ABSTRACT MASCULINE/FEMININE ROLE-RELATED ATTITUDES OF UNIVERSITY STUDENTS IN THE UNITED STATES AND FRANCE By Virginia Frei Grundstrom The purposes of this investigation were to determine views regarding sex role attitudes and expectations h81d by university students in three schools in the United States and two in France, and to ascertain if any specific factors within an individual's micro- or macro-environment correlate with either traditional or egalitarian sex role attitudes and expectations. The population for this study consisted of 1203 college students enrolled in randomly selected Liberal Studies classes at five univer- sities: Eastern Michigan University at Ypsilanti, Michigan; Northern Michigan University at Marquette, Michigan; University of California- San Diego at San Diego, California ; University of Clermont-Ferrand at Virginia Frei Grundstrom Clermont-Ferrand, France; and Ecole de L'Alliance Francais de Paris, at Paris, France. Females outnumbered males in all samples except the group from San Diego, California. Hypotheses tested concerned: An attempted measurement of degrees of egalitarianism versus traditionalism of sex-role attitudes, cross-culturally, between American students and between French students. An attempted assessment of effects of independent demographic variables on the dependent variable, Traditional/ Egalitarian score, with an assumption made that gender would be the most significant determinant. An effort to determine the consistency of total acceptance of either an egalitarian or traditional sex-role ideology. An attempt to corroborate the 1970 Mason-Bumpass conclusions related to women's sex role attitudes in the United States. For the purpose of this research, an original inventory by Mason and Bumpass, of a 197 0 National Fertility Study, was utilized in revised French and English forms. An ecological approach was found to be highly adaptable in exploring relationships between the in- dividual and interrelated and interdependent sub -systems. Four Spe- cific areas--espou sed division of labor between the sexes, support for the rights of women in the labor market, beliefs about consequences of Virginia Frei Grund strom work in the labor market for the maternal role, and beliefs about psy- chological differences between the sexes were selected for investigation. Data analysis procedures included correlation tests, overall and Attitudinal Area mean scores, and difference in mean scores and step-wise regression analyses of scores with independent and dependent variables for the total group and sub -groups. Overall mean scores and Attitudinal Area mean scores showed a general similarity of findings between sample groups, with a total overall mean of 74.8, depicting a definite egalitarian ideology. Between nations, the greatest divergence of opinion concerned the issue of employment rights of women with American scores being con- siderably more egalitarian than those of French students. Most tra- ditional views were declared by all student groups concerning the issue of "consequences of work in the labor market for the maternal role. " The findings revealed a strong relationship between a high egalitarian score and gender. Mother's education, individual living arrangements, small number of siblings, quantity of equipment owner- ship by family, a greater amount of individual reading time and a lesser amount of television watching time, and a higher educational level of mate were other independent variables contributing to the dependent variable, Traditional IEgalitarian score. Virginia Frei G rundstrom The study provided some understandings regarding what sex role related attitudes are espoused by a selected sample of university students, and what independent variables contributed to the formation of these attitudes. The most conclusive finding emerging from this research was that, in Spite of considerable ambivalence and incon- sistency, sex role attitudes appeared to be tending toward a definite egalitarian philosophy, with some evolution yet to be accomplished before total social, economic, and political equality between the sexes is achieved. MASCULINE/FEMININE ROLE-RELATED ATTITUDES OF UNIVERSITY STUDENTS IN THE UNITED STATES AND FRANCE by Virginia Frei Grundstrom A DISSE RTA TI ON Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Family Ecology 1975 © Copyright by Virginia Frei Grundstrom 1975 DEDICATION To my husband Gerry the most Special partner, lover, and friend ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Words are but poor symbols to adequately express appreciation to those many human beings who have "made a difference" not only in assisting in the production of this manuscript, but in making all phases of my doctoral program an intellectually challenging experience. However, the writer wishes to attempt an expression of sincere gratitude, eSpecially to the members of her advisory committee: Dr. Margaret Bubolz, Dr. Dale Alam, Dr. Gertrude Nygren, Dr. Jane Oyer, and Dr. Beatrice Paolucci for the many Opportunities of profes- sional growth and communication provided, and for their helpful leader- ship and faithful support throughout her doctoral program. A very special note of thanks is extended to Dr. Margaret Bubolz, advisory committee chairman, for consistently going far above and beyond the call of duty with generous gifts of time, wise counsel, and inspiration. It has been a privilege to study under this committee's encouraging and stimulating guidance. To my husband, Mr. Gerald E. Grundstrom and my children, Jim, Anne, and Sue, love and appreciation are given for their patience and understanding, their continuous assistance, and enthusiastic support. iii Without their constant encouragement and wonderful help, this manu- script would not have been possible. To my parents, Mr. and Mrs. Clayton P. Frei, a Special thank you is extended for their devoted parental efforts in exposing me to the broad vistas of an academically challenging life which formed the foundation for this present achievement. The author wishes to thank the many friends and professional associates who solicitously offered a listening ear, or a pat on the back during the dreary periods of data collection. Recognition is humbly given, also, to all those known and unknown individuals who distributed and completed the research instrument at Eastern Michigan University, Ypsilanti, Michigan; at Northern Michigan University, Marquette, Michigan; the University of California-San Diego, San Diego, California; at the University of Clermont-Ferrand, Clermont-Ferrand, France; and at Ecole de L'Alliance Francais de Paris, Paris, France. Sincere appreciation is expressed to Karen 0. Mason of the University of Michigan and Larry L. Bumpass of the University of Wisconsin for permitting this comparative analysis which is based on their 1970 National Fertility Study. Finally, grateful acknowledgement is made to Miss Joyce Kowalk, Director, College Programs, Franco-American Committee for Educational Travel and Studies, New York, New York for her co- operative efforts in facilitating the procurement of French data; to Mrs. iv Rolande Graves for her assistance in translating the original research instrument into the French language; to Dr. Raymond R. Lindstrom, for his statistical expertise and remarkable ability to meaningfully elucidate the research findings: To Jim Johnson for his aid in computer programming; and to Miss Pam Frisk for her singular capability as a typist. TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES . LIST OF FIGURES . Chapter I. II. INT RODUCTI ON Statement of the Problem Objectives Theoretical Definitions of Terms Socialization Role . Masculine Role Feminine Role . Egalitarianism Traditional Point of View Attitudinal Area Environment Micro -Environment Macro -Environment Socio-Economic Status .- A ssumptions Limitations of the Study . REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Theoretical Issues Relating to Summary . Role 5 Theoretical Issues Relating to Sex Roles Summary . Empirical Sex Role Research Summary . vi Page H cocooooooooooo-a-q-qcncncncnpbu-n 11 11 23 25 39 4O 62 III. IV. DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY . . . Conceptual Framework . . . . . Objectives . . . . . . . . . Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . Hypothesis I . . . . . . . Hypothesis II . . . . . . . Hypothesis III . . . . . . . Hypothesis IV . . . . . . . HypothesisV . . . . . . . Operational Definitions . . Traditional/ Egal1tar1an Scale . . Traditional Sex Role . . . . . Egalitarian Sex Role . . . . . Attitudinal Area . . . . . . Socio-Economic Status . . . . Selection and Development of Instruments Data Analysis Procedures . . . . DESCRIPTION OF SAMPLE . . . . Sample Selection . . . . . . . Demographic Data Regarding Students and Their Families . . Sex . . . . . . . . . . . . Age of Participating Students . . . Marital Status . . . . . . . . Educational Level of Mate . . . . Occupation of Mate . . . . . . . Location of Family Residence “. . . Living Arrangements . . . . . . Size of Family . . . . . . . . Student Employment . . . . . . Parental Education . . . . . . . Parental Occupations . . . . . . Data Describing the Personal Activities of Respondents . . . Weekly Reading Time . . . . Weekly Television Viewing Time Student Travel . . . . . . . Student Exchange Program Participation Participation in Student Organizations . Labor-Saving Equipment in Parental Home Summary of Sample Characteristics . vii Page 64 64 68 69 69 69 70 70 70 71 71 71 71 71 72 72 76 80 80 83 85 85 85 87 90 90 95 95 98 103 104 109 109 114 114 119 119 122 125 V. FINDINGS O O O O O O 0 Measurement of Variables Traditional/ Egalitarian Scale Correlations Traditional Items . . Egalitarian Items . . Summary . . . . Sub-Set Correlations . . Attitudinal Area DL . Attitudinal Area RW . Attitudinal Area CW . Attitudinal Area PD . Summary . . . . Tests of Hypotheses . . Hypothesis 1 . . . Hypothesis II . . . Hypothesis III . . . Correlations Between Sub score s, Total Score and Demographic Data . . Step-Wise Regression Analyses of Independent Variables and T / E Score Hypothesis IV . . . HypothesisV . . . VI. DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS . VII. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND IMPLICATIONS. Summary . . . . . . Conclusions . . . . . Implications . . . . . APPENDICES C O O O O O O O A . Opinions Related to Ma sculine / Feminine Sex Role Attitudes . . . B. Opinions et Attitudes a L'Egard du Role de L'Homme et de la Femme Dans Notre Societe C. Mason and Bumpass Sample Description and Questionnaires. . . D. Labor-Saving Equipment in Family Home BI-Bum’RAPHY O O O C O O 0 viii Page 127 127 127 127 128 129 129 129 130 130 131 132 132 133 140 146 148 156 160 162 165 174 174 186 190 197 198 206 214 218 .221 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. LIST OF TABLES Hatt-North Prestige Scale and Socio-Economic Index Occupations as Listed in Opinionnaire Numerical Opinionnaire Data (United States) I Methods Used in Analyses of Data Numerical Opinionnaire Data (France) . Number and Sex of Students at Participating Universities . . . Ages of Participating Students . Marital Status of Participating Students Educational Level of Mate Occupation of Mate . Location of Family Residence Living Arrangements . Size of Family . . . Student Employment . Self Employment . . Education of Fathers . Education of Mothers . Father's Occupation . ix Page 72 74 78 81 83 84 86 88 89 91 93 96 99 100 101 105 107 110 Table 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. Mother's Occupation . . . . . . . . . Weekly Time Expenditure: Reading . . . . Weekly Time Expenditure: Television . . . . Student Travel . . . . . . . . . . . Student Exchange . . . . . . . . . . . Student Organizational Activity . . . . . . Total Equipment Ownership . . . . . . . Over-All and A Area Mean Scores on T/E Scale Total Group and Sub-Groups . . . . . . Over-All Mean and A Area Differences in Scores for Males and Females . . . . . Group Differences Between Means of A Areas . Simple Correlations Between A Area Scores and Demographic Variables for Total Group . Step-Wise Regression Analysis of Independent Variables and Traditional/ Egalitarian Score for Total Group . Step-Wise Regression Analysis of Independent Variables and Traditional/ Egalitarian Score for Sub -Groups . Page 112 115 117 120 121 123 126 134 135 136 149 154 158 Figure 1. LIST OF FIGU RES Ecological Conceptual Framework xi CHAPTER ONE INT RODU CTION Implanted in the stuff of all life is one urge-- the drive of potential to become actual, i. e. , to take shape and realize its potential. This fundamental drive you cannot violate with impunity. But you can count on it. As a human being, you are to some degree in charge of it. A built-in goal of life then is that you actualize your potential in the heres and nows given you. You have been given the possibility of becoming fully personal . . . . One of man's (woman's) grave sins is the sin of not being, of never having been born, of being "a face- less one" with no boundaries, no distinctive contours, no mouth that speaks nor eyes that invite. Equally damnable is the life that refuses to be reborn, that regards itself as finished (Ross Snyder, 1967, p. 21). Statement of the Problem Role relationships between men and women, analyzed historically, reveal a great diversity of culturally defined, inter-related positions (Barry, Bacon and Child, 1957; Bonsfield, 1925; Chadarou, 1971; D1rante, 1939). Development of societal role structures appear to be dependent upon the economic, political, and religious institutions, the kinship patterns, and child rearing practices upheld by each specific society throughout the history of mankind (Blood, 1965; Blood and Wolfe, 1960; Bronfenbrenner, 1961; D'Andrade, 1966; Kagan and Moss, 1962; Kohlberg, 1966 ; Maccoby, 1963 and 1966 ; Mead, 1935; Sears, Maccoby and Levin, 1957; Seward, 1972; Silver, 1973; Tyler, 1969). The input of these factors, in our present day human inter- action, haS created possibilities for a more egalitarian masculine/ feminine role relationship. The legalization of equal educational, poli- tical, social, and economic rights, as well as the control of family size, has presented women with an increased variety of role options. Since individual role changes cause reaction to, and within, other role pro- jections, it follows that both sexes are affected by the potentiality of contemporary socialization expectations (Acker, 197 3; Blood, 1965; Brenton, 1973; Bronfenbrenner, 1961 and 19 70; Komarovsky, 19 73; Vernon, 1965). The question confronts us whether social changes have been adequately reflected within the self-image of males and of female S, and within that image which society projects and expects of them. Revisions in role relationships, based on the realities of the new sexual equilibrium, are more easily vocalized than activated. Attitudes and values have a tenacious manner of persisting long after present day life styles have rendered them meaningless (Freeman, 1971; Goldberg, 1969; Hoffman and Hoffman, 1964; Komarovsky, 1953; Lipinski, 1965; Mannes, 1963). Confusion, conflict and anxiety seem to be evidenced by both modern men and women, as they attempt adjustment to the challenges of sex role. definitions (Horner, 1969 and 1970; Komarovsky, 1946 and 1973; Levine and Crumrine, 1975; Nyes and Hoffman, 1963). It would appear that we may be living with a situation in transition, where the androgynous conception of sex role remains ill -defined and inadequately conceptualized (Arnott, 1969; Goldberg, 1969; Goode, 1960; LeMasters, 1963; Lyell, 1968; Maccoby, 1963; Mulvey, 1963; Roper Organization, 1974; Rossi, 1965 and 1966; Tyler, 1964). AS one attempts to analyze sex-role patterns in today's world, some of the following questions demand answers. 1. Do men and/or women exemplify a polarity of thinking toward either end of the continuum of traditional/ egalitarian sex role attitudes ? 2. Is there a correlation between specific demographic and socialization factors and sex role attitudes ? 3. Are stereotyped sex roles being rejected by men and/or women as incompatible with the philosophy of self -actualization pro- fessed by many people during the last two decades ? 4. Has the socialization process, by which persons acquire the knowledge, skills, and dispositions necessary to fulfill, with more or less expertise, their role within society, experienced a "culture lag"? There can be little doubt as to the importance of learning more about the sex-role attitudes and values that are espoused by young men and women in the 1970's. These attitudes, transmitted by tradition, family and peer pressures, societal customs, and mass media indoc- trination, form the framework within which individual personalities evolve, and within which, in one way or another, adjustment must take place. Since these role expectations touch the very quick-stone of the structure and functions of family life, one may extrapolate that changes in male and female role perceptions will have a penetrating effect on the personalities of future generations, as well (Brenton, 1973; Mead, 1962; Roper Organization, 1974). Research can .help provide answers to lessen the confusion and anxiety expressed by so many individuals as they try to relate their sex-role patterns to present day social and economic conditions. Objectives The Specific objectives of this exploratory study were: 1. To secure information from University students in France and the United States related to: a. espoused division of labor between the sexes. b. support for the rights of women in the labor market. c. beliefs about consequences of labor market participation for the maternal role. d. beliefs about psychological differences between the sexes. To investigate relationships between specific demographic and socialization factors and aSpectS of masculine/ feminine sex-role to determine whether correlations exist. To ascertain whether masculine /feminine sex role patterns, as expressed through this Opinionnaire, evidence consistent acceptance or confused variance with either traditional or egalitarian sex-role attitudes and behaviors. Theoretical Definitions of Terms Socialization 1. The process of learning by which an individual is prepared to meet the requirements that society has set for his behavior in a variety of social situations (Brim, 1959). The term "role, ' as used in this study, embraces three defini- tive meanings: It may relate to the structurally given demands allied to specific social positions. In this sense, role is something outside the given individual, a Set of norms, expectations, responsibilities that may channel, guide, impede, or support the functioning of the individual in the organization. 2. Role may refer to a person's orientation to, or conception of, a particular position within a given structure. The term, as used in this manner, alludes to the inward interpretation held by the individual of what, and how, someone in a Specific situation should act and think. 3. Role is, also, defined as the conscious or unconscious behaviors of members of a particular position, in accordance with, or in violation of, a given set of organizational norms, that are rele- vant to the prevailing social structure (Smelser and Smelser, 196 3). Masculine Role The adoption of specific qualities, expected behaviors, and in- terests of the male sex which would be normal in the society in which the individual is growing up (Maccoby and Jacklin, 1974, p. 12). In the United States, Gough (1952) defines these qualities and activities, traditionally, as: outgoing, hardheaded, ambitious, physically masculine, active, robust, restless, manipulative and opportunistic in dealings with others, blunt and direct in thinking and action, impatient with delay, indecision and reflection (Gough, 1952, p. 12). Feminine Role The adOption of Specific qualities, expected behaviors, and interests of the female sex which would be normal in the society in which the individual is growing up (Maccoby and Jacklin, 1974, p. 12). In the United States, Gough (1952) defines these qualities and activities, traditionally, as: patient, appreciative, helpful, gentle, having modera- tion, being persevering, sincere, respectful and accepting of others and behaving in a conscientious and sympathetic manner (Gough, 1952, p. 12). Egalita riani sm An expression favoring true equality, which entails a shifting, fluid, dynamic kind of interaction within which patterns of leadership behavior change from one person to the other, depending upon the spe- cific interests and competencies participating individuals may contribute to a given situation. Role performances that range from dominance to dependency are determined by the available opportunities, the particular needs and abilities of the involved individuals, and the requirements of the situation (Brenton, 1973, p. 70). Traditional Point of View An expression describing a life pattern in which woman's pri- mary function is determined by her biology-~she is to bear and to care for children. The home and family are central to the wholesome develop- ment of the child and to the quality and stability of communal and national life. It is this which requires woman's full devotion, while man works in the world to provide the necessary material support. Woman is expected to fulfill herself through caring, man through work (LeFevre, 197 3, p. 46). Attitudinal A rea A cluster of feelings and beliefs with regard to certain aspects of masculine /feminine role concepts. Environment Environment is whatever is external to, and potentially useful for, the maintenance of life; components of the environment with which the family interacts are physical, biological, and social (Hook and Paolucci, 1970). Micro-Environment. The micro -environment consists of human beings, man-made objects and natural Spaces that are in closest proximity to the individual and /or family (Deacon and Firebaugh, 19 75). Macro-Environment. The macro -environment consists of the aggregate of surrounding things, groups and organizations, conditions and influences that affect the individual and / or the family (Deacon and Firebaugh, 1975). Socio-Economic Status The differentiation among families based upon social and economic factors in society. A ssumptions The following assumptions underlie this study: The human being is an open energy system, a product of, and affected by, his orher environment, with reSpect to his or her physical, psychological, and social development. All individuals, both male and female, have basic needs, the highest of which is self-actualization. The human personality, with its needs and values, determines one's perception of the physical and social environment; this perceptual frame of reference governs one's adaptive behavior to the environment. Sex role is a significant facet of the individual's total personality. Espousal of egalitarian sex roles allows for a higher degree of self -a ctualization. Individuals will not be consistent in their eSpousal of masculine/ feminine sex role attitudes. The samples of student opinions represent a cross-section of students enrolled in randomly selected Liberal Studies classes. Limitations of the Study This study is limited by the technicalities of obtaining a cross- 10 cultural sample of students. The randomness of the French p0pulation is dependent upon the accuracy with which the professors at the Univer- sity of Clermont-F'errand followed the directions for sample choice. The investigation is also limited by the sensitivity of the mea- suring instruments used, the honesty of the answers received from the sample population selected, and the abilities of the researcher to devise and implement the research procedures. CHAPTER TWO REVIEW OF LITE RA TU RE The focus of the first part of this review of literature is on the examination and clarification of major theoretical and conceptual issues related to roles in general, and specifically, as role is asso- ciated with sex. In the second section of the review, the empirical findings involving sex roles are presented. Theoretical Issues Relating to Roles All the world's a stage, And all the men and women merely players. They have their exits and their entrances; And one man in his time plays many parts, His acts being seven ages. At first the infant, Mewling and puking in the nurse's arms. And then the whining school-boy, with his satchel And shining morning face, creeping like snail Unwillingly to school. And then the lover, Sighing like furnace, with a woeful ballad Made to his mistress' eyebrow. Then a soldier, Full of strange oaths, and bearded like the pard; Jealous in honour, sudden and quick to quarrel, Seeking the bubble reputation Even in the cannon's mouth. And then the justice, In fair round belly with good capon lined, With eyes severe and beard of formal cut, Full of wise saws and modern instances; 12 And so he plays his part. The Sixth age shifts Into the lean and slipper'd pantaloon, With Spectacles on nose and pouch on side; His youthful hose, well shaved, a world too wide For his shrunk shank; and his big manly voice, Turning again toward childish treble, pipes And whistles in his sound. Last scene of all, That ends this strange eventful history, Is second childishness, and mere oblivion, Sans teeth, sans eyes, sans taste, sans everything. ”AS You Like It” (Shakespeare) Act H, Scene 7, Line 139 (Bartlett, 1955 p. 16’1a) In the 1920's the still-to-be defined idea of "role" was envisioned by Charles Horton Cooley when he stated that ”one estimates the character of another by imagining what we would do in various Situations. “ Cooley was concerned with the ways in which human nature is Shaped by partici- pation in the social order (Clausen, 1968). In 1929, L. S. Cottrell attempted to develop a set of prOposi- tions for the systematic analysis of social interaction situations. Two assumptions that he made are worthy of mention. He postulated that no item of social behavior can be viewed in isolation. It must be viewed in relation to its function as a part of a situation composed of other individuals. Second, he assumed that any person not only develops his own response patterns, but also incorporates the responses of the others in the interactive system into his own reactive system (Cottrell and Gallagher, 1941). It appears that it was not until the decade of the 19 30's in the 13 United States that the term ”role " was employed to refer to a technical concept. Mead and Linton are two Significant theorists whose writings deserve comment in this context. 1 In Meadian role theory the concepts of role and self are closely intertwined. One of the connections is seen in the fact that the theory postulates that role-prescriptions are leaned in a manner which is quite reminiscent of the process of self-development. In the case of role pre- scriptions, actor takes on the other'S definitions of apprOpriate behavior in particular circumstances. In addition to learning a self and behavioral norms, actor also learns what picture of self should be publicly pre- sented and how impressions can be managed to convey that image of self. An additional axiom states that possession of a high level of self esteem, a favorable self-image, is rewarding for the actor, and therefore he is motivated to seek such an image (Heiss, 1968). In George Herbert Mead's most influential work, Mind, Self, and Society (1934), Mead relates his preoccupations relevant to role theory. At the core of Mead's theory are the propositions that an indi- vidual (a) will conceive of himself much as he believes Significant others conceive of him, and (b) will tend to act in accord with expectations he imputes to these significant others concerning the way "people like him" Should act. This result is the self-as-experienced being derived from the engagement of pure ego in social interaction. 14 The structural approach to the study of roles was popularized by the writing of Ralph Linton, the eminent anthropologist. In 1936, Linton proposed the classic distinction between status or position, and role. A status, as distinct from the individual who may occupy it, is Simply a collection of rights and duties . . . . A "role” represents the dynamic aspect of a status. The individual is socially assigned toa status and occupies it with relation to other statuses. When he puts the rights and duties which constitute the status into effect, he is performing a role. Role and status are quite inseparable, and the distinction be- tween them is of only academic interest. There are no roles without statuses or statuses without roles. Just as in the case of "status, ” the term "role" is used with a double significance. Every individual has a series of roles deriving from the various patterns in which he participates and at the same time "a role, “ general, which represents the sum total of these roles and determines what he does for his society and what he can expect from it (Linton, 1936, pp. 113-114). Role has been defined by Parsons (1945) from the point of view of the actor, as the normative expectations of the members of the group as formulated in its social traditions. Several studies focus on the Parson-Bales role framework which designates the wife as fulfilling the expressive role and the husband the instrumental role (Parsons and Bales, 1955). In cross-cultural studies, such as those conducted by Zelditch (1955), forty-six societies had a Parsons-Bales role struc- ture, where the wife was the expressive party in the decision-making role. Zelditch states that the nuclear family in our society has a par- 15 ticular yet flexible role pattern. It is nuclear but not independent, and its uniqueness lies in its age-sex structure, attitudes, and expression of affection. One of the more noteworthy theories of socialization done during the late fifties, which lays stress on role learning, has been elaborated by Orville G. Brim, Jr. and Stanton Wheeler (1966). He draws heavily on interactionist ideas, but also emphasizes the social system context. Socialization is defined as a process of learning by which an individual is prepared to meet the requirements that society has set for his behav- ior in a variety of social situations. These requirements always attach to one or another of the positions or statu ses in either the larger society or some smaller social system. The required behavior, including habits, beliefs, attitudes, and motive S, in a given position is considered to be an individual's prescribed role, and the requirements themselves are the role prescriptions. Thus, there are sets of reciprocal requirements regulating the behavior of individuals toward each other, depending on their positions in the system. One learns these reciprocal requirements from interacting with others in a variety of social situations and by gradually developing the ability to take the role of the other. His know- ledge of these social situations, his ability to discharge successfully his role in each situation, and his motivation to perform up to the level which the Situation require S, are all variables explaining individual dif- 16 ferences in behavior. Brim and Wheeler (1966), in their book entitled Socialization After Childhood: Two Essays, offer the following succinct summary of the socialization process: The basic premise is that most of what is (learned from socialization in childhood, and indeed throughout life, is a series of complex interpersonal relationships. In the life of every person, there are a number of people directly involved in socialization who have great influence because of their frequency of contact, their primacy, and their control over rewards and punishment. These per- sons, and the expectations they have for the child's behavior, are of high salience to him for continuing periods. Throughout the person's life these people continue to influence the development of his charac- ter, even as new, significant persons are added, and the older ones displaced. The result is the emergence of a series of "self-other systems, " in which the child is oriented toward the role prescriptions and evaluations of significant others in his environment (p. 8). Another of the more recent writers, Ralph Turner (1956), has elaborated on (the perspective of roles and role -taking. Turner views role -playing and role -taking as a process, rather than just an extension of normative or cultural deterministic theory, as postulated originally by Ralph Linton. Turner emphasizes the tendency to create and modify conceptions of self and other-roles as an interactive orienting process, rather than the initial existence of distinct identifiable roles. As in the basic interaction process of Newcomb and Secord and Backman, Turner views as a central feature of role -taking "the process of discovering and creating consistent wholes out of behavior, " or ”devising a pattern" that 17 will cope effectively with various types of relevant others and meet some recognizable criteria of consistency (Buckley, 1967). The conventional view of roles, which emphasizes a prescribed complementarity of expec- tations, thus gives way to a View of role -taking as a process of defining a performance on the basis of an imputed other-role with an important part being played by cognitive processes of inference testing. Carl W. Backman and Paul F. Secord gave accord to this thinking when they conducted a series of investigations concerned with role selection, in 1961 and 1965. These investigations have been guided by a social-psychological approach to personality, which assumes that stability or change in an individual's behavior over time is a function of stability or change in his relations with other persons. According to Secord and Backman, stability in these relations has two sources, which lie in the institutional and subinstitutional regularities that constrain the individual's overt behavior, his percep- tual, cognitive, and affective processes, and those of the persons with whom he interacts. Institutional regularities refer to systems of cog- nitive expectations regarding the behavior and attributes of individuals, systems that are shared by those in interaction. Subinstitutional regu- larities, according to these researchers, are less formalized and more primitive. They include three relatively stable characteristics of relations among persons: feelings of like or dislike, relative control 18 of one person over another, and evaluations of the relative worth or value of each party to the interaction. These relatively stable aSpects of relations among persons are termed by these scholars, the affect, power, and status structures, respectively. Once established, these properties of interpersonal relations have an enduring quality. They tend to perpetuate themselves by providing mutual reinforcement for the actions of participating individuals. Biddle and Thomas (1966) state that role perspective consists of a particular viewpoint regarding those factors presumed to be influ- ential in governing human behavior. Individuals in society occupy positions, and their role performance in these positions is determined by social norms, demands, and rules; by the role performances of others in their respective positions; by those who observe and react to the performance; and by the individual's particular capabilities and personality. Levinson, in Smelser and Smelser (1963, p. 431), incorporated three definitive meanings into the term "role”: 1. Role may be defined as the structurally given demands (norms, expectations, taboos, responsibilities, and the like) associated with a given social position. Role is, in this sense, something outside the given individual, a set of pressures and facilitations that channel, guide, impede, support his functioning in the organization. 2. Role may be defined as the member's orientation or con- ception of the part he is to play in the organization. It is, so to say, his inner definition of what someone in his social 19 position is supposed to think and do about it. Mead (1934) is probably the main source of this view of social role as an aspect of the person, and it is commonly used in analysis of occupational roles. 3. Role is commonly defined as the actions of the individual members-~actions seen in terms of their relevance for the social structure (that is, seen in relation to the pre- vailing norms). In this sense, role refers to the ways in which members of a position act (with or without con- scious intention) in accord with, or in violation of, a given set of organizational norms. Here, as in (2), role is defined as a characteristic of the actor rather than of his normative environment. The prescriptions for roles in any social system are directed to the successful discharge of the function of that. system for society. Role prescriptions essentially are efforts on the part of society's mem- bers to regulate the behavior of other members so that certain conse- quences will follow. Role prescriptions, then, are based on theories about human behavior. The prescriptions are for the behavior believed by society to be the instrumental means to the achievement of some desired result; that is, some specified function of the social system. It follows that changes in role prescriptions occur when the theories of human nature which underlie the prescriptions change, or when there is a change in the ends to be achieved by the social system. Role prescriptions do not necessarily have the same effect upon people's actions and their attitudes. Role effect on actions is relatively direct and somewhat measurable. Attitudes regarding roles 20 are not nearly as overt as actions. Changes in roles almost invariably involve a change in reference groups. Changes in roles also involve changes in functions and changes in the kinds of behaviors and actions that the role occupant must display if he is to fulfill these functions (Smelzer and Smelzer, 1963). Writers of the 1960's suggest that individuals in an urban society are forced to assume more differentiated roles than in a primi- tive or peasant society. Assuming more roles than before can increase the potential for role strain and make it difficult to View one's total role system in perspective (Goode, 1960). Stating that the total set of role obligations is unique with every individual, Goode believes that it becomes the individual's problem to make his whole role system manageable, allocating his energies and Skills so as to reduce role strain to bearable proportions (Goode, 1960). In 1973, Goode further expounded on role and exchange theory. Goode states that the individual, in an effort to reduce the burden of carrying out felt obligations, allocates scarce resources--role energies, time, emotions, goods--among alternative ends, which are the role obligations owed by the individual. The role performances which the individual can exact from others are what he gets in exchange. Beyond the immediate role relationship of two role partners stands a network of roles with which one or both are in interaction, and these third parties 21 have both a direct and an indirect interest in their role transactions. Precisely because each individual is under some strain and would prefer to be under less, and in particular would prefer to get more for his role performances than he now receives, various changes external to his own role system may alter the kind of role bargains he can and will make. Each individual system is partly held in place by the systems of other people, their demands, and their counter-performances. The cumulative pattern of all such role bargains determines the flow of performances to all social institutions and thus to the needs of the society for survival. For, not only is role strain a normal experi- ence for the individual, but since the individual processes of reducing role strain determine the total allocation of role performances to the social institutions, the total balances and imbalances of role strains create whatever stability the social structure possesses (Goode, 1973). A developmental approach to role acquisition is presented by Thornton and Nardi, 197 5. It entails four stages in the acquisition of a role: anticipatory, formal, informal, and personal. Acquisition of roles involves passage through all four stages, though it is emphasized that learning new roles and adjusting to them are continuous, dynamic processes involving a personal dimension. Centrally involved are in- dividuals with specific, though changeable, personality characteristics who encounter a diverse series of expectations regarding their behavior, 22 attitudes, and knowledge at different points in time. These authors suggest that peOple first deve10p preconceptions from exposure to anticipatory expectations presented by the mass media and by others enacting the type of role anticipated and strictly reciprocal roles. Once neOphytes enter social positions, the process of learning and reacting to more formalized expectations begins. Initial success is partly dependent on the closeness of the anticipatory experiences to these actual ones. Overt and covert, behavioral, attitudinal, and cognitive, formal expectations typically are ones necessary for the achievement of the objectives of the system in which the role is located and are fixed by it (Thornton and Nardi, 1975). Roles allow, however, for leeway and Spontaneity and this latitude is provided to a certain degree through informal expectations lea rned after exposure to more formalized ones. Informal features are Often derived from small group interactions among individuals of the 8.Ystem and are not made explicit. It is not really until the formal and infermal expectations have been encountered that the final processes of a’djustment begin. It is then that individuals, now familiar with new I>oSitions and their requirements, modify and mold roles around per- sofinality characteristics and the demands of other roles and achieve Some balance among conflicting expectations. The perspective of role theory is a limited social determinism 23 that ascribes muchof the variance of real-life behavior to the operation of immediate or past external influences. These influences include the framework of demands and rules; the behavior of others, aS it facilitates or hinders, rewards or punishes; the positions of which the person is a member; and the individual's own understanding of, and reactions to, these factors. Most structural role theorists would subscribe to the following propositions, among others: a. Groups do not survive unless their role systems fulfill certain essential functions (goal achievement, pattern maintenance, adaptation, integration). b. Within a system the roles tend toward integration; therefore, there is a tendency for certain combinations to be found. c. A corollary to "b" would state that changes in one part of the system lead to changes in other parts. d. As systems develop there is a trend toward role -differentiation. In a new group the role-expectations may be uniform for all, but as time goes on distinctions are made. Summary The aim of this section of the review of literature was to examine Some of the major theoretical and conceptual issues related to roles. 24 Role theory is a new field of study that possesses an identifiable domain, perSpective, and language. It incorporates the study of complex, real-life behavior as _it is displayed in genuine ongoing social Situations. Role analysts examine such problems as the processes and phases of socialization, interdependences among individuals, the characteristics and organization of social positions, processes of conformity and sanc- tioning, specialization of performance and the division of labor. Its perspective is a limited social determinism that ascribes much of the variance of real -life behavior to the operation of immediate or past external influences. These prescriptive influences include the frame- work of demands and rules, the behavior of others, as it facilitates or hinders, rewards or punishes, the positions of which the person is a member, and the individual's own understanding of, and reactions to, these factors. The process of taking on a new role is a complex phenomenon, influenced by many factors such as the social organization of the sociali- zation setting, the structure of the interaction between novices and socializing agents, and the antecedent life experiences of novices and a. gents. Another factor critical to the assumption of new roles is the 81::It'uctural preperties of the roles which are the targets for socializa- tion. Role properties do not determine but rather place limits both on the Course novices and socializing agents follow and on the types of 25’ socializing mechanisms which may be utilized. In summary, there are three things a person requires before he is able to perform satisfactorily in a role. He must know what is expected of him (both in behavior and in values), he must be able to meet the role requirements, and he mu st desire to practice the behavior and pursue the appropriate ends. Theoretical Issues Relating to Sex Roles And the Lord God cau sed a deep Sleep to fall upon Adam, and he slept: and he took one of his ribs, and closed up the flesh instead thereof; And the rib, which the Lord God had taken from man, made he a woman, and brought her unto the man. And Adam said, This is now bone of my bones, and flesh ofmy flesh: she shall be called Woman, because she was taken out of Man (Genesis,II, 21, 22, 23) (Bates, p.6). In the late nineteenth century, extensive and detailed studies of female psychological and physiological processes were made by Havelock Ellis (Heineman, 1934). Ellis developed the conception of "compensatory unlikeness" whereby he recognized that in spite of the dissimilarity of sexual characters and reproductive function, there must be equilibrium between the sexes (Ellis, H.. 1939). Ellis maintained woman's organism is more affectable, sub- 26 missive, has greater power of resistance to major disturbances and greater emotionality. There is generally found in women, according to Ellis, a lack of abstract interests, a dislike of rigid rules and principle 8, an aversion to analytical thinking, and an inclination to act (on impulse rather than upon deliberation. Ellis concluded that the relatively more passive sexual role of the female had far-reaching psychological consequences, although this biological passivity, he decided, had been greatly reinforced by social conventions and re- pressions (Ellis, H.. 1972, c-1938). Otto Weininger, a contemporary of Freud, believed, as did most Victorians, that women's only purpose and essential interest was sexuality. He felt that women should be legally and socially recog- nized for the sake of justice, but that morally and intellectually, women Could never be the equal of men. He claimed women had no moral Standards of their own, no capacity for clear thought, their judgment was uncertain, and their sensibility was poor except for tactile sensa- tions (Klein, 1971). The doctrine, which more than any other ideological factor greatly influenced subsequent attitudes, was that contributed by Sigmund Freud. In Freud's view, the development of the feminine character was 8l'laped at the outset by one essential anatomical characteristic: the lack or a penis. The difference in external genitals was conceived by psycho- 27 analytical theory as a deficiency on the part of women. All feminine character traits, interests, attitudes, emotions, and wishes were reactions in some form or other to this basic "defect“ (Thompson, 1949). Although Freud believed femininity was essentially charac- terized by passivity, he associated a number of other psychological traits with woman's constitutional disposition, such as, inclination to envy and jealousy, lack of social conscience, a weaker “super-ego, " inferior capacity, greater diSposition to neuroses, a weaker sex urge, and an earlier arrest of psychological development (A sh, 1971; Weigert, 1971). Alfred Adler (1924), an Austrian psychiatrist and psychologist, believed that behavior was determined by compensation for feelings of inferiority. He felt that the feminine character was circumscribed by woman's inferior social position and her resulting inferiority feelings. Femininity symbolized all those traits which our culture designated in the negative: weakness, timidity, shyness, passivity, prudishness, submissiveness, the sense of being pushed aside and of being at a dis- advantage. Adler felt that each individual man or woman tries to overcome these traits through what he calls "masculine protest. " The terms "masculine" and "feminine" are clearly used by Adler as symbols of a contrasting pair of values: the one implies all positive, desirable qualities; the other is associated with all negative, despicable ‘28 characteristics. The first scientific attempt to apply experimental methods to the investigation of mental sex differences was carried out in the psy- chological laboratory of the University of Chicago by Helen B. Thomp- son during the years 1898 and 1900. Thompson (1903), as a part of these experiments, conducted a series of tests on a selected group of 25 male and 25 female students, and found women to possess better memories, both with regard to rapidity of memorizing and to duration, better results in association tests, and to have less social but more religious consciousness than men. The experiments did not disclose any marked differences in intellectual interests or methods of work, but did demonstrate greater emotionality and attention span for women. One of the most interesting and comprehensive attempts to establish a scale by which sex temperaments could be measured was conducted by Terman and Miles (1935). In contrast to the findings of Thompson, Terman and Miles found notable differences between the sexes both in their interests and their emotional disposition. They found femininity marked by interests in domestic affairs, aesthetic objects, and greater emotionality. Females seemed to prefer sedentary and indoor occupations, were more compassionate and sympathetic, and were less self-asserting. The findings of Terman and Miles disclosed a very marked 29 influence of occupation on the masculinity /femininity score. There was a correlation between the masculinity/femininity score and such in- fluences on personality as domestic environment, education, age, abili- ties, and interests. No relationship was found between the masculinity/ femininity score and physical measurements, health, or intelligence. It disclosed a wide range of possible individual variations, and of a con- siderable margin within which the two sexes overlap (Terman and Tyler, 1954). According to Hoffman and Hoffman (1964), it is within the family that sex role standards, sex role identification, and role involvement are begun. They state that the child as young as four has dichotomized the world into male and female people and is concerned with boy-girl dif- ferences. By the time he is seven, he is intensely committed to molding his behavior in concordance with cultural standards appropriate to his biological sex and he shows uneasiness, anxiety, and even anger when he is in danger of behaving in ways regarded as characteristic of the opposite sex. As early as the 1940's and 1950's, social scientists maintained that there was a "lack of clear-cut definition of the feminine role" (Parsons, 1953, p. 371), and "the masculine role at the same time is itself by no means devoid of corresponding elements of strain" (Parsons, 1953, p. 371). Cottrell (1947) stated that a lack of clearly-defined roles 30 fosters stress and strain in individuals and in their interpersonal rela- tionships. Kluckhohn (1954) advised that the feminine role is not only ill-defined, but that it is full of contradictions, ambiguities, and incon- sistencies, as women try to function concurrently in the roles of mother-housewife, career woman, glamour girl, culture-bearer, and status symbol of their husbands. Clara Thompson also pointed out that ”we are dealing with a situation in transition; . . . one in which the individual is confused and filled with conflict, one in which old attitudes and training struggle with new ideas" (1947, p. 151). Hoffman and Hoffman (1964) have concluded that despite the common adult assumption that sex role standards are changing within the family at a rapid rate, the traditional stereotype of feminine passivity and sensitivity, and masculine aggression, still exists. Females are supposed to inhibit aggression and open display of sexual urges, to be passive with men, to be nurturant to others, to cultivate attractiveness, and to maintain an affective, socially poised, and friendly posture with others. Males are urged to be aggressive in face of attack, independent in problem situations, sexually aggres- sive, in control of regressive urges, and suppressive of strong emotion, eSpecially anxiety (Hoffman and Hoffman, 1964, p.241). Alva Myrdal and Viola Klein defined the situation in these words: An even greater difficulty, and one which is at the bottom of this problem of ”feminine dilemmas, " is presented by the fact that the woman with domestic 31 aptitudes and inclinations, and the woman with an abiding interest in one of the traditionally "masculine" professions, are not two different character types. The same woman may make an excellent scientist or business woman as well as a first-rate housewife, mother and cook, and may get a great deal of pleasure out of all these activities (1956, p. 212). Landis (1952) confirmed the fact that our modern civilization has changed the lives of families. Research (Blood and Wolf, 1960; Rodman, 1967; Rothschild, 1967) has pointed out that women in in- dustrial societies have greater opportunity to acquire personal re- sources, which take the form of income, interpersonal skills, and infor- mation that increase their sense of efficacy, provide them with leverage in transactions with husbands, and influence their perceptions of, and goals for, their children. Mirra Komarovsky (1953) has stated that women have become "a social problem” because technological and social changes since the Industrial Revolution have upset the old equilibrium without as yet replacing it with another. This results in contradictory practices and beliefs, with some old attitudes persisting in the face of new realities which have long since rendered such practices, beliefs. and attitudes meaningless. In his essay, “The Emancipation of Man, " Olof Palme (1972) has pointed out that according to statistics, men have a higher criminal record, more stress and illness due to strenuous work, higher suicide , rates, and, as a rule, die at an earlier age than women. In school it is 32 the boys who have the greatest adaption problems. Men who are divorced and living alone have greater difficulties managing than do divorced women. The interpretation is that the social pressures on the man to assert himself, to fight his way in life, to be aggressive, and not to show any feelings create adaption difficulties. Sociologists consider that one should not speak of "the problem of woman's role in society" but of "the sex-role problem, " in order to emphasize that the problem also concerns the traditional male role. An examination of the literature, cross-culturally, leads one to believe that the so-called "sex-role problem" is not relegated to a single state or nation. Internationally, sex role attitudes and behaviors have historically, as well as presently, affected individuals and nations economically, socially, and politically. An analysis of the situation in France characterizes the French people as having had prolonged abstract commitments to equality, but also believing in strong familistic traditions stressing women's sub- ordinate and domestic role. In spite of women's struggling, demonstrating, and rioting during the great revolution of 1789, women received no substantive benefits from the redistribution of rights after the destruction of the monarchy and aristocracy (Duhet, 1971). After the Bourbon Restoration of 1815, conservative ideologists elaborated a social phiIOSOphy which 33 defined the domestic, nuclear family as a major element of social sta- bility. This theory assigned to women a subordinate, but vital place in the newly significant domestic scheme, comparing domestic authority with fundamental social and political authority. Rousseau, in his writing, called for domesticated, loving motherhood, even to the point of having mothers nurse their own children, a suggestion ridiculed in the aristocratic salons (Sullerot, 1968, p. 80). Comte, the founder of positivism, saw women as inferior by reason of their ”biological childishness. " He rather vaguely sentimen- talized them as morally superior to men, but saw men as stronger "not only in body, but also in intellect and character . . . . We must above all act and think, struggling against the difficulties of our real destiny; thus, men must command, deSpite their lesser morality" (Comte, 1848, p. 204). Comte, like Rousseau and Bonald, saw woman's chief role and contribution as lying in the foyer, in the education of children and the refinement of emotional impulses. Another quote from Comte shows that his view of women's role, like that of Rousseau's, was actually linked to a vision of progress: In order to assure (woman's) emotional destiny, man must make woman's life more and more domestic, and above all detach her from all out- side work . . . . The man must feed the woman: this is the natural law of our Species (Comte, 1848, pp. 242-243). 34 According to Proudhon, the French founder of the EurOpean Left, woman was fit only to choose between being "mistress or house- wife. " Her inferiority was intrinsic, not conditioned; in the family, her task was to educate children in moral duty, but under paternal sanction, since she was regarded as only a living reflection of the father's thought (Maitron, 1954). Since 1900, higher education has been available to women in proportions that compare favorably with other EurOpean societies; yet today they are minimally represented at the highest professional levels. Access of women to higher education in France is largely a functiOn of class inequality. The grand bourgeoisie in 1962 represented 4% of the population but 29% of the university students; the cadres moyens amounted to 7. 8% of the population but 18% of the students. Among women university students, the proportion of bourgeois origin is higher than among men. Thus higher education in France consolidates the class position of the bourgeoisie more often among women than among men (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1964). In spite of the fact that there is a marked discrepancy between the educational Opportunities offered French women and the extent of their professional achievement, the women in France have displayed little overt discontent. Simone de Beauvoir's powerful book, 29 deuxieme sexe, published in 1949, comprehensively raised the problem 35 of women's role, but had limited impact in France, largely within intel- lectual and ideological circles. A sociologist, Chombart de Lauwe, has described the model image of women in France in the following quote: She is to charm, console, understand. Her role is that of a helpful, available assistant, but without initiative. She exists essentially in relation to others; her place in the scheme of things is not in the outside world of action, but in the privacy of the home, where she arranges and prepares the times of relaxation (de Lauwe, 1963, p.120). Silver (1973) has noted that women interpret this role as func- tional and positive, the familial functions being crucial rather than ornamental, dignified rather than subordinate, the woman being the agent of high culture within the domestic circle, as teacher and model to children. This value complex is strongest in the bourgeoisie. Silver goes on to emphasize that the very class whose cultural, economic, and social advantages are such as to render many of its women qualified candidates for professional careers is the one least disposed to approve and provide for women's work outside the home. Data provided by Chombart de Lauwe (1963), p. 158) confirm Silver's reactions. In France, the percentage of women who play sig- nificant roles in decisions about the family budget is 15% among the bourgeoisie, 53% for the classe moyenne, and 78% in the working class. The lower the social class, the more likely men are to help in domestic 36 tasks. The higher the class, the more women's working outside the home is perceived as incompatible with the obligations of family life. Research by Andrieux (196 2, p. 351ff) has corroborated the strength of the femme au foyer image. Among professional women with at least one child, two -thirds think it wise to remain at home while children are small. Not only the familistic image, but also the image of "women of cultivated leisure" is very strong: 59% of pro- fessional women express the desire to cease work in order to pursue cultural interests after children have left the home. Because of the strong trend toward ”traditionalism" among the bourgeoisie, many women professionals come from the classe moyenne who are less in- hibited by such values and utilize higher education as a means of social mobility (Chombart deLauwe, 196 3, pp.97-205). A quote from Silver (1973) forms an excellent summary of the masculine [feminine role status in present-day France: Characterized by strong commitments to abstract equality and universalism, France has long evolved a richly wrought set of conservatively defined roles and values governing the social existence of women. These values have continuing and compelling influence. Their fulfillment is conceived as rewarding, not merely as restrictive and contraining, by many French women. The role of the women in the foyer, especially in the more advantaged classes likely to furnish higher pro- portions of professionals, is charged with satisfying content, psychologically and culturally. Even among those who choose professional life, the competing tug of the femme au foyer remains strong. In Spite of this .37 prevailing philosophy, French women have achieved considerable professional success and have long enjoyed access within the limits of overarching class inequalities to free higher education. Many of their successes are within the context of state- sponsored activity (p. 87). In other parts of the European continent, sex role attitudes and life styles are also in foment. Rita Liljestrom (1970) has reported that in Sweden there is somewhat of a double exposure, as in France. On the one side, the radical climate of opinion and political unity behind supportive measures and reforms conflicts with the persistent tradi- tional choice of occupation among young people and the cleavage in the "inner obstacles” that are holding labor market. Debate centers upon back the equalization of men's and women's roles and keeping them both from becoming well-rounded human beings. Lehr and Rauh (1970) have noted, from data gathered in West Germany, that among the younger gene ration from the higher social class living in industrial cities that there is a leveling of sex-role differences; however, social sex-role stereotypes still prevail and still determine social and political decisions. Empirical findings note that with regard to the "old" role division (as in France), even around 1900, the woman had a prominent social position through, admittedly, mainly within the home and family. It is felt that "objective" legal changes, such as woman's access to higher education, political life, 38 and equal rights with regard to major familial decisions have tended to lag behind the actual social readiness for such changes. Field and Flynn (1970) have explained the role of Soviet woman as being closely allied to the area of economies. In the Soviet Union, the female is an integral and indispensable part of the labor force. While women are engaged in practically all types of work, they are under-represented in the occupations that embody directive, managerial, decision-making, and executive functions, and they tend to be over- represented in the subordinate and junior positions and in the menial jobs. However, if one were to compare the Soviet figures for profes- sions such as engineering and medicine with those of We stern countries, one would see a far greater proportional participation of women in the Soviet Union, partly because of ideology, but also because of manpower shortages and economic needs. Even though women are encouraged to take part in the econo- mic and social life of the country, there is still no adequate provision by which she can leave the domestic sphere with impunity and concen- trate exclusively on her job or her profession. Like career women the world over, the Soviet woman has one feet at home and one foot in in- dustry, and maintains a precarious equilibrium between the two. She appears torn between her blurred feminine identity and her role as a wife and mother with the economic 39 trivialities of her domestic pursuits on the one hand, and the uncertainties, temptations, pitfalls, and opportunities of an occupational world that often needs her services and yet has looked with ambivalence on her equal participation and status in that world (Field and Flynn, 1970, p. 282). A description of the Israeli Kibbutz by A.I. Rabin (1970) has noted a gradual accommodation between ideology that is modified by experience and factual reality. The original Kibbutz was consciously constructed as a new society that placed high value on collectivism, economic, socialand psychological, and upon complete equality among its members. "Emancipation of the woman" was part of the rebellion against a patriarchal type of family and society. Equality of rights and opportunity, as well as role and status, were expressed by maximum denial of any existence of possible genetic and character-ological dif- ferences between the sexes. Time has proved that equality of roles was impractical. Women have assumed almost exclusive responsibility for the Kibbutz services--child care, education, health, food services, clothing. Men were found primarily in the productive and managerial positions of the economy. This gap between ideology and reality is explained as due to lack of promised equality of opportunity and the female rejection of the liberation from their household and children. Summary Theories of masculine [feminine roles have ranged from the 40 belief that "biology is destiny" and sex-role pre-determined, to the understanding of sex-role as a learned behavior with the potentiality of each individual, to a great degree, a self-determined entity. In retrOSpect, one may say that internationally, at least in theory, sex roles seem to be evolving from the historically prejudicial concepts that kept half of mankind from participating in planning and decision-making to a much broader vision of human fulfillment. Views that allow for deve10pment of the total human potential for both male and female are being examined by eminent scholars in the fields of both sociology and psychology. In the next chapter, a review of em- pirical re search related to sex roles is presented. Empirical Sex Role Re search Perhaps no aspect of modern life has been more frequently investigated, and yet still riddled with contradiction and paradox, than human sex role 8. Within the limits of this chapter, findings related to the Specific areas of concern to this research are summarized. A noteworthy study was conducted by Tyler (1964) in which she followed children from first grade through high school, and found signi- ficant differences in development between those children who conformed closely to the sexual stereotypes and those who did not. The girls who played more actively outside in the first grade were more restless, talka- 4-1 tive and bossy, spent more time reading, and were less well-liked in fourth grade. By high school, these females held career expectations in addition to typical ”feminine” interests, were more confident, and better adjusted than their more conventional peers. Other sets of sex-typed responses that have been substantiated by research include the development of skill and interest in gross motor and mechanical tasks for boys (Kagan and Moss, 1962) and an interest in clothes, dolls, and babies for girls (Douvan, 1970; Honzik, 1951). Kagan and Moss (1962) found that at about puberty boys abandon, deny, or sublimate dependency and girls give up overt aggressiveness. Analysis of sex-role prescriptions has led Kagan (1964) to conclude that the female is especially vulnerable to social pressure. A boy's masculinity concept is partly based on skills that are measurable and pleasurable aside from social feedback, but the girl's self-concept is almost entirely dependent on social skills that require audience response. Kagan and Moss (1962) summarize the problem and its consequences as follows: The typical female has greater anxiety over aggressiveness and competitive behavior than the male. She, therefore, experiences greater conflict over intellectual competition, which in turn leads to inhibition of intense strivings for academic excellence (p. 137). Kagan (1964) stated that parents seem to discourage the charac- teristics of passivity, dependence and open displays of emotion in males. 42 Kagan presented the notion that once the sex role has been acquired, it acts as an internal judge to whom decisions about the initiation of behav- ior or maintenance of an attitude are referred for self-evaluation. Brown (1958), Hartley (1959), Lynn (1961, 1962) agreed that there seems to be greater social pressure for males to conform to masculine standards than for girls to conform to feminine standards. Brown (1958) and Lynn (1959) felt that their studies indicated that female "tomboys" are more "Sissies. " tolerated in our society than are male Barry, Bacon and Child (1957) also discovered that “pressure toward nurturance, obedience and responsibility is most often stronger for girls, whereas pressure toward achievement and self-reliance is most often stronger for boys. Their re search found cross-culturally that socialization practices serve to prepare children for roles as adults that require women to stay near the heme and men to go out and achieve. They state that the greater emphasis a society places on physical strength, the greater the sex-role differentiation and the sex differences in sociali- zation. Investigations reveal significant differences in sex-typed ex- pectations. An example of this is a study done by Aberle and Naegele (1963) in which middle-class fathers of nursery school children put quite different pressures on their sons than on their daughters, tolerating and encouraging even bullying aggression, pressuring for achievement, 43 and censuring over conforming, tearful, or passive behavior. Girls, on the other hand, could cry, and cute, affectionate behavior brought the father's warm response. Thus the boy is being told that feelings, his own or others, are non-masculine, while girls are taught to give up achieving in favor of pleasing. During the adolescent and early adult years, additional sex- typed patterns are added. For female 8, these include Submissiveness with males, inhibition of overt signs of sexual desire, and cultivation of domestic skills (Douvan, 1970; Harris, 1959). For males, independence, interpersonal dominance with men and women, initiation of sexual be- havior, sexual conquests, and acquisition of money and power become important (Douvan and Kaye, 1957; Jenkins and Russell, 1958; Kagan and Moss, 1962). Games, toys, and fantasy heroes all corroborate these behavioral standards. Goodenough (1957), Hattwick (1937), Kagan (1964), Tyler (1951), and Watson (1959) indicated that males are generally expected to be more object-oriented, competent in physical activities, aggressive, achieve- ment-oriented, independent and dominant; while females are more nuturant and person-oriented, more competent in verbal communication, more submissive, passive, dependent, emotional, polite, tactful, and neat. Douvan (1970) analyzed the feminine role conflict under the dating system: 44 She becomes pressed to develop and concentrate on the most external, superficial aSpects of the self at a time when the inner demand for self -definition is equally pressing. The sense of continuity that Erikson (1950) puts at the center of the identity task--the feeling of self -sameness and identity be- ' tween what one is and what one seems to be--is specifically obstructed by involvement in the dating ritual. The girl may either separate the two aspects of the self or lose track entirely of the inner self under the pressure to attract affection and attention. Dating expands the discrepancy between the self ”as I really am" and the self "as others see me. " It further fragments the self by prescribing interactive styles in dating that are alien and inapprOpriate to like-sexed friendships. The girl then distinguishes the self as it relates to boys from the self as it re- lates to other girls. Competition for dates and for boyfriends raises a problem of ethics in friendships: the conflict between loyalty-solidarity and competitive- ness. The girl must somehow re solve the problem of defining priorities and allocating commitments— -to herself, to her desire for popularity and attention, and to the claims of friendship (p. 38). Academic achievement seems to also follow a sex-stereotyped pattern basically founded in family cultural mores. In the primary grades the girl typically outperforms the boy in all areas; but gradually she becomes inferior during late adolescence and adulthood. Hoffman and Hoffman ( 1964) explain the increase of academic proficiency in late adolescent boys, because it becomes likened to vocational success, while the girl's motivation decreases as a result of anxiety over feeling excessively competitive with males. Research by Maccoby (1966) has confirmed the facts that 45 females begin speaking, reading, and counting earlier than males. They articulate more clearly and put words into sentences earlier. Girls are even better in math in the early school years. Consistent sex differences in favor of boys do not appear until high-school age. At this age, girls' performance in school and on ability tests begins to drop, sometimes drastically. This change occurs when their status changes, when girls become aware of what their adult status is supposed to be. It is during adolescence that peer-group pressures to be "feminine" or "masculine" increase and the conceptions of what is "feminine" or "masculine" become more narrow. One sex difference which Maccoby has measured (1966) in which boys do better in the early school years is spatial perception, or the ability to visualize objects out of their context. From her research, Maccoby concluded that those girls who did respond well at spatial tasks were those whose mothers left them alone to solve the problems by themselves, while the mothers of verbally inclined daughters insisted on helping them. Girls on the average develop a somewhat different way of handling incoming information--their thinking is less analytic, more global, and more preservative --and this kind of thinking may serve very well for many kinds of functioning, but it is not the kind of thinking most conducive to high-level intellectual productivity, especially in science (Maccoby, 1963, p. 30). 46 Maccoby has concluded that the same environmental input affects the two sexes differently, and that different factors are associated with optimal performance for boys and girls. The brighter girls tend to be the ones who have not been tied closely to their mother's apron strings, but have been allowed and encouraged to fend for them- selves. Maccoby believes that a girl must be a tomboy at some time in her childhood if she is to develop her intelligence fully. On the other hand, brighter boys seem to have experienced high maternal warmth and protection in early childhood. The two sexes would appear to have somewhat different intellectual strengths and weaknesses, and hence different influences serve to counteract the weaknesses and augment the strengths. Maccoby, in her discussion of the relationship of independence training to analytic abilities, noted that the girl who does not succumb to overprotection and deve10p the appropriate personality and behavior for her sex has a major price to pay: a price in anxiety. Some anxiety, Maccoby feels, is beneficial to creative thinking, but high or sustained levels of it are damaging, "for it narrows the range of solution efforts, interferes with breaking set, and prevents scanning of the whole range of elements open to perception" (196 3, p. 37). Quoting Maccoby again, ”It is this anxiety which helps to account for the lack of productivity among those women who do make intellectual 47 careers" (1963, p. 37). It would appear that even when a woman is suitably endowed intellectually and develops the right temperament and habits of thought to make use of her endowment, the combination of social pressures, role expectations, and parental training make it difficult to remain a whole and happy person while continuing to follow her intellectual bent. Evidence exists to indicate that the woman who chooses a career pays some psychological costs: academic achievement and success may threaten her sense of femininity. Competition with men may produce anxiety. Research by Baruch (19 72) showed achievement motivation in women is low in the early years of marriage, and then rises, reaching a peak at about 15 years after finishing college. Horner empirically demonstrated (1968) that fear of success arises because women anticipate negative consequences of success in the form of social rejection or less femininity. Horner argues that the traditional measures of achievement motivation do not reflect the conflict situation that particularly affects women, namely that they feel it is acceptable (indeed, expected) to do well at school, but that it is at the same time unladylike to "beat" men at almost any task. This conflict produces a situation in which women want to succeed, but not too much. Horner devised an ingenious method for identifying this conflict. She asked subjects to write stories about highly successful members of their 48 own sex, and scored the stories for all the unpleasant things that were described about ensuing events or the personal characteristics of the successful person. She found that 65% of college women described un- pleasant events and attributes in discussing successful women, whereas only 10% of college men gave such descriptions of successful men. A study by Lois W. Hoffman (1972) attempted to replicate part of Horner's 1965 research, introducing three additional variations in the story used to measure fear of success. None of the variations diminished fear of success. Furthermore, the frequency for females was the same as in the earlier study, but for males the fear of success increased from 8% to 77%. For females the most common theme was affiliative loss because of success. Males, on the other hand, were questioning the value of the achievement itself. Achievement motive scores for both males and females were lower in 1972 than in 1965. Recently Levine and Crumrine (1975) attempted duplication and expansion of Matina Horner's findings. Seven hundred male and female college students wrote stories to randomly assigned cues con- cerning success of a male or female medical student. Content analysis showed that the majority of stories contained "fear of success" imagery; there were no Significant differences in the percentages of women and men respondents including such imagery in their stories. Mohanan, Kuhn, and Shaver (1974), using a more complete 49 design with adolescent subjects of both sexes being asked to write stories about both successful boys and successful girls, found both sexes gave more negative responses to stories about successful girls--in fact, boys were even more negative about female success than girls were. Subjects of the two sexes were equally positive about male success. An attempt to gain a better understanding of how women today are solving achievement concerns and how these solutions affect fertility behavior is being made in research in progress by Manis and Hoffman (1974). Their findings, to date, related to fear of success in women's choices between motherhood and working, within a current college sample of men and women, show very few people using motherhood as an excuse to avoid achievement. Thirteen percent of women did not want to have any children, and twenty seven percent of the women spontaneously mentioned the possibility of adapting children. Most reSpondents, male and female, wanted no more than two children. Task orientation vs. person orientation research also has been conducted by Homer (1970). When working with college-age subjects, Horner found that men performed better on a task when being observed by peers, whereas for women observation by a peer made no difference in performance. In Emmerich's sample (1971) of preschool-aged children, girls were more often found at the task-oriented end of this dimension. However, he noted this to be most observable in the middle 50 range of age and competency; the oldest most mature children tended to be both person-oriented and ta sk-oriented. In a valuable study of life career patterns of 475 mid-life women, Mulvey (196 3) found a much more complex combination of factors and a greater variety of work patterns than usually appear in men's career lines, as women varied between full-time committed careers, entered employment after a period of child-care, fluctuated in and out of jobs, or were active in volunteer activities. At mid-stage in life she discovered that women of the conventional feminine orientation tended to center their lives on marriage and to be "unproductive" and not too well adjusted. Women who combined typical feminine interests with professional orientations were more likely to be career directed or active in volunteer activities, well adjusted and ”productive. " The small number of least-feminine, strongly career-oriented women were highly adjusted and ”productive.’ It appears that women who limit their lives to family are happy when children fill their lives, but have few resources for later life, while the career woman may have a dif- ficult time in the beginning, but come into their own as they mature. In her research, Alice Rossi (1965) found that almost half of female college students express "traditionalist" tendencies; that is, interest in fields in which women predominate, while one -third state that they have no career goals other than being housewives. Only 7% 51 of female students were interested in career goals in predominantly masculine fields. Rossi (1965) found that there is inconsistency between femi- ninity and successful achievement and that most women believe that even wanting something other than motherhood is unnatural and mentally unhealthy. In 1966, Rossi reported that the most home -oriented young married women three years out of college reported great happiness and a transforming sense of fulfillment with their home and early motherhood role, while the most career-oriented women were having a difficult time, beset with problems and one -third of them reporting discrimination because of sex. Lyell (1968) found lower self-esteem and greater self -blame among young women in their middle twenties (many of them mothers) than among men the same ageor girls in their teens. In a study of graduate students, Goldrich (1967) found higher feelings of optimism in women aged 25 to 40 both about their future careers and about their lives in general. Nawas (1971) reports that among a group studied at age 18 and again at 26, women subjects showed a decrease in ego-sufficiency and complexity scores, whereas men increased in these respects. It appears that there is not yet a consistent picture of .how the sexes compare in their self- satisfaction through the adult years. 52 Lopata's research (1971) sheds some light on the failure Of the cult of the home. She found that the most notable fact about house- wives is their heterogeneity. She was able tO classify homes according to social class and to divide housewives into three general types, but then she noted that continua of competence, creativity, and task-to- peOple orientation cut across both classes and types. In addition, she noted that a woman may change her type Of personal orientation several times during her .life and yet remain a housewife. She may even be a Single career woman and be performing many Of the functions of a homemaker or housewife. One of the few foreign studies which concerns substantive change in masculine /feminine role-related attitudes was that done by Haavio- Mannila in Finland in 1967 and 1972 (Haavio-Mannila, 1972). Her results ' Showed that though Finnish women are internationally seen as emancipated, there are still many practical problems with regard to the position of both men and women. Haavio ~Manilla found that attitudes concerning various aspects of sex roles, surveyed in 1960 and 1970, have in general changed toward a more egalitarian viewpoint. However, half Of the male respondents still think that household tasks should be left to women. Further, though it seems to be accepted that women Should have an Opportunity to occupy leading positions, a great majority of both men and women still state that they prefer jobs with male superiors. Personally held attitudes have thus 53 remained more traditional than the more superficial ones. Popular movements like the current sex-role debate seem to have an effect on general public opinion, but deeper attitudes and actual behavior may be more difficult to change. Sex role studies related to aggression have indicated that, al- though there was a greater incidence of direct, physical aggression among boys, there was no sex difference in verbal aggression (Bandura et al. , 1961). Research by R. Sears et al. (1965) has not sustained this generali- zation. Sears et al. found that boys displayed both more physical and more verbal aggression than girls during free play with peers in the nursery school, and that physical aggression appears to be tolerated in males, and that girls receive more affection, more protectiveness, more control and more restrictions. Boys are subjected to more achievement demands and higher expectations. Such findings, according to Bronfenbrenner (1961), indicate that the differential treatment of the two sexes reflects in part a difference in goals, and accounts partly for the difference in end product. Whiting and Pope (1974) report that, in seven cultures, both verbal and physical aggression was more common among boys; however, McIntyre, in 1971, found verbal and physical aggression to be positively correlated for girls, negatively for boys. Certainly, there is mixed feed-back as to the difference in aggression diSplay among the sexes. '54 Research on the differentiation of children's interests and activi- ties into "masculine" and ”feminine" patterns has been done with boys and girls at a very early age through studies of toy preferences. W. Bronson (1971) found that girls Spend more time with stuffed animals, and Goldberg and Lewis (1969), who found the same result, thought that girls might be especially interested in any toy with a face. Jacklin et al. (1973) found that the two sexes Spent equal amounts of time with stuffed animals, but that boys preferred toy robots, which also had faces. Kaminski (1973) found that boys of 13 months played with dolls more than did the girls, but that the most manipulable toys were the most attractive to children of both sexes and there were no sex differences in their use. The greater power Of the male to control his own destiny is part of the cultural stereotype of maleness, and is inherent in the images of the two sexes as they are portrayed in picture and in print. In a recent study of stories in elementary school textbooks, Jacklin and Mischel (1973) found that when good things happened to a male character in a story, they were presented as resulting from his own actions. The few good things happening to a female character were at the initiative of others, or Simply grew out of the situation; that is, the good happening occurred because of cultural shaping and circumstance. When either men or women are asked to rate qualities they associate with an ideal male, they rate them higher than qualities they 55 associate with an ideal female (Rosenkrantz et al. , 1968). Both men and women, describing people who succeed in academic settings, depict painful and embarrassing things happening to successful women, good things happening to successful men (Monahan et al. , 1974). Both men and women and high school boys and girls devalue work labeled as done by women over the same work labeled as normally done by men (H. Mischel, 19 74). Imitation of same sex models by the sexes was recorded in an early study by Maccoby et al. (1959). Eye movements of college -aged subjects were monitored as they viewed two standard Hollywood films. Male viewers Spent proportionally more time watching the male leading character while female viewers Spent preportionally more time looking at the female lead. Less direct evidence of model selection is found in a study (Maccoby and Wilson, 1957) that tested children Of junior high school age on their recollection of the details of the actions and stimuli to actions Of various filmed characters. Boys remembered more detail from the aggressive incidents depicted in the film provided that the agent of the action was a boy rather than a girl; similarly, the girls recalled more of the social and romantic content provided that the agent of the action was a female character in the film. In a recent study related to masculine cultural contradictions and sex roles, Komarovsky (197 3) found nearly one -third Of the sample 56 of 62 male seniors in an eastern Ivy League college experienced some anxiety over their perceived failure to live up to the norm Of masculine intellectual superiority. This stressful minority suffered from two modes of role strain: scarcity of resources for role performance and ambivalence. The absence of strain in the majority may be explained, according to Komarovsky, by a changed role definition. Specifically, the normative expectation Of male intellectual superiority appears to be giving way on the campus of this Specific college to the ideal of intel- lectual companionship between equals. Attitudes toward working wives abounded in ambivalences and inconsistencies. The ideological supports for the traditional sex role differentiation in marriage are weakening, but the emotional allegiance to the modified traditional pattern is still strong. Recent studies by Parke and O'Leary (1974) have been made on the paternal interest shown by adult men to newborn infants. With the exception of smiling, fathers engaged in more nurturant interaction with the infants than did mothers, when both parents were present. Both samples of fathers (a well—educated group and a working class, racially mixed group) showed similar high levels of "mothering" behavior toward their newborn infants. Data fromthe 1970 National Fertility study by Karen O. Mason - and Larry L. Bumpass indicate that most women in the United States do 57 not conform either to the traditional "patriarchal” model or to the "egalitarian" feminist viewpoint. These investigators reported a mix- ture of beliefs and outlooks, with women retaining several key aspects Of the traditional sex role ideology and adopting liberalized views in other areas. Their analysis suggests that women do not currently , organize all sex-role attitudes along a single dimension, although their outlook toward the sex-based familial division Of labor is supported by beliefs about the needs of children and women. A summary of this data suggests that it is a modification, not a total rejection, of the traditional lifestyle that is desired by young peOple. They are viewing the family institution with an increased awareness of the Options open to them within traditional structures and are working within its framework to provide themselves with more personal satisfaction and fulfillment. I In an attempt to understand how some 47 million Americans between the ages of 14 and 25 felt about women's role in our society, the Institute of Life Insurance and Health Insurance (Vol. 24, No. 2, Spring 1975) surveyed 2500 young people between the ages of 14 and 25 during 1970. The data demonstrated belief in the traditional values of family life. The housewife role was the most attractive to more than one-third of the women surveyed. An overwhelming majority of both men and women believed that most people should get married. More 58 than six out of ten young women would like to have two or fewer children and almost half of both men and women felt a young couple should wait more than two years before having their first child. A majority Of young women now anticipate working throughout most Of their lives. Many expect to interrupt their jobs for varied periods Of time to raise children, but plan to return to the job market. Of the women ques- tioned, 77% expect to work during a great part of. their lives while only 23% feel they will keep their jobs for only a short period. The survey also revealed that fewer respondents (16% in 1974 compared to 26% Of women in 1970) felt that woman's place is in the home (Eldrich, Institute of Life Insurance, Vol. 24, No. 2, Spring, 1975). During the spring of 1974, ROper Organization interviewers spoke with a representative, nationwide, cross-section of more than 3000 women and 1000 men in the process of conducting the Virginia Slims American Women's Opinion Poll. The findings of the present survey point to a new emerging life— style among American women, only hinted at in the studies Of 1970 and 1972. Most evident is a growing sense of Objectivity as women examine their relationships with men as wives, lovers, homemakers, career women and mothers. There is a strong pull among women toward bonafide partner- ships in marriage. Nearly half the women surveyed prefer marriages 59 in which both husband and wife work and share the responsibilities of household and children. Furthermore, over half are in favor of com- bining marriage, children, and careers. Since 3 in 5 women under 30 feel this way, it is very likely to become a strong trend in the future. As reasons for marrying nowadays, social pressures and economic security rank far behind the search for personal fulfillment. Furthermore, only 1 in 4 women feels that having children is an impelling reason for marrying. And children are considered by only half Of all women to be "very important" to a good marriage. The size of families is definitely on the decline, particularly if younger women have their way. Three out Of five women under 30 believe that 1 or 2 is the ideal number of children. The trend today is toward smaller families. Nearly half of American women and men think having two children is ideal, compared to only 1 in 4 (who thought so in 1952 and 1941 when larger families were generally considered more desirable. Women at the college level want fewer children than those with lesser educations. The Poll also gauged the differences in attitudes between men and women. Among the more startling findings is that the accelerated drive to strengthen the position of women in society today is receiving greater support from men than from women. For the first time since Virginia Slims has conducted its study, a majority Of American women 60 (57%) have come out in favor of most efforts to improve women's status in society. In 1972, 48% expressed such support, and in 1970 only 40% were in favor. It is revealing that men have consistently displayed greater enthusiasm for women's progress than women themselves. Today, 63% of men support efforts to strengthen women's status in society, compared to 49% in 1972 and 44% in 1970. Strong support for upgrading the role Of women today comes from women under 30, single women, black women, and those with college educations. In less than five years, there has been a sharp upswing among all groups in their support of elevating the status of American women. College -educated men, with 3 out of 4 in favor, again display the most support. Regarding opportunities for a college education, only 1 out Of 10 women (9%) feels discriminated against. But opportunities appear to narrow when it comes to admission to graduate professional schools: more than 1 in 4 women feel there is discrimination in this area. An equal number of men agree. Three in four women (73%) reject the idea that "being a woman has prevented me from doing some of the things I wanted to do in life. " And nearly two-thirds (6 3%) say they do not feel "if I had been born a man, I would have gotten a lot further in this world. " Four out of five women deny that their educations are wasted. 61 On the contrary, they believe that child rearing "takes as much intel- ligence and drive" as a good position in business or government. Two in three (64%) express strong views that "having a loving husband who is able to take care Of me is much more important than making it on my own. " While they express confidence in their overall view of them- selves, women Show signs of ambivalence. Over two-thirds (69%) agree, at least to some extent, that "a woman has to be much better at what she does than a man" in order to get ahead. A like number (67%) feels that "things will be much better for girls growing up today" that in the pre- vious generation. Greatest discontent with women's fulfillment possi- bilities is found among women under 30. For example, those in this group are far more likely than older women to describe their educations as "wasted. " Younger women and those living in the suburbs of the nation's largest cities are the most convinced that their sex has held them back and that men have more advantages. They also place less emphasis on a "loving husband. " This strain of discontent and rest- lessness among younger and better educated women appears again and again in the survey and may be viewed as a signpost for the future. The Poll reveals Significant differences surfacing among women themselves, reflecting their education, age, race, and region. For example: '62 1. College-educated women are more interested in careers and are less rigid and traditional in their concepts of marriage and sexual roles, than those with lesser educa- tions. 2. Younger women are more career-minded and place less stress on child rearing compared to their mothers' generation. Women appear to be less inclined to sexual stereotypes than men. For example, the Poll generally shows women to be more liberal, more progressive, more non-sex oriented on such issues as the qualities they admire in women and men, divorce, household chores and toys for girls and boys, and reviewing the vows of marriage. Most women still place a high value on traditional feminine characteristic 3, such as gentleness and sensitivity. In fact, they want men to loosen up emo- tionally. Men, on the other hand, are more liberal regarding support for the movement to improve women's status, marital infidelity, Oppo- sition to the double standard, relocation if it is the wife who gets a better job offer in another location, and attitudes toward single people having and raising children. Summary Underlying many of the specific findings that have been reviewed within this survey Of sex role research, there appear to be surfacing Several major conclusions: 63 l. The sexes probably are more alike psychologically and socially than unlike. 2. Men and women appear to be about equally egalitarian and equally traditional. 3. There seems to be a tendency for women to be striving to be more "unisex" in their attitudes, while men approach sex roles with an "equal-but-different" phiIOSOphy. 4. There appears a great willingness among researchers to admit to mixed results relating to sex role data. AS the decades of research are viewed in perspective, it may be that gender is becoming a less Significant determinant of sex role attitudes and behaviors. In the future, social class (education and in- come), age, race, marital status, and geographic region may become the more highly important variables. CHA PTE R III DESIGN A ND METHODOLOGY The conceptual framework and the design of the study, Objec- tives, statistical hypotheses, operational definitions, description of data collection instruments, and data analysis techniques will be discussed in this chapter. Conceptual Framework A conceptual framework is an attempt to Show the essential, or important, concepts employed and the basic assumptions which-underlie the concepts and, to a degree, integrate them into a meaningful configura- tion. A conceptual framework provides a frame Of reference with which to identify and examine the relationships between the variables selected for investigation (Buckley, 1967). It synthesizes and integrates knowledge from supporting disciplines and, thu s, expedites communication. It may, then, assist in the eventual attainment of a testable theory. Theories, as defined by Kerlinger, are sets of interrelated constructs (concepts), definitions, and propositions that presents a systemch view of phenomena by Specifying relations among variables, 65 with the purpose of explaining and predicting the phenomena (Kerlinger, 1964, p. 11). FOr this study of masculine /feminine sex roles, an ecological framework, derived from general systems theory and cybernetics, has been chosen as the most useful. This system provides the language and structure for examining the psychological and social development of the individual. It takes into account the interaction Of his organic and his cultural heritage, as well as his personal experiences. Role is viewed as a position within the system. The ecological approach focuses, also, on the interfaces between individuals and groups within the micro- environments and the macro-environments. An equally important concept from systems theory, found in the ecological framework, is that of interdependence, which emphasizes the” dependence of the individual on the functioning of the various other systems, as well as the dependence of the larger systems on the functioning of individuals. Methods of communication utilizing positive feedback processes are also components of the framework. Since solutions to the problems involving masculine /feminine sex roles do not lie within the individual or family alone, but are inter- woven with outside elements within the larger society, the ecological system approach most effectively recognizes the inseparable relation- ship of all living things. It epitomizes the idea that, to diminish the whole, whether it be the family, or larger society, could destroy the part, the individual. 66 Four specific areas concerning masculine [feminine role con- ceptions, as defined in the Mason-Bumpass study, have been selected for analysis:1 1. ESpou sed division of labor between the sexes (DL). 2. Support for the rights of women in the labor market (RW). 3. Beliefs about consequences of work in the labor market for the maternal role (CW). 4. Beliefs about psychological differences and socialization attitudes between the sexes (PD). A schematic representation of the individual, his or her mascu- line lfeminine role conceptions, and the socio -psychological Spheres of influence within the micro- and macro-environments tl'at affect acquisi- tion and actualization of roles, is diagrammed in Figure 1. In this figure, the individual is depicted as a central unit made up of a composite of sex role prescriptions. Inputs from biological, economic, psychological, and sociological aSpects of both the micro- and macro-environments occur throughout the life Span. Attitudes, values, and norms from all of these areas affect individual role expectations and role performance. The micro-environment consists of those human beings and groups in closest physical and socio -psychological proximity to the in- dividual: mother, father, siblings; husband, wife, and children; the kin network; peer group cliques, gangs; and the general make -up of _ 1Initials following topic serve as abbreviations for each area in the following pages. 67 Figure 1. Ecological Conceptual Framework ,ENV'RONM€ 9‘0 Informal Organizations Family Mother - Father Husband - Wife \ Siblings R 7 Kin Network / Peer Group Cliques, Gangs Local Neighborhood \ \ \ Non-Formal OrganiZations K g Formal Organizations Institutions 68 the local neighborhood. Individual values and norms are considerably influenced by the customs, ideas, and expectations received from these sources. Likewise in the macro -environment, non-formal and formal organizations and institutions, such as schools, churches, labor markets, and government affect appropriate sex role acquisitions and expectations. Interaction between the two environments is demonstrated, in the figure, by the intertwined arrows, denoting the interplay, as well as the conflict of interests, that frequently occurs as the individual struggles toward self -actualization. Objectives The main Objectives Of this research are: 1. To determine views regarding sex role attitudes and expectations held by University students in various locations in the United States and two locations in France. 2. To determine if specific factors within an individual's micro—environment or macro -environment correlate with either "traditional" or "egalitarian" sex role attitudes and expectations. 3. To compare results of present survey with the findings of the original Mason -Bumpass research upon which this study was develOped. 69 Hypotheses Hypothesis I The majority of college students sampled internationally will be classified as egalitarian in contrast to traditional with regard to sex roles as measured on the Traditional/ Egalitarian Scale; females will be more egalitarian than males. Sub -Hypothesis 1. 1. American students will be more egali- tarian than French students. Sub -Hypothesis 1. 2. Within the American groups, the most egalitarian will be the students at the University of California, San Diego, followed by the students at Eastern Michigan University and Northern Michigan University, in descending percentage order. Sub -Hypothesis 1. 3. Within the French groups, members Of the student bOdy at Ecole de L'Alliance Francais de Paris are more egalitarian than students from the University of Clermont -Ferrand. Hypothesis II The majority of students, sampled internationally, will be classified as egalitarian in contrast to traditional in each of the four sets of attitudinal groupings, as defined by Mason-Bumpass, and labeled within this re search as Attitudinal Areas DL, RW, CW, and PD; females will be more egalitarian than males. 70 Sub-Hypothesis II. 1. Scores for Attitudinal Areas DL, RW, BW, and PD will be higher for the three groups of American students than for the two groups of French students. Sub -Hypothesis II. 2. Within the American groups, Scores on Attitudinal Areas DL, RW, BW, and PD will be higher for University of California, San Diego students, followed by Eastern Michigan and Northern Michigan students, respectively. Sub-Hypothesis II. 3. French students attending Ecole de L'Alliance Francais de Paris will record scores on Attitudinal Areas DL, RW, BW, and PD higher than students from Clermont-Ferrand. Hmothe sis III Gender is a more Significant determinant of sex role attitudes and opinions than such environmental factors as age, marital status, geographic region, living arrangements, family size, life style, and socio-economic status. Hypothesis IV Attitudinal Area scores within each student sample will demon- strate differences, showing inconsistency related to sex role attitudes. Hypothesis V Findings from this study will further corroborate the conclu- sions made by Mason-Bumpass intheir 1970 research on women's sex 71 role attitudes in the United States (Mason-Bumpass findings are sum- marized on pages 56 and 57). Operational Definitions The variables of interest were operationally defined as follows: Traditional/ Egalitarian Scale was a graduated series of numerical ratings, from 20 to 100 points, which represented, arithmatically, indi- vidual views concerning the twenty Sex Role Opinionnaire statements. Within the text it is identified by symbol T/ E. Traditional Sex Role was represented by the 20 to 50 point range on the Traditional/ Egalitarian Scale. Egalitarian Sex Role was represented by the 70 to 100 point range on the Traditional/ Egalitarian Scale. Attitudinal Area referred to a series of items, related by topic, that were grouped together for expediency of analysis. The abbreviation "A Area" represents this term in the following pages. The four areas concerning masculine /feminine role concepts categorized in Attitudinal Areas and their Specific abbreviations are: 1. Espoused division of labor between the sexes (DL). 2. Support for the rights Of women in the labor market (RW). 3. Beliefs about consequences of work in the labor market for the maternal role (CW). 4. Beliefs about psychological differences and socialization attitudes between the sexes (PD). 72 Socio-Economic Status measurement was based upon the North- Hatt Prestige Scale and Socio-Economic Index. For this study the occupation of the subject's father was used as the basis for socio- economic status assignment. The Socio-Economic Index based upon the North-Hatt Prestige Scale has a numerical range from 30 to 96, with the higher prestige occupations receiving the higher numerical index. Hatt and North re -grouped the original 90 occupations into eleven listed in Table 1. The father's occupation classifications (question 17 of the Opinionnaire) received the average scores as listed in Table 2. Selection and Development of Instruments For the purpose Of this research, an original 17 item inventory relating to women's rights, needs, and obligations, developed by Mason . and Bumpass as part of a 1970 National Fertility Study, was utilized in a revised form. Formal acknowledgment of permission to use the in- strument was received from Karen Mason and Larry Bumpass. Five items of the survey (numbers 1, 6, 7, 12, 17) have been revised because of ambiguity of statements as critiqued by the authors. Three additional statements (numbers 16, 19, 20), representing areas Of current interest related to family and sex roles, were added to the Mason-Bumpass ques- tionnaire, making a total of 20 items in the research instrument. A five Table 1 Hatt -North Prestige Scale and Socio-Economic Index 73 Number Cla ssification of Average Occupations Score 1. Government Officials 8 90. 8 2. Professional and semi- professional workers 30 80. 6 3. Proprietors, managers and officials (except farm) 11 74. 9 4. Clerical, sales, and kindred workers ‘ 6 68. 2 5. Craftsmen, foremen, and kindred workers 7 68. 0 6. Farmers and farm managers 3 61. 3 7. Protective service workers 3 58. 0 8. Operatives and kindred workers 8 52. 8 9. Farm laborers 1 50. 0 10. Service workers (except domestic and protective) 7 46. 7 11. Laborers (except farm workers) 6 45. 8 74 Table 2 Occupations as Listed in Opinionnaire Occupations Score Government 90. 8 Professional 80. 6 Business 74. 9 Clerical 68. 2 Skilled 68. 0 Semi-Skilled . 52. 8 Laborer 45. 8 cat egory, Likert-type scale (strongly agree, agree, no opinion, disagree, strongly disagree) has been used to record attitudes. Demographic data of the sample populations were Obtained through an additional 20 questions. A French translation of the English questionnaire was developed through the assistance of Ms. Vivian Glass, French Instructor, Mar- quette Public Schools; Ms. Rolande Graves, Professor of French at Northern Michigan University; and Miss Anne Grundstrom, Graduate Assistant in French, Michigan State University. Accuracy of commu- nication, idiomatic references, grammar and sentence structure have been corroborated by students in the French classes at Northern Michigan 75 University re-translating the French version back into English. The translated version of the Opinionnaire accurately reflected the same communication of thought as the original English version. Reliability of the instrument was checked by a test-re -te st method given at two-week intervals to 93 students in a Family Inter- action class at Northern Michigan University. The test-re-test method was chosen as it was felt that responses to a questionnaire of this type would not be appreciably affected by repetition. The reliability coeffi- cient between the responses Obtained from the students on the two administrations of the questionnaire, as computed by the Pearson Product-Moment method, was . 81, which is high and Significant at the . 01 level. Because Of the nature of the instrument, only face validity can be assumed. Since data have been secured from a relatively small cross- section of young men and women, the ability to extrapolate statistics to describe current norms of the total population will be limited. Copies of the revised English and French versions of the Mason and Bumpass instrument used in this study, and the original Mason and Bumpass questionnaire and. sample description, may be found in Appen- dices A, B, and C. 76 Data Analysis Procedures All data were recorded on computer coding forms by trained coders. This coding was then quality checked in its entirety by a re- search assistant trained in coding. All data were punched on computer cards and mechanically verified. The IBM 370 Systems Computer at Northern Michigan University was used to perform the computations. A computer program, SPSS Frequencies, was used to generate frequencies for each variable. A transformation for items 1, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, and 19 was then used to reverse the numerical rating so that a high score on any item would indicate an egalitarian attitude and a low score a tradi- tional attitude. With this transformation, total scores would range from a minimum Of 20 points to a maximum of 100 points. An SPSS sub- routine was used tO provide the summary statistics for the distribution of each of the variables. The four areas of attitudes grouped by tepic in the original survey by Mason-Bumpass were analyzed to Obtain an overall score and sub-scores. The attitudes and numbers of determinant items were: 1. Espoused division of labor between the sexes (items 4, 6, 7). 2. Support for the rights of women in the labor market (items 5, 8, 11, 13, 15, 18). 77 3. Beliefs about consequences of work in the labor market for the maternal role (items 2, 3, 14). 4. Beliefs about psychological differences between the sexes and the socialization requirements of children (1, 9, 10, 12, 17 from original survey; 16, 19, 20 items added). Differences between the five student populations on total T/E scores, as well as A Area scores, were determined through use of SAS Computer Program, 2-way Analysis of Variance with Interaction. Pearson's correlations were Obtained between all combinations of demo- graphic variables, individual test items, the four A Area scores and the total score, using the SAS Correlation Program. The SAS Max R Regression procedure was used to determine which demographic variables had the greatest effect on an individual's test score in order to assess the relationships between the findings of the present research and that of Mason-Bumpass. It was also used to determine the interdependence of one variable on another and the consistencies, or inconsistencies, be- tween individual items within A Area scores. Summary Table 3 recapitulates the intent of analysis, the variables analyzed, and the statistical programs utilized. Since this study was designed to be exploratory in nature, a liberal level of significance of . 05 was established. This level was thought to be stringent enough to exercise a reasonable control over random signi- ficance yet liberal enough to detect potentially discriminating variables. 78 .coammosmom muxmz . sump oEampwoficp .938 03980330 .239. on“ no “vote no museum 95: means .monm .anO mo «sfimsoo Scone.“ .35 won no 5:? messages» .6533 ofifiaouop o» $ch moosesomflp .fl mo mambmcmw again can .mcoflwgaoa Eeme 95 on» 209509 .woam .aSoO m6 5 mé m and m o.H H... onEom m6 H. 5o H and H HV.H m 2.52 poouofim mg. mum: «SN m 35. .m ¢.m M m6 Mm. «.HH MN H309 w .H. mm N .mm m on .m H. m .m m m .H.. HH m .mH mm onEom o .m mm o .3 H 3 .H. m H .N m w .m wH H .H. oH 352 Homing H .HQ 83 H. .3. m. o .8 mm .m .qu mg m .3 qEHq m .5 mwm H.309 o .om New w .5. H. w .3 NH. m .mm 8: m .3 man m .3 mHm 28th H .HH. 31v o .3 H m .3 mm m .3 mmH H. .8 8H m .3 mmH 252 @3282 .8962 am .02 g .94 1&8 .oZr am .oz 5% .02 fi .02 3308136 thmem .m0 803 322 gm 3588 838888 8 58.8 H3252 m 0..nt 89 co .2: momH oo .03 HH oo .2: mm oo 63 wmm co .2: 3% oo .03 mam H309 98.1.0 m .HV «In. M b m .m um. H .m m m .m oIH m .H. mlm. H309 H .m pm o o Him m win a H .m m m6 mm mmHmfioh m.H 3 o o wé m HiH m Him m m4. m mmHmSH mmeHoO o.~ ImuH. de .m H .H H Hie H m .H M N.m m H309 o.H oH m.mm m o o .o o w.o m m.m m monEonH c.H m o o Him H H..o H o.m H. H .m m mmHmSH . Hoozom. 3.95. o .m NM .0 b. b. b. H. .o .m. H .m NH. O .m m. H.808 OH NH 0 o o o o o m.m m m.m o mdeEmh o .H NH 0 o o o HIH m m .m m HV.H m @932 680 328 :me H .3 8: m .3 m m .3 mlw. H. .3 5a m .3 me m .3 mmm H308 m .3 H Ho w .5 H. m .3 3. m .qu 2: m .3 mum HV .3 man mmHmfivm m .HH. 3* o.ooH m Himm mm mdm mmH H. .Hm me m.mm omH mmHmSH H53 H62 on. .02 ok. .02 ob .OZ c§ .02 05 .Oz ob .02“ 2.309- nam mmfim m0 DmUD D22 DEM 322 .3 HobowH 3:033an m OH nah. Occupation of Mate Examination of the statistics related to the type of work per- formed by spouses revealed a very small percentage involved in manual, semi-skilled, skilled, or clerical labor. The greatest proportion of all spouses were employed in professional occupations, 5% at EMU, 2% at NMU, and UCSD, 6. 7% at CF, and 1% at EAFP (Table 10). Location of Family Residence The population for this research was made up of individuals from a variety of residential backgrounds. At EMU, the largest per- centage of students were from towns of 25, 000 to 100, 000 (39. 3%) with 17. 7 from a city of less than 25, 000 and only 8. 5% from a village of less than 5000. In comparison, NMU students were more likely to come from small to medium sized towns. The California sample was the most urban population. The French samples from CF and EAFP were fairly evenly divided as to residence location. The biggest difference between males and females was found in the EMU group living in villages of less than 5000. over twice as many males as females checking this category (Table 11). Table 10 Occupation of Mate Sub -Totals CF EAFP No. UCSD No. EMU No. % No. 520 NO . % ‘70 NO 0 70 % 41.8 503 50. 0 92. 9 138 96. 5 39 94. 1 193 93.6 132 Not Wed Males Females Total 88. 4 0.0 1.5 0.7 0. 70 Married Male 8 OCD CO NIP olo olo olo olo CO OIH «DH OH Female 3 Total Professional 1.1 13 0.7 7. 1 1 50.00 2.00 2. 80 Males Vb- COCO colco 100') OOH who Female 8 Total 0.0 0.0 1.20 Male 3 Business 000 CO v-cNi olo olo olo olo Gib CO H'H olo Olen Females Total 0.6 1.4 1.5 1.4 Male 3 Clerical CP- 00 NIO') olo olo olo olo 00-- DO DIN 0:0 CO olm «JO OH NN‘ Females Total 91 92 oo .2: momH oo .2: HH oo .ooH mm oo .2: me oo .2: Q32 oo .2: mam. H30? 2390 s .o B. 8 .m .H. b. b m .o w c .o m mm .H .m 38. b .o m CH .HH H o o m6 H N.H m octH H.. mOngh 05 H 00 .oo o o o 0.0 o o.o o or.o H mdeSH HumHHHuHmIHEGm a. .o B. 8 .m .H. b. b. m .o .H. m .o m. mm .H m :88. m5 w OH.HH H o o 9.0 o #5 H om.H w mdeaoh 6.0 HV oo .oo o o 6 b5 H o.H N or .o H mvaH>H A fioHHfl—m ems .02 cm. .02 R» .02 wk.» 62 Rs .02 ex: .02 mHflon—uu Dam «Hhfi MU QmUD D.H>HZ DEM 83583 3 «Bus 93 N .NN EN. 3 .3 .H. N .HH B o .3 mm m .3 H3 H. .3 t. 3.8m H309 N .3 N3 3 .HH H N .3 m H .3 NN N .5. Ha N .3 NH. 233 N .H.. NHH H.. .N HV N .3 HN N .3 N... H..: H.N 2.3 8° .3 8 8a .m IIGBOH. Edam H. .3 EN 3 .3 m H. .3 m N .N m H .3 B N .3 N3 393.. ES. H. .3 m3 3 .NN N H. .NN HH H. .3 NH N .3 3 m .3 N3 233 N .3 .33 N .3 HH N .H. HH H. .3 Na 33 3 222 2563 3 833 no .30 N .NN SN NN .NN .N. m .NN .H..N. N .3 k... m .3 mm m .3 H.. 9.8m Hfios N .HH N3 3 .HH H N .HN 3 o .sN HN H. .NN E N .3 NH. Egon N .3 $3 8.3 N N .3 HH N .NN 3. m .3 3 H .3 NN 2.3 2563 3 8o 63 mo .30 o .3 NNN sN .NN m H .3 m. N .3 o3 m .3 mm 33 mm 32w H38. m .8 3H 3 .3 N N .3 m H. .5. 3 o .3 «N H. .3 3 «Hanan m .8 3H H .N N N .3 E o .3 NN m .3 NN 2...: 8o 68 .88 .30 cm. .02 eke .02 an. .02 as. .02 em. r .02 as .02 238.- am .33 mo 50: :st 32m H H 3nt oocogmom hHHEwnH .Ho :oHHonH 94 o .8H 33 8 .03 HH o 53 3 0 .8H 3N o 53 33. o 53 m3 H38. EEG B m E m NIH. w luv .0 .N. IN .o M N .o m 38m 309 3H w 3.: H H.N H 3H N Hie H N.H m «Baum o .o o 8 .o o o .o o o .o o o .o 8 3o o 31.2 @3322 m .3 E E .w N .3 new 8 .m mlH a .HH W m .3 m. 35.3 H38. 0.3 3 3.3 H 5.3 3 33‘ m 5.3 3 H3 HN 2883 m .3. 3 o .3 3 3m 3 m .m 3 N .3 3 323 88 :39. 33 ungofi 0‘». .02 c5 .02 0kg ooz «Xv .02 ok .02 0% 00.2 288.- 33 mm; mo 30: :32 ES 63383 HH 2nt ‘95 Living Arrangements ‘ The most common living arrangement for American university students was either a dormitory or a shared apartment. Sixty five per- .cent of NMU students, 43% of UCSD students, and 33% of EMU students lived in dormitories. Shared apartments were chosen by 32% at EMU, 12. 3% at NMU, and 27% at UCSD. A small percentage of students (14% at EMU, 13. 9% at NMU, l7. 4% at UCSD) resided in the parental home. It appeared that the influence of parents, as developed through close residential ties, decreases considerably among university students. In France, less than 5% of students lived in dormitories, and about 30% found lodging in the parental home, in contrast to the American pattern. It is interesting to note that 18% at CF and 36% at EAFP of French students checked the option "other arrangements" (Table 12). Size of Family Student populations demonstrated a close relationship in size of families, with 70% (CF) to 85% (UCSD) of the respondents coming from families with 4 or less children. A large percentage of the students groups (37. 8% at EMU, 37. 8% at NMU, 60. 8% at UCSD, 56. 4% at CF, and 54. 5% at EAFP) claimed only one or two siblings. The trend toward smaller families was evident, particularly in the California and French samples. Students from families of over six children composed a very 96 m.m buN... mo.m H N. .w« Mm wé NH: m .H b m6 mm H309 md mm 3 .HH H m .Hm oH o.N. w wd m m4» HH 3330b m .m mm mdm NH m4 N. ed H.. w.oH mH 332 EoSEwQHw :30 m.mm mmm mod IH. HimH MW H.N.m pm m.mH .mlm. o.mm mmH H909 N. .HH HHVH de m mdm wm o.mH mm mHm mm oHdfiom m .3 N.mH oo .8 H N. .3 N. m .mm 3 N. .NH on m .mm 3 3.32 8.2353an chasm o.N. .mlm. H.mH m m.m um. Him m. m6 MM 93 MN 3308 ad» mm «.mm N mix H.. mé m m3v HH m.mH mm 23303 m.m Hm Him H w.m w mé N.H Him a 232 omsomm o.oH mmH «Sm m mdm .th uHV.N.H MN m.mH .mlm 0.: mm H309. m .m 0: m .mm m o .wm 3 N. .3 3 m .3 mm N. .HVH mm 2330mm m.m mm mdm HH m.mH N.m «.2 pm m.mH mH 332 mucoamnH N23» mmm mg.“ m o.mH.. HHH «.mm Ham m.mm HmH H.308 m .3 me m .HV m u .3 on 0 .mm HVoH m .mm mm 233mm N.HwH Hmm H .N. m mém mm o.mm N.mH m.mm 3 01.9.2 3.835.80— 3. .02 .N. .02 .N. .02 .N. .02 .N. .02 .N. .02 3308- 95m th Sm pHU QmUD D22 DEM #:330933un 3334 NH 3nt 97 o .2: momH o .2: HH o .2: mm o .2: wmm o .2: m3» o .2: mam H.308 ~33th H.N .N m H38. OH .N H ongmnH ow .N H 332 @332 o .HV MN m .3 w m .3 PH. H .m m o. .o w. o .3. .3. H309 o.m mm m .mm m H .mH m m.m HV m.m a 038mm o.m mm 0.0m H N..oH N. m.m w o.m HV o.m N. 202 .830 0N3 .02 ON. .02 H.N. .02 K. .02 g .02 a.» .02 3.308.. Dam anH 3m .mU QmUD DH>HZ DSHmH 833283 NH 383. 98 small percentage of the university population. It would appear that students who come from large families may be handicapped in their efforts to participate in a college education. Across the board, students with six or more siblings represented 2. 7 to 6. 0% of the American groups and 3. 9% of the French sample (Table 13). Student Employment Over half of the American student sample was not currently in the labor market. The California group represented the highest number of unemployed with 62. 7%. Sixty-one percent of NMU students and 48% of EMU students were classified as not in the work force. The French groups represented the greatest number with full employment (33. 7% at CF and 45. 4% at EAFP). Less than 7% of American students were fully employed. As one would expect, part -time jobs were a way of life for a considerable number of young people, 44.8% at EMU, 34. 7% at NMU, 30.6% at UCSD, 11. 2% at CF, and 18.1% at EAFP (Table 14). Table 15 categorizes the kinds of work in which the employed students participated. In all samples but NMU, over twice as many males as females were involved in manual labor. The sexes were approximately equally represented in skilled occupations. In the clerical division, the females outnumbered males two to one, except 99 o .2: momH o .2: HH o .2: mm 92: mam o .2: 3H. 3:: mam H38. H8920 H. .H. mm H: .3 m m .N.H .mw w .m B N .N.. H. Ho .H. B. H88. N. .m mm om :8 m H .2 m m.m m m .m N. 2. .H. NH 2888.: N. .H Hm N. .H: N. a .H. N. m .H m 8 .m H. 2m: @3322 o .m m TH. N N. .N w m .m wm o8 Wm H33. o .H.. mm m .H. m m .m H. N. .m m o. .m H: 2858.: o .H.. Ha w .H. m H .m m m .N. H: a .m H: 23: +8 832% o .H.H N.H: N. .m m m .s B. m 8H Mm N. g: mm H38. o .m 8 a. .m m m .s m m .: HNH. H .2 mm 2888.: o 8 «N. H .N. m o: H: H .2 H... a .mH mm 282 9m 83:33 m .mm 2: m .5 .m. m .3 .HH H .mm Mm m .3 mm: m .H..... HHVH H38. o .: N.HN m .8 N m .Hm : 9% mm m 8” mm m .3 Ho. 2888.: m .H: E: 98 H H .N. m m .N.m mm o .3 om m .3. on 232 Tm "mmcHHnHm m .3. mm... m .E m H .8 mm was Nu: m .3 a: as... H: Hebe o .mm 8» o .3 m a .2. mm m .3 2. m .mm 3 H .HH. 2: 2889: m .3 m8 o .3 H m .3 R s .3 am H .5 H.N. m .Hm 3 2m: N-H "mwaHHnHm o§ ooz O® .02 g .02 g .02 g .02 g .02 238.- sum mmfim mo 80: :st 22m 3.33%, no ouHm NH UHQNH. 100 o 63 momH o .03 HH o .2: Nb o .2: wmm o .2: 3% o .03 mam H.308 EH80 o .H Mm. m .mH .Wm. H. m .o H H308 N. .o m o .N.H m m .c H 3955 o .o w H .N. m N. .c H 3.2% 9:322 wdm mum mmdm N 938 mm N..mm moH me mum H.N? «3 H505 H .Hm H.N.m om .mm m m .mv om H .mm 2. w .H@ T: m .3. N.mH mHmSomH N. ém man 00 .0H m m .Nw wH H .3 mm o .3 N.mH H .3... mm 2.22 mac? 02 N .3 Hume H .3 .m N .HH B m .90. .mlN... N. .3 me m .3 EH H308 o.om me m.mm m m.oH m o.N.m Hm H .mm mm m.qu N.HH desHonH m .3 mm: a .HH m m .mm mw m .3 mm o .ww mm 2.82 ofiHrH. twnH o.w NM 3.3 m N..mm pm. m6 N.H. m.m NH: >6 Wm 13oF 0.8 «v cmém m wdm «H H .w N. m .m m Him vH onSofiH 0% av H .mm mH m6 m mé 3 ad 2 3.82 «EH9 HHEH “N. dz ma .02 ch .02 H.N. «W2 om Q 8N. .02 m HfloH... paw nHrm H E... H.309 omé SH H.HH H HimN HH N.HH mH N.NH Hm N.NH Hm onEmm mod NH. 063 N N.HH m N.NH H.N m .m NH m .mH mH meSH 33H. HVmNHq mHm mod m. H. .3 NM N.mm Hm. MT? ONN 93‘ 5H H309. mw.NN EN 3 .HH H N.NH m N.HVm ow mdw mHH $.qu mHH gawk 2. .NH mmN o .NH m H. .mm Hm N .Nm 2: H .om NH. 322 9335.50 82% :me m .NH NmH H .NH .N.. H. .N Mm m .m MHI H. .oH INN N .mH MM 1309 N.H. H.N N.NN N H. .NN 2 H.@ H. m.oH N H .mH mm mHmEmnH Him we HV.HN o. m.m m HIoH NN v.3 mN onSH 305m nmfi dash mmmd cm. 62 ob .02 ch .02 o\o .02 ON .02 “NV .02 230p... cam nHrmSm nHU QwOD :22 SSE @3502 .Ho coHHmoHfim b H mHQwE EA FP Sub -Totals % No. % 35 2. 91 No. UCSD CF No. % No. 11. 2 7. 1 16 Table 17 (continued) NMU NO. (70 5.9 12 EMU % 2. 8 No. Male Female Total Masters Doctors cocoon {OWIH 0)le o 108 c366 oer-3 00:: 8 H ~:t'caolcxm 0:3:on mcolH co H H H O N H o o o H mm v-n-csfl V'v-IN o” #103 [~3qu NNN o’ o H NIN €0le HH'N a: co vb-Lo 003m b-b—a o HHH 66:5 6.4.: 8' ‘4 NNIQ‘ OHIv-l HNIC‘O g N mooco Locov-a mooco 0 66:5 .46.? 0'65 g3 I-l HNIC‘O mmlm HNIC‘O g V‘ hoov- wooo omb- o 66:5 '16—. o'Ho' 8' H HNIC’O Noll-:1" omlm 8 m —-0 Cd CD 0 a) 4d pl —c .—1 [9! F4 I-l —-l 233 0323 @233 asmo “moo ammo '0 Ema EEmH mzme “ a «a 8 D 2 u 109 pation. Very few employed American mothers were engaged in domestic help in contrast to 57. 3 of French women. As one might expect, a great percentage of the employed mothers in the United States were working in clerically related occupations. Professional women appeared to be well represented with a low of 14. 6% at CF followed by 17. 2% at EMU, 25. 5% at NMU, 29. 8% at UCSD, and 45.4% at EAFP. These figures demonstrated a favorable total when contrasted with those for profes- sional men. Six to ten percent of mothers compared with 15% to 25% of fathers, in all groups, were proprietors or business managers. It is interesting to note that other than domestically employed French women, the largest proportion of labor opportunities for women, as well as for men, in France appeared to be as employees of the government (Tables 18 and 19). Data Describing The Personal Activities of Respondents Weekly Reading Time Amount of reading time varied cross-culturally with French students Spending considerably more time in this activity than American students. Over 50% of the total American sample recorded three hours or less each week spent pursuing written materials. Over 8% of French students at CF and 18% at EA FP stated that they spent over twelve hours weekly reading, while as low as 2. 2% of American students (at EMU) 110 N .NN NNN NN.N .w H .NH .H....H. N.NH mm uN.NN HNH N.HN H.NH 13.3. N .NH NNH NH .HH H H. .NN HH N .NH NH N .NN NN N .NN NN NHNSNNH N .NH HNH N .NH N N .HH NH N .NN NN N .HN NH. 222 . NNHHEN H. .N .Hm. b b H .N m N .NH .NH H. .N NM H38. N .N HH. N N N .N N H. .N HN N .N NH NHNENNH N .N NN N N N .N N N .NH NN N .H. HH 2.22 awOHHQ‘HU N .NH NNN H .NH m N .NH .Nh N .NN Mm N .H.H N.H. N.NH .NN... :38. N .NH NNH N .NN N N .NH N o .NN HN H. .NH NN N .H.H NHH NHNENHH N .N NNH N .NH N N .HN NN N .NH H.N N .HN NN 3N2 mmochsm NN .NN HNN N .NN H. H. .NH NH H .NN HNH N .NN NN N .NH 2. H309 NN .NH HNH N .NN N N .H.H N N .NN NN N .NH NH. H. .NH NN NHNSNN NN .NH NNH N.NN H N .NH N N .HH. NN N .HN H.HH N .NH NN NHNE #NQOww m QHOHA N .H. mm H .NH m H. .NN mm H .N R N .H. Wm H. .N .N.H. H38. N .N NN H .HH H N .HN NH N.H. N H .HH NH N .N N NHNENNH N .N H.N N .NN H H. .NN NH H .N NH N .N NH N .N N 222 wflmgflhmkwow .H.. .02 .H.. .02 .H.. .02 NH. .02 .H.. .02 .H.. .02 £38.- 3N mmfim mo 98: :22 Ram coHHmQHHooO m 12$er mH mHonB Table 18 (continued) UCSD CF EAFP 31b -Totals No. No. NMU No. EMU No. N0 0 C70 % % Semi-Skilled 3.1 38 7.1 4.9 7.3 15 9.2 13 Male Vb COCO mlco Female Total 3.9 2.8 4.8 9.2 13 Laborer Male N DIN (Db NN Female Total V0) NO”) 1.4 18 CON V‘N 0.0 NV‘ “300 5.4 3.7 4.4 11 2 2.8 Male Female Total Other Missing 0.4 1.4 7.1 0.0 1.7 0.5 Male 1.0 1.5 13 19 0.4 3.9 10 10 Female Total 3.3 1.5 0.4 2.5 Grand Total 100. 0 1203 100.0 446 100.0 258 100.0 89 100.0 100.0 399 111 Table 19 Mother's Occupation UC SD CF EAFP Sub -Totals No. No. NMU No. EMU No. % No. % No. % % % 7.8 8.5 .3 94 50.0 22.2 2.4 (DV' 19.6 13.0 28 .5. 3 19. 5 16. 2 40 3 17.0 17.1 24 _i 8 Male Female Total None 3.4 4 8 41 £3 94 38. 1 53.2 7. 3 16 g 1 3.5 4.4 4.1 4.2 7.8 11 131 25 Male Female Total Domestic 3.3 40 42 2.4 7.0 6.1 6.5 10 7 7 7.3 5.0 .0 15 _2. 7 9.9 14 _l 5 Male Female Total Sale 3 NO 01‘!" 21 27 4 31.0 8. 5 7.8 13 4 7 [Pt-I HH Pl!) HP! 2.8 Government Male Female Total Profe s sional 9.5 115 50.0 11.9 25.2 36 24. 4 50 16.3 23 Male 44. 4 Female Total 112 113 o .2: NONH o.ooH HH o.ooH mm o.ooH me o.ooH mHuHV o.ooH 0mm H809 Cad-LU H .m Imlm. mod ...H. N.N IN. m.H N mlm WIN: N..H .HN H.309. OH NH OH.HH H m.o H m0 HH 0.0 o 2.080% o.N mN N.HH N H.N m m6 NH o.m N. 0.3.2 .880 N .N N..H. b. b N .N .NH N .N .N..m N .H. pm 38. m .m Huw o o N .m m m .m ON 0 .b NH 0Hg0rm m.N mm o o N.H» H. N.H. wH m.m NH 0H0H>H U0Hfixmnw§0m m .mN QHN H .H m. w .NN mm... m .NN NNH o .om ONH HmuoB H .mH NNH 0.0 o N.mN mN m .mN Hb N.Hm Nw 0H0HHH0rTH m .HH H.NH HV.N H N.NN pm a .HVN Hm OSN mm 0H0H>H . HNOMHOAU N .N MN. H .NH m. N .N .NIH. N .N .NIH. N .N NIN H88. H..... .m NHH H» .m m H. .N OH H J OH m .0 N.H 0H0§0rm o .N mN H .N. m N .HN o m .m w H. .m w 0.32 mmosHmsmH 0% 00.2 ORV ooz c§ 00.2 k .02 O§ ooz 0§ ooz meuoBI 25m nHfiH H N-H. N.NN NNN NN.N .H. N.NH .NIH. N.NN NNH N.NN NNN N.NN HNN H88. N .NN NNN NH .HH H N .NH N N .NN H.N N .NN NNH H .NN NNH 298% H. .NN NNN NN .N N H. .HN N N .NH. NN N .NN NNH H. .NN HN NHNHHH N-H N.N . 02 .N. . 02 .N. .02 .N. . 02 .N. . 02 .H.. . oz 238... .HNN arid mo NHNUD :22 Ram mcHHNwom "0933:99me 08E. mice? ON 2309 Table 20 (continued) Sub -Totals No. EA FP CF No. UCSD No. NMU No. EMU No. % % No . ‘70 % % 13+ 50.00 31 2. 5 6.8 5.6 9.5 1 14 2.8 Male COO) Nfl" LOO) coco find: CON NV HN «Ho: Female Total 0.3 0.7 0.0 1.0 0.7 Male Missing Olo olo Hv-I NH Hlv—l 031‘ CO HIN coco DO oH<1 ODLD P1P! Lolco Female Total 100. 0 1203 100. 0 100. 0 89 100. 0 258 100. 0 446 100.0 399 Grand Total 116 Table 2 1 ision Weekly Time Expenditure: Telev UCSD CF EA FP Sub -Totals No . No. NMU No. EMU No. NO 0 (70 % % No. % % % 211 17.5 0.0 35. 7 15 52.4 75 38. 5 79 28.4 40 1 Male 1-3 Lolb- 57.4 54.6 66 141 62.7 51.5 151 230 46. 1 39.8 5 19 9 1 Female Total 4-6 0.0 145 12. 1 22. 2 26.2 11 18.9 27 29. 8 61 32.6 46 Male 12. 6 24. 7 152 297 NIN 19. 1 18.9 _g_2_ 49 18.3 23.5 26.4 Female Total 7-10 95 7. 8 0.00 19.0 11.9 17 18. 5 38 22.7 32 Male 10. 6 14. 6 mm 14. 7 33g 70 Female Total 2.8 34 7.1 6.3 4.4 9.2 13 11-15 Male olo olo Fifi" NV” H|q4 0300 605 HO NCO HN 0001 Female Total 16+ 2.4 29 4. 80 2.1 15 7.3 6.4 Male olo olo “31‘ (ON vlb IDI.~ NV colv-c Female Total 117 118 o.ooH NONH o.ooH HH o.ooH mm 063 NNN o.ooH NHHHH o.ooH NNN. 1309. @230 m .N bH mod H H.N. N m .m NNu o.H. .man o.m mm. HNHoB N .m 0H. 3 .HH H H .N H .HH .3 NH N .m NH m .HH HH 2.36m N.H NH cod o H .H. N N.N NH N.H m H..o H 2.32 mchmHE .N. .02 ON. .02 .N. .02 .N. .02 .N. .02 0N .02 2895.. 23m nHmH «nocflcoo :30 N .3. mmm N.H.N um. H. .5 mm. H.NH. mHH adv 8N m.N.v oH.H H308 H..mN mom m .mm m can Hm N.H..Vm mm H .3. HHH H..qu moH onEmh m .ON HmN o .o o H .H.m HNN m .¢HV Hum N .HH. mm H .3 mm 232 anucsov :30 H .HH oH.H H .NH. M H .0H m H» .NH mm H .HHH Mm o .mH Wm H308 H .w H.m N .N N m .HV N o.mH mH HV.H.H NH. o.HqH mm @3th ad NH. o6 o H..mH H. N.HH H.H N.oH HN N.NH NN 232 3289 «Hand .H.. .02 .H.. .02 a .02 .H.. .02 .H.. .02 .H.. 52 3.30m... 92m mm Sm .mU QmOD DH>H7H DEM $2.89 602% N N 2nt 121 o .03 NONH o .2: HH o .2: mm o 53 HEN o .03 wHVHV o .03 mam 18.09 9396 .H Mm. b. b m .m .m. b. .0 m .o N N .N b H.308 m6 HH o o H .N H o o N.H m H..N H. onEom w .o m o o N .v N o o m .o H v .H N 3.32 wchmHSH N.N mN m.¢m o H .NH H.H H.H m Hie N N.o H H305 m.H mH m.mm m m .HN oH m.N m ¢.o H o6 o Each w .o 3 o .om H H. .mH H. o .o o m .o H H. .o H 3.22 ooHBE N6 umIH... H.NH IN. HiNN Mm. H.N .HINu N.HH mm. N.N MM H308 N.N mHV N.NN N HTNN HH N6 m m6 mH N.H. HH 229m H....N mN o.o o ¢.HN m mioH mH m.H m HWH N 3.32 0020 o .8 23 N .H.N .N. 0 .mm 3 m .8 HumN m .wm HNH» N :3 mum H308 m .3 Humm N.NN N N.Nm mN N.Nm moH H..Hm HNN o.mm EN 03th m .qu mmv o .3 H H .H.N H.N m .NN NNH m .H.N DON m .8 «EH 3.22 no>oz .H.. .02 .H.. .02 .H.. .02 .H. 52 .H.. .02 .H.. .02 m H.309: mum anH «am no QmOD D.H>HZ DEM "~chon «copfim mN 2nt 122 Student participation in social activities formed a very similar statistical pattern among American students, approximately 30% belonging to no groups, about 50% claiming support of one or two organizations, and around 15% being a member of three or four. A very large percentage (70% CF and 72. 7% EAFP) of French students claimed no social, religious, school, community, or volunteer organi- zation membership. About 20% of French university young people did acknowledge participation in one or two groups. Among the American students, a somewhat larger percentage of females than males appeared to organize their time around such activities (Table 24). Labor-Saving Equipment in Parental Home When this study was designed, a conjecture was made that a correlation might exist between egalitarian oriented men and women and a life-style oriented to considerable usage of labor saving equip- ment. It was expected that most families would possess the standard items of equipment, but the ownership of non-essential items such as dishwashers and garbage disposals might indicate a higher income, greater female participation in the work force, and, thus, a correla- tion with an egalitarian life philosophy. The findings show that families of university students, in all geographic areas, appear to utilize a considerable amount of labor- Sub -Totals % 207 17. 2 No. EA FP % 50. O No. CF % 27 64. 3 Table 24 UCSD NO. % NO. 59 41. 3 % 39. 5 NMU Student Organization Activity No. 81 EMU No. 27. 7 39 Male None 03H O’Dfl‘l‘ V‘flioo ooze: CDL‘LD 123 our; cities Io'oam' H54 65.: Her: .HN-:4 H color: morn leb- 610.6) 00303 HO! (000:0 (COCO HHN H H Old" Noam v-Iv-I mb CHI-l I. O .0 b-N OHCO oolo oolo oolo be. LOHV-I I~|oo HHIN oolo oolo oolo Loco OOV‘ID Vt‘v-IN mom .0 O O O O. O O I. <40) comm NNN V‘ON oolo b-co NNN LDIN CHIP-l HHIN NolN oolo 00:0 HHN HQI cot-co mfl‘l‘ 00030) v--Iv-Idi O. O O O O. O O O. O O O (Otfi v-Imb wa NOH NHH Nm V‘mfi" HHH ole: a: VII 00 co oloo fl" v-Ilm or: :0ch coco locoN v-INm H oaco oawN N to IoNoo lbw-I‘d" O. O O O .0 O O O 0 O O O V'H V‘V‘O cor-m OHO HHH N00 finnlo HHH OH NNVH Ismo Haul-<14 mmloo cz>o ooHION Hmuoh N.NN N.HN H.NN 0.0m N.NN N.NN oqIN am mend < N.oH N.oH N.N m.oH o.oH N.oH mHIN 30 mmu¢ 4 N.NN N.NN N.HN N.NN N.NN N.NN omIN 3m mmu< < N.HH N.NH N.HH N.NH m.oH N.HH mHIN Ha mou< 4 saw: HHo sdEHMMZIESEHdfiz mmuoom cam: mmu< < ooH NONH ooH HH ooH mN ooH NNN ooH oqq ooH NNN N .oz N .oz N .02 N .02 N .02 N .02 H33. «H 33 Eu so 98: 22 HEN NanoHUIndN Nam macho kuoa N N 3an onom N\H do mmuoom sou: mou< < was HHo 135 Table 27 Over-All Means and A Area Differences in Scores For Males and Females Over- A Area A Area A Area A Area Mean Scores All DL RW CW PD Women 77. 39 12.22 25. 15 10.50 29.50 Men 71.60 10.55 23.06 9.80 28.18 Differences Between Mean Scores Female-Male 5. 79 ** 1. 68 ** 2. 10 ** . 7O ** 1. 32 >:<* At the .01 level of significance, the least significant difference is .42. At the . 05 level of significance, the least significant difference is . 32. ** Indicates a significant difference at the . 01 level. Table 28 Group Differences Between Means of A Areas 136 A Area A Area A Area A Area DL RW cw PD Tom EAFP-CF + .8 n.s. + .9 n. s. + .4n.s. +2.6 ** +4.6 ** EMU-CF - .2n.s +2.8 ** +.5n.s. +.2n.s. +3.3 ** NMU-CF - .8* +1.8 ** +.2n.s. - .4n.s. +.8* UCSD-CF + .5 n.s. +3.7 ** + .7 * +1.3 ** +6.2 ** EAFP-EMU +1.0 n.s. -1.9 * - . 1 n.s. +2.4 ** +1.3 n. s. EAFP-NMU +1.6 * - .9 n. s. + .2 n. s. +3.0 ** +3.8 ** EAFP-UCSD + . 3 n.s. -2.8 ** - . 3 n. 3. +1. 3 n. s. -1.6 * EMU-NMU +1.6 ** +1.0 ** + .3 n. s. + .6 ** +2.5 ** EMU-UCSD - .7 ** - .9 ** - .2 n.s. -1.1 ** -2.9 ** UCSD-NMU +1. 3 ** +1.9 ** + .5 * +1.7 ** +5.4 ** n. 5. Indicates not a significant difference at the . 05 level. * Indicates a significant difference at the . 05 level. ** Indicates a significant difference at the . 01 level. 137 the mid-range score of 60 (the calculated Z-score was 59.4 compared with a Z-table score of 2. 33 for level of significance of . 01). When the over-all mean scores were separated by sex, the mean score for women (77. 39) proved to be significantly higher than that for men (71.60). This difference between mean scores lends credence to the belief that the female sex is more deeply concerned over sex role liberation than the male (Table 27). In conclusion, even though the recorded data indicated that Hypothesis I was definitely substantiated, it seems important to point out that the highest scoring groups did not represent an extreme egali- tarian point of view on sex role attitudes. American students will be more egalitarian than French students. An analysis of means revealed data largely supporting Sub- Hypothesis 1. 1 with some qualifications. All American groups recorded over-all means higher than the French group from Clermont-Ferrand, the California group being 6. 2 higher, Eastern Michigan students 3. 3 higher, and NMU students recording a score . 8 higher. A different pattern was presented in comparing the data related to the students from Ecole de L'Alliance Francais de Paris.4 These 4In interpreting the figures, it is important to remember that, although this school is located in Paris, France, the student body is of international composition. 138 students were more egalitarian in their views than students from both Michigan universities, and had a mean score only 1. 6 less than the students from UCSD. A considerable difference in sex role related attitudes between Parisian students and Northern Michigan students is reflected in a 3. 6 difference in over-all mean scores (Table 26). Analysis of variance was used to determine if the means be- tween the student groups from the five universities were different. This analysis revealed that the only two student groups which did not differ from each other were EMU and EAFP (Table 28). The tests of differences of means showed UCSD students scored significantly higher than all other groups on the T/ E Scale. The next highest group of students were from EAFP. EMU students were higher than those from NMU and CF. NMU students ranked above the CF group (Table 28). Sub -Hypothesis 1. 2. Within the Ameri can groups, the most egalitarian will be the students at the University of California, San Diego, followed by the students at Eastern Michigan University and Northern Michigan University, in descend- ing percentage order. Overall mean scores verified this sub -hypothesis, the three American groups showing approzdmately a +3 variation between each group, with UCSD students totaling the highest mean of 78. 3, EMU students placing second with a mean of 75. 4, and NMU students 139 scoring a mean of 72. 9 (Table 26). Group differences between means of the three American uni- versities showed that UC SD outranked both EMU (by +2. 9) and NMU (by +5.4) on the TIE Scale (Table 28). These differences were statistically significant. This differential suggests that American student bodies vary considerably in their degree of egalitarian orien- tation to sex role attitudes. Demographic variables may lend some accountability to this variation. Sub-Hypothesis I. 3. Within the French groups, members of the student body at Ecole de L'Alliance Frangais de Paris are more egalitarian than students from the University of Clermont-Ferrand. Again, an analysis of the over-all means, Table 26, gave factual evidence in support of this sub -hypothesis. The mean score (76. 7) for EAFP students is noticeably higher than that for CF indi- viduals (7 2. 1). Group differences between means of the two French schools, as shown in Table 28, indicates a significant difference of +4. 6. One must temper this conclusion by remembering the interna- tionalism of the constituency of the Ecole de L'Alliance Francais de Paris, as partially explaining the ob served difference. The mean score for the CF students is probably more representative of the average French university student. 140 Hypothesis II The majority of students sampled internationally will be classified as egalitarian in contrast to tradi- tional in each of the four attitudinal area groupings, as defined by Mason-Bumpass; females will be more egalitarian than males. An examination of Table 26 showed the over-all means for all A Areas were well above what one might theoretically call mid-range scores. In A Area DL, the difference above the mid-range was 2.5; in A Area RW, 6. 2; in A Area CW, 1. 2; and in A Area PD, 4. 9. High mean scores in A Area RW, related to "employment rights of women, " and A Area PD, "psychological differences and socialization attitudes, " gave the greatest impact to the total group mean score. The calculated Z-scores for each A Area demonstrated con- siderable variation in strength, but all scores were highly significant. Z-scores for each A Area were: A Area RW, 58.82; A Area PD, 49.06; A Area DL, 35.53; A Area CW, 26. 10 as compared withna Z-table score of 2. 33 for level of significance of . 01. An examination. of the breakdown of the egalitarian oriented mean scores for males and females pointed to a difference in priorities between the sexes for A Area scores. The much higher significant dif- ference in over-all mean score of females over males for A Area RW showed a stronger egalitarian feeling for the items related to the "employment rights of women. ” Females also professed greater statistically significant difference in support for A' Area DL, concerned 141 with "attitudes toward the traditional sex-based division of labor” and A Area PD, concerning “psychological differences and socialization attitudes” (Table 27). Sub -Hypothe sis II. 1. All four A Area scores will be higher for the three groups of students attending American uni- versities than for the two groups of students attending French universities. Mixed findings were the results of the statistical procedures regarding Sub-Hypothesis II. 1. A Area DL Attitudes toward traditional sex- based labor. EAFP students recorded the highest mean score for A Area DL (12. 5) with scores for UCSD being only . 3 lower. The French students from CF, who had the lowest over-all mean, also showed strong egali- tarian feelings on these items with a mean score of 11. 7. It would appear that masculine /feminine role related attitudes toward sex-based labor have definite support within the two French universities. The mean scores of EMU students were very similar to those from CF. The least egali- tarian reactions came from the NMU group with a mean score of 10. 9. Group differences between means of A Areas confirmed these findings statistically, showing a highly significant difference at the . 01 level in favor of the following schools: UCSD over EMU and NMU; EMU over NMU ; and both EAFP and CF over NMU . On A Area DL, the hypothesis was not statistically substantiated. 142 A Area RW Attitudes toward rights of women in labor market. In A Area RW, Sub-Hypothesis II. 1 was strongly upheld with scores significantly higher for all three American universities, as compared to the French schools. It was within this A Area that the greatest difference in scores, cross culturally, showed up. The high overall total mean score for this A Area was largely made up from the input of American students. UCSD students showed the highest mean score (25. 5). EMU students also felt strongly on this issue with a mean score of 24. 6, as did NMU students, with a mean score of 23. 6. In contrast, EA FP students “recorded a mean of 22. 7 and CF students 21. 8. Although these scores were theoretically well over the mid-range score of 18, thus expressing a definite egalitarian philosophy, it appeared that young peOple in France, as sampled in this research, do not evidence any strong attitudes toward equality of opportunity for men and women in the labor market. An examination of Table 28 showed the UCSD group with signi- ficantly higher egalitarian scores at the . 01 level of significance in "rights of women in the labor market" than all other uni- regard to the versity samples. EMU students were significantly higher at the . 01 level over both the CF and the NMU groups, and at the . 05 level over EAFP students. NMU students differed significantly at the . 01 level by +1. 8 over only the CF men and women. 143 It would appear that Hypothesis II. 1 is upheld in A Area RW. A Area CW Beliefs about consequences of work in labor market for the maternal role. Sub -Hypothesis II. 1 showed a close cross-cultural relationship with mixed support for Opinionnaire items related to A Area CW. Mean scores showed only a . 7 difference, with UC SD being the most egali- tarian group and CF the most traditional. It is interesting to note that mean scores in A Area CS came closer to the mid-range score than in any other A Area. The table of differences between means showed UCSD students to be significantly higher than those from CF and NMU at the . 05 level of significance. All other combinations of schools showed no significant difference. It would seem, from these statistics, and also from the Mason- Bumpass research, that although there is strong verbal pressure for equal opportunity for women in the labor market, ambiguity concerning the responsibilities relating to the maternal role, make the possibility of achieving this status a dream for the future. A Area PD Beliefs about psychological dif- ferences and socialization attitudes between the sexes. Hypothesis II. 1 received mixed support in A Area PD. The EAFP students out-ranked all other groups with a high mean of 31. 3, a +7 points over the mid-range score. Other groups displayed a very similar preference pattern to A Area DL with UCSD recording the next 144 highest mean score, EMU, CF, and NMU students following, in con- secutive order. Table 28 confirmed these findings, with EAFD students showing a highly significant difference at the . 01 level in comparison with all sample populations except the one from UCSD. The tests of difference between mean scores confirmed the placement of UCSD as the second highest ranking egalitarian group, showing a statistically significant dif- ference in favor of UCSD student s at the . 01 level over the CF, NMU, and EMU students. The EMU group was significantly higher than NMU at the . 01 level. In summary, Sub -Hypothesis II. 1 was not supported. The findings showed a lack of continuity and total commitment by the Ame ri- can students over the French students in all four A Area scores. Although the American groups were highly egalitarian in some areas, their opinions in other areas were only equal to, or less egalitarian than, the students from France. Attitudes toward "traditional sex-based labor" and "psychological differences and socialization attitudes" were more strongly supported by French students, with American students expressing themselves most positively regarding "attitudes toward the rights of women in the labor market. " As discussed within the next hypothesis considerable difference in degree of egalitarianism, as reflected in these item ratings, was noted between the three American groups also. ”145 Sub -Hypothe sis II. 2. Within the American groups, all A Area scores will be higher for University of California, San Diego students, followed by Eastern Michigan and Northern Michigan students, respectively. An examination of Table 26 showed that Sub -Hypothesis II. 2 was supported for every A Area. The greatest difference inanswers between American groups occurred in A Area RW, related to the em- ployment rights of women, with UCSD students recording a mean score of 1. 9 over NMU students on the TIE Scale" A Area DL scores showed a difference of 1. 3, depicting, again, a greater orientation to egali- tarianism by California students over and above those from Northern Michigan. Mean scores for the two Michigan groups were consistently higher for EMU over NMU. Table 28, showing differences between mean scores, gives statistical support for the above findings. UCSD scored significantly higher differences between means at the . 01 level of significance for A Areas DL, RW, and PD. In A Area CW, UCSD was significantly higher than NMU at the . 05 level of significance. EMU produced sig- nificantly higher differences between mean scores over NMU on A Areas DL, RW, and PD. No significant difference was recorded for A Area CW. This A Area, which referred to "beliefs about consequences of work in the labor market for the maternal role,’ elicited the least difference in expression of opinion among the three groups. 146 Sub-Hypothesis II. 3. Students attending Ecole de L'Alliance Francais de Paris will record A Area scores higher than stu- dents from Clermont -Ferrand. A negligible difference was noted in the mean score for A Area CW, regarding "beliefs about consequences of work for the maternal role. " In all three other areas, the group from EAFP scored more highly egalitarian scores than the students from CF. A significant dif- ference in mean scores at the .01 level of significance was recorded for A Area PD, related to the ”beliefs about psychological differences and socialization attitudes between the sexes, “ in favor of the EA FP group. On the basis of this, and the significant total mean difference for the EAFP students, Hypothesis II. 3 was upheld. Hypothe sis III Gender is a more significant determinant of sex role attitudes and opinions than such environ- mental factors as age, marital status, geographic region, living arrangements, family size, life style, and socio-economic status. The ecological framework, upon which this research was based, provided the analytic approach to examine Hypothesis III. As previously explained, the ecological framework depicts the individual as a central unit reacting to, and being acted upon, by biolo- gical, economic, psychological, and sociological aspects of both the 147 micro- and macro -environments. The micro-environment consists of those human beings and groups in closest physical and socio-psychological proximity to the individual, and the near neighborhood in which the individual resides. Macro-environmental effects are produced through informal and formal organizations, such as schools, churches, labor markets, and government, and other possible aspects of the outer world beyond the immediate environment. Demographic data were solicited, within this research, to aid in obtaining some measurement of the micro- and macro -environmental effects upon the sex role attitudes of the individual. . Obtained information related to the micro -environment included sex, age, marital status, location of parental home, present living arrangements, number of siblings, weekly expenditure of time reading and watching television, and the amount of participation in traveling, student exchange programs and volunteer activities. Several of these items, such as location of parental home, present living conditions, television time, exchange and volunteer programs might be equally classified. as having impact to, and from, the macro -environment as well. Data indicating interaction with macro-environment included the education and occupation of self, spouse, and parents. These items might, also, be considered influential factors within the micro- environment. 148 This interplay of factors within and between the individual and both the micro-environment and macro-environment emphasize the continuous interaction and interdependence between each person and the surrounding world, and point out possible reasons for conflicts of interest, confusion and anxiety in relation to sex role attitudes. Correlations were computed between demographic variables and the A Area scores. Step-wise regression analyses also were per- formed to denote the influence of independent variables on the T/ E Score for total groups and sub -groups. Explanation of these findings is found in the following discussion and in Table 29, showing correlations between Attitudinal Areas and demographic variables, and in Tables 30 and 31, presenting step-wise regression analyses of independent variables and the T/ E Score. Correlations Between Sub scores, Total Score, and Demographic Data In spite of the fact that the sample populations exhibited a great variance in results, certain factors did show evidence of correlation with egalitarian sex role attitudes. Correlations of the four sub-scores and total score with the demographic items confirmed the following findings (see Table 29): 1. All A Area scores and the total score were most highly correlated Table 29 Table of Simple Correlations Between A Area Scores and Demographic Variables for Total Group 149 A Area A Area A Area A Area T 1 DL RW CW PD “3 Sex . 34 ** . 28 ** . 22 ** . 19 w , 33 *9; Marital Status .09 W .06 * .06 >:< Ed. Level of Mate . 08 ** . 06 * . 06 >'» .07 >1: Occ. of Mate .06 >1< .05 * .06 >:< Age Residence .. .06 * Living Arr- . 13 ** .06 .07 I. .09 .2». Employment Type of Emp. .09 ** .06 x: .06 .2 Reading .06 * - .06 * TV Time -.11 ** -.08 “4* -.11 w -.06 * -,11 >I<>I< Vol. Org. .06 * Stu. EX. ' g 06 * Father's Ed- .06 * .08 M .08 M 150 Table 29 (continued) A Area A Area A Area A Area DL RW CW 13]) Total Father's Occ. . 06 * , 08 >k>t< . 05 >:< Mother's Ed- - 10 ** .08 ** .09 M .09 *k . 11 =.'<* Mother's 0°C- .06 === .06 >:< No. of Appliances - . 06 * - , 1o >I<>I< - , 06 * .. . 03 *2. Travel Number of Appliances . 08 ** . 06 x: , 12 ** , 10 *9; Career -.06 >.‘< -,o7 >t< Siblings NOTE: Only those items showing significant correlations have been presented. * Indicates the correlation is significant at the . 05 level. ** Indicates the correlation is significant at the . 01 level. 151 with sex, with females getting higher egalitarian scores than males. All A Area scores and the total score were highly correlated with the mother's education, children with more highly edu- cated mothers getting higher scores. All A Area scores (except A Area DL) and the total score were correlated with the number of labor-saving devices, with indi- viduals having a number of labor saving devices getting higher scores. Those with no labor saving equipment had a high negative correlation, giving weight to the supposition that an individual who owns a large amount of household equipment gives credence to an egalitarian life philosophy. Living arrangements correlated significantly with A Area scores DL, CW, and PD, and with the total score. Students who chose independent types of living arrangements, such as private or shared apartments, achieved the higher egalitarian score. Occupations of both the mother and the father, as computed using the Hatt-North Prestige Scale and Socio-Economic Index, correlated significantly with A Area score PD. The higher occupational scores of proprietors, professional workers, and government officials were associated with higher egalitarian SCOPGS. 152 All four A Area scores and the total score were most highly negatively correlated with the category "TV Time. " Reading time, on the other hand, showed a positive correlation at a significance level of 0. 05 with A Area scores DL and PD. Father's education did not appear to produce nearly as high a correlation as mother's education, but it did correlate highly with A Area score PD, and somewhat with A Area score DL, causing no reaction in either A Area scores RW or CW. How- ever, the correlations in A Area scores DL and PD were powerful enough to produce a correlation with total score at the significance level of 0. 01. The item ”Occupations” entered into the correlation table, again as related to the individuals themselves and also, the marital partner. Although the fact that one was, or was not, employed in the labor market created no correlation, the type of employment of the student or of the marital partner proved to be a factor affecting the egalitarian score. A high occupa- tional score, as measured by the Hatt-North Prestige Scale and Socio -Economic Index, correlated strongly with A Area score DL at the significance level of 0. 01 and with A Area 153 score CW and total score at the significance level of 0. 05. The type of work in which one's mate was involved, was also a strong factor, correlating significantly at the 0. 05 level with A Area scores DL, PD, and total score. 9. Education of mate was somewhat of an important item, pre- senting a highly significant correlation with A Area score DL at the 0101 level of significance, and a significant correlation at the 0. 05 level with A Area score RW, PD, and total score. Step-Wise Regression Analyses of Independent Variables and T/ E Score Step-wise regression analyses of total group and sub-groups were utilized to compare the independent demographic variables with respect to their relative contribution to the dependent variable, T/ E Score. It was thought that this procedure would sort out the contribu- tion of each independent variable as it added to the total egalitarian score, assuming the multi tudinous interconnections via rather complex causal paths of all of the independent variables. Results of these regres- sion analyses are found in Table 30 and 31. An examination of the total group regression analysis (Table 30) showed that being born and raised as a female was the most outstanding factor producing the greatest measurable contribution, a total of 11%, Step-Wise Regression Analysis of Independent Variables And Traditional/ Egalitarian Score for Total Group Table 30 .154 Cumulative % adfigirllggnt Contributed By F Value B Value Probability Each Variable Sex 11.0 158.52 5.78 0.0001 Mother's Education 1. 2 _ 17. 36 0. 59 0. 0001 Living Arrangements 1. 2 17. 09 0. 64 0. 0002 Siblings 1. 0 14. 09 -0. 94 0. 0004 Equipment . 9 12. 70 0. 48 0. 0007 Reading .5 7.97 0.72 0.0051 Student Exchange .6 8. 53 -1.49 0. 0039 Television . 3 4. 31 - 0. .46 0. 0356 Education of Mate . 3 4. 08 0. 71 0. 0408 155 to the T/ E Score. No other item contributed more than one percent. Thus, Hypothesis III was upheld. The second most important contributor, mother's level of edu- cation, appeared at the one percent level. The importance of maternal influence upon sex role attitudes of children was confirmed by the positive correlation of this variable, even at this percentage level with the dependent variable, T/ E Score. Student‘living arrangements was the next most important variable to effect the regression analysis and to have impact on the T/E Scale. The high score was associated with apartment living, either alone or with others. The more traditionally oriented students resided in dor- mitories or were living with their parents. The effect of family upon the individual was noted, likewise, in the next significant item, siblings. Large families were negatively cor- related with a high egalitarian score. Drawing conclusions from this data, one might assume that children raised within smaller families may be provided with opportunities and experiences that lead to a more egali- tarian point of view. In the equipment analysis, it appeared to be more meaningful to total all pieces of equipment into one score, rather than check each item individually. It is interesting to note the high correlation the total equipment score made with egalitarian oriented scores, providing the 156 fifth greatest input into the regression table. There appears to be a logical connection between these two variables in that mothers with higher education would likely be involved professionally and would need and, perhaps, could better afford to spend more for equipment. Owner- ship of a large amount of equipment, such as garbage disposals, dish- washers, and freezers, might be conceived, also, as a symbol of social status. Usage of personal time also seemed to be a significant deter- minant of sex role attitudes. The greater amount of time Spent reading and the lesser amount of time spent viewing television appeared to establish a causal inference with egalitarian oriented individuals. This relationship suggests that egalitarian minded students are prodigious readers, but may find the output of the television channels of little challenge. The item "student exchange" produced a negative correlation at the significance level of . 003. The negative significance is most interesting in that it is often assumed that a more well traveled person is more egalitarianly oriented. The correlation found in this research might be explained partly by the fact that these were exchange students who lived in households with families. They were not free-lancers, roaming around the country independently. They, therefore, might be quite traditional in their sex-role attitudes, despite the amount of travel the y had logged. Secondly, because of the small sample size of respondents 157 who were involved in exchange programs, faith in the results of this correlation might be questioned. The last item on the regression table that was significant at the 0. 05 level was "education of mate. " Although less than five percent of the total sample were married, this factor did contribute a small fraction of one percent to the total input. As one compares the regression analysis for the sub-groups of university students, some interesting variations from the total group pattern are noted. In all American groups, sex was the most important variable, accounting for 17% of the total variation within the N MU group. Other items listed were similar to those for the entire sample, although often in a different proportional arrangement. For EMU students, career became an added variable. Father's education rather than mother's education was a contributing independent variable to the NMU group T/ E Score. Residence, referring to smaller towns and rural areas, was added to the list for the UCSD group (Table 31). Since the French group from EAFP was so small, to perform a regression analysis it was necessary to combine them with the CF group. But even with the addition of more egalitarian EA FP scores, the dependent variables chosen by both French groups varied consider- ably from the total group analysis. Reading rather than sex was con- sidered the most important item. The element of family traditionalism was heavily emphasized by both father's occupations and father's education 158 Table 31 Step-Wise Regression Analysis of Independent Variables And Traditional] Egalitarian Score for Sub -Groups Cumulative % adgg'l’gzm Contributed By F Value B Value Probability Each Variable EMU Sex 12.81 60.88 5.87 0.0001 Mother's Education 2. 0 9. 68 1. 03 0. 0024 Siblings 1.4 6.84 -1.14 0.0091 Career (self) 0.9 4.03 - 0. 78 0.0424 Education of Mate 0. 8 3. 67 0. 95 0. 0527 NMU Sex 17.1 96.34 7.21 0.0001 Living Arrangements 2. 6 14. 57 0. 96 0. 0004 Father's Education 0. 6 3. 48 0. 40 0. 0593 Reading 0.6 3.18 0.52 0.0713 No. of Appliances 0. 5 2. 98 -3. 80 0. 0809 Education of Mate 0. 5 2. 72 1. l4 0. 0953 UCSD Sex 10.5 31.78 5.72 0.0001 Mother's Education 1. 87 5. 63 0. 86 0. 0174 Residence 1. 5 4. 74 0. 84 0. 0285 Reading 1.4 4. 16 0.85 0.0398 Travel 1. 1 3. 38 0.87 0.0633 Table 31 (continued) 159 Cumulative % ‘Ifndepgildent Contributed By F Value B Value Probability aria es Each Variable CF and EAFP Reading 8. 9 11. 34 2. 39 0. 0015 Father's Occupation 5.3 6. 83 1.07 0.0101 Father's Education 4. 4 5. 59 -0. 84 0. 0190 Television Time 4. 1 5. 16 -1. 28 0. 0238 Student Exchange 2. 6 3. 24 -1. 35 0. 0711 160 being listed as highly significant items. It is interesting to note the absence of items related to mother's or Spouse's education (Table 31). Hypothesis IV A Area Scores within each student group will demonstrate differences, showing inconsistency related to sex role attitudes. It will be remembered in the first statistical item analysis testing the logic of classifying the twenty Opinionnaire items as either traditional or egalitarian, items 1, 12, and 20 fluctuated from the egalitarian to the traditional pole of the T/E Scale, demonstrating an interpretational shifting of opinion statements and inconsistency in answer patterns, thus reflecting ambivalence in sex role attitudes. Mean scores of the five student populations and the over-all means for A Areas, also, provided confirmation that there was ambivalence in student opinion regarding sex role attitudes. It would seem that con- sistency in attitude formation would be demonstrated by the mean scores being close to either the maximum or minimum scores on the T/E Scale. Since overall means for each A Area were on the low side of the egali- tarian range of the T/ E sex role scale, it appeared that very few students espoused a strictly polarized egalitarian or traditional sex role philOSOphy, but rather one that was less encompassing of all beliefs and issues. In A Area DL, with a score range from 3 to 15, the overall mean was 11.5 compared to a mid-range score of 9. The University group 161 means were: EMU, 11.5; NMU, 10.9; UCSD, 12.2; CF, 11.7; and EAFP, 11. 5. In A Area RW, with a score range from 6 to 30, the overall mean was 24. 2 compared to a mid-range score of 18. University group means varied from: EMU, 24.6; NMU, 23.6; UCSD, 25.5; CF, 21.8; and EAFP, 22. 7. In A Area CW, with a score range from 3 to 15, the over-all mean was 10. 2 compared to a mid-range score of 9. University group scores were: EMU, 10.3; NMU, 10.0; UCSD, 10.5; CF, 9.8; and EAFP, 10. 2. In A Area PD, with a score range from 8 to 40, the overall mean was 28. 9 compared to a mid-range score of 24. The university group means were: EMU, 28.4; NMU, 28.3; UCSD, 30.0; CF, 28.7; and EAFP, 31. 3. A measure of strength of egalitarianism between A Areas for the total sample was obtained through the use of Z scores. These scores showed highly significant findings at the . 01 level of significance. An analysis of the total group scores demonstrated the highest egalitarian feelings for A Area RW (Z score, 58. 82), related to "support for the rights of women in the labor market;” A Area PD (Z score, 49. 06), "Beliefs about psychological differences and socialization attitudes between the sexes" elicited the next strongest feelings; A Area DL 162 (Z score, 35. 53), related to "the division of labor between the sexes" and A Area CW (Z score 26. 10), regarding ”consequences of work in the labor market and the maternal role, " followed in consecutive order. A Area scores within each university group also demonstrated a varied strength of feeling regarding the four sex role issues examined, as already discussed under Hypothesis II and Sub-Hypotheses II. 1, II. 2, and II. 3 (Tables 26 and 28). Drawing conclusions from the data, it would appear that there was more consistency of egalitarianism for each area of attitudes between groups than there was for all four A Areas within each specific group. Hypothesis V Findings from this study will further corro- borate the conclusions made by Mason-Bumpass in their 1970 research on women's sex role atti- tudes in the United States. A difference in characteristics of sample populations, as well as methods of analysis, make statistical comparisons between Mason- Bumpass research and the present study impossible. The population of the Mason-Bumpass research was from a broad national sample of ever-married females under age forty-five. The present sample was made up of both male and female university students, thus destroying the similarity of sex, age, and educational level of the groups to be compared. Demographic data, also was lacking in con- 163 tinuity, the present sample containing no data relative to race, religion, religiosity, age at marriage, or parity. Although statistical comparison cannot be made, it is note- worthy that Mason-Bumpass found educational attainment the single most important variable in predicting an egalitarian sex role attitude, college graduates recording a net score almost 4 points higher than women who had completed only 8 grades of school. Within the present research, both educational level of mother and educational level of mate, although not primary factors in the re- gression table, proved to be significant variables in the formation of an egalitarian sex role attitude. The fact that mean scores as measured in this research appear to be reflective of a more egalitarian sex role philosophy than that recorded in the Mason-Bumpass research may be partly accounted for in that all respondents of the present research were characterized by involvement in a relatively high level of education. Other issues that were relevant to the present research, such as sex, living arrangements, siblings, equipment, personal time use, were not part of the Mason-Bumpass Opinionnaire. However, after reviewing the summary statements made by Mason-Bumpass, with the present obtained data, it would appear appropriate to accept the conclusions, made by Mason—Bumpass, that a pattern of sex role 164 attitudes which is neither consistently in support of traditional patriarchy nor of modern feminist androgyny exists within the present sample popu- lation. CHAPTER VI DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS A review of the data procured through this study suggested that both male and female university students exhibited a growing sense of objectivity, and were cognizant of the many options and life patterns that were available to them. There appeared to be a trend toward a greater emotional allegiance to a modified egalitarian pattern in sex role attitudes. A feeling of companionship among equals seemed to be replacing the traditional sex role patterns. However, questions concerning the "why's" of many of the responses were cause for concern and speculation. Questions such as the following demanded answers: Was confusion, conflict and anxiety evidenced in both men and women as they attempted adjustment to the present day challenges of sex role definitions? And, if there was such, why? What can be done about it ? Did child rearing practices differentiate between tra- ditional and egalitarian oriented sex role attitudes ? Would changes in economic, political, or religious institutional policies implement a more egalitarian masculine [feminine role relationship? Are revisions in role relationships vocalized, but less obviously activated ? 166 Since sex roles are a significant facet of the individual's total personality and since role expectations touch the very quickstone of the structure and functions of family life, it was felt that the present study contributed some bits of data toward the solution of such enigmatic questions. A review of the literature related to roles within this thesis provided other clues. Ralph Turner as long ’ago as 1956 conceptualized role-related problems as he emphasized that role-taking was a process of creating and modifying images of self and other roles as an interactive, orienting procedure. Turner (Buckley, 1967) was concerned with the necessity of people coping effectively with various types of relevant others and meeting some recognizable criteria of consistency. Influence of the imputed other role, as role performance was defined by the indi- vidual, was stressed. Data within the present study confirmed Turner's theories. Inter- action between self and other roles is essential and is frequently the cause of stress and anxiety in the decade of the seventies as in the fifties. The process of discovering and creating consistent wholes out of behavior, of finding some degree of security and stability, appeared, in this study, to be a common human need. The attempts of individuals to devise an effec- tive life pattern for self, while at the same time listening to role expectancy 167 signals sent from the antennae of other individuals and societal groups, often makes the development of sex role attitudes a traumatic adventure. Within this thesis is also found a summary of criteria for role performance which listed three requirements that were necessary for an individual to satisfactorily perform in a Specific role. They were: knowledge of role expectations, capability of meeting the role require— ments, and desire to practice the behavior. As one equates these criteria with data found in this study, one better understands the ob served con- fusion and anxiety over human role interaction. Societal changes have caused repercussions in role related behavior to the point that it is dif- ficult to know what role behavior is valid, appropriate and consistent within a multitude of human interactions. Young people as well as older people are no longer sure of what is expected of them; previous role models no longer are suitable; moreover, even if expectations are known, the question confronts people as to their capability of meeting the role requirements. Limitations of both time and energy resources make ful- fillment of the many Opportunities available to both males and females into monstrous decision-making crises. It is often easier to live by the less challenging, but familiar traditional sex role patterns rather than risk the more egalitarian life style options. The lack of clearly defined masculine [feminine roles that was noted within this study has also been documented by well-known researchers 168 for several years. As early as 1953 Parsons noted the lack of a clear- cut definition of both the feminine and masculine roles. Kluckhohn in 1954 also advised that the feminine role was not only ill-defined, but full of contradictions, ambiguities, and inconsistencies. It is interesting to speculate if the greater industrialization in America, as compared with France, had some affect on the more egali- tarian scores of American students. ' Research (Blood and Wolf, 1960; Rodman, 1967; Rothschild, 1967) has pointed out that women in industrial societies have had greater opportunity to acquire personal resources, which took the form of income, interpersonal skills, and information that increased their sense of efficacy, provided them with leverage in trans- actions with husbands, and influenced their perceptions of, and goals for, their children. This last statement also shed light on the very strong statistical correlation found between a high egalitarian score for Ameri- can students and the effect of advanced degrees of maternal education. A review of sex role related research for French peOple pointed out several explanations for the significantly less egalitarian scores achieved by the CF students. The women's role in France has been tra- ditionally defined by such noted philosophers as Comte, Rousseau, Bonald, and Proudhon. Silver's description (19 73) of the model French woman as being familial oriented, an agent of high culture within the domestic circle, 169 especially among the more highly educated professional class, fitted the data procured in this study. The fulfillment of the French national com- mitments to abstract equality and universalism appear to still evolve around a set of conservatively defined roles and values governing the social existence of women. It is noteworthy, however, that among the CF and EAFP samples of students, a considerable proportion of mothers had achieved a high amount of education. This fact shows that, in spite of prevailing philosophy, French women have achieved considerable . professional success and have enjoyed access, within the limits of over- arching class inequalities, to free higher education, with many of their successes within the context of state-sponsored activity. However, in the regression scale for the CF group, it was the high level of father's education, not the mother's, that was the important variable. In retrospect, one may say that internationally, at least in theory, sex roles seem to be evolving from the historically prejudicial concepts that kept half of mankind from participating in planning and decision-making to a much broader vision of human fulfillment, and are allowing for the development of the total human potential for both male and female. Research by Maccoby (196 3) suggested that the two sexes would appear to have somewhat different intellectual strengths and weaknesses, and hence different influences would serve to counteract the weaknesses 1.. and augment the strengths (e. g. , high maternal warmth and protection for boys and structured independence for girls correlating with brighter boys and girls). In looking back over the list of demographic data solicited within this study, a sense of frustration was felt that more information was not asked from each respondent. Such items as grade point average, Specific career goals, personal awards or achievements, academic proficiency ratings for high school and college, future desires to experience parenthood, etc. would all have been helpful in making comparisons between egalitarian scores and such qualities as sex- related achievement motivation. So, also, would have been a question that solicited information regarding descriptive characteristics of each sex. This data would be helpful in comparative analysis with older studies that found traditional sex related stereotyping through descrip- tive adjectives. Findings within this research did confirm the data of Hoffman and Hoffman (1964) in regard to the importance of the family in sex role development. Correlation and step-wise regression scores clearly pointed to several family-oriented factors that gave statistically Sig- nificant input to the egalitarian scores. Confirmation of the findings of the R0per Poll (1974) regarding greater male than female support for womens' equality was not confirmed within this research. Rather, the pressure, found by ROper, from women 171 under 30 and from those with college educations, for upgrading the role of women, was statistically substantiated. It is interesting to speculate, using the ecological approach, as it focuses on the interfaces between individuals and their environment, what factors from either the micro- or macro-environment might account for the Spread of scores obtained from the three American universities. Sample characteristics which differentiated the UCSD group from the other two and which might have affected T/ E Scores were: (a) Over sixty percent of the UCSD sample claimed only one or two siblings. (b) Approximately seventy percent of UCSD students had grown up in cities of over 100, 000, compared to thirty two percent of both Michigan university groups. (c) The group also recorded the largest number of students who were not in the labor force. (d) Educational and occupational levels of both parents were higher for the UCSD students than for Michigan students. (e) They also had enjoyed greater travel experience and foreign student exchange programs. Of these many items--city living, free time to play, smaller families permitting greater parental attention, involved and educated parents, broadening travel experiences--which factors were the most accountable for the egalitarianism expressed by UCSD students? Com- parison of group regression analyses pointed to residence, travel, and 172 living arrangements as the differing factors which were not Shown on the regression analyses of either EMU or NMU. A high reading score had statistical input for both UCSD and NMU. But, are these the only factors? IS it meaningful to make a conclusive statement, considering the multitude of possible interacting links that may have great effect on egalitarianism but were not measured within this study? Per chance, effects of the macro-environment, as felt in California climate alone, with the Specific type of life style that it allows, had a measurable input above and beyond the independent variables that were appraised within this study. One thing for sure, as soon as a child is born, it enters society's first major tracking system--the sex role. AS more research is com- pleted and the findings put into effective use, we may be on the brink of a new ideology. This analysis of sex role attitudes started with the reality of contemporary life. From here we must take an imaginative leap to a new conception of what a future good society should be. Hope- fully, it will be one in which family, community, and play are valued on a par with politics and work for both sexes, for all the races, and for all social classes and nations which comprise the human family. It is to those young people, and the thousands more like them, who made up the sample population for this study, that we must look. Carl Sandburg captured the ideal in the following verse: 173 One thing I know deep out of my time: youth when lighted and alive and given a sporting chance is Strong for struggle and not afraid of any toils or punishments or dangers or deaths. What shall be the course of society and civilization across the next hundred years? For the answers read if you can the strange and baffling eyes of youth. Yes, for the answers, read if you can, the strange and baffling eyes of youth (Sandburg, 1953, p. 304). CHAPTER SEVEN SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND IMPLICATIONS Summary The purposes of this investigation were to determine what views regarding sex role attitudes and expectations are held by university students in three schools in the United States and two in France, and to ascertain if any Specific factors within an individual's micro- or macro- environment correlate with either traditional or egalitarian sex role attitudes and expectations. It was hoped, also, that findings of the present research might be comparable to the 1970 study done by Mason- Bumpass. The population for this study consisted of 1203 college students enrolled in randomly selected Liberal Studies classes at five universities: Eastern Michigan University at Ypsilanti, Michigan; Northern Michigan University at Marquette, Michigan; University of California, San Diego at San Diego, California; University of Clermont-Ferrand at Clermont- Ferrand, France; and Ecole de L'Alliance Franpais de Paris, Paris, France. Females outnumbered males in all samples except the group from San Diego, California. 175 For the purpose of this research, an original inventory by Mason and Bumpass, of a 1970 National Fertility Study, was utilized in a revised form. A five category Likert-type scale was used to record the responses to the twenty item Opinionnaire statements. Demographic data related to family background and personal issues was obtained through an additional twenty questions. A French translation of the instrument was written to record the responses of the students from France. Copies of both French and American Opinionnaires are located in Appendices A and B. Four Specific areas concerning masculine /feminine role con- ceptions, as defined in the Mason -Bumpass study, were selected for analysis: 1. Espoused division of labor between the sexes. 2. Support for the rights of women in the labor market. 3. Beliefs about consequences of work in the labor market for the maternal role. 4. Beliefs about psychological differences between the sexes. An ecological approach was found to be highly acceptable in exploring relationships between the individual and interrelated and inter- dependent sub-systems. This framework provided the necessary latitude to most effectively examine the psychological and social attitudes of indi- viduals as they interacted with other peOple and with groups of people in the micro- and macro-environments. 176 The socio-psychological spheres of influence relating to the individual within the micro- and macro-environments that were assessed through this research included marital status, present living arrange- ments, present employment, amount of travel, personal use of time in such occupations as reading and watching television; those relating to the family included location of family home, number of Siblings, equipment in parental home, and both paternal and maternal education and occupa- tion. Data analysis procedures included: Transformation of egalitarian item scores to set up a T/E Scale ranging from 20 to 100 points. Correlation tests to determine logic of assignment of statements to either a traditional or egalitarian ideology. Correlation tests to determine the consistency of rela- tionship between statements as assigned to A Area groups as arranged by Mason-Bumpass. Overall and A Area mean scores, differences between mean scores and Z-scores for total group and sub-groups to determine degree of egalitarian phiIOSOphy aS'Stated in Hypotheses I and II. Correlations and step-wise regression analyses of A Area Scores with independent variables and the dependent variable to determine micro- and macro-environmental effects. Hypotheses tested concerned: An attempted measurement of degrees of egalitarianism versus traditionalism of sex role attitudes, cross-culturally, between French and American students, and, nationally, 177 between American students and between French students. 2. An attempted assessment of effects of independent demographic variables on the dependent variable, T /E Score, with an assumption made that gender would be the most significant determinant. 3. An effort to determine the consistency of total acceptance of either an egalitarian or traditional sex role ideology. 4. An attempt to corroborate the 1970 Mason-Bumpass con- clusions related to women's sex role attitudes in the United States. Analysis of data from the 1203 responses to the masculine/ feminine Sex Role Opinionnaire indicated that there was a significant majority of university students in both America and France that pro- fessed a modified but not a total egalitarian attitude as related to sex role ideology. Women were consistently more positive in their espousal of a libertarian culture than men. The fundamental issue involved in this research was not merely that of women's 'rights. ' The larger issue pertained to the conceptuali— zation of masculine and feminine sex roles and their viability toward the development of the total person. The group and sub -group mean scores showed that, to a large degree, artificial differences in sexuality, those that are time and culture bound and have lost their reason for being, seem to be dissipating. It is also important to note that many of the expressed opinions by both males and females formed not two distinct patterns, but large overlapping curves. 178 A summary of findings related to Hypothesis I demonstrated that the majority of college students sampled from France and America expressed strong egalitarian attitudes as measured on the total T/ E Scale. This was indicated by over-all and A Area mean scores, and statistically highly Significant Z-scores. Scores proved to'be, significantly higher for women than for men. Regarding Sub-Hypothesis I. 1, which suggested that American students were more egalitarian than French students, the data revealed mixed findings. All American groups recorded over-all mean scores higher than the French group from Clermont-Ferrand. However, the group of students from the Parisian school declared only slightly less egalitarian opinions than the students fromUCSD and were more egali- tarian than both Michigan groups. This data were derived from total mean scores and tests of differences of total mean scores. Sub -Hypothesis I. 2, stating that students from UCSD would rank highest on the T/ E Scale followed by students from EMU and NMU in consecutive order, was verified with group differences between total mean scores showing a highly significant difference. Sub -Hypothesis I. 3, which stated that EA FP students would be more egalitarian than CF students, also found support from data procured through over-all mean scores and from highly significant group differences between means. In interpreting these statistics, one is reminded that the 179 student body at EA FP was of a more international composition than that from CF. Hypothesis II was concerned with rankings of each university group on the four sex role related attitudinal groups. The major part of the Hypothesis was concerned with the degree of egalitarianism versus traditionalism expressed by the combined groups for each A Area. Well above mid-range scores were recorded for all A Areas with A Area RW‘ related to "employment rights of women" and A Area PD, "psychological differences and socialization attitudes, ” receiving the highest mean scores. These two A Areas were given far greater support from women than men when difference between mean scores were analyzed by sex. Hypothesis II. 1 stated that all four A Area scores would be higher for the three groups of students attending American universities than for the two groups of students attending French universities. Mean scores and difference in mean scores produced mixed findings in regards to this statement, as will be seen in the following brief summary of each A Area. A Area DL concerned with “attitudes toward traditional sex- based labor" received the strongest egalitarian acceptance from the EAFP students, followed very closely by the students from UCSD. EMU and CF students expressed somewhat less egalitarian views, with NMU students showing the least egalitarian reactions. This data were derived 180 from difference between mean scores that were highly significant at the . 01 level. Thus in A Area DL, Hypothesis II. 1 was not statistically sub stantiated . ' In A Area RW, concerned with ”the rights of women in the labor market, " Sub-Hypothesis II. 1 was strongly upheld with scores Significantly higher for all three American universities, as compared with the French schools. The greatest difference in egalitarian thinking between the American and French students was recorded regarding this A Area. Young people in America expressed a much stronger feeling regarding equality in labor opportunities and payment policies than did those living in France. A Area CW, ”beliefs about consequences of work in the labor market for the maternal role, " received the lowest egalitarian support of all the A Areas from all university groups. It was most accepted, as Shown by both mean scores and difference in mean scores, by the group from UCSD. This group was Significantly higher than the students from CF and NMU; however, only at the . 05 level of Significance. All other combinations of Schools showed no Significant difference. Conflicts be- tween maternal responsibilities and work outside the home seem to create considerable ambivalence in sex role attitudes. Hypothesis II. 1 received mixed support also in A Area PD. In this A Area, concerned with "beliefs about psychological differences and 181 socialization attitudes between the sexes, " EAFP students out-ranked all other groups, both by mean score and by highly Significant results in the test for difference in mean scores. A Similar preference pattern to A Area DL was recorded by the other groups, with UCSD students recording the next highest egalitarian attitudes, followed by EMU, CF, and NMU students in consecutive order. In summary, Sub-Hypothe sis II. 1 was not supported. The findings showed a lack of continuity and total commitment by the Ameri- can students over the French students in all four A Area Scores. Sub -Hypothesis II. 2 was concerned with the relationships of egalitarianism between the three American universities on the A Area Scores, placing UCSD highest, EMU next, and NMU the least egalitarian. This Sub -Hypothesis was statistically supported by data taken from the test of differences between mean scores. Highly Significant differences at the .01 level Showed UCSD students to be much more egalitarian than students from both EMU and NMU in A Areas DL, RW, and PD. In A Area CW, UCSD students were Significantly higher than the NMU group at the . 05 level of significance. EMU produced significantly higher dif- ferences between mean scores over NMU on scores for A Areas DL, RW, and PD. The only area that Showed little difference in scores was the one which referred to "beliefs about consequences of work in the labor market for the maternal role. " 182 Statistical support was also found for Sub -Hypothe sis II. 3, which stated that EAFP students would be more egalitarian than students from CF in A Area Score. A Area CW, regarding "beliefs about conse- quences of work in the labor market for the maternal role, " was the only section where similarity of scores was noted. In the three other areas, the group from EAFP scored higher mean scores. Significant differences in mean scores were recorded for A Area PD, related to the ”beliefs about psychological differences and socialization attitudes between the sexes. " Hypothesis III proposed that gender is a more significant deter- minant of sex role attitudes and Opinions than such environmental factors as age, marital status, geographic region, living arrangements, family Size, life style, and socio-economic status. The ecological framework upon which this re search was based proved to be a very useful approach for data analysis in testing this hypothesis. Measurements of the actions and interactions of the biolo- gical, economic, psychological, and sociological aspects of both the micro- and macro-environments, as they affect and are affected by the individual, were made from demographic data solicited within the Opinionnaires. Obtained information related to the micro-environment included sex, age, marital status, location Of parental home, present living 183 arrangements, number of Siblings, weekly expenditure of time reading and watching television, and the amount of participation in traveling, student exchange programs, and volunteer activities. Macro-environmental data included the education and occupation of self, spouse, and parents. Several of these items might be interdependent between both environ- ments, evidence of the constant interaction and exchanges of influence between each person and his surrounding immediate and larger world. Correlations were computed between demographic variables and the A Area scores for the entire group and for sub-groups on A Area scores. Step-wise regression analyses were also performed to denote the influence of dependent variables on the T/ E Score. A brief summary of correlation findings for the total group score showed that being of the female sex was the factor that correlated the highest with the total T/E Score, and with all A Area Scores. Higher level Of mother's education and greater ownership of labor-saving equip- ment also were highly correlated. Independent types of living arrange- ments correlated Significantly with A Area Scores DL, CW, and PD. Higher occupation levels of both mother and father, as computed using the Hatt-North Prestige Scale, correlated Significantly at the . 05 level with A Area Score PD. A large amount of time Spent watching television Showed a highly negative correlation with egalitarianism. Reading time, conversely, Showed a positive correlation at the . 05 level of significance 184 with A Area Scores DL and PD. Father's education did not appear to produce nearly as high a correlation as mother's education, but did correlate highly with A Area Score PD, and somewhat with A Area Score DL, producing a correlation with total score at the significance level of . 01. Type Of employment of spouse and of self were two other demographic items that developed significant correlations with A Areas DL, CW, and PD. Type of employment of spouse was also a factor in the correlation analysis, showing a highly significant correlation with A Area Score DL, and a somewhat less Significant correlation with A Area Scores RW, PD, and total score. The step-wise regression analysis for the total group produced somewhat similar results. The demographic item ”siblings" was brought out in the regression-analysis as being a fourth contributing factor, the smaller number of brothers and sisters receiving the posi- tive response. The education of father or of mate, and the occupation of both parents, mate, or self did not Show as contributing variables. Comparison of the step-wise regression analysis for the sub- groups against that for total group Showed some interesting variations. The biological aspect of being of the "female sex" was the most impor- tant variable for all three American groups but, for the combined French ' "Career" groups, it was replaced by the item "amount of reading. ’ became an added variable to the EMU computations, as did "location 185 Of residence" for the UCSD group. For the more traditionally oriented students from NMU the item "father's education" replaced "mother's education. " The traditionalism of the French group also seemed evident as both ”father's education" and "father's occupations” found statistically Significant input into the regression analysis. Hypothesis IV stated that within each student group, choice of answers to Opinionnaire items would indicate a degree of confusion and anxiety as related to sex role attitudes. It was concluded that there was statistical evidence that this hypothesis was upheld. Mean scores were not on either extreme of the T /E Scale Showing ambivalence in student Opinion. A Area mean scores varied in their levels above the mid-range score. Z-scores also demon- strated that espou sal of egalitarian attitudes varied considerably within each university group and between university groups, showing incon- sistency and shifting of answer patterns. Within Hypothesis V, it was originally hOped that findings from this study would corroborate the conclusions made by Mason-Bumpass in their 1970 research. A difference in characteristics of sample pOpu- lations, as well as methods of analysis, made statistical comparisons impossible. It was noteworthy that Mason-Bumpass research found educational attainment to be the most important variable in predicting an egalitarian sex role attitude. The strong tendency toward egalitarianism 186 found within this research may be partly accounted for by the fact that all reSpondentS of the present research were characterized by involve- ment in a relatively high level of education. Data obtained from the correlation and regression analyses of the present research also Showed both educational level of mother and of Spouse to be significant variables in the formation of an egalitarian sex role attitude. Although no other demographic data were comparable, after reviewing the summary statements made by Mason-Bumpass, and comparing them with the present obtained data, it would seem appro- priate to accept the conclusions, made by Mason-Bumpass, that a pattern of sex role attitudes which was neither consistently in support of tradi- tional patriarchy nor of modern feminist androgyny existed within the present sample population. Conclu sions Within the confines of this research, it appeared that a sig- nificant majority of students professed a belief in equality of oppor- tunity for both sexes in all the valued spheres of life ; however, a total espousal of egalitarian sex role attitudes was not found. Although data recorded highly Significant egalitarian acceptance of Opinionnaire items, ambivalence and inconsistency in sex role attitudes were also represented. 187 Scores were not polarized toward either end of the T/ E Scale, nor did they remain constant in either an egalitarian or traditional stance from A Area to A Area. It would appear that each student group graSped particular phases of egalitarian phiIOSOphy without espousing a total acceptance of all egalitarian ideas and issues. Statistics revealed that females expressed significantly higher egalitarian attitudes than males. Correlation and regression tests emphasized that gender was the most highly Significant and all impor- tant variable accounting for the greatest differences in individual sex role ideology. The interplay of past and present life experiences and expectations evidently still are structured differently for males and females in our society. Stereotyping of sex roles was a central issue for both French and American people. The problem exists for all cul- tures to find patterns which will maximize the realization and protection of the rights of men and women to equal opportunity to participate in social, economic, political and emotional activities for which they per- sonally are best suited, regardless of the gender into which they happen to be born. Variations in scores between student groups suggested that cul- tural patterns were strongly affected by provincial as well as national macro-environmental factors. It appeared that in spite of strong Ameri- can nationalistic tendencies, values and attitudes reflected statistical 188 differences within specific geographic areas and population groups. An example of this variation was the statistically highly signi- ficant difference in mean scores of the UCSD group over the Michigan university students. What dependent variables, in what combinations and amounts, contribute to an individual's sex role philosophy? Location of residence and amount of travel were supposedly the two items which helped to account for mean score difference, here recorded as computed from correlation and regression analyses. Further study, introducing other demographic variable S, might Shed additional light on such dif- ferences. Macro -environmental impact, in the form of national economic policies, was reflected by the low egalitarian scores recorded by the French university students in A Area RW, "rights of women in the labor market. " AnalySiS of data did not give evidence of any surge of pressure for females to be an integral part of the labor force in France. Rather, the 'lfamilistic image" and the image of "women of cultivated leisure" appeared to be accepted by the French university groups). The most traditional views were declared by all student groups for A Area CW, related to "the consequences of work in the labor market for the maternal role. " This belief may be a key attitude in contemporary sex-role ideology. It possibly helps to account for the gap between women's and men's status by forcing women to periodically drop out of 189 the labor force. It also tends to support the traditional gender division between "homemaking" and "achievement in the labor market. " Macro- environmental impact to encourage egalitarian sex role attitudes within this A Area might come from national economic policies that provide better support for working mothers through adequate child care facilities, home helpers, and re-organization of work schedules. An encouraging finding from the present research was the im- portance of maternal education in the compilation of individual sex role Opinions. When one assesses the larger and larger numbers of female high school and college graduates, it gives cause for optimism for an increase in egalitarian ideology within young people of succeeding decades. The fact that we are a family-oriented nation was brought out statistically, also, with such factors as living arrangements, number of Siblings, parental occupations and equipment ownership demonstrating relationships with the independent variable, Traditional/ Egalitarian Score. In conclusion, this researcher, along with many other researchers, is willing to admit to mixed results which are difficult to describe in neat statistical terms. Feelings of satisfaction are warranted as one reviews the findings related here as to the conceptualization of masculine and feminine sex roles. One recognizes that true equality, as defined by Erik H. Erikson, in Reflections on Womanhood, as ”the right to be l uniquely creative, ’ can be achieved through a variety of role options. 190 If the problems arising from our stereotyping of sex roles are to be lessened, it will require a joint effort by both sexes. The goals of individual men and women and of the community, counting gains in terms of economic efficiency as well as of personality and inter- personal relations, are likely to be best met if women and men both base their career and family choices principally on their abilities and needs as individuals, and not on sex-typed, other group stereotypes, or norms. Women and men should both have the training opportunities and encouragement to work as they individually decide, in the light of each one's own personality and responsibilities towards others. The role of public Opinion, which is the expression of group norms, needs to be discounted while it is still static, and applauded when it becomes open minded enough to encourage human beings to act on their own in- dividual differences and capabilities. Implications There is no Single perfect answer to the problems that men and women must face as they reconstruct patterns of living to a more humanistic form. Since this study was, by design, exploratory in nature, one of its primary purposes was to serve as a basis for further investiga- tions. Even the limited results of this study suggest several important considerations for family and child scientists and educators. 191 Since dissimilar patterns of sex role ideology appeared to exist for different groups within this Specific sampling of university students, it would seem important to turn attention to other groups for a more representative sampling of the population. Findings, then, would become more applicable to broad groups of individuals. This re search was largely focused on white, middle and upper socio -economic level individuals: variances in race, age, socio-economic level, life style, and location Should all be examined. Evidence of the maintenance of the traditional masculine role still exerting a dominant influence on male patterning of life expectations was found within all sample groups. Statistically, men and women did think differently from each other. The achievement of "gender identity" and the learning of the appropriate ways of expressing that identity in a particular culture are part of the socialization process. The present differential treatment of the sexes reflects past differences in goals, and accounts for differences in the end product. Everyone in a society is affected by social changes and crises in the society in which he lives. Present day cultural expectations make it difficult to know what role behavior is valid and consistent within particular individual, group, and family Situations. Changes to new patterns of living are often difficult to accept. Continuous monitoring of the evolutionary processes is par- ticularly important as future destinies of individuals, families and whole 192 nations may depend on adequate and accurate knowledge of conceptualiza- tions of masculine /feminine role ideologies. The effects of the interaction of organic and cultural heritage, as they focus on the interfaces between individuals and groups, should be considered as one speculates on the depth and breadth of socializing influences. This study found that differences in sex role ideology were affected by micro -environmental factors such as location of residence, living arrangements, number of siblings, career orientation, educational level of parents and occupations of parents. It would seem that there are obvious implications for further consideration of the socialization of sex role attitudes within the micro -environmental context. Replication of this study using a more sophisticated procedural system and ascertaining more detailed demographic data might provide additional relevant material for determining the whys and where -fores of sex role attitudes. An assessment of the concept of interdependency, which em- phasizes the dependence of the individual on the functioning of the various other systems, as well as the dependence of the larger systems on the functioning of individuals, would help to determine the causes of actual behavior and attitude formation. Evaluations of policy decisions from such macro-environmental sources as public service and governmental agencies, educational institutions, and religious bodies, are essential in that they have vital impact on sex role attitudes. An examination of the ultimate effect of such macro-environmental decisions as availability 193 and type of aid to dependent children, abortion referral, contraceptive availability, vocational education, and womens' service centers, would provide powerful tools in evaluating organizational decisions that either develop or hinder a progressive realization of sexual equality. Since the basis of our society is the family unit, and since the family is the key socializing agent within our society, it would be valuable to further document the relative differences in parental in- fluence upon sex role attitudes. Information measuring the intensity of either maternal or paternal influence and whether the measurable effects are the same for sons as for daughters is of importance in establishing appropriate and meaningful child/parent relationships. Within this research, four items of demographic data, occupation and educational level of mother and of father, provided some information. They proved to be important factors in both correlation and regression analyses in relationships to student egalitarian attitudes. Among the more interesting findings within this study was the much greater in- fluence of the high level of mother's education upon the American students' degree of egalitarianism. Other measures might be devised to discover more personal data relating to parent/ child relationships and the effect these relationships have upon sex role attitude formation. Information related to the manner in which young people form their sex role attitudes would be important to educators and social 194 scientists in. planning programs and school curriculum. Coordinators for other than school organizations such as Extension Service and 4-H Clubs might also benefit from not only the data, but also from sugges- tions as to how to incorporate the material into the yearly program. It is important for each young person to be provided with an opportunit y to receive accurate and pertinent information related to human sexuality and family living. Each individual needs an opportunity to assess his own attitudes and values in relationship to others of his own group and of his society, as well as with others of differing socio-economic and nationalistic backgrounds. Curriculums and programs that present concepts of sex role ideology and offer Opportunities for Open discussion of role -related values and attitudes need to be developed and expanded throughout the total educational program. It is hoped that the modest success of the present exploratory study will encourage others to investigate sex role relationships. The lack of many significant relationships uncovered in this study should not discourage future attempts. It may present a challenge to researchers to use further creativity and resourcefulness in develOping other meas- ures for collecting accurate information about very personal and value laden issues and analyzing them within an ecological systems framework. Suggestions for Further Investigation Based on the findings of this exploratory study, a number of 195 topics for further investigation are indicated. In particular, the follow- ing are recommended: (a) (b) (C) (d) (e) The present study should be replicated within the confines of other university settings in order to reach different types of students (e.g., private school, vocational, religious, single sex). The present study should be replicated within other sample groups so that comparison of sex role ideologies of differing ages, races, and socio-economic groups may be made (e. g. , younger teenagers, elderly housing residents, assembly-line workers, parental groups such as PTA). The present study should be expanded to an item analysis in- cluding a cross tabulation between all demographic variables and Opinionnaire statements. A more meaningful comparison could then be made with Mason-Bumpass research. (In this study, individual items were grouped into the four A Areas. ) A more detailed investigation of those variables identified by this study as areas of potential differences in sex role attitudes should be undertaken. Comparative studies of sex role attitudes should be done with parents and adolescents from other kinds of family Situations (e. g. , variant family forms, families with special needs). (f) (g) 196 Comparative studies should be done to determine the effect upon sex role attitude formation of other adult contacts beyond the parental one (e.g., teachers, grandparents, older siblings). A study of the differences in sex role ideology as affected by a variety of micro-environmental factors such as location of residence, living arrangements, number of Siblings, career orientation, parental education and occupation, marital status, personal time expenditure would add important data. A PPENDICES A PPENDIX A English Version of Opinionnaire 199 A PPENDIX A Opinions Related To Masculine/ Feminine Sex Role Attitudes DIRECTIONS: Most of the questions below can be answered by marking "X" in the circle to the left of the answer you choose. Some questions ask you to Specify your answer. For these questions, please print your answer in the Space provided, and please be as Specific as possible. 1. What is your sex? male female 2. What is your present marital status? Never married Married Divorced 3. If married, would you please state on the blank provided: Educational level of mate: Occupation of mate: 4. My age on my last birthday was (please enter number on blank provided): 5. Which one of the following best describes the place where you grew up ? Large city Suburb of large city Medium-Sized city Small town Rural 10. 11. 12. 200 Appendix A (continued) What are your living arrangements at the present time ? Live in University dormitory Live with parents Live with Spou se Share apartment with other(s) Live alone in apartment Other arrangements How many brothers and Sisters make up your family ? 1-2 3-4 5-6 More than six Are you currently employed for wages or salary? Yes, full -time Yes, part-time No Please state the type of work in which you are now employed on the blank provided. Please state the type of work or career for which you are hoping to earn your living in the future on the blank provided. How much time do you spend, on the average, each week reading magazines and neWSpaperS ? 1-3 hours 4-6 hours 7-9 hours 10-12 hours More than 12 hours How much time do you spend, on the average, each week watching television ? 1-3 hours 4-6 hours 7 -10 hours 11-15 hours More than 15 hours 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 201 Appendix A (continued) Which phrase best describes the amount of traveling that you have done ? Very little - 75 to 150 miles from home. Visited many parts of native country. Visited many parts of own continent. Visited many countries overseas. To how many volunteer, religious, school, community, or social organizations do you belong? None 1-2 ' 3-4 5-6 More than six Have you ever participated in student exchange programs with another country ? Never Once (please specify type and country) More than once (please Specify type and country) What is the highest level of education attained by your father ? Less than high school diploma High school graduate Business, trade or technical school University or college graduate (Bachelor's Degree) Master's degree Doctor's degree Don't know Which of the following descriptions best fits the kind of work your father usually does (did)? Manual laborer or farm laborer Semi-skilled Skilled tradesman, craftsman, or worker (examples: carpenter, tool and die maker, truck driver, foreman, supervisor) 202 Appendix A (continued) Clerical or office worker (example: secretary, clerk, salesman) Professional (example: teacher, doctor, lawyer, social worker) Government Position Business man or proprietor Other (please state on blank provided) 18. What is the highest level of education attained by your mother ? Less than high school diploma High school graduate Business, trade or technical school University or college graduate (Bachelor's Degree) Master's degree Doctor's degree Don't know 19. If mother is currently (or was) employed, which of the following des- criptions best fits the kind of work your mother usually does (did)? Paid housework, child care Sales Clerical or Office work Semi-skilled (example: assembly line) Professional (example: teacher, nurse, lawyer, doctor, social worker) Business woman or proprietor Government position Other (please state on blank provided) 20. Please check the different items of labor-saving equipment located in your parental home. No labor-saving equipment Electric or gas range Electric or gas refrigerator Electric or gas freezer Electric or gas clothes washer Electric or gas clothes dryer Electric or gas dish washer Electric vacuum cleaner Electric garbage disposal Other (please list on blanks provided): 203. Appendix A (continued) I would like to secure your opinion on some matters concerning family life and the status and rights of men and women. Please tell me if you strongly agree, agree, don't know, disagree, or strongly disagree with the following statements. Indicate your answer by circling the number which best describes your attitude. The best answer to each statement is YOUR OWN PERSONAL OPINION. E c: 2: gég I. go a) run o mos“, as. 90000 “on bong-H 01¢ <1DVQ Strongly Disagree 1. Men are freer than women to pursue their own interests and self development, and 1 2 3 4 to make long-range plans for their lives. 2. A pre-school child is likely to suffer if his mother works. 3. A working mother can establish just as warm and secure a relationship with her 1 2 3 4 children as a mother who does not work. 4. It is much better for everyone involved if the man is the achiever outside the home and the woman takes care of the home and family. 5. A woman Should have exactly the same job opportunities as a man. 6. If a wife works outside the home, a husband Should share in housework, such as doing 1 2 3 4 dishes, cleaning, and so forth. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. Appendix A (continued) If a woman wants a career, bearing and rearing children Should not hinder her opportunities. On the job, men Should not refuse to work for women supervisors. Women are much happier if they stay at home and take care of their children. Young girls are entitled to as much independence as young boys. Men and women Should be paid the same salary if they do the same work. Sexual relations seem to exist mainly for the man's pleasure. Women should be considered as seriously as men for jobs as executives or poli- ticians, or even head of the government. If anything happened to one-Of the children while the mother was working, she could never forgive herself. A woman's job should be kept for her when she is having a baby. You usually find the happiest families are those with a large number of children. Strongly Agree Agree 204 E C 32 8 as :1, .— 0: a C . sé d 3 4 3 4 3 4 3 4 3 4 3 4 3 4 3 4 3 4 3 4 Strongly Di sagree 17. 18. 19. 20. Appendix A (continued) 205 2% a 29 3i 8 at on no g 3 3 3 1; 23° 3 '3" a t. a 2 a .w . .w 3'5 .mm 3m H.308 o.ooH m m.~.m 3‘ 4.3 NHH mdm mmm N.Nm mmm 03th o.ooH m m.mm mm mfim oHVH 5mm mmH m.mm mmH onSH uBmuoanmom c.ooH HH mdm mm mHm mmm m.mm £5 «.3 mum H.808 o .03 m m .3 3‘ m .3 mHH N .3 mmm m .mm mg 33th o.ooH m mdm mm «.3 mmH m .mm 2: «.mm 02 onH>H owcmm ed H o.o 0 22¢ m m.H H. N.N m H.308 o.c o H .m H m6 H «.9 H m.H m onEmnH o6 o H .m H 56 H m.m m ad H5 2.32 3:02 5.» .OZ 5% . OZ one .02 om 302 as) .02 nHrmem .mO nHmOD DSHZ DH>HmH Show 35mm 5 psoEQHH—um m5>mw gonad 0 58:33. 2'20 o6 o H .3 a mém mHm mmH m.Hm mom H308 o .o o a .HH H. m .mm mm mH. H. 2% HvH 038mm o6 o mgv m 0.3 mmH 0.3. mm H.m¢ mm 3sz Ham. ommHnH mwmnnmw w.Hm m mdw ow mém omm H. .mm H.NHV mam mum H309 m.H.H. H. m.mm 3 H13 NHH m.H.m mmm méw mum 2ng 063 m H. .mm mm mdm mmH m.mm HmH 06m HVmH 0H....HHH umcmoHU 5:3me H.mH m odm mm m.mH. 3H m.mm mmm m .3 mHm H308 H.HH H Himm HH m.mH. om o.Hm mmH o.H.m 3H mHmEmm o .3 H m .mm HHH m .HH. H.oH H .mm mHH m .3. mm 332 .HmsmgfimHQ o .m H H. .mH H.H H. .qu me N .3 gm H. .mm vmm H309 o.o o m.mH m m.mw NNH «.mw mHm odm mHm 3.33m odm H o.mH m m.mm mm m .3 mmH m.mw HNH «Hg/H , .3an mmfioHO .H.. .02 .H.. .02 ex. .02 .oz .02 mhfim .HHU QmUD :22 Ban Anmncflcoov nH 5ccmma< BIB LIOG RA PHY 222 BIB LIOG RA PHY Aberle, D.F. and KaSpar, D.N. "Middle-Class Fathers' Occupational Role and Attitudes Toward Children, " in M. S. Sussman (ed.) Sourcebook in Marriage and the Family (2nd ed. ). Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1963. Acker, J. Women and social stratification: A case of intellectual sexism. American Journal of Sociology, January 1973, 78(4), 936-945. Ackerman, N.W. The Psychodynamics of Family Life. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1958. Adler, A. 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