CULTURAL TRANSFORMATION AMONG THE ILLINOIS: THE. APPLICATION OF A SYSTEMS MODEL TO ARCHEOLOGICAL AND ETHNOHISTORICAL DATA THESIS FOR THE DEGREE 0F PH. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY MARGARET KIMBALL BROWN 1973 mm m n mulunnngwgmmw 3 1293 101 ABSTRACT CULTURAL TRANSFORMATIOH AMONG THE ILLINOIS: THE APPLICATIW OF A SIS‘IEIB MODEL 1'0 ARCHEOLOGICAL AND E'I‘HNOHIS'I'ORICAL DATA By Margaret Kimball Brown his concern of this study is the examination of the changes which took place in Illinois Indian culture with EurOpean contact. Archeo- logioal and historical data are used to consider the change of the Illinois from a pepulous and powerful group in the seventeenth century to a renanent population in the 1830's. The history of the Iovuents of the Illinois villages, their subsistence, political and social organization and naterial culture are described from historical sources and through the information obtained fron aroheological excavations. ' Previous studies of the Illinois have not provided a model satisfactory for examining the processes of culture change, frequently considering population change as the single important variable, and approach which is deficient in explanatory power. A lodel based on general systems theory was utilised for this study. he use of the systems model enables consideration of a large number of variables in complex interrelationships, and allows for identification of the significant variables for change and for predictive state-outs. (the solidarity of the village, the observance of village ritual, political flexibility and population change are demonstrated to be the nost significant set of variables for change. Population reduction Hares-Rt Kieball Brena for: the Illinois cannot be separated free the other covarying variables and it is the interrelationships of these variables that account for systes change. The analysis of the Illinois by leans of the systea aodel has produced coherent explanations for the changes which occurred and deanstrates the utility of the application of general systees theory to -ealtm chance. CULTURAL TRAIEFORMATION AMONG 'IIIE ILLINOIS: THE APPLICATICH OF A SIS'I‘EIB MODEL T0 ARCHEOIDGICAL AND ETHNOHIS‘I‘ORICAL DATA 137 Margaret Kimball Brown ATEESIS Suhsitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR or PHILCBOPH! Department of Anthropology 1973 To Jim, with thanks ii \ ACKNOULEDGMENTS I would like to express my gratitude to a number of people who have provided me with assistance, information and encouragement for the writing of this study. My committee, Dr. Charles Cleland, chairman, Dr. Moreau Maxwell, and Dr. William Derman have been unfailingly helpful, interested and patient and have given needed advice. My husband, Jim Brown, has endured this long process patiently and provided encouragement and advice. Technical information has been provided by a number of people: Dr. Paul Parmalee, Illinois State Museum, analysed the fennel remains from the Waterman site; Elizabeth Cardinal, Michigan State University, analysed the 1970 faunal remains from the Zimmerman site; Norman Sauer, Western Michigan University, studied the 1970 Zimmerman burials; Gary Behrend, a student at Northwestern University, provided information on the waterman skeletal remains; Dr. Jane Buikstra, Northwestern University, assisted with the Haterman analysis and also examined the Zimmerman burials from the 19“? excavations. The gun parts were identified by T.M. Hamilton of Miami, Missouri. Floral remains from the sites have been examined by Leonard Blake and Hugh Cutler, Missouri Botanical Gardens, St. Louis, Dr. Eldon Bohr, Department of Forestry, Michigan State University, identified the wood charcoal. Dr. Nathalia Belting, Illinois Historical Survey, Urbana, kindly allowed me to examine her manuscript of Father Boulanger's Illinois iii Dictionry. I have profited greatLv from stimulating discussions m Illinois etMohistory with Raynond Mauser. Naubonsee Community College. Sugar Grove, Illinois. Mr. Irvin Peithman, Carbondale, Illinois, located the Uaternn site and was instrumental in bringing it to the attention of the Department of Conservation. Mr. Peithman and Mrs. Ruth Gilster of Chester, Illinois, located the earlier Michigamea village and allowed me to examine their surface collection. lncavations at the Zimmerman site were sponsored by the La Salle County historical Society, Mrs. Constance Fetser, president. Mrs. Lucille Resting. omer of the land as always willing for us to excavate and cooperative about the arrangements. The Illinois Department of Conservation under Acting Director Dan Malkovich sponsored the excavations at the Waterman site in Port de Chartres State Park. The facilities and resources of a number of libraries have been available to me and the assistance of their staff members was appre- ciated. Michigan State University library; Northwestern University library. lewberry Library. Chicago, and the Illinois Historical Survey Library, Urbana. My thanks also to Kathy Johnson for typing the final draft and enabling me to finally get done. TABLE OF CW3 Chapter I - MBONCTIOI...................................... l Chpter II - HISTORICAL BACKGROUND............................ 7 The Illinois............................................. 7 Villa, locations and population......................... 11 :lnviromment.............................................. 23 Ohm III - MOHISI'ORICAL ESORIPI'ION OF TIE ILLINOIS..." 27 'Thl 1111301'eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 27 Political Organisation................................... 28 Organisation of the Illinois”........................... 31 Village 0rgamimation..................................... 36 Social Structure”....................................... *2 Subsistence and settlement............................... #9 Dress and ornaments...................................... 53 learns and utensils..................................... 9 Structures............................................... 57 Life eyele............................................... 53 Belician................................................. 62 cum Iv - ‘1'] 2m 3m 1.. 13......................... 68 Loeation................................................. 68 Invironmentu............................................ 73 'lblfllfilflfleeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 7“ Village layout and structures .............................. 7“ Artifhct categories ........................................ 76 Dress and ornanents ........................................ 76 General utility tools ...................................... 78 Heapons .................................................... 79 Fabricating and processing tools ........................... 79 Utensils ................................................... 80 Horticultural tools ........................................ 81 Recreational equipment ..................................... 81 Ceremonial equipment ....................................... 82 Burials .................................................... 82 sub.1.t.m. 0.00.0...O...00......CO0.0000000000000000000COOO 8? Village organisation ....................................... 89 Chapter v - 'rrm wamm 3m: - a 122 .. 91 Location ................................................... 91 Environment ................................................ 92 Bxcawation ................................................. 9“ Village layout and structures .............................. 9“ Structural complexes .................................. 97 Dress and ornaments ........................................ ICE General utility tools....................................... 103 leapons .................................................... 103 Intricating and processing LOGIC eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 10“ UtCHCLII eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeeeeeeeeeee 10“ Horticultural tOOIC eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeseeee 105 Ceremonial equipment eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 106 Recreational equipment eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 106 vi Bums O....0...COOOOOCOIOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOIOOOOIOOOCOCOI Subsistence eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee Village organisation ..................................... Chapter VI -.ru: PROCESSUAL MODEL ............................ Models ................................................... Clarke's general process model............................ The processual model ..................................... Variables used in the study: amount and variety .......... The successive states: $1. an outline .................... Th. successive BtItOII $2! an-outline aeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee State (a)................................................. State (b) ................................................ Summary ............................................. State (c)................................................. Summary ............................................. State (d)................................................. Sullfiri ............................................. State (e) ................................................ Summary ............................................. State (I) ................................................ SUI-II! ............................................. State (g) ................................................ Summary ............................................. State (h) ................................................ Chapter VII - CONCLUSIONS .................................... The variables ............................................ vii 107 11h 117 120 120 122 125 131 1u1 1u2 1u3 1a3 1n» 1u5 1~s 1&9 15». 155 157 158 161 162 16a 16h 172 172 Imaantid “rubles O...OOOOOOOOOOOOI0.000.00.000.00.0... Environmental inPUt eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeeeeeeeeeeeee taaontm mubl.‘ 00.0.0000...OOOOOOIOOOOOOOO0.0.0.000... Kay Variable, seeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee Th0 model eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeees Stfite (a) eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeseeeeeeesee Utility 0f thfi MOdOl eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee L131. OF “WRENCES .0...0.......0.0.COO...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO viii LIST OF TABLES l - Various spellings of Illinois.............................. 8 2 - Illinois villages from French accounts..."................ 9 3 - Population figures for the minois........................ 25 h - Illinois kinship terms..................................... M 5 - Burials, Zimmerman site.................................... 83 6 - Burial disposition by age and sex, Zimmerman site.......... 86 7 - Hoe-o dimensions. Waterman site............................ 98 8 - Burial disposition by age and sex, Baterman site...........108 9 - Burials, south cemetery, Hater-man site.....................110 10 - Burials, within village, Uaterun site.....................lll ll - Burials, north cemetery, Haterman site.....................llZ 12 - Variables used in the study. amount and vsriety............127 13 - Goods shun in trade.......................................13“ lb - Native materials and technology............................133 LIST OF FIGURES 1 - Location of some Illinois Indian villages.,.............. 2 '- Illinois RMIP temeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeseaeeeeeseeeeeeee 3 - Affinal tomeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 1‘ - Zimmerman site, Grid Aaeeeeaeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 5 - amatm 711138. lwont. Hater.” Site................. 6 - House #1 OOIPIOXaeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeseeeeeeeeeeeee 12 #6 #7 72 95 99 7 - ROI!” ’1‘ OOIpIOXeseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeeeeeeeee 100 8 - V111.” trajectories"................................... 13° 9 " Mtions Of Change in St‘to (b)eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 166 10 - 13113013100. Of cm in 81:81” (O)seeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 167' 11 - Directions Of OM80 in State (d)eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 1.68 12 . Dinotions 0! cm in 3th“ (.)eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 169 13 - ”M10118 0! change 111 Stltfi (f)seeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 170 1‘ '- MSW 0: 0m in State (8)eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 171 15 - hedback relationships between variables N and 0......... 180 16 ' htomtion among key variables eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 180 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS CIHS....................Collections of the Illinois State Historical Society JReeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeJBSUit Relations and Allied Documents MPHS....................Collections Of Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society WSHS....................Collections Of the Wisconsin State Historical Society xi CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The Illinois Indians inhabited mainly the state which now bears their name; they were a large group and important in the French control of the area. When the French entered Illinois country in the 1670's the Illinois were powerful, but by 1832 the Illinois were no longer significant in the political maneuverings for power and numerically were greatly reduced. 111s Illinois were selected for study for a number of reasons. They are one of the few Indian groups in the Middle West for whom both aroheological information and historical documents exist from the beginning of the contact period. Although ethnographic studies were made of the Shawnee and Miami and historical material is available for them, no securely dated or historically identified sites can be associated with them. In the period of early ethnographic inquiries in the 1820's the Illinois were no longer a politically prominent group and were not studied. However, fairly extensive historical documentation relating to the Illinois exists and at least four aroheological sites definitely can be associated with than. Two of these sites, the Zimerman site (Ls 13) from the 1680's, and the Waterman site (R 122) from the 1760's, have been excavated by the author. Surface collections are available from the last Kaskaskia village (Indian Farm or the G'uebert Site) 1720-1832, 1 2 and a village of the Michiganea believed to date froa the 1720-1752. Thus the availability of both ancheolpgical and historical records eeened to provide a unique opportunity to exanine an Indian culture and the changes which occurred in it as a result of European contact. The thon of a pepulous nation to a snail politically helpless one occurred for any Indian groups due to European contact, frequently through destructive warfare or devastating epideaics. The effects of these factors on the Illinois were not of a sufficient nagnitude to account for the depopulation which did occur and it is evident that the causes were acre conplex. Several general ethnohistorical papers on the Illinois have been written (Te-p10 1966; Emma 1932; Bauxar 1953) and the author has been privileged to read the nanuscript of a new. very thorough ethno- hiet'orical account of the Illinois (Hauser 1972). Ethnohistorical studies, although they say seek to prove sole point. are basically ideographic, that is the conclusions reached are particular to the group studied and appropriate only for the group. Such specific goals stand in contrast to the noaothetic ails of eyetens theory, whereby an attespt is asde to find regularities which will allow for generalizing statenents involving eany groups (Harris 196812). The only study of the nlinois directly related to change was Baily J. Blasinghan's dissertation (1960) on the depopulation of the Illinois. The basic assumption nade in her paper was that depopulation was the sole or at least anor cause of the virtual extinction of Illinois culture; this idea appears to have been taken as given without search for further causes. Depopulation was analysed in light of 3 a number of variables; warfare, disease, monogamy, liquor, and formation of splinter groups. 'Daese variables were discussed separately without an attempt to interrelate them. The linear relationship assumed between the variables ”depopulation" and ”extinction” appears to simplify the cultural complexity too greatly. A linear relationship is one in which causation is unidirectional, A goes to B, B to C; change in B will only affect C and not have any reciprocal effect on A, that is, no feedback occurs (Blalock 1969: 1&6). Since it is evident that feedback does occur in a complex system the use of a causal linear model does not adequately fit the observable complexity. Use of a model based on general systems theory is felt more suitable, a culture being viewed as complex sets of interrelationships between and among cultural elements, such as relationships between political and religious elements. Most studies examining the effects of European contact on the American Indian cultures have been done under the general rubric .of acculturation. There have been efforts to develop cross-cultural classifications of the processes of changes (Redfield 1936: Broom et al.1954). Some excellent studies incorporating aspects of this typology have been done, for example Spicer (1961) and Esell (1961). However, the conceptual model used for analysis remains, for the most part, unspecified, although with the implication that the typological acculturation model is being used. 'lhis model depends for variables largely on the usage of the typology of the processes of cultural change (rejection, fusion, compartmentalization etc.), so that use of the model results in verifying the typological structure, Ia teleological process. The use of the typological terminology for variables limits the ability to generalize from individual cases, as the terms are already descriptive of processes and at a high level of abstraction. I believed that this approach would not significantly aid in the study of the Illinois Indians. Verifying the typology again would not satisfactorily explain why the Illinois could be fitted into a particular classificatory pigeon hole. Some excellent studies have been produced in recent years utilising general systems theory. Those dealing with.areheological materials have generally considered two main topics; artifacts and their interrelationships with the natural and social environment (Deetz and Dethlefsen 1971) and adaptive changes in subsistence patterns (Flannery 1968). Systems theory has also been used productively for an understanding of living populations and of the interrelationships' between culture and environment ( Rappsport 1968). The study presented here is directed towards an examination of Illinois Indian culture, how it changes and the causes for change. Change is to be examined by means of a model based on general systems theory, modified from one suggested by David Clarke (1963). This model has utility in examining the interaction of selected variables through time thus permitting an assessment of the importance of each variable in explaining cultural change. This provides a dynamic depiction of causation and results, and generates further hypotheses for 'testing. All cultural systems are visualized as continuously changing through time by the interaction of various elements of the systea.with the environment. For this study selection was made of 5 a point in time at which new environmental input was introduced, this input being contact with the French, a more technologically advanced cultural group, It is not assumed that this is the only environmental input. There are two major divisions in the study, the description of the data.- the aroheological and historical records - and the analysis of this data by means of a model utilizing general systems theory. The description of the data is contained in Chapters II - V, Chapter'II gives a chronological outline of the Illinois from initial contact in the l6fi0's to the most recent, very brief, ethnological study in 1916. This covers the movement of the Illinois from northern Illinois down the Illinois and H1ssissippi rivers to southern Illinois and then to reservations in Kansas and Oklahoma. Chapter III examines the organization of the Illinois and gives a brief ethnohistorical description of their culture based mainly on French historical documents, Chapter IV summarizes the data obtained from excavations at the Zimmerman site, an Illinois village of the 17th century and Chapter V presents the aroheological data from the excavation of an 18th century Illinois village, the Haterman site. Chapter VI represents the second section of the study and concerns the analysis of the data by scans of the processual model. In this chapter the model is described, the variables used in the study are discussed and the sequence of changing states of the Illinois system is examined. The concluding chapter attempts to interpret these findings and to make sone general statements on the utility of this method. 6 his study is not considered to have provided a total and final description of culture process among the Illinois, but to have attempted a new method of examining ethnohistorioal and aroheological data within the concept of a system, a method which seems to have greater explanatory powers than those previously used. his formulation is seen as only the initial step in producing a suitable model for examining such data, as the use of systems theory . in this study does not imply a quantitative analysis with variables expressed in mathematical terms, but a more general use of systems theory. It is hoped that no additional data from aroheological research and further refining of the model the ability to express these formulations in mathematical terms" can be gained, that is, to move from an analogue model to a symbolic model. This remains in the future, but this study is considered a building block for such an “313818 e CHAPTER II HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The Illinois The word "Illinois" is a gallicized version of the Algonkian ereniBo1 meaning men (Belting n.d. 3 JR 591125), The various forms of the word as used by the French are indicated in Table 1; this is not meant to be an exhaustive list. By 1670 the French use of the word had stablized at Illinois or Ilinois. The Illinois were composed of a number of named villages, at least sixteen are mentioned in the French accounts (Table 2), Five of these: the Kaskaskia, Peoria, Cahokia, Tamaroa and Michigamea, con- tinued to be recognised units until the remanents of the tribe left the state in the 1830's. The others appear briefly and then vanish, presumably absorbed into the larger units. When last noted in the historic documents in 1700 a large group composed of the Coiracoentanon, the "3303.2 and Tapouara were residing in the area near Lake Peoria in company with the Peoria. It is likely that they were absorbed by the Peoria or became identified with them subsequently. The Coiracoentanon l, 8- w in provocalic position (Voegelin 19383105) 2,‘The Maroa and Tamaroa were spoken of by La Salle as a single group. The Maroa were also mentioned as one of the villages at Pimiteoui in 169“ (CIHS 233342) at which time the Tamaroa village was on the Miss- issippi. However, Tonti said; ”The Tamarouas,,, belong to the Illinois nation. Some of them are settled with the Illinois at Fort St. Louis, while others are situated about twelve leagues below the mouth of the Illinois" McDermott 19t+9s 58 ). Table 1 Various spellings of Illinois 1656 Liniouck 1658 Aliniouch 1660 Alimiwec 1667 Iliniouk 1668 Alimouec or Alimouek 1669 Ilinois Table 2 Illinois villages from French accounts Kaskaskia Peoria Tamaroa Cahokia Michigana Negawichi Hoingoena Tapouara Coiracoentanon Chinkoa Chepoussa hares Hichibousa Ispeminkia Amonokoa omouahoa Rapaououa (Kakachikiouek: Caskakias: Kachkachkia; Kats) (Peoualen: Peoualeas; Pe oucarias) (Kahokias; Cahos) (Mitchigamea; Hichigamis; Hetchigameas) ( Ne gaouic hiriniouek ) ‘ (Moingoanas; Mouingouena) (Tapouero ) (Coiraobitanon; Kourerakouitenon) (Chepoue ssea: Chepouska) (Possibly Tapouara) 10 my have renined a:semewhat~ separate unit, and my be the group which later (1712) moved to Starved Rock, nlisois, but there is I only slight evidence toil this. The )4on had a separate villap in 169'} and hamentoienta, the Grand Chief, refers to the Hoingmna as one of the Illinois groups in 1725 (Heroure de France 1725.2804. He can therefore conclude that they must have maintained an individual identity until at least this date. The niehigamea were said by Tonti to be on a river in southern misois (possibly tho Xaskaskia) with two other Illinois groups, tho Chepoussa and tho Hichibousa (ems 23.277). The hishiassos appear to have renined in southern Illinois and Arkansas and not Joined the northern Illinois. Their status as an Illinois group has been questioned (Temple 1966.12). sorqsotto reported visiting a village called ”litehigamea" when he could not under-stem the language (JR 59.151), however, DeLangles felt the village was probably a mapaw village and the name, hitohigamsa, belonged to another village shown on larquette's map, west of the Mississippi (DeLanQes 1916.150). St. Cosme in 1699 said that the Michigana, Cahokia and Tamaroa spoke the same language (Kellogg 1917.356. As mentioned above Tonti lists the Hiohigamea in 1693 as a portion of the Illinois in company with the Chepoussa and Hichibousa. In 1680 the Chepoussa were in the northern part of the state with other Illinois villages. The Tamaroa wintered with tho lichigamea in 1700 and soy have in previous winters also (.13 65.105). Charlevoix stated in 1721 that tho niohigssos ”a foreign tribe” had been adopted by the Kaskaskia (Kellogg 1923.212). The Hichigamea had been living with the Kaskaskia. a possible 11 function of the adoption will be discussed below. Villggg locations and population A brief outline of the historic locations of the Illinois villages and their'movements will be given.1 No attempt will be made to deline- ate exact locations in terms of modern maps, although some major village sites are indicated on Figure l and the Kaskaskia and Hichigamea villages treated in this study will be discussed in detail in the sections con- earning the individual villages. lstimates of the population of historic Indian groups are notor- iously difficult to make; besides involving subjective judgements on the reliability of various contemporary viewers, there is a lack of detailed information about the composition of the population. Population may be given in terms of cabins, fires, warriors or souls and probably all are only estimates. These estimates may vary from time to time also due to shifts in the composition of the villages. The largest residenp tial unit was the summer agricultural village but the structure of the society was such that fairly large household groups could move about and attach themselves at least temporarily to other groups. In addition, war parties consisting either of warriors or of family units might be absent from the village for long periods. Winter villages were smaller and scattered. All these factors lend difficulty to estimating popula- tion size. Only in a few cases were figures given for cabins, warriors 1. Detailed information on this appears in.Temple 1966 and Bauxar 1953 2. See page 67 for composition of war parties 12 Illinois Home I loceflee a! some Illinois Indian villages Figurel 13 and total population for one village which would allow determination of the numerical relationships between the units. These are available for the Grand Village of the Illinois; #60 cabins (Hargry 1875 Iih66); 1800 warriors (ems 23.5) and a total population of between 7000 and 8000 (LeClerq 1881.2:132). On the basis of these figures Blasingham (1956) estimated 4 warriors per cabin, the number of individuals per cabin as 16.3 and 3.17 dependents per warrior (1956:36’4).1 Her paper contains the most thorough study published of the demography of the Illinois and in general her estimates will be adhered to in this study . The earliest mention of the Illinois was by Father'Le Jeune about 163%, who located them somewhere in an area near the Sioux, Uinnebago and Potawatomi, far west of the Sault (JR 18:231-33). Around this time the Illinois traditionally are supposed to have nearly wiped out the Winnebago in southern wisoonsin (Blair 1911 1.293.300). Most modern historians have stated that the Illinois were driven out of the Illinois country and west across the Mississippi by Iroquois attacks, however, the first Iroquois attack on the Illinois is said to have occurred in 1656 (Blair 1911 1.151). It is likely that the Illinois' l. Blasingham does not explain how she obtained these figures, but they can be computed in the following manner: can Warriors 1800 -3.91 total popl. ZEEO -l6.3 cabins ‘h60 cabins Population - warriors -3.l7 warriors Other figures given in historical references result in a similar configuration. These are averages for the entire village and no doubt the family composition varied widely within this. It is likely too from the low number of dependents per warrior that the small children have not been counted. 11+ movement westward was part of the general population displacement in the Great Lakes area caused by the Iroquois destruction of the Huron and other eastern tribes. Population movement to the south from these attacks and the dread of the Iroquois coummnicated by refugees could have caused the Illinois to shift to the western portion of the territory which they had already utilized before actual Iroquois attacks were a danger. The Illinois appear to have been on the Mississippi as early as the 1630's and l9l+0's where they were intermittently at war with the Sioux, in the later 1650's war with the Iroquois was carried on. One report stated that the Illinois had been nearly exterminated by these wars (JR 51:47) but this does not seem to be the case. Pcpulation in the late 1650's was given as 100,000 (JR M92544?) but this estimate may have included other groups. Dablcn cemented that the term Illinois was used originally for a lumber of different nations to the south, the Illinois having been the first of the southern groups to have visited the French in wisoonsin (JR 55:20?). It was not until 1666 that the Illinois began to appear at‘ the trading post at Chequamegon on the southern shore of Lake Superior (JR 51:49). In the late 1660's the Illinois began to move eastward, 15 cabins were at Green Bay in 1670 (Blair 1911 I3321) and in 1672, 20 cabins were at a Mascouten village in the area (JR 53:23), In 1672 when Marquette Jaurneyed down to the Mississippi, he found at least two villages of mincis on what was probably the Iowa River (Delazglez l9lt5:l+0). These were the Peoria with some additional groups. The Mcingwena were further up the same river, the fires were indicated in the central region of Illinois and the 15 Hichigaasa in Arkansas. ‘ On his return trip, Harquette found a Kaskaskia village on the upper part of the Illinois river near Starved Rock (JR 59.161). The villages of the Peoria on the Iowa River were said to have 300 cabins and 8000 people. In 1673 the Kaskaskia village had 7:» cabins, and the following year Marquette estimated 1500 adult males at the village (JR 59:189). The population in the upper Mississippi- Illincis valley at this time then would be around 9, 000 (Blasing- has 195.6063). However, the Michigaaea, Cahokia, and Taaaroa were not included in this figure. Marquette established the Mission of the Immaculate Conception at the Kaskaskia village. During his return trip to Michiliaackinac he died, and it was not until 1677 that another aissionary, Father Claude Allcuez, came to the village. when Father illouez arrived he found the village greatly increased in size to 351 cabins represen- ting eight "tribes” (JR 60.159). This village subsequently case to be referred to as the Grand Village of the Kaskaskia, or the Grand Village of the Illinois. When LaSalle came down the river in 1679 the Grand Village was deserted as everyone was in winter quarters: two winter caaps were later encountered by La Salle. The abandoned Kaskaskia village was said to be 5-6 leagues below the south of the Missouri River on the west. bank of the Mississippi (Anderson 1901:107). Henri Tonti, La Salle's second in sound, constructed a fort near the winter caps in the vicinity of Lake Peoria, but after La Salle left for Hichiliaackinac, most of Tonti's aen deserted and he was forced to go to the main village for safety. The winter being over, this village was again occupied; Towards the end of the sun-er 16 while the major part of the Illinois fighting forces were off on war parties, the Iroquois approached the village. The Illinois shifted their woaen, children and valuables to a place of safety further down the river, and prepared for battle. After a series of skiraishes the Illinois, having no fortifications, decided to abandon the village. They caaped at a short distance from the village for a while, but since the Iroquois showed no signs of leaving, the Illinois acved off down the river. The Iroquois followed on the opposite bank of the river and informed then that they would go away if the Illinois dispersed. '...the Xaskaskia, who are the bravest of all, with the Kahokias and the Chinkoas, ascended the Great River, The nest populous tribe, the Pecucarias, crossed the prairies beyond the same river. The anuahcas, the Coirabitanons, the Hoingcnas,and the Oepouekas descended the Great River. and the Haroas cr'Tamarcas, the Tapcuaros, and the Ispeminkias, acre credulcus than any of the other Illinois, remained near the mouth of their river intending to hunt in that neighbor- hood" (Anderson 19011215). The Iroquois immediately fell on the group that remained: 700 wonen and children were captured and taken into slavery or put to death. This slaughter probably accounts for the loss of the Ispeminkias from subsequent records. the reaanents probably affiliated with other villages. Using the figures given for cabins and warriors in 1680: #60 cabins and 1800 warriors (Hargry 1875~lah66g CIHS 23.5) and the nuaber - of cabins given for the Tamaroa village in 1682, 180 cabins (Anderson 1898.65), the population for the Illinois around 1680, not including the Hichigamea n. «th as 10, 500 (Blasingham 1956.365). The Grand Village had been burned by the Iroquois and reaained deserted until 1683 when‘Tcnti and La Salle began the construction of Fort St. Louis on nearby Starved Rock. La Salle convinced Hiaai and 17 Shawnee groups to settle near the fort and encouraged the Illinois to return to the area. The fort and the large Indian encampment were in- tended to provide a barrier to further Iroquois incursions. The Miani and Shawnee left the area after a few years, but the Illinois stayed until 1692. Due to the difficulty of supplying the fort with water and wood in case of attack (Temple 1966.30) and lack of firewood in the area, the villages were moved to Lake Pimiteoui. Lake Pimiteoui was actually a series of three shallow lakes caused by the widening of the Illinois river at the present city of Peoria. There were several villages at Lake Pimiteoui, Father Gravier speaks of four (JR 65.197) and Deliette of six (CIHS 23.341). These were composed of Kaskaskia, Peoria, Coiracoentanon, Moingwena, Marca, and Tapouara. The Peoria were said to have 800 people, the Kaskaskia, 750 and the Coiracoentanon 600. The Moingwena, Maroa and.Tapcuara to- gether comprised 850 persons (CIHS 38:39).1 The Mcingwena previously were designated as a distinct village on the Iowa River and the Marca and Tapouerc probably had suffered in the 1680 attack and may have settled with the Moingwena. The Tamarca and Cahokia were on the banks of the Mississippi below the mouth of the Illinois. The population of the Cahokia at this period is not known, but the Tamarca had 180 cabins in 1682 (Anderson 1989.65). The Mission of the Immaculate Conception followed the villages to Lake Pimieoui: Father Gravier was the priest there. He made some convert sions apparently mainly among the Kaskaskia, the most notable of which was the Kaskaskia chief Rcuensa.and his family. In 1700 the Kaskaskia headed by Rouensa left the settlement at 1. These figures are given in the reference, however, in the citations lists there is not a breakdown b tribe given, therefore, there is no way knowing how it was obtaine or how accurate it is. 18 Pimiteoui parting angrily with their relatives. ”I do not think that the Kaskaskia would have thus separated from the Peouarooua and from the other Ill- inois of the Strait, if I could have arrived sooner. I reached them at least soon enough to conciliate their minds to some extent, and to prevent the insult that the Peouatooua and the Mouningouena were resolved to offer the Kaskaskia and the French when they embarked” (J.R. 65.101). The Kaskaskia had been lured by Iberville's plans for resettlement of tribes down the Mississippi and encouraged by Father Marest who favored this scheme. Father Marest may have worked also on Rouensa's vanity "...Rouensa...gets himself believed when he says that he is call- ed the great chief of the French, as Father Marets (Marest) has told him” (Palm 1933836). The Kaskaskia, however, halted their migration near the present city of St. Louis and lived there from 1700 to 1703 on the north bank of the Des Peres River, west of the Mississippi. The village consisted of 30 cabins (Fortier 1909.238), suggesting a population around n00. If the population of the Kaskaskia in 1698 was about 750 presumably the entire Kaskaskia group had not left Pimi- teoui at this time. It is probable that this splinter group included only the Christian adherents of Rouensa. The Cahokia and Tamaroa were situated east of the Mississippi below the mouth of the Missouri River where a mission had been estab- lished. The Cahokia were said to have been more numerous than the Taaaroa; in addition some Peoria, Michigamea and Missouri were in the village (Fortier 1922. 149). The population of the Illinois about 1700 was between 5800 and 6250 (Blasinghan 1956.367). this did not include a major portion of the Michigamea. Rouensa attempted to influence the Tamaroa to Join his village on the west bank of the Mississippi. One hand case over but the rest 19 remained on the east bank. In 1703 the Kaskaskia village removed to the banks of the Kaskaskia River in Randolph county about 5 or 6 miles upstream from its confluence with the Mississippi. Some Tan- aroa may have accompanied them but there is no definite information on this. The Michigamea at this period appear to have been still ranging from Arkansas to southern Illinois. In the latter area they developed a fairly close relationship with the Tamaroa. ' In 1706 the chief, Mamemtoienta was sent from the Pimiteoui Villages to Montreal to account for the death of a soldier. On arriving at Michilimackinac he was informed by the Ottawa that the French were weak and feared the Indians so he returned to the villages urging the removal of the French. One man, inspired by this talk, shot the aissionary Father Gravier.1 Father Mermot at the Kaskaskia village of Rouensa had to send men to retrieve Father Gravier who later died of his wound. This action of the Peoria had the grave result of cutting them off from regular trade for some time. In 1710 the number of Illinois warriors was given by Raudot as 1500 (Kinietz 19401383). using 3.17 persons per warrior this gives a population of around 6200. By 1716 or earlier a portion of the Peoria (possibly the Coir- acoentanon) removed to Starved Rock where they remained with some inter- ruptions until about 1736. The village there was known as Egnggghg_and was situated on one of the islands in the river (Kellogg 19231186). 1. Temple (1966336) is incorrect in saying that Mamemtoienta shot Father Gravier. In the original account (JR 66.55) it is clear that it was another man, unidentified by name. 20 Sometime after 1716 the Michigamea joined the Kaskaskia in their .village. This village was also occupied by French inhabitants. In 1719 or 1720 the commandant of Fort de Chartres, Boisbriant, decided to divide the village. The French remained in the original village, the Kaskaskia moved 4 or 5 miles upstream and the Michigamea established their village a half league north of Fort de Chartres (Palm 1933149). By 1721 the Cahokia and Tamaroa had combined into a single village (Kellogg 1923.201). The Illinois continued to be at war with a number of tribes, the most persistent of which were the Fox. In 1721 or 1722 the Peoria at Pimiteoui and.Le Roche deserted their village for a year or two due to pressures from the Fox and their allies (Mereness 1916.70). Part of the Peoria were back at Pimiteoui in 1723 (JR 67.163) and the Le Roche group probably returned around the same time. In 1728 there were still several "tribes" in the Peoria village (USHS 17:48). Presumably one of these was the Moingwena, still iden- tified as a separate unit in 1725 (Mercure de France 1725.284n). The Fox continued to be a constant threat until 1730 when a combined French and Indian army defeated and nearly exterminated them. The villages at this time were Kaskaskia, Michigamea, Cahokia and two Peoria settlements, one at Lake Peoria and the other at Starv- ed Rock. By the 1750's the refurbished Fox and other groups including the Sioux were again attacking the Illinois. By 1750 the population had dropped to approximately 2,000 (Blas- ingham 1956.369). The Kaskaskia, Michigamea and Cahokia villages toget- her accounted for half of that, the Peoria for the remainder. The 21 population seems to have remained stablized at this figure until about 1765. In 1752 some Cahokia, fearing the revenge of the Fox for killing some of their warriors, joined the Michigamea at their village. The Fox made a surprise attack on the Michigamea village, killing 60 or 70 people and seizing a number of prisoners. During the French and Indian wars many of the Illinois joined the French in attacks on the British settlements. The Peoria remaining at Pimiteoui abandoned the upper Illinois permanently around 1763, the Le Roche village having been abandoned about the same time. Some Peoria had been in southern Illinois with their relatives previously and in 1763 a Peoria village existed on the Michigamea reserve. Both villages combined (Peoria and Michigamea) were said to have 300 warriors (Mereness 1916.363). The most serious disruption for the Illinois appears to have been the conflict between the British and French over the trade and the subsequent loss of Louisiana to the British. The reaction of the Illinois to the British rule was to abandon the eastern side of the Mississippi. Soon, some of the Illinois, particularly the Kaskaskia, began to drift back into the area and receive presents from the British. Although all groups finally made peace with the British, they continued to carry most of their furs to the Spanish at St. Louis. Most of the Peoria remained west of the Mississippi and many of their kinsmen joined them. Other Illinois went to the Osage and Mis- souri or to the Piankashaw and flea withidnnnthey were extensively inter- married (CIHS 29.687). 22 ”The Indians have also left our Side, and gone to the Spanish side... He [Kaskaskia chief7 has since prevailed on a few of the Kaskaskia to come to receive presents from Major Farmer, but none of the other tribes of the Illinois has come in yet" (CIHS 11.131). Most of the Kaskaskia returned to their village which also was com— posed of Michigamea, Cahokia and Tamaroa. Some of the Michigamea re- turned to their reserve for a time. At one point many of the Kaskaskia mowed; down to join the Quapaw (Temple 1966.52). In 1766 there were said to be 150 warriors of the Kaskaskia; #0 of the Michigamea; 250 of the Peoria and no of the Cahokia (CIHS 11.126), which gives an estimated total population of 1500. In 1769 the great chief Pontiac was killed by a Peoria Indian. Following this many northern groups attacked the Illinois. When the Americans entered the area the Illinois were divided in their allegiance. After the beginning of American rule the Kaskaskia remained at their village, but the other groups left the area going west of the Mississippi. By 1777 the Tantroa and Cahokia had.united with the Kaskaskiahand the Kaskaskia and Peoria together were said to number only 100 warriors (HSHS 183368). The Kaskaskia (with associated members of other groups) were in their village in southern Illinois and the Peoria were in Missouri in 1792 when the Kaskaskia made a treaty with United States Government at Vincennes turning over the west section of Illinois which had been their reserve which they were unable to use due to their small numbers. The United States Government agreed to protect the Kaskaskia (from other Indians), to give them an annuity of $1,000 a year, to build a house for the chief, to provide support for seven years for a Catholic priest and to build a church. 23 In 1817 the Kaskaskia. Cahokia and Peoria were said to have had 250 warriors (Brown 19093308). In 1818 the Peoria who had not been present at the previous treaty, agreed to its terms in a treaty at Edwardsville, Illinois and were given a reservation on the Blackwater River in Missouri territory where they had been living for sometime (Temple 1966:55). In 1832 the Kaskaskia wished to move west to join the Peoria and ceded the remaining land in Illinois except for 350 acress given to Ellen Ducoign, the chief's daughter who remained. The combined Kaskaskia. Peoria settled on a tract in Kansas: in 1867 they removed to Oklahoma (Royce 1899s8b2). A brief unpublished study of the Peoria was donethere much later by Truman Michelson (1916). Environment The prehistoric area utilized by the Illinois cannot be determined definitely, but most likely it included the southern part of Michigan, the southern portion of Uisconsin and northern Illinois. All the known historic Illinois villages were located within the present state of I Illinois, most of which falls within the Illinoian biotic province (Oleland 1966312) and the Praire Peninsula (J.A. Brown, 1965). There are three major vegetational types present in this area; prairie, savanna and woodlands. The uplands are prairie grasslands with dispersed oaks hickory groves. The river bottoms are largely wooded, but there is also some grassland. Large areas of forest edge and savanna are present pro- viding an excellent habitat for the white tailed deer. Elk were also present in the mixed woodland and grasslands and near marshy areas. The tall grass prairies supported large herds of buffalo. The alluvial soil ,. 24 provided lands suitable for primitive farming practices. Many of the marshy areas provided sheltered land and feeding grounds for flocks of migratory birds. A detailed discussion of the Prairie Peninsula and its resources can be found in J.A. Brown (1965)- The climate is humid continental with extremes of temperature, however, the growing season is quite long beingbetween 160 days in the north and 190 in the south (Garland 1955:10). Good descriptions of the environment and resources can be found in the historic accounts where they were noted by men who had to utilize these resources along with the Indians. ”These p1ains...are usually covered with bison in prodi- gious number...the soil is excellent and seems only to ask cultivation... There are wild apple trees...several kinds of plum trees, the same for walnuts...strawberries, raspberries, bush mulberries...hasel nuts. and wild grapes are very common there... The forests are full of deer, wapiti, bears, partridges of two kinds, turtle doves...” (La Salle in Tucker l9h6). "You see places on one side that are unwooded prairies requiring only to be turned up by the plow, and on the other side valleys spread aihalf a league before reach- ing the hills, which have no trees but walnuts and cake; and behind these, prairies... (cms 23.205). “There are avenues extending farther than the eye can reach.. not a single bit of brushwood. This may be due to the end- less number of buffalos that pass there. The reason why these places are so much frequented by these animals is be- cause there is a kind of marsh Lhere and there in the middle of these alleys which serves them for watering places” The Illinois utilised all of the major ecological sones available to them. Their economic and settlement pattern corresponds to the Miamiqrotawatomi pattern as defined by Fitting and Cleland (19691297). This includes at least two settlements. a summer base camp and a winter hunting camp. The Illinois subsistence cycle is described below. 1656 1657-8 1668 1669 1670 1672 1673 l67h 1677 1679 1680 .1682 1690's 1694 1699 1700 1710 1712 1717 1722 25 Table 3 Population Figures for the Illinois 60 villages 60 villages - 20,000 men - 100,000 total population formerly 10 now 2 villages 5 villages - 2000 population 8 villages dwell on Mississippi River - 20 cabins at Miami- Mascouten village Peoria, 8000 population - 3 villages - 300 cabins in one village - Michigamea possibly in Arkansas- Kaskaskia, 74 cabins Kaskaskia, 500 chiefs and elders, 1000 young men, 5-600 fires Kaskaskia. 351 cabins, 8 tribes #60 cabins, 4-5 fires - Tamaroa village 200 families Kaskaskia 4-500 cabins each with 5-6 families - Illinois 1800 warriors Tamaroa 180 lodges 6 villages at Peoria - Cahokia and Tamaroa more than 60 cabins each - 80 cabins of Illinois on Kankakee - 200 cabins Peoria - Michigamea, Chepoussa, Michibousa up the Kaskaskia River Kaskaskia 750 population - Peoria 800 - Coiracoentanon 600 - Moingwena, Maroa, Tapouero 850 - 4 villages at Pimiteoui - 260 cabins, 800 warriors, population 3000 Tamaroa 300 cabins removal of village of Kaskaskia, 30 cabins - Tamaroa awaiting Michigamea to form one village Illinois 1500 warriors 3 villages - Peoria 900-800 population 400 men, Le Roche ' 700 warriors 1723 1732 1736 1750 1757 1763 1766 1777 1817 1820 1832 1885 26 Table 3(cont"d) Peoria, 300 cabins, h—5 fires - 11 villages belonging to the tribe Kaskaskia, 200 warriors - Michigamea, 100 warriors - 3-“00 Cahokia and Peoria at Cahokia Michigamea, 250 men - Kaskaskia, 100 men - Peoria at Le Rocher 50 men - Chokia or Tamaroa 200 men Kaskaskia 600 population - 3 villages total 800 popula- tion - 2000 'counting Peoria - 15-20 per cabin - 300 warriors for the three villages Michigamea andGahokia 400 warriors - Kaskaskia, 400 warriors - Peoria, 700 warriors Kaskaskia, 100 warriors - Michigamea, #00 warriors - Cahokia, 60 warriors Illinois 650 warriors - Kaskaskia, 150 warriors, Cahokia, 20 cabins of Peoria - Michigamea #0 warriors - Peoria, 250 warriors - Cahokia, 40 warriors .Kaskaskia and Peoria, 100 warriors Kaskaskia, Cahokia, Peoria, 250 warriors Kaskaskia, 30-h0 persons - Peoria 10-15 by Ste. Genevieve Kaskaskia, #0 persons Peoria, Kaskaskia, Hea and Piankashaw, 149 persons (JR 42.221. JR 1:4.247; JR 51.1w; JR 54.167. JR 55.97: JR 58.23; JR 58.97. JR 593151; JR 592161: JR 59:189. JR 60.159; Anderson 1901.85: Anderson 19018107; CIHS 2335: Anderson 1898365: CIHB 233341: CIHS 233276-7: CIHS 38839: Fortier 19223147: Palm 1933336; JR 5:105; Kinietz 1940:3833 JR 663229: HSHS 161373: Mereness 1916.70: JR 67.163; Palm 1933872: Palm 1933.72. JR 69.145, 11.9. wsns 18.177; CIHS 10.1., 218: CIHS 11.126; wsns 183368; Brown 1909:3083 Blair 1923 2.201; Rothersteiner 19183203; Hodge 193.26%.) CRAPTER III ETHNGIISTORICAL DESCRIPTION OF THE ILLINOIS INDIANS The Illinois The Illinois belong to the Algonquian linguistic family. The Illinois and Miami appear to have been originally a single group and their languages are closely related (Callender 1962: 36). This similarity of language was noted by a contemporary observer. 'lhe languages of the Illinois and of the Miami were the sale...there being no difference except that the accent of the Illinois is very short and that of the Miami very long. One pronounces the h and the other the _f_" (CIHS 233307). The time of the separation of the Miami and Illinois is not known. . Dablon, visiting a combined mami-Mascouten village in the Green Bay region in 1670, consented that the Miami had separated from the rest of the Illinois “for the purpose of forming here a sort of transplanted colony” (JR 55:209). As his contact was mainly with the Miami it would appear he received this information from them. Trowbridge's account of the Miami in 1821+ indicated that the Miami then regarded the Illinois in a younger brother status, the Miami saying that they had found the Kaskaskia, originally a separate tribe, on the Wabash River. The Kaskaskia were incorporated but the two groups later separated again (Trowbridge 1938:12). Since the Miami at this period were unable to recall that they had lived in the Green Bay area when contacted by the French, this account must be suspect and may be a later readjustment of the relationships between the groups. 27 28 Po ti or ization To begin to discuss the Illinois it is first necessary to describe the political organization and social integration of those units subsumed under the name of 11.115013. A definition of political organisation is given by Fried. ”Political organization comprises those portions of social organization that specifically relate to the individual or groups that manage the affairs of public policy or seek to control the appointment or action of those individuals or groups (1967:21). Same (1970) has discussed basic political units. He recognizes a unit which he calls the ”largest Permanent Political Unit" (1970:91), which is defined as: ”A social unit that (l) internally, permanently regulates the behavior of its members, and (2) W, stands as a unified whole against other like groups. Permanent does not imply 'constantly‘, but regularly recurrant" (1970393). Although there are permanent political units at different levels, such as the family, the “largest Permanent Political Unit” represents the numerically greatest and consistently integrated group which acts in a manner corresponding to his criteria above. He points out that the ”Largest Permanent Political Unit” is congruent with Sahlin's primary tribal segments and also with Fried's ”largest continuously functional unit” (Saxe 1970:99). Indications are that the named village units are the "largest Permanent Political Units.” The villages acted frequently as single political entities in the \cbservance of the calumet ceremonies; in playing 1.; m as a village ceremony before the entire village left on the sullser buffalo hunt, and in the formal sanctions imposed on behavior during the hunt. 29 he Illinois have been referred to as a confederacy. A confederacy has been defined as: ”A loose association of political units at any level of complexity that cede their autonomy either temporarily or partially” (Helm 1968:95). Although under this definition any alliance between political units would constitute a confederacy, it does not seem suited to the Illinois. The Illinois do not appear to have been able to effectively combine for warfare, generally warfare was carried on by individual villages or groups within the villages. Confederacy as used in the records seems only to have been applied to the Illinois at a late period, when, numerically impoverished, they took part in treaty negotiations with other related Algonkian groups. his leaves us with the unpleasantly difficult term I'tribe". A tribe is often defined on the basis of various criteria of ccmon language, canon name, recognized territory, or a feeling of unity. Bounding is the greatest difficulty with the term. It is frequently difficult to draw lines between groups: for instance, two groups may share similar customs and language, but consider themselves as different groups and the territories utilized may overlap. me usefulness of the term has been questioned particularly for cross-cultural usage because of its ambiguity. In m 23 the Problem 2; £9; evidence was put forth to indicate that all the usual criteria can prove unsatisfactory (Helm 1968). One paper in that volume suggests a definition of tribes as ”politically autonomous groups bearim separate whole cultures (Helm 1968:95), but our discussion above reveals that the consideration of the tribe as a politically autonomous group is incorrect. The tribe is not the political unit, it is the village. Sahlins also arrives at this conclusion stating: 30 "A tribe as a whole is normally ggt_a political organization but rather a social-cultural-ethnic society” (Sahlins 1961: 190). Such an argument has taken us full circle to the original discussion of tribes with all the attendant bounding problems so well discussed by Fried (Helm 1968). If the village is the "Largest Permanent Political Unit" the view of political organization has to relate to this. Fried states that: ” Host rank societies are strongly based on villages. However. the conspicuous feature is that the largest continously functional unit and the village tend to be congruent" (Fried 196?: 17“). Evidence for the Illinois as a rank society is slight. There appears to have been a recognised position of chief, though without many of the powers associated with a chiefdon. The Miami, free when the Illinois recently had parted, had a Grand Chief with powers and privileges which do resemble those associated with the chiefly office in a chiefdoa. The Grand Chief “position” as it existed among the Illinois did not have those associated obligations and rights. although succession may have been hereditary in a particular clan or lineage. Based on the indirect evidence given in the French accounts it is believed that the Illinois at contact represented an incipient rank society. The Illinois cannot be referred to as a chiefdom; although the position of chief held some political power and prestige, how much cannot be determined. The use of the term‘ghigf in this study will refer to the status recognised by the French as a leadership position, with the understanding that the use of this term does not imply the multiplicity of rights, obligations etc.. usually implied by 31 the term, nor does it suggest political organization equivalent to a chiefdom. Organization of the Illinois The village represented the largest permanent political unit and was composed of numerous household units. Classification of these is difficult. It is not possible to determine from the historical records whether these units represent clans or lineages, but they do appear to constitute some form of descent group. Since their actual composition is not determinable these units will be referred to as linked households, recognising that the cohesiveness of the unit basically was due to the male head, patrilineal and possibly patrilocal proclivities of the group. These households consisted of groups of individual cabins, each containing an extended family; several cabins being under the authority of one male leader or chief. This unit tended to maintain its individual identity although partially submerged in the village organization. Winter camps were sometimes made up of a single linked household (Kellogg 1917:351.353). Callender indicates that the Shawnee and Miami, with whom he groups the Illinois had a more formalized community structure than did other Algonkian groups. The village was the most important political and ceremonial unit, was named,constituted a descent group and had ritual functions connected with it (Callender 1962:37). Hickerson suggests that named villages originally represented single clan villages (1970.15). Evidence for the organization of the Illinois village is slight but certain assum ations can be made, based on observable similarities 32 Nwith related groups. The village itself nay represent a clan or maximal lineage and different ritual functions night have been assigned to each village so that cooperation would be required to benefit the entire group. Such a ritual requirement would have served to integrate the villages and to reduce the tendency towards separatism (Callender 1962337). The recognition of the villages as all "Illinois" might have been founded on such a cooperative ritual basis, actually an extension of real or defined kin ties. Some evidence for this ritual cooperation exists which will be discussed further below. The French referred to the Illinois as a "nation” and the sub— divisions as ”tribes". In the Illinois Dictiongy under the French listing of both tribe and village the sane term nin8teni appears (Belting n.d.). Tribe or 1:593 was often used for what we would now call clans, and it may be that the ritual extension of ties was through clan nenbership. These my have been the ties activated by village ceremonies mentioned for the Illinois, the nest important of which was the calunet dances and its attendant perfornances. The calunet cereacny was a scans of obtaining unity within as well as for-ing alliances with other groups; possibly it was an annual religious occasion. Another cause for dances was the funeral of a warrior. All people were said to be entitled to have a dance, if they could provide presents for this purpose, but it is obvious that the nest elaborately staged were for the important sen. Deliette said that the relations of the deceased gathered and identified how aany villages they represented, sending for the chiefs and dancers after relationships were discovered (CIHS 233359). This is very 33 specifically stated as village and he tells of actions in the dance which dedicated portions of the dance to the various villages. It is possible that this represents renewal and readjustment of lineage or clan ties on the death of a segment head. Significantly in this regard he consents: ”And the cannon peOple have dances" (CIHS 23:360), obviously the dances for the cannon people differed from the ones he described. Another village activity was the ceremonial game of l; w also lentioned by Deliette in regard to the funeral ceremonies above. If the deceased preferred _l1_1_ 9333233 this could be played in the place of the dance, the same villages participating (CIBS 23:360). be playing of the ceremonial game of l; m was necessary before leaving on the smer hunt. Deliette stated that the Peoria and Coiracoentanon usually Joined against the four other villages (Kaskaskia, Hoingwena. Tamaroa and Tapouara), because the Peoria and the Coiracoentanon were as large as the other four together (CIHS 23 33112). This has frequently been suggested as indicating a moiety division for the Illinois (Callender 1962:42; Hauser 1972:127). Fried points out that in a ranked society a moiety arrangement may cross-cut the ranking of the individual villages (1968:119). This is the only possible indication of such an arrangement for the Illinois with the exception of a suggestion in a listing of clan names of an Earth-Sky dicotoaw. The Miami-Illinois appear to have split along segmentary lines. In Service's discussion of chiefdoms he points out that there is a tendency for Junior segments of a lineage to split off and move out from the original areas; the lineages keeping their respective ranks and that: ”To the extent that the spatial distribution of growth is unimpeded, there is a tendancy for distance from the original center to correspond to rank differences among the local groups...” (Service 1962:166). 34 I? the liani are considered to be in the area of the original hone- land and the segnents distributed in order of rank, this would be for the najor groups; Kaskaskia. Peoria. Tuaroa, Cahokia, and Michi- seaee. This would place the Hichigaeea the furthest geographically and culturally. Of course, other factors could contribute to this spacing, but there are indications that these nay represent ranking of the units. The Kaskaskia were the para-cunt group but were not at any tine in the historical accounts the largest group. in 1680 they were snaller than either the Peoria or the Coiracoentanon. The French considered the Kaskaskia the ”true Illinois“ (Harm 2:201 in Paln 1933). a designation which was not given because they encountered the Kaskaskia first. Initial contact- with the Illinois in their territory was by Father Marquette in 1673 when he encountered two villages of the Illinois. the first apparently a Peoria village, fro- which he was taken to another village to be presented to the Grand Chief of the Illinois (JR 59.119). host likely this second nudge represented a portion of the Kaskaskia, he when La 39m visited two winter villages in 1679. one village was Kaskaskia and the Grand Chief resided there. The Kaskaskia remined the para-cunt group throughout the existence of the group: in Illinois. The tern ”Illinois" when used by the French could refer to a person frcn' any village or as a syncm for Win. Tonti mt a group conposed of ”Illinois, Missouritas and Taurus" (ems 233107) and his subsequent discussion indicated the ”minois'referred to Kaskaskia. In the 1750's the French could still use Illinois and nean Kaskaskia; there are references such as ”Two Illinois and acne Cahokia” (01118 293%). At a conference called by the French connndant at Fort de Chartres in 1752 which all renaining 35 Illinois groups attended, the Michigamea delegation (as they rose to leave), thanked the Kaskaskia (ems 29: 514-6). The Grand Chief of the Illinois appears to have been drawn from the Kaskaskia. In 1679 Chassagoac, a Kaskaskia, was the Grand Chief. Hanentoienta became the Grand Chief in 1706 and was still known: as such in 1725. In 1712 however, Cadillac speaks of the ”great chief” of the Illinois as Manitouaandelly, who appears to be from the village of Le Roche (Starved Rock) which was a Peoria village (HPHC 33 3516). Five pages later the great chief (presumably the same man) is called Chachagouaohe. Cadillac, however, may refer to the village chief, although it is possible the Peoria had assumed a great title for their chief for the occasion, or even more likely that Cadillac had. he Peoria appear to be next in importance.1 Always numerically strong their relationship to the Kaskaskia in the early days when they were in close contact seems frequently to have been marked with jealousy. In the 1690's the Peoria indignantly rejected the interference of the priest, Father Gravier, saying: ”Let the Kaskaskia pray to God if they wish and let them obey him who has instructed them. Are we Kaskaskia? Aw why shouldst thou obey him, thou who art a Peouareoua?” (JR 6153173). its southern group of villages appears to be in order of importance, the Tamaroa - Cahokia - Michigamea. The Tamaroa are stated to have been the oldest residents in the area they shared with the Cahokia (Rothensteiner 1918:149). The Cahokia and Tamaroa resided near each other and gradually coalesced into one village (Kellogg 1923:201). The sharing of the area with the Cahokia may relate to the disastrous 1. According to the late accounts from the Miami, the Peoria were supposed to have been descended from the Kaskaskia (Trowbridge 1938:12). 36 attack of the Iroquois in 1680 in which the Tamaroa were said to have lost 1200 persons, killed or captured (Temple 1955:210. lIhese indications of the relative importance of the villages are tenuous evidence at the best and will not be carried further, but left as hypotheses for further testing. Suggestions that these named villages probably represented some kind of descent group is found in the historical documents. La Salle gave the name Qnouahoa as one of the villages in 1680 (Anderson 1901: 215), elsewhere he mentioned anahoha as an Illinois chief (Anderson 1901:99). Hennepin also speaks of this chief: "Father Zenoble's host, Ounahouha, that is to say, Wolf, who was chief of a family or tribe.." (Cross 1938:83). This also suggests that some of these villages may have been taporary units or segments on the verge of becoming separate villages and if fission took place, the name of the chief (lineage or clan head) may have become synorqmous with the village. From Father Hennepin's account it is impossible to determine if Mahoha was a lineage or clan leader. flag: orga_nisatiog Based on similarities between the Illinois and Miami it can be suggested that each village had a head village peace chief. There is no information on how the village chief was selected or if he represented a particular clan or lineage. A chief might also have been a magical-religious practioner (shaman) or Juggler as the French called them. be chief of the Peoria in 1691+ (name not given) was stated to be the most prainent of the jugglers (JR 61+:161). Shamanistic ability does not appear to be a requirement for leadership, although confidence in the chief's relationship with the supernatural may have helped in 37 maintaining his position. More likely the recognition of supernatural powers came from the possession of lineage or clan bundles rather than a personal bundle. The amount of authority which could be exercised by the chiefs was slight. The French cosmented that: ”The chiefs have no authority: if they should use threats far from making themselves feared, theyde see themselves abandoned by the very men who had chosen them for chiefs” (JR 66:221). mce chosen chief it may have been viewed as a permanent status. 8t. Cosme and Tonti encountered a chief ”formerly famous in his nation, but who has since been abandoned by nearly all his people” (Kellogg 1917:350). Presuably attachment was made by the deserters to other bands on the basis of kin ties. whether the village chieftainship was hereditary in a lineage or clan is not clear, although Bossu counts: ”The Indians only value the sons of the Caciques, in as much as they are brave and virtuous after the sample of their father and ancestors” (Bossu 1771:1610. The predaIIinant pattern in the later period appears to be the succession of a chief by his son or classificatory son. Agapit Chicagou, who died in 175% was succeeded by his son Papape-changouhias Chicagou (Bossu 1771: 185). ‘nxe Kaskaskia chief Rouensa appears to have been succeeded (at an unknown date) by his son, also named Rcuensa.1 1. Although this nowhere is stated in the records it can be inferred from dates. Rouensa in 1691+ had a daughter 17, he was a chief at that time and probably was at least 34. A chief named Rouensa continues to appear in documents until at least 1752, which would make the original Ian 92. As the Rouensa in 1752 also had brothers, who were chiefs of the Piankashaw, one of whom lived until at least 176?, it seems logical to assme that there were taro chiefs of the name Rouensa. 38 The Grand Chief does not seem to have had aw great importance among the Illinois; his functions appear to have been to represent the Illinois to foreign groups in various matters. This constrasts with the same position among the Miami which was an hereditary position with considerable power and prestige. Possibly the position of the Grand Chief had greater importance among the Illinois earlier. Hith the introduction of the fur trade a new means of obtaining prestige was introduced which could be participated in by any male. The prestige of the Grand Chief, if band on hereditary rights, might have suffered in contrast to the prestige obtained through engagement in the fur trade and be more dependent on his personal achievements than had previously been the case. However, the H1ami engaged in the fur also and the prestige of their Grand Chief does not appear to have undergom such reduction. In the 1800's the Miami considered the Illinois as younger brothers. Although statements from this period are suspect, it is possible that the Illinois chiefs had less prestige , however mfcrtunately there is no likelihood of being able to determine if this is comet or not. As stated earlier, the Grand Chief appears to have been selected from the Kaskaskia, but documentation is insufficient to determine if hereditarily within a particular family. hmemtoienta's name (Bear's Head) would suggest that he was of the bear clan from which the chief was chosen in several Algonkian groups. The only information about selection of a chief may be that in 1706 39 when Hamemtoienta was chosen to represent the tribe to the governor (JR 66:51). However, ‘1 no statement is given to indicate that this made him the principal chief, it is not until later references that he appears designated as such (Dunn 19023293). lamemtoienta has frequently been referred to as a Peoria since he was selected at Pimiteoui after the Kaskaskia under Rouensa had departed, but the chiefs there would have been from all the remaining villages at Pimiteoui, not Just Peoria. As was pointed out in Chapter II the cabins that left with Rouensa may not have constituted the entire Kas- kaskia village, most likely they represented only the Christianised portion. Mamentoienta is spoken of as a Kaskaskia in 1722 and in 1725 (Herene'ss 1916376: HSHS 163161). The end of hamentoienta's tenure as principal chief is not documented so there is no evidence if he died still holding the position or if he was replaced in his old age. The subsequent principal chiefs were all free the Kaskaskia village. This might have been influenced by the fact that the Kaskaskia were the most acculturated group and in closest contact with the French authorities, but the principal chief had been drawn from them before any substantial French influences. The chief's rights and obligations as leaders are little known outside of their obligations to give feasts to their followers (JR 66: 221). They did, of course, take part in the councils which determined the village actions and relationships, including receiving eaissaries from other Indian nations and making alliances. The chiefs reuined the accepted channel for communication as indicated in a document of the 1750's: blankets and belts had been brought from the Miami to a group ' at winter canpt 40 "The Illinois replied that they could not accept this message as they had no chief" (CIHS 293h37). They subsequently went in search of their chief to receive it. There were war chiefs or "captains" as the French called them who headed the war parties. The chiefs, heads of the linked households, probably also functioned as war chiefs, with the exception of the village chief who was a peace chief. There is only one reference to a principal war chief (CIHS 103fi4l) but this probably refers to a village war chief. War chiefs are said to have had at their disposal 20-50 young men (CIHS 233376) and these men are said to have come from several cabins. The French designated the large oval dwellings containing extended families as cabins. A suggestion of the number of cabins involved in a linked household is given in a late account when the houses may have been smaller; a chief has accompanying him men from 1? cabins (CIHS 293670). It is not clear if the war chiefs collected war parties by lineage membership or by clans. Deliette, in describing the formation of a war party, has the leader plead for participation for revenge because "he wee your relative as. well as nine since we are all comrades"(CIHS 233377). In addition the members of the war party and the deceased are referred to as brothers. These statements do not clarify matters. Among I the Miami the war party seems to have been constituted on clan affili- ation. "...each chief...inviting only the young men of his particular village or family. He dislikes to ask any one of another tribe [ElanJ7 because the chief is always considered responsible for his young men..." Growbridge 1938320). From correspondences with other Algonkian groups and the little evidence available, Illinois clans would appear to be totemic with possibly distinct hair styles and prehaps clan owned names. #1 In Deliette's discussion of the war parties he consented that when leaving messages they drew a portrait of themselves on a tree and since "several of them have heads of hair that look just alike...“ they were also distinguished by name, that is an animal which signified their nane (0133 23:378). He then went on to give a list of what are presumably the Illinois clans in the 1690's, what he termed "significant names“; Buck, Buffalo, Wolf, Sun, Earth, Water, Woman, Child, Girl (CIHS 23:379). Be listed compounds of those names such as Bear's Head, Buffalo Rump etc. Although Bear did not occur in the first list, because of its presence in the second it must have been an oversight. It is possible that Sun and Earth (Water) represent moiety divisions. A much later list of clans (1736) gives Crane, Bear, White Hind, the Fork ['fimnderfl Tortoise and an unnamed device of some Kaskaskia described as ”feathers of an arrow notched or two arrows supported against each other 'X'" (WSHS 173250). This device of the Kaskaskia is suggested by Good (1972:86) as being represented on a pendant found at the last Kaskaskia village (1720-1832). an. 1736 listing of clans or tribes as they are called in the list discusses a number of groups both Algonkian and Siouan, and the author further states: "All nations have this in common; that a man who goes to war denotes himself as much by the device of his wife as by that of his own tribe, and never marries a woman who carries the same device to his” ("538 178252). Women peace chiefs are not mentioned for the Illinois but there is a vague category of women "who govern the young women and grown girls” (JR 6&3199). Possibly they had duties similar to the Hind and Shawnee matrons in their other roles of overseeixg the female duties of the 42 village. One woman chief of a linked household is mentioned but this is obviously' an unusual occurance and appears to have been the result of personality and her ability to obtain aid from some and sons-innlaw for feasting (Kellogg 19173353). A council of elder men advised the village chief. but the functions of this group are not clear. It was a recognised institution and it was known who belonged to the council ”Haragonatat. a chief man of the Kaskaskia village" (CIHS 293663). Marquette found ”500 chiefs and elders at the Kaskaskia village (JR 573181). There was also a council of chiefs. such as the one which functioned to appoint Hamemtoienta to speak for the group. but this may have included the council of elders (JR 66351). There may have been a separate council of warriors also. but this is only mentioned once (Bossu 1771316“). Social structure The Illinois were patrilineal and had an Omaha-type kinship system (Callender 1962338). Patrilocality appears to have been predominent. although matrilocal residence was possible as in the case of the female chief mentioned above. There is no suggestion of alternating locality. that is. matrilocal in the summer agricultural village and patrilocal on the hunt. The cabin was supplied by the female but whether this con- stituted any sense of ownership is not known. Vomen mdgmt hold feasts for other women for aid in preparation of their fields and an excuse was required for not appearing in response to_the summons (Cihs 2333h0). which might: indicate some concept of female ownership of the fields. very little information is found in the historical accounts about kinship.although Deliette provides two statements: 43 ”It should be stated that they almost all call each other relatives. and such degrees of kinship as I have Just enum- erated gather. brother. uncle] are often claimed by persons whom we should not even call cousins. I have seen men of eighty claim that young girls were their mothers” (CIHS 233363-11»). ”It is usually the sisters and the aunts or nieces of their wives whom they marry. These they call Nirimoua. when a man is a good hunter. it is a very easy matter for him to marry all who stand within this degree of relationship. The women designate him in the same manner" (CD-IS 233355). Several other references to polygaw. especially sororsl polygaw occur (see below). The only other reference to kinship is an indirect one. A trader was told by a chief who was in a sibling relationship to Rouensa. that a deceased child of Rouensa's was being taken to Kaskas- his for burial (ems 29.521). The French at Kaskaskia comment that Rouensa has brought his nephew for burial (ems 29. 532). Rouensa is also related to Pedagogue and Le Houche Noir. chiefs of the fleas or Piankashsws. who are stated to be his brothers although brought up among the Miami. At least one was in an elder brother relationship to Rouenss (CIHS 293719). No information is available on Rouensa's parentage. they could be uterine brothers or mother's sister's sons. The kinship tern given (Table 2}. Figures 2 and 3) are based on the Illinois Dictioggy (Belting n.d.) which is a compilation of the Illinois language drawn up by the Jesuits in the late seventeenth- early eighteenth century. and Lewis H. Morgan‘s schedules obtained from Kaskaskia and Peoria in 1859 on the reservation in Kansas. The term indicating a marriageable person nirimoua in Deliette. is given as nirim80 in the Illinois Dictiom and in Morgan's list appears as nelimwa. The word translates as a sister-in-law form. This applies (male speaking) to Broii. FaBroSoHi. H181. and HoSiSoIi. Reference Number (13% Chm (re) \0 10 ll 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 22 Table 4' L321 Illinois Kinship Terms 1730 ninkia nossa nissensa nichima nimissa nichima nic'issa nitana nimech8ma n8e08ma noseema niseg8ssa nichissa niring8a niring8arissa nichimissa nissema nirimBo nitec8essima nitchang8a nirin80 ninapema 1859 ningeah nosa nesanza neshema nemissa neshema ningwasa nindaha namashoma nakoma nosama nezagossa nezhesa nelagwalasa neshemissa nahaganakwa nakoma nelagwala nelimwa n‘dakwasanya n'janqua netawa nabama Equivalents mother father elder bro. younger bro. elder sis. younger sis. son daughter grandfather grandmother grandchild aunt uncle nephew neice dau.in-law son-in-law sis-in-law sis-in-law sis-in-law bro-in-law male speaking husband Reference Number 23 24 25 26 27 45 Table 4 (cont'd.) 1730 n18i8o n8e8ma (hush) nimech8ma nisegBSsessa (HusF) nisegssessa nita8a 1859 newewa nosamah namashomakeah nezeksasakeah amaka Equivalents wife HUS.. M,F, GM, GF Wife's F wife's M Wife's bro. 1+6 mobilise e page it? . o m m. e se. fiche asses... Sofie. .333. as?» 3.3.: :5: .o t: 2 .15“. .2! 32.532 nice... 33.58 See—2H one @Am chess l bouflm 33 @Am @TQ. @Lm fines sh 7.. 3 E s... .3. is: .3 as. secede s ens. a? &=@ Ahead? 6‘ Affinel terms Figure 3 ’48 Considering the time differential between the two schedules there is a striking lack of change in terminology. The intervening 130 years covers the time when the I1linois went from a powerful and populous nation to a handful of about 200 persons.‘rhe Kaskaskia had been undergoing fairly intensive acculturative pressures for 130 years. the schedule obtained from the Kaskaskia informant in 1859 had the greatest differences in pronunciation. The Peoria. with a larger population. greater isolation and so more conservative, had a schedule almost identical to the 1730 listing. barring a sound shift from 5 to l and differences in orthography. I Adaption seems to have been practised both as a friendship adoption and as a replacement for those lost in warfare. Father Gabriel was adopted as a son by an Illinois named Asapista "so that the good father found in his cabin a subsistence in the Indian fashion” (Cox 19223109). Father himbres was adopted as a son by the chief Oumahoud (Cox 19223109). Replacement adoption is discussed under warfare. The Kaskaskia are said to have adopted the Michigamea (Kellogg 1923.212). As the village was already a part of the Illinois this list have been to place them in some special relationship with the Kaskaskia or to so place at least the most important lineage(s). The two groups had been living together in a village for some portion of the period 1712-1720. If they were the two most widely separated in rank. this adoption might have been a method of adjusting this and of Joining the groups more closely. It my. however. have applied only to some lineages. The fact that two chiefs of the M1chigamea are called Chicagou may relate to this adoption as Chicagou (Chassagouache) hay have been a Kaskaskia . name previously. #9 The berdache held a fairly high position in Illinois society in the 1670's. Father Marquette related that they could go to war but only use clubs not bows and arrows ”which are the weapons proper to sen” (JR 593129). Likewise at the calumet dance they could sing but not dance as did the men. Because of their different life they were looked on as possessing power and were "summoned to the Councils and nothing could be decided without their advice” (JR 593129). In 1752 Bossu discussed what appears to be berdaches and if so their status in society had declined greatly. He says that those who had run away from danger or deserted in action were considered a disgrace and obliged to let their hair grow and wear women's clothes. This might be Bossu's interpretation of why they became berdaches except that he does say that people continually reproached them and that one man had redeemed himself and had been rewarded with a wife. If Bossu is correct this would indicate a change in attitude towards them. probably due to the religious teachings (Bossu 1771.139). Subsistence and settlement is discussed above the Illinois had a H3_ami-Potawatomi pattern of adaptation (Fitting and Cleland 19693297). The summer villages of the Illinois were always situated in an alluvial valley. Corn. beans and squash were the staple crops. although they grew several others in- cluding pumpkins and watermelons. Hatermelons are not. native to the Americas but were introduced by the Spanish and apparently spread very rapidly through the agricultural tribes (Cutler and Whitaker 196mm). Several kinds of corn were grown. Deliette mentions a small early corn and a larger late variety (CIHS 233318-13). A number of varieties are listed in the Illinois Dictionary. a smell sweet. red. blue. black. so yellow and white (Belting n.d.). Corn was gathered at the end of August and laid out to dry (CIHS 23:31”); great supplies of this dried corn were stored in pits underground (Anderson 1898329). Napkins and squash were sliced. air and sun dried and stored for winter use (CIHS 233316). In addition to the cultivated plants the Illinois used a wide variety of wild plants: grapes. plums. persimmons. apples. strawberries. raspberries. nulberries as well as new nuts and roots. Father Allouez stated: ”They eat 1h kinds of roots which they find in the prairie... They gather from trees and plants 1&2 different kinds of fruits, all of which are excellent...“ (JR 60:161). Their roots included the so-called nacopin. possibly the root of the white water lily'(Fhulkner 1965:108) or the yellow lotus (J. A. Brown 1961:29). which required a good deal of work in its preparation. ”It is a big root which they get in the narshes...1lle women have peculiar difficulty in cooking then. Smetimes three or four cabins combine and dig a hole in the ground five or six feet deep and ten or twelve square. They throw a great deal of wood into it. which they set on fire. and when it is aflane they throw in a number of rocks. which they take care to turn over with big levers until they are red; then they go in quest of a large quantity of grass which they get at the bottom of the water and which they spread as well as they can over these rocks to the thickness of about a foot. after which they throw on many buckets of water. and then as fast as they can each cabin puts its roots in its own place. covering them.over with.dry grass and bark and finally earth. They leave them thus for three days. They shrink to half their for-er size” (CIHS 23:345.6). Buffalo prdbably were not found east of the Mississippi until around 1600 (Griffin and Wray 1916:25). but during the seventeenth century buffalo were plentiful. Casing downriver from Qlicago in the 1680's. buffalo began to be sighted around Mhson Creek (Kellogg 1917: 350) . 51 Although by 1701 the Indians already possessed horses (Fortier 19093239). there is no indication that they were used in the hunt until the 1770's. buffalo being taken by a surround on foot (CIHS 233310). The Illinois were well known for their swiftness of foot. Guards for the hunt had powers similar to those in the Plains: Deliette related the destruction of the belongings of a man and woman who attempted to leave the camp before the entire group (CIHS 233309-310). Twelve hundred buffalo were killed on one hunt and the meat dried for storage (CIRS 233318). In 1723 Father Rasle stated that ”There is no year when they do not kill more than a thousand roebucks and more than two thousand oxen” (JR 67:169). Bear. elk. and a variety of birds. especially turkey and ducks were also used for food. Fish were to be had in abundance in the river although meat was preferred. "They take little trouble to make nets suitable for catching fish in the rivers. because the abundance of all kinds of animals which they find for their subsistence renders then somewhat indifferent to fish. However. when they take a fancy to have some. they enter a canoe with their bows and arrows: they stand up that they may better discover the fish. and as soon as they see one they pierce it with the arrow” (JR 67.171). Many of the French accounts hexclaim about the vast abundance of resources in Illinois country. "We have seen nothing like this river that we enter. as regards its fertility of soil. its prairies and woods3 its cattle. elk. deer wild cats. bustards. swans. ducks. parroquets. and even bearer” (JR 593161). Marquette consents that famine was unknown anong the Illinois (JR 593127). and indeed there is only one mention of possible famine. for the Peoria in 1752 when a drought threatened the corn and they were prevented from fear of the Chippewa fros going on their regular hunt. No other information is avail- able on this and it is possible that the prognosis for the corn 52 was premature or that the Chippewa dispersed. However. psychological deprivation may have been felt by the Illinois when they did not have fresh neat. Marquette was told that the Kaskaskia village was suffering froa hunger because the snow and cold prevented them froa hunting (in Novesber). However. he was brought corn. dried seat and puspkins by some Frenchmen froa the Peoria village and it can be presumed that the Kaskaskia village was equally well supplied with these commodities (JR 59.175). The yearly round of activities was similar to that described for the Hiami-Potawatomi (Fitting and Cleland 1969). Large pernanent villages were situated near the agricultural land. In late spring and early suaser the entire village unit lived here while the corn was planted and cared for. The corn was planted in say (CIRS 23.7) and after it was billed up in June the entire village. with the exception of a few wonen. left to go on the summer buffalo hunt (CCERS 2333h0). *he saJority of the neat seems to have been processed away from the village including drying most of the meat for storage. Towards the end of the su-er the village was reoccupied and the crops harvested. processed and stored. Throughout the sum-er and fall wild vegetable saterials were collected. eaten and sons processed for storage. Individual daily hunting was also carried on by the young men. In the late fall the village split up into snaller units. the linked households. and left the main village site to settle in areas well situated for shelter.firewood and gau (JR 653259). There was a winter hunt of shorter duration ending about Christmas time (JR 65375) and throughout the winter hunting individually and in small groups was carried on. 53 The agricultural activities were carried out by the women with the assistance of the old men. The young men did the day to dq hunting. All able bodied persons. male and female. participated in the sumer and winter hunts. Dress and ornaments The Illinois men generally wore nothing but a breechclout and moccasins. ”me men go without clothing. have their nose and ears pierced and the hair out within an inch of the scalp” (Anderson 1898: 30). The women appear to have worn a two piece outfit consisting of a skirt and some type of upper garment (JR 66:229). Robes of dressed skin were used in manner and hides with the hair on in the winter (JR 66:165). ”The Indians cut away the back and around the neck where the skin is thickest. Using only the thinnest part of the belly. they dress it very carefully with the brains of all sorts of animals. thereby making it as supple as our chamois skins dressed in oil. They paint it with various colors. trim it with red and white porcupine quills. and make it into ceremonial robes to wear at feasts” (Cross 1938:61). Examples of these painted robes are illustrated in Rm (1897). The robes are painted with geometrical designs in red. black and yellow; none of these show porcupine quill decoration. Tattooing was used liberally by both sexes. For a male tattoo marks were supposed to be applied only upon distinguishing themselves in battle. An assembly of warriors decided that the tattooed skin should be flayed from a man who had been tattooed without having war accomplishments. He was saved from this by having the tattoos removed by a preparation of Bossu's (Bossu 1771316“). Women's tattoos were considered only decorative; they were tattooed on the cheeks. breasts and arms. Young men were tattooed on the back 54 from the shoulders to the heels and at 25 (or first war exploits?) on the stomach, sides, and upper arm (CIHS 23:328-9). Men wore headdresses of a variety of colored feathers (JR 673165). The wool from the buffalo was spun and used to make garters, belts, bags and garments, some of which had designs worked into them (WSHS 163373). Father Rasle described some of the jewelry worn: "They wear collars and earrings made of little stones, which they out like precious stones; some are blue, some red, and some white as alabaster; to these must be added a flat piece of porcelain which finishes the collar" (JR 673165). The Indians readily accepted European materials for decoration, although few are mentioned in the records. Chicagou, chief of the Michigamea, received a medal from the King of France (Dunn 1902:293) which he wore and which his son inherited (Bossu 177lzlh0). Medals, crosses, rosaries or beads might be given as rewards for learning the cathechism (JR 6&3231). The possession of religious objects did not mean necessarily that the owner was a Christian, as Charlevoix found out. A Peoria chief was wearing a brass cress and an image of of the Virgin Mary, but the Indian merely had donned these as an honor to Charlevoix. weapons and untensils When the French came into the Illinois River valley the Illinois had had access to European goods for sometime, as they had been trading in the Green Bay region for about 30 years. In 1680, although the majority of the weapons had gone with war parties, there were 100 guns and BOO-U00 rounds of ammunition in the village when the Iroquois approached (Anderson 18983195). In 1677 though, Allouez stated that 55 they did not usually use guns in offensive warfare as they found then ”too cumbersome and slow” (JR 60.161), though they did take them to terrify those nations who did not know the use of guns. The priaary weapons in the 1690's were the war 'club, bow and arrows. ”The war club is made of a deer's huh or of wood, shaped like a cutlass, with a large ball at the end” (JR 673171). Chipped stone arrowheads were used and continmd to be used at least to the middle of the eighteenth century. Father Gravier was shot with a stone arrowhead in 1706. In 1723 arrows were still the principal weapon for hunting and warfare as they could fire any arrows in the time it took to reload a gun. “These arrows are barbed at the tip with a stone, sharpened and cut in the shape of a serpent's tongue; if knives are lacking, they use arrows also for flaying the aniaals which they kill” (JR 67.169). Shields were provided for protection from the enemy's arrows. ”They carry also a large shield, ends of the skins of wild bison, arrow proof and covering the whole body” (JR 601161). These shields were in use as late as" .1721 at least along the Peoria (Kellogg 19233192). Marquette remarked that the Illinois ads all their utensils of wood and ladles out off horn (JR 593129). Pneulably ”all utensils” refers to serving dishes: wooden platters were used at a feast given in his honor (JR 593123). Cooking vessels were both the brass trade kettles and pottery vessels in the 1690's. Deliette mentioned the inclusion of either a 8‘11 kettle or pet in the grave. (functional and ceremonial equivalentsXCIHS 23.357). A large pottery vessel was used as a drum on occasions, a skin stretched across the top with water 56 inside the vessel to moisten the skin to improve the tone (CIHS 233386- 7 3 Anderson 1896317“). By the 1760's pottery was not used, but how rapidly brass kettles had replaced pottery is not known. Bark dishes and wooden spoons also were used (JR 633289). In 1687 the Illinois had both iron and stone knives; the stone ones being of at least two sizes. Beschfer, who sent an ethnographic collec- tion back to France, differentiated between a "dagger" and a "knife" and a large and small dagger. He also added that the handle of one which was missing could be easily replaced as "it consists merely of a piece of wood of no particular shape" (JR 633281). Deliette mention- ed that the women preferred using a shell to a knife in scraping the kernels of corn from the cob (CIHS 2333““). Fire was made by means of a fire drill before the use of a strike- anlight and flint. A piece of white cedar with a notch cut in it was placed on dry grass or rotten wood. A stick of blackberry wood, with the end shaped to fit the hole in the cedar was turned rapidly in the hand (CIHS 233317). The Illinois did not use. the birch bark canoe, these being too fragile for the snag filled Illinois and Mississippi rivers, instead they used hollowed out tree trunks. These perogues, as the French called them, were quite large and were said to carry “0-50 men (Ander- son 19013145). Ganbling was a favorite pastime of the men, one game being played with straws and markers of beans from the locust tree. They would stake all their property on the game, even their sisters (CIHS 233351-52). There were other games also. ”The most common game for men is one using the pits of certain fruits, which they stain black on one side and red 57 on the other, the pits are put on a plate of wood or bark, a blanket, a coat, or a robe of dressed skin. Six or eight people play... The purpose of this is to mix the six pits. If five pits come with the same side up, red or black, that is counted as only one throw gained, because generally a game consists of a certain number of throws as set by the players" (Cross 1938356-7). Structures In the villages the houses possibly were arranged in rows on "Streets” (JR 673163). The size probably varied but most were said to have contained 4 to 5 fires (JR 593123). La Salle indicated that there were from five to six families in each cabin (Anderson 1901385), although he does not indicate the size or composition of the family unit. Rouensa's family is said to consist of 15 individuals (JR 6#3 233) but the composition of it is not fully known, the only members appearing in the historic records include Rouensa, his wife, a daughter and Rcuensads younger‘brother; Fifteen to twenty individuals per cabin is mentioned as average in 1750 (JR 6931h7). Charlesvoix, speaking of Algonkian groups in general, said that the houses were from 15-2- feet wide and sometimes a hundred feet in length (Kellogg 19233177). House remains from the Anker and Oak Forest sites which are earlier but probably of related Algonkian groups, have similar houses. Structures varying from 25-32 feet in length and 13-15 feet in width were found at Oak Forest and a house 55 x 13' at Anker (Bluhm and Lies 196131013 Bluhm and Fenner 1961mm. The framework of the house was made of saplings bent over and fastened at the top. The cabins were covered with mats made of rushes and the floor was also covered with mate. The houses could be easily dismantled and the mats carried to the winter village (ems 233308). There was only one 58 entrance (Mereness 1916371) and the cabins were said to be wind, snow and rain proof (Cross 1938365). Apparently different houses were used on the hunt, possibly bark covered (CIHS 233308). A number of different types of houses were distinguished in the French translations of the Illinois terms; the menstrual hut, a large or long cabin, small cabin, round cabin and a large round cabin (Belting n.d.). The small menstrual huts were constructed near the house. A kind of scaffolding or ramada was made for summer use (CIHS 233372). The large cabin or large round cabin may have been a structure used only for ceremonial occasions. There are indications that this may have been a building set apart for holding council meetings, housing honored guests, and for religious occasions (Kellogg 192331953 Bossu 17713188). The large villages in the late 1600's did not have any protective stockade, the village being spread out, scattered along the bank of a river or lake. There is reference to a Michigamea woman being killed at the gate of her village in 1722, which suggests that the village was surrounded by a fence or stockade of some sort (HSHS 163461), and the Haterman site'village had a stockade. Life Cycle Birth took place in the menstrual hut. Deliette informs us that in case of a difficult birth a group of young men surrounded the hut, beat on it, shot off guns and made war cries. Prior to her return to her husband's cabin, the cabin was cleaned; the ashes removed from the fireplace and a new fire lit. The woman also cleansed herself by bathing before her return (CIHS 23,35h-5), No information is provided on the naming of children or if there 59 were clan owned names. 'nue Illinois Dictionagz may suggest naming practices in the French translations of the Illinois, ”3e te none” and “men patron" but these may well refer to baptismal practices. Girls at first menstruation were expected to construct a but at some distance from the village and remain there for its duration. They were urged to fast to receive visions and power (CIRS 23:355). No mention is made of whether boys were expected to fast for visions, but most likely they were. During subsequent menses the woman would occupy the small menstrual hut near her cabin. Marriage procedures were generally instituted while the man was absent from the village. His father, or the father's brother, gathered a variety of goods together, according to their wealth, and had them taken by female relatives to the home of the desired bride. 'nae boy's father asked that he might warm himself at the fire and that he might have moccasins, as it was the woman who built the cabins, supplied the firewood and dressed the skins (CIES 23:332). A similar formula was used among the Miami and Shawnee (Trowbridge 1938341). The girl's brothers are said to have determined whom their sister would accept (JR 65:67). If the prOposed alliance was not satisfactory the gifts were returned. If accepted, the girl's family then dressed here carefully and went with her to the man's home bearing gifts. This was done four times and the last time she stayed (0133 23:333). Bossu coalented that marriage: "...has no other form than the mutual consent of the parties.. .whenever they are dissatisfied with each other they separate without ceraow..." (Bossu 17713128). The Indians complained to Deliette that the French had caused changes 60 in the .3. of marriage (in the 1690's) and that formerly a man had to have gone on several war parties and would be 25-30 years old before marriage. The girls were also around 25. The age changed, they said, for some men married before 20 and girls under 18 (CHIS 233330). Polygamy was common, generally sororal polygamy. The French did not succeed in changing this entirely as it was still practiced in 1752 (Bossu 17713128). Upon the death of her husband a woman should not marry for a year or her husband's family had the right to scalp her (CIHS 233334). If the husband remarried shortly after 'the death of his wife to a woman of another family, his late wife's relatives had the right to break into the cabin and destroy articles within it (CIHS 233361). Infidelity was punished often by scalping the woman (CIHS 233337)! another source says that their noses were out off (JR 58399). It is not clear from Deliette's account whether another Illinois punishment for adultery was the practice of ”putting a woman on the prairie” as it was usually called on the Plains. ”Others inflict another punishment: they post some thirty young men on a road by which they know that their wives must pass in going to the woods. As soon as they see her, the husband issues from the ambuscade and says to his wife; As I know that you are fond of men I offer you a feast of them - take your fill. Her cries are futile; several of then hold her, and they enjoy her one after the other" (CIRS 233335). Often the lover might be attacked by the husband. If he survived there was no complaint from his relatives, but if he died his brothers or close relatives would take vengence despite gifts (CIHS 233337)- The Illinois appear to have practiced both primary inhumation and secondary reburial. Deliette in the 1690's described an extended 61 primary burial. The face and hair of the individual were painted red, a new shirt, leggings and moccasins were put on , and the body covered with a robe. The grave was dug as long as the body and a little wider and was lined on the bottom and sides with wood from an old dugout canoe. ”They put a little kettle or earthen pot, about a double handful of corn, calumet, a pinch of tobacco, a bow and arrows...." (CIHS 233357). Forked sticks were placed at the head and foot ends of the grave with a cross piece between, then a grave shelter was built over this framework. If the dead man was a war chief a large tree was peeled, pinted and decorated with pictures of his achievements. The tree was stuck into the ground near the grave. As soon as possible the nmbers of the various villages gathered to dance for his funeral (OIHS 233357-9). The dance appears to have been repeated at the year's end (Anderson 18963174). J outel, also from the same period as Deliette's account (1680- 1690) describes another practice. ”mien any of them dies they wrap them up in skins, and then put them into Coffins made of the Barks of Trees...” (Anderson 18963174). La Salle mentioned3 ”...Scaffolds where the Illinois are accustomed to leave their dead hanging for a long while before burial " (Anderson 19013211). It is possible that the differential treatment was due to status, . some buried immediately and others emposed first. "They pay a Respect. to their Dead, as appears by their special care of burying them, and even of putting into lofty Coffins the Bodies of such as are considerable among them, as their chiefs and others ..." (Anderson 1896317“). 62 Although Deliette describes a primary inhumation and speaks of a post for a war chief he does not indicate that they are one and the same burial. He also mentions a variety of other practices, so this does not conflict with Joutel. In 1723 Father Rasle stated: "It is not their custom to bury the dead; they wrap them in skins and hang them by the feet and head to the tops of trees“ (JR 67:167). his was only one step in the mortuary procedure and Father Rasle apparently did not witness the remainder. Prisoners who were killed by torture were not buried (Kellogg 1923:186). There were some specialized burial areas in which graves were marked. his post for a chief as mentioned is one type of marker, and probably smaller ones were used for ordinary peOple. Grave houses were also made. lhe Iroquois on their march from Starved Rock to the mouth of the Illinois are said to have destroyed burial places enroute (Anderson 1901:213). Religion The French, especially the priests insisted that the Illinois had no religion; by this they meant no formal religious institutions. me calumet was the most important representative of the super- natural. ”here is nothing more awsterious or more respected among them” (JR 59:131). more was one calmnet for war and one for peace, the feathers decorating the stem of the war pipe were red, and on the peace pipe a variety of colors. Marquette tells us that the functions of the oalumet Observances were to end disputes, strengthen alliances and deal with strangers. It was also necessary to perform the ceremoxv before bathing at the beginning of the summer and before eating the first fruits of the harvest. The calumet dance was for important 63 events, making peace, uniting for war, public rejoicing and for honoring a nation or person (JR 593131, 133). The importance of the calumet ceremony may be a late development (J. A. Brown 1965193). The ceremony was held in a large cabin in the winter, and in a shaded field in the summer. A rush mat was laid in the center of the area on which the calumet was placed, medicine bags and weapons were laid beside it. The calumet ceremony appeared to the French to have three different parts. First, as each participant entered, he danced with the calumet, sometimes offering it to the sun and earth. Secondly, there was a mock combat staged, one warrior having weapons ‘ and the other only the calumet. Following this each warrior present took the calumet in his hands, recited his war deeds and received presents from the giver of the dance. Games of 2_l_a_ £33393 also had a ceremonial meaning. A game of 13 £595.93 was played before the village left on its summer hunt (CIHS 23.3b1) and a game of lgflgrgggg_could be substituted for a dance at the funeral of a warrior if he had preferred the game to the dance. All warriors had individual medicine bags. "Every young man has a little mat made of the round reeds I have mentioned which grow in the marshes. The women dye them‘black, yellow and red, and make them about three feet long and two feet wide. They fold over one end about a foot in the form of a comb case and in it they put some of these birds of which I have spoken" (cms 23.375)- A list of some of the birds is also given by Deliette: stone falcons, crows, carrion crows, turtle doves, ducks, swallows, martins and - parrots (ems 23:375). These individual bundles, that is the birds mentioned, were combined with the war leader's when they were on the warpath (CIHS 233379). The bundles are said to have consisted of the skin of a bison, bear, other animals and birds (JR 66:233). Sacrifices 6% might be made to the bundle, especially sacrifices of dogs. The priests were disturbed by the native practices. ”In public they perform a hundred mnameries full of impiety; and talk to the skins of animals, and to dead birds, as divinities. They claim that medicinal herbs are gods, from whom they have life, and that no others must be worshipped. Everyday they sing songs in honor of their little manitous as they call them (JR 614:187). ”I saw a little dog suspended at the end of a pole stuck into the ground. I had never seen anything of the kind since I had been among the Illinois. I was astonished, for I was not yet convinced by actual experience that they hung up dogs or other animals to stay diseases" A ceremony honoring an unusual manitou was given in 1756 by the Peoria and witnessed by Bossu. The manitou appears to have been for the whole village and apparently was some abnormal animal. The shamans had their bodies and faces covered with designs in clay and had on head- dresses of feathers and horns. This manitou did not last long as Bossu convinced them it was evil, got it turned over to him and sent its bones to France for examination (Bossu 1771: 190-191). There were probably bundles owned by clans and lineages, but evid- ence for this is lacking. Some bundles were used for curing. Sucking the afflicted area and then producing a bear's tooth, claw, etc., as evidence of the cause of illiness was practiced (JR 66:233. 235). They also used a variety of herbal medicines and were quite skillful at curing wounds (ems 23.267). More general beliefs are only mentioned briefly : 'They recognise a good and evil spirit to whom they give a few attributes. They believe also in metemsychosis” (Hereness 1916:71). Charlesvoix has the sole mention of soceryp most likely practices 65 such as this would be concealed as much as possible from the priests. ”They make small figures to represent those whose days they have a mind to shorten, and which they stab to the heart. At other times they take a stone and by means of certain invocations, they pretend to form such another in the heart of their enemy" (Kellogg 1923:15h). As noted by Kinietz (191+O:215) the Illinois seem to have had the Grand Medicine Society or Hide. The account given by Deliette mentions both male and female participants, characteristic of the Hide, but not of other ceremonial associations. Deliette reported that they constructed an enclosure "half an arpent square" to which the medicine men and women came with their medicine bags and rattles. 'niey then performed a series of mock death and resuscitations to impress the public (CHIS 23069-371). The ceremonies and their effects were very definitely expressed by Deliette in terms of social control. One shaman had rattlesnakes with their fangs drawn which he planned to use to impress the youth. He stated the function of this: ”...it was done for a good purpose; it was necessary that the young men should fear them when the medicine men remonstrated with them" (CIHS 23:3715). Warfare War was the major occupation of men between the ages of twenty and forty. me Illinois had been warring with the Sioux in the 1640's and continued to fight with them and the Iroquois; in later years the Fox were the most dangerous and persistent enemies of the Illinois. 1Prior to starting on a war party, the leader made a feast and invited the warriors he wanted to join him. Then there was dancing with 1. This section is based on (Kellogg 1923:1873 CIHS 23:376-387). 66 prayers to their medicine bundles for assistance in the coming battle. All the men's personal bundles were combined with the leader's. The war party left the village at night and camped some distance away from it. They set up caches of food at various places on their route and arranged meeting places in case they were pursued and became separated on their return. The least experienced member of the party had the duties of preparing the food and repairing the moccasins. The enemy camp was scouted out carefully and then attacked at day break. Their main interest was in taking prisoners alive, as prisoners were valuable for trade as slaves, or in the case of the Iroquois, desired for'revenge. The returning war party contrived to arrive outside the village in the evening and word of their accomplishments were sent into the village. If one of their party! had been killed the leader cans into the village painted with mud and had to give presents to the relatives of the deceased. He was expected to go out again soon to revenge the death. If all had returned safely a prominent man of the village invited the war party to a feast. In the morning the men dressed the prisoners in finery and entered the village. The prisoners were left outside the cabin to sing their death song while the war party feasted. The council decided to whom the prisoners should be granted to replace those killed in war. ‘ ”...if anyone of their warriors has been killed, and they think it a duty to replace him in his cabin, they give to this cabin one of their prisoners who takes the place of the deceased; and this is what they call resuscitating the dead” (JR 67.173). If the prisoner was allowed to live he was taken into the cabin, whether as a slave or actual adopted replacement it is not clear. Deliette 67 says that few were granted their lives, but the period he spent in Illinois country was a period of intensive conflict with the Iroquois who were the one generally captured then. It is likely that members of other groups were more readily assimilated. Women and children are said to have been spared generally in the attacks on Pawnee and Quapaw. Charlevoix said that if a prisoner's life was to be granted two young peOple untied the prisoner and ran with his to the river where he and they plunged in. After a ceremonial washing he was talcen to the cabin where he was to live. If the prisoner was slated to die, he died by fire. his does not appear to have been originally an Illinois custom but one which was taken over from the Iroquois. ”It was the Iroquois who invented this frightful manner of death and it is only the law of retaliation that the Illinois, in their turn treat these Iroquois prisoners with equal cruelty“ (JP. 67:175). War parties to the south and west to the Qtnpaw and Pawnee appear to have had a different composition fro- those going into Iroquois country. The Iroquois were bitterly hated, dangerous enemies and only warriors went against then. 'me Pawnee and Quapaw were considered a source of slaves and Deliette says that almost the whole village would go on these war parties. (ClliS 23:386). CHAPTER IV THE ZIMMERMAN SITE - LS 13 Location . i The older of the two aroheological sites of the Illinois examined is the "Grand Village of the Illinois", as it was called by the French, which was occupied between 1673-1680 and 1683-1692. In the two year interval the Illinois moved west of the Mississippi. The Zimmerman site (Ls 13) represents a portion of the Grand Village. The Zimmerman site is located in La Salle County, Illinois in the .NH 1}, Section 23, Township 33 N, Range 2 East and the NE portion of Section 22. The site was first excavated in 190:? through a joint project of the Illinois State Museum and the University of Chicago under Dr. John HeGregor and Dr. Kenneth Orr. The site is on the north bank of the Illinois River between Ottawa and Utica across from Starved Rock State Park. The Park takes / its name from the prominent physiographic feature known to the French as $2 rocher. This is a landmark on the river and was the site of In Sell. and Tonti's Fort St. Louis, built in 1683. Parkman (1910: 239-241) believed that the Illinois village was on the former location of the modern village of Utica. However, ““9333 have not concurred with this (Garraghan 19318 Temple 1966)- A s“illcly of all available historical documents concerning the location °f tile village was carried out in 1%6 (Tucker 1947). A condensed 68 69 version of this manuscript appeared in an earlier report on the site (J. A. Brown 1961) and will not be repeated in detail. ”The village of the Illinois was on the edge of the river, on the north side... The Aramoni [Vermillop] River... goes to join the Illinois river a little more than 2 leagues below the village (Margry 231210. Two leagues above the village was the Pestogonki River Eb. Fog] (cms 23:306) and six leagues above was a rapids at the present Harsailles, Illinois. A league is equal to between two and two and a half miles, in the French usage of the time. Until the dam was built at the foot of Starved Rock, there was a rapids there also; presumably this is the portage that Marquette refers to; ”In the spring and during part of the smaller there is only one portage of half a league. We found on it a village of Illinois called Kaskaskia, consisting of 71+ cabins" (JR 59:161). La Salle left two men to guard baggage on an island near the village; the island was between two rapids (Anderson 1901:229). The village extended east or upstream from the rapids. 'nle Franqelin map of 1688 (Tucker l9l&2:Plate XIb) showed the Illinois on the north bank of the river slightly upstream from Starved Rock, but the location was not very specific. Hrs. Tucker found that the reading of ”six leagues" as given in hrgry for the distance between Ft. St. Louis on Starved Rock and the village was an error in transcription and that the correct distance was half a league (Tucker l9h735). Half a league is between one and one and a quarter miles; the western edge of the area designated the Zinerman site is approximately three-quarters of 70 a nile fro- Starved Rock. In short the Grand Village was on the north side of the river between two rapids, below the Fox river, above the Vernillon and approximately a ails upstreaa froa Starved Rock. The Zinernan site and areas east and west which exhibit scatterings of historic uter- ial answer the description of the location. The 1673 village was a snall one with 7'4» cabins; by 1675 seven other groups of the Illinois had joined the Kaskaskia. In 1680 the settlement of 11-60 cabins was said to extend along the river for a league and to be a quarter of a league in width (back from the river) (Anderson 19013195). The settlenent was interpreted by the earlier excavators as being formed of village units. each unit separated slightly spatially and representing a different group of the Illinois. It is likely that this is a correct interpretation of the settlement pattern. Evidence has the later villages at Lake Piaiteoui indicat- es. that this type of layout was followed there (JR 653197). The naJor historic coaponent examined in recent work at the Zimmn site appears to be deli-ited on the east by a saall slough and to extend west froa there approxinately 1500 feet. west of this liait there is an area with very few traces of h’istoric occupation. further west again there is his- toric aaterial. but this area was only tested in 19+? and not excavated since. The area excavated at the Zia-crash site (Figure 1+) had one aajor historic conponent, naaed the Donner coaponent by the earlier excava- tors based on a pottery style which was found consistently throughout. Saall aaount of other styles of pottery were found which probably rep- resented other coeval conponents. The banner component is considered 71 to represent one of the village units within the Illinois settlement. The other conponents represented in small amounts, probably are from other village units. All historical and geographical evidence points to the Zimmerman site as being a portion of at least the pro-1680 village. It is probable that when the Illinois returned to the area in 1683 they settled in the vicinity of their for-er village. The tine interval between the two occupations is so short that it is impossible to deter» nine, using aroheological methods, which settlement the site represents. The interpretation of the affiliations of the Banner conponent offered by the earlier workers also contributed a further source of confusion. When the site was excavated in 1997, little was known of the early historic period and of native pottery styles. The only well-known sites were the Fort Ancient ones (Griffin 1943) materials which had been suggested as belonging to Shawnee. The pottery froa Zinnernan was different froa any found earlier in the Illinois area and shared some very generalized resenblances to Fort Ancient materials. This, and the occurrence of a Shawnee village on the north bank on the Franquelin 1688 map, caused the pottery and the historic Danner component to be tentatively assigned to the Shawnee. Subsequent work has shown that body and decorative treatment share strong siailiarities over a. large portion of the upper Midwest, which appears to be a style zone, perhaps equivalent to the area occupied by the Central Algonkian. Characteristic throughout the area.are| vessels with added rin strips or fillets; notched lips. notching often done with the finger: grooved paddle and cord Iarked bodies, generally carefully impressed; and swell strap handle sometines 72 : enema case 3.3.3. siesta .I..I 0308’s. .00. .89. :2 - .228. a... cue; one. See. avo— IIIQD .30. DH ( ‘20 0—-..— Ogn COEsOEB—mN 73 decorated. Vessel form is almost entirely wide-mouthed jars. In consequence the assessment of Danner as Shawnee is not necessarily valid. the only historical evidence for the Shawnee on the north bank of the river is the 1688 map. It is probable that the Zimmerman site represents a portion of the Illinois village and not a Shawnee village. Environment Between the Fox River at Ottawa and the Little Vermillon at La Salle the Illinois flows westward in a valley one and a half to two miles wide, the bluffs rising about 150 feet abruptly to the uplands on both sides. By the Zimmerman site the river is divided by several islands, one, Delbridge being quite large. Here the terrace on the north extends for a mile back to the bluffs and is about seven and a half miles long (Bauxar 1953; Bauer, Cady, Cowles 1918). The prairie comes nearly to the edge of the bluffs and its margin is covered with oak forest in- cluding white oak (Quercus alba), red oak (Q. rubra), bur oak (Q. macrocarpa), the black oak (Q. veltina) and often shag bark hickory (Carya ovata). The bottomlands has willows (Salix fluviatilis and S. nigia), box elder (Acer negundo), the river maple (A. saccharine), walnut (Juglans nigra). hackberry (Celtis occidentalis), the white ash (Fraxinus americana) and the cotton wood (Populus deltoides) (Sauer, Cady. Cowles 1918.131. 138-9). The river terrace and especially the islands which were probably inundated annually were very fertile farning land. The availability of several ecological zones and especially long strips of forest edge made the site well suited for utilizing a variety of resources. Nearby marshy areas were and still are havens for large numbers of water birds. 7h Excavation Vork under the direction of the author was carried out in the summers of 1970 and 1971 for the La Salle County Historical Society in the area of the site designated as Grid A. A site report has been prepared which includes details on methods of excavation and a complete analysis of the data recovered (manuscript in author's possession). Only the data directly pertinent to this study will be presented here. Village layout and structures Host of the historic accounts from the 1670's and 1680's came from the Grand Village so the aroheological evidence should corroborate ‘ and expand on the historic documents. The village had a lineal settlement pattern. ”The village. which was situated on the north bank of the river, along which it extended for a league, and a quarb ter of a league in width. had no wall or entrenchment" (Anderson 19013195). ” They are housed in 351 cabins. which are easily counted, as most of them are situated upon the bank of the river” (JR 60:159). An earlier village mentioned by Dablon at another location was said to be three leagues long ”the cabins being placed lengthwise” (JR 5“: 167). Unfortunately the most choice house sites and probably the most thoroughly utilized land has been washed into the river. The construc- tion of a dam at Starved Rock raised the water level ten feet. covering most of the islands. In 19“? it was estimated that the river had already washed out a fifteen feet deep strip along the north bank. Erosion has continued since themtand probably increased with the deposition of silt in the channel and raising of the water level,so that about thirty feet may have been lost. Many features can be seen eroding out of the cut bank. There may hays been ”streets” or open spaces dividing rows 75 of houses such as Marquette indicated for the Peoria village (JR 59:132). Hush of this regretably remains speculation for the Zimmerman site as due to the depth of the plow zone and the loss into the river, most of the evidence for houses and house floors has been destroyed. The earlier excavations uncovered an occupation level in several places. five short rows of post molds possibly forming one or more structures were located but not traced out. Also a slightly curved row of postmolds was interpreted as the possible remains of a rectan- gular structure. . An ovoid patch of yellow sand 2-3 inches deep and measuring 9.5' east/west and 6' north/south was uncovered but only five postmolds were located. If this was a structure its long axis would be parallel Ito the river (Bauxar 1953:19). , Increased disturbance from plowing in the last 23 years frustrated attempts to recover complete house patterns. In 1970 a small circular structure 13' in diameter was located, but the floor was gone in the plow zone. An intensive search for structural remains was carried on in 1971 by one of the students on the project. Charles Orser, who succeeded in establishing several post mold lines that he was able to classify as structures, even though he was unable to follow out the entire struct- - ure. He was able to delineate 2 arcs which presumably were the ends of a roughly rectangular structure. the curvature not being such as to imply a circular one. These remains suggested building widths of ten and eleven feet. . In another area regularly spaced postmolds suggested a circular structure about 12' in diameter. In addition to these probable struc- I tures a more well-defined one was located north of the circular structure, 76 composed of a line of postmolds defining an end wall and a portion of one side wall. The exact width was not determined but the end was 7' long, the well made a right angle turn and 19' of the side wall was followed out. Although several other patterns were examined none could even be classified as possibilities. From the extreme shallowness of the postmolds remaining, two to three inches, it is evident that the majorb ity of the soil had been disturbed. Artifact Categories It is realized that the division of the material into functional categories is to a certain extent arbitrary. Many items may have had multiple functions for example, decorative objects often had religious connotations. The grouping of the items is based on the historical accounts and on later ethnographic studies of related groups by which the function of most items can be ascertained. Winter's (1969) func- tional categories have been used as a general outline with modifications where it was necessary. 9g” and Ornaments As could be expected from the type of clothing described in the ethnohistoric section there are no aroheological remains of clothing. The hides, woven belts and porcupine quill decorations have all decayed. Evidence for some ornaments remains. There were items of both local materials and of European manufacture. Some European materials were modified by the Indians to suit their cultural needs. The glass seed beads are one of the most common European trade items found. The majority of the snll beads (ca. 2mm dia.) are blue-green. 77 but there are a few white and black ones, and a single red one was found in l9h7. Beads are not plentiful, the total for the 1970-71 seasons is 53. Blue-green necklace beads, a larger size bead (ca. 6 mm die.) are also not plentiful (18). No other type of glass bead was found. Small brass beads were made from strips cut from brass kettles, these beads are about 6 mm long and 2 mm in diameter. Several beads when found,- were still strung together on rawhide strips (total 55). Pieces from brass kettles also were cut and made into tinklers. These were sewn to moccasins or clothing to create a jingling sound. Brass wire was used for ornaments. Pieces of this wire are sometimes found made into large springlike objects which from their occurrence with burials appear to have been used as earrings or as part of a head- dress. These coils are large, ca. 3 cm in diameter. Although these were sometimes found at the ears, others appear to have been located beside the head in a manner suggesting their use in the hair. Two different burials had 6 coils each, three on each side of the head, possibly these were worn with locks of hair woven through them similar to the usage of copper tubes in some areas (Quimby 1966336). A set of three matched bone tubes may also have been used in this way. These tubes were made from bird bone and showed marks from an iron file on the exterior. They were 3 cm long and highly polished. The Indians modified some of the glass beads. Eight fragmentary native made glass objects were found. These had been formed by grind- ing up small glass beads into a powder, moistening then probably with saliva as a binding agent to form a paste and then heating them on a piece of brass until the glass melted and fused together (Ubelaker and Bass 1970). None of the pieces were whole so it could not be told what 78 type of decorative object these represented but they appear to have been circular. It is not know where this manufacturing technique was. developed but these fragments are the earliest which have been found (H. K. Brown 1972). General utility tools Iron was very poorly preserved and highly corroded so that only a few pieces were identifiable. A French clasp knife blade was found in 19”? and what appears to be a small clasp knife in a metal case in 1971. Although iron knives were present they were probably scarce and Beachfer in 1687 says that the Illinois continued to use stone knives, of which he sent examples to France (JR 633281). He mentions ”A stone dagger... another and smaller dagger. A stone knife" (JR 633281). Vhat the distinctions were between daggers and knives he does not explain. It is possible that these represent size differences. Two different groupings of knives were noted from the excavations for - size and shape. The smaller knives ranged from 25-h2 mm in length. ‘The larger ones were up to 68 mm in_length. The small knives and pro- Jectile-points might be used as functional equivalents, Father Rasle stated ”...if knives are lacking, they use arrows also for flaying the animals which they kill" (JR 67:169).' Stone scrapers showed usage on the end, side or sometimes both. A few were carefully unifaciallychipped3 these were humpbacked and pear shaped. others were made on flat tabular flakes. Some of these may have been used in the working of hides. Although bone preservation was good, no bone beamers were found. Two fragmentary iron axes were found in 1997. I I 79 Veapgn ‘ Although from historical records it is known that guns were present at the village, no gun parts, flints or musket balls have been found. Doubtlessly the materials were scarce and well cared for, but it is surprising that nothing has yet been found. Small triangular flint projectile points were found but were not abundant, the 23 found ranged in length from 17-37 mm. A bone point recovered was of the triangular shape of the flint ones but it had serrations. There was one brass point and a large triangular piece of iron which may have been a projectile point or merely a fragment with that shape. It appears to have been made from a spoon, strainer or such, with a riveted handle. A broken bone harpoon was 7 cm long with a single barb. This piece represents the tip so there may have been additional barbs. Fabricat %md processing tools Bone needles used to assist in weaving the mats for lodges seem to have been of at least two types. One is shaped like an oversized crochet hook with a round shaft of interdeterminate length but preserved to 19.5 cm long. The other, a more common variety, appears from the curvature to have been made from the ribs of some fairly large animal. No complete specimens have been found. The longest fragment is 21.8 cm long. These needles seem to have had at least 2 perforations in the base, and the tip is rounded and polished from use. Perforators or awls of stone, bone and iron were used. Bone ones might have been used as awls for piercing holes in hides in preparation for sewing as would the iron awls, only 2 of which have been found. Small stone perforators with a diamond cross-section were probably 80 reamers and used on Mrder uterials such as drilling the bowl of a pipe. Two showed a high polish from use. Tools used in the flaking of stone tools were made from both antler and bome. antler being the most common. generally unmodified times with a blunt end. Bone flakers were more smoothed and shaped with slightly beveled tips. A smell stone hammer, found in a pit with an unusually large number of flint chips, was probably also used in chipping flint. Fragments of eight sandstone abrmders were found, some with wide shallow channels which were used in pairs to smooth the surface of an arrow shaft and others with narrow grooves presumably used to sharpen bone awls etc. Chert spokeshsves with chipped semi-lunar notches along the edge were found. These were used for shaving down sticks for initial smoothing in preparation of an arrow shaft. A frag-ntary bone tool of the type generally celled a shaft wrench had two perforations, one 1.9 cm in duster, the other was broken. Several small pointed fish spines cut at the base were located together. These may have been blanks for needles. Utensils Not unexpectedly, no wooden utensils or even fragments have been found. Pottery, slthopgh consistently present. is not abundant and msnyofthe fragments were 2cmor1essinsise. OulySwhole or restorable vessels have been found but anestiuted total of 60 vessels are represented by fragments from the later excavations. The pottery which occurs consistently and which is represented by the whole vessels is of the Banner component (Keller 19'”). This pottery is shell tempered with grooved paddle and cordmarhed bob treatment which ends at the shoulder, the rim is smooth. Both body treatments are fairly carefully applied, the impressions may be diagonal, vertical or horizontal. Rims 81 are flaring. lips are notched or ispressed with sons object. frequently the finger tip. Straphandles in hourglass shape. either plain or with incised design, are known. Vessels appear to have come in a variety of sises. including ainature vessels of which no couplets ones were recovered. Restored vessels varied froa 16 to 32 on in depth. The saaller pots have rounded buttons, the larger vessels are subconcoidal. Presumbly it is the larger type of pot which was used on occasions as a drum. Although the nest frequently found European asterisls on the site were brass kettle frag-ants it is not possible to estimate vessel number. Two kettle lugs were found. but all else is scrap, aost of which is ertrssely snall. too s-ll for any further utilisation . Sore fragrants showed patches; it appears that brass was a highly valued uterial and in short supply. Horticultural tools flees Id. from bison scapula were used for horticultural work. the spine. anterior border and sometimes the axillary borders were cut off and the entire glenoid cavity renoved. The vertebral border generally shows extensive wear. There is a perforation in the center of the scapula presumably used for hafting which also shows signs of wear. Antler digging tools were used. These are unsodified antlers which were probably lashed to a handle. The end tines show extensive wear and polish. Recreational eguipgnt If they used pluastones and bean aarkers these did not survive. Althoua: sons charred plusstones were found. they are as likely to be the reaains of food as part of the game. However. ssall bone counters 82 were found. These are small, 22-25 mm long cylindrical pieces of bone with rounded ends. A small flat disc shaped piece of bone was found which may also have been a counter or used in a similar fash- ion to the plumstones. Smoking might well be characterised as both recreational and ceremonial. No ceremonial pipes of redstone (probably catlinite) such as were mentioned by Marquette (JR 59:131) were found. A pipe bowl of a white chalky stone only partly completed and a roughly shaped blank for a pipe out of the same type of stone were found. From the appearance of the unfinished forms these pipes would have had,if conpleted,a rough cylindrical shape not more than 33mm long. Ceremonial Equipment The sole item which may relate to religious practices is a brass snake, 61 mm long, it is cleverly fashioned from a piece of B-sectioned trade wire. Snakes were important in some religious activities (CIHS 233371). Similar snakes. though of native copper have been found on earlier sites (Bluhm and L135 1961) ( Quimby 1966b). Burials A total of 27 individuals from the historic component have been found at the Zimmerman site. Table 5 gives a brief summary of these. Sixteen of these were children or infants, there was one adolescent, five adult males, two adult females and three adults of unknown sex. Although the large number of children may indicate a high rate of infant mortality it is necessary to view this with caution since there is a small total sample. In addition it is likely that there was a designated area where the majority of the adult burials took place. An area west Burial Number 11 12 13 1h 22 23 24 25A 253 26 83 Table 5 Burials - Zimmerman site Position flexed extended extended bundle bundle bundle bundle flexed bundle extended bundle extended bundle bundle bundle bundle Sex M Age 30-h0 2- 2.5 l- 1.5 Adult “5-55 45-55 11-12 2.5-3.5 12-20 mo. 27-35 25-40 1.5-3 “0-50 25-30 6-7 7-9 18 mo, 25-30 21-27 mo. 18-24 m0. Adult Remarks Danner Grooved paddle pot blue seed and necklace beads, blue tubular bead, 6 brass coils beads(unknown type) 2 brass coils ragments of skull in refuse pit no artifacts no artifacts (in pit with 7.8.9) no artifacts a brass coils with 8 or 9 see above communal pit with 12,13,1h partial burial, legs cranial fragments no artifacts 6 brass coils 3 brass tubes,1 necklace bead axe iron tool, compass blue necklace beads with A or B see above partial burial, leg and pelvis Burial Number 27 84 Table 5 (cont'd.) Position Sex Age Remarks bundle 2-4 no artifacts bundle 5 children blue seed beads, 2 brass (ranging from coils neonate to ca. Syrs. 85 of the Banner component village was tested in l9h7, the only features found here were burials and more were located than were excavated. Only three of the adults (not counting a skull fragment in a refuse pit) were interred within the village proper. Two of these were in a pit originally dug to contain a child, and appear to be on the northern periphery of the village. The other adult burial was within the village area. As can be seen from'Table 6 there was a variety of burial treat- ments; two flexed burials, five extended and seventeen bundle burials, the predominant type. As was discussed in Chapter III differences in status may account for differential treatment, but the sample is not adequate to determine this with any degree of certainty. All burials for which orientation could be determined (5) were oriented.E/V with the head to the west. Eleven burials had associated goods (Table 5). Neither of the two females had any burial goods, but as one was represented only by one leg and half a pelvis this is not necessarily significant. 0f the five males identified only two had.burial goods. The males who had burial goods were bundle burials. Ear coils were found in the group of burials with another male, but it was indefinite with which individual they were associated. There is evidence that there were at least two methods of hand- ling the dead. In one an ovoid pit was dug nearly the length of the body. The body was placed in the grave with the head and upper part of the body raised slightly leaning against the west wall, burials 5, 13, and 23 were handled in this manner» There are indications that the graves were left open for some time. Deliette described the centruc- tien of a grave house (CIHS 23:357-8) and this was a common Algonkian practice (Bushnell: 1920). No indication of post molds were found for 86 Table 6 Burial Disposition by Age and Sex - Zimmerman site Extended Elgxgd ’ Eflflélfi. Unknown Child XXX X XXXXXX XX XXXXX Adolescent X Adult Male X X XXX Adult Female X ' X Amflt (sex unknown) x xx 87 Burial 5 and 13. Burial 23 had two at the east end of the grave but none were located at the west end. In the case of Burials l3 and 23 the graves were left open at least until additional burials were added. The burial pit may have been enlarged then in the case of Burial 23 and certainly had to be for Burial 13 to allow for accomedation of Burials ll, 12 and 11}. In the other method of disposal of the dead, the bodies were first placed on a scaffold until the flesh decayed, then the bones were collected and placed into graves either with other individuals or separately. This seems to have been a preferred treatment for children. It is also indicated by Joutel (Anderson 1896:1710 to be a treatment reserved for high ranking males. The grave which contained Burials 23.26 was a deep oval pit, which had been capped with approximately a 6 inch thick layer of grq clay. Feature 11 was noted as having a distinct gray clay oval cap also. However, below this cap there was no indication that the ground had been disturbed and no sign of usage of the pit. It is suggested that this might have been a symbolic grave, an empty grave dug for someone lest elsewhere. swistepcs In 1970 a stuw was done of the faunal remains (E. Cardinal 1971) which showed that the most important single species was the bison. which accounted for 51!.“ percent of the neat, elk contributed 19.8 percent, white tailed deer 10.2 percent and bear 6.3 percent. a number of smaller species were also used but did not make a substantial contribution to the diet. Remains of dogs were found in the refuse 88 pits and as dog meat was used for feasts, this can be considered part of the subsistence. Bird remains were not too plentiful, which is surprising con- sidering the suitable location of the site for obtaining birds. Turkey was the most plentiful, but duck and whistling swans were also present. De3pite Rasle's comments of the apparent indifference of the Illinois towards fish (JR 673171), there were a large number of fish remains. Turtles and mussels also constituted a minor part of the - diet. It is obvious that the Illinois utilized all major resource areas available to them, the woodland, prairie, savannas, streams and marshes. They appear to have concentrated on Species which would yield the high- est proportion of meat per animal as bison, elk and deer. Elk and bison were butchered mainly away from the village so that only certain portions were brought back. generally sections of long bones and occasionally ribs or vertebrae. The deer were largely between 2% - 3 years, an age when they would be in prime condition, which suggests a selective hunting pattern. From the Species present it appears that the site was occupied in the Spring, fall and summer which agrees with the historical evidence. Carbonized corn and beans have been found in abundance. Corn is both the 8 rowed and 10 rowed types and possibly also a 12 row. Watermelons were mentioned by the French and carbonized seeds occur, also squash seeds. In addition to cultivated plants, seeds of several wild species were retrieved from the pits: hickory nuts, walnuts, sunflower seeds, hackberry, sumac seeds and pecan shells. 89 Roots and tubers, presumably also used for food were not recover- ed but 5 roasting pits similar to those described by Deliette were found (see above page 50). The only real difference from the pits reported by him was the shape, they were not rectangular but large ovals. In the bottom of the pits were the remains of logs 2-4 inches in diameter completely carbonized, above this was a layer of fire- cracked rock with ash filling the interstices, then a thick layer of ash and earth. The sides of the pits were oxidized to a bright red from the heat. wood charcoal from the pits indicates species now present in the area: oak, hickory, sassafras, elm, hackberry, ash and walnut. There were smaller pits with ash but few stones also having the sides bright red from heat. Most likely these were earth ovens perhaps used to bake a kind of bread such as that mentioned by Joutel "Bread made of Indian corn, baked in the Embers" (Anderson 1896:176). The functions of the other pits were not so easily determined. Many appear to have been dug for storage of corn and other items. In 1970-71, out of 76 pits, #9 could be assigned to the historic per- oid due to the inclusion of'European materials and another 13 probably should be added to that on the basis of pit type and the presence of shell tempered pottery of the Danner complex. Sixteen of the pits located in 19“? were historic. Village Organization The lack of complete houses and preserved house floors limits severely attempts to detect social differences within the village. Some indications of possible social distinctions come from features 52-53, pits which are close together and whidnit is suggested, probably 90 belonged to the same household. These pits have a larger number of items ig_tgtg in comparison to other pits, they also share similari- ties in the artifacts which they have and in the quantities which occur. Several unusual items suggest a distinctive inventory: three matched bone tubes, native manufactured glass objects and a pipe blank. The assemblage from the pits is male related in content having projectile points, knives,bone flaking tools etc. Some type of communal activity is implied by the roasting pits, if the social interaction coincided with that observed by Deliette. Indications of status differentiations in the burials has already been discussed. Even if there were not historical records the scarcity of trade goods itself would suggest a very early historic site. The amount . of goods received from the traders at Green Bay or elsewhere must have been small. In 167“ there were two resident traders in the Illinois county and at least two or three Illinois actively participating in the fur trade (JR 59:175). However, that trade goods are at a premium is evidenced not only by their scarity but by the extensive reuse of brass. Although this migrt point only to the pro-1680 village, there is no way of estimating the amount of increase in trade goods in 1683 nor exactly how much of this would be reflected in the archeology. What has been found areheologically corresponds with the ethnohistoric description and can be taken as a fairly accurate picture of the Illinois culture in the 1600's. CHAPTER V THE WATERMAN SITE - R 122 ILocation The second village, the Waterman Site, a Michigamea village,is located in Randolph County. Illinois, Section 14, Range 10 West, Town- ship 5 South, in the vi; of the 32:14.1.L of the 53% and E% of the sure of the SEi, within the present Fort de Chartres State Park. It is probably the second village which the Michigamea occupied on the reserve. The Michigamea had been residing with the Kaskaskia and the French in the Kaskaskia village. About 1720 this village was divided into three villages, the French remaining in the original village, the Kaskaskia moving up the Kaskaskia River five or six miles and the Michigamea moving to a reserve near Fort de Chartres which had been set aside for then (Kellogg 1917.205). ”The tract of land laid down in the plat, bounded by the Coule de Nau, the Mississippi and the lower line of St. Philip was reserved for the Michigamea Indians (so-called) and was never conceded away either by the French or>English, and the allotments below the Fort never did extend further than the said base line as laid down in the plat. We have found its very boundaries as placed by the French govern- ment" (American Public Lands in Palm 1933:55). Documentation is slight, but the village which the Michigamea built in the 1720's was said to have been situated half a league from the first Fort de Chartres. "The most numerous [village] is on the banks of the Mississippi... Half a league below stands Fort de Chartres” (Kellogg 1923:205). At this period the Michigamea were said to have 200 warriors(Mereness.1916369) indicating a population around 900. 91 92 In 1752 the village was destroyed by a combined attack of Fox, Sioux. Chippewa, Winnebago, Potawatoni and Menoninee (cms 29.65%. About eighty Michigamea were killed or captured in this battle and the village was burned (Bossu 17713135). The probable site of this village has been located recently on an old bank of the Mississippi, the river having changed its course several times since. The site is on a wide ridge and there are traces of what are probably houses. The area is presently being farmed and materials which are turned up by the plow would suggest that this is the village of 1720-4752.1 The Michigamea built a new village on the reserve after the burning of the first and the Waterman site probably represents the post-aassacre village. The dates suggested by the material indicate an occupation from the mid-1750‘s to the 1770's and this village is known to have been about half a mile from Fort de Chartres. Later structures were built on the ridge in the 1820's - lBflO's, probably a house and several outbuildings. Pits and a well associated with this house were located. Environ-ant The village was situated on the floodplain on the northern bank of the Mississippi. About four miles to the east the bluffs rise to the rolling uplands. This area is below the boundary of the Prairie Peninsula and was not affected by later glaciations. Consequently the drainage systen.is well developed and many streams have cut deep ravines. Buffalo would have been found in the occasional open prairies on the l. The site was located by Irvin Peithnan and Ruth Gilster and the surfhce collection from the site is presently in their possession. 93 bluffs or further north and west. and white-tailed deer were plentiful. Fish could be obtained from some of the large shallow lakes on'the reserve. Hater fowl were attracted to the area by the quantity of marsh lands. There were a series of wooded zones present. At the edge of the river were willows (Salix fluviatilis) with cottonwood (Populus deltoides), elm (Ulmus americana. u. rubra), hackberry (Celtis occid- entalis) further back from the river. A large number of vines grew in this forest, morning glory, poison ivy, trumpet vine and grape. The major shrub was elderberry. In higher areas and on the talus of the bluffs were tulip trees and various species of oak and hickory. The low lying lands of the reserve were generally flooded every year and the soil was fertile. The site is situated on a fairly high sandy ridge running roughly north-south; even before the building of the levee the ridge was not covered by floods according to information given to Mr. Peithman by older inhabitants in the area (Irvin Peithman. personal communication 1971). To the east and north of the ridge tore sloughs or shallow lakes at the period of occupation of the site. These and the Coule de Nan probably represent remanents of old chan- nels of the Mississippi, but no studies have been made of meanders in this region. Mind erosion has been occurring on the western and southwestern sides of the ridge where two and a half to three feet has been lost. Leaching is also extensive on the site, edges of features and post- molde were hard to detect. 94 Excavation The site was excavated by the author in 1971 for the nlinois Depart-ant of Conservation. As for the Zimmerman site an extensive site report is being prepared so that only information necessary for this study will be included here. Village layout and structures There has been no appreciable deposition on the ridge following the absndonsent of the village and extensive erosion has occurred at least since the initiation of modern faruing. The aajor portion of the occupa- tion surface of the village has been blown away or incorporated in the plow zone, however, sore indications for village layout exist here than at Zinnernan. A sketch of the probable village layout as developed free the aroheological remains is given in Figure 5. The village was surround- ed by a stockade. The projected area enclosed by the stockade would have Mapproxinately #30 x 170 feet. within this area were located 13 structures. and the distribution of pits suggests the presence of two others outside the area of excavation. The excavations did not cover the entire site. Although extensive tests on the western side failed to disclose structures, there may be additional ones there. One large ’ area on the northwestern side was not crossed by the trenches used to explore the site. The structures appear to have been arranged roughly in two. possibly three rows, with "streets“ in between in a manner similar to that sug- gested for the early Peoria village (see above page 57). The long axis of the structures was roughly north-south, following the orientation of the rides. Tie stockade trench was encountered at several points and followed 95 m messes 2.- ..: courses - .3... $2.... a goo-3:0 96 for varying distances; the largest continuous section traced out being 60 feet. The trench was three to three and a half feet deep in portions of the site which had the least erosion; remanents of it in other parts were only a few inches deep. It was three to four feet wide. Although ~ careful examination was made by cutting the trench both horizontally and vertically, it was not possible to locate any postmolds. Despite the lack of postmolds it is presumed that this is a stockade trench for a number of reasons: the trench appears to be continuous around the village: it was not situated to control drainage: and was not deep or wide enough to provide any barrier without posts inserted in it. The Indians at this period were very apprehensive about attacks from northern groups and at least one reconstruction of the trench was revealed in several profiles, an effort which would inpdy that the trench had some importance. The earlier village seems to have had some type of stockade around it (USHS 16iu61). A On the west side two very eroded sections of the trench were detected. There was no indication of how, if at all. these sections Joined; they may have formed a protectively overlapping entrance or represent the separate construction phases of the stockade which say have diverged in this area but, due to the extensive erosion on . the western side, this could not be determined. The structures were ovoid, rectanguloid or circular and ranging from 21 feet long and 12 feet wide to 9 feet in diameter. with floor areas of a naxinun of 250 square feet and a minimum of 81 square feet. Again because of leaching it was not possible to locate any postuolds associated with the structures. Structures were defined by dark organic stained soil, contrasting with the sterile yellow sand 97 surrounding it. or be differential drying in areas with consistently darker soil. The structures appear to have been constructed in or on the edge of a shallow excavation. and were probably similar to those described other- wise for the Illinois, oval pole frames covered with mats or barks. Mud daub was found and probably used for chinking. A hearth area was located within each structure, generally on the west or southwest side. One structure. House 1, had a projection on the west where all the ash and burned soil was concentrated. suggesting the possibility of a stick and and fireplace sinilar to French construction of the period. This was the largest house (Table 7). Free historical accounts it is known that floors were covered with nuts as late as 1756 (Bossu 17713117), and traces of fitting were found in House 10 preserved by contact with brass. Shallow pits, apparently for refuse. were as large as sons of the snller structures. Since postnolds were not present to assist in separating structure fros pits. the presence or absence of a hearth area was used as criteria for a structure. Structural cogplexes At least three units tentatively referred to as household cospleree were excavated. The household coupler is defined as con- sisting of two structure and a series of pits. The structures are a large oval building and a suller structure of varying fora (Figures 6 and 7). The sajority of the pits were small and filled with car- bonised corncobs. Further discussion of these pits will be given below, but it is felt that they probably represented hide sacking pits (Binford 1967). It is suggested that the household cosplex represented the dwelling of an extended fasily; the ssaller cabin. a unstrual hut Structure Structure _Structure Structure Structure Structure Structure Structure Structure Structure Structure Structure Structure Structure Structure 98 TABLE 7 House Dimensions - Waterman Site # 1 # 2 # 3 # u # 5 # 6 # 7 # 3 # Q #10 #11 #12 #13 #14 #15 21 x 12 feet 6% x 7 feet 14 x 9 feet 1M x 7 feet 12 x 9 feet nisnamed, not a structure 13 x 9 feet well associated with later farmhouse 12 x 6 feet 9 x 9 feet 12; x 193 feet S x 12% feet 10 x 8% feet 13 x 6; feet 8 x 10 feet 99 .3 o— «IIIIIJ w mhsmam xoameoo a omsom .1. 1..- ....oo 2...... :m. {as 100 a mhdmam xoamsoo :% omsox ‘ .020 u . 2... ‘1 ..._.o.\..l\vM\.uN\o\:Ns\4 - ER .9: :0. a... ‘ K ‘x‘ \ r ‘ ‘ P K ‘ enemas; c .l .IAL :Ith s I II. D U h. I.‘ 30.5. I I'Il'l‘l | 101 for confine-out od’ the foul“ of the household during muses, and that the pits around the units were utilised by the fenles of the house in tanning hides for trade. Burials were soaetiaes found in association with those ooaplexes. The graves were dug into the fill of the house pit and appear to have been m after the house had fallen into disuse. A Village of 20—25 structures. including both dwellings and out- buildings is envisonod. Space ostiaatoo for structures range between lt—lz persons per cabin. The saall huts suggested as aonstrual huts would contain a minus of two persons. It would appear that the dwellings contained nuclear or extended faailies. seas of those probably being polymous. Those fanilies were not as large as in the earlier period. The total population for tho village is difficult to estintog the nuaber of warriors given at this tine is forty (CD18 113126) which would suggest between 150-200 persons which would equate well with tho aroheological :e-ins. Dress and ornasonts Althoua: definite historical infer-nation is lacking for this village tho likelihood is that hides had boon largely replaced by esnufacturod foods for c1othing. The Peoria who were less exposed to trade appeared in French cloth gar-onto in 1752 (ems 29.1.53). Blankets are frequently aontioned as parts od’ aoosagos and probably were partly nplming hides in this context. although hides continued to be used for aoseages as late as 1781 (House: n.d.sS‘P). Trade coats of wool with brass . braid were found with two of the burials. The only other indications of dress were sun frag-onto of cloth preserved by brass or silver plated iteas and clusters of beads around the knees. suggesting the presence of 102 beaded garters. Seed beads were not of the blue green variety of the earlier site. but a clear blue. white, black. green and a red and black (Cornelius d'Aleppo). Necklace beads were of several colors. The total nuabor of beads found. including both seed and necklace beads was close to 20,000. One burial was found with at least 6 strands of necklaces around the neck. These were carefully arranged with like beads together or two alternating types. A string of reddish purple faceted beads were at the neck of another burial and had a cross attacked. this say have been a rosary. Ear ornanents were of silver and brass; silver ball and cone earrings and ear bends. plain wide loops which my have clasped on the ear lobe. Silver bracelets and solid thick brass wire bracelets were worn. Rings wereasdeofeilver.braosandironandonehadaglassset. The reuins of a beaded bag filled with veraillon was‘with one burial. on the lower part the pattern of two horisontal rows of white seed beads was preserved. Other traces of bags were rows of tinkling cones. one bag had a row of 6 tinklors on the bottoa and another had two rows of 1+ tinklors each. Evidence for hair styles was provided Tron several burials. Ono style of sale hairdressing included a series of shell brooches fastened to looks of hair on the right side of the' head. Another style oeeas to ”have mam . shell. Delft m1: ornaaent or brass hairpipe away at the back of the skull. Ono burial had long solid brass wire cells 9 an in disaster dom each side of the head. At the back of the head of this burial on the upper part of the occipital was a brass hairpipo apparently also part of the hair arrange-ant. 103 European materials were aodified by the Indians to their own doaands. Brass and iron tinkling some were popular and there were saall brass beads 2-3 as long and 2 - disaster found still strung on a thread preserved by copper salts. Lead pendants or beads were fash- ioned froa ausket balls. The pendants were roughly tear drop shaped with a single perforation and flat on both faces. The beads were con- structed by flattening the lead into a long strip and rolling it to sake a cylindrical bead. Although none were found in the excavations, several native node glass objects were plowed up with burials earlier. These are all triangular pendants (n. K. Brown 1972). Soft paste European ceraaics were aodified by the Indians. Plain white Delft was used to node one-onto which were worn in the hair. These were about 5 on long. 6 u wide at the ends and expanded at the center to 13 as. A pendant was cleverly constructed froa a ceranic lid, the knob being the central portion and all the reasinder cut away except for one portion which was notched to hold a cord for suspension. General utility tools No stone knives were pseoent. but 22 iron knives or frag-onto of knives were found. The aajority were French clasp knives, although there was one British clasp knife. Butcher knives were also present. Two very large stone scrapers were found in the plow zone and my have for-ed part of the historic asseablage. Seamus The Hichiganea used both European and native weapons. Gun parts were not plentiful but a large nuabor of gun flints (66) were found. Gunparts of French origin included a side plate, cock. frissen. lock- plate, and tang free a buttplate (T. H. Haailton. personal coasunication. 104 1972). There were also ausket balls, lead shot and iron grape shot. However, the use of the bow and arrow had not been discontinued. Although only eleven flint projectile points were found, there were seventeen pro- jectile points out free brass. Sons of these were conical in shape. siailar to the tinkling cones, only with the apex closed; these have been called Kaskaskia points (Perino 1971.58). The other brass points were triangular, sons had a tang. Many of these had a perforation nearly in the center. Two projectile points chipped from bottle glass were found. these were also snll triangular points. Pabricating_and processing tools Sandstone abraders were still in use for ssoothing arrow shafts. Fron the width of the grooves of the abraders and the disaster of the base of the concial brass points it can be detorained that arrow shafts were approxiaately 8- in disaster. Sandstone abraders pro- bably also were used for sharpening bone tools. Whetstones to sharpen iron tools were present. The aajority of the tools used were of European nterials and generally specifically of European nnufacture. Iron axes and the awls were used. Fleshers. for cleaning hides. were of iron, splayed at .one end for scraping. . Bone sat needles sade froa anisal ribs continued in use to weave the nts for covering the houses and floors. No complete speciuns were recovend. Portions of what appear to be sandstone estates were found. Utensils By the tin of the occupation of this village. pottery does not appear to have been nde for ordinary use. Only one pottery vessel 105 occurred. that was in a burial of an adult sale and two ssall children. The vessel is ssall. 5.4 cs high and node of four conjoined pets. The pots were rounded. have roughly ssoothed lips and thero are ssall round punctations over the whole shoulder and onto the joined areas. The origin of this vessel is not known. Fragrants of brass kettles were season. although rarely in large pieces as such brass was reworked into other itess such as the tinkling cones and projectile points. A few fragsents of iron kettles also occurred. Three cosplete French bottles were found as burial goods and fragrants of both olive-green wine bottles and blue-green square bottles were cosson (H. K. Brown 19713108, 112).. The whole bottles date between l7#0~1765. Hith the exception of the three whole bottles, olive green bottles were very frag-entary; free the hooks and rise it appears that both French and British.bottles were present. although French predosinated. Frag-ate of European cerasics. outside of those probably associa- ted with the later'fars structures were not too cosson. Those fros the Indian occupation were alsost entirely French faience orHBnglish Delft, tin glared soft paste earthenware; plain white. blue and white and polychrose pieces were found. Many of those correspond to the descrip- tion of ceraslcs sanufactured in Rouen (Miller and Stone 1970:266ff). Horticultural tools Fragsents of iron hoes are in the surface collection free the site1 but none were found in the excavations. No scapula hoes were found. but 1. Surface collection saterials fros the site are in the possession of Irvin Peithaan or in the suseus‘at Fort do Chartres. 106 bone preservation was very poor. Ceremonial equipaont Pipes found in the burials my have had personal ceresonial sig- nificance. The only other articles which could be associated with relig- ious practices were sedicine bags. Pipes were found with also except for one found with a fesale who also possessed a sedicine bag. The pipe found with the feaale was keel shaped. skillfully carved and had in- cised arcs on both sides. All other pipes found were of the sic-sac style. aade fros soft local stones. That the only fouls with a pipe also had a sedicine bag suggests that pipes probably had a coreaonial significance'as "these articles would indicate she had .gioal power i.e. was a shaaan. The sedicine bag contained the skull of a very ssall aniaal. probably a rodent. A sedicine bag was also found with an adult sale which contained two unidentified carnivore jaws. The outline of the bag in which they had been contained was retained in a reddish pigaent and the bottoa of the bag had been decorated with two rows of tinkling cones. Recreational eguipgnt The presence of sixteen 's-ll counters fros the excavations suggests that the pluastone gaao or a sisilar gs. was played. The counters were about 1 ea in disaster and Ids fros shores of Delft. One face still retained the white glase of the ceraaic but the glaze had been resoved fros the other leaving the buff paste exposed. Lead ”whissers" ado fros aushet balls were found. These were flat disks ca. 35 as in diauter with serrated or saooth edges. There were at least 2 perforations in the center. A cord was passed through 107 the perforations, twisted and released. producing a hunsing noise. It is possible seas of these were used as buttons instead. Bones, hollowed and shaped for the pin and cup game were found. Burials A total of 55 individuals were excavated at the Hateraan site in 1971. Approximately 17 fragmentary burials had been previously uncovered by the plow. Sons of the excavated skeletons were only partially present and portions of then say be counted asong the 17. however. it is likely that additional skeletons were totally destroyed by the plow, so a total of 72 individuals originally interred is a reasonable estimate. Although there is soae inforsation on the seventeen plowed out. this discussion will focus only on the burials excavated in 1971. The distribution by age groups appears in Table 8. Infants are poorly represented. It say be that due to the thinness of the bones sany hare decayed cospletely leaving no recognisable trace. It is also possible that infants under three years of age received burial in a different 3:3.m The distribution of sales and feaales appears fairly noraal although only '28 burials could be sexed. There were two cemetery areas outside the village well. one to the south and one to the north. Possibly there was an additional one on the western side. Two burials were located beyond the stockade line to the west and there were other scattered.resains suggesting that a sore extensive burial area say have existed there prior to erosion. Burials were found within the village. outside or on the interior of structures. The south ceastary had suffered frcs‘oxtensive erosion. The 108 Table 8 Burial Disposition by Age - Sex - Waterman Site Age Male Female Unknown Total <13 2 2 3-12 7 7 12-18 2 1 3 18-21 1 1 2 21-35 M 6 3 13 35-50 6 3 9 '750 l l 2 u (? )725 3 2 5 '1‘ otal 11 17 21! 52 109 burials here were laid out roughly in rows. The burials were oriented east-west with the rows following the long axis of the ridge. with two exceptions the burials had the head to the east. The exceptions were a young child and a feaale over 25 who were oriented to the west. The feaale was the only burial in the southern coastery without grave goods. . 6 Of the 18 burials in the south cemtery ’4 were identified as femlos and 1 as sale. The reaainder were too badly daaaged to perait sexing. Ten burials were found within the village. Of these two were sale, five were feaalo and the other three children. One woaan and a child were within the fill of House #1: another fesale was in House 12. three others were in the area around House 12 and House 3. The reaaining ones were not obviously associated with any household coaplex but my have been related to soas which were not exposed. The burials within the village walls were oriented east-west. One child. one sale and two feaeles had the head to the west. Neither of the two feaales had burial goods, although all other burials within the village did. There was no evidence of disturbance by the plow of these burials. the center of the ridge has not been as affected by erosion. The western side of the north ceastery has been eroded and two fragmntary burials not included in Table 11 were located there, but the reaainder found were generally well below the plow zone. A total of 26' individuals were located here. 8 foaales, 8 mles, 7 children and one unidentifiable adult. The orientation in this ceastery was different fros the village and the south ceastery. The aajority were oriented north-south, although there were three oriented east-west. 110 ardwm o wCHHmHm. more: omsoame. smwmfisws mews mesa enemas: moon zoowwmom mmH . mew mcHHmH wmo max wawos mmmam wommm HM:WHmHm wHooosmm mesa meoon¢ wed Hm Nonmo m Nmtm Hm Hw M NO mo m Cw H H H memm wmx deos womam wommm astHmHm wHooosmm were rsHWm wHNW mu NOINm w mu 0: ulm m ewe H:H m H deomHm&.mHH A - subsistence movement B - food resources G - village solidarity H - village ritual observances J - native political authority N - exchange resources P - native materials and technology Directions of change in State (d) Figure 11 169 increase J decrease Q time—~—9 C) I village solidarity L. I native political authority 0 I goods given in trade external political conflict 8 I Directions of change in State (e) Figure 12 170 increase I'I decrease Q time-—~9 G - village solidarity H - village ritual observances I - political flexibility J - native political authority Q - external political conflict Directions of change in State (f) Figure 13 171 increase decrease Q time ——# C? I size of settlement N - exchange resources "U I native materials and technology 0 I external political conflict population change Directions of change in State (g) :0 I Figure 14 CEAP‘IER VII CONCLUSIONS The variables Changes in the Illinois cultural systen.have been considered by neans of a number of variables. Not all variables isolated for the discussion have equal utility in the nodal, certain variables can be seen to have more explanatory'power than others. These variables are the essential and k y variables, the use of which in the model allows for an economical representation of the complexities of observed reality. Some variables which have been included in the initial examination of Illinois culture nay'be considered inessential because they'do not appear tron present evidence to have changed values throughout the period of study. Some variables can be seen to be at a lower level of abstraction and because of their direct causal relation- ship with other variables be considered indicators of these variables. Other variables represent input true the enviroment. Inessentisl variables Those variables which are considered inessential for this study are natural egzirogggntal variation and linked hgggeholg solidarity. The Illinois ranged from the northern to southern portions of the present state of Illinois. Their villages were always situated in the alluvial flood plain but positioned so as to utilise several ecological zones. Fish could.be procured tron the rivers. A variety of estable 172 173 vegetable resources and rushes for mats were from marshy areas which provided feeding grounds for seasonally migrating water fowl also. The soft soils of the alluvial plains were suitable for the cultivation of crops; hillsides and savannas provided a variety of game and the prairies held the buffalo. In considering the aroheological data it is apparent that there are some differences in environment between the Zimmerman and Waterman site regions, which resulted in slightly different availability of particular resources and in procurement patterns. No major differences between the regions are seen and the data do not allow for evaluation of minor variation. The utilization of resources in both areas is quite similar. Present evidence would indicate therefore. that natural environment can be considered a constant since the adaptation of the Illinois seems to exhibit no important variation. Linked household solidarity as far as can be determined from historical records and operation of the system as revealed through the model. does not undergo any significant variation during the study. Although it is evident that households can undergo fission. this appears to have occurred irregularly throughout. There is no indication that linked household fission increases through the period of study. although household sise was reduced due to other factors. The consistency of of this unit is reflected in the kinship terainology. Despite the vast changes which occurred in the culture over the more than one hundred years of contact, the schedules obtained in 1859 were virtually identical to those from 1700. The linked household appears to be the most consistently integrated k1n unit and to have persisted even through systen change, therefore, it cannot be considered as a factor in change. 174 Environmental 33% Two variables represent exogenous environnental input into the system: extegpal mlitical coflict and m gigs; in 5.2.292. Two other variables £934 resources and 93cm: resources represent system utilisation of environmental input. Food resources and “charge resources are essential variables and are merely separated frm the rest of the essential variables for convenience in discussion. Food resources which are obtained from the natural envirouuent do not show significant change in kind. However, new resources are input from the exogenous environment; both animals and plants are introduced by the French. The input of these additional resources interacts with the variable of subsistence movement allowing for reduction in this svariable. Exchange resources are also part of the natural enviromsnt, but visualizing certain resources as elements for exchange necessitates a social definition of exchange resources, that is shat will be accepted in trade. The interaction of exchange resources with goods given in trade thus leads to a wider social definition of exchange resources, producing a feedback loop, so that increase in goods given in trade increases the variety of exchange resources. For maple, initial trade was in fur robes, the goods received for these stimulated an expanded definition of exchange resources. Fur hides and slaves being added to the variety of exchange resources which enabled the procurement of more trade goods . The variable goods given in trade interacts with exchame resources as mentioned above, but also partakes of a larger environmental framework exogenous to the system, that is, the European 17.5 trade network. he availability of trade goods, the cost and feasibility of transporting them from this enviroment acts as a regulator for this variable (Figure 15). External political conflict is a significant input no. the environment. Although direct results generally can be seen only in population decrease, external conflict also effects change by influencing such variables as native political authority or village solidarity. External political conflict can be direct warfare or conflicts existing in the exogenous environment which through linked systems can cause effects on variables within the system. Essential variable! An essential variable helps to maintain the system but its values can change as part of the changing system. The essential variables in the study are: Lem telltale; august. glint; zine; We .. iflvidual religious practices, gtive material 92:; 2M and subsistence movemeg . Log resources and m resmces are also essential variables but have alreaw been discussed above. Native political authority acts to maintain the system by perpetuating and regulating the distribution of authority within the system and provides a means of social control. Native political authority is closely linked with individual religious practices . Native political authority is based on and sanctioned by traditional religious practices so that variations from these weakens authority. Thus when there is an increase in the variation of individual religious practices the amount of native political authority has been shown to decrease. 176 Individual religious practices are also closely associated with village ritual observances and village solidarity. An increase in variety of individual religious practices creates conflicts which weaken the solidarity of the village and cause decrease in ritual observances. Illinois ritual observances are linked with village solidarity. Village ritual statuses must be reaffirmed through the village observances in order for these statuses to operate within a multi- village ritual context. Therefore, when village solidarity is reduced and the nuniber of or reaffirmstion of ritual positions declines, Illinois ritual observances decline sharply. ihe use of native materials is obviously directly correlated with the availability and desireability of introduced items from the exogenous enviroment. Manufactured items generally are taken into the system to replace homologous artifacts within the system. Change in material culture is the type of change most readily observable from aroheological materials. Replacement in material items may occur without disruption as long as the means of acquisition can be worked into the system. Initially trade was carried on in what were essentially surplus goods, furs collected for their own use and as a by product of subsistence efforts. The shift in material culture, from pets to kettles etc., does not of itself create extensive change, these items can be utilized within the existing network, it is rather the interaction with. the variables relating to exchange that creates value change. Obviously the substitution of manufactured goods for native raw materials is closely linked with exchange resources and goods given in trade. 177 Subsistence movement is the regular seasonal.movement to food resources. Increase in the variety of food resources not requiring seasonal movement tends to reduce subsistence movement. Subsistence movement is closely related to political flexibility as shifts in the political organization are required by the seasonal movement. It is also related to village ritual since a reduction in village ritual effects reduction in that portion of the subsistence movement which requires ritual observances. There are variables which cannot be considered essential variables by themselves, but depend on joint action with other variables. These are at a lower level of abstraction than the essential variables and are indicators of the essential variables. Size of settlement is significant in its relationship to other variables, particularly subsistence movement, political flexibility and population change. Reduction in the values of any of these variables will effect reduction in the size of settlement. The size of the residential unit is related to population change and to individual religious practices. Papulation decrease tends to reduce residential unit size and religious practices may also decrease residential.unit size by cultural restriction of'marriage practices, such as monoganw. Ascribed status is related to the amount of native political authority and to exchange resources. ‘With increase in the variety of exchange resources there is greater Opportunity to attain achieved status and a reduction in the value of ascribed status occurs, reducing native political authority which is based on ascribed status. Although ascribed status from traditional sources declines, the exogenous 178 political system places emphasis on the importance of ascribed status, but ascribed status which is sanctioned by this system rather than the native system. Reference is made here to European insistence on political stability and continuity by orderly succession in the authority positions. qu_variables A key variable is an essential variable which covaries in some specific relationship with other similar variables. The key variables comprise the set having the greatest constraints within the system. The.key variables are: village solidarity, village £2325; Observances, pglitical flexibility and pgpglation ghgggg. Initially this set represents a steady state equilibrium which is maintained by'the balance of all variables. Village solidarity depends on village ritual observances and village solidarity is necessary to maintain the political flexibility seen from the shifts in political organization required by the subsistence movement. This set undergoes oscillations in values with the input of contradictive elements into village solidarity. Population decrease with reduction in village solidarity affects the observance of village ritual, not through actual total numerical decline in population but through the reduction of persons within the village having the requisite ritual statuses and knowledge. Population decrease thus sets up a negative feedback locp to village solidarity causing further reduction. Political flexibility is reduced with the decline in observances of village ritual which are necessary for the regular shift from house- hold to village organization. The continuance of linked household organization through.the entire subsistence cycle enables greater 179 population movement, even outside the system, which again reduces the population and further contributes to the reduction of village solidarity. The negative feedback operating within this set reduces the values of the key variables (Figure 16). This reduction leads to a threshold, the constraints in the system becoming such that additional input cannot be channeled through the set, resulting in system change. The operation of this is discussed more fully'below. The model Examination of the Illinois system in terms of the essential and key variables shows the following. State (b) represents a dynamic equilibrium of the system. The essential and key variables remain in equilibrium, the changes which occur are absorbed within the structure of the system. The new and alternative elements presented mainly involve the substitution or addition of’manufactured goods for materials of Indian origin, which adds variety to the system. Although there is a rise in input from the exogenous environment the regulating mechanisms of the system can handle the variations. In State (c) however, the input from the exogenous enwircnment increases and contradictive elements are introduced. The contradictive elements introduced into individual religious practices and native political authority are not successfully regulated by traditional methods for dealing with variety and consequently changes in values occur. Change also occurs in village solidarity. Decrease in village solidarity enables the prediction that village ritual also 180 Exogenous Naturalé——————-—- Exchange Goods given >Social Environment >Resources in Trade ¢——-—-Environnent Feedback relationship between variables N. and 0 Figure 15 Exogenous fl Social a Village Population Environment Solidarity Change Native Village Pol iticel Ritual Authority Observa Interaction among key variables Figure 16 181 decreases. which is further suggested by the reduction in population due to separation of households from the village. Further reduction in native materials and technology can be assumed and the means of acquistion of trade goods can further add contradictive elements as receiving gifts for attending and reciting catechisms. All variables undergo rapid shifts away from equilibirum. There are oscillations in values with stop gap attempts to regulate the system and readjust to the foraer balance. However, the input from the environment has increased greatly and present; contradictive information which cannot be handled by traditional means. Due to ”hunt and seek”oscillations (Clarke 1%8376) different tredectories towards an equilibrium are followed by the several villages subsequently. State (d) is in the Kaskaskia, Tamaroa, Cahokia and Michigamea trajectory. Input from the exogenous environment is high due largely to strong European influence. Additional food resources from this source adversely affects traditional subsistence movennts. Subsistence movement is closely linked with village ritual so that disruption in the subsistence quest results in reduction in village ritual. Village ritual and village solidarity covary so that reduction in one affects the other and further affect political flexibility which begins to decrease. Associated reduction and redistribution of population is also observed. Such a total reduction in variation along the essential and key variables reduces the total variation present and reduces the values of the key variables leading to increased constraints within the system. 182 State (e) is in the Peoria trajectory. The contradictive elements introduced in individual religious practices, although largely rejected by the Peoria, had already in State (c) resulted in a reduction in native political authority and in village solidarity. The alternatives in religious beliefs allowed for decrease in native political authority and even with the removal of direct contradictive input by geographic and political isolation of the Peoria, the equilibirum remains disturbed. Village solidarity has been affected by the division due to new religious practices. Reduced access to trade goods also reduces village solidarity since attempts are made to increase the materials given in trade by movements of households away from the. village. External political conflict increases and effects oscillations in village solidarity through opposing choices of action. Cooperation in action through village solidarity is necessary to settle the cnnflict of -warfare, but conflict also tends to decrease village solidarity due to households seeking other areas having less political conflict. No change is seen in the subsistence movement, but political flexibility begins to decrease as attempts are made to maintain equilibrium by operating in smaller units. Historical records are inadequate for this state, but it can be predicted that after State (c) conflicts between the village units’remaining at Pimiteoui increased; the departure of one group to a separate village at Starved Rock suggests this. The increasing iloss of solidarity as "Illinois! would come with the decrease in Illinois ritual Observances. 183 In State (f) input from the exogenous environment has effected extensive change in almost all variables. The coherence of the Illinois villages has been drastically reduced through conflicts in religious practices, the erosion of native political authority, the reduction in village solidarity and political flexibility, with the linked household as the only consistently aaintained political unit. The loss of the political organisation of the village and village solidarity in concerted action indicates the height of the threshold separating 81 from $2. The constraints implied by the set of key variables means that S1 can only persist when cooperation in units larger than households is possible under stress. A emporary equilibrium has been maintained with dependence on the French and when input from the environment occurs in the form of external political conflict, the key variables are no longer able to channel the input and rapid disintegration of the system occurs. State (g) represents oscillations among various values for a new system equilibrium which is obtained in State (h). State a From the model it can be determined what the probable values of the variables were in State (a). State (a) does not represent a prehistoric state of the Illinois. Throughout State (a) there was first long indirect contact with Europeans through Indian middlemen and then later direct contact with the French at trading posts. State (a) is very similar to State (b) with certain important distinctions. The political flexibility, village solidarity and 184 village and Illinois ritual observances would have all functioned in a dynamic equilibrium with the subsistence movement. Native political authority can be presumed to have functioned through hereditary chiefs. The Grand Chief would have had more power and prestige than the village chiefs and possibly had certain rights emphasising this distinction such as a larger cabin and special regalia. Social control was maintained by social pressures of the kin groups, fear of magical sanctions from the shamans, and a recognition and continual verification of ascribed status roles. Ritual activities for the welfare of the village or of all Illinois would have occurred at fairly regular intervals. Native materials and technology were used almost exclusively with the highly desirable European materials probably in the possession of higher status individuals or families. Utility of the. Model The significance of general systems theory and a processual model for studying the Illinois is that it reveals the combinations of variables which effect change. The variables which are most significant for depicting change are those which comprise the set. village solidarity, village ritual, political flexibility and population change. Population change although significant cannot be said to be the only or main factor in Illinois change. Population change is highly correlated with the amount of village solidarity and political flexibility. Population change in terms of absolute reduction of numbers by external elements such as war or disease is not the significant factor, it is the change which occurs in 185 relation with and due to shifts in the values of the other key variables. To consider population change exclusively would produce little rationale for disruption of the Peoria. Sheer population fluctuation is insufficient to account for system change, nonly in company with other factors does it have explanatory powers. Ethnohistorical studies of American Indian groups have tended to suggest single variables as causes for disruption of Indian cultures. The single variable is then taken as an independent variable and the causes or effects as. dependent variables. This model implies (though such is probably not the intent) that there is no interrelationship or interaction between the independent variables (warfare, disease, fur trade etc.) nor among the dependent variables. The resulting model is an additive linear model which cannot handle feedback relationships. Actually what is produced is a group of low level variables which can be taken as indicators of the independent variables. without consideration of further complex interrelationships between variables, explanation is limited and contrary situations cannot be explained. Warfare and disease are frequently given as the cause for the decline of a group, however, intensive warfare or destructive disease can be encountered without causing decline. The Fox, who were virtually annihilated twice in warfare, were able to reconstitute and remain politically and culturally viable. The Handan, after near extermination by disease, were able to partially reestablish their population and culture before other factors intervened to continue the decline. These histories suggest that such simple models can produce only low level explanatory statements which can 186 have little predictive value. A aodel which is designed to consider a wider range of variables with complex interrelationships can have value for predictions and can be used for exaaining asny different systeas. Although the study here has been confined to the use of a processual acdel with a single group it is believed that this model can be utilised to consider change in other groups and to assist in the foraulation of general statements concerning the processes of cultural change. The use of the model for the study has produced a better under- standing of the operation of the systea and the changes which took place for the Illinois through contact with a technologically superior culture. The exasination of the Illinois has been done on the basis of interpretation of historiucal records and of aroheological data froa the few sites available for study. During the tine period explored, the Illinois occupied at least twelve different village sites and an unknown but considerable nuaber of winter camps. Out of these only two have been excavated. Predictions of what say be found in the other unlocated or unexcavated sites have been nde in the sections discussing the separate states, The examination of sons of these- localities say be expected to ccnfira these predictions and possibly to add. .inforsation which will require reconsideration of the relationship between certain variables which will aid in further refining the nodal and the view of the systen which it allows. This study is considered only as a step towards the total understanding of the Illinois culture, but indicates that the examination of a cultural systea by scans of a model based 187 on general systems theory has greater potential for explanation than those hitherto used in studies of cultural change. LISP OF REFERENCES LISI‘ OF HEFEENCES Aaerican State Papers 183$ American State Pears: Indian affairs. 2 vols. Hashingtcn, 6.0. Anderson, Melville V. (Editor) 1896 Joutel's j_2____urnal of; La Salle’ s last voyage. 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