‘5'": :"‘-~ ......“...u -..-~ .. . .I ._. -..-. -. V— _ H.~ , __ w A 7 I . 1‘ SOME CORRELATES 0F BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, INTERNAL- EXTERNAL CONTROL AND FAMILY IDEOLOGY AMONG AFRO-AMERICAN COLLEGE STUDENTS Thesis for the Degree of Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY ARTHUR, M. FORD 1972 IIIIIIIII III IIII III IIIIII III IIII II IIII IIIII II IIIIIIII M I “I r 0116844 fifichrgan 3 I13 to ,1 University I This is to certify that the thesis entitled SOME CORRELATES 03 BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, INTERNAL-EXTERNAL CONTROL, AND FAMILY IDEOLOGY AMONG AFRO-AMERICAN COLLEGE STUDENTS presented by ARTHUR MILTON FORD I. has been accepted toWards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph . D . degree in Psychology 21A. airy W Major professor Date [/40/7 1X /’ /’ ’ 0-7639 "(u-Fug." ‘- Mm HOAG 8: SONS BOOK BINOLRY INC LIBRARY BINDERS "IMHO". ERIN”! ‘ g"’03:::3 .n-t' - OVERDUE FINES: 25¢ per day per Ital RETURNING LIBRARY MATERIALS: Place in book return to remove charge from circulation records qjo m ISonI ABSTRACT SOME CORRELATES OF BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, INTERNAL- EXTBRNAL CONTROL, AND FAMILY IDEOLOGY AMONG AFRO-AMERICAN COLLEGE STUDENTS By Arthur M. Ford A number of scholars have conducted research on Afro-Americans with the aim of delineating psychological and behavioral characteristics peculiar to Afro-Americans as a group. This has led many investigators to concep- tualize Afro-Americans as a monolithic, homogeneous group of people, and speak of a "Negro personality." The failure to consider the heterogeneity of Afro-Americans has been a hiatus in knowledge and understanding of intra- group differences among Afro-Americans, a shortcoming that was clearly manifest in the failure of behavioral scientists to predict the "ghetto riots" of the 1960's and the cur- rent trend in "black awareness." The present study was predicated on the assumption that there is diversity among Afro-Americans, as in any large group of peOple, and that an adequate understanding of Afro-Americans must take this heterogeneity into Arthur M. Ford account. The purpose of this reasearch was to investigate the relationships between black consciousness, internal- external control, and the extent to which one adheres to a traditional and/or conventional family ideology. Although the primary focus of the study was on Afro-Americans, the question was raised as to whether the relationships between these three variables would be unique to the "black experi- ence," or attributable to socio-political forces extant within the larger society. Thus, data were gathered on a group of whites so as to allow for a more systematic analysis. A sample of 78 Afro-American married couples living in University Married Housing were administered the following scales: Black Consciousness, Multi- Dimensional InternalvExternal Control, and Family Ideology. A control group of 50 randomly selected white married couples also living in University Married Housing were administered the above scales except that they responded to a New Left scale in place of the Black Consciousness scale. Biographic data were gathered on all subjects. The items of the four scales were clustered into 29 subscales on the basis of statistical value (p > .05), homogeneity of content, and external parallelism. These subscales were then collapsed into seven superclusters, on the basis of parallelism, and correlated with each other. Arthur M. Ford The seven superclusters (high score) were: (1) Separation (movement away from white American social life); (2) Integration (movement toward white American social life); (3) Militant Left (restructuring of American insti- tutions and values); (4) Conservative Right (preservation of American institutions and values); (5) Internal (attribution of rewards to one's own efforts and attri- butes); (6) Group Activism (nonviolent group action to combat racial discrimination); (7) Family Ideology (tradi- tional and conventional modes of family relationships and interactions). The results showed that the majority of Afro- American subjects endorsed a separatist (militant) ideo- logy and rejected an integrationist (conservative) ideo— logy. Subjects scoring high on Separation also scored high on external control. This finding contradicts the previous finding of Rotter that militant AfrOSAmericans tend to be internal. High scores on Separation were significantly related to high scores on Group Activism, but not to Family Ideology. Subjects who were high on Integration were high on Family Ideology, indicating endorsement of traditional and conventional familial relationships. High scores on Integration were positively related to internal control and negatively related to Group Activism. Arthur M. Ford The pattern of attitudinal relationships among the white subjects 'was parallel to that of the Afro- American subjects, but the magnitude of the coefficients was significantly higher for whites. With cluster analysis the expanded internal- external scale broke into two superclusters, one based upon the original Rotter items and one based upon the Gurin items, that ask the subjects to select between a1- ternatives of combating racial discrimination through organized group activism versus emphasizing individual ability and effort. The findings indicate that the internal-external dimension is more complex than the dimension tapped by the original Rotter scale. With two exceptions, the interrelationships be- tween the biographic variables and the superclusters were essentially insignificant. Subjects high on Separation tended to be younger than those who were high on Integra- tion, and, whether Afro-American or white, subjects who were militant and who rejected traditional values attend church less frequently than do those subjects who were conservative and accepted :ditional values. (20L1fizil7LE¥EZIZé::;;CmtcAm«On\__ I Chairman Date: ////U/Yg\ // /r ‘\\ Approved: SGMECORRBLATES OF BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, INTERNAL- EXTERNAL CONTROL, AND FAMILY IDEOLOGY AMONG AFRO-AMERICAN COLLEGE STUDENTS BY Arthur MIIFord A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Psychology 1972 Copyright by Arthur M. Ford 1972 ii DEDICATION TO MY WIFE AND TWO SONS, ANNE, JAY AND RODNEY iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS In undertaking the research and writing for this thesis, I had the good fortune to have as a committee chair- man, Dr. Donald L. Grummon. I am grateful to him for the tolerance he showed while I tried out my ideas, and his willingness to come forth with helpful criticism and his sense of logic. My appreciation is also extended to Dr. John Hunter, who introduced me to the computer, guided me through numer- ous "runs,"znu1expended great amounts of time and energy generously. I want also to thank Drs. Robert Zucker, Charles Hanley, and Dozier Thornton for their assistance in the preparation of this thesis. It is obvious that I owe the subjects of this study a great deal of gratitude for their willingness to participate in the research project, and for their hospita- lity when I visited their homes. Finally, I wish to express sincere appreciation to my wife, Anne, who showed constant encouragement and under- standing tolerance for my frequent "trips to the computer center." iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 The Question of Conceptualization: Homogeneity vs. Heterogeneity . . . . . . . l "The Negro Personality": Preliminary Observations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ‘ 4 Intra‘Group Analysis: An Alternative . . . . 13 II. OBJECTIVES AND STRATEGY . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Black Consciousness . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Internal vs. External Control . . . . . . . . 30 Family Ideology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 III. METHOD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Subjects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Instruments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Procedure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 IV. ANALYSIS OF DATA AND RESULTS . . . . . . . . . 46 Preview of the Method of Data Analysis . . . . 46 Cluster Analysis of the Four Major Scales . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Synthesis of the Data'. Main Findings . . . . 113 V. DISCUSSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130 VI. SUMMARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14S LIST OF REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 APPENDIX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154 The Questionnaire as Presented to Subjects . . 154 Biographic-Demographic Information . . . . . . 154 Family Ideology Scale . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 Black Consciousness Scale . . . . . . . . . . 163 New Left Scale . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 Internal External Control Scale . . . . . . . 173 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Number of Items, Means, Standard Deviations, Alpha Coefficients of Reliability, and Intercorrelations Among the Black Con- sciousness Subscales , , . , . . . . . . . . 53 2. Items which Constitute the Separation Sub- scales, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Black Consciousness Subscales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item. . 56 3. Items which Constitute the Militant Methods Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Black Consciousness Subscales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 4. Items which Constitute the Preference for Own Race Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Black Consciousness Sub- scales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 5. Items which Constitute the Assimilation Sub- scale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Black Consciousness Subscales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . 62 6. Items which Constitute the Integration Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Black Consciousness Subscales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . . 64 7. Items which Constitute the Conservative Methods Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Black Consciousness Subscales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 8. Items which Constitute the Negation of Distance between Races Subscale, Intercorrelations be- tween the Items and the Other Black Conscious- ness Subscales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 vi Table Page 9. Items which Constitute the Preference for Opposite Race Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Black Consciousness Subscales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . 69 10. Number of Items, Means, Standard Deviations, Alpha Coefficients of Reliability, and Intercorrelations Among the Internal- External Control Subscales . . . . . . . . . . 74 11. Items which Constitute the Luck Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Internal-External Control Sub— scales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 12. Items which Constitute the Grades Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Internal-External Control Subscales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . 79 13. Items which Constitute the Friends Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Internal-External Control Sub- scales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 14. Items which Constitute the Achievement Sub- scale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Internal-External Control Subscales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 15. Items which Constitute the Politics Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Internal—External Control Sub- scales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 16. Items which Constitute the Breaks Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Internal-External Control Sub- scales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 17. Items which Constitute the Initiative versus Discrimination Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Internal- External Control Subscales, and Distribu- tion of Responses to Each Item. . . . . . . . . 86 vii Table Page 18. Items which Constitute the Individual Effort versus Group Effort Subscale, Intercorrela- tions between the Items and the Other Internal-External Control Subscales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . . . 87 19. Items which Constitute the Negotiations versus Protest Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Internal-External Control Subscales, and Distribution of Re- sponses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 20. Items which Constitute the Optimism versus Pessimism Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Internal-External Control Subscales, and Distribution of Re- sponses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 21. Number of Items, Means, Standard Deviations, Alpha Coefficients of Reliability, and Intercorrelations Among the Family Ideology Subscales. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 22. Items which Constitute the Autocratic Child- Rearing Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Family Ideology Sub- scales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 23. Items which Constitute the Sexual Morality Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Family Ideology Sub- scales, and Distribution of RespOnses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 24. Items which Constitute the Traditional Female Role Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Family Ideology Subscales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 25. Items which Constitute the Denial of Verbal Expression Subscale, Intercorrelations be- tween the Items and the Other Family Ideology Subscales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .101 26. Items which Constitute the Divorce Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Family Ideology Subscales, and Distribu- tion of Responses to Each Item . . . . . . . . 102 viii Table Page 27. Items which Constitute the Male Dominance Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Family Ideology Sub- scales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104 28. Items which Constitute the Democratic Parent Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Family Ideology Sub- scales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 29. Items which Constitute the Democratic Self Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other Family Ideology Sub- scales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107 30. Number of Items, Means, Standard Deviations, Alpha Coefficients of Reliability, and Intercorrelations Among the New Left Sub- scales . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 31. Items which Constitute the Militant Left Sub- scale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other New Left Subscales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . 110 32. Items which Constitute the Moderate Middle Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other New Left Subscales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112 33. Items which Constitute the Conservative Right Subscale, Intercorrelations between the Items and the Other New Left Subscales, and Distribution of Responses to Each Item . . 114 34. Intercorrelations of the Black Consciousness and New Left Subscales with the Internal- External and Family Ideology Subscales . . 116 35. Means, Standard Deviations, Alpha Coefficients of Reliability, and Intercorrelations Among the Superclusters for Afro-American and White Subjects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120 36. Intercorrelations between the Superclusters and Thirteen Major Biographic-Demographic Variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128 ix CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The Question of Conceptualization: Hamogeneity vs. Heterogenity Racial and ethnic identifications are, along with social class and social status, among the most important social differences that influence behavior in American society. For at this point in time, color and identity take on a particularly crucial meaning in the American social sys- tem. When one views the "problem of race" as a current domestic concern in the United States, one must inevitably face the fact that the peoples of this society are identi- fied and related to as members of the white race or of a nonwhite race. We have as yet neither reached that level of human development and social interaction, nor realized that "dream," where "the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners are able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood." Given that the American society has failed to de- velOp a social system consistent with her democratic ideals of equality and brotherhood, it should not be surprising that a number of scholars have given attention to this area of concern. Their observations, furthermore, have led them to conclude that "race," for all the deficiencies of that concept, plays a significant role in defining the social condition of individuals and, therefore, must be included among the significant variables influencing individual and collective behavior (Myrdal, 1944; Goldschmid, 1970; Wilcox, 1971). These scholars have considered the possibility of different behavioral laws for whites and nonwhites, and their attempts to delineate the influence of race on behavior have essentially been cross-cultured and comparative studies on whites and Afro-Americans, the latter group typically being defined as peopletflx>possess varying and unspecified frac- tions of African ancestry (Dreger and Miller, 1960, 1968). One is led, however, to question the extent to which the comparative approach has penetrated the domain of Afro- American psychodynamics. Examination of these empirical studies reveals they have been conducted along a line of in- quiry which suffers from two major, and rather basic, de- ficiencies. In the first place, the literature is replete with the use of "Negro" as a construct, and such related con- structs as "Negro personality," "Negro intelligence," and "Negro self-concept," all of which tend to be so global in character that they encourage both scholars and the general public to develop a conceptualization of Afro—Americans as a homogeneous group. The second deficiency is that even scholarly attempts to characterize Afro-Americans are subtly influenced by steretotypic value conceptions which prizes "white"’ and derogates "black" (Billingsley, 1969; Wilcox, 1971; Thomas and Sillen, 1972). Thus, characterizations of "the Negro" tend to focus on what is abnormal in his life, emphasizing inferiority psychopathology, and social patho- logy, all the while over-looking alternative interpretations of the observations and data which are more sympathetic to Afro-Americans as they struggle to adapt in a hostile and oppressive social environment. These two deficiencies, namely, the search for homogeneity rather than heterogeneity and the emphasis on pathology rather than health feed on each other and compound the inadequacies in this approach to delineating the in- fluence of race on behavior. The result of these omissions of heterogeneity and health has been a rather obvious hiatus in our knowledge and understanding of intra-group dynamics and differences among Afro—Americans. Specifically, few scholars have considered the possibility that various types of character information might follow from different modes of accommodation to the peculiar minority group and caste status occupied by Afro-Americans in the social system of the United States. Thus, the thesis of the present study is that over the course of time, the various experiences associated with oppression, and attempts to c0pe with chronic and remediable social injustices, have served to consolidate a variety of elements and groups within the Afro-American communities. Reactions to an inferior social status tend to vary and, rather than the emergence of a monolithic, uniform reaction pattern, one may postulate the existence of a number of dis- cernible attitudinal and behavioral patterns. We shall begin developing this thesis by first ex- amining the literature on "the Negro personality" to illustrate the deficiencies we have noted. We shall then outline the purpose and approach of the present study. ‘ "The Negro Personality": Preliminary Observations The use of the word personality in singular form, prefaced with the specifying and particularizing effect of the article "the," connotes a homogeneous entity or class of individuals. Perhaps the senior scholar in this area of personality research is Abram Kardiner who, along with Ovesey (1951), has presented a conceptualization of "the Negro personality" which has been accepted by subsequent scholars as a classic and, in many respects, definitive statement (Pettigrew, 1964a, 1964b; Karon, 1958). The major proposi— tion offered by Kardiner is that "the Negro" bears inescap— able "marks of oppression" owing to his heritage of slavery, and that these "markS'are perpetuated through the modern caste system in American society. The analysis and subsequent conceptual scheme were based on interviews and interpolations from Rorschach and Thematic Apperception Test protocols gathered from twenty- five adult subjects: Twelve psychiatric patients, eleven paid subjects, and two volunteers. It should be noted that one-half of the subjects had mothers who died during the subject's infancy. From the data collected on this sample the authors conclude that the "marks of oppression" are mani- fest in the "Negro's tendency" to adopt a compensatory iden- tification with the white man, and to have a spiritual im- poverishment coupled with a diminished emotional potential. As a result of the stigmata of his condition in the American social system, the authors argue, the Negro has no possible basis for the development of a positive and healthy self- esteem, but rather every cause and reason to develop self- hatred. Thus, in essence, the "marks in the Negro's basic personality" are manifest in a "conviction of unlovability," "diminution of affectivity," and "uncontrolled hostility." The authors take care to point out that this sample is a very small number from the standpoint of gathering vital or employment statistics, but it is a very large number from the standpoint of psychodynamic analysis. One must readily acknowledge that the oppression and suffering emanating from slavery and an inferior social status is frequently reflected in unrealistic feelings of inferiority, in a sense of humiliation, and in constriction of potentialities for self-development and self-actualization. Moreover, in a society which extols all that is associated with whiteness and disparages whatever is associated with blackness, it is difficult to imagine that self-hatred could be avoided completely. However, as characteristic of so many scholars in this domain of research, Kardiner and Ovesey in making these sweeping generalizations ignore the individuality and range of reactions to stress, namely, the heterogeneity of Afro-Americans. The small and ob- viously esoteric sample of Afro-Americans from whom they gathered data can hardly be considered representative of the universe of Afro-Americans. The fundamental fallacy in this conceptual scheme, therefore, lies in the absence from their sample of Afro-Americans who tend to function in a socially and psychologically healthy fashion. For one is certainly inviting disputation if he makes the assumption that Afro- Americans are a crushed and crippled people who lack the potential and resourcefulness for enhancement of a positive and healthy self-esteem and sense of self-respect. The powerful thrust of the current "black liberation movement" is testament to the fact that a subset of Afro-Americans can generate sufficient creative and collective force to ameliorate their plight in the American society. Thus, the data obtained by this "psychodynamic analysis" and the con- ceptual scheme advanced by Kardiner and Ovesey are too fragmentary and incomplete for the deduction of any logical generalizations about a personality structure common to Afro-Americans. Despite these invalidating features, the Kardiner- Ovesey thesis that influenced behavioral scientists to the extent that they have "authenticated" this conceptualization, thereby perpetuating many misconceptions and much fallacious thought. This notion fathered by the Kardiner-Ovesey thesis that there is such an entity as "a Negro personality," and, moreover, that the "Negro wishes to be white," has led in- vestigators to conduct research along two major perspectives. The first main line of analysis proposes that although personality is a total entity, it can be broken down into components. Thus, given the assumption that Afro-Americans identify with whites and wish to be white, the component of personality that tends to be most significant is "self- hatred," due to being nonwhite and the impossibility of be- ing white (Ausubel, 1954). In that he cannot be white, the Afro-American does the next best thing, namely, conforms to the white man's taste, adopts his beliefs and expectations, and hopes that by imitating him he will form a part of the white community and, at the same time, divorce himself from an undesirable nonwhite referent group. This line of analy- sis, sometimes referred to as "identification with the ag- gressor," also accounts for the volumes of research litera- ture on inquiries into such areas as: Self-concept (Deutsch, 1965; Kvaraceus, 1965), self-esteem (Allensmith, 1954; Ausubel, 1954), skin-color (Brody, 1963; Butts, 1963), and identity (Schermerhorn, 1956; Derbyshire, 1966). The second major array of analyses stemming from the assumption that there is a "flight from blackness toward the yearning to be white" centers around comparative studies (Dreger and Miller, 1960, 1968). The tendency here is to place an emphasis on the relations between whites and Afro- Americans rather than on the nature of life unique among Afro-American people. This orientation tends to be so eth- nocentric and pervasive that it contributes to a "deviancy" explanation of any attitudinal or behavioral patterns mani- fest among Afro—Americans which differ from what is observed among whites. The logic employed in this type of analysis is that the white social world is more attractive than the social world of Afro-Americans, and that integration and as- similation offer avenues of enhancing one's self-esteem and sense of personal worth. It has been suggested that various institutional forms among Afro-Americans, such as the family and educational systems, have generally accepted and interna- lized the values, standards, and goals of the white world to such an extent that they attempt to socialize their children and students to function as one and part of that white world (Davis and Havighurst, 1947; Frazier, 1948; 19571 Thus,given the assumption of a social situation in which the non-white world has positive valence and the non-white world negative valence, it should not be surprising that we find volumes of research addressed to questions concerned with segregation and de- segregation (Clark, 1956; Cook, 1957; Pettigrew, 1961). In general, these scholars appear to have been in- sightful enough to recognize that the life styles of Afro- Americans have unique qualities owing to their African heri- tage, their exposure to a "peculiar" system of slavery, and the dehumanizing residuals of oppression and exploitation. However, manifest in these scholar's attempt to delineate the influence of race on behavior is a preoccupation with pathology and thus a tendency to display a selective focus on the negative aspects of Afro-Americans. This tendency is clearly manifest in their very selection of subjects, namely, low-income, problem—ridden, unstable individuals and groups, such as the "urban slum child," the "disadvan- taged child," the "ghetto Negro family," and the "ghetto man" (Dreger and Miller, 1960, 1968; Billingsley, 1967; Etzkowitz and Schaflander, 1969; Caplan, 1970). It is not un— common, moreover, to find many scholars who use interchange- ably such concepts as "lower-class," "ghetto," "inner-city," "Negro community," and "black community." It should not be surprising, therefore, that even cursory exposure to this body of literature is sufficient to establish a "set" for conceptualizing Afro-Americans either in "negative" terms or in terms of undesirable attitudinal and behavioral patterns. The failure to acknowledge the more intact and stable elements of the Afro-American communities has contributed 10 heavily to a deficit in understanding and prediction. Con- sider the studies which have been conducted to answer cer— tain questions about racial identification and self-awareness in Afro-American children (Goodman, 1952; Clark and Clark, 1958). The trend in these studies has been to focus almost exclusively upon the approximately 70% Who identify with whites and Show a preference to be white, and to virtually exclude from analysis and consideration the 30% who identify with and prefer their own race. Those Afro-Americans who strongly' identify with and prefer the white dominant group, some to the point of self-deprecation and disdaining their own innate characteristics, are well represented in the 70% who "yearn to be white." It is very possible, however, that it was out of the group of Afro-Americans who identify with and prefer their own race from which emerged the "Nouveau N233," those Afro-Americans who endorse the belief that "black is beautiful and it is beautiful to be black." To exclude from analysis and consideration such a viable segment of the Afro-American community is to per- petuate a basic fallacy in the concept of and the search for "a Negro personality." Cruse (1967) and Thomas and Sillers (1972) have proposed that this lack of knowledge and understanding of Afro-American people is clearly mani- fest in the failure of behavioral scientists to predict the current emphasis on "black identity" and "black pride" and, 11 moreover, the use of force and violence during the "ghetto riots" of the late 1960's. Pettigrew (1964), in addressing the question of why so little is known about personality features of Afro-Americans, enumerates a disquieting list of past deterrents to a round- ed scientific understanding of "the Negro Personality." The first deterrent, he states, has been that the scholars in the Afro-American domain of research have been hung up on century- long debates over racial superiority and inferiority. The result of this has been their tendency to concentrate on two main areas of study: (1) "Intellectual functioning," an area related to but not central to personality, and (2) "ad- justment," a state of being which is defined in terms of tests standardized on white populations, thereby failing to relate to the complex, changing social environment to which Afro-Americans must "adjust." Thus, the fundamental deterrent here, Pettigrew argues, is that not only have the wrong questions been asked but the preponderance of previous re- search has been directed at narrow concerns and the concep- tualizations have failed to summon any general theoretical relevance. The second deterrent to proceeding to a more exten- sive understanding has been certain restraining features in- herent in the methodology. With few exceptions the investi- gators have been white. It is highly probable that the "whiteness" of the examiner influences the way Afro-American 12 people respond and, thus, introduces a bias into the basic data. In addition, problems have arisen relative to the difficulty in controlling for a number of variables peculiar to Afro-American people as a group, namely, migration history, skin color, and differential experiences with the white world. For example, Canady (1943) has outlined several problems which stem from the basic error of equating the environment of Afro-American and white groups for comparative studies. His major argument is that the cultural and experiential differences are so great as to preclude the equating of the two environments. The third and final deterrent presented by Pettigrew is the lack of a theoretical perspective which takes into consideration the unique history and the present socio-cultural position of Afro-Americans. He suggests that an "interaction- ist theory" would be most appropriate and conducive to under- standing Afro-American dynamics in that it would incorporate into the historical and socio-cultural forces which propel Afro-American people as a group, the legacies of several centuries of chattel slavery, segregation and discrimination, and the consequenceSImfloW'occupational, educational, economic, political and social status. Given these deterrents, scientists who seek to ex- plore the world of "Black folk" have inherent within their task the property of being caught up in the cross-currents of societal and cultural tensions. For the scientist, 13 particularly the social scientist, is at first a social be— ing who shares in the larger preoccupations and sentiments of his group, thereby being subject to the prejudices of his culture, his class, and his generation. Seldom has a single area of research become so intimately intertwined with such a socially relevant subject. To summarize the current status of social science literature on Afro-Americans, previous investigators have failed to give adequate attention to individual variability and have failed to make the necessary distinctions among Afro«Americans. Thus, knowledge and understanding about the variety of personalities and character formations of Afro- Americans as a people is wanting. For in that the differen- tial approach was not employed in the study of Afro-American people as a group, the analyses fail to give appropriate con- sideration to intra-group dynamics. One is led, therefore, to doubt both the validity and the utility of theorizing which assumes a discrete, monolithic "Negro personality" or "black-psyche." Intra-Group Analysis: An Alternative The premise from which the present thesis will unfold holds that Afro-Americans are not a simple, homogeneous group of people, but rather represent a complex, heterogeneous pop- ulation. In contrast to the cross-cultural and comparative paradigms, our approach shall be one in which we explore and examine the intra-group variance, or heterogeneity, among 14 Afro-Americans. Hopefully this will add a dimension and per- spective many scholars have long argued was necessary for a full appreciation and understanding of the dynamics and reality of life among Afro-Americans as a people (Canady, 1943; Jenkins, 1946; Williams, 1970). In his classic and insightful treatise on the nature of prejudice, Gordon Allport (1954) delineated several per- secution-produced traits that individuals may develop who have been victimized by their exposure as a "target" in an oppressive and racist society. He points to a number of possible defensive responses to oppression, and proposes that the way an individual reacts will depend on his own peculiar life-circumstances. Thus, just what defenses will develop is largely an individual matter. However, beneath the diversity of life-styles among Afro-Americans, Allport ar- gues, each individual has consciously or unconsciously made one of two basic defensive choices in orienting his life. The first possible choice for an individual is to accept his role as "target," and concede himself an oppressed victim of racism. The individual who chooses this mode of reaction typically withdraws into passivity and hides his true feelings behind a facade of passive acquiescence. If the master jokes, the slave laughs. If the master storms, the slave quails. For the individual of this orientation has repressed and suppressed the rage and hostility generated from his "target" status. He may, moreover, be moved to the 15 point of denying his membership in the disparaged group, manifest a tendency to identify with his oppressor, and de- velop assimilationist strivings such that he may lose him- self in the dominant group. The second avenue open to a person victimized for his membership in a disparaged group is to rebel against his oppressor in an overly aggressive and, if need be, violent manner. Here, the individual is militant, refuses to "take it," and may very well join political and actionist organ- izations pledged to improve his existing situation. Thus, Allport furnishes us with a conceptual struc- ture which allows for variability in character formation. He has outlined two basic reactions Afro-Americans may de- velop in response to oppression. The first is an introverted, intrapunitive, and passive mode of reaction in which the individual blames himself for his misfortune. The second is an extrapunitive, aggressive mode of reaction in which the individual blames the external world for his misfortune and attacks the source of the difficulty. If the individual reactions and orientations of Afro—Americans vary along a dimension which ranges from apparently total acceptance of their oppressed status to open rebellion, then Afro—Americans most assuredly are a heterogeneous group of people. Harry Edwards (1970), in presenting his observations of the historical development of the Black Student Movement, offers empirical data which serves to supplement Allport's 16 theoretical scheme. This graphic account of black college students documents the variability among Afro-American youth in terms of their striving and expressive behavior. For Edwards concentrates on the divergent potentialities of the students, and points out how the diversity in character and in ideology served as the primary dynamics of the movement. While there was virtually unanimous agreement as to the goals of the movement, namely, freedom, justice, and equality, Edwards reports there being several distinct and sometimes conflicting orientations in other significant areas. It is these individual differences among the students which per- suaded Edwards to develop several categories of "student types" from the qualitative and ethnographic data he gathered while lecturing and organizing black students on a number of predominantly white college and university campuses. The typology he presents consists of five categories: "The radical activist," "the militant," "the revolutionary," "the anomic activist," and "the conforming Negro." The rationale for developing five distinct categories stems from the observation that in addition to being significant in both numbers and relevance to the movement, the members of each specific group shared a unique and salient set of attributes and dispositions. Edwards, therefore, provides us with an empirical set of data with which to augment Allport's contention that beneath the diversity of life- styles among Afro-American people, each individual has 17 consciously or unconsciously made a choice in orienting his life. The "radical activist" typically comes from a middle- class Negro family, tends to be somewhat older academically and chronologically, and has a long history of activism in the "struggle for liberation." Over time, he has become experienced and efficient in the task of organizing and mobilizing people. He entered college by qualifying under the traditional, or "normal," standards for entry, but over the course of his undergraduate studies, his interests shifted from getting an academic degree to advancing Afro- American people’s struggle for freedom and liberation. The radical activists are those students who initiated the use of ”open confrontation" as a strategy on college campuses and agitated for, and eventually organized, what was to be- come the Black Student Unions. The fact that they themselves either occupy positions of authority and power in the student organizational hierarchy, or delegate these positions to others, suggests they are the true politicians within the student group. They are the ones responsible for conceiving and implementing the functions and activities of the organ- ization. In addition to their peculiar political disposition, they have a tendency to be social reformers, and their pol— itical ideology is sufficiently flexible so that at times they are willing to compromise and bargain. While they may preach the rhetoric of "separation," inherent in their 18 ideology is the basic belief that although America may have her "hang-ups," she is worth saving. The second student type, the "militant," is the most numerous of all student types. He is like the "radical activist" in that he,too, typically comes from a middle-class Negro family, but differs in that he is younger, both aca- demically and chronologically,and lacks the practical ex- perience in organizational matters. Most importantly, he lacks the cohesive philosophy of "the struggle" which the radical activists use to direct and guide their actions. In- deed, the "militant" has just recently been turned on to his "blackness" and, finding himself being organized and politi- cized by the radical activists, tends to pick up and employ all the current rhetoric of the movement. This is the individual who is most likely to wear African styles and a "fro" in an effort to bolster his ego, sustain a sense of identity, and exhibit his militancy. Unlike the radical activist, the first priority and primary goal of the militant is to obtain a college degree. He has taken advantage of the more liberal college entrance standards and sees himself gradually carving out a stake in the American social system. Thus, he too develops a pre- ference for reforming the American institutional structure rather than destroying it. Although he tends to give lip service to a "militant ideology," he is not predisposed to get involved in any type of militant action which may prove 19 to jeopardize his educational future, for he has among his most immediate aspirations the attainment of a high-paying job and a "big house." The third group of students, the "revolutionaries," are as far left of the radical-activists and the militants as the latter two groups are to the left of the more moderate, traditional Negro leaders. Their socio—economic class origins and academic-chronological ages vary to the extent that they do not conform to any one salient, distinguishable pattern. Although the "revolutionary" is as likely to come from the lower classes as from the middle classes, and may or may not have entered college under more liberalized minority group entrance standards, he is the most well-read, the most adept at both reading and writing, and the most articulate of all five student types. He typically does well in school because he usually enrolls only in those courses which most interest him and appear to be "relevant" to his revolutionary aims. That he becomes a "professional student," making little pro- gress toward fulfilling course requirements for graduation, is of little or no significance to him. For to his way of thinking, the value of a college degree is null. College is simply another component of the racist, oppressive society that one day will inevitably be destroyed. Like the radical- activist and the militant, the revolutionary places a high value on "black pride” and on cultural and historical ties with Africa. But he differs from these two groups in that 20 he sees no merit or rationale for reforming and saving the American society. Rather, he is dedicated to the proposition that the oppressive tendencies and racist policies are so deeply rooted and ingrained in the institutions of the American social system that the only solution open to Afro- Americans is total and irreversible destruction of those social institutions. His ideology also incorporates an internationalistic perspective. He sees America as not only domestically oppressive but as the major oppressive force that thwarts the peoples around the world in their effort to escape colonialism, exploitation, and racist white domination. The willingness of the revolutionary to accept premeditated and calculated violence as a legitimate tactic is the primary reason that he is seldom selected for positions of authority and power within the organizational hierarchy. His predis- position toward revolution and violence tends to push the less militant membership at too fast a pace and in too rad- ical a direction. Of all five student types presented by Edwards, the "anomic activist" is perhaps the most representative product of the "black experience" in America. He comes from the hard-core, inner-city community, usually from a single-parent, multiple-sibling family, has led an entire existence marked by anger and rage, and is now in a state of total rebellion against America and the role he has been forced to play in the American social system. Usually attending a college 21 near his home, and having taken advantage of the liberal admission policies and financial aid programs, he is among the youngest students, both academically and chronologically. Given the negative results of earlier educational experiences and. a life style that has never emphasized steady perfor- mance over an extended period of time, he has given up hope and belief in his capacity to ever do well in school. He cannot entertain the idea of ever achieving a respectable status, a high-paying job, or a "big house." While his er— ratic educational performance subjects him to constant criti— cism and pressure to improve, he tends to rationalize his poor academic performance by the charge that education in America's colleges is irrelevant to the interests of black people. Indeed, his anger and rage are so unbounded and diffuse that he tends to perceive even "in-group" members negatively. Thus, he sees the radical-activist as too analy- tical and too concerned with planning and detail; the mili- tant as too bourgeois and hypocritical; the revolutionary as too hung up on words and ideology; and the conforming Negro as repugnant. His almost compulsive orientation to— ward action and rebellion leads the "anomic activist" to a state of confusion and frustration, for like the militant he too lacks a coherent philosophical ideology with which to guide and channel his energies. The anomic activist is, in essence, the epitome of the "rebel without a cause." 22 The final student type presented by Edwards is the "conforming Negro," who typically adheres to no philosophy or ideology other than that passed on to him by his parents and other traditional socializing agents of society. While he may closely approximate the values and attitudes of the traditional middle-class or bourgeois Negro, his family of origin is most likely to have existed on the fringe of the socio-economic boundaries that separate the upper—lower“ classes from the lower-middle-classes. He has completed high school with fairly decent grades, has taken advantage of the liberalization of college admission standards and readily available financial aid, and has evolved the life style of an "individual achiever." His sole purpose for being in college is to get a degree and eventually obtain a high-paying job and a "big house," preferably in an all- white or sparsely integrated neighborhood. Given his long-term goals, his predisposition to- ward conformity, and his need for achievement, he has such a vested interest in the maintenance of the established American institutional structure that he is threatened by the disruptive, activist orientation of the other four student groups. Indeed, he is critical of the latter groups and plays a passive role in the "struggle." This leads to ac- cusations of conforming doggedly to the traditional "Negro— role," showing a lack of concern for the plight of the masses of Afro-American people, and ultimately to 23 ostracism by members of the other student groups. The ramifications of this expulsion are clearly manifest hihis interpersonal relations in that they are limited primarily to whites or to other conforming Negroes. These, then, are five types of orientations and dis- positions which have been observed among Afro-American youth and which tend to corroborate the conceptualization of "pos- sible response to oppression" set forth by Allport. The typology advanced by Edwards reflects the vicissitudes of the times, as well as the multifariousness of Afro-American people as a group, making apparent the heterogeneous nature of Afro-Americans as a group. For one does not see the mani- festation of neither a discrete, monolithic cognitive struc- ture nor a "Negro personality," namely, a personality or set of dispositions representative of the universe of Afro- American people. CHAPTER II OBJECTIVES AND STRATEGY The major proposition emerging from the above con- siderations is that within the Afro-American community there exists a variety of groups of persons, each of which is suf- ficiently uniform in disposition to be rendered discernible. The differentiated groups which Allport and Edwards offer us were illustrative, exhibiting a spectrum of needs, desires, and motivations. While these groups may certainly be "ideal- types" and relatively general in nature, they do offer some intra-group analysis which yields characteristics common to specific subsets of Afro—Americans. As Edwards has pointed out, over the course of the last decade, we have witnessed a new phenomenon, namely, the emergence of a militant sub- set from the Negro middle-class and from the previously in- articulate and lethargic working and lower-classes. The phenomenon, in essence, is the birth of a "black revolution," a movement which projects the battlecry of "liberation," and the adversary as the virulent white racism that threatens to destroy Afro-Americans as a people. Familiarity with the Afro-American community leads one to the assumption that Afro-Americans of whatever 24 25 ideological persuasion will readily accept liberation, free- dom, and equality as the goals of the contemporary struggle. Thus, the issue before us does not revolve around the goals of the movement, but rather around the strategies and tactics which the various subsets of Afro-Americans endorse and em- ploy in an effort to reach their end. The preferential means for achieving their goals range from integration into the white American mainstream to a press for physical and cultural separation from white America. The question of con- cern_ therefore, is centered about whether an Afro-American chooses to move toward or move away from the American society. With these considerations in mind, it became feasi- ble and legitimate to conceptualize two rather distinguish- able groups in terms of their movement toward or away from American social life and, furthermore, to examine the pecu- liar ideological and psychological characteristics associated with each group. Thus, the purpose of the present investi- gation was to examine the intragroup variance among Afro- Americans that stems from their attitudes toward integration and separation. The underlying assumption of the study was that there are certain core attitudinal, or cognitive, structures which generate particular coping mechanisms and modes of dealing with events in one's environment. Consistent with the scheme developed by Allport, we advanced the proposition 26 that within the range of available alternatives each in- dividual selectively chooses and organizes a set of beliefs and expectations largely on the basis of his own peculiar cognitive-motivational mode of fun tioning. The primary task was to explore and examine "b1 ck consciousness" as an index of the extent to which Afro-Amer' ns are dispersed erm "black \ consciousness" was used to refer to the various ele ents of along the integration-separation dimension. The political and social ideology. To the extent that bIack consciousness is a simple continuum, people will vary by degrees from extreme integrationists to extreme separation- ists. In addition to the examination of black conscious- ness, we will explore the relevance and relationship of two other psycho—social constructs, namely, family ideology and perception of internal versus external control of rewards and reinforcement. Let us, at this point, take a closer look at the constructs of black consciousness, internal- external control, and family ideology, the three dimensions along which we explore the variability among Afro-Americans. Black Consciousness In order to fully appreciate the concept of "black consciousness," one must recognize that the Afro—American people in this society are in the midst of an identity crisis, the origin of which lies in the historical roots of 27 the myths and fantasies emanating from such social forces as "plantation culture," "slave society," and "racial etiquette." Having been involuntarily brought from Africa and placed within the context and ethos of these social forces, the emerging Afro-American was crowned with his identity of where he came from, who he was, what he was. In this milieu of ethnic dualism, where segregation was part of the "natural order" and survival was dependent on obedience, one could argue that the tendency to set these people of African origin and heritage off as a group would serve to awaken in them a racial consciousness, or a consciousness of kind. In the comprehensive doctrine of race and the elaborate symbolic matrix of whiteness and blackness employed by these social forces, however, blackness became symbolic of whatever was forbidden and horrifying in human nature, the equivalent of sin. Thus, to be black was to be ugly, dirty, lazy, stupid, beastly, and inferior; attributes which readily elicit a defense against perceiving in one's self as an object, and hardly conducive for the development of a group consciousness and sense of peoplehood. Today, there are residuals of this systematic castra- tion and debasement in the psyche of many Afro-American people. As noted above, however, there is a growing number of "mili- tant blacks" who have "come up from below," have learned to accept themselves and their people, and who make explicit their desire to determine the nature and course of their 28 lives, no small accomplishment in a society oriented com- pletely to the values and needs of the white populace. One is immediately led to a state of curiosity, therefore, about the nature of these Afro-Americans who have this newfound self—acceptance and assertiveness so clearly manifest in the new ideas they have about themselves, both as individuals and as a people. That black is beautiful and that is beauti- ful to be black. That they have an African ancestry and heritage of which to be proud. Black heroes to be honored. While certainly not characteristic of Afro-Americans as a whole, these beliefs and expressions of "black pride" and "black identity" are sufficiently persistent in a number of Afro-Americans to be indicative of a very salient trend. Henry Banks (1970), for example, explored this trend of "racial awareness" by developing a "Black Consciousness Scale," and employing it to investigate eighty-six high school and junior college students. His primary interest was in the attitudes Afro-Americans have in reference to the institutions of the United States which affect the "black movement." He was cognizant of the multi-dimensional nature of racial awareness, and designed his investigation to ex- plore possible differences in "black consciousness" among students on the basis of class level, place of residence, and enrollment in Black Studies courses and/or membership in the Black Student Union. 29 The Likert-type scale employed was keyed such that the higher the score the higher the degree of black onscious- ness. Banks found that a significant number of his subjects endorsed a set of attitudes favorable to one's "blackness" and, in addition, antithetical to many of the basic American values. Enrollment in Black Studies courses and/or member- ship in the Black Student Union correlated significantly with degree of black consciousness and positive self-image. How- ever, class level, place ofresidence, age, and sex were un- related to black consciousness and a positive self-image. The first objective of the present study, therefore, was to pursue the study of "black pride" and "racial aware— ness." For our purposes black consciousnesswas operationa— lized as the extent to which racial feelings and racial sen- timents are present in consciousness. Although membership in the aggregate of Afro-Americans represents a relatively "fixed affiliation," some members more so than others have in their immediate awareness "a sense of kinship and people- hood." This conceptualization of black consciousness en- compasses not so much the general attitudes characteristic of a certain subset of Afro-Americans, but more specifically those political and social attitudes which are in the focus of attention, the "fore-conscious" so to speak. 30 Internal vs. External Control The Afro-American lives in a setting in which the values of liberal democracy form a system of beliefs and expectations which is presented as a legitimate and valid picture of the real world. In reality, however, the social system Afro-Americans experience is one in which rewards and reinforcements are essentially contingent upon skin color. Instead of sharing in the experiences attendant up- on freedom and equality, their experiences tend to center around the inequities stemming from the well-documented in- stitutionalized racism inherent in the American social sy- stem (Kerner, 1968; Knowles and Prewitt, 1969; Koval, 1970; Schwartz and Disch, 1970). Thus, the question which concerns us in this domain is whether Afro—Americans may be differen- tiated according to the degree to which they perceive that A rewards and reinforcements follow from, or are contingent upon, their own behavior and attributes (internal control), as opposed to being controlled by forces outside of them- selves, thereby occurring independently of their own actions (external control). Gore and Rotter (1963) were interested in the con— ditions under which the initiation of social change and social action-taking behavior will take place, and sought to establish some predictive parameters of personality by utilizing the concept of internal vs external control of 31 reinforcement. This concept of internal-external control (IE) was developed originally be Rotter within his theory of social learning and refers to a dimension in which in- dividuals are distributed according to the degree to which they attribute what happens to themselves to their own be- haviors or characteristics versus the degree to which they attribute what happens to forces outside of their own control, e.g. fate, change and luck. The authors then constructed a scale to asses the extent to which individuals differ in terms of whether they expect rewards in a large variety of situations to be the function of external forces or their own behavior and at- tributes. It was hypothesized that for people who are highly involved in a desire for social change, such as Afro-American people in the Afro-American society, social action-taking behavior can be predicted from a generalized attitude of internal versus external control of the locus of reinforcement. The subjects of the Gore and Rotter study were sixty- two male and fifty-four female students enrolled at a pre- dominantly Afro-American college in the South. It was found that the students who were most desirous of social change and willing to take part in a variety of civil rights de- monstrations showed higher internal control scores than students who were less desirous for social change and un- willing to participate in demonstrations. Thus, the more militant students had a tendency to believe that rewards 32 and reinforcements are contingent upon their own actions and, moreover, that they could to some extent shape their own fate and destiny. In their analyses of the characteristics and attitudes of riot participants and nonparticipants, also referred to as militant and nonmilitant respectively, Caplan and Paige (1968) utilized data gathered from surveys conducted in two major cities, Detroit and Newark, during the riot disorders of the summer of 1967. The survey data disclosed that the militants were distinguishable from nonmilitants by their strong feel— ings of racial pride and by their attribution of blame for not getting ahead in the social system to racial discrimina- tion rather than to sources 'within themselves. This latter finding, the tendency to explain social economic, and politi- cal failure as being due to the system rather than to the individual is just the opposite of the finding presented by Gore and Rotter (1963). It is, however, consistent with an earlier finding by Marx (1967) that indicated militancy is positively related to a combination of positive self-image and greater awareness of the external constraints which keep one in a disadvantaged social position. In addition, Gurin gt_gl, (1969) found a marked tendency for militancy among Afro—American students to be associated with the belief that they could not achieve personal goals because of external and social systematic constraints. In general, we can see that the concept of internal- external control connotes the extent to which individuals 33 feel they can extract material and social benefits from the environment through their own efforts. In that it has been documented that racism in the American social system is so prevalent and pervasive that it has become institutionalized, it follows that rewards and reinforcement are to a great extent contingent upon the race of an individual. Given this inequity in their social system, we were led to suspect some variance among Afro-Americans relative to a militant pursuit of equality or a passive adaptation. Thus, the second ob- jective of the present study was to ascertain whether the extent to which racial feelings and racial sentiments, namely, black consciousness, are systematically related to perceptions of the locus of rewards and reinforcement. Family Ideology There is an uniqueness about the precarious position AfrOuAmericans hold in the American society. For the oppres- sion with which they are confronted emanates from within a social system founded on a tradition of democratic ideology. One interesting question, therefore, was to what extent are Afro-Americans sensitive to the concrete meaning of democracy? Does a person who thinks long and deeply about democracy in the economic and political spheres of life tend to be demo- cratic in his social and personal sphere of life, a domain of his life in which he may assert some control? 34 The family is the only institution in society over which Afro-American peOple have even remote control and, thereby, provides us with a personal sphere of life and an avenue along which to obtain an estimate of their commit- ment to democratic policy. Therefore, this study attempted to assess, along an autocratic-democratic dimension, the ways in which authority and power are distributed among members of Afro-American families. This variable was then related to the other two major variables, namely, black conscious— ness and internal-external control. Rationale for Inclusion of Whites in Study Although the primary focus of the study was on the existence and character of heterogeneity in Afro-Americans, there was a secondary interest in the causal explanation of any relationships that may be found. In particular, the following question was raised: Do the relationships reflect some aspect of life which is unique to Afro-Americans and their "black experience?" Or do the relationships reflect a more general association between socio-political ideology and personal characteristics extant within the greater soceity? The general test of these questions was beyond the schpe of this study. There was, however, one obvious first test of such hypotheses, namely, ascertain whether the pattern of attitudinal relationships found among whites ap- proximates the pattern found among Afro-Americans. If so, then there is strong perliminary evidence that these 35 relationships reflect the psychodynamics of attitudes and be- liefs of the American society rather than the Afro-American community. Thus, the rationale for inclusion of whites in the study was that it would allow for a more systematic analy- sis of the influence of socio-political variance on the structuring of attitudes and beliefs. In that the present study focused upon movement to- ward or away from the American social systems, one methodo— logical problem in looking at these relationship among whites was that black consciousness is irrelevant for whites. What set of attitudes would play the same role for whites that black consciousness plays for Afro-Americans? It has been documented that white protest also reflects varied perspectives and strategies (Foster a Long, 1970). Thus, our strategy here was to assess whites for their attitudes and beliefs about achieving one's goals through either disruption and violence or democratic processes and traditionally legitimate channels. Summary of Objectives To summarize the objectives of the present study, analyses of black consciousness, internal-external control, and family ideology were specifically designed to further clarify the heterogeneous nature of Afro-Americans. The strategy was to explore the current trend in "black aware- ness," the perceptions of the locus of reward and reinforcement, 36 and,finally, the adherence to democratic policies in family life. The design of the study is such that it allowed us to factor out of a sample of Afro-Americans any subsets which tended to manifest homogeneity. The rationale for this ap- proximation of group variability was that, given a range of alternatives, each individual selectively chooses and organ- izes a set of beliefs and expectations largely on the basis of his own peculiar needs, or cognitive-motivational modes of functioning. Moreover, it was assumed that these beliefs and expectations are so well conditioned and embedded in the character structure that they reflect organized and relative- ly stable patterns of thought. CHAPTER III METHOD This study was based on the premise that in any suf— ficiently large aggregate of Afro-Americans, one will find a variety of beliefs and attitudes and, moreover, that atti— tudes will be related to one another. Our plan was to test this assertion by sampling young Afro-Americans at a predom- inantly white midwestern university. The specific attitudes studied were questionnaire measures of black consciousness, internal-external control, and family ideology. Subjects Since family ideology was one of the major variables of interest and, moreover, that daily observations disclosed a sizeable number of Afro-Americans living in University married housing facilities, we decided to sample this Afro- American married student population. Because University administrative regulations dis- allow entering race on student records, it was not known who the Afro-American married students were, where they lived, or even how many were in attendance at the university. The sampling procedure, therefore, consisted of initially pro- curing the names of Afro-American students from a confidential 37 38 list compiled by an Afro-American organization active on campus, the occurrence of a person's name on the list, however, in no way implying affiliation with the organization. These names were then checked against the student telephone direc- tory, and the address of a student indicated whether he or she lived in the married housing facilities. Since this list was fragmentary and incomplete, additional names were gather- ed from a survey in which all known Afro-American students were asked to name any fellow students who were married and living on campus. Moreover, during the data collection ses- sion with each known married couple, the couple was asked, during the preliminary social exchange or the departing re- marks, whether they knew of any other Afro-American couples in their building or area. The names offered by these sub- jects were recorded and later checked against the master list. Thus, the list of subjects increased as the data col- lection progressed, and an attempt was made to exhaust the total population of students who met the following criteria: Afro-American, married and living in University married housing. The initial contact with each potential subject was by telephone. If he or she agreed to participate in the study, a meeting was arranged with the wife and husband to- gether. Those who declined participation in the telephone session were seen in person in an effort to overcome their reluctance by indicating the value of the research. If they 39 continued to refuse participation after the visit, they were eliminated as potential subjects. This procedure yielded seventy-eight couples who agreed to participate and three couples who declined because they were "pressed for time." Of the seventy-eight couples who agreed to participate, the participation of four couples necessitated a personal visit subsequent to the telephone session. The total number of subjects in the sample is thus 156, composed ofseventy-eight males and seventy-eight females. Although we cannot be absolutely certain, we believe this subject pool closely approximates the total number of Afro- American married couples living in the married housing facili- ties on campus. In addition to the Afro-American subjects, a control group of fifty married white couples was randomly selected from a white population living in University married housing. The names of white subjects were collected by means of going through the list of students compiled by Michigan State University and published in the Student Telephone Directory. The procedure consisted of selecting every fifteenth person who lived in married housing, whose name did not suggest a foreign student, and who had not been assigned to the sample of Afro-American subjects. Given the abundance of potential white subjects, all the names gathered in the procedure outlined above were typed on individual 3 X 5 cards, shuffled, and the first 40 fifty couples chosen at random were selected as subjects. They,too, were first contacted by telephone and an addition- al personal visit was made if they indicated reluctance to participate. This procedure was followed until fifty couples had agreed to participate inthe study. Nine couples declined on the phone, but five of them conceded after a personal visit. Thus, altogether there were fifty males and fifty females for a total of one-hundred white subjects. Instruments Demographic Questionnaire.--Brink and Harris (1963), Tomlinson (1968), and Caplan (1970) have pre- sented data which suggest certain kinds of background information, such as region of socialization and educa- tional and occupational background of parents, may be useful in accounting for part of the variance between militant and nonmilitant behavior. These findings led us to include within our questionnaire a survey of the major demographic variables, the rationale being that these demographic data could be employed for cross- classification to establish differential patterns of the variOus subsets that may manifest themselves among the three major variables (black consciousness, internal- external control, and family ideology). Black Consciousness Inventory.--This is a 80- item five—point Likert-type questionnaire developed by Henry Banks (1970). It attempts to operationalize 41 the definition of "black consciousness" advanced by Nathan Hare (1968), namely: "The state of being conscious of one's blackness vis-a-vis white racism. Awareness of, or awake to, memberShip in the black race and its struggle, includ- ing the state of being void of dreams of one day waking up white. The state of being 'together' on matters con- cerning the black man (p.44).” There are parallel forms and the subject responds to each item on a five-point scale which ranges from strongly agree to strongly disagree. For a sample of AfrOvAmerican males and females ranging in age from four- teen to thirty-three years, Banks found a split-half re- liability of .84. A preliminary content analysis of the items re- vealed one dominant cluster that was "political" in nature, and two other rather weak clusters that appeared to tap "attitudes toward whites" and "peoplehood." Therefore, the latter two dimensions were augmented by adding parallel forms of ten items that promised to generate some variance. Multi-Dimensional Internal-External Control Scale.-- This instrument is a 40-item,forced-choice questionnaire developed by Gurin e£_al. (1969) and designed to measure beliefs and expectations about the operation of personal and external forces of control. The scale is a modifica— tion of the Internal-External Scale developed by Rotter (1966). In developing this instrument, Gurin and his 42 colleageues eliminated six of the twenty-nine items in Rotter's Internal-External Scale, and added seventeen items of their own which attempted to tap one's belief about the operation of personal and external forces in the race situation in the United States. Thus, the rationale for employing the Gurin scale was that in addition to assessing the internal-external dimension as proposed by Rotter, it allowed us to examine race ideo- logy along an internal-external dimension. For the pur- poses of the present study, however, those six omitted Rotter items were included for a total of forty-six items. Rotter found for a sample of college students the test—retest reliability for a one-month period to be .60. Reliability for the Gurin scale has not been pub- lished, but personal communication with Gurin revealed publication is forthcoming. As mentioned above, this scale is a forced-choice test in which the respondent must decide to endorse either of two alternatives —- one representing one end of a dimension, the other representing the opposite end. The dimension being used here, namely, internal versus external control of reinforcement, taps the extent to which people develop "generalized expectancies" that the world is controllable and subject to their influence, or come to believe their fates are determined mostly by chance or external powers. In addition, the scale taps 43 the extent to which the respondent perceives individual qualities or social system factors as the key determinants of one's fate. Traditional Familyldeology.--This scale was de- veloped by Levinson and Huffman (1955) in an effort to as- certain whether individuals are relatively consistent in their tendency to take a democratic or an autocratic stand on various issues related to family life. The scale is composed of forty five-point Likert-type items, thirty- four of which are regarded as autocratic in nature and six as democratic. Scoring is reversed for the democratic items. Thus, the range of scores is 40-200, with a high score indicating adherence to a traditional autocratic family ideology. Levinson and Huffman found a split-half reliability of .84. The scale correlates significantly with a number of other variables such as ethnocentrism, authoritarianism, and, particularly, religious convention- alism. This suggests that an individual's family ideology may well overlap with his ideological views toward other social institutions. In an effort to obtain a general conception of the ideology of the subject's family of origin, ten items were added which assessed the tendency of the subject's mother and father to take a democratic or autocratic stand on family affairs. These additional ten items were also presented in the first-person so as to get an assessment of how the subject compared with his parents 44 relative to specific family situations. This latter step, moreover, allowed us to be in a position to make an ob- servation of change in family ideology across generations. New Left Scale.--This scale was developed by Christie and his colleagues (1969) and attempts to mea- sure agreement with the principles espoused by the New Left, mainly concerning discontent with the existing so- cial order. The scale is included because it taps for the white subjects what the Black Consciousness Scale taps for the Afro-American subjects, namely, a general dimension of "discontent with the existing social order." It consists of sixty-two items in Likert-scale format which vary from strongly disagree through no opinion to strongly agree. Items are worded in both pro- left and anti-left direction. For a population of 153 female and male students at a major university, Christie found the average item—test correlations for the twenty best items to be .54. Procedure Upon meeting with each married couple in their home, following some preliminary social exchange, the instruments described above were administered directly to the wife and husband. To prevent the wife and hus— band from influencing one another, they were instructed to neither discuss the questions nor compare answers 45 until both had completed the questionnaire. The data for each couple were collected during one two-hour ses- sion. While data on biographic-demographic background, internal-external control, and family ideology were gathered from both Afro-American and white subjects, the Black Consciousness inventory was administered to the Afro-American subjects and the New Left Scale to the white subjects. The data were gathered by the author with the assistance of five undergraduate students. The assistants had been trained in interviewing and directed to follow specific procedures. The subjects were divided among the aforementioned persons such that the investigator was of the same race as the subject. CHAPTER IV ANALYSIS OF DATA AND RESULTS Preview of the Method of Analysis of Data To ensure complete anonymity, the data on each in- dividual subject were assigned on identification number prior to analysis. Subsequent to the assignment of iden- tification numbers, we assessed the intragroup variability by examining the subject's responses on each Of the four major scales, namely, black consciousness, internal- external control, family ideology, and new left. The first step in analyzing the responses consisted of a clus- ter analysis of the items making up each scale. These clusters were then correlated with one another. The items were clustered by employing a program of cluster analysis developed by Hunter and Cohen (1969) and Hunter (1970). In clustering the items, stringent criteria were established so as to obtain the strongest and most salient relationships, or sets of attitudes among the subjects. Essentially, this reduced the set of data for study to the most prominent and conspicuous responses among the subjects. The method of cluster analysis develOped by Hunter and Cohen consisted of initially examining each scale so 46 47 as to ascertain whether it is homogeneous or heterogeneous in nature. If the scale is homogeneous, then the items which make up the scale should tend to cluster into one general factor. If the scale is heterogeneous, then we ‘would expect the items which constitute the scale to clus- ter into subscales. This initial analysis was accomplished by consi- deration of the statistical value of the correlations be- tween items, the homogeneity of content for those items that tended to manifest positive intercorrelations, and, finally, the extent to which the correlated and homogene- ous items had the same pattern of correlations with other items within the scale (parallelism). Analysis of the data, therefore, was conducted in three stages. The first stage was an analysis of the total set of data, and consisted of assessing the degree of homogeneity among the subject's responses on each of the scales. The result of this initial step was a clus- ter analysis of the items making up each scale. The clus- ters were then used to form homogeneous and specific sub- scales. With increased insight into the responses of the subjects gained by the cluster analysis, the second step in the analysis of data was to examine the relationships between the subscales. This was accomplished by examin— ing the intercorrelations between the subscales. Of 48 particular interest were the intercorrelations between the subscales and the major demographic variables. Finally, we wanted to consider the extent to which the data of the white subjects resemble those of the Afro- American subjects. Therefore, the New Left Scale was cluster analyzed. In addition, the clusters found within the Internal-External and Family Ideology scales for the Afro-American subjects were scored for the white subjects. This amounted to using the clusters generated by the Afro- American subjects as scales. There was a total of 244 items for the Afro- American subjects, and for the purpose of analysis they were ordered as follows: Demographic = 1-32; Family Ideo- logy = 33-93; Black Consciousness = 94-198; and Internal- External Control = 199-244. The white subjects responded to 201 items: Demographic = 1-32; Family Ideology = 33- 93; New Left==94-155; and Internal-External Control = 156— 201. The individual subscales generated from the clus- ter analysis of each major scale is presented in table form to show structure and content. In addition, the table shows the distribution of responses among the sub- jects and the correlations between the items which make up the subscale. Many of the correlation matrices have been computed with communalities and corrected for at- tenuation. In that error of measurement can lead to an 49 under-estimation of the correlation between variables, it ‘tends to obscure, or attenuate, the actual degree of re- lationship. This reduction in correlation as a result of error in measurement, namely, attenuation, can be "cor- rected" by estimating how much effect measurement error has on the correlation (Nunnaly, 1967). Essentially, it is an estimate of how much the correlation would be if the two variables in question were made perfectly reliable. Thus, in correcting for attenuation, a given factor is first estimated from the sum of the constituent items, then the item-factor correlation matrix is generated in its entirety. The specific technique employed in the cor— rection applies a covariance formula to the correlation matrix with communalities in the diagonal, and is imple- mented in PACKAGE (Hunter 6 Cohen, 1969), the system of correlation programs employed in the cluster analyses. The correlations between items are not corrected for at- tenuation, only the correlations between items and clus- ters. The diagonal entries of the item correlation ma- trices are the communalities and can be interpreted as the specific reliabilities of the item in the cluster to which it belongs. These entries are estimates of the percent of variance accounted for by the true score for that cluster. The true score is the hypothetical score one would obtain had there been an infinite number of items in the cluster, 50 The results are presented such that, first, the subscales generated from the cluster analysis of each major scale are examined. Subsequent to this presentation, we move to examination of the intercorrelations among the distinct subscales. Cluster Analysis of the Four Major Scales The purpose of the following analyses was to as— certain the heterogeneity of the subjects in their respons- es on each scale. This section, therefore, is addressed to the analyses of the fOur global scales: Black Con- sciousness, Internal-External Control, Family Ideology, and New Left. We were particularly concerned with how the items of the scale in question break up into smaller subscales. In determining the existence of subscales, or clusters of attitudes, recall that the criteria employed took into consideration the statistical value of the cor- relations between items, the homogeneity of content for those items which were statistically clustered, and the extent to which the items in a cluster had the same pat— tern of correlations with other items within the scale. To assess these criteria, the following are presented in table—form for each subscale: l. The items which constitute the subscale. 2. The intercorrelations of the items making up the subscale. 3. 51 The correlation of each item with the total scores of all the other subscales (corrected for attenuation). Prior to examination of each individual scale, the subscales, means, standard deviations, Alpha coefficients of reliability, intercorrelations among the subscales, and distribution of responses are presented in the form of a table. Black Consciousness The lOS-item Black Consciousness Scale broke into eight subscales which use 51 items. A total of 54 items did not belong to any cluster and were placed in a re- sidual set. 1. The subscales generated from analyses were: Separation (Sep): -Movement away from white American social life. Militant Methods (MM): Willingness to fight fOr freedom by "any means necessary." Preference for Own Race (P-own): Preference fEereing with Afro-Americans rather than with white Americans; accentuation of one's "blackness.” Assimilation (Assim): Preference for Being American rather than Afro-American. Integration (Intg): Movement toward white American social life. Conservative Methods (CM): Rejection of "militant_methods"; limitIng the methods 'employed. Negation of Distance Between Races (ND): "Black militants" are over-stating the degree of white racism. Preference for Opposite Race (P-OPP): Desire to divest oneself of African heritage. 52 Presented in Table l are the subscales, and for each subscale, the number of items, mean, standard devia- tion, Alpha coefficient of reliability, and intercorrelav tions with other Black Consciousness subscales. It can be seen that the reliabilities for Separation (.86), As- similation (.83), Negation of Distance (.79),and Militant Methods (.78) are quite high, and moderately high for the other four subscales. The lower reliabilities are not particularly alarming when one considers the smaller num- ber of items in those four subscales. The standard de- viations indicate considerable variance in the subjects' responses. In each case the mean shows that a majority of the subjects agree with the items which constitute the Separation, Militant Methods, and Preference for Own Race Subscales, while disagreeing with the items which con- stitute the other five subscales. This majority reaches an 85-15 split on the two clusters assessing preference for own race versus preference for opposite race, but is only slightly over 50-50 on the correlationally strongest subscales, namely, Separation and Assimilation-Integration. The configuration of the correlation matrix Sug- gests a continuum of the attitudes in terms of movement toward or away from American social life. Whereas Separ- ation, Militant Methods, and Preference for Own Race are positively correlated with each other, they are negative- ly correlated with Assimilation, Integration, Conservative 53 Table 1. Number of items, means, standard deviations, alpha coefficients of reliability, and intercorrelationsa among the Black Consciousness Subscales (Afro-American Subjects: N=155; r 05 =.l6). JP; Lv—fi Number b Standard Subscale Of Items Mean Deviation Reliability Sep Mm Separation 9 2.23 .86 .86 100 61 Militant Methods 5 2.52 .99 .78 61 100 Preference for Own Race 5 3.27 .70 .68 46 41 Assimilation 7 1.61 .85 .83 ~81 ~57 Integration 7 1.32 .82 .72 ~60 ~48 Conservative Methods 6 1.07 .78 .76 ~54 ~63 Negation of Distance Be- 8 .54 .50 .79 ~53 ~60 tween Races Preference for Opposite 4 .58 .61 .57 ~34 ~25 Race aThese intercorrelations, and all those to follow, are expressed without decimal points for ease of reading. Thus, the numbers presented in the intercorrelation matrix are correlations multiplied by one hundred. bThe individual responses were averaged rather than summed on a scale ranging from O = strongly disagree to 4 = strongly agree. K ‘ 54 In t ercorrelations Intercorrelations . __ Corrected for Attenuation _;ILOm1 Assim Intg Cm Nd P-Opp Sep Mm P~Own Assim Intg Cm Nd P-Opp 46 ~81 ~60 ~54 ~53 ~34 ~~ 73 60 ~91 ~76 ~67 ~64 ~48 41 ~57 ~48 ~63 ~60 ~25 73 ~~ 55 ~70 ~63 ~81 ~76 ~37 100 ~40 ~16 ~28 ~49 ~30 60 55 ~~ ~53 ~23 ~39 ~67 ~47 ~40 100 71 60 S6 43 ~96 ~70 ~53 ~~ 91 75 69 62 ~~16 71 100 63 47 42 ~76 ~63 ~23 91 ~~ 85 61 64 ~-28 6O 63 100 59 '47 ~67 ~81 ~39 75 85 ~~ 76 72 ~49 56 47 59 100 48 ~64 ~76 ~67 69 61 76 ~~ 71 ~30 43 42 47 48 100 ~48 ~37 ~47 62 64 72 71 ~- 55 Methods, Negation of Distance between Races, and Preference for Opposite Race, the latter subscales being highly cor~ related with each other. This pattern of correlation was expected. It indicates the existence of varying strategies employed by Afro-Americans in reaching their goals of freedom and equality and, in addition, varying attitudes about one's African heritage and social inter~ action with whites. That is, the cluster correlation matrix is dominated by a single strong general factor, racial sentiment, which is consistent with the use of a single score for the Black Consciousness scale. On the other hand, even when corrected for attenuation, the cor~ relations are not perfect, namely, all +1 or —1. Thus the general factor does not account for all the system- atic variance in the clusters, i.e., there is a weak de~ gree of multidimensionality to the subjects' attitudes in this area. In particular, the two "preference" clusters have only abOut 50 percent of their variance accounted for by the general factor. Separation.--Presented in Table 2 are the items which constitute the Separation subscale, the intercor- relations between the items and the other Black Conscious- ness subscales, and the distribution of responses to each item. The magnitude of the intercorrelations among the items is quite high, and the items are consistent in their correlations with the other subscales. 56 Table 2. Items which constitute the separation subscale, intercorrelations between the items and the other Black Consciousness subscales, and dis~ tribution of responses to each item. Item No. Item 142. A neighborhood with only members of my race would be an ideal place to buy a house. 136. After I complete my education and settle down on a job, I prefer to be offering my services to members of my race only. 163. In the United States, freedom for my race can only be achieved through separation. 190. If I were to attend a religious service, I would prefer one where all the members were of my race. 140. I feel more comfortable seeking help in my studies and work from members of my own race rather than from a white person. 144. Other things being equal, if I had a choice, I would avoid having a white neighbor. 138. In general, I feel that the more contact people of my race have with whites, the more they will get to dislike whites. 186. I encourage my children to avoid unnecessary contact with whites. 134. I feel that members of my race should place more emphasis on being Afro-American than on being American. 57 Table 2. Continued. Item Intercorrelations No. 142 136 163 190 140 144 138 186 134 Sep Mm P-Own Assim Int Cm Nd P-Opp 142 59 60 58 45 44 48 47 43 42 77 50 30 ~70 ~62 ~52 ~40 ~44 136 60 50 45 40 54 44 42 40 37 71 53 40 ~65 ~59 ~53 ~47 ~36 163 58 45 48 49 33 39 43 46 41 69 63 35 ~76 ~67 ~55 ~40 ~28 190 45 40 49 44 44 47 38 35 41 66 50 44 ~68 ~45 ~44 ~43 ~40 140 44 54 33 44 4O 45 41 33 33 63 41 44 ~51 ~35 ~35 ~47 ~31 144 48 44 39 47 45. 39 39 33 30 63 33 34 ~59 ~47 ~35 ~38 ~33 138 47 42 43 38 41 39 38 38 33 62 6O 39 ~64 ~43 ~40 ~45 ~19 186 43 4O 46 35 33 33 38 31 25 56 33 29 ~57 ~51 ~44 ~35 ~16 134 42 37 41 41 33 30 33 25 29 53 42 52 ~47 ~30 ~32 ~37 ~33 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Item 33:25:: $12.12;. 2:12? “2:22:23 142 08 17 34 12 29 136 10 23 21 20 26 163 30 23 23 10 14 190 07 12 28 15 38 140 05 O8 28 24 35 144 16 15 31 12 26 138 14 23 23 19 21 186 26 22 31 10 11 134 05 13 16 18 48 58 The content of these nine items is quite homo- geneous in that it concerns the subject's approach toward interaction with fellow members of his race and avoidance of interaction with whites. Three of the items (163, 138, 186) speak of separation in general terms; five (142, 136, 190, 140, 144) refer to specific areas of personal contact such as one's neighborhood, work, and religious service; and one item (134) refers to placing more emphasis on being Afro-American than on being Ameri- can. The number of subjects who agree with these items varies from an average of 28 percent for the general items, to an average of 49 percent to the specifically personal items, and finally, to 66 percent who feel they should emphasize being Afro~American. It is of interest to note that it is the minority of subjects (23%) who endorse an extreme separatist ideology such that they see separation as the only means of achieving freedom and encourage their children to avoid unnecessary contact with whites. Militant Methods.--Table 3 presented the five items which make up the militant methods subscale. The intercor- relations among these items are fairly high, the correlation between items 99 and 107 being the weakest link. As a group, however, they are a fairly parallel and tight set of items. The common element in this set of items is that the items propose a militant approach toward gaining freedom. 59 Table 3. Items which constitute the militant methods subscale,.in- tercorrelations between the items and the other Black Consciousness subscales, and distribution 6f responses to each item. Item No. Item 157. Members of my race should buy weapons. 133. We should fight for our freedom by any means necessary. 132. The police are the white man's tool for keeping down my race. 107. When assigned to "riot" duty in the so-called Negro ghettos, soldiers of my race should fight the police and the other white soldiers. 99. We should organize in an effort to free ourselves from American society. Intercorrelations 157 133 132 107 99 Sep Mm P~Own Assim Intg: Cm Nd P-Opp 157 64 61 54 44 37 59 8O 46 ~53 ~52 ~71 ~56 ~33 133 61 53 52 37 35 39 73 39 ~37 ~39 ~62 ~55 ~28 132 54 52 51 35 4O 41 72 36 ~37 ~27 ~43 ~45 ~28 107 44 37 35 26 22 50 51 22 ~46 ~45 ~50 ~40 ~10 99 37 35 40 22 24 47 49 36 ~54 ~42 ~38 ~49 ~21 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Strongly Mildly Mildly Strongly Disagree Disagree Neutral Agree Agree 157 O4 09 25 26 36 133 05 13 16 12 54 132 05 12 21 17 45 107 28 19 26 14 13 99 13 15 20 16 36 60 Thus, these items recommend buying weapons, fighting by any means necessary, and organizing as a group. While item 132 pertains to an attitude toward police and, therefore, is not specifically a method, it is a very salient component inherent in a militant approach to change in that the police have been charged with maintaining the status quo. Over 60% of the sub- jects endorse each of the three items (157, 133, 132) which refer to confrontation in indirect terms. In response to item 107, however, only 27% of the subjects endorse the idea of direct confrontation with the police, while 47% reject this tactical maneuver. Item 99, dealing with orga- nized efforts "to free ourselves from American society," also produces a diversity of responses, with over 25 percent in disagreement. Preference for Own Race.--The five items which constitute this subscale are presented in Table 4. As a group, this set of items has moderate loadings and are nicely parallel. The great majority of subjects (75%) agree that Afro-Americans should accentuate their African heritage, preferring to be called black instead of Negro and viewing their ”natural" hair as dignified. They feel they have little in common with whites, and express pride in congregating with members of their own race. Skin color is not a relevant issue in that they feel all Afro-Americans should identify with the "in-group," regardless of the varia- tion of skin color. Assimilation.--Tab1e 5 presents the items which constitute this subscale. The intercorrelations among 61 Table 4. Items which constitute the preference for own race subscale, intercorrelations between the items and the other Black Consciousness Subscales, and distribution of responses to each item. Item No. Item 106. The "natural" hairstyle is dignified. 94. If I was sitting at a table with some members of my race and some_white people entered thenroom, I would be proud because I was sitting with members of my race. 128. I have less in common with members of the white race than with members of my race. 111. The very light members of my race should identify with the race and not "pass" for white. 96. , Call me Black instead of Negro. Intercorrelations 106 94 128 111 96- Sep Mm P~Own Assim Intg. Cm Nd P~Opp I 106 37 32 33 25 40 38 32 61 -32 -13 £34 -41 ~26 94 32 35 29 36 29 22 26 59 ~15 08 ~02 ~22 ~05 128 33 29 33 36 26 31 39 57 ~30 ~29 ~27 ~44 ~43 111 25 36 36 24 12 23 17 49 ~25 01 ~07 ~27 ~17 96 4O 29 26 12 23 50 37 48 ~43 ~29 ~40 ~48 ~37 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Strongly Mildly Mildly Strongly Disagree Disagree Neutral Agree Agree 106 O3 02 18 14 62 94 05 01 35 10 49 128 05 O4 09 16 66 111 03 00 21 10 66 96 00 Ol 17 O6 76 62 Table 5. Items which constitute the assimilation subscale, inter- correlations between the items and the other Black Conscious- ness subscales, and distribution of responses to each item. Item No. Item 191. I feel that, in general, the more contact people of my race have with whites, the more they will get to like whites. 185. Other things being equal, if I had a choice, I would not avoid having a white neighbor. 153. Members of my race should date whites. 187. A neighborhood mixed with whites and Afro—Americans would be an ideal place for me to buy a house. 193. After I complete my education and settle down on a job, I prefer to be offering my services to both whites and members of my race. 139. If I were to attend a religious service, I would prefer one where some of the members were white. ‘ 195. I feel that members of my race should place more emphasis on being American than on being Afro~Ameriean. Intercorrelations 191.185 153 187 193 139 195 Sep Mm P~Own Assim.Intg_Cm Nd P~Opp 191 49 46 54 42 42 44 38 ~60 ~49 ~43 70 57 48 51 28 185 46 48 48 55 44 39 31 ~70 ~48 ~34 69 59 47 42 29 153 54 48 46 43 36 40 37 ~64 ~54» ~46 68 56 46 51 32 187. 42 55 43 41 45 32 29 ~67 ~34 ~16 64 68 46 31 29 193 42 44 36 45 41 43 35 ~57 ~40 ~07 64 64 50.35. 32 139 44 39 40 32 43 36 35 ~51 ~41 ~41 64 58 47 44 62 195 38 31 37 29 35 35 27 ~61 ~46 ~46 51 45 49 56 63 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Strongly Mildly Mildly Strongly Disagree Disagree Neutral Agree Agree 191 36 21 3O 09 O4 185 18 08 25 25 24 153 36 07 51 05 01 187 14 11 46 15 14 193 14 17 23 28 18 139 43 18 34 04. 01--. 195 47 23 23 16 05 63 the items are moderately high, and the items are parallel relative to their correlations with the other subscales. The content of this subscale is homogeneous in that each item proposes increased contact with whites. Three of the items (193, 185, 187) concern relatively impersonal contact with whites. Here 46% of the subjects show a de~ sire to offer their skills and energies to whites as well as Afro-Americans, 49% would not avoid having a white neighbor, and 29% feel that a mixed neighborhood would be an ideal place to buy a house. Three of the items (153, 139, 191) imply direct personal contact with whites. Thus, in their personal sphere of life, 43% feel Afro-Americans should not date whites, only 67% agreeing with inter-racial dating. Moreover, 61% prefer only Afro-American members in their church and only 5% prefer an integrated service. Fifty—seven percent feel that more contact with whites will breed dislike while 13% feel that more contact would lead to friendship. Finally, 70% of the subjects reject the idea of placing more emphasis on being American than on being Afro-American. Integration.--Table 6 presents the items which ' this subscale. Although this subscale is highly correlat~ ed with the Assimilation subscale (r = .91), the inter— correlations among the items and the correlations of the items with the other subscales are not quite as high as those for the Assimilation subscale. However, the inter- correlations and degree of parallelism are sufficiently high to render this avery'salient and intact group of attitudes. 64 Tablee 6. Items which constitute the integration subscale, inter- correlations between the items and the other Black Consciousness Subscales, and distribution of responses to each item. Item No. Item 100. In the United States, freedom for my race-can only be achieved through integration. 143. I encourage my children to develop social contacts with whites. 113. Through education my race will be accepted into the mainstream of American society. 160. Schools in our communities should be controlled by the school board. 179. Integration for my race means equality. 115 What my race has to do is to gain individual acceptance into American society. 151. I would like to live in a state where whites and members of my race~live. Intercorrelations 100 143 113 160 179 115 151 ISep Mm P~Own Assim Intg Cm Nd P~0pp 100 47 43 43 37 32 28 22 1-53 ~45 ~24 60 69 54 36 40 143 43 41 25 26 44 25 30 ~49 ~25 ~15 62 64 4O 32 34 113 43 25 32 38 20 29 21 ~39 ~52 ~13 46 57 45 45 46 160 ‘37 26 38 22 16 15 29 ~41 ~40 ~13 52 47 55 32 42 179 32 44 20 16 22 27 20 ~28 ~24 ~08 39 47 33 18 13 115 28 25 29 15 27 18 11 ~28 ~23 ~02 31 42 42 32 39 151 22 30 21 29 20 11 17 ~40 ~24 ~10 43 41 30 31 21 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Strongly Mildly Mildly Strongly Disagree Disagree Neutral Agree Agree 100 43 18 14 14 11 143 18 13 39 , 20 09 113 42 21 15 12 10 160 45 24 18 09 04 179 53 20 09 06 12 115 so 22 ‘ 12 09 O7 151 37 15 28 09 ll 65 The content of this subscale is, in essence, the re~ ciprocal of the Separation subscale. Thus, most of these items involve the relations between the races as groups. Since most subjects endorsed a separatist ideology, it is not surprising that most subjects reject an intergration~ ist ideology. Thus, 61% disagree with the idea that in~ tegration is a viable avenue to freedom, and 73% fail to see equality for Afro—Americans as an inherent quality of an integrated society. While more than one-half the sub- jects prefer living in an "all-black” society (151), about equal numbers agree and disagree with the idea of encourag- ing their children to develop social contacts with whites. Conservative Methods.-~The six items which make up this subscale are presented in Table 7. The items are highly correlated with one another, and perfectly parallel in their correlations with the other subscales. The theme in the content of these items is the en- dorsement of nonmilitant, or conServative, approaches to- ward resolving the problems of Afro-Americans. Thus, the content of this subscale is essentially the reciprocal of the militant method subscale and, as one might expect, most subjects reject these approaches. Only a minority of the subjects subscribe to the idea of limiting their methods and believe that more civil rights legislation and scientific intervention will help the situation. The subjects are about equally divided as to whether they should cooperate in helping to keep law and order. 66 Table 7. Items which constitute the Conservative Methods Subscale, intercorrelations between the items and the other Black Consciousness subscales, and distribution of responses to each item. Item No. Item 183 Soldiers of my race should help the white soldiers and police 137 174 114 173 108 183' 137 174 114 173 108 183 137 174 114 173 108 keep law and order when called to "riot" duty in so~called negro ghettoes. Social scientists have done a lot to resolve the problems of Afro-Americans. We should limit the methods we use to get our freedom. There is no need for my race to buy weapons. My race is not kept down by the police. More civil rights laws will help the situation in this country. Intercorrelations 183 137 174 114 173 108 Sep Mm P~Own Assim Intg, Cm Nd P~Oppw 49 4O 48 37 36 37 ~58 ~64 ~26 64 74 7O 53 39' 40 46 30 31 53 38 ~31 ~37 ~27 40 SO 68 49 63 48 3O 35 45 21 29 ~34 ~51 ~16 33 45 59 41 32 37 31 45 30 30 19 ~44 ~60 ~44 37 37 54 47 36 36 53 21 3O 28 18 ~39 ~47 ~26 40 39 53 48 42 37 38 29 19 18 21 ~29 ~26 ~04 47 52 46 27 40 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Strongly Mildly Mildly Strongly Disagree Disagree Neutral Agree Agree 27 ll 25 21 16 47 22 23 07 Ol 57 18 12 ll 02 56 22 16 04 , 02 59 27 08 O3 03 45 18 19 09 09 67 Negation of Distance Between Races.--Table 8 pre- sents the eight items which constitute this subscale. The items are highly correlated with one another, and quite consistent in their correlations with the other subscales. The key to the content of these items is the wish to put aside, or at least reduce, the influence of race on social interactions with whites. The great majority of subjects disagree with this entire set of attitudes. Most subjects believe that the majority of whites, both Northern and Southern, dislike members of their race and feel that black militants are not over-stating the degree of white racism. These subjects, in addition, feel more comfortable interacting with members of their own race and feel that in most instances they have less in common with whites than with fellow Afro-Americans. Preference for Opposite Race.--Presented in Table 9 are the four items which constitute this subscale. The items are highly correlated and perfectly parallel. The common element in these items is the desire to divest one- self of African heritage. Most subjects, consistent with their separatist stance, disagree with the entire set of attitudes. Thus, 87% of the subjects disagree with the idea that European culture is better than African culture and that Afro-Americans should not feel close to Africans. Eighty-six percent of the subjects believe that members of their race should select a mate from within the group 68 Table 8. Items which constitute the negation of distance between races subscale, intercorrelations between the items and the other Black Consciousness subscales, and diStribution of responses to each item. Item No. Item 196 Only about one-fourth of Northern whites dislike members of my race. I 197 Only about one-fourth of Southern whites dislike members of my race. 159 I put my country, America, before my race. 189 I feel more comfortable seeking help in my studies and work from.a white.person-thanifromwawmember of my own race» 120 Black'militants are OVer~stating the degree of white racism. 121 In the north, my race got along pretty well with whites until members of my race came from the south. 171 I have more in common with"members of the white race than with a'lotIofImembersrof'myIrace. Intercorrelations 196 197 159 189 120 121 171 Sep Mm P~Own Assim IntgfiCm Nd P~Qpp I 196 55 68 36 37 29 41 24 ~50 ~54 ~34 48 49 55 74 43 197 68 41 33 27 26 31 26 ~32 ~38 ~42 29 19 41 64 30 159 36 33 39 29 33 15 33 ~34 ~44“ ~46 41 39 4O 55 52 189 37 27 29 28 26 27 28 ~38 ~33 ~44 39 31 41 53 43 120 29 26 33 26 28 34 33 ~35 ~49 ~33 41 33 50 53 52 121 41 31 15 27 34 24 25 ~29 ~33 ~19 37 43 48 49 61 171 24 26 33 28 33 ‘25 21 ~20 ~34 ~37 26 30 31 46 37 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Strongly Mildly Mildly Strongly Disagree Disagree Neutral Agree IAgree 196 48 25 25 02 00 197 63 25 ll 01 00 159 73 12 11 02 02 189 59 17 20 02 02 120 72 17 O6 O4 01 121 80 09 09 01 01 171 72 15 08 03 02 69 Table 9. Items which constitute the preference for opposite race subscale, intercorrelations between the items and the other Black Con~ sciousness subscales, and distribution of responses to each item. Item No. Item 118 European culture is better than African culture. 116 My race should spread out when in public because gathering is like segregating ourselves. 149 We should not feel close to Africans. 145 A dark-skinned person should marry someone lighter than himself (herself) so their children will be lighter. Intercorrelations 118 116 149 145 Sep Mm P~Own Assim Intg. Cm Nd P~Opp 118 36 33 34 17 ~18 ~15 ~12 27 33 43 35 60 116 33 31 19 28 ~42 ~20 ~19 41 51 37 37 55 149 34 19 21 17 ~21 ~14 ~32 29 20 30 34 46 145 17 28 17 16 ~16 ~25 ~32 27 25 34 37 39 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Strongly Mildly Neutral Mildly Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Agree 118 78 09 12 00 01 116 52 15 19 08 '06 149 67 20 09 02 02 145 76 10 13 01 00 70 without being influenced by skin color. And sixty-seven percent even feel that Afro-Americans should congregate in public places. Internal-External Control The 46-item Internal—External control Scale broke into ten subscales, utilizing 33 items. A total of 13 items were judged as not belonging to any cluster, thus being assigned to a residual set. The most dramatic finding of the cluster analysis of this scale was that not a single cluster contained both items written by Rotter and items written by Gurin. That is, the "internal-external" scale actually sub- divides into two components: Six clusters were made up of items from Rotter's internal-external scale and four clusters emerged from the Gurin race ideology scale. The six clusters formed from the Rotter items are listed below. The title of each cluster is the topic dis- cussed by the items which make up the cluster. The internal- external dimension is determined by the stance taken toward the topic, and the internal positions are always given the higher numerical value for computational purposes. 1. Luck ILK).~-The internal position is that luck has little or nothing to do with getting what one wants; ability and confidence are more important. 2. Grades (GS).--The internal position is that there is a direct relationship between how hard one works and the grades he or she receives. 71 3. Friends (FS).--A high score (the internal position) indicates that people are lonely and without friends because they neither try to be friendly nor under- stand other people. 4. Achievement (ACH).--The internal position is that to be successful, ability is more important than being in the right place at the right time. 5. Politics (POL).--High scores indicate that people influence political action by determining who is placed in office, i.e. it is the people who are responsible for good government. 6. Breaks(BK).--The internal position is that people make their own breaks. Four of these clusters deal with specific aspects of life than can either be governed by chance or by in- dividual effort: Grades, friends, politics, and breaks. The items in the other two clusters are stated in generali- ties. In forming the cluster scores, the items were always scored (or rescored if need be) so that the (a)-response was low and meant "luck" and the (b)-response was high and meant "individual effort." Thus, a numerically high score on these clusters would be in Rotter's internal direction. The four clusters which emerged from Gurin's items were: 7. Initiative versus Discrimination (I-D).--The con- servative position (a low score) is that Afro-Americans 72 have to work harder, and that those who fail are those who do not try hard enough. 8. Individual Effort versus Group Effort (I-G).—- The militant position (a high score) is that Afro-Americans must organize and apply social action and constant pressure in order to elimi- nate racial discrimination... 9. Negotiation versus Protest (N-P).--The conserva- tive position is that as means of eliminating racial discrimination talking and understanding are better than social action and protest. lO. Optimism versus Pessimism (O-P).-~The militant position is that racial discrimination is here to stay. The important thing to note is that Gurin does not always pose the same choice that Rotter posed. Only in the first Gurin cluster is the choice directly related to Rotter's internal-external dimension, i.e." failure is my fault" versus "failure is because of discrimination." In each of the remaining three clusters the choice is be- tween conservative and militant political beliefs. In forming cluster scores, the items were either scored or, if necessary, rescored so that the (a)-response was low and meant the conservative choice and the (b)-response was high and meant the militant choice. Thus, a numeri- cally high score on these clusters reflects a militant 73 ideology. The direction chosen reflects Rotter's original finding that militants were more internal. Traditional ideology holds that it is the conservative who believes in individual responsibility and the militant who looks to forces beyond his control. 80 if tradition prevails, then the Gurin clusters scored with militant as being high should correlate negatively with the Rotter clusters scored with internal being high. Table 10 presents the basic statistics for the entire set of ten clusters formed from the internal- external scale. The means for the six Rotter clusters are all less than .50 which means that on each subscale a majority selects the external position, but the standard deviations are large and indicate that many subjects have selected the internal position. On the four race ideo~ logy clusters (Gurin items), three Of the four means are very high, i.e. on three of four clusters the great major~ ity of subjects adOpt the militant position. The excep- tion (Negotiation versus Protest) is that most subjects feel that negotiation is more effective than prOtest. The standard deviations are smaller than for the Rotter clusters, but are still substantial. Reliabilities for Grades, Luck, Politics, and Op— timism versus Pessimism are fairly high. The other sub- scales have somewhat lower reliabilities. This reflects differences in the number of items in each of the subscales. 74 Table 10. Number of items, means, standard deviations, alpha coeffi- cients of reliability, and intercorrelations among the Internal~External subscales (Afro-American subjects: N = 155; r.05=.16).* m Subscale Number Mean Standard Reliability 3 of Items DeViation LK GS p5 Luck 6 .49 .29 .69 100 100 20 Grades 2 .44 .44 .72 25 100 27 Friends 4 .50 .27 .50 20 27 100 Achievement 2 .38 .37 .32 44 42 30 Politics 4 .47 .33 .67 33 16 20 Breaks 2 .18 .28 .42 22 ~01 11 Ifltlitive YS' 4 .78 .25 .56 ~07 -11 ~05 Discrimination Individual Effort vs. 3 .81 .26 .58 02 ~01 ~03 Group Effort Negotiation - vs. Protest 3 13 21 .33 O4 01 0/ Optlmlsm V5' 3 .71 .33 .60 00 ~06 -14 Pessimism *Before computing the scores and accompanying correlations, the numerical value of all responses was reflected, if need be, so that the internal response as keyed by Rotter always had a value of 1 and the external response a value of zero. On the Gurin items added to the Rotter I~E scale, the militant choice always had a value of l, the non- militant a value of zero. 75 hnercorrelations Intercorrelations Corrected for Attenuation —'AOI POL BK ID 16 NP OP LK GS FS ACH POL BK ID 16 NP OP 44 33 22 ~07 ~02 O4 00 ~~ 35 33 88 49 40 ~11 04 07 ~01 42 16 ~01 ~ll ~01 01 ~06 35 ~~ 45 81 22 ~02 ~17 ~01 02 ~10 30 20 11 ~05 ~03 07 ~14 33 45 -~ 72 34 24 ~09 ~05 16 ~25 100 29 25 ~20 ~11 ~11 ~06 88 81 72 ~~ 59 62 ~45 ~24 ~31 ~12 29 100 09 ~06 O3 03 ~25 49 22 34 59 ~~ 15 ~09 05 06 ~39 25 08 100 ~38 ~15 ~08 ~08 40 ~02 24 62 15 ~~ ~74 ~29 ~22 ~14 ~20 ~06 ~38 100 43 33 33 11 -17 ~09 ~45 ~09 -74 -- 73 7s 57 ~11 03 ~15 43 100 37 28 04 ~01 ~05 ~24 05 ~29 73 ~~ 82 46 ~11 03 ~08 33 37 100 07 O7 02 16 ~31 06 ~22 75 82 ~~ 16 ~06 ~25 ~08 33 28 07 100 ~01 ~10 ~25 ~12 ~39 ~14 57 46 16 ~- 76 Thus, if we take into consideration the size of the sub~ scales, then the reliabilities may be viewed as considerably higher than their numerical values may suggest. The correlations in Table 10 break clearly into three sets. The correlations between race ideology clus~ ters (Gurin's) are uniformly very high; the correlations between clusters from Rotter's items are moderately high; and the correlations between the Gurin clusters and the Rotter clusters are nearly all negative and are mostly of rather meager magnitude. Thus, in contradiction to Rotter's findings, militants tend to be external while conservatives tend to be internal. Another feature of Table 10 worth noting is the small size of the correlations between the internal- external clusters made up from the Rotter items. The highest correlations between the four "specific aspect" clusters was only .45 when corrected for attenuation. The consistently large positive correlations all involved the two clusters which contained the "general" items. Thus, although Rotter's internal-external dimension does show up as a general factor relating these clusters, the clusters tend to group around the specificity of content. There is evidence, therefore, that people may be inconsistent in the extent to which they take an internal position. That is, while some people may be internal in some areas of their life, they are not necessarily internal in all areas of their life. 77 Luck.~-Presented in Table 11 are the six items which constitute this subscale. They are nicely correlated and parallel. The most salient feature of this subscale is the subject's tendency to view luck as having little or nothing to do with getting what they want, and instead attribute achievement to one's own ability and confidence. While an overwhelming number of the subjects (80%) take the position that getting what they want has little or nothing to do with luck, many of the subjects (67%) are of the opinion that "accidental happenings" may occur and influence the things that happen to them. Grades.--The items which make up this subscale are presented in Table 12. They are highly correlated and perfectly parallel. The theme in this set of items is one which entails a quality of "unfairness." The focus is on academic per- formance, and the view is that there is no direct relation- ship between hard work and grades. Thus, slightly over one-half the subjects (52%) do not understand how grades are distributed and, moreover, a majority of the subjects (60%) are of the opinion that the distribution of grades is not conducted in an equitable fashion. Friends.--Presented in Table 13 are the four items which constitute this subscale. While the items are moder- ately correlated, they are quite parallel and homogeneous in content. 78 Table 11. Items which constitute the Luck subscale, intercorrelations between the items and the other internal-external subscales, and distribution of responses to each item.* Item No. Item 214 a. Who gets to be the boss often depends on who was lucky enough to be in the right place first. b. Getting people to do the right thing depends upon ability; luck has little or nothing to do with it. 223 a. Many times I feel that I have little influences over the things that happen to me. b. It is impossible for me to believe that change or luck plays an important role in my life. 213 a. In my case getting what I want has little or nothing to do with luck. b. Many times we might just as well decide what to do by flipping a coin. 226 a. What happens to me is my own doing. b. Sometimes I feel that I don't have enough control over the direction my life is taking. 216 a. Most people don't realize the extent to which their lives are controlled by accidental happenings. b. There really is no such thing as "luck." 211 When I make plans, I am almost certain that I can make them work. b. It is not always wise to plan too far ahead because many 214 223 213 226 216 211 214 223 213 226 216 211 things turn out to be a matter of good or bad fortune anyhow. Intercorrelations 214 223 213 226 216 211 LK GS FS ACH POL BK ID IG NP OP 39 42 31 35 29 17 42 31 35 29 17 62 24 24 68 27 31 ~22 ~10 ~09 ~07 33 26 33 22 24 58 24 05 27 23 07 ~13 00 04 ~01 26 32 31 29 27 57 20 12 52 18 29 ~04 ~04 02 03 33 31 30 16 26 55 25 23 45 33 32 00 00 ~09 ~15 22 29 16 16 14 4O 05 15 44 08 24 03 12 19 18 24 27 26 14 16 39 12 25 36 43 00 00 '12 17 01 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Endorse-A Endorse-B 34 66 53 47 8O 20 55 45 67 33 64 , 36 *Items reflected so internal = high; see footnote on Table 10. 79 Table 12. Items which constitute the grades subscale, intercorrelations between the items and the other internal-external subscales, and distribution of responses to each item.* Item No. Item 221. a. Sometimes I can't understand how teachers arrive at the grades they give. b. There is a direct connection between how hard I study and the grades I get. 208. a. In the case of the well-prepared student there is rarely if ever such a thing as an unfair test. b. Many times exam questions tend to be so unrelated to course work that studying is really useless. Intercorrelations 221 208 LK GS FS ACH POL BK ID IG NP OF 221. 59 57 29 76 39 58 13 ~01 ~13 06 07 ~14 208. 57 S9 25 76 29 65 21 ~02 ~12 ~07 ~03 ~04 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Endorse-A Endorse-B 221. 52 48 208. 40 60 *Items reflected so that internal = high; see footnote on Table 10. The theme of the cluster is how much one's friend- ship depends upon one's own efforts to make friends. A large majority of the subjects (85%) manifest a sense of pessimism in that they are of the opinion that regardless of how hard a person tries, his worth as an individual is not likely to be recognized. However, 71% of the subjects entertain the view that people are lonely because they neither try to be friendly nor understand how to get along with people. 80 Table 13. Items which constitute the friends subscale, intercorrela- tions between the items and the other internal-external subscales, and distribution of responses to each item.* Item No. Item 218. a. It is hard to know whether or not a person really likes you. b. How many friends you have depends upon how nice a person you are. 202, a. In the long run people get the respect they deserve in F this world. I” b. Unfortunately, an individual's worth often passes unre- I cognized no matter how hard he tries. 224. a. People are lonely because they don't try to be friendly. b. There's not much use in trying too hard to please people, if they like you, they like you. r_w 205. a. No matter how hard you try some people just don't like you. b. People who can't get others to like them don't understand how to get along with others. Intercorrelations 218 202 224 205 LK GS FS ACH POL BK ID 16 NP OP 218. 27 17 25 25 12 25 52 34 09 10 ~08 ~15 ~02 ~08 202. 17 21 24 19 16 17 45 47 24 10 06 OS 12 ~12 224. 25 24 19 10 17 09 43 26 14 09 ~07 ~05 16 ~25 205. 25 19 10 15 15 28 38 21 l4 14 ~06 O6 03 01 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Endorse-A Endorse—B 218. 56 44 202. 15 85 224. 77 23 205. 36 64 *Items reflected so internal = high; see footnote on Table 10. 81 Achievement.--The two items which make up this sub- scale are presented in Table 14. They are moderately correlated and perfectly parallel. The theme of this cluster is that in becoming successful, ability is not as important as being in the right place at the right time. Sixty percent of the subjects see this fortuitousness in terms of getting a good job, and 64% see it in terms of attaining positions of leadership. Politics.--Presented in Table 15 are the four items which constitute this subscale. The items are nicely correlated and parallel. The content refers to the distribution of politi- cal power and the quality of government. The subjects are divided.evenlyin their views on the control of govern- ment. While approximately one-half the subjects are of the opinion that they are victims of forces they can neither understand nor control, the other half are of the opinion that if the people take an active part in politi- cal and social affairs, they will be in a position to con- trol events and eventually wipe out political corruption. The overwhelming majority of subjects (75%), however, entertains the view that although the government is run by a few people in power, in the long run the people are responsible for the quality of government. 82 Table 14. Items which constitute the achievement subscale, intercorrelations between the items and the other internal-external subscales, and distribution of responses to each item.* Item No. Item 209. a. Becoming a success is a matter of hard work; luck has little or nothing to do with it. b. Getting a good job depends mainly on being in the right place at the right time. 229. a. Leadership positions tend to go to capable people who deserve being chosen. b. It's hard to know why some people get leadership positions and others don't; ability doesn't seem to be the important factor. Intercorrelations 209 229 LK GS FS ACH POL BK ID IG NP OP 209. 24 19 41 30 26 46 28 30 ~18 ~15 ~07 ~12 229. 19 24 40 45 40 46 27 28 -23 ~08 -21 01 209. 229. Endorse-A Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Endorse-B 40 60 36 64 *Items reflected so internal = high; see footnote on Table 10. 83 Table 15. Items which constitute the politics subscale, intercorrela- tions between the items and the other internal-external subscales, and distribution of responses to each item.* Item No. Item 220. a. With enough effort we can wipe out political corruption. 210. a. b. 215. a. b. 227. a. b. 220. 221. 215. 227. 220. 210. 215. 227. It is difficult for people to have much control over things politicians do in office. The average citizen can have an influence in government decisions. This world is run by the few people in power, and there is not much the little guy can do about it. As far as world affairs are concerned, most of us are the victims of forces we can neither understand, nor control. By taking an active part in political and social affairs the people can control world events. Most of the time I can't understand why politicians behave the way they do. In the long run the people are responsible for bad govern- ment on a national as well as on a local level. Intercorrelations 220 210 215 227 LK GS FS ACH POL BK ID IG NP OP 47 48 33 32 23 16 30 32 69 24 06 ~05 11 -32 48 4o 37 22 33 16 '18 46 63 O7 -11 16 ~02 -20 33 37 32 29 34 04 18 25 57 02 ~07 12 05 -32 32 22 29 20 23 17 14 35 45 02 ~09 ~10 -01 ~06 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Endorse-A Endorse—B 49 51 25 75 59 41 27 73 Table 10. *Items reflected so internal = high; see footnote on 84 Table 16. Items which constitute the breaks subscale, intercorrela- tions between the items and the other internal-external subscales, and distribution of responses to each item.* Item No. Item 228. a. People who don't do well in life often work hard, but the breaks just don't come their way. b. Some people just don't use the breaks that come their way. If they don't do well, it's their own fault. 230. a. Knowing the right people is important in deciding whether a person will get ahead. b. People will get ahead in life if they have the goods and do a good job; knowing the right peOple has nothing to do with it. Intercorrelations 228 230 LK GS FS ACH POL BK ID IG NP OP 228. 31 26 12 ~01 12 46 17 54 ~42 ~18 ~27 ~15 230. 26 31 30 ~01 13 21 ~01 54 ~38 ~13 04 ~01 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Endorse-A Endorse-B 228. 91 09 230. 73 27 *Items reflected so internal = high; see footnote on Table 10. Breaks.--The two items which make up this subscale are presented in Table 16. They are moderately correlated and perfectly parallel. The theme of these items addresses the ingredients of getting ahead in life. The vast majority of subjects (91%) are of the opinion that people who fail to do well in life often work hard, but the breaks just do not come their way. While 27% think that knowing the right people has 85 nothing to do with getting ahead, 73% are of the view that knowing the right people is crucial in deciding whether a person will succeed in getting ahead. It should not be surprising that the items in this cluster are well cor— related with the achievement subscale. Initiative vs. Discrimination.~~Presented in Table 17 are the four items which make up this subscale. They are moderately correlated and perfectly parallel. The theme of this set of items is racial discrimi~ nation between Afro~Americans and whites. While 77% of the subjects are of the view that if an Afro-American and a white both qualify for a job, the white person will invariably get the job, 94% of the subjects are of the opinion that, whereas qualified Afro-Americans cannot get a good job, qualified whites have no trouble. Moreover, 87% are of the opinion that racial discrimination is so prevalent that regardless of how well qualified and "proper" an Afro~American may be, he will still meet serious discrimination. Finally, 55% of the subjects are of the opinion that many Afro-Americans are well trained but do not get the opportunities, and 45% feel that Afro- Americans are not prepared to make use of opportunities that do come their way. Individual Effort vs. Group Effort.-~The three items which constitute this subscale are presented in Table 18. They are highly correlated and perfectly parallel. 86 Table 17. Items which constitute the initiative versus discrimina- tion subscale, intercorrelations between the items and the other internal-external subscales, and distribution of responses to each item.* Item No. Item 239. Many Negroes have only themselves to blame for not doing 233. 236. 241. 239. 233. 236. 241. 239. 233. 236. 241. better in life. If they tried harder, they'd do better. When two qualified people, one Negro and one white, are con- sidered for the same job, the Negro won't get the job no matter how hard he tries. Itfislack of skill and abilities that keeps many Negroes from getting a job. It's not just because they're Negro. When a Negro is trained to do something, he is able to get a job. Many qualified Negroes can't get a good job. White people with the same skills wouldn't have any trouble. Many Negroes who don't do well in life do have good training, but the opportunities just always go to whites. Negroes may not have the same opportunities as whites, but many Negroes haven't prepared themselves enough to make use of the opportunities that come their way. The attempt to "fit-in" and do what's proper hasn't paid off for Negroes. It doesn't matter how "proper" you are, you'll still meet serious discrimination if you're Negro. The problem for many Negroes is that they aren't really ac- ceptable by American standards. Any Negro who is educated and does what is considered proper will be accepted and get ahead. Intercorrelations 239 233 236 241 LK GS FS ACH POL BK ID 16 NP (H3 39 29 33 24 ~24 ~12 ~01 ~62 ~22 ~40 63 30 39 29 29 25 24 21 04 ~18 01 04 02 ~36 50 39 44 30 33 24 23 15 ~04 02 ~07 ~08 03 ~48 48 37 25 21 24 21 15 15 01 ~06 ~10 ~24 00 ~22 38 40 41 33 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Endorse-A Endorse-B 23 77 06 94 55 45 87 13 *Items reflected so militant = high; see footnote on Table 10. 87 Table 18. Items which constitute the individual effort versus group effort subscale, intercorrelations between the items and the other internal-external subscales, and distribution of responses to each item.* Item No. Item 234. a. The best way to handle problems of discrimination is for each individual Negro to make sure he gets the best training pos— sible for what he wants to do. b. Only if Negroes pull together in civil rights groups and activities can anything really be done about discrimination. 235. a. The best way to overcome discrimination is through pressure and social action. b. The best way to overcome discrimination is for each in~ dividual Negro to be even better trained and more qualified than the most qualified white person. 242. a. Discrimination affects all Negroes. The only way to handle it is for Negroes to organize together and demand rights for all Negroes. b. Discrimination may affect all Negroes but the best way to handle it is for each individual Negro to act like any other American-to work hard, get a good education, and mind his own business. Intercorrelations 234 235 242 LK GS FS ACH POL BK ID IG NP OP 234. 62 46 31 ~06 ~01 ~12 ~21 ~10 ~18 44 81 47 26 235- 46 31 17 09 OO 05 ~07 05 ~09 32 54 47 27 242. 31 l7 14 O4 00 ~02 ~13 14 ~22 49 36 46 27 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Endorse-A Endorse-B 234. 27 73 235- 77 23 242. 93 07 *Items reflected so militant = high; see footnote on Table 10. 88 The majority of subjects (75%) feel that Afro- Americans must pull together in civil rights groups and apply pressure and social action in order to overcome dis- crimination, and 25% feel the best way to handle problems of discrimination is for each individual Afro-American to get good training and be more qualified than the most qualified white person. While 7% endorse the idea that each individual Afro-American should act like any other American and mind his own business, 93% of the subjects reject this view. Negotiation vs. Protest.--Presented in Table 19 are the three items which constitute this subscale. The items are quite parallel and homogeneous in content. Most subjects (83%) believe that there are few situations of racial discrimination that could not be handled by negotiation. Thus, if Afro-Americans and whites tried talking and understanding, the problem of racial discrimination would be resolved. While 83% feel Afro-Americans would be better off if there were fewer demonstrations, 17% are of the opinion that the gglz_way to gain civil rights is by constant protest and pressure. Optimism vs. Pessimism.--The three items which make up this subscale are found in Table 20. They are well correlated, nicely parallel, and qUite homogeneous in content. 89 Table 19. Items which constitute the negotiation versus protest sub- scale, intercorrelations between the items and the other internal—external subscales, and distribution of responses to each item.* Item No. Item 238. a. Depending on bi-racial committees is just a dodge. Talking b. 240. a. b. 237. a. b. 238. 240. 237. 238. 240. 237. and understanding without constant protest and pressure will never solve problems of discrimination. Talking and understanding as opposed to protest and pressure is the best way to solve racial discrimination. Organized action is one approach to handling discrimination, but there are probably very few situations that couldn't be handled better by Negro leaders talking to white leaders. Most discriminatory situations simply can't be handled with- out organized pressure and group action. Negroes would be better off and the cause of civil rights ad- vanced if there were fewer demonstrations. The only way Negroes will gain their civil rights is by con- stant protest and pressure. Intercorrelations 238 240 237 LK GS FS ACH POL BK ID IG NP OP 17 17 13 07 12 03 ~03 04 ~26 20 26 41 11 17 17 13 00 ~02 11 ~26 00 ~13 52 45 41 18 13 13 12 02 ~07 05 ~06 03 14 14 23 33 ~12 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Endorse-A Endorse-B 05 95 83 17 83 17 *Items reflected so militant = high; see footnote on Table 10. 90 Table 20. Items which constitute the optimism versus pessimism sub~ scale, intercorrelations between the items and the other internal—external subscales, and distribution of responses to each item.* Item No. Item 232. a. The racial situation in America may be very complex, but with b. 231. a. b. 243. a. b. 232. 231. 243. 232. 231. 243. enough money and effort, it is possible to get rid of racial discrimination. We'll never completely get rid of discrimination. It's part of human nature. Racial discrimination is here to stay. People may be prejudiced but it's possible for American society to completely rid itself of open discrimination. The so~called "white backlash" shows once again that whites are so opposed to Negroes getting their rights that it's prac- tically impossible to end discrimination in America. The so~called "white backlash" has been exaggerated. Certainly enough whites support the goals of the Negro's cause for Americans to see considerable progress in wiping out discrimi- nation. Intercorrelations 232 231 243 LK GS FS ACH POL BK ID IG NP OP 49 42 32 04 ~04 ~10 ~04 ~23 09 14 28 ~06 7O 42 35 25 08 ~09 ~12 ~04 ~18 ~01 26 24 20 59 32 25 22 ~13 ~04 ~22 ~22 ~26 ~33 59 29 15 46 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Endorse-A Endorse-B 22 78 51 49 85 15 *Items reflected so militant = high; see footnote on Table 10. 91 Seventy-eight percent of the subjects believe that discrimination is part of human nature and, therefore, we will never be completely free of it, and 85% believe that whites are so opposed to equal rights it is practically impossible to resolve the problem of racial discrimination. Only 49% believe open discrimination will be eliminated. Family Ideology The 62-item Family Ideology Scale broke into eight subscales which used 32 items. The remaining 30 items were placed in a residual set. The subscales generated from analyses were: 1. Autocratic Child-Rearing_Practices_(ACR): Parent is authoritarian and allows no room for individualism. 2. Sexual Morality (SM): Preservation of tradi- tional moral conduct in sexual matters. 3. Traditional Female Role (TFR): Belief in traditional and conventional roles for females. 4. Denial of Verbal Expression (DVE): Children denied verbal expression of opinions which differ from those of parent. 5. Divorce (DIV): Cause of divorce attributed to failure of spouses to try hard. 6. Male Dominance (MD): Acknowledgment of male as head of household. 92 7. Democratic Parent (DP): Subject's parent is perceived as democratic figure; all family members take part in decision-making process. 8. Democratic Self (DS): Subject perceives self as democratic figure; all family members take part in decision-making process and are allowed to take issue with household rules and regulations. Presented in Table 21 are the subscales and, for each subscale, the number of items, mean, standard devia- tion, Alpha coefficients of reliability, and intercorrela- tions with other Family Ideology subscales. The means are quite large for Democratic Self (3.33) and Male Dominance (2.97), and moderately large for Denial of Verbal Expres- sion (2.12) and Democratic Parent (2.10) indicating that a majority of the subjects agree with the content of these subscales. The means for the remaining subscales are rather low, indicating that most subjects disagree with the content of those subscales. The variances are some- what low and suggest that the tendencies on the part of most subjects to disagree or agree are fairly consistent. The reliabilities are fairly high considering the number of items in the subscales. Inspection of the correlation matrix discloses that the Family Ideology Scale manifests a "rank 1" or single common factor pattern. Thus, while autocratic 93 Table 21. Number of items, means, standard deviations, alpha coefficients of reliability, and inter— correlations among the Family Ideology Sub- scales (Afro-American subjects: N = 155; = * r.05 .16). Number Standard Reli- Subscale of Mean Devia- abilit Items tion y ACR SM Autocratic Child—rearing 4 1.57 .42 .63 100 50 Sexual Morality 6 .92 .42 .68 50 100 Traditional Female Role 5 1.01 .44 .67 48 41 Denial of Verbal Expres- 2 2.12 .67 .74 27 22 sion Divorce 3 1.87 .53 .69 25 22 Male Dominance 3 2 97 52 ~63 13 06 Bzfiggiatlc 4 2.10 .49 .69 18 14 Democratic 5 3 33 38 62 -16 -08 Self** - . . *The statistics on this table are based on a scale from O = strongly disagree to 4 = strongly agree; the indi- vidual responses were averaged rather than summed. **High scores on all Family Ideology scales except Democratic Self tend to reflect a traditional and/or conserva- tive ideology; high scores on the Democratic Self subscale, however, reflect a subject's endorsement of a liberal position on parent-child and other familial interactions. This accounts for the negative correlations of this subscale as compared to mainly positive correlations on other subscales. __7 - -_ .—- Intercorrelations __ Intercorrelations Corrected for Attenuation E_Tnz DVE DIV MD DP DS ACR SM TFR DVE DIV MD DP DS 48 27 25 13 18 -16 -- 76 74 39 37 19 26 -26 41 22 22 O6 14 -08 76 -- 6O 31 32 O9 20 -13 11100 29 24 26 01 -26 74 60 -- 40 34 38 02 -40 29 100 13 01 07 -22 39 31 40 -- 18 02 10 -33 24 13 100 13 ~06 ~03 37 32 34 18 -— 18 -08 -04 26 01 13 100 «13 ~09 19 09 38 02 18 -- -19 -14 01 07 ~06 -13 100 22 26 20 02 10 -08 -19 -— 33 _I-26 -22 -03 ~09 22 100 ~26 -13 -40 -33 ~04 -14 33 -- 95 Child-Rearing, Sexual Morality, and Traditional Female Role correlate highly with each other, there is a gradual decrease in value for Denial of Verbal Expression, Divorce, Male Dominance and Democratic Parent, until we finally find negative coefficients for Democratic Self. Autocratic Child-RearingPractices.-‘Tab1e 22 pre- sents the items which constitute this subscale. The inter- item correlations are moderately high, the items are almost perfectly parallel, and the content of the items is quite homogeneous. High scores on this subscale view parent- child relationships as autocratic in nature. Most of the subjects (65%), however, disagree with this approach to child-rearing. Thus, it is not their preferred approach to child-rearing to have the child obey immediately, not having to be told twice, and, moreover, to conform to the ideas of the parent. Instead, the subjects take the posi- tion that the parent ought to allow for individualism on the part of the developing child. In spite of these non- autocratic attitudes, 48% of the subjects agree with the idea that "mother knows best." Sexual Morality.--Tab1e 23 presents the six items which constitute this subscale. The intercorrelations among the items are moderately high, and the items are perfectly parallel. The most salient theme running through the content of these items has to do with preserving the traditional 96 Table 22. Items which constitute the Autocratic Child- Rearing Subscale, intercorrelations between the items and the other Family Ideology Subscales, and distribution of responses to each item. Item No. Item 80. It helps the child in the long run if he is made to conform to his parent's ideas. 66. There is hardly anything lower than a person who does not feel a great love, gratitude, and respect for his parents. 61. A well-raised child is one who does not have to be told twice to do something. 47. The saying, "Mother knoew best," still has more than a grain of truth. Item Intercorrelations No. 80 66 61 47 ACR SM TFR DVE DIV MD DP DS 80 35 35 33 28 59 45 59 31 29 05 08 -32 66 35 32 26 31 56 52 45 27 24 10 33 -02 61 33 26 28 ‘28 53 37 37 18 11 16 14 -21 47 28 31 28 27 52 33 22 10 18 13 01 00 Item Distribution of Responses to Items (%) No ° Strongly Mildly Neutral Mildly Strongly ° Disagree Disagree Agree Agree 80 42 31 14 12 01 66 25 25 18 15 17 61 37 28 12 19 O4 47 O7 19 26 33 15 97 Table 23. Items which constitute the Sexual Morality Sub- scale, intercorrelations between the items and the other Family Ideology Subscales, and distri- bution of responses to each item. j 1‘ _— — te—TT} :~fl— No. Item 58. There is a lot of evidence such as the Kinsey Report which shows we have to crack down harder on young people to save our moral standards. 67. One of the worst problems in our society today is "free love," because it mars the true value of sex relations. 75. Petting is something a nice girl would not want to do. 64. A man can scarcely maintain respect for his fiancee if they have sexual relations before they are married. 68. The unmarried mother is morally a greater failure than the unmarried father. Item Intercorrelations No. 58 67 75 64 68 ACR SM TFR DVE DIV MD DP DS 58 38 46 35 18 28 49 61 38 3O 22 -01 10 -16 67 46 37 24 31 26 30 61 22 23 06 00 17 -01 75 35 24 34 43 21 46 59 45 -04 22 -O3 O6 -14 64 18 31 43 21 17 19 46 28 08 15 19 O9 -O6 68 28 26 21 17 18 40 43 34 17 15 12 13 -06 Item Distribution of Responses to Items (%) No. Strongly Mlldly Neutral Mildly Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Agree 58 50 26 15 07 02 67 33 24 23 10 10 75 61 20 14 02 03 64 67 17 08 O3 05 68 56 13 17 06 08 g. 98 moral conduct of our society relative to sexual matters. Specifically, there is a need to crack down on young people because they are given to "free love," petting, and pre' marital sexual relations. Most subjects fail to see such a need, and disagree with all six items. They tend to take a much more liberal stance, particularly when it comes to petting and pre«marital sexual relations. Traditional Female Role.—-Presented in Table 24 are the five items which make up this subscale. The items have moderately high intercorrelations and are perfectly parallel. The content of these items is quite homogeneous, and centers about the more traditional and conventional roles females have been led to play in this society. The items depict women as being more emotional than intellec- tual, thereby making it rather unnatural for them to be in positions of authority over men, pursuing professional careers, and voting independently. Rather, women are better off staying at home and, moreover, obeying the husband. Thus, this set of items points to many of the specific issues raised by the current women's liberation movement. Most subjects apparently endorse, or are sympa- thetic to, the women's liberation movement, for they strongly disagree with this traditional and conventional female role. 99 Table 24. Items which constitute the Traditional Female Role Subscale, intercorrelations between the items and the other Family Ideology Subscales, and distribution of responses to each item. 1 —i J t Item Item No. 73. It goes against nature to place women in positions of authority over men. 82. Women think less clearly than men and are more emotional. 46. Women who want to remove the word obey from the marriage service do not understand what it means to be a wife. 81. Almost any woman is better off in the home than in a job or profession. 74. A wife does better to vote the way her husband does, because he probably knows more about such things. Item Intercorrelations No. 73 82 46 81 74 ACR SM TFR DVE DIV MD DP DS 73 40 33 44 23 32 40 47 64 31 13 18 04 -14 82 33 37 38 32 25 28 15 61 22 18 28 -02 -36 46 44 38 36 27 18 36 25 60 21 27 27 -09 -08 81 23 32 27 21 21 58 38 45 14 25 25 17 -20 74 32 25 18 21 18 38 38 42 20 10 05 '05 ~30 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Item Strongly Mildly Mildly Strongly No. . . Neutral Disagree Disagree Agree Agree 73 50 l9 16 07 08 82 44 20 13 18 05 46 33 14 32 14 O7 81 52 28 12 OS 03 74 71 18 05 03 03 100 Denial of Verbal Expression.--Table 25 presents the items which make up the Denial of Verbal Expression subscale. These items are highly correlated, perfectly parallel, and perfectly homogeneous in content. Endorsement of these items indicate that if parents want to maintain the reSpect of their children, they must deny1flnm1verbal expression of differences in opinion. Implicit in this set of items is the notion that the parents "know best.” Thus, this cluster has a specifically authoritarian flavor. Many of the sub- jects (52%) agree with the idea that children should not be allowed to "talk back" to their parents; they are somewhat divided on the question of whether a child will lose respect for the parent if he "talks back." Forty-seven percent are of the opinion that the child will not lose respect, and 37% feel they will lose respect. Divorce.--Tab1e 26 presents the items which make up this subscale, the items being nicely correlated and parallel. Although each item deals with attitude toward divorce, each item refers to a different person, namely, mother, father, and self. While 44% of the mothers and 39% of the fathers disagree with the idea that people who get divorced usually did not try hard enough, 75% of the subjects disagree with this idea. The positive correla- tions indicate that if the mother and father are sympathetic about the causes of divorce, the subject himself is more Table 25. 101 Items which constitute the Denial of Verbal Expression subscale, intercorrelations between the items and the other Family Ideology sub- scales, and distribution of responses to each item. Item No. Item 41. I feel that children should not be allowed to "talk- back” to their parents. 54. If a child is allowed to talk back to his parents, he will lose respect for them. Item. Intercorrelations ”0° 41 54 ACR SM TFR DVE DIV MD DP DS 41 61 58 28 22 3O 77 17 O3 06 -31 54 58 61 32 26 31 77 10 00 09 -19 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Item . . No. Strongly Mildly Neutral Mildly Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Agree 41 01 11 36 27 25 54 23 24 16 23 14 102 Table 26. Items which constitute the Divorce subscale, intercorrelations between the items and the other Family Ideology subscales, and distribu- tion of responses to each item. Item No. Item 85. My mother was of the opinion that people who get divorced usually did not try hard enough to make the marriage work. 92. My father was of the opinion that people who get divorced usually did not try hard enough to make the marriage work. 38. I feel that people who get divorced usually did not try hard enough to make the marriage work. Item Intercorrelations No. 85 92 38 ACR SM TFR VE DIV MD DP DS - 85 58 47 46 20 23 18 12 77 03 -04 -02 92 47 37 34 28 19 18 08 60 O7 -02 02 38 46 34 36 25 21 31 15 59 26 -09 -09 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Item. No. Strongly Mildly Mildly Strongly Disagree Disagree Neutral Agree Agree 85 28 16 26 l6 14 92 18 21 34 14 13 38 64 11 14 OS 06 103 likely to be sympathetic. The subjects, moreover, tend to be influenced only slightly more by the mother than by the father. Male Dominance.'«Table 27 presents the items which make up this subscale. The items are well correlated with one another and are perfectly parallel. These items ask whether the man should be the head of the household. Again we observe some transfer across generations and the influence of the mother. While 70% of the mothers agree with the idea that the man should be head of the household, 91% of the subjects endorse this idea. Democratic Parent.--The items which constitute this subscale are found in Table 28. They correlate well with one another, and the correlations of each item with the other subscales are quite consistent. There is a democratic theme running through the con- tent of all the items which refers back to the subject's family of origin. Endorsement of these items means the family in which the subject was reared tended to be demo- cratic, while disagreement with the items means the subject comes from a nondemocratic family. Thus, by endorsement of these items, 51% of the subjects reveal an exposure to a familial atmosphere and social system which was basically democratic. Children were allowed to voice their opinions, and mother and father shared in financial transactions. An interesting observation is that some of the subjects were 104 Table 27. Items which constitute the Male Dominance sub- scale, intercorrelations between the items and the other Family Ideology subscales, and dis- tribution of responses to each item. Item. No. Item 36. I feel that the man should be the head of the house- hold. 49. Some equality in marriage is a good thing, but by and large the husband ought to have the main say-so in family matters. 91. My mother thought the man should be the head of the household. Item Intercorrelations No. 36 49 91 ACR SM TFR DVE DIV MD DP DS 36 50 48 39 O7 02 18 00 11 71 -14 O3 49 48 46 37 12 -05 30 O7 08 68 -29 -30 91 39 37 31 18 20 25 -03 17 55 O6 —01 Item Distribution of Responses to Items (%) No. Strongly Mildly Mildly Strongly Disagree Disagree Neutral Agree Agree 36 01 03 05 23 68 49 l3 14 10 26 37 91 O7 O6 17 29 41 Table 105 28. Items which constitute the Democratic Parent subscale, intercorrelations between the items and the other Family Ideology subscales, and distribution of responses to each item. Item No. Item 83. When situations concerning the entire family arose, my parents would allow all the members to participate in the decisions. 89. My parents would take their children's opinion into account whenever a decision was made that directly concerned them. 84. When it came to matters of money, my mother's opinion carried as much, or more, weight as my father's opinion. 93. My parents would generally allow their children to gripe about certain household rules and regulations. Item Intercorrelations No. 83 89 84 93 ACR SM TFR VE DIV MD DP DS 83 62 57 38 36 3O 18 -02 08 03 -17 79 28 89 57 48 32 31 25 13 02 07 -10 -01 69 13 84 38 32 23 22 09 15 09 06 00 —12 48 23 93 36 31 22 21 00 02 —05 03 -13 -16 46 17 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Ifigm Strongly ' Mildly Neutral Mildly Strongly ' Disagree Disagree Agree Agree 83 31 20 08 25 16 89 19 16 10 31 24 84 15 14 15 23 33 93 27 12 09 35 17 106 allowed to voice their opinions, but their opinions were not taken into account when the final decision was made. In addition, a significant proportion of the subjects (39%) report having fairly nondemocratic families of origin. Democratic Self.--The items which form this sub- scale are found in Table 29. The intercorrelations are moderately high and the items are quite parallel. Endorsement of these items means the subject Views himself or herself as applying various democratic principles in the household. A great majority of the subjects (82%) take a democratic posture. Thus, there is strong endorse- ment that all members of the household, including the children, should participate in the decision'making pro- cess, that the opinion of the wife should carry as much weight as that of the husband, and that members of the family, particularly the children, should be allowed to take issue with certain household rules and regulations. An average of only 7% of the subjects disagree with these views. New Left.--In forming clusters of this scale the criterion shifted such that instead of the scale being clustered in its own right, clusters were formed which approximated the militant and conservative clusters of the Afro-American subjects. Thus, the 62-item New Left Scale is represented by three subscales which used 17 items. Table 29. 107 Items which constitute the Democratic Self* sub- scale, intercorrelations between the items and the other Family Ideology subscales, and distri- bution of responses to each item. Item No. Item 33. When situations concerning the entire family arise, I feel all the members should be allowed to partici- pate in the decision. 37. When it comes to matters of money, I feel that the opinion of the wife should carry as much weight as the opinion of the husband. 35. My children's opinions are taken into account whenever a decision is made that directly concerns them. 34. I generally allow my children to gripe about certain household rules and regulations. 40. On days in which I have little or no work to do, I usually spend the time with my family. Item Intercorrelations No. 33 37 35 34 4O ACR SM TFR DVE DIV MD DP DS 33 31 39 19 20 28 '07 00 -17 -11 05 -06 24 55 37 39 28 20 16 27 10 10 -15 00 02 -24 22 53 35 19 20 23 39 18 -04 -10 -07 -13 O4 20 10 48 34 20 16 39 21 18 -37 -27 -36 -43 ‘09 -O8 14 46 40 28 27 18 18 20 «25 —O6 -24 -14 -l3 -17 13 45 Item Distribution of Responses to Items (%) No Strongly Mildly Neutral Mildly Strongly ' Disagree Disagree Agree Agree 33 01 03 O4 24 68 37 O3 04 05 23 65 35 03 O4 14 20 59 34 08 06 25 26 35 40 01 01 10 24 64 actions. other subscales. *High scores on all Family Ideology scales except Democratic Self tend to reflect a traditional and/or con- servative ideology; high scores on the Democratic Self sub— scales, however, reflect a subject's endorsement of a liberal position on parent-child and other familial inter- This accounts for the negative correlations of this subscale as compared to mainly positive correlations on 108 A total of 44 items were placed in a residual set. The three subscales generated from analysis were: 1. Militant Left (ML): A need for restructuring of the basic institutions; bureaucracy is detrimental to living a spontaneous life. 2. Moderate Middle (MM): Compromise is essential. 3. Conservative Right (CR): Rejection of violence and disruption; before change comes about one must exhaust all legitimate channels. Presented in Table 30 are the subscales and, for each subscale, the number of items, mean, standard devia- tion, Alpha coefficient of reliability, and intercorrelation among the subscales. There is substantial variance around the subjects' responses, and the means indicate that the majority of subjects tend to cluster around the moderate middle stance. It can be seen that the reliabilities for Militant Left and Conservative Right have the same high value, the Moderate Middle having a fewer number of items and thus a reliability that is somewhat lower than that of the other two clusters. Inspection of the correla- tions suggest that the New Left Scale is somewhat hetero- geneous in nature. While Moderate Middle and Conservative Right are positively correlated with each other, they are negatively correlated with Militant Left. Militant Left.--The seven items which constitute this subscale are found in Table 31. The items are highly 109 .wosezm swap Monumu wommho>m ohm: momCommoh Hmsww>fiwcfi on» moonwm xawcosum u w on oohmmmfiw mecohpm u o Eoum onom m no woman ohm magma mflsu co muHumwumum ona« . . . pamHm -- me me. OOH as am- Hm aw mm H o 6>Hpm>pmmcou O H mo -- no- 54 OOH om- no. as. mm.~ 4 oumwwwau . . . pmoH me. no- -- Rm- om- OOH mm mm mm H a pamuHHHz mu :2 H: mu 2: H: A 6H mamoH coaumscouu< -Hfinm cowwmwan cmoz mo mamumnsm Mom uopoohnoo cowuwHohhoupoucH -Haom w w pm honesz COfiHNHQHHOUHmHQH «.Hom. u mo.g “OOH u z "mpumHnsm ooHezV monomnsm pmoq 302 on“ macaw mcofiumaoypouuoucfi was .xufifiwnmwaoh mo mucowuwmmooo mamam .mcowumw>ow ppmwcmum .mcmoe .msoufl mo honesz .om oaamh 110 Table 31. Items which constitute the Militant Left sub- scale, intercorrelations between the items and the other New Left subscales, and distribution of responses to each item. Itenf‘Ai 4‘ No. ‘- — _: I — —: t J J _ Item H 139. A mass revolutionary party should be created. 118. The United States needs a complete restructuring of its basic institutions. 115. "The Establishment" unfairly controls every aspect of our lives; we can never be free until we are rid of it. 140. Disruption is preferable to dialogue for changing our society. 117. You can never achieve freedom within the framework of contemporary American society. 138. The structure of our society is such that self- alienation is inevitable. 148. The bureaucracy of American society makes it impos- sible to live and work spontaneously. Item Intercorrelations NO- 139 118 115 140 117 138 148 ML MM CR 139 51 46 46 56 45 35 36 72 -S7 -51 118 46 49 44 36 46 51 36 70 -39 ~51 115 46 44 44 44 44 34 35 66 ‘39 -59 140 56 36 44 41 29 37 38 64 -30 -36 117 45 46 44 29 34 30 29 58 '57 -37 138 35 51 34 37 30 33 31 57 -36 -38 148 36 36 35 38 29 31 28 53 -35 -33 Distribution of Responses to Items (%) Ifigm Strongly Mildly Neutral Mildly Strongly ' Disagree Disagree Agree Agree 139 37 28 20 10 05 118 13 27 11 29 20 115 32 37 15 14 02 140 50 26 15 06 03 117 28 36 17 14 05 138 12 31 27 20 10 148 13 24 12 36 15 111 correlated, perfectly parallel, and fairly homogeneous in content. The theme of this set of items is revolution. The ”Establishment" is perceived as unfairly controlling one's life to such an extent that one cannot live and work spon- taneously. The items state that freedom from these feel- ings of alienation cannot be achieved within the current framework of the society; that one has no alternative but to develop a mass revolutionary party and generate dis- ruption sufficient enough to restructure completely the basic institutions of the society. Moderate Middle.-«Table 32 presents the four items which make up this subscale. The items are nicely correlated and, except for item 127, perfectly parallel. While item 127 is consistent with the other items, relative to a moderate ideology, it introduces a racial factor which may account for its failure to be consistent with the other items relative to correlation with the other subscales. The theme inherent in this set of items has to do with a plea for compromise, a theme that is readily accepted by most of the subjects. The American society is pictured as a representative democracy which allows for modification of institutions so that they can incorporate blacks on an equal basis and, in general, respond to the needs of the jpeople. Disruption and revolution are rejected as appro- priate means to bring about change. The traditional 112 Table 32. Items which constitute the Moderate Middle sub- Item scale, intercorrelations between the items and the other New Left subscales, and distribution of responses to each item. No. Item 108. Compromise is essential for progress. 127. It is possible to modify our institutions so that the blacks can be incorporated on an equal basis into our contemporary society. 119. The courts are a useful vehicle for responsible change. 103. Representative democracy can respond effectively to the needs of the people. Item Intercorrelations No. 108 127 119 103 ML MM CR 108 48 37 40 37 -47 69 45 127 37 37 34 34 -17 61 19 119 40 34 28 21 —50 53 45 103 37 34 21 25 -41 50 39 Item Distribution of Responses to Items (%) No Strongly Mildly Neutral Mildly Strongly ‘ Disagree Disagree Agree Agree 108 O3 07 10 48 32 127 04 11 14 41 30 119 O6 23 23 41 07 103 O3 27 ll 41 18 113 American vehicles responsible for change, namely the judicial system and the legislative, are seen as respon- sible and effective by 51% of the subjects, while 29% disagree with this position. Conservative Right.--Presented in Table 33 are the items which constitute this subscale. They are highly cor- related with one another and quite consistent in their correlations with the other subscales. In this set of items, the American society is pictured as a fair society, and the existence of long- srtanding norms demonstrate their value in maintaining tliis fairness within the society. It is a society, more- cnrer, in which people who work hard tend to reap the full benefits of the society. Most subjects tend to disagree wi:th these notions. While they may see a need for change, tfliey'are rather conservative in their approach. Thus, Violence and disruption are not justified, for there are leagitimate channels for reform which must be exhausted 'beéfore one contemplates disruptive tactics. Synthesis of the Data: Main Finding; With the completion of cluster analyses of the fHum>uomcoo u o scam onom m :o mH HopmsHonombm ucprHHE ecu .HmcnounH u H on Hmcnopxo u o scum onom m no mH noumsHonomsm HwnpoucH 0:94 -- - - - - . . . amoHooeH no em mm mm ooH mm we on on em mm mm H xHHamm me. us me: me: om mm: ooH Hm: mm: we em. Hm. no. smH>Huo< @5090 am me: 1: me no: we Hm- ooH mm Hm- mm. Hm. me. 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Hmcnoan we Ho- mm 1: mm- mm om: mm ooH up: mm. mm. wo.H :oHumnwoacH HH- om mm- mm: us mo- Ne mm- up: ooH mm. mm. mm.~ :oHuaHmmom Hm ooo HopmsHo :oHumzcopu< Mom m¢0HpmHohhoonoucH sHHom wamwcmpm :moz unogsm VO HO OHHOU mfio .m. “M H QHHOUHGHGH HoH. u mo.n “mmH 6 2V mpuonnsm caoHnoa<.on< «.muoonnsm ouHAB cam :moHHoE<.ouw< How whoumsHoaomsm map macaw mcoHpmHoHHoo -HoacH wax .poHHanHoH mo mucoHonmoou mame .mcoHumH>ov upmccmum .mcmoz .mm oHnmh 121 institutions of the American society, and that change cannot take place within the current framework of the society, thus making mass revolution and disruption necessary; low scores indicate rejection of these Views. 4. Conservative Right.--High scores indicate endorse- ment of the view that the social institutions of the American society are of value and that one must exhaust all legiti- mate channels before change takes place; low scores mean rejection of these Views. 5. Interna1.--High scores mean endorsement of an internal posture such that one perceives rewards and rein- forcements as being contingent upon one's own efforts and attributes; low scores indicate attribution of rewards and reinforcements to external forces such as luck and fate. 6. Group Activism.--High scores indicate a non- violent type activism to cope with racial discrimination, especially discrimination in employment, versus an indi- vidual effort based upon training and skill acquisition which by themselves may be futile. An element of cynicism about ending racial discrimination in contemporary American society is also reflected in high scores. 7. Family Ideology.--High scores mean endorsement of a traditional and/or conservative family ideology in terms of parent-child relations, the role of the female in the household, and sexual conduct; low scores imply a more liberal family ideology. To some extent high scores 122 on this supercluster reflect endorsement of autocratic child-rearing practices, but autocratically oriented sub- scales tend to contribute less variance to the supercluster score than do subscales emphasizing conservatism and tradi- tion. We begin by examining how the subjects scoring high on the Separation supercluster score on the other four superclusters. First, as a group, the Afro-American sub- jects agreed with items comprising the Separation scale (mean of 2.58 with 2.0 being the neutral position on a S-point scale, and a standard deviation of only .72). Subjects who score high on Separation score low on Inte- gration (r = -.85) which is hardly surprising. It is surprising, however, to find that being high on Separation is moderately, but significantly, correlated with being external on the Rotter internal-external items, for this finding contradicts the previous finding of Rotter that Afro-Americans engaging in organized action against dis- crimination were more internal than those who refrained from such activity. Being high on Separation correlates .50 with a preference for Group Activism. This finding makes considerable sense, for many of the items in the Separation cluster suggest that black pride and cohesive- ness are needed not only to maintain self-respect and dignity, but also to combat the harmful effects of white racism. 123 Finally, Separation is unrelated (r = -.11’ non« significant) to the conservative, traditional, and somewhat autocratic attitudes revealed through high scores on the Family Ideology cluster. It should be noted, however, that as a group the subjects score considerably above the mean on Separatism and slightly below the mean on Family Ideo- logy. Thus, many subjects with separatist leanings tend to reject the tradition and conservatism of the Family Ideology items. A look at the Integration scale shows that as a group the subjects score quite low (mean 1.08, 0.59), and that Integration behaves as an almost exact mirror image of the Separation scale with one exception, namely, Family Ideology. Thus, a high Integration means a moderate but significant tendency to be Internal and to be low on Group Activism. However, it must be said that high Integration does not suggest a rejection of Group Activism, because in the absolute sense the subjects as a group score very low on Integration and very high on Group Activism. Practi- cally none of the subjects scores below the neutral point on the Group Activism cluster (mean = .82, o = .19). The one exception to the mirror image finding for Separation and Integration is that Integration correlates .46 with the Family Ideology cluster whereas Separation was uncorrelated with Family Ideology (r = -.11, nonsig- nificant). Thus, subjects high on Integration tend to 124 endorse more traditional and conservative, even autocratic views, about family relationships, while persons high on Separation may or may not hold such views about family interactions. The near obverse parallelism of Separation and Integration suggests that these two scales could be com- bined to form two ends of a unidimensional scale ranging from a distrust of, and a desire for,separation from whites (plus a desire for black pride and solidarity) to VHF 4' a desire for integration of Afro-Americans into white society. The justification for keeping these two super- clusters separated is that they behave differently in relation to Family Ideology. Turning to the white subjects, we find that Mili' tant Left correlates with the other four clusters very much like Separatism and Conservative Right correlates very much like Integration, except that the correlations with the other clusters are considerably higher for the whites than the Afro-American subjects. Briefly, high militant Left scores correlate negatively with Conserva- tive Right and Internal, positively with Group Activism, and negatively with Family Ideology; and the pattern for Conservative Right is just the reverse. Other than the magnitude of the correlations, the most outstanding dif- ference between the Afro—American and the white ideology scales is that Militant Left has a moderate (—.35) and 125 significant negative correlation with Family Ideology, whereas the corresponding correlation for Afro-Americans (-.11) between Separation and Family Ideology is small and statistically insignificant, although also negative. Further, the positive correlation between Conservative Right and Family Ideology is much higher for whites (r = .83) than for Afro-Americans (r = .46). It should be noted that while combining Separation and Integration into one bi-polar scale was not justified because of their nonparallel relationship to Family Ideology, the Militant Left and Conservative Right clusters for whites do behave as polar opposites in rela- tion to all clusters, and so could be combined into one scale. We previously noted that for Afro-Americans Separation had a negative correlation (-.29) with Rotter's Internal dimension, and that this finding is inconsistant with previous research reported by Rotter. Our data for whites reveal an even stronger tendency for high Militant Left to be associated with being more external than inter- nal (r = -.67), with, as for Afro-Americans on Integration, just the reverse relationship holding for Conservative Right (r = .69). Both Afro-Americans and white subjects high on Group Activism tend to be low on Internal (r = -.l4, non- significant, for Afro-Americans and r = -.65 for whites). 126 In our data there is a tendency for persons who are suffi- ciently dissatisfied with the American social system's stance on discrimination so as to advocate organized activism, to also believe their fate is determined by luck or chance rather than being under their own control, and this is especially true for whites. In one sense this finding is paradoxical, since the very insistence of the subjects upon the importance of organized activism suggests they do believe they can influence their fate, provided they organize and act in concert. Their endorse— ment of external rather than internal items on the Rotter scale suggests that as individuals they feel governed by external forces. Also, if we consider the items which make up the subclusters on the Internal scale, we find if given the choice between two explanations for failure, they tend to be more motivated to attribute responsibility to the systematic constraining forces of racial discrimi- nation inherent within the social system rather than to acknowledge their own potential for controlling their fate. Finally, we find for both Afro'Americans and whites a positive correlation between Internal and Family Ideo- logy (Afro-Americans .14, nonsignificant; whites .54). That is, the more one adopts the internal orientation on the Rotter items, the more one favors traditional and/or conservative approaches to family interactions. This sug- gests, although to a lesser extent than does the 127 relationship noted above between Group Activism and Inter- nal, that the internal orientation is closely bound up with traditional modes of thought and action, but that this is much more the case for whites than for Afro- Americans. Relationships between the p Superclusters and Thirteen 9 Major Biographic-Démographic .. 21 Variables 4 Intercorrelations between the superclusters and thirteen major biographic-demographic variables are pre- sented in Table 36. Inspection of this table discloses several very salient trends. While the Afro'American subjects' attitudes toward integration are positively related to age, their attitudes toward separation are negatively related to age. The relationships are the reverse for frequency of attending religious services, namely, positive for separation and negative for inte— gration, meaning that separatists tend not to attend church. This trend in church attendance holds equally well for the conservative and militant white subjects. With the exception of age and the frequency with which one attends religious service, the intercorrelations of the superclusters and the major biographic‘demographic variables are all about zero. This suggests that the biographic-demographic variables have practically no 128 .ON. mO H ”OOH - 2HH .OH. u mO H “OOH - 24 N4- O4- O4- 44 ON- OH 4N- 4N- Nm "How msoHNHHOH campus Homozcogm mucoHoHon NH co 4H mo- co HH- NH- No- we msoHNHHom NH NH mo mH- NN- mo- mo- mo- HH- :onHHnu mo .02 onHHmE mH- No- oH- no Ho- NH- No NH Hm- whack Ho .02 oEoucH :HNHHO Hm- NH- NN- NH 4H- mo 4o co- Ho- Ho NHHEmm NH OH NH NH- mo Ho- mo no- mo .ooo m.Ho:uoz NN- 4H- NH- No NH- oo- Ho- 4o No- .wm m.Ho:uoz NN NH OH NH- we no- 4o 40- HH .uoo m.HoHpmm NN- 4N- NH- NH HH- me. as Ho- Ho- .wm m.Honumm : o 050 NH NO- NO OH NO HO NO 4H NO- HO .uwHH.Oow czouoEo: NH- No- oH- mo oH- No HH- No- NH mo .mom NO 4O HO- NO OO ON. ON ON N4- 6N< mo mo- mo- Ho- NH mo- NH mo Ho- xom .wH .ch HHNHN umoH .cH .o<-mo .NcH .mch mom .Emm . .Emm oHHmHHm> UHAQNHNoEoQ mpoonnsm oquz mmuoonnom :muHHoE<-opm< -UH:QNHNon HOMNE coopHch paw I l‘ [I 1'- [1| 4" .moHanHm> oHnmmpmoEov-oHammhonn mpopmsHoHoQSN may coozpon mcoHpmHoHHooHoucH .om oHnme 129 influence or predictive power on the attitudes tapped in the superclusters. Thus, in this sample of college students, integrationists, separationists, liberal whites, and con- servative whites are as likely to be male as female, or to come from a small southern town or a large northern city. However, if we consider mother and father's level of education, occupations, and income as indices of socio- economic status, we find that white subjects are slightly more influenced by socio-economic status than are Afro- Americans, for socioveconomic status tends to vary significantly with Family Ideology. CHAPTER V DISCUSSION A number of scholars have conducted research on Afro-Americans with the aim of delineating psychological and behavioral characteristics peculiar to Afro-Americans as a group. This has led many investigators to concep- tualize Afro-Americans as a monolithic, homogeneous group of people, and speak of a "Negro personality." The failure to consider the heterogeneity of Afro-Americans has been a hiatus in knowledge and understanding of intra-group differences among Afro-Americans. The research strategy of looking for diversity among Afro‘Americans has proved valid in the present study. For a striking feature of our findings is that no mono- lithic, homogeneous set of dispositions (comparable, for example, with the concept of the "Negro personality") emerged from the data that can characterize Afro-American subjects as a group. A primary finding was that their reactions to minority group status, and the discriminatory treatment inherent within it, vary such that some subjects are in favor of integrating and assimilating themselves into the white dominant group, while other subjects favor 130 131 physical and social separation. These tendencies toward integration and separation suggest intra-group variance among the Afro-American subjects in terms of their choice to either move toward or move away from the source of op- pression. The findings are, therefore, essentially con- sistent with Allport's contention that beneath the diver- sity of defensive maneuvers and life-styles among an op- pressed group of peOple, there exists two rather basic defensive choices in orienting one's life. Not only do the subjects vary in their stance on Separation and Integration, but the data also showed con- siderable variance among Afro—Americans in their responses on the Internal, the Group Activism, and the Family Ideo- logy superclusters. Thus, again the data emphasize heterogeneity, not homogeneity. On the Separation and Integration superclusters, however, the data do disclose that the majority of Afro- American subjects endorse a separatist ideology, and only a minority endorse an integrationist ideology. While still insisting upon the fallacy of ignoring the diversity inherent within the data, it is proper in one sense to speak of a general trend among Afro-Americans to emphasize separatism and racial identity. In fact, an important finding of this study is the very low mean score and stan- dard deviation on the Integration supercluster (mean = 1.08 on a 0-4 scale; SD = .59). As a group the 132 Afro-American subjects reject the intergrationist approach. In evaluating this finding, it is well to remember that the subjects of this study are not ”ghetto blacks" but‘ are college students well on their way to ”making it" in the American society. When one considers the population from which these data were drawn, namely Afro-Americans who were married, ? about one-half of whom had children, and attending a pre- dominantly white university, one finds upward social mo- bility and racial identification operating simultaneously. r 7‘ The issue of ethnic identification is, of course, currently a controversial topic within the Afro-American community, and Afro-Americans aspiring to middle class status fre- quently are accused of being "bourgeois" and "carbon copies" of whites. The Afro-American with social mobility aspirations, moreover, is often described as patronizing white middle-class attitudes and values. Yet, the present study sampled Afro-Americans who are socially mobile in- dividuals and who maintain group reference values, such as the "natural hair" style, pride in their "blackness," and the belief that even the very light skinned Afro- Americans should identify with the race. Thus, our sam- ple fails to manifest the classic characteristics of the "black bourgeoisie," namely, strong desires to associate with whites, internalized negative attitudes toward fellow Afro-Americans, and relatively weak ethnic identification (Frazier,1957). 133 While the present data do not offer insight into the motivations for adopting a separatist ideology they do inform us that the majority of subjects place more em- phasis on being Afro-American than on being American, feel more comfortable interacting with members of their own race than with whites, and prefer to have neighbor- hoods and religious services separate from whites. It is F; also characteristic of the separatists to entertain a sense of pride and appreciation for their African heritage and tend to accentuate their blackness by preferring to r 7 be called black rather than Negro. This set of findings, therefore, corroborates earlier observations of a current trend in "black pride and black awareness" (Edwards, 1970; Banks, 1970). In addition, the subjects with separatist lean- ings reject integration and assimilation as approaches to the resolution of problems inherent within their minority group status, but rather endorse a "militant" attitude of working "outside the system." While their methods and strategies manifest a willingness to organize and buy weapons, only a small number of these separatists endorse the idea of violence and direct confrontation with the police. The subjects who prefer to assimilate and inte- grate themselves into the dominant white group emphasize being American more than Afro-American, endorse interracial 134 dating, value working and living with whites, and prefer religious service where some of the members are white. These subjects, of course, being Afro-Americans are con- stantly confronted with the burden and stress of being nonwhite in a society dominated by whites, and they ex- perience frequent disappointments in their social, economic, and political activities. Their strategy for E? dealing with such inequities is essentially a conserva- A tive, nonmilitant approach that operates "within the system." Thus, they tend to endorse the Protestant Ethic rwm‘ of hard work, and believe that more civil rights legisla- tion and good education and training would enhance their status as Afro-Americans in American society. The subjects high on Integration, therefore, believe they can best help themselves in the American socia1«politica1 system by emphasizing training, effort, and additional civil rights legislation. Thus, implicit within this posture is a blaming of the individual for failure to succeed in life, for given training and oppor— tunities, the rewards are presumably contingent upon one's own efforts and actions. So perhaps it is not surprising that they score in the internal directions on the Rotter internal-external items, since these items emphasize the importance of individual effort. But before discussing the specifics of the interrelationships between given clusters, let us examine the overall pattern of relationships between the superclusters. 135 Afro-American subjects high on Separation have a modest but significant tendency to be external on the Rotter items, to favor group activiSt methods of combating racial discrimination, and to be neither traditional nor liberal in their responses to the Family Ideology items. Subjects high on Integration show just the reverse pattern, except that on the Family Ideology items these subjects prefer the traditional, conservative, and even somewhat autocratic relationships between husband and wife and be- tween parents and children. These are interesting findings given that the Afro-American family so frequently is char- acterized as matri-centered, with the male figure absent or having only peripheral spousal and parental role (Frazier, 1939; Clark, 1965; Billingsley, 1965, 1968, 1969; Moynihan, 1965). Substituting the Militant Left and Conservative Right superclusters for the white subjects, we find the same pattern of interrelationships between the clusters. The only differences between the Afro-American and white subjects are: (1) unlike the high separatist Afro- Americans, the high Militant Left white subjects tend to reject the traditional, conservative style of family in- teraction; and (2) the correlations between clusters are considerably higher for the white than the Afro- American subjects. 136 This overall pattern of interrelationships suggests that a general disposition to respond in a traditional or a liberal way influences the subjects' responses on all of the scales. That is, the traditional values of this so- ciety would encourage: (1) integrationist attitudes for the Afro-Americans and a conservative political and social ideology for the whites; (2) the internal response em- phasizing individual effort and responsibility on the Rotter internal-external scale; (3) a rejection of organ- ized group protest and confrontation on the Gurin items; and (4) on the Family Ideology items a preference for the traditional female role and traditional sexual morality, combined with the attitude in child-rearing that parents know best. And conversely, subjects, whether Afro- American or white, who reject these traditional values tend to do so on all of the scales, the only exception being that as a group Afro-Americans who are separatists neither reject nor endorse the traditional beliefs about family interactions. In this sense separatist Afro- Americans are more heterogeneous in personality make-up than their white militant-left counterparts. If one views the separatist ideology as being left and, thus, comparable to a new-left ideology among whites, and conversely, an integrationist ideology as being right and comparable to a conservative-right ideology, then the 137 findings on the Afro-American subjects may be attributed to the "black experience" and, in addition, to something more extant within the general society. For the data drawn from white subjects were parallel to those of the Afro-American subjects; and one is led to suspect that the relationships found among Afro-Americans reflect a general relationship between socio-political beliefs and ideologies rather than resulting from the "black experience" per se. Why the correlations between the superclusters should be so much higher for whites than for Afro-Americans is not entirely clear. Part of this difference is a statis- tical artifact in that the larger the variance in a sample of subjects, the larger the correlations between variables will be, all other factors being equal. Since the variances on the Militant Left and the Conservative Right for white subjects are considerably larger than the corresponding variances for Afro-American subjects on Separation and In- tegration, eSpecially for the Integration-Conservative Right clusters, we should expect larger correlations be- tween these and the remaining superclusters. The variances are also somewhat larger for whites than Afro-Americans on the Group Activism and Family Ideology clusters, though not on the Internal cluster. While the larger variances for whites undoubtedly account for part of their larger correlations between clusters, other factors may be 138 operating as well. This is clearly true when we examine the correlations between Internal and Family Ideology where the variances are almost identical, yet the correla- tion is .14 (nonsignificant) for Afro-Americans and .54 for whites. Thus, whites who are more internal than ex- ternal on the Rotter dimension are very apt to hold tradi- tional attitudes about family interactions, but the same cannot be said for the Afro-American subjects. So once again we see a personality dimension where Afro-Americans as a group show more diversity than whites. Another way of interpreting these and the other different magnitudes in the correlations between superclusters is to suggest that Afro—Americans as a group are less likely than whites to be influenced by the general response set sug- gested earlier of accepting or rejecting the traditional values of American society. This interpretation of Afro-American-white dif- ferences does not hold for their responses on the Black Consciousness and the New Left scales,for here the nega- tive correlations between Separation-Integration are higher for Afro-Americans than the corresponding negative correlations between Militant Left - Conservative Right for whites. Afro-Americans who agree with Separation items almost invariably reject Integration items and vice versa (f = -.85) while whites are less extreme in this respect (r = -.69). Examination of the means on these 139 scales also reveals that Afro-Americans as a group are much more definite in their acceptance or rejection of the items, whereas comparatively, the white subjects are more nearly neutral in their responses, i.e., the means on Separation and Integration for Afro-Americans are nearer to the extremes of the five-point scale of agreement- disagreement than is true for whites on the Militant Left F? and Conservative Right clusters. This finding makes sense, of course, when we stop to consider that items of the Black Consciousness scale are closely related to the r'fi central life experiences of the Afro-American subjects, whereas the items of the New Left scale deal with situations that are probably more remote from everyday life for many of the white subjects. To this aspect of the discussion, we must add that it is hazardous to compare the differing magnitudes of correlations and the differing means, since in fact the Black Consciousness and New Left are different scales, even though they share common themes in many re- spects. In retrospect, it would have improved the design of the study if the Afro-Americans also responded to the items on the New Left scale. Why in our sample of Afro-Americans do those in- dividuals who endorse a separatist ideology tend to attri- bute rewards and reinforcing events to external forces such as chance, luck, and fate (r = .29). This finding is in direct contradiction to an earlier finding by 140 Rotter that Afro-Americans engaging in social action- taking behavior are internals - i.e.,believe that re- wards and reinforcing events are contingent upon their own efforts and attributes. The present findings are, however, consistent with earlier findings by Marx (1967) and Gurin (1969). These investigators believe that the militant is more external than the nonmilitant because i? he has a broader, more liberated world outlook and a greater sensitivity to the way in which social forces shape human behavior,including his own. That is, the militant sees more clearly than the nonmilitant how external forces in- fluence his behavior and impedes his ability to achieve personal goals. Thus, given a background of status frus- tration and economic deprivation, the militant believes that he cannot reach personal goals because of external or social, or systemic constraints. In accounting for why the present findings are inconsistent with those of Rotter, one must consider that Rotter related an attitude (internal-external) to behavior (actual involvement in civil rights demonstrations), while the present study related one set of attitudes (internal- external) to another set of attitudes (separatism-integra- tion). Thus, our findings would be consistent with Rotter's findings only to the extent that attitudes of black consciousness are equivalent to actual militant be- havior. 141 Another major finding is, of course, the dichotomi- zation of the Internal-External control scale into the Rotter items, which center about an individual effort-luck component, and the Gurin items, which focus upon individual effort versus organized group action to combat discrimina- tion components. In that measure of internal-external control have been used to explore the contingencies be- Fa tween act and effect, it is essentially an expectancy variable (Gore 6 Rotter, 1963; Ramsford, 1968; Caplan G Paige, 1968). Rotter (1966) proposed that the potential r“. for any behavior to occur in a given situation is a func- tion of the person's expectancy that the given behavior will secure the available reinforcement, plus the value of that available reinforcement for the person. Gurin, on the other hand, emphasizes those achievements re- sulting from collective efforts of Afro-Americans, as well as achievement through individual performance and mobility. Thus, the distinction between the Rotter and Gurin items may be viewed as the Rotter items focusing on traditional forms of achievement through individual performance and the Gurin items focusing on achievement through collective performance. The Rotter items refer explicitly to the respondent's own life situation and those which seem to tap beliefs about what causes success or failure for people generally. The Gurin items tap 142 specific beliefs about the role of internal and external forces in the race situation. The direct reference to race in these questions, moreover, is likely to have en- couraged their clustering together when they were analyzed in the total pool of items. More concretely, the Gurin scale of the Group Activism cluster gives the subject a choice between en- dorsing organized group activism to combat racial dis- crimination versus the alternative of agreeing with a Rotter-like internal item that "blames" the individual for not being sufficiently motivated, or sufficiently skilled, or such like to overcome the effects of racial discrimination. Perhaps this choice poses no special problem for the subject who is external in the original Rotter sense: he has experienced the adverse effects of discrimination and this experience, plus his tendency to see the events in his life as resulting from fate or circumstances, makes the group activist's choice fairly clear and automatic. Of course, how much he actually devotes himself to group activism is a quite different question that the data of this study cannot answer. On the other hand, the choices posed by the Gurin items place the internal subject (in the Rotter meaning) in a quite different and more difficult situation. From his internal orientation, he values individual effort and sees the potential rewards that can go with training WA. - I; 143 and skill; but to select this alternative means he must forego blaming and combating the system that, in fact, discriminates against him and undermines his individual efforts for self—improvement. In short, this subject must choose between self-blame and system-blame, and as a total group it comes as little surprise that the Afro- American subjects score very high on Group Activism (mean = .82; SD = .19). This dilemma posed for the internal but not the external subjects may account for the small negative but nonsignificant correlation between Group Activism and Internal. It is also interesting to speculate whether or not Afro-Americans high on both Internal and Group Activism are the Vigorous activists in their actual behavior. Finally, it is of interest to note that, with two exceptions, the interrelationships between the biographic- demographic variables and the superclusters were essential- ly insignificant. Subjects high on Separation tend to be younger than those who are high on Integration, and, whether Afro-American or white, subjects who are militant and who reject the traditional values tend to attend church less frequently than do those subjects who are conservative and accept traditional values. These find- ings, of course, are consistent with earlier interpreta- tion that there seems to be a response set for all of 144 our subjects to respond to in terms of acceptance or rejection of the traditional values of American society. CHAPTER VI SUMMARY A number of scholars have conducted research on Afro-Americans with the aim of delineating psychological and behavioral characteristics peculiar to Afro-Americans as a group. This has led many investigators to concep- tualize Afro-Americans as a monolithic, homogeneous group of people, and speak of a "Negro personality." The failure to consider the heterogeneity of Afro‘Americans has been a hiatus in knowledge and understanding of intra-group differences among Afro-Americans, a shortcoming that was clearly manifest in the failure of behavioral scientists to predict the "ghetto riots" of the 1960's and the cur- rent trend in "black awareness." The present study was predicated on the assump- tion that there is diversity among Afro-Americans, as in any large group of people, and that an adequate under- standing of Afro-Americans must take this heterogeneity into account. The purpose of this research was to inves- tigate the relationships between black consciousness, internal-external control, and the extent to which one adheres to a traditional and/or conventional family 145 146 ideology. Although the primary focus of the study was on Afro-Americans, the question was raised as to whether the the relationships between these three variables would be unique to the "black experience," or attributable to socio- political forces extant within the larger society. Thus, data were gathered on a group of whites so as to allow for a more systematic analysis. A sample of 78 Afro-American married couples living in University Married Housing were administered the following scales: Black Consciousness, Multi-Dimensional InternalvExternal Control, and Family IdeOlogy. A control group of 50 randomly selected white married couples also living in University Married Housing were administered the above scales except that they responded to a New Left scale in place of the Black Consciousness scale. Biographic data were gathered on all subjects. The items of the four scales were clustered into 29 subscales on the basis of statistical value (p > .05), homogeneity of content, and internal parallelism. These subscales were then collapsed into seven superclusters, on the basis of parallelism, and correlated with each other. The seven superclusters (high score) were: (1) Separation (movement away from white American social life); (2) Integration (movement toward white American social life); (3) Militant Left (restructuring of American 147 institutions and values); (4) Conservative Right (preser- vation of American institutions and values); (5) Internal (attribution of rewards to one's own efforts and attri- butes); (6) Group Activism (nonviolent group action to combat racial discrimination); (7) Family Ideology (tradi- tional and conventional modes of family relationships and interactions). The results showed that the majority of Afro- American subjects endorsed a separatist (militant) ideo- logy and rejected an integrationist (conservative) ideo- logy. Subjects scoring high on Separation also scored high on external control. This finding contradicts the previous finding of Rotter that militant Afro-Americans tend to be internal. High scores on Separation were signi- ficantly related to high scores on Group Activism, but not to Family Ideology. Subjects who were high on Integration were high on Family Ideology, indicating endorsement of traditional and conventional familial relationships. High scores on Integration were positively related to internal control and negatively related to Group Activism. The pattern of attitudinal relationships among the white subjects were parallel to that of the Afro— American subjects, but the magnitude of the coefficients was significantly higher for whites. 148 With cluster analysis the expanded internal- external scale broke into two superclusters, one based upon the original Rotter items and one based upon the Gurin items, that ask the subjects to select between al- ternatives of combatting racial discrimination through organized group activism versus emphasizing individual ability and effort. The findings indicate that the internal-external dimension is more complex than the dimension topped by the original Rotter scale. With two exceptions, the interrelationships be- tween the biographic variables and the superclusters were essentially insignificant. 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Negro Self-Concept: Implications for School and Citizenship. MedfOrd, Mass.: Lincoln Filene Center for Citizenship and Public Affairs, Tufts University, 1964. Levinson, D.J. G Huffman, P.E. Traditional family ideo- logy and its relation to personality. Journal of Personality, 1955, 22, 251-273. Marx, G.T. Protest and Prejudice: A Stugy of Belief in the Black Community. *New’York: Harper 5 Row, 1967. Milner, E. Some hypotheses concerning the influence of se- gregation of Negro personality development. American Journal of Psychiatry, 1953, 22, 291-297. Mosher, D. G Scodel, A. A study of the relationship be- between ethnocentrism in children and the ethnocentric and authoritarian rearing practices of their mothers. Child Development, 1960, 22, 369-376. Moynihan, D.P. The Negro family: The case for national action. Washington, D.C. U.S. Department of Labor, Office of Planning and Research, 1965. Myrdal, G. An American Dilemma. New York: Harper 8 Row, 1944. Nunnaly, J.C. Psychometric Theory. New York: McGraw- Hill Book Co., 1967. 153 Pettigrew, T.F._ Social psychology and desegregation re- search. American Psychologist, 1961, 223 105-112. . A Profile of the Negro American. Princeton, New Jersey: Van Nostrafid, 1964. Social evaluation theory: Convergences and appli- cation. In D. Levin (Ed.) Nebraska symposium on Motivation, 1967. Lincoln: University 6f Nebraska Press, 1967. Pettigrew, T.F. 8 Thompson, Negro American personality. Journal of Social Issues, 1964, 22, 1-115. Ramsford, H.E. Isolation, powerlessness, and violence: A study of attitudes and participation in the Watts riot. American Journal of Sociology, 1968, 22, 581- 591. Rotter, J.B. Generalized expectancies for internal versus "1 external control of reinforcement. Psychological Monographs, 1966, 29, # 609. Schulz, D. Coming Up Black: Patterns of Ghetto Social- ization. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice- HaII, I969. Schwartz, B.N. & Disch, R. (Eds.) White Racism. New York: Dell Publishing Co., Inc., 1970. Thomas, A. 8 Sillen, S. Racism and Psychiatry. New York: Brunner/Mazel, Publishers, 1972. Tomlinson, T.M. The development of a riot ideology among urban Negroes. The American Behavioral Scientist, 1968, 22) 27-31. Wilcox, R. The Psychological Consequences of Being a Black American. New York: John Wiley 8 Sons, Inc., 1971. Williams, R.I. Black pride, academic relevance and academic achievement. The Counseling Psychologist, 1970, 2, 18-22. APPENDIX The Questionnaire as Presented to Subjects 154 Let us begin by getting some general information about you. Please darken in one of the five choices on the answer sheet for each of the following items. Demographic Information: Administered to all subjects. 1. Sex 2. Age 3. Current Class Level 4. Grade Point Average 5. Approximate population of the community in which you grew up (Hometown). 6. Geographical location of hometown. (TIMI—I' m-bMNl-J U14>LNNH H (fl-DMNH Female 2. Male 18-20 2. 21-25 F? 26-30 4. 31-39 J 40-Over Freshman-Sophomore Junior-Senior 7 Graduate ' i Staff ' Unaffiliated with M.S.U. MMNNN 25,000 or less 25,000-50,000 50,000-100,000 100,000-500,000 500,000-l,000,000 or more Northeast (Me., Vt., NH, RI, Mass., NY, Pa., NJ, Ct.) South (Va., W.Va.,Del., Md., NC, SC, Tn., Ky., Ga., Fla., A1a., Miss., La., Ark., Tex., Oka., Wash., D.C.) North Central (N.Dak., S.Dak., Minn., 1a., Ind., Ohio, Wis., Mi., Neb., Kan., Mo., I11.) West (N. Mex., Az., Colo., Utah, Cal., Ore., Wash., Wyo., Id., Mont., Nev.) Other 10. 11. 12. 13 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. Number of brothers and sisters. Number of sisters Number of brothers Your birth position Had your father lived away from your house- hold before you were 15 years old? If yes, approximately how long a period of time was he absent? (Omit if father was never absent). Main reason for absence of father. Had your mother lived away from your house- hold before you were 15 years old? If yes, approximately how long a period of time was she absent? (Omit if mother was never absent). Main reason for absence of mother. Had you lived away from your parents before you were 15 years old? If yes, approximately how long a period of time were you away? 155 .hra -hkd .hbd WWH 01.9me H boil-d MDLNNH #UJH H MAME-DH None 2. One 3. Two Three 5. Four or more None 2. One 3. Two Three 5. Four or more None 2. One 3. Two Three 5. Four or more First 2. Second Third 4. Fourth Fifth or later Yes 2. No One year or less Two years Three years Four years or more Never present Work 2. Deceased Divorce-Separation Illness 5. Other Yes . 2. No One year or less Two years Three years Four years or more Never present Work 2. Deceased Divorce-Separation Illness 5. Other Yes 2. No One year or less Two years Three years Four years or more Never lived with parents 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. Geographical location of father's hometown (See question #6) Geographical location of mother's hometown (See question #6) Father's level of education. Mother's level of education. Occupation of father Occupation of mother (If mother is full- time housewife, then omit this question). If mother was not full-time housewife, what was her work schedule? What was the approx- imate family income when you were in grade school? Express this in terms of today's economy. 156 but-4 Htha NH NH U"! #031 4504 U'IAUQNH m-bMNi—J MhMNt—l Northeast 2. South North Central West 5. Other Northeast 2. South North Central ' West 5. Other Grade School High School: Started but did not complete High School: Completed College: Started but did not complete. College: Completed Grade School High School: Started but did not complete. High School: Completed College: Started but did not complete. College: Completed Professional-Managerial Clerical-Sales Skilled trades Semi-skilled or unskilled Proprietor of small business Professional-Managerial Clerical-Sales Skilled-trades Semi-skilled or unskilled Proprietor of small business Full-time 2. Part-time $4,000 or less $4,000-$7,000 $7,ooo-$io,ooo $10,000-$15,000 $15,000 and over 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. family life. How many years have you been married? How many children do you have? Number of daughters Number of sons Your religious prefer- ence (If you have no religious preference omit this question). How often do you attend religious services? 157 MMH WMH tht—l 01ka U'ILNH 4:- CNNH One or less One-Three Seven-Eight Nine and over None Two Four or more None Two Four or more None Two Four or more Protestant Jewish Black Muslim Other 3. hN #N hN Four-Six One Three One . Three One . Three Catholic Once a week or more Once to twice a month Two to three times a year Rarely 5. Never Now,1et us look at some of your attitudes toward Some statements on family life, about which people have differing opinions, are presented on the following pages. You are to express your personal opinion about each statement according to the extent to which you agree to disagree with it. categories. (0) Strongly Disagree (1) Mildly Disagree (2) Neither Agree nor Disagree (3) Mildly Agree (4) Strongly Agree Use the following 158 Indicate which category you think most closely re- presents your Opinion by filling in the appropriate space on your answer sheet. Respond to each statement inde- pendently and do the items in the order presented. Re- member that there are no right and wrong answers. We are interested only in your personal opinion. It is very important that all questions be answered. Many of the statements will seem alike but all are necessary to allow for slight differences of opinion. Fami2y Ideology: Administered to all subjects 33. When situations concerning the entire family arise, I feel all the members should be allowed to parti- cipate in the decisions. 34. I generally allow my children to gripe about cer- tain household rules and regulations. 35. My children's opinions are taken into account when- ever a decision is made that directly concerns them. 36. I feel that the man should be the head of the house- hold. 37. When it comes to matters of money, I feel that the opinion of the wife should carry as much weight as the opinion of the husband. 38. I feel that people who get divorced usually do not try hard enough to make the marriage work. 39. I believe that I might have been a happier, more productive person if I were born into another family. 40. On days in which I have little or no work to do, I usually spend the time with my family. 41. I feel that children should not be allowed to "talk-back" to their parents. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. S4. 55. 56. 57. 159 I go to special pains to accept my children' 5 friends even though I do not always approve of them. It is a reflection on a husband's manhood if his wife works. It doesn't seem quite right for a man to be a visionary; dreaming should be left to women. It is important to teach the child as early as pos- sible the manners and morals of his society. Women who want to remove the word obe from the mar- riage service doesn't understand w at it means to be a wife. The saying "Mother knows best" still has more than a grain of truth. A lot of the sex problems of married couples arise because their parents have been too strict with them about sex. Some equality in marriage is a good thing, but by and large the husband ought to have the main say- so in family matters. A marriage should not be made unless the couple plans to have children. Women can be too bright for their own good. It isn't healthy for a child to like to be alone, and he should be discouraged from playing by him- self. It is only natural and right for each person to think that his family is better than any other. A child should not be allowed to talk back to his parents, or else he will lose respect for them. Women have as much right as men to sow wild oats. If children are told much about sex, they are like- ly to go too far in experimenting with it. In choosing a husband, a woman will do well to put ambition at the top of her list of desirable qualities. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 160 There is a lot of evidence such as the Kinsey Re- port which shows we have to crack down harder on younger people to save our moral standards. The most important qualities of a real man are strength of will and determined ambition. Even today women live under unfair restrictions that ought to be done away with. A well-raised child is one who doesn't have to be told twice to do something. A teenager should be allowed to decide most things for himself. A child who is unusual in any way should be encour- aged to be more like other children. A man can scarcely maintain respect for his fiancee if they have sexual relations before they are mar- ried. In making family decisions, parents ought to take the opinions of children into account. There is hardly anything lower than a person who does not feel a great love, gratitude, and respect for his parents. One of the worst problems in our society today is "free love," because it mars the true value of sex relations. The unmarried mother is morally a greater failure than the unmarried father. A man who doesn't provide well for his family ought to consider himself pretty much a failure as hus- band and father. It's a pretty feeble sort of man who can't get ahead in the world. Whatever some educators may say, "Spare the rod and spoil the child" still holds, even in these modern times. The family is a sacred institution, divinely or- dained. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 161 It goes against nature to place women in positions of authority over men. A wife does better to vote the way herflhusband does, because he probably knows more about such things. Petting is something a nice girl wouldn't want to do. A woman whose children are messy or rowdy has failed in her duties as a mother. Faithfulness is the worse fault a husband could have. It is a woman's job more than a man's to uphold our moral code, especially in sexual matters. Women should take an active interest in politics and community problems as well as in their families. It helps the child in the long run if he is made to conform to his parents' ideas. Almost any woman is better off in the home than in a job or profession. Women think less clearly than men and are more emotional. When situations concerning the entire family arose, my parents would allow all the members to partici- pate in the decision. When it came to matters of money, my mother's opinion carried as much, or more, weight as my father's opinion. My mother was of the opinion that people who get divorced did not really try hard enough to make the marriage work. My parents would generally accept my friends even though they did not always approve of them. My father thought the man should be the head of the household. My father would usually spend his days off work with the family. My parents would take their children's opinions into account whenever a decision was made that directly concerned them. 162 90. My father was of the opinion that a child should not be allowed to "talk back" to his parents. 91. My mother thought the man should be the head of the household. 92. My father was of the opinion that people who get divorced did not really try hard enough to make the marriage work. 93. My parents would generally allow their children to gripe about certain household rules and regulations. We now move to some statements on the way one views himself and his social relations. ,The statements pre- sented on the following pages are such that people have differing opinions about them. You are to express your personal opinion about each statement according to the extent to which you agree or disagree with it. Use the following categories: (0) Strongly Disagree (1) Mildy Disagree (2) Neither Agree nor Disagree (3) Mildy Agree (4) Strongly Agree Indicate which category you think most closely re- presents your opinion in the appropriate space on your answer sheet. Respond to each statement independently and do the items in the order presented. Remember that there are no right and wrong answers. We are interested only in your personal opinion. It is very important that all questions be answered. Many of the statements will seem alike but all are necessary to allow for slight differences of opinion. 163 Black Consciousness: Administered to Afro-American Subjects 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. If I was sitting at a table with some members of my race and some white people entered the room, I would be proud because I was sitting with members of my race. Situations, involving people of my race which are called "riots" would be called the same if involving whites. Call me Black, instead of Negro. White people did not like Muhammad Ali because they did not like the idea of a member of my race saying he was the greatest and proving it. A bank owned and operated by members of my race would be a good place to deposit my savings. We should organize in an effort to free ourselves from American Society. In the United States, freedom for my race can only be achieved through integration. My race would continue to eat without the white man. The Christian idea of heaven and hell has slowed down my race's fight for freedom. For my race, equality and integration are not the same thing. When you are talking to white people, you try to avoid the race issue. Whites try to divide our community by saying some of us are middle class. The "natural" hairstyle is dignified. When assigned to "riot"