conditions in the course of time. Prejudice, intolerance, lack of sympathy with the cultural heritage of minorities on the part of native Americans serve only to increase national tensions and to postpone the assimilation and adjustment of large numbers of individuals. " (50. p. 32) The above quotation is particularly interesting since it delineates two types of assimilation , - the cultural and the psychological, the latter being more complete since it includes communality of feelings besides similar outward manifestations. This would naturally depend upon the full acceptance of the minority group by the dominant group. - 7 - It would be pertinent at this point to clarify some of the concepts which will be used in this research. When two people of different cultures come in close contact, some fast or gradual changes are bound to take place. The concept of “acculturationH has often been used by anthropologists to explain the phenomenon. The first systematic attempt to define the word was made by Redfield, Linton and Herskowitz in 1936 ; "Acculturation comprehends those phenomena which result when groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original culture pat- terns of either or both groups. Under this definition, acculturation is to be distinguished from culture change, of which it is but one aspect, and assimil- ation, which is at time a phase of acculturation. " (32. p. 464) In acculturation it seems that either or both cultures are modified through close contact, but without a complete blending of the two cultures, Assimilation, however, is that form of acculturation which re- sults in groups of individuals wholly replacing their original culture by another, rather than settling for a "mixed" culture, (Beals, 5. p. 628) Linton points out that the re may be two processes involved in acculturation. It does not only involve the addition of a new element or elements, or "culture" to one's own culture, but it may also include the elimination of certain existing cultural elements which no longer have intrinsic value in the new setting. (32. p. 469 ), Also, the old _ 8 - cultural elements may be modified or reorganized so as to bring them in conformity with the cultural pattern which has a survival value . Immigrants coming to the U. S. A. have been contributing to the American culture, but the emphasis has been for native-born chil- dren of foreign-born parents to behave like "Americans" and forsake habits of the "old country" . This is why the U.S.A. has been called a "melting pot" . However, as pointed out by Znaniecki in an earlier quo- tation, the adoption of English and certain American characteristics are taken over by immigrants or their children, but they are not assimilated with regard to the accepted pattern of behavior of American society, since some are still controlled by the values and meanings of their ancestral culture. Depending on the circumstances, it might take two, three, or more generations before the assimilation is complete. This is characterized by strong feelings of kinship, common attitudes within a group which originally might have been made up of disparate cultures. The assimilative process, according to Gillin, depends upon the following factors : 1. ) Toleration by the dominant group. 2. ) Equal economic opportunity. 3. ) Recognition of the foreigner and his culture, and sympathetic response to him. 4. ) Broad exposure to the dominant group. 5. ) Similarities in cultures. 6. ) Amalgamation or intermarriage. (20. p. 529) Acculturation and assimilation might be two processes which go on simultaneously, or at various stages of development. _ 9 - What is the relationship between these concepts as used by anthropologists, and the concept of marginality ? In this paper the latter term will be applied only to those individuals, irrespective of their degree of acculturation, who feel a conflict owing to their position between two different cultures, of which they are a part. -10- 1. LEWIN'S EXPLANATION OF THE MARGINAL MAN , WITH SPECIAL EMPHASIS ON THE JEW According to Lewin, (74. ) the adult acts during most of his life not purely as an individual, but as a member of a social group which is itself sub-divided. He may act as a member of a religious group ; later as a member of a political party ; and then as a member of a family group. He has to fill these various roles, shifting his behavior to suit the situation in which he finds himself. Conflict arises when the re is no compatibility between the various roles he has to fill, and when there is a degree of uncertainty about just where he belongs. Minority groups seem to have the latter problem. While the Jew lived in the ghetto, boundaries we re clear-cut for him ; he wore a. badge which set him off from the dominant group, which he considered as "strangers" . The in-group feeling led to extreme conservatism, orthodoxy and ethnic solidarity which, in turn, was responsible for the survival of the group against difficult odds. With the Emancipation period, the ghetto walls in the western part of EuroPe disappeared and the Jew was able to move about freely. The Jewish group lost its compactness as boundaries became less well defined. Since there was a relaxation of pressure from the outside group, the trend for the Jew became the acquisition of the dress, habits and language of the dominant majority. However, the change .. 11 .. brought no real relaxation to the life of the Jew. Instead, it has meant an even greater tension. Once he was on his own, his problems increased because he had to c0pe with the hostile world all by himself. Previously, the point of application of external forces had been on the whole group, allowing the individual a considerable measure of security within the group. While he was in the ghetto he had no desire to go beyond the walls, since he was well aware of the impassable barrier in his way. There was no "positive valence" using Lewin's terminology, but, -once he was allowed to move out, there was a goal to be reached which was not easy to attain. Conflicts arose in his path towards assimilation, These conflicts, according to Ewin, created "tension" , which leads to restlessness and unbalanced behaviour " (7.4. p. 185) . While forging ahead, the Jew found himself between two worlds. The cause of the actual difficulty in this marginal individual is not inherent in the real or formal aspects of his belonging to many groups, but in his feeling of insecurity with regard to belongingness. In connection with this uncertainty, Lewin adds : ”For the modern Jew there exists an additional factor to increase his uncertainty. He is frequently uncertain about the way he belongs to the Jewish group, and to what degree. Especially since religion has become a less important social matter, it is rather difficult to describe positively the character of the Jewish group as a whole. A religious group with many atheists ? - 12 - "A Jewish race with a great diversity of racial qualities among its members ? A nation, but actually in most respects the different values and ideals of the nations in which it lives ? These are, I think, a few chores more bewildering than that of determining positively the character of the Jewish group. " (73. p. 180) Gilbert, (19. p. 291 ) likewise points out that super- conformity to the mores of the host group and the rejection of one's own minority identification may take place through "reaction formation" , as it did among some German Jews. It would appear, therefore, that the psychological pro- blem of the marginal man involves the crucial psychodynamic factor of "belongingness" . A person without any strong identification would feel as if the ground had been pulled out from under him. One of the "curative" factors in psychotherapy is to make the patient feel that he is still wanted by significant people in his environment. The analogy between the clinical and the social situation can be clearly seen . -13.. 2. VARIOUS SOLUTIONS TO THE FEELINGS OF ISOLATION Jessie Bernard, ('7. ) classified four types of adjustment which could be effected by the marginal man in order to achieve greater security. Taking the Jew as an example , in the first place the individual may decide to reject the Gentile world and live within the fold of his own group, becoming entirely clannish. This isolation is found among a few Jewish groups in New York City. An example would be the Sephardic Syrians, who have, as a group, maintained the "ghetto" mentality. They avoid association with Gentiles as much as possible. Their social life centers around their synagogues which serves as a religious meeting place, and their community center for recreational purposes. Very few enter professions. Business is their major source of income. Practices of traditional Judaism are sometimes to the extreme. Many do not answer the telephone or ride busses on the Sabbath. Some women do not even carry a handbag on that day. Needless to say, intermarriage is almost non-existent, not only with Gentiles, but even sometimes with Jews of different origins, though to a lesser degree today . In addition to complete identification with the minority group, a second solution is to reconcile both cultures to each other . Such an individual is indistinguishable from Gentiles since he has adopted the habits of the outside world as long as he is outside his home. But once this individual is at home, he becomes the authoritarian master of - 14 - the household. He wears the traditional 'yarmulka' or skull cap, and follows in detail the prescriptions of the law. Dietary laws, in particular, are strictly observed at home, although he does not feel obligated to do so once he is outside. In the course of this research, a well-known writer and scholar teaching at Columbia University was interviewed. As the interviewer was about to take a few notes on his pad , the scholar, with some embarrassment, observed that it was the Sabbath, and that he would not like his children to see anyone writing on that day, since this would be a bad example to them. According to Jewish tradition, any type of work is prohibited on the Sabbath ; further, no one is supposed to touch light on that day. While pointing out the writing as a bad example, he allowed his children to watch a football game on television in the next room. He re is a good instance of the way in which the two cultural worlds are reconciled. The pencil was taboo, but not television. This is an example of selective application of each culture on a situational basis. They are contradictory, but still juxtaposed. The third way to solve the problem is an attempt to select what is esthetically acceptable in both cultures. According to Bernard , this is the most rewarding, but by no means the easiest : "To salvage what is lovely, to reject what is ugly, this involves an unending scrutiny of values. No comfortable relapses into unconscious acceptance or rejection of values on the basis of tradition or prestige. " (7. p. 291 ) -15- The fourth way to solve the problem of marginality, according to Bernard, is to renounce both the Gentile and the Jewish worlds, assuming that they are completely irreconcilable, and will inevitably produce conflicts in individuals. It can be expected that pe0ple who do this will compose the political and social nihilistic groups. In general, in a world of rapidly shifting populations, made easier by greater facilities in inter-communications, immigrant groups present a problem in adjusting to their new environment. It is during this transition period of gradual absorption to the dominant group which is rife with social and psychological consequences. The time of the great waves of immigrants from Europe is now history. Present day problems of large movements of population are the half- million Puerto Ricans in New York City, Mexicans in the West, and migrant laborers from the South now residing in the great industrial centers of the North . CHAPTER I I REVIEW OFfiTHE LITERATURE A. RESEARCH ON GENERAL POPULATIONS BY SOCIAL SCIENTISTS Concerning the major contributions of the social scientists in the study of Jews, everything that has been done appears to have been incidental to the main purpose of the research. In such books as Warner and Srole's Social Systems of American Ethnic Groups , (46.) Havemann and West's They Went to Collegg , (24. ) Kinsey's Sex Life of the American Male , (26.) Terman and Oden's The Gifted Child Grows Up , (43. ) we can obtain data on the Jew just because he happened to be part of the population studied. No work exists that would compare with Thomas and Znaniecki's Polish Peasant in Europe and America , (50. ) or Davis and Dollard's Children of Bondage , (13.) about the Negro. There are innumerable studies and surveys carried out by Jewish agencies and community groups; but the data were assembled mainly for the specific purpose of reform, and thus might not be appr0priate from the research point of view. Some writers, like Samuel Koenig, have exPlained this dearth of research among Jews because of the group's extreme sensitivity. It seems that any kind of research by social scientists would set them aside and "expose" Jewish life to the Gentile world. Since there -16.. _ 17 - is so much emphasis upon acculturation, research which might show differences would not be welcome. Koenig makes the following comments concerning this lack of empirical research : "The Jews of America, as a group, have not only received attention, have not only been written about and discussed, but have also been generalized upon more than any other ethnic group. The basis, however, for any sort of sound generalization is a body of concrete data, which, in this case, is largely lacking. The material that does exist is either mainly journalistic, or literary, or philosophical. " (29. p. 284) However, a few sociological books which have been entirely devoted to Jews must be mentioned. When Robert E. Park taught at Chicago, he encouraged his Jewish students to study their kin. Only one book , The Ghetto (47. ) was written by Louis Wirth. Another contribution was the book edited by Graeber and Britt, The Jews in the Gentile World , (22. ) Another book was published recently under the auspices of the Columbia Research in Contemporary Cultures, entitled We, the People , by Zborowski and Herzog, (49. ) The purpose of this latter research was to reconstruct village life in Poland through interviews of individuals in New York City who could still remember their experiences in the old country. In his review of the published literature on Jews, Glazer, (62. p. 279) has been able to draw two important social characteristics of the Jew : - he seems to have advanced more rapidly, and is more prosperous than any other ethnic group ; he intermarries very little, and -13- although he becomes culturally indistinguishable from other Americans, the line of separation from the majority group remains sharper than the line that separates other white immigrant groups from the majority group. Loewenstein, in his book Christians and Jews , ( 33. ) makes a survey of typical Jewish characteristics and endeavors to ex- plain them from the psychoanalytical point of View. He is well aware of the limitations of his study, and gives some convincing suggestions as to what kind of research could be carried out in understanding the "Jewish Personality" . He states, in this connection ; "It would be interesting to make a study to find out whether the fact of always being put in the same boat and tarred with the same brush by Gentiles has led to the formation of some character traits and behavior patterns common to all Jews. Such a study might be set up on the following lines : - 10 Evaluation of the. social structures of selected groups, their distinctive features, institutions, important achievements. Incidence of certain patterns of personality and behavior among members of the group and of attitudes towards each other, towards outsiders, and towards certain ideals. Characteristics of individual members of the group when acting collectively. Common ideals of the groups and conditions under which group consciousness is achieved. -19- ”Obviously, such criteria would only acquire validity when compared with similar data compiled on other pr0perly selected groups. In other words, one would have to compare the percentage of Jews who react in a given manner in given conditions with the percentages of Catholics or Protestants, French or Germans, and so on, who react similarly under the same conditions. . . So far this type of study has only been undertaken on the economic status of Jews, on their choice of profession and occupation,and on the crime rate and insanity rate among Jews. For the present, therefore, we shall have to assume provisionally the validity of criteria based on cultural and historical data, and on direct observations until such time as they are either con- firmed or invalidated by scientifically established data. " (33. p. 122) While there has been a lack of research on the "Jewish personality" , many studies, particularly in the last few years, have been published on the "anti-semitic personality" , culminating in the voluminous work of Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik et a1. , on The Authoritarian Personality , (2. ) Further, Bettelheim and Janowitz, (8. ) and Ackerman and Jahoda (1. ) hypothesized on the psychodynamics of prejudiced people undergoing psycho- analysis. There is no doubt that these efforts are commendable. However, is it expected that a psychological understanding of one's prejudice may ultimately lead to the disappearance of bias ? Dollard is very pessimistic on this point "The effort to recondition individuals one by one, to free them from anti-Negro, or anti-Semitic sentiment is likely to be futile. " (15. p. 463) According to him, even mass propaganda cannot supplant prejudice, because it is in the social environment which would punish anyone who would make -20- any other than prejudiced responses. It is felt that this orientation -- the study of the biased individual -- has become over-emphasized, to the neglect of the study of the object of this bias, the marginal man. A first serious attempt to do that is the study of the American Negro by Kardiner, (25. ). A scientific study on the adjustment of the American Jew as a member of a minority group is yet to be published. -21- B. RESEARCH USING OBJECTIVE PERSONALITY TESTS TO COMPARE JEWS AND NON-JEWS After an exhaustive study of psychologically-inspired literature, the writer found only ten studies where the pencil and paper test of personality was used to differentiate Jews from Gentiles in the United States. The major findings are summarized in Table I. In examining the results, it was found that some psychologists reported that Jews seemed to be more unstable, while others reported exactly the opposite. In most cases, significance of the differences was very low on scales of neuroticism. Sward and Friedman, (90. ) who appear to have made the most extensive research in finding differences between Jews and non-Jews, point out the limitations of their study, and the fact that personality inventories could not present a picture of the actual differences between Jews and non-was. This is what they have to say in this connection : "In the face of a labyrinth of Jewish adaptations at various times and places, the present research hardly aims to ignore the complexity of the Jewish psyche as defined in the literature (Arnold Zweig, Feuchtwanger, Shalom Asch, et a1.) , or as observed in daily intercourse. It simply denies a wholesale difference in subjective tem- perament. Our admittedly select sample of American Jews diverge only slightly from the normal introspective picture. The defender of a "typically Jewish temperament" in America is only compelled to define his terms. " (90. p. 82) .monoom nmwspohuco: do «come as nflmwho fiddofimz .muofidw cuonuaduiog cdfi HonwE 22 935.3 :Hoancmwoua mo muscum mBohnnoZ om mm: . uhoom march av ungownh 030.30g Magma 316M #333. Awndnmflwm mfidv< Housonchom can vudsvm mBoHunoZ cm 353. cm mmma .Bndfludur «cdunomg once xom mudmvsum cdfivomhh .uflondoc mmofl mtaon £332“. 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Macaw» was M52 mUZHQZHh QHDZHBZOU .H H4 m4H. 24 . 32:53 mom: dad .mmmcmtfimmoummm v.82 msonéoz :: .mouoUm 39398“ once: tan vogue tnfimumuwficb which Rem mi; .333 march. mo unofiumsflom Emfluom etc? 302 .55.?lo Sum thongm mBohucoZ oz .mucovgm march omfi AmMBoano: mm 60.3536 :95 mm 33:53.0 3:35am raucous: 5.29:;qu mi: 35653 £333. .«0 330.32 daemoccflz owoSOU 953.258 :3300 "333333 «Coupon mBohucoZ vh :oflmnsfidood mo mmdmuon “cog .0320 meson 2. .3535 050: so .333 ouoom odoflwcfim 3:0va mi; which. ”:5 .oucouowfiv 2.9350 OZ Emu—Cog omoSOU :om wdoA .ucmgfifiwfim mum £033 .mouoom smog uflmnwwfiw 03m mdumum UwEocouo samuOn Heaps can nogmfi mo 93m mEdU H macaw Samoa—52 mBonncoZ 3 958“. no v3 .95»an >Houco>ca oi: 3:06de raunmzdb stream :BOHQ comm E l H @0739th AOOmUm flmzoa £330.... .«0 a: vw.: Gowns." osOO 93AM. msoflsnosow 3.3.3». .3 poswsuno mouoom soon: on» no scumusmEoU . Z MMDOHM soflmuosoo sofisuosoO son—duosoo p332 . vcooow “my: 3. .w 3 p cm .2 - H em . co.o~ ww.~m whom ZwHBHH .mO mfidm2 Mdmdfi .. 53 - those born in the United States show no difference in their personality inventory scores. It seems, therefore, that with females, generation is of minor importance in affecting test results in personality inventories. It can be concluded therefore, that Jewish males tend to be influenced to a greater degree by social and cultural forces than Jewish fe- males. This can be inferred from Sward and Friedmans data (91. ) and from what has been observed here. It seems possible to assume that Jewish females tend to have a more well-defined role within the family than do Jewish males. As an example, 90% of the girls plan on marriage and child-raising as their life aim, and only secondarily choose elementary school teaching and social work within the professional career area. Very few have the incentive to go into the professions. However, with the boys, third generation males have higher ambitions than first or second generation males. Within a hierarchy of professions, the latter choose those which are not generally considered of the 'higher pre stige' professions. It should be pointed out that among the girls, the mean scores on the Rorschach test of the mixed parentage group was closer to that of the second generation than to that of the third generation. Within this mixed parentage group, it was found that 2/3 of the mothers had orthodox affilia- tion. As with the mixed parentage boys, similar interpretations could be made with regard to the subservient role of the orthodox mother. _ 54 - Therefore, in families of mixed parentage, where the mothers have an orthodox affiliation, the children will tend to have an adjustment level more like that of the second generation children, On the other hand, the children whose mothers have reformed and conservative affiliation will tend to have an adjustment level more like that of the third generation children. -55- B. ATTITUDE OF JEWISH STUDENTS TOWARDS THEIR REFERENCE GROUP Following the psychological testing and the census -type questionnaire, students were requested to answer a few questions (see Appendix III) on their general attitude towards Judaism and Israel. These questions were devised to tap "feelings of belongingness" and sense of pride of one's ethnic group in the various groups tested, to get some idea as to the extent of their identification. The purpose was to relate any findings on the attitude questionnaire with results obtained with the psychological testing. The students had to state whether they were extremely happy , pleased, or indifferent at the founding of the State of Israel . Among the first and second generation students, 81% stated that they were extremely happy , as against 56% of the third generation. (t-ratio Z. 78) The next question was whether the students we re very pleased , pleased, or indifferent in hearing about the outstanding achievements of a Jew. 64% of the first and second generation answered that they were very pleased, while 50% of the third generation answered in a similar manner. (t-ratio 1. 40) On Jewish intelligence, 63% of the first and second gener- ation believed that the Jew was smarter than the non-Jew, and only 34% of the third generation thought likewise. (t-ratio Z. 90 ) - 56 - As to the extent of existing anti-semitism , there was greater agreement. 86% of the first and second generation, and 78% of the third generation admitted that there was anti-semitism of various degrees. There was no significant difference between the two groups. It is felt that these results illustrate a loosening—up of strong identification feelings of the third generation Jewish students. In the discussion of the results, an hypothesis will be offered as to the affect of different degrees of identification on the adjustment level of the Jews. -57- C. SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS AND TEST RESULTS Anastasi and Foley, in surveying the research on the effect of socio-economic status on tests of personality, make the following generalization : "On neurotic inventories, school children from lower socio-economic levels have shown evidence of greater maladjustment than those from middle and upper levels. Moreover, these class differences were found to be larger and more reliable than differences between urban and rural. . . .When groups of comparable socio-economic level were selected the national and urban-rural differences tended to disappear. " (4. p. 793) In this study, the total sample was first divided according to gene jation. Results were obtained which indicated a gradual increase from one generation to the next, with regard to better social adjustment as measured by the Thurstone Personality Inventory. According to Anastasi and Foley's statement, this gradual better social adjustment was found to correlate with higher socio-economic status. It has been demonstrated that the concept of adjustment really divides into at least two sub-types : One is "social adjustment" which seems most accurately reflected in the personality inventories ; the other is "inner adjustment" , which seems most accurately reflected in the Rorschach results. It is a well known fact that the longer the immigrant gmups have been in this country, the higher their socio-economic status is likely - 58 - to be. Therefore, the similarity between the "adjustment” scores in Anastasi and Foley's generalization, in terms of socio-economic status, and those of this study, in terms of generation, would lead to the belief that the division used here actually would be analagous to a division along socio-economic lines, since these two factors would correlate. If, in a general sample, a division is made according to the criterion of generation, (first, second, and third) it seems likely that individuals will fall into approximately the same place on a continuum, regardless of whether the criterion of this continuum is generation, or socio-economic status. It was therefore decided to sort our students according to socio-economic status, to ascertain whether this was the causative factor in the differences found in our sample. For this purpose, Warner and Srole's classification scheme was used. This was used in their studies of the Yankee City series. They divided their population in the following manner, giving each group a particular weight : A. Manual Techniques Index Ygaflue l. Unskilled Labor . I 2. Skilled Factory. 2 3. Skilled craft operations, shOp type, tailoring, etc. 2. 5 B. Exchange Control Techniques 1. Management-aid operations, e. g. foremen, secretaries, bookkeepers. 3 2 . Mana gem ent ope rations -adm iniste ring and controlling, market and factory structures. 4 C. Professional Techniques - law, medicine, engineers . 6 - 59 - The index for our first generation parents was found to be 3. 20. Warner and Srole found that the Jewish index in the Yankee City was 3. 32 (46. p. 61 ) which is close to our own figure. However, the second generation parents had a higher socio-economic status indicated by an index of 4.14 . The entire sample of boys was sorted according to Warner's major classifications. It was found that the mean score obtained on the personality inventory by the boys whose fathers we re skilled or unskilled laborers expressed more maladjustment than the mean score obtained by the sons of professionals. Mean scores of the intermediate classifications correlated closely with socio-economic status. These findings seem to corroborate Anastasi and Foley's generalization, and it can be assumed that the division according to genera- tion has produced positive results because of its close correlation with socio-economic divisions. Generation, consequently, does not appear to be the causative factor in the differences found, but rather socio- economic status . However, further analysis will show that the conclusion reached above is not infallible. Accordingly, within the second and third generation groupings, the boys were matched on a one-to-one basis with relation to the profession or vocation of their fathers. In this way, two equated groups in socio-economic status, but of different generations, we re obtained. _ 60 - This type of classification according to Anastasi and Foley's generalization, would make differences in adjustment levels of the two groups "tend to disappear" . In Table VI , tabulations for both types of groupings are included; those non-equated, and those which are equated. The difference in adjustment level doeslifl disappear when the socio-economic status is made comparable. In other words, by controlling the latter factor, the second generation nonetheless maintains a higher neurotic score on the Personality Inventory, and a lower neurotic score on the Rorschach Multiple Choice Test than do the individuals belonging to the third generation . Therefore, contrary to Anastasi and Foley's generalization, Jewish students of different generation but of similar socio-economic status, persist in showing differences in adjustment. Thus, the important factor in producing such differences is the generation, and not the socio-economic status of the group. . oosopfldoo mo #0:: em; 05 ad usdommsmmm .1. mm .o we .3 mm 3 .o 8 .3 mm sofidnosvo quH .1. on .m .2. 2. .N Na. 4 S .o mm 3 .m 3 .m 3 sodusnosou vacuum a .Q .m 5.62 z = u .Q .m 502 Z magnum ofiaosoum ham cassava madam oMEosouH MOM pondsvm “OZ Emma muaomo 359452 mofimommom .m zofiemmzmo -61.. a co .h co .3 om mm .w mm .mm ow soflunosvo “EBB an... «.v .n .1. R. .N an .o S .3 mm 2. .o 3 .3 Ma. son—93.50 vacuum a .Q .m 532 z = a .0 .w 502 Z 35.3w ufiaonoUH Haw pondsvm non—3m UMEOdooH MOM condoms «oz abnmmom walflwoflmm mzoemmbma .4 ZOHdemmZHO QEAOMHZOU mH mDH HAQH -62- D. SCORES OBTAINED BY ORTHODOX, CONSERVATIVE AND REFORM STUDENTS It has already been pointed out that in the various studies concerned with the adjustment of Jews, none seem to have taken in con- sideration the factor of religious affiliation. It has also been demonstrated that in the realm of "social adjustment" and "inner adjustmentH the factor or generation is of major importance rather than socio-economic status, since it was shown that groups of second and third generation matched for socio-economic status still maintain their differences. It is yet to be shown that religious affiliation bears equally little weight with regard to "social adjustment" and "inner adjustment" . Male and female groups were divided on the basis of religious affiliation, - Orthodoxy-talmudical, Orthodox-coeducational, Conservative and Reform. The differences in scores betvveen the groups were, in general, not significant. In other words, ones religious affili- ation has little relation with one's "inner" or "social" adjustment. However, there are some slight discrepancies which necessitate an explanation. A difference in the Personality Inventory exists between boys attending talmudical academies and boys attending Orthodox coeducational institutions. This difference is just short of being significant at the . 05% level. Taking into account that the Per- sonality Inventory reflects "social learning" or "learned social skills" , the fact that approximately one -fifth of the Orthodox-talmudical boys - 63 .. are foreign-born may tend to produce in that particular group a poorer mean score on the Personality Inventory. In fact, if this explanation is valid, it is a further indication of the importance of generation in deter- mining "social adjustment" . The same explanation may be used to account for the lower Rorschach score attained by the group of Orthodox-talmudical boys than that attained by the Orthodox-coeducational boys; the implication being that the greater percentage of first generation boys in the Orthodox - talmudical group tends to produce a healthier Rorschach mean score. A further test of the hypothesis that generation is the primary causative factor for differences in both types of adjustment was also examined. Third generation boys we re divided into Reform and Orthodox groupings, these being considered as extremes on the continuum of religious liberalism versus conservatism. No significant difference was revealed. -54- E. TEST RESULTS OBTAINED WITH A SAMPLE OF GENTILE STUDENTS As a representative sample of the dominant group, non- Jewish Protestant students were tested in one Sunday School, and two private schools. The last two institutions permitted the investigator to inquire as to religious affiliations and origin ; information which could not be requested in public schools because of the present state law forbidding such inquiries. All of the non-Jewish group belonged to long-established Protestant families in this country. They were of relatively high socio- economic status, comparable to our third generation Jewish students. The test results are shown in Table VII, which includes the scores obtained by various generations of Jewish students and the control group. A comparison of the mean scores obtained by the total Jewish sample, and the control Protestant group, indicates that on the Thurstone Personality Schedule, there is no difference in social adjustment between Jews and non-Jews for both girls and boys. This agrees with the majority of investigations tabulated in Table I. Summarizing the results of these tables, Garrett (60.) , Thurstone (92. ) , Sward and Friedman (90. ; 91.) , in their studies, and Sukow and Williamson (89.), and Sperling, Long, and Gordon, have not found the differences significant. Only two investigators, Borwn ( 57. ) and Shuey (87. ) 65 .ouCopflcoo mo 73.3 cam mat on undowficmfim * .oocopflcou Mo 7922 £1 of fin 35032»me .5. , 2.. .m E d 2.... E .3 3 .mm 3 3.5385 - 4.309 ow .2 .2. No .2. S .s 2: 8 .2 mo .3 m2 .333. - 45.09 S d .8 d 8 mm .2 2. .om 3 __ - 822080 3.5. .0. mm .N 5N. co. wmd mm 3.2 nodm on : - ommssmsmm v0.22 3 .2 3. do .2. ow d S 3 .2 3 .8 am .2833. - 5:30:00 283d . . dd 5.0.2 2 . dd :82 z 3E0- zodefimmzmo “duh. oowoaO 3333.),” aodsomuom ** oflspoansm 32dsoaonm scoumhdsh. I: 2.. as d mm #12 2 .mm 3 35.333 .. 122.2. . . . o . S S cm d 22 m 3.2 3.3 v2 .332. - 45.09 m... X. .2 2. co .2 am .8 2. .. - 532280 EEH om. ms. 3. S .2 mm dd .2 S .3. mm .. - $3.33 3.52 2. ,. mm. .2 co. 3. .w me «.0 .3 do .om mv : . sofimsosoo 9835 mm . mm mo. 2. 4. S m: .2 mm .Nm 2 .2238. - cormsscoo Btu . dd 5.02 z . dd :82 z dwom .. zodefidmzmo um 0H. 930:0. @3333 dodge m Mom deogow 32d:0m a onm ocoum Honk. mHZMQDHm MAHHZMO Q24 mmHBHH MO mZOHBaoamHZMU mDOEJCx .fim QMZHAmeO mHMOUm MO 20mg¢mmem00 .HH> Mimfldwh. - 66 - found definite superiority of adjustment with their Jewish sample. As pointed out earlier, we have no evidence that the generation of the Jewish samples were controlled, and this may have been responsible for the inconclusive results obtained by these investigators. On the other hand, with the Rorschach Multiple Choice Te st, there is evidence of a decided difference between Jews and non-Jews, when boys are tested, (8. 80 s. d. 6. 82 and 6. 98 s. d. 4. 44 respectively, t-Z. 67) while for the girls the difference in the Rorschach goes in the expected di- rection, but the difference is not wide enough to be significant at the 5% level of confidence. The comparisons made above between Jewish and Gentile samples included one group which is heterogeneous from the point of view of generation. In order to eliminate the factor of generation with its attendant effects on adjustment scores, in Table VIII the scores obtained by long-established Protestants and third generation Jews were compared. On the basis of the assumption that third generation Jews have become more acculturated, they were used in this comparison. The Personality Schedule results show little difference between the two groups, while the difference in the Rorschach is maintained, as in the case when the aggregate scores were compared. In other words, although the "social adjustment" of the dominant group is similar to the "social adjustment" of the minority group, the "inner adjustment" level seems to favor the former group. 60:03:00 .«o ~o>o~ am; 05 an undufimfimmm 6233.250 mo ~95: «rm on» an unduflwcmwm * ** . co .m we .m 00 mm .3 mo 5N so #333. a...» on .N A: . 3. d .3 d 3 E .3 3 .3 «N Bsfiuououm a .Q .m 532 2 u .Q .m 532 Z . .. m M 30H. 030:0 03332-:odgumuom oflovonom bfldcoduom Onondaga. M1330 cow 33m . mod vm.: : oo.: omdw mv £333. *4. .3“ .m md . «v .v do .0 mm mm .2 2 .3 mm 352895 a .Q .m can} Z a .Q .m use?“ 2 dwom - sodwzqm :8. 838 23:52 530232 _ oasvonom >ufld¢0muonm 2.83.233. mBZHQDHm BEBQHBOMQ ZOmBgmsz 95H. QZ¢ 393mm... ZOthdMZHU QMHEH. 7m mHMOUm .HZHEBmD—ua ho ZOma~OU . HE HAQH. - 68 - The major part of the sample of this research is Jewish, while the non-Jewish group is relatively small. Harrower's book (23. ) does not give any norms for high school students, to use as a basis of comparison with our results. For this purpose, use was made of Blairs' (54.) data with a sample of students in Illinois. The mean score he ob- tained for the girls was close to the mean score obtained in this study , (6.49 and 5. 64 respectively ) . Findings with the boys were close, as well (7. 37 and 6. 98 respectively) . It can be assumed, therefore, that the Protestant sample of this research does not vary much from the general papulation and could therefore be used as representative of a non-Jewish group . In another paper, Blairs (53.) reports the Rorschach scores of White and Negro education students attending summer school at the University of Illinois. The mean scores he fomd for the white students, who were an older group, was close to his findings with the high school students. Table IX brings together Blairs' findings, and the findings of this research. For the purpose of comparison, the scores obtained by the third generation Jewish group we re used. The data in- dicates that the Jewish male group obtained an almost equal score to that of Negro students, (11. 84 and 11. 78 respectively) , while the Jewish girls scored somewhat lower than the female Negro students , (8. 02 and 9. 63 respectively). It seems that both Negro and Jews, as a minority group, suffer from the "marks of oppression" , using Kardiner's terminology (25. ). In the next chapter, the implications of such findings will be discussed . -69- .oocogwdoo mo ~95: a»; 05 um udduflwcma ** donogmdoo mo ~o>o~ 95m 05 um usdowficmmm .w A #330: Anunfiuobnn: ... on .N 3 .m 8 .m 3 3.5 as .m 3. $3.5 935m Aoumozv ... mo .~ 35 2 .3 .e 8 «35:5 .23...” macaw 3.3035. pad .Q .m 3302 Z .Q .m 3.502 2 VQDBm “sagas“. smegma » 52052 02300 mmd<2m~h E AnmwBohv Amusdumououmv .1. $5 mo .o 3 .2 3 $4. as .e mm mmfieau 938mm floumozv . .1. 85 3.: a om .p cm «32:5 3.33m macaw 52955 pad .Q.m mcdoz Z .Q.m undo} Z WQDBm 3.35506 amazon a 53052 ofiuflomv m m A 4 2 smug. moHomo mqmflqaz mo