TRIKE) CUHURAL NETWGHKS 0F PRIMFPENE PfiYSiCAL, MFR. AND SOCIAL SCEERTIS’ES TEN}: {saw the! Degree a? pit. D. MICHEGAR‘ STATE UNEVEESETY Fiorence E1. McCarthy i972 Int-sis 3 1293 10176 This is to certify that the thesis entitled THIRD CULTURAL NETWORKS OF PHILIPPINE PHYSICAL, LIFE, AND SOCIAL SCIENTISTS presented by Florence E. McCarthy has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D . degree in Sociology %//Za¢/}H Major professor Date 77% 4, ”22/ 0-7639 - ~‘4.~_-.‘ ‘.‘ r h. V H‘ .. ' .4A ‘ .. I "'3 n r ' [firrl ' “ .‘ ..’_- .wk, Ag; I u‘ A , 1. ,. . .1 ‘ -’- ““40”!" i "" ‘-'—‘- mwwr 4—"1'3 'e ‘ A . 300 A231 fi7rzk__ l 4W “It ‘ and!” am ‘9; ‘ , q ”M; ” "Lu ’~ $544“. bl- n-m m m ., .uV'.‘ .‘. ~ (4“? cm“ q d Venu- -, 7 ,- W " -a:.;. 1* um 11: t 1.. Kim Int-nu a: . _ ‘ 7 5‘”. «to-nun. ..- ., . ' tag" in «up. . ...‘ ~ a. ”know; ,c. v ' ac. ' “v MM 0 " ~\.m,:’ ‘iu‘ ‘ m“. "5 r‘Fg’. ié-V "w w ”" r a u.9..*- «A ‘ w ‘6‘h-wu'hj {V __. 1,». w“ “ “‘3’” -' M- I ’ a .- w i me: a a...“ six] '- 0*” ‘“ Wi’Tfltfig «g..- N; .“A m. "? Rye- fi“m*'mhmm m. a- '“m‘fi'wfiuufiaufimfi .‘.i' l ABSTRACT THIRD CULTURAL NETWORKS OF PHILIPPINE PHYSICAL, LIFE, AND SOCIAL SCIMISTS By Florence E. McCarthy The study has two primary levels of analysis. One is the analysis of a particular segment of Philippine society; i.e., academic institu- tins and their influence on science, including patterns of institu- tional linkage within the Philippines and to institutions abroad. The second level is a descriptive analysis of the types and patterns of personal scientific networks created and maintained by Philippine seeds-1c scientists, involving other Philippine scientists and scientists in other countries around the world. he two interests are seen as being initially related, as the institutional framework and environment sets the stage for, and has great influence on, scientific work in general in these institutions. he institutional environment also directly influences the specific responses of Philippine scientists to their work situation as mani- fested in the type of research being done, for example, or in the relative importance of external scientific col-amicaticn and ties. While some attention is given to scientific networks within the Philippines, the primary concern is with the patterning of scientific ties outside the Philippines to the larger world-wide scientific cc-mity. Drawing on the literature of social networks, quasi-groups, and non-groups, the concept of "personal network“ is developed to dis- tinguish the individualised scientific tics of Philippine scientists Florence E. McCarthy to scientists abroad, from the more established institutionalized linkages of universities abroad. While interrelated, the establish- ment and maintenance of personal networks as culpared with institu- tional linkages are quite different and serve different functions. Along Philippine scientists, it is found that different types of personal scientific networks exist. Such types are extensive, intensive, or nascent ties. In addition, it is found that the centrality or importance of scientific networks to scientific self- identities vary as well. As explained in the text, scientists with intensive ties, coming primarily true the physical sciences, are more likely to consider their personal networks more central to their scientific identities than are Philippine scientists with different kinds of networks, caning from either the life sciences or the social sciences. Data are based on open-ended, pro-tested interviews of one hundred productive, academic, Philippine scientists from ten selected universities. Scientists were sampled fro. the physical, social and life sciences. mm mm mom or mm ”131%. LIFE. m seem semen: By Florence I. IeCarthy A “I! Suhitted to lichigan State University in We]. man...“ .1 the ”‘1'”. ' r.‘ _ _‘. murmur wmmm.m ‘... widen» in me founw‘m on" an» the Mt of W 7 w Dd cupped of any .11: form snooze and intimation» m M of the flaw? sc-‘k met-e ”more” by the “Mt . “Wflu fies-sort. can for lm‘zrxxa‘ioam .1 .l‘.l‘.)"ri {WIAJ as «thin: 1hr Lzs‘v v.1 ‘e‘; of ’n’.57~rm‘.‘o-.a. .'~L‘::‘..,e In Education 0! w hot. "the”. .4.- and “V ‘l-e .‘\'n£‘;0111 ."rw'..u.‘.~- of Herzfr “I.“ I] oddities-1, funds t'rm- 1‘“: izscvn r‘muxhaicri Issue- mslblc my We at a ensure mar-who; ::; Indonesia. it; study is related to "‘1‘” ”Jeni; on the ccdpnt'd'.:'.e study of the scientific «was: ' L entries (the Philifiunes, 1mm» and Lucia) which is 1" is moral sponsoz-s'mp of the new; intonation and is coordinated . 0 Job Ibsen of Richigan State hirer-1w. Prose-oer Earns of m Dam-rut? of 1m with has“ Foundation "ammo, “Palm, 8. mama-r. e: um Murmurs?” staff College of w taunt. fu- ture mum. err: earning out the “as an their W‘ .1” date mm he are dram tr- e lanes WI. mm dwuumm'mmuumw ’ dWMww-eeu.m3eh“aad ’ “may... nu mum- owner er a. We“ , \ ' ‘-‘- . , I - . , ‘ . ~' l - 'oJ—'1n.: . xx" ACKNOHIEDMNI’S The data considered in the following pages are the result of the cooperation and support of many different people and institutions. Different stages of the field work were supported by the Midwest Universities Consortium for International Activities (MUCIA) as admin- istered through the Institute of International Studies in Education of Michigan State University; and by the National Institute of Mental Health. In addition, funds from the Hazen Foundation made possible m attendance at a month's workshop in Indonesia. My study is related to a larger project on the comparative study of the scientific cammities of three countries (the Philippines, Indonesia and India) which is under the general sponsorship of the Hazen Foundation and is coordinated by Dr. John Usecm of Michigan State University. Professor Harsja Bachtiar of the University of Indonesia, with Hazen Foundation assistance, and Professor Gurdip 8. Aurora of the Administrative Staff College of India, under a grant from Ford Foundation, are carrying out the coordinated studies in their countries. 'lhe Philippine data used in this thesis are drawn from a larger schedule of information derived from informnts and 100 in-depth interviews of scientists conducted by wself, Dr. John Useem and Dr. Ruth Hill Usesm. The Philippine study of the scientific calamity was co-sponsored by the Philippine National Science Develoment Board and by the Institute of Philippine Culture of the Ateneo de Manila University. The National Science Development Board also made a ii fi generous grant that made more extensive field work‘possible. In addition, Dr. Ramon A. D. Hermano and Mr. Tony Pido were more than kind in lending us every assistance possible in doing the study. During the time I was in the Philippines, August 1969 to November 1970, I was fortunate in being a Research Associate at the Institute of Philippine Culture. Not only did this provide me with ideal working conditions and facilities, it also allowed me to meet, enjoy and benefit from knowing many of the people at the IPC, among them the Director, Mary Hollnsteiner, Fr. Frank Lynch, 3. J ., Mrs. Aurora Go, Perla Makil, Dr. Wilfredo Arcs, Susan and Al Bennett, Temay Padero and many others. I would like to express m appreciation to members of my dis- sertation canaittee. 'lhey include Dr. John Useem, chairman, Dr. Ruth H111 Useem, Dr. James B. McKee, Dr. Vincent Salvo and Dr. Barry L. Case. I would also like to thank Dr. Charles P. Ioomis, Dr. William Form and Dr. Joan Huber for the particular help and encouragement they have given during different stages of m graduate career. Last, but not least, I would like to thank the members of the Philippine scientific cot-unity who gave so generously of their time to patiently answer all our questions. I would also like to thank the Restore, faculties and staff of the sample Philippine universities who so hospitably opened their institutions to us. 111 V- TABLE OF CONTENTS L ammm I I. snrmmnmmnormsmn.......... RON‘MOfmesdeeseesseeeoeeeeee The Philippine Shady Design: The Ideal and he Actual. General Parameters of the Philippine Scientific Omit, O O 0 O O O O O O O O C O C O O C I 0 Selection of Institutional Focus: Universities . Selecting the Sample of Philippine Scientists. m. I O O O O O 0 I O O O O O O O I O O DefinitionofTerms............ mameeeeseeeoesoooeeee The Interview Schedule and the Interview Situation mehtON1W31mtionoo........... Methodological Note on the Interviewer as Participant in 'lhird Cultural Settings . . . . . . Review of the Literature as Relevant to Scientific mmculm.eesesssoseeseossesss TheSoeiologyofScience.............. m‘mrdculmreseeeeseoeseeeees e The Literature on Networks, Quasi-groups, Non-groups- Woes-sseeeseoeeeeeeseeee II. ACADMCINSTINTIONSABD'BIIRDCULNRES . . . . . . . . C O O O O O O O O O C O The Academic Institution in the Context of Philippine SOOictyseeseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeese Institutional Context, Networks Abroad and the mtmc. of Filipino. Into Science I e e e e e e e e Academic Institutions and Recmihent Into Science Institutional Links to Universities Abroad . . . . 8.6mm uniVCraitiC. e e e e be Protestant University . Catholic Universities . . . Private Profit Universities State Supported Universities 0 I O C C O O O C O O U C O O I O O I O O I Ss-ary Sponsored Mobility - Foreign, Philippine, Foundation SM 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O 0 O I C O S$$$$$ E 61 8 W 3% Geographical Location, Institutional Environment and Influence on Scientists Upon ‘Ibeir Return to the Philippine. eesoeoooooeeoeeoeoes Vignette of Returning Philippine Scientists . . . University Setting Including Geographical Location in Regard to National Centers of Power . . . . . . Regional Universities . . . . Cosmopolitan Universities in Relation to National CentersofPower ................ Cosmopolitan Sectarian Universities . . . . . Privately-owned, Profit-making, Cosmopolitan Uni'.r. 1ti e. C C O I O O O I O 0 I O O C O O Primate University Casplex in Relation to National CentersofPower ................ m I I I O O O l O I O O O O O O O O O O Responses of Scientists to University Mironment . Type of Response to Scientific Context of Universities by Focus of Scientific Work . . . . Scientific Focus in Regional Universities . . Scientific Focus in Cosmopolitan Universities . Scientific Focus in the Primate University Complex Sumary ch‘ptor Sm” C O O O D O C I O O O O O C O O O C III. PERSONAL SOCIAL FAC‘IORS OF 'IHIRD CULTURAL WORKS . . Characteristics of Scientific Third Cultures . . . . Science Collectivities and Personal Networks 0:801enti’t80eeeseeeeeeeeeoeeee Elements of Scientific Third Cultures . . . . . . Functions of Networks for Philippine Scientists . . Variations in Participation in Scientific 'Ihird mm. 0 O O O O O O O I O O O O 0 0 0 Gender 0 O O O O I O O O C O C O I O O HighestDegreeEarned . . . . . . . . Place of Education for Highest Degrees AreaofScience............ Type of Research . . . Non-Participant Scientists in 'lhird Cultures DoingBasicRescarch . . . . . . . . . University Affiliation . . . . . . Variations in Scientific Networks Abroad . Extensive‘ries ............. Inmi'. Ti... 0 I o 0 0 O I O O 0 O O O Nascent Ties . . . . O O O O O I I O C O O I O O O O I I O C O O O O O I O I O O O 0 O O O 79 79 81 81 84 8k 88 90 91 92 93 97 102 107 115 118 120 121 121 122 126 133 136 136 137 138 1140 1&0 1M 1h? 1%? H9 151 Discipline-Related and Nondiscipline Related Networks152 Characteristics of Scientists Having Intensive, Intensive, or Nascent Networks Abroad . . . Mar 0 O I O I O O I O O I I University Affiliation . . . . Prinate University Complex . Regional Universities . . . . Cosmopolitan Universities . . 0 0 i 0 O O O Q 0 O O O C O O O O O O O l O O O O O O C O I O O O O I O O ‘vmu.eeoeoseoe Righeetbegreelarnedtenste........ W'3DCWMdONeeeeeeooee 1300131111309... eeseeeeoeeeoo m oeeeossosssessooo Plaeeofndueaticn............. Am .f 301“. s7 e s e s e e e o s s s o e e ”rune-m eeseseeeseeeeo ma.fn..mmeeeee:eee Smry Centrality of Scientific mm mm Networks 7’. safari; . i ‘h - I ‘q- :2" 1.4. A} e ‘1 '. a; 1‘ ~¢ ,1 ‘l.’ . 23.! 'E‘yy-r. e". est-w Universdfl ~ 1' ‘ 757;)»: are ."~-‘ ‘ ' . Uh Lu m ; f . 32¢ 31‘ ’21?" “111's“; 11,1 ‘ ' me C( \ l r b Is -..” Tm 91 A1>~.' C- i“ ‘ tenet-1. 3 h, -e r. :“lsrs - °* Romnatvtirip- " ‘ ' I u ‘ r - ~ ff” e o e e 4 p !-‘ lu’ln' .1 a.» . 39 Scientific Identities of Philippine Scientists . 'Ceatrality of Third Cultural Networks and Implications f”th.m°f3°1.n¢.eeeeeeeoeooeee mmmcanoss ................ 192 197 "5 3‘9' 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. LIST OF TABLE Philippine Universities Included in Sample by Type of Ownership and Geographical Location . . . . . . . . Distribution of Science Faculty by Type of University andMajorAreaofScience............... Number of Persons in Academic Scientific Community Engaged in Research by Major Area of Science . . . . . Number and Percent of Persons in the Philippine Academic Scientific Commity Engaged in Research byGenderandMaJorAreaofScience . . . . . . . . . . Characteristics of Selected Sample of Philippine Scientists byMaJor Area of Science . . . . . . . . . . Numbers of Filipino Science Faculty from Main State University Campus Earning Advanced Degrees Abroad by American University Attended, 1969 . . . . . . . . . Type of University and Forms of Sponsorship Abroad forFilipinoFaculty ................. Sources of Support for the Advanced Education of Scientists by Supporting Organization and Type of Uni'euity I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I Type of Scientific Focus by Respondents in Regional Univeuitioa I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I Type of Scientific Focus by Respondents in Cosmopolitan Univenitie. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I Type of Scientific Focus by Respondents in Primate UniversityCcmplex .................. Response of Scientists to Scientific Emimnment by Type of University and Type of Scientific Focus . . . . Characteristics of Philippine Scientists as Participants or Non-Participants in Scientific Third Cultural N.mrk. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I vii Page 16 19 2O 21 23 65 73 75 102 108 115 135 Table 1h. Characteristics of Philippine Scientists by Type of Involvement in Scientific Third Culture 15. 16. 17. 18. 19s Nemm I I I I s I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I University Affiliation by Type of Third Culture Networks....... Place of Advanced Education of Philippine Scientists by Type of Scientific Third Cultural Network . . . Area of Science of Philippine Scientists by Type of Third Cultural Network Type of Research Being Done by Type of Scientific mm Cultural Networks Type of Research by Scientists With No Third (mum; Netwrks I I I I I I I Sources of Funding by Type Scientific Networks . . of Third Culture Centrality of Scientific Networks to Philippine Scientists . . . . . . Type of Scientific Network by Centrality of Networks to Scientific Identities viii Page 153 1614 171 173 17k 182 187 188 CHAPTERI STATEMENT AND DESIGN OF 'IHE STUDY A. The Nature of the Study In an age of increasing international dependency and inter- connectedness, American sociology remains primarily inward looking in tense of its own emphasis and orientations. Reflecting the complexity and specialization of American society, American sociology covers many intellectual areas and has no single penumbra of values or interests that directs the entire field. Since the 1958 publishing of Lerner's stimlating work on E Passing of Traditional Society, there has been a growing interest among some sociologists in problems of developing societies known under various rubrics of "modernization and developnent," "modernity," and "social change" including such formlations as "convergence" versus "divergence":L theories of change. The interest in social phenomena outside the United States has come to be known generally as comparative sociology. The area includes: 1The diversity of thought stems from assmnptions made regarding the impact of industrialization, primarily, on developing societies. The convergence position holds that industrialization and other proc- esses of modernization leads to the homogenization of societal norms and values and resulting human behavior. The convergence position is held by such sociologists as Alex Inkeles (1960) and Wilbert Moore (1963). Other scholars contend that cultures being flexible and adaptive will modify or re-interpret modernization processes to meet mic-cultural situations. Divergent theorists while not expressly known as such include Reinhard Bendix (1956), Lloyd and Susanne Rudolph (1967) and Joseph Gusfield (1965). 1 ww—q 'll'ao I“ 1 2 1) the comparative study of phenomena in a series of different societies, 2) the exploration of a society or some segment of it by a foreign scientist and 3) the investigation of patterns engendered by the intersections of societies (Smelser 1966). Most of the theory and concepts utilized in comparative studies are derived from a Western setting and orientation. There frequently appears to be a greater interest in establishing the hegemony of American sociology and its attendant theories and concepts, than in ascertaining the actual con- tent or processes inherent in non-Western social phenomena. Often what should be questions open to empirical testing are assumed as given in euparative studies. Perhaps less culture-bound approaches will develop as American sociologists become less intellectually imperial- istic, and as scientists in other countries initiate their own studies. Until such time, however, the field of comparative sociology lacks appropriate comparative theoretical concepts and perspectives. From a comparative perspective, there are a number of vital issues that have remained unexplored in the present literature in the sociol- ogy of science. For example: 1) What is the process of science itself within the so-called "developing" countries? How do differential policies and emphases regarding development and modernization in the merging nations affect what science is in those countries? 2) Within the world commity of scientists, what are the networks among and between different scientists of various nations of the world? To what extent is there agreement on the norms and values of science by scientists throughout the world? How does the state of local science affect a man's view of science as an ideal? 3) What are the linkages of the local, intro-national scientific cos-unity to other cements of 3 society? Is there, in fact, a national scientific commmity? How does differential government policy affect which sciences are favored within a country, and which are de-emphasized? A) What are the generational differences among scientists regarding their perceptions of science, their general life styles, and the interpersonal relationships between older and younger generations? 5) What are the social roles of scientists? How do scientists participate in the civic culture of their larger societies? What public roles do they perform, how are these roles linked to their own scientific roles? The present study has two primary concerns. One is an analysis of a particular segment of Philippine society; i.e. , academic institutions and their influence on science, including patterns of institutional linkage within the Philippines and to institutions abroad. The second is a descriptive analysis of the types and patterns of networks created and maintained by Philippine academic scientists, involving other Philippine scientists and scientists in other countries around the world. The two interests are seen as being mtually related, as the institutional framework and environment sets the stage for and has great influence on scientific work in general in these institutions. The institutional environment also directly influences the specific responses of Philippine scientists to their work situations as mani- fested in the type of research being done, for example, or in the relative importance of external scientific cmnication and ties. External can mean outside one's university but still in the Philippines, or outside the Philippines itself. While some attention is given to scientific networks within the Philippines, the primary attention in h, later chapters is on the patterning of scientific ties outside the Philippines to the larger world-wide scientific comznity. The analysis in the following pages endeavors to bring some under- standing to such questions as: l) the relationship of various societal factors such as geographical location, governmental priorities and policies, university orientations and emphases, and funding policies of both Philippine and foreign founda- tions to the growth and development of Philippine science, and the resulting scientific third cultures. 2) the patterning of scientific life within different university settings. 3) the nature and type of local, national and international scientific networks that are encouraged by and result from the Philippine social context. 1 V the identities of Philippine scientists as they relate to scientific third cultures. This approach, it is hoped, will put in clearer perspective a, small portion of the total picture of science in relation to a devel- oping society. As mentioned, the analysis works on two different levels. One level is the consideration of macro, societal and institutional factors and their differential effects on Philippine universities and Philippine science. At this level, the attewt has been to understand such general questions as: 1) What is the relationship of Philippine societal conditions influencing science, to the developsnt of a scientific .—.¢—-... -, 2) 3) 5 atmosphere and scientific connnnity in the Philippines? What roles do universities play in the scientific environ- ment in the country? What influence do different university sponsors, sources of funding, goals and orientation have on the scientific con-unity in the Philippines? ‘1) What are the various third cultural patterns of institu- 5) 1) 2 v 3) tional linkages between Philippine universities and foreign institutions? How do such linkages contribute to different scientific environments in Philippine universities? What are the patterns of linkages between different types of universities and other sectors of Philippine society? For example, how do universities relate to government, industry, other universities, and to resident representa- tives of foreign governments, foundations, agencies, and universities? The second level deals with scientists themselves. It focuses on: the distribution of scientists in different types of scientific disciplines and universities, and the response of scientists to different university environments. the patterning of scientific careers including the intro- duction of, access to, and eventual participation in scientific third cultures. including the primary focus or orientation of Philippine scientists to their work. the response of scientists to third cultural opportu- nities in terms of: a) types of scientific third cultural 6 networks that develop, b) participating as compared to non-participating scientists in third cultural networks, c) variations in the importance of personal scientific networks to Philippine scientists. The research being reported here is part of a larger cooperative, three-country study being done of the scientific comnities of India, Indonesia and the Philippines. This larger study deals with the con- figurations of the respective scientific communities, their relation- ships to various institutions within and without their national boundaries, and the national and world-wide patterning of scientific networks. Colleagues engaged in the larger study are: Dr. HarsJa Bachtiar and Mr. Bennie Hoed of Indonesia; Dr. Gurdip S. Aurora of India; and Drs. John and Ruth Hill Useem who participated in the Philippine portion of the study. The data collection of Philippine academic scientists was a team effort. The investigation of the medical scientists in the Philippines was done by the Useems following the completion of that portion of the study dealing with university non-medical scientists. B. The Philippine Study Desig: The Ideal and the Actual The main focus of the original study design centered on "new" scientists, part of a segment of the modernizing Philippines, yet embodying in their own experiences and adjustments the larger critical societal issues of modernization and developnent. However, extensive reconnaissance of actual conditions in the Philippines, and the general size of the scientific ccmunity, led to an expanded sampling base. From focusing on younger scientists only, the final sample drawn included scientists from many different age-grades and scientific :r’ I- 7 generations. While maintaining the same institutional focus: i.e., universities, scientists sampled came from all levels of the general acadelnic scientific calamity. Hodifieation in the sample was necessitated also by the lack of a general knowledge base in the Philippines regarding science and scientists. That is, until one has to actually apply what in the States is called "standard sampling and research techniques," one is not aware that the methodology of sociology can be as limited in ap- plicability cross-culturally as are many sociological theories. Random and proportional sampling simply assume a knowledge base cross- culturally that provides the researcher with a universe from which to draw a sample. However, in countries like the Philippines such basic knowledge is either not known or is not available. For example, most recent information on the scientific ccumnity in the Philippines was a survey done by the National Science Develonent Board in 1965. There was no substantial additional information available, however, on more recent modifications in the scientific ccununity involving such items as increase or decrease in numbers of scientists by scientific discipline. Missing as well were lists of professional societies or groups, and up- dated membership lists and names of the officers. The Journals that exist often are not published regularly, or do not provide biographical data which allows one to discern the scientific discipline of the author, his age or professional status. The lack of essential general infatuation made it difficult to determine the actual size of the total academic scientific enmity, from which to draw a sample. Before a sample could be drawn, a 8 'universc" of academic productive scientists had to be constructed. In this study, ”science" is taken to mean the use of replicable and set methods of investigation in the production, discovery, modi- fication, and/or synthesis of knowledge. Such a definition finds such diverse fields as education, social work, and public health included in the study. In a developing country like the Philippines, it is often the case that disciplines such as these are involved in research, gathering benchmark information within their respective areas. This function is not usually performed by counterpart disciplines in the West. An inclusive definition like this, allows for the recognition of such diversity. The focus of study is on individuals who are, or have been, "productive" scientists, as opposed to persons trained as scientists who are now or have been exclusively engaged in teaching or administra- tion. "Productive" in this sense means a Philippine scientist who has a minim of one publication based on some kind of research work. A minimal criterion such as this is thought to be discriminating enough so that one is actually dealing with "scientists" rather than teachers or administrators. The definition of a one publication minimum avoids on the other hand, the difficulties inherent in attempting to define a scientist by the criteria of "degree-earned," specific function, research, or field. The publication minimum is taken to be indicative of a basic comment to science, as in developing countries it is often difficult to get research done, or results published. Also this criterion allowed flexibility in drawing a sample so that individuals doing research and publishing could be included who might otherwise 1 . w V V*_._i.__ __ .fi 9 not meet the criteria of degree earned, type of research being done, or primary Job being done. Scientists included in the study were selected from the major areas of science, the physical, life and the social sciences. A broad definition of science was used to incorporate disciplines engaged in scientific research, but often not considered "scientific" by Western standards. 1.General Parameters of the Philippine Scientific Community According to the figures reported by the National Science Develop- ment Board, as of 1965, there were 81,600 scientists and epgineers ggplozed in the Philippines. (1965, III)2 Distributed by scientific discipline there were: 13,100 physical scientists h4,000 engineers 15,000 life scientists 9,000 social scientists 0f the total figure, industry is the largest employer of scientists. Approximately 91 percent of all engineers, 70 percent of all physical scientists, and no percent of all life scientists are employed by industry. Government is the next largest employer of scientists, with the academic community coming third. 2The report also gave a figure of 121,000 technicians employed in various segments of society. *‘M‘ v—W- 10 Within the academic community there are approximately 13,221} academic scientific personnel employed. (NSDB 1965:19)3 Of this number 8,752 have bachelor degrees, 1,753 have master's degrees, 819 have Ph.D. degrees and 1,900 have other kinds of degrees. By scientific field, 31 percent of academic scientists are in social science, 10 percent are in engineering, 11 percent are in mathematics, 11 percent in biological science and 16 percent in medical sciences. (NSDB 1965:19) The National Science Developnent Board's manpower survey also reports that although the majority of scientists and technologists are employed in industry and government, the locus of research is in the academic sppere. (NSDB 1965:20) This is supported by the figures cited in the survey for main activity or function of scientific academic personnel which showed the following distribution: 11,661 engaged solely in teaching 290 reported doing research as a primary activity 952 noted doing both teaching and research 119 reported extension work as their main activity 202 reported other types of main activities. 0f the 13,22”. academic scientific personnel employed, 1,212 were reported engaged in some type of research activity. However, not all persons listed as "personnel" had faculty appointments. Some were research assistants, or smdents working on projects. In addition, because not all universities and colleges were sampled in the present 38cientific academic personnel includes laboratory technicians, research assistants, other technical assistants and staff as well as educated scientists. This partially accounts for the high proportion of those holding bachelor degrees being included in this category. .—v——V “‘7 l I. r a .. 11 shady, some productive scientists in other non-sampled institutions were excluded. With this rough approximation of the general numbers of academic research scientists a way was then devised to establish a universe of productive scientists; i.e., those having a minimum of one publication. Given the lack of general information regarding scientists, particularly their publications, it then became necessary to go through all Philippine scientific Journals to gather names of publishing scientists. Journals from the 1965-1970 years were selected as it was thought the War in faculty was such that scientists publishing before that time and not since were perhaps no longer at the same university in the Philippine scientific comunity. The names of publishing scientists gathered in this way became the universe from which scientists were later chosen for the sample. Approximately 981 publishing scientists were located in this way} However, the universe constructed is not necessarily assumed to be representative of the total scientific activity in the Philippine academic commity. However, given that no other lists existed or a more complete source of information from which a sample could be drawn, the above procedure represented the best that could be done under the circumstances. As a way of further delimiting the scope of the study, only academic scientists from selected universities were included in the the discrepancy between the figures in the survey done by the National Science Development Board and this study is due to a number of factors: 1) the NSDB's university sample was proportionately larger than the present research sample. 2) The NSDB sample included a wider range of individuals, research assistants and technicians, as well as those holding academic positions. The research being reported here used the criterion of one publication rather than Job description. 12 sample. No attempt was made to cover the entire range of scientific activity in the Philippines. For example, medical colleges, and medical scientists were considered separately. C. Selection of Institutional Focus: Universities As a way of limiting the scope of the study, only the educa- tional sector of the society has been considered as a source of scientists to be interviewed. The Philippines in this regard has a situation unique in Southeast Asia: the number of institutions of higher education compares favorably with or is better than, a number of the more-developed countries in other parts of the world. As of 1970, there are 37 universities and 527 other institutions of higher education in the Philippines. Of these, there are six state colleges and universities; 31 private universities, and more than 514 private colleges. (NSDB 1969: 5) In addition, the number of students enrolled in institutions of higher learning is extremely high. (UNESCO 1967:537) 0f the 255,346 persons enrolled in collegiate courses: 22,h19 are enrolled in the six state-supported schools. 57,574 in the ten sectarian private institutions. #,560 in the two, private-foundation universities and 170,793 are enrolled in the twenty, privately-owned stock corporations. (NSDB 1969:16) These figures indicate that roughly 89 percent of the total enrollment in higher education is in private schools. The UNESCO report also indicated that most students are enrolled in universities rather than in colleges. (UNESCO 1967:539-5h0) While the Philippine 13 government finances the bulk of primary school education, the greatest share of the burden for higher education falls on private institutions. The above breakdown of enrollments points to a critical factor used in drawing a sample of universities, that is, types of universities. Universities may be classified by smnsorship or ownership. Among the different types are: l) M, state-summed universities and 2) private universities. As the bulk of higher education occurs in private institutions in the country, it is no surprise to find a variety of types of private institutions. Among the varieties of private universities are: a) private sectarian; i.e., church-related; b) private foundation; i.e. , privately-owned corporations operating the school on a non-profit basis; c) private stock comrations which pay dividends, and are considered by Philippine law as business enter- prises. For purposes of the study, the two categories of private stock corporations and private foundation were collapsed into a single category of private-profit making universities, to distinguish them from private sectarian universities. Given the number of institutions of higher education, a number of criteria have been set up to delineate the institutions from which to sample scientists. One decision revolved around focusing on univer- sities rather than colleges. The basic distinctions between univer- sities and colleges have been outlined in Philippine law. Technically, a universit , is a more complex institution offering a wider variety of programs and having more facilities than a college. To qualify as a university, a status which is granted in the Philippines either by State Charter or through the Bureau of Private Schools, an institution "not operate a four year undergraduate course in the liberal arts and lh sciences and must have a recognized post-graduate course in liberal arts or science or education leading to a master's degree." (UNESCO 1967:576-577) An additional criterion for university status involves "at least three professional colleges, one of which must be in technology, agriculture, or medicine; it must have a professionally administered library of at least 10,000 bound volumes and books." (UNESCO 1967: 576-577) Also the university must undertake research and operate at least two graduate departments under a qualified staff. Part of the evaluation of the staff is to be based on their scholarly publications and research activities as well as by leadership in their discipline. (UNESCO 1967:576-577) Other factors deterudning which universities were selected involved giving preference to those institutions reporting research expenditures in various fields,5 and having high standing in academic circles as deterudned by being recipients of foreign support for faculty and curricular development. Other factors taken into account were the number of graduates winning scholarships for advanced education abroad;6 membership in various academic associations and in the ac- crediting association; and good academic reputations as noted by various knowledgeable members of the academic community. The final factor in selecting universities dealt with the distri- bution of universities throughout the country. Approximately half 5These figures were generously supplied by the National Science Development Board from their latest reports. 6'Dr. Vitaliano Bernardino and the staff of the Philippine American Foundation kindly gave their time and effort in making this information available. 15 of the total 38 universities are located in the Greater Manila Area, particularly the private stock corporations (12 out of 20). The rest a of the institutions are scattered throughout the islands, with the next biggest concentration of universities being in Cebu, then Iloilo, Mindanao and the Eastern Visayas. It was considered quite important to include universities not in the primate area of the country to see how geographical location influenced scientific activity. The sampling frame used was based primarily on geographical 3231-93, and tm of universitz ownership. Regions were determined by collapsing the ten census regions in the Philippines to three major categories; 1) regional universities including those institutions not in the Greater Manila Area, and excluding state-supported schools, 2) compglitan universities comprising institutions located in the Greater Manila Area but not those part of the state-supported complex, and 3) primate universitie . Primate universities refer to the state- supported complex including the primary university campus in the nation's . capital; and the primary college of agriculture complex located outside Manila. The geographical location, as will be discussed later, is an important factor in the orientation of a school both towards the Philippines and towards the outside. While distinct from type of ownership, both are highly interrelated in influencing the nature and extent of university scientific environments, scientists' responses to their work situations, and the type of networks developed both within and outside the Philippines. 'nre sampling frame is as follows: 16 TABLE 1: Philippine Universities Included in Sgple b2 gm of Ownership and Geograflical M gm of Universitz Tm of Ownership private private state profit sectarian sumrted total Regional 0 3 l h Cosmopolitan 2 2 0 l4 Primate O O 2 2 Total 2 5 3 10 By tne of university there are four regional universities in the sample; four cosmpolitan schools, and the two primary institutions of the state-supported complex. The data in Table I have not been organ— ised to provide a comparative analysis of Philippine universities per se. Rather the two factors of type of ownership and geographical location will be considered regarding how they influence the type of scientific atmosphere that develops in certain universities. The primary concern then is the impact of different university scientific environments. on institutional links, and types of scientific networks established in the Philippines and abroad. In regard to ownership two privately-owned, profit-making insti- tutions are in the sample, five private sectarian schools, and three state-supported universities; one of them being a regional campus. A sample of 100 scientists was drawn from among the ten univer- sities selected. 17 D. Selecti_n§ the SE16 of Philippine Scientists In selecting the sample of productive scientists, an attempt was made to approximate the configuration of the Philippine academic scientific commity as found in the reports of the National Science Develonnent Board. That is, of the 1,242 persons reporting some research activity in 1969, 1,130 were located in universities. (NSDB 1969zho) or the 1,130 university faculty mentioning research activity of any kind, the distribution by scientific field is as follows: Approximately 230 persons in the physical sciences, 700 in the life sciences, and 200 persons in the social sciences. (NSDB l969:l&0) The Msical sciences include scientific disciplines such as: physics, chemistry, mathematics, engineering, geology, geography, metallurgy. The social sciences refers to sociology, economics, agri- cultural economics, anthropology, education, home economics, psychology, omnioations, social work, science education, public administration, business administration, folklore. The life sciences include 3&- culturallz—related disciplines of agronom, plant physiology, plant pathology, agricultural botany, animal husbandry, animal nutrition, agricultural engineering, agricultural chemistry. Life science also refers to non-griculturallz related disciplines such as botany, zoology, marine biology, biology. Not included in the sample are the medical sciences which were considered separately: Medical sciences includes numerous disciplines pharmacy, human nutrition, and biochemistry. Other specific disciplines are included in medical science as well besides those mentioned. The differences in tradition, organization, and patterns of linkage to other Philippine and foreign institutions, besides limitations in time, accoImted for the medical sciences being studied separately. 18 Regarding the diversity of scientific disciplines present in the Philippines, the effort was made to have represented in the sample scientists from well-established and developed disciplines, as well as those disciplines not as well developed or established. The attempt was made to capture the range and variety of scientific disciplines. Development is conceptualized as having two distinct aspects. The first is the degree of institutionalization of a discipline in society. This refers to the social anchoring of a discipline in society and includes: the amount of funds allocated by government to a discipline; the nature and extent of influence in government; the proportion of prestige and monetary rewards received as part of the pay-off obtained from delivery systems existing between scientists and users of science in the society. Also included would be the length of intellectual tradition in the Philippines, and the total numbers educated and part of the discipline. The second aspect refers to the internal organisation of a dis- cipline or the degree of establishment enjoyed by different disciplines. This refers to such items as the number of professional organizations; scientific societies established and maintained; the number of Journals and publications of the discipline; the frequency and number of local, regional, and national meetings: the extent and nature of national networks: the degree of general independence of the discipline, which involved the differential ability of a discipline in developing and maintaining its own intellectual standards and critical capacities ‘ free from external control and direction of Western or non-Philippine influences. :::‘- 19 After choosing the institutions to be represented in the study, the factor of scientific discipline by ma or area of science was used as part of the sampling frame in selecting the publishing and active scientists from among the faculties of the different sample univer- sities. The sampling frame then looked like the following: TABLE 2: Distribution of Science Faculty by 1% of University and Major Area of Science Ma or Area of Science e of Physical Social Life | T9321 University Per- Per- Per- .No_.‘ cent No. cent No. cent No. Percent Regional Silliman University 33 26 8h 66 ll 9 128 100 University of San Carlos no information available Xavier University " " " Mindanao State University " " " Cosmomlitan University of Santo Tomas 110 21 307 60 97 19 51h 100 Ateneo of Manila University 31 3O 66 65 5 5 102 100 University of The Ehst 118 18 h96 77 27 h 6&1 loo Philippine Women's University no information available 192 Primate University of Philippines Dilimsn UPD 157 35 197 144 95 21 M49 University of Philippines, College of Agri- culture (UPCA) 105 25 103 25 210 so 418 100 In, the regional university for which there are data, it is evident that the majority of science faculty are in the social sciences; secondly, in the physical sciences, thirdly in the life sciences. 20 The cosmomlitan universities in general, have the same relative distribution; i.e., the majority of science faculty are in the social sciences; there are some in the physical sciences, and few in the life sciences. The Diliman campus of the state-supported complex (abbreviated as U.P.D. in the following pages) has a more evenly distributed but generally similar placement of its faculty. It is the college of agriculture (abbreviated in following pages, U.P.C.A.) that has half its science faculty in the life sciences, in keeping with its primary function. In the physical and social sciences, the division is equal. Looking at Table 2 regarding major area of science, it is inter- esting to note that except for the college of agriculture the physical sciences have more faculty than the life sciences. However, as com- pared to the numbers in the social sciences, neither the life nor the physical sciences are that well represented. In most non-state sup- ported schools for which there is information, the social science faculty represents from almost two-thirds to over three-quarters of the total science faculty. TABLE 3: Number of Persons in Academic Scientific Conninity gagged in Research by Mayor Area of Science* Major Area of Science Physical Social Life Total Per- Per- cent No. 700 61 1130 100 *Figares taken from Volume 3, Survey of Scientific and Technolog- cal Man r: Educational Institutions and Private Foundations, National Science Development Board, Quezon City, 135. 21 Table 3 gives an approximation of the distribution by numbers of academic scientists in the NSDB survey reporting some kind of research in the major area of science. It is interesting to note that 61 percent of the 1,130 persons doing some research are in the life sciences. Although many more social scientists are affiliated with universities as seen in Table 2, few are doing research. In terms of the distribution in the major areas of science of men and women scientists, the following table summrizes such information. TABLE ll: Number and Percent of Persons in the Philimine Academic Scientific Colmmmity Egaged in Research by Gender and Major Area of Science* Major Area of Science *As reported in National Science Development Board, Science Policy and the Organization of Science, Quezon City, 1969. Table 4 shows the breakdown by gender and by area of science of those reporting research activity, as reported by the NSDB (1969). While numerous factors contribute to the distribution shown above, a few can be mentioned here. One is the general degree of establishment and development of the major areas of science in the Philippines. In comparison with the social or physical sciences, the life sciences have enjoyed preferential funding and support from the Philippine government and from many foreign governments and foundations. (NSDB 1969) One of the results of such benefits to the life sciences has been the provision of facilities and equipment for doing research, training 22 students, and providing consultant services to Philippine fazumre, government and industries. In addition, adjuncts of being relatively well-established are higher salaries, and generally better conditions for scientific work. The factors mentioned above apply particularly to the agri- culturally—related disciplines. The above conditions encourage men to enter such fields of study, particularly where field work is an integral part of one's activities. The opinion was often expressed that it was difficult to train women for field work, not because of any lack of talent, but simply because of certain Filipino values which do not look favorably on women doing work which requires travelling alone in unknown areas, for long hours. There are women in the life sciences, especially in non-agri- culturally related fields. They do research. In these fields, as in many of the physical sciences, much of their research is done in laboratories, being experimental or clinical in nature and not re- quiring extensive field work. In addition, many of the physical sciences are predominantly composed of women. Chemistry, pharmacy besides nursing and some of the medical sciences are cases in point. Part of the predominance of women in these fields is that they are not only precursors to medical school, but they also provide in them- selves, a means of employment. That is, one could teach chemistry, or be a laboratory technician, or a pharmacist if one were unable to go on to medical school for some reason. Another factor related to the establishment and development of certain areas of science is that where such areas are not as well established, salaries and benefits are less; there is less opportunity 23 and facilities for research and so on. It appears in the Philippines, that many women are employed to complement their husbands' earnings. As one respondent said, "Women can afford to go into academdc science, because their husbands are also working. It is difficult for a man to take the same kind of position because the salary is not enough to support a family." The following table sumarizes the primary characteristics of the selected sample of productive scientists. TABLE 5: Characteristics of Selected Sale of Philippine Scientists by Major Area of Science Characteristics Major Area of Science Total msical §_o_cLial Life Total 26 31 it} 100 1. Gender Male 22 19 30 71 Female h 12 13 29 2. University Affiliation Regional 7 ll 12 30 Cosmopolitan 6 5 3 11+ Primate :UPD 8 9 8 25 UPCA 5 6 20 31 3. Hi est De res Earned H.A.7E.s. 6 5 15 27 Ph.D. 20 26 28 73 14. Place of Education for Highest Dogs Philippines 1; 6 8 18 Southeast Asia 1 0 1 2 Australia 0 0 1 1 India 0 0 1 1 Europe 4 1 1 6 United States 17 21! 31 72 2h 1° W The basis for selecting a sample of scientists put primary aphasia on Mctive scholars; i.e., those having at least one publication. Productive scientists were considered from the major areas of science. However, to limit the range of the study only certain Philippine universities were chosen as institutions from which scientists were to be selected. Universities were chosen on the basis of type of ownership or sponsorship, regional location in the country, general academic reputation, and investment and support of scientific research. Following the general outlines of the Philippine academic scien- tific comnity doing research as reported by the NSDB, one hundred scientists were selected from among approximately 900 scientists in ten universities having at least one publication, as found in some Philippine scientific journal. a. Definition of Toms l) "productive scientist"--any academic person from the physical, life (excluding medically related) or social sciences who has a mini-am of one publication. A ”publication" includes any article based on research, and circulated among colleagues in mimeograph form, as preprints, reprints, think pieces, or in formal journals. A graduate thesis is not considered a publication, but an article or book based on the thesis is so considered. 2) "sciencc"--_any academic discipline having established methods of inquiry geared to the pursuit of new knowledge, whether it be by discovery, modification, reformulation or synthesis of existing knowledge. For example, education is considered a science to the 25 extent that educationists are doing research. Although, under some circumstances, law research could be considered a science, it has been excluded from the present study. This definition seeks to avoid the troublesome and often specious distinctions made between "applied" and "basic" research. It also attempts to be broad enough to include the social sciences and those who do research in developing countries in areas not often considered "scientific" in Western countries. 3) "institutionalization"--one aspect of the degree of develop- ment of scientific disciplines. Institutionalization refers to the degree and type of anchorage a discipline has in society, involving such things as ties to government, industry, private sector; plus the length of an intellectual tradition in the Philippines, and the total numbers who are part of the disciplines. 1:) "degree of establishment'--ref‘ers to the internal organization of a discipline. This includes such items as the number and com- plexity of professional organizations and scientific societies estab- lished and maintained; the mmber of journals and publications of the discipline; the frequency and number of local, regional, and national meetings; the extent and nature of national networks; the degree of general independence of the discipline from control or excessive dependence on the scientific commity of foreign countries. E. Ethnogram Approximately half of the data collected in the study were ethnog- raphic in nature. Basic ethnographic work was done: 1) on the history, social structure, and current socio—political situation in the Philippines; 2) on the educational system, and on science and the _ ,. £19.83: 26 science establishment of the country; 3) on each individual univer- sity chosen as a focal point from which scientists were selected for the ssnmle. In regard to the last item, acquaintance with the universities began through literature and information, plus informant interviews with knowledgeable people in education. Later, after specific univer- sities had been selected, letters of introduction were written by the Director of the Institute of Philippine Culture, to which the re- searcher was affiliated, to the Presidents or Rectors of the sample universities. These letters of introduction explained the project, and asked for help and cooperation of that institution in participating in the study. Some time later the researcher wrote again to the institutions asking for needed information such as faculty lists, and asked ap- proval of a suggested time for a visit to the university. (For the universities in the Greater Manila Area much the same procedure was used although in some cases a trip to the school was substituted for the second letter.) The actual interviewing began in December 1969 in a few institu- tions in the Greater Manila Area. The Useems joined me in January 1970 and from then until March 1970, an extended trip was made to cover ssnmle universities in the Visayan and Mindanao regions. We interviewed in sample institutions in Des Dance and the Greater Manila Arcs during comer and early fall 1970. Following the departure of the Useems, I continued interviewing until November 1970. ~'~\-Ie w— v-w '——-—..- _ 27 fire ethnographies of universities included: 1) Formal visits to the Presidents, Rectors, Vice Presidents, Deans and Department Chairmen. 2) Informant interviews with other university officials such as heads of research units, student affairs and librarians. 3) General visits with students, non-sample faculty members, spouses of faculty, visiting professors and foreign students. 2;) Obtaining detailed information through additional histories, catalogues, reports and annual reports regarding the university. 5) Noting detailed descriptions of the physical lay-out of the university, of the surrounding or nearest towns or neighbor- hoods and 6) Attempting a general assessment of the relationship of univer- sity to surrounding town, and general area. In sunnary, the ethnographic information focused on: 1) the institutional environment in which scientists were located; 2) the relationship of the institution to surrounding areas; 3) the patterns of institutional linkages abroad; 11) the nature of institutional goals and organization, research funding, salaries, teaching loads, extra- curricular activities, and the ensuing institutional atmosphere re- garding teaching, research, administrative and other duties. 1’. he Interview Schedule and the Interview Siwation Respondents were asked to participate in the sturdy in two ways. One, by filling in the Selfcmministered Questionnaire (SAQ) described below. 'me other by participating in an in-depth interview lasting from between We to three hours per respondent. 28 fire interview schedule for the in-depth interview that was finally adopted for use evolved over a long period of time, beginning with numerous drafts done in the States. A month was spent with colleagues in Indonesia to further develop the questionnaire and to insure comparability and understanding of the general areas to be L covered. Further modifications, pruning, and re—working of questions was done in the Philippines in light of two series of pro-tests that ' were done. Four pre-test interviews were done with a version of the 3 interview schedule developed by the group in Indonesia. Later after re-doing the questionnaire again, an additional six pro-test inter- views were done in a non-sample Philippine agricultural university. Successive changes were made after each series of pre-tests. Although the main areas were firm, the schedule never did have a "final" form, as throughout the interviewing some questions were dropped, modified and reworked, or new ones added as situations ’ changed. For example, when questions were no longer relevant re- ’ garding the national presidential election, the questions were changed to deal with student unrest. As the researchers learned more about the scientists and the scientific commity and as alternative sources for gathering data were available some topics were dropped, and others added about which less was lmovm. The in-depth interview schedule dealt with scientists recruitment and socialization into science and to their present university. Questions were asked regarding the range and variety of work activities in which scientists are presently engaged. Specific questions were also asked about teaching, research, administration, consulting and other activities in which scientists were involved. WwT' 'u wv-,__,_..._v._.- A n. __ v _ 29 other questions were asked regarding the scientists local, natienal, and international networks, his cognitive map of science, and the degree of establishment of his discipline, including societal generations within his field. Questions were also asked regarding his view of the future of his discipline in the Philippines, of the society itself and of his own future. Types of questions included both open-ended, and pro-coded response questions. Because of the length of the primary questionnaire, basic dem- graphic and professional information such as memberships in profes~ sional societies, career and educational histories, bibliographic information, income, and research experience were separated out and put together into a format which the respondent could fill in at his leisure, and return at the time of his in-depth interview. Such a procedure using the 8A0. provided the investigator with a way of ob- taining some insight into the respondent as a person before the in- depth interview, and helped in working into the primary interview itself. 1. me Interview Situation 'Ihe sample scientists were first approached with an explanation of the project, and its support from sources both within and outside the Philippines. In addition, the “bona fides" of the researchers were established by letters of introduction from the Director of the Institute of Philippine Culture to which the investigators were affiliated, or by letter from an official of the National Science Developssnt Board. Before seeing any of the respondents, permission was gained from university officials to go ahead. 30 If the scientist agreed to participate in the study, he or she was given the SAQ to fill in, and an appointment was made for the in-depth interview. Given the hospitality of the Filipino people, care was taken to stress that the interview should be at the conven- ience of the scientist. Because of the length of the interview, often two different appointments were made, depending on the person's schedule. Mbst often the interviews were held during the day at the office of the scientist. Occasionally they were at the homes of the respon- dents, or in the accommodations of the interviewer. Everything possible was done to keep the interview situation as relaxed as possible. Copies of the interview schedule were given to scientists who requested them. a. Mothodological Note on the Interviewer as Participant in Third Cultural Settings. The eighteen months spent in the Philippines provided a new socio-cultural environment in which I also participated, if only temporarily, in the Philippine scientific third culture. The recon- naissance period in which I had to become acquainted with Philippine society, structure, norms, values, history and current political situation provided an important overview of the society and culture essential to the research project. 'Without such an overview, nuances of language, areas of sensitivity, styles of address and a basic undera standing of Philippine norms and values would have been lacking. Becoming more culturally sensitive carried over in numerous ways into the study itself, not only in formulating questions to ask, but in the interview situation as well. An example of the latter is that 31 originally it was feared that being young, female and with lower status than scientists in the sample I would be interviewing might make inter- viewing problematic. It was thought that perhaps I would have dif- ficulty getting access to scientists, arranging interviews, or getting pertinent information from respondents. Such difficulties never arose, however. In fact, an element never thought to be problematic became an increasingly sensitive issue as time went on. This was the fact of being American in a society that is becoming increasingly anti-American. During the time I was in the Philippines, college and university students, radical groups, farmers and workers movements became more socially visible and much more active. 'While most of the provinces remained peaceful, the Greater Manila Area was increasingly the scene of riots, demonstrations, strikes and marches which often originated in educational institutions and spread throughout the cosmopolitan area. Such events restricted mobility in and around the Manila area, and, at times, made interviewing virtually impossible as well. In addition, in a period when the society was becoming more sensitive to and objective in evaluating Americans and the "American presence" in the Philippines, one's own position as an American became a sensitive area where previously it had not been so. The respondents in the study, however, did not cease cooperating with the study or diminish in their hospitality or friendliness. Rather, such tension as there might have been was carefully guarded or’hidden. Even among the most radical younger scientists, unfailing courtesy and a willingness to talk and discuss issues in science and society prevailed. 32 One became quite aware of the increasing unrest and tension in the society, and different events did make work impossible. Phil- ippine scientists themselves did not reflect this unrest in their own behavior towards me as an.American. However, many of themtwere uneasy in terms of what such trends might mean for themselves and their families. In certain other ways, one became quite aware of being in a third cultural situation. Language was one such indication. I became very aware of the style of speaking English used by many Philippine scien- tists in talking with me. That is, how they talked reflected their knowledge that Americans value direct, straight-forward speech, and that in American society this is synonymous with being truthful. I found that many Filipinos, knowing of the American expectation and value placed on this kind of talk, would speak this way, but only about that portion of the total information they chose to disclose. This is not to infer that Filipinos were being untruthful but rather that they were making adjustments to an.American expectation while preserving a Filipino trait of tact and reserve. The same Filipinos would not have used the same manner of speech talking to other Fili- pinos whether speaking in English or in another Philippine language. Among Filipinos, the emphasis is on indirection, circumvention and allusion in keeping with the Filipino values of smooth interpersonal relations. (Lynch 1968, Hollnsteiner 1968) Being part of a team of researchers was most beneficial in the opportunity it provided for continuous discussion and exchange of ideas. Out of such exchange, for example, came the frequent modifi- cation of the interview schedule which helped keep us up-to-date with 33 societal events, and with areas in which we lacked information and needed to know more. G. Review of the Literature as Relevant to Scientific Third Cultures l. The Sociology of Science The sociology of science, in dealing with science as an institu- tion, reflects its own Western origins. much of the literature has considered science in its western setting, and in terms of Western values. There has been little concern with comparative studies, other than various consideration of manpower problems (Harbison and TMeyers 1964, Brown and Harbison 1957) or in the adjustment of the foreign educated to their parent cultures (Useem.and Useem.l955). Science, whether considered as a social system, (Storer 1966) an estate (Price 1965), or a community (Hagstrom 1965), has been in- vestigated largely in tenms of its internal structure, norms and values. In these respects it has been implicitly assumed that science asra community of like-minded scholars, adhering to similar norms and values, is a homogeneously entity. Another implicit, although un- stated, assumption has been that the model or configuration of science, its norms and values is what it is in the West, not what it is in other parts of the world. In addition, there has been little concern in the studies done to date with the international linkages of scientists and the various scientific communities, or with the delineation of the communal boundaries of science itself. While Barber (1963), Merton (1963), and others speak of the relationship of science to society, there has been little empirical investigation attempting to illuminate these linkages. Some exceptions are studies dealing with science policy, 31+ and the relations of science to government (Greenberg 1967). Other studies have focused on the role of scientists in industry (Glaser 196}, Pelz and Andrews 1966, Strauss and Rainwater 1962) or in the universities (Barber and Hirsch 1962). There has been some attention paid to the effect of scientific breakthrough on society. However, in the area of the social roles of men of knowledge (Znaniecki 1965) in relation to modernization and development, there has been a paucity of interest. In the literature there are certain clusterings of studies that raise interesting theoretical questions for this comparative study. One such area are those studies indicating variations in behavior and responses among scientists to the hypothesized norms of science. Hagstrom, for example, writes of problems in the establishment of priorities, the conflict it can engender, and the ways in which devia- tions from the norms are controlled by other scientists. (Hagstrom 1965:278). Almost as interesting as the data themselves is the response of scientists to Hagstrom's questions regarding priority problems. There is a tendency to discount such problems, to gloss over them as being trivial, or to treat them as a joke. (1965:279) Merton's article on the "Ambivalence of Scientists" (1965) makes the basic point that "potentially contradictory norms develop in every social institution," and that "in the institution of science, con- flicting norms generate marked ambivalence in the lives of scientists .....This ambivalence affects the actual as distinct from.the supposed relations between men of science" (Merton 1965:119). Merton.uses one example, the claiming of priorities in cases of multiple scientific 35 discovery, to show the socially-patterned sources of one possible kind of ambivalence (1965:121) Rainwater and Strauss found that chemists in industry shift in their definition of suitable forms of recognition and prestige from those forms relying solely on their contributions to knowledge, and from those given by their professional society, to a greater identifi- cation with contributions they make to their company or agency (1962: 121). Forms of recognition become realized in higher salaries, im- proved working conditions and increased participation in decision- making processes (Rainwater and Strauss 1962:171). Reif has also been quite explicit in delineating conflicting areas within scientific endeavor, and has spoken of the inverse relationship of isolation and adherence to the norms of science (1965:133-155). This part of the literature suggests that the idea of the norms of science being univer- sally adhered to is more of an ideal type than a description of reality. Another interesting part of the literature in the sociology of science deals with structural variations within science, and in the relationship of society to science and its influence on participation in science and adherence to scientific norms. Crane, for example, has noted the function of editorial gatekeepers (1969:195) and institu- tional affiliation (1965:699-7lh) as differentially operating so as to prohibit scientists from equal chances at channels of recognition, or in performing their scientific roles. Turner (1960), Hargens and Hagstrom (1967) have considered "sponsored" as compared to "contest" mobility as a way of explaining how different social opportunities, for example, in education, can structure the recruitment of new scientists. Sponsored mobility has 36 been suggested as an important variable in the question of when one received one's Ph.D. versus productivity in getting one's first position, and at other stages in academic careers. inerton (l9h9), Barber (1963), and Storer (1968) have all written about the norms of science. The work of Storer, being most recent, builds on the work of the others, and suggests scientific norms to be: 1. universalism--of knowledge and its applicability separate from the personal characteristics of the investigator. 2. organized scepticism--questioning of knowledge in established and replicable ways, it is both a state of mind and an organized process. 3. communalitye-i.e., sharing of knowledge with no restrictions such as national boundaries, ideologies, and so on. #. disinterestedness--scientists are not to profit from research, that is, recognition should not be the primary goal underlying scien- tific work. 5. rationalitya-the belief in the moral virtue of reason. 6. emotional neutralitya-there should be no distorting of data, or inflexibility in approach. The norms of science are to provide for any scientist, acceptable guidelines regarding attitudes and behavior including (1) scientific knowledge itself, (2) interaction among scientists, and (3) the psychological state of the scientist himself. Adherence to such norms thereby provides the necessary support for sustaining the social system of science and the realization of its primary aim which is the produc- tion of new knowledge. 37 The writings focusing on science within developing countries also contributes some interesting insights. Ribeiro (1967) and Sinha (1965) among others, both point to the different societal environments in which science is being developed within developing countries. It is suggested that science was basically an importation by colonial masters into most societies except for China, India and perhaps Japan. Rather than being part of a social movement, science becomes the purview of an elite class of both foreign colonialists and educated nationals, who often become increasingly isolated from the great majority of the popu-' lation. Such isolation prevents the penetration of science in society, or its establishment in the country. (Monthly Symposium, 1968) Matejko (1967:367-376) and de Solla Price (1963:102-106) have discussed the problems facing researchers in developing countries: no clear delineation or separation of duties, conflict between teaching and research, no time for research, lack of imaginative administrators, and traditionalism in universities. Coupled with the lack of adequate facilities, scant financial support, and few established sources of recognition and support in developing countries, the conclusion of de Solla Price is that science in these countries will remain dependent science. 2. The Third Culture One of the primary organizing concepts for the present research is that of "third culture." Stemming out of the traditions of anthro- pology and sociology in the study of cross-cultural relations, the construct "third culture” is an attempt at reconceptualizing many of the concepts and processes developing as interaction increases across 38 national and cultural boundaries. "Third Culture" in this sense is a rubric for the patterns of ”relationships,(including norms and values) created, maintained and shared, generic to communities of men who relate their societies, or segments thereof, to each other" (Useem 1963). Anthropological antecedents to a third cultural approach are found in the writings of Kroeber (1960) and.Hewes (1965) both of whom were searching for new formulations regarding the growth and spread of cultures. Kroeber, in speaking of cultural contact in its broadest forms, asserted: What counts for total comprehension of the story of man's doing...is...the concatenated masses of culture and the interactions of these...interrelations of transmittal and absorption of content, along with regrouping and refashioning according to national and supernational style of civilization. (1960:381) Gordon.Hewes more clearly delineates the process by which cultures developed and cultural contacts occurred. In this regard, Hewes pro- poses the idea of "ecumene" as both a "class of cultures of a given order for cultural evolutionary purposes" and as an "historical entity, functioning...as a real sociocultural, not sociopolitical, system” (1965:73). It is this latter notion that has particular relevance to the third culture concept. An ecumene or ecumenical systemlis defined as: ...a set of functionally interconnected civilizations, linked by actual roads, sea-routes, and other channels of transport and communication over which move agents of commerce, diplomacy, warfare and religion, such that constituent civilizations tend toward a common and advancing technological base, and come to share various styles, scientific, philosophical and religious ideas, political forms and so on. (1965:7h) 39 Although Hewes mentions that "the ultimate actors and carriers of all these systems are individual human beings," (1965:75) it is not within the scope of his paper to consider the processes by which individuals actually pass along the ecumene, or the patterns of behavior, norms, and values which may result from.such interactions. It has been the task of sociologists, particularly the work of Charles P. Loomis, to present a conceptual scheme of the human process by which systems are linked. Loomis has developed the notion of "systemic linkage" to conceptualize how members of at least two social systems could be related. (1959, Loomis and Beegle 1950) Systemic linkage has been defined as the process whereby the elements of at least two social systems come to be articulated so that in some ways and on some occasions they may be viewed as a single system. (Loomis 1959:16) In regard to linkages, two levels may be noted, one of articu- latigg'rglgg of two or’more systems, the other of bridging systems which imply non-role related processes such as communications systems or even psychic mobility or identification. Loomis' ideas are parti- cularly applicable to the concept of institutional linkage as used in this thesis. The work of John and Ruth Useem involves further extension of the concern with cross-societal patterns of interaction. The concept "third culture" is an attempt to conceptualize patterns created by the in- creasing movement of persons across traditional political boundaries who, by virtue of shared interests which bring them together, generate new'forms of human groupings (l963:h81-h98). The foundation for these 40 groupings arise out of the interaction of people who share some common interests, but not others, and who, in the process of interacting, create and establish new values, outlooks and behavior patterns which are generic to none of the parent cultures involved. Basic to this idea are the following assumptions: (1) Men in the middle who relate their societies to others are mediators, and the resulting new patterns evolving cannot be adequately understood without some understanding of the first cultures in which individuals are socialized. (Useem: 1969) (2) Traditional concepts of "culture" and "community" have been redefined at a higher level of abstraction to circumvent traditional definitions which tied culture to geographical boundaries, and com- munities to sustained face-to-face interaction. Culture as used in a third cultural approach emphasizes its malleability and flexibility based on the notion that man creates his own reality in exceedingly creative ways. "Community" as used in the third culture implies shared interests as the reasons which brings people together, not kinship or location, although the latter can and often do reinforce the "community." Inherent in this definition also is the notion of the ability of people, widely scattered around the world, to maintain and sustain shared interests via communication systems add other ways not necessitating continuous face-to—face contact. It is assumed that the norms, values and shared expectations generated in third cultures are passed on, and have to be, to news comers; that this in fact is one of the functions of any culture. Participants in third cultures may be from two societies only, thereby 41 forming what is called a "bi-national" third culture; there may be third cultures created involving persons from a number of societies hence is termed ”multi-national," or some types of third cultures may involve people from all over the world, and so can be considered as "world-wide" third cultures. The scope of third cultures mentioned above assumes the structual anchorages in participating societies. That is, third culture endeavors to relate new dimensions of social structures, via the medium of indi- viduals holding established roles within one social grouping. This raises some interesting questions regarding institutional patterns of linkages both within the Philippines and abroad to other institutions. Limitations in the use of third culture in the present study are related to its basic assumption, one of which links culture with established social systems or structures, including definitions of concepts related specificially to established and formally organized forms of human interaction. Hence the terminology and analytical capacity of the construct is limited to established systems. In this sense, the third culture construct is inadequate for the analysis or conceptualizing of non-formalized patterns of interaction, which is in fact what scientific networks are. Third culture as a concept, as it now stands is more in keeping with the traditional sociological approach which focuses on organized, non-random patterns of interaction. It is only within a system that is well developed that one can speak of "roles," "role behavior," "role stress," "obligations," ”responsibilities," and so on. The basic dilemma inherent in third culture is that ideally it attempts to conceptualize what in reality are newly forming, flexible, 42 and nascent forms of human interaction. However, the elements of the concepts used in discussing or summarizing social phenomena are inappropriate. The inappropriateness arises as the terminology used in conjunction with the concept third culture derives from the analysis of traditional forms of social organization. That is, one can talk of roles in terms of universities for example, but it is not an appro- priate term to be used in connection with networks, which imply boundary—lessness and lack of enduring forms of social interaction as found in industries, family, universities and so on. The point is this: some third cultures within developing countries, especially in the area of science are not based on formal organization such as are diplomatic corps, missionary groups, or colonial governments. Rather as the data will show, third cultures as created and maintained by individual Philippine scientists are often separate and independent from the institutions in which scien- tists are located. That is, some scientific third cultures are carried by individual scientists independent of an institution. (Indeed, some universities hamper or frustrate individual efforts to maintain contact outside the Philippine) In these cases, the third cultures are anchored in individuals and not in organizational anchorages. Hence new terminology needs to be developed to handle these kinds of third cultural phenomena. As will be shown also, there are numerous institutional links which form part of institutional third cultures which do not involve university productive scientists. Such institutional third cultures are carried by roles, for example, an administrator or President. It is thegposition that is the link in these third cultures, not the 43 individual. The linkage most often continues between institutions whether or not there is a change in personnel. This could not happen in personal scientific networks, where the ties depend on the specific individuals involved. In other words, while there are many types of third cultures; i.e., "colonial," "modern" involving bi-national, multi-national or worldawide linkages, there needs to be a distinction between institu- tional linkages and the personally-created networks of individuals. The next section will consider "networks" in this light. 3. The Literature on Networks, Quasi-groups, NOnegroups. Of critical concern in the following pages are the variety and extent of scientific networks found in the Philippines, linking Philippine scientists to one another on a local and national level, and to other scientists around the world. The theoretical concern with social networks (Boissevain 1968), non-groups (Mayer 1966), and quasi-groups (Bott 1957) appears to have developed among social anthropologists as a means of breaking away from the perspective inculcated by the structural-functional approach to the analysis of social systems, particularly as used in the analysis of less complex or primitive societies. As Boissevain points out, social anthropologists and sociologists have "so defined their subject matter that they deal only with groups and enduring social relations" (1968:5h2). The development of progressively more complex social phenomena whether blurring the edges of social units within societies (Srinivas and Beteille 196R), or creating units cutting across estab- lished societies, groups, or traditional boundaries, necessitates new Ah modes of investigation. Prior approaches are seen as leading to "group fulfilling prophecy" (Boissevain 1968:5h2) or groupology, and as being inadequate in explaining other types of social inter— action (Mayer 1966:97). By other types of interaction, scholars generally appear to mean those patterns of social interaction that are open, fluid, ill-defined and constantly changing, which may or may not endure and evolve into more formalized structures such as groups. The thrust of this intel- lectual concern focuses on the "process of creation" of forms of social interaction which precede formalized groups, yet are beyond random or simple individual interactions (Boissevain 1968:5hh-5h5). For example, Barnes in focusing on face-to-face relationships uses the concept social field to differentiate various patterns of social interaction (l95h). One such social field is one "that has no boundaries or coordinating organization...A network of this kind has no external boundary, nor any clearbcut internal divisions, for each person sees himself at the center of a collection of friends" (Barnes 1954:33). His definition of network which becomes the classic definition is: ....a set of points some of which are Joined by lines. The points on the image are people, or sometimes groups and the lines indicate which people interact with each other (Barnes 195%:43). The work of Adrian Nayer points to different levels of focus in the use of networks. On one level, he discusses "quasi-groups" or the "core of those involved in various action-sets linked to a particular ego" (Mayer 1966:113). An action-set are all those joining together 45 for some particular cause, political election, etc. In his analysis, an action-set would be bounded; i.e., the pattern of links would pass among and between ego and others brought together temporarily by ego for a particular purpose (Mayer 1966:113). A network however, would be unbounded in the sense of referring to a "n" number of units which could possibly be included in an action-set (Mayer 1966:100). A quasi-group then, would be those people participating in many action- sets. In another article, Mayer delineates the "village-outward" kind of study in an effort to "distinguish different fields of interaction in various frames of reference" (1962:268). Important for the present study is the realization that linkages are used to explain interaction among more established forms of role relationships of an irregular or transitory kind. Second, the use of (personal network is used as a way of separating out particular kinds of interrelationships in regard to different frames of reference. In this sense a frame of reference could be a marriage system linking numerous Indian families over a wide area; or an economic system also involving many participants. A particular network within a certain system would depend on the person who is taken as the focal point in the analysis of the network from his perspective. In the literature, such a concept of network seems analogous to the notion of field theory of Kurt Lewin. An important extension of the uses of network has been done by Edward Jay (196h). In his article, Jay makes the point that there have been two somewhat different uses of the term "network." One use is that found in the works of Bott and Barnes which conceptualizes 46 network "as a piece of totality of relationships" (Jay 1964:13“). Such a network consists of a unit or units looking outward towards other units, some of which are also looking towards each other, some are not (Jay 1964:134). In this sense, such networks are ego-centric, as one unit is considered the focal point in the tracing of the net- work. Implied as well is the general equality of all units in the network (Jay 1964:13h). The other use of network is partially hinted at by Mayer in speaking of frames of reference as mentioned above, and is more clearly seen in the work of Cohn and Marriott (1958). There they utilize the term network to denote the vast systems of relationships which link whole regions within India. Examples would be marriage or trade net- works. ‘Within such networks are "centers" or "denser" areas of rela- tionships. Boundaries for such networks would be demarcated by the totality of relationships of a certain kind (Jay l96h:l38). In other words the focus moves from an ego-centric one, to the consideration of the type of relationship involved as being critical. ‘Inherent in such latter usage is the absence of any particular central force or ego sustaining the network. This does not imply homogeneity among participating units however, but leaves open the question of centers or variations in the clustering of units. This usage of network will be defined as a "collectivity" particularly in regard to a scientific discipline as a whole, whether national or world-wide. Jay'makes a particularly useful distinction between what he calls "activity field," which is an ego-centric network, and "network" which he sees as "the totality of units connected by a certain type of rela- tion" (196#:l38). With this distinction, one can then distinguish two 47 levels in the focus of networks, one on the individual or unit centered "field," the other on the network formed by the type of relationship being considered. As applied to the Philippine data, the above distinctions have great utility. That is, there are two levels from.which the data may be considered. One is that of the individual scientist and his per- ceived scientific network, which will be termed hereafter as personal network. The other is the generalized scientific grouping itself. The term."collectivity" will apply to the more generalized patterns related to scientific groupings as a whole. Each level can be con- sidered in terms of different focal points; i.e., local, national or international foci. A collectivity or network could be considered in terms of different foci, and can be summarized as follows: Levels of Science by Different Points of Focus Points of Focus Local National International Levels of Science "personal network" < ------------- > types of Scientific (specific) Third Cultures "collectivity" < ............. ,> (generalized) For the more detailed explication of variations within personal networks for example, the distinctions of "extensive," "intensive," and "nascent" types of networks are used. These varieties of networks are discussed at length in Chapter III. In general, it can be said that in comparing personal networks of different scientists, some have only newly-developing or discontinued networks: other scientists have well-established and definite ties, while still other scientists are 48 somewhat in between. Such a consideration also facilitates the analysis of different types of scientific third cultures that are developed which, by forming different types of networks, bring scientists together in a variety of patterns. It is the variety in the patterns that is of particular concern in this thesis. A. Summary The review of the literature pertinent to this study draws on three bodies of knowledge: the sociology of science, the sociological construct, third culture and the literature dealing with networks, quasi-groups and non-groups. Each area contributes to the theoretical orientation of the study. From the literature on the sociology of science comes basic knowledge regarding the organization of science as an institution with its attendant hypothesized behavior, norms and values. IMuch of the literature in this field is Western-biased. However, a thorough familiarity with this body of knowledge provides an inherent, although not necessarily manifest, comparative base for much of the analysis and interpretation of the Philippine data. Knowing about the institutionalization of science in.America for example, can highlight those areas in which the institutionalization of Philippine science varies and is different. Such knowledge con- tributes to conjecture or explanation regarding these differences and variations. The literature dealing with third culture provides a framework for two different levels of analysis in the Philippine data. One level deals with patterns of institutional linkage among segments of Philip- pine social organization, and among Philippine academic institutions 49 and institutions abroad. This analysis draws heavily on what has been the more usual area of concern of third cultural studies; i.e., institutional linkages carried by individuals filling established and institutionalized roles in a variety of cross-cultural settings. However, inherent in the construct third culture is its applica- bility to many different kinds of third cultures, which often refers to differences stemming from the multiplicity of participants, for example binational, multi-national, and/or world-wide third cultures. An additional referent proposed in these pages, focuses on more nascent forms of third cultures which are newly created, flexible and tenuous in nature that have as their anchoring points the individual and not something as established as an institutionalized role. This notion focuses on what is conceived of as being a little explored domain of sociological analysis, that area existing between random individualized behavior and formalized patterns of more enduring social relations. This concern with newly forming, tenuous third cultures provides an important theoretical dimension to the study of Philippine scien- tists. The use of the concept third culture contributes a way of looking at the cross-cultural patterns formed and forming among Philip- pine universities and individual scientists outside the Philippines. The concept provides an analytical base for institutional linkages, as well as those patterns being developed by individual scientists. The literature dealing with networks, quasi-groups and non-groups offers an analytical base for understanding and conceptualizing the patterns of relationships that exist among many Philippine scientists within the Philippines and abroad, that do not as yet enjoy any parti- cular degree of institutionalization, but which with time may occur. 50 The concept, network, allows one to make a much needed differentiation in the patterns of scientific relationships observed in the Philippines. Interwoven in the following chapters is an analysis of ten se- lected Philippine universities in regard to institutional environment, institutional linkages and geographical location and their effect on the university setting for science. The university setting is in turn considered in regard to the recruitment of scientists, including sponsored versus contest mobility, and the response of scientists to university settings. Chapter III considers in more detail the nature of scientific third cultures; the variations among Philippine scientists: differing characteristics of those participating in scientific third cultures vis-a-vis those who are not; the functions that scientific networks serve; and the centrality of networks to the scientific identities of Philippine scientists. In general, the study moves from an institutional analysis of the influence of universities on science, to a concern with the personal involvement and responses of Philippine scientists to exist- ing conditions for science. Of interest is the variation in response, taking some scientisis into active and personally developed scientific networks within the Philippines and abroad, while other scientists develop a more localized or national focus, and stay outside inter- national networks and concerns. CHAPTER II ACADEMIC INSTITUTIONS AND THIRD CULTURES A. The Academic Institution in the Context of Philippine Society In attempting to understand the Philippine scientific community in relation to modern third cultures, one is continually impressed with the complex interplay between academic institutions and the interb personal networks of individual Philippine scientists. The univerb sities in the study function in intricate ways to provide more than Just a context in which scientists live and work. An analysis of the institutional web and the dynamics of institutions in scientific third cultures will be the focus of this chapter. The personal net- works of scientists will be considered later. The importance of academic institutions, particularly univer- sities, spans a number of areas. Universities provide a means of mobility to newly-educated people, and also act as cultural mediators between the society in which they are embedded and their cultures of origin and links abroad. Institutions weave, develop and maintain their own networks abroad, yet at the same time provide a Philippine context for the education, development and sustenance of Philippine scientists. To the extent that universities have linkages abroad, they become increasingly vulnerable to events in Philippine society which take an increasingly nationalistic and anti-foreign turn. 51 52 Historically, academic institutions have provided windows on the world for their host society, and in this regard Philippine univerh sities are no different than elsewhere. Under the Spanish, education, being quite restricted beyond primary school, was indicative of and provided one means of achieving status for all those not of Spanish blood or origin. Besides providing an indication of social superi- ority (often economic well-being, and land ownership were correlated with education), higher education under the Spanish enabled a number of Filipinos to travel abroad and to acquire there the language and ideals of reform and revolution, along with an advanced professional education. under the Americans, education was instrumentally used to widen the base of the Ilustrado or local elite class with Filipinos who owed their "good fortune" and allegiance to the Americans. In addition, the widespread establishment of English-speaking schools and colleges served as a means of social control by sensitizing generations of Filipinos to American norms, values, behavior, and an American version of’modernity. ‘With Independence in 1946 the Philippine government continued the tradition of an instrumental approach to education but with significant differences. For one thing, education, particularly as it relates to science, has been closely aligned.with national goals and with the development and modernization of the country. ‘While wishing to meet national priorities, the government has had to rely in part on old colonial traditions for the production of educated Filipinos. The tension thereby created stems from having to rely on old patterns of education for the production of trained people to be used in new ways 53 in the Philippines. However, the problem is not restricted to educa- tion alone, as virtually all Philippine institutions are basically colonial in origin or adaptation and design. In addition, the leader- ship of the country remains that of Filipinos of the Ilustrado class, an isolated self-generating elite that education has reinforced with new’members. Hence one of the pervasive issues facing Philippine society today is how to break away from or re-interpret an established colonial legacy involving societal institutions, language, values and attitudes and move to new values, attitudes, and institutions more adequately representing the "Filipino" people and culture. The search for "Filipino identity" or culture has become one of the primary pre- occupations of the society, particularly among younger generations of Filipinos. Within this larger societal context, each university is having to evaluate its own linkage patterns in light of these current issues, and is attempting to determine how to remain international in a time of high nationalistic fervor and how to continue to provide education that enables Filipinos to venture abroad in face of stiff demands for a national language and national relevance. The importance of academic institutions in scientific third cultures increases to the extent that other societal units have not or are only weakly developed. For example, if Philippine industry or government bureaus are not actively engaged in science or scientific works,the chances of their having scientific third cultural linkages abroad are quite slim. This,then limits the opportunities for Fili- pinos to enter third cultural situations which brings them in contact 54 with foreigners and which may offer possibilities for education or employment abroad, or support and encouragement for their scientific work in the Philippines. An additional factor is that there is not a strong or well-developed Philippine professional or scientific com, munity that can provide strong additional avenues or channels into scientific third cultures. This means that the university and its ties become even more critical in establishing and maintaining contacts abroad. Another reason for the importance of academic institutions in Philippine society relates to the mobility of academic personnel. There is not much interinstitutional mobility among academicians within the country. Faculty usually spend a lifetime in one institution. Partially this is due to the absence of strong professional groupings that could otherwise provide greater Job opportunities by lobbying with the government and forging ties to industries. However industri- alization itself is limited in scope and variety. Relatively few industries contain positions for scientists. Jobs that are available are often more technical than scientific in nature. Under these cir- cumstances, the academic institution becomes a critical factor in directing and influencing the kind of career a scientist has, in- cluding contacts abroad with other scientists. A Philippine scien- tist cannot easily move on to other Philippine universities when conditions in one institution become intolerable, or when a scientist is frustrated by the lack of funds and facilities for research. There are only limited opportunities and positions available, and this encourages faculty to acquiesce rather than push for change. It also produces certain work environments which, in turn, influence and 55 direct the type of scientific work being done. There remains the choice of migrating, and for many scientists this becomes an important alternative to Philippine conditions. The limited number of academic positions available, the fact that institutions provide the channels to get education abroad, the cultural values of loyalty and obligation, local family and kin ties and factors of personal security all contribute to little interbuniversity mobility; 'Without a strong societal image of science or professional societies, or scientific work, there is little to offset the univerb sities' definition and/or utilization of faculty. As most of the universities see their role as being primarily teaching and not researdi, with the administrator and not the scholar as the image of success, there is little demand for research or scholarly work. There is not a "publish or perish" tradition to keep scientists under pressure to produce. Rather the atmosphere is conducive to "keeping" faculty rather than driving them out. It is possible to get promoted without publishing in all but one of the sample universities. Seniority, service to the institutions and to the community are considered more important than publication for promotion and/or recognition from the university administration. Research and publication are not crucial to most academic institutions. Given the lack of other scientific bodies or traditions to offset those mentioned above, it becomes increasingly the academic institutions themselves that establish the criteria and measures of science and scientific work. The confluence of societal and personal factors tend to turn academic institutions back in upon themselves in terms of utilizing, encouraging or evaluat- ing scientists. In addition, however, they remain one of the few 56 societal segments in the Philippines that have primary access to the scarce resources of science and scientific training opportunities abroad. 80 while academic institutions do much to provide what little scientific atmosphere there is in the Philippines, their own demands define how scientists are used and valued. 0n the other hand, the links abroad.which keep most non-Philippine supported institutions financially alive, also provide the avenues by which Filipinos are educated abroad. B. Institutional Context, Networks Abroad and the Entrance of Filipinos Into Science 1. Academic Institutions and Recruitment Into Science There is a distinct relationship between academic institution and the entrance of Filipinos into science. Universities generally re- cruit their own best graduates with bachelor degrees as faculty, thereby offering academic positions to talented individuals who might not otherwise have considered academic careers. Of the one hundred scientists in the study, sixty of them received their Bachelor's degrees from the same institution with which they are now affiliated. Of the forty persons who received their undergraduate education in schools and colleges other than where they are now located, twenty- one individuals reflect special circumstances. Three are foreigners, born and educated in Germany. Eight are working in a university that has only recently been established and from which the first senior class has Just graduated. Two belong to a research-oriented institute that has no undergraduate work attached to it. An additional eight ‘went originally to the Diliman campus of the State University and are presently located at the University of the Philippines College of Agriculture. 57 Among institutions continuing to employ their own graduates, the State university and its college of agriculture, have the highest percentage of retention. Of the twenty-five people interviewed from the college of agriculture, twenty had received their bachelor degrees from that same institution. For the five who received their bachelor's degree elsewhere, four received it from the main branch of the State university in Manila. Only one person has a bachelor's degree from an institution outside state-supported schools. Altogether twenty-three of the twentyafive on the main campus of the State university received their bachelor's degree from that same institution. The two scientists who did their undergraduate work elsewhere in the Philippines, both did their’master's work at the State university. In spite of this, however, both of them remarked that they still were considered as "outsiders" by many of the faculty because of this difference in educational background. These figures and the supporting interview data show the trend mentioned earlier, that institutions recruit their own best underb graduates as faculty members, start them teaching as instructors in various departments and eventually send them abroad for advanced training. This is the initial step in entering a scientific third culture. 2. Institutional Links to Universities Abroad The nature and extent of the links forged by Philippine univer- sities abroad are the outgrowth of the particular sponsorship and historical experience of each university. In this regard the (l) sectarian; i.e., church-related (2) profit-making, privately owned, 58 and (3) state-supported universities represent the primary forms of sponsorship which influence institutional ties abroad. a. Sectarian Universities The sectarian universities, whether Catholic or Protestant, have always had a dual function. On the one hand deeply involved with education, these universities nonetheless also serve as a home base or established place for, by and large, permanent missionary personnel. The foreign faculty who teach in these universities have in the past come with the idea of staying permanently or making their career in that particular institution. They also come with the ideals of missionary educators. Over a long period of time, relatively more foreign faculty came to the Philippines to Join sectarian university faculties than Fili- pinos were sent from these institutions for advanced education abroad. The staffing of such universities by mainly foreign personnel meant that sending Filipinos out for education evolved at a mob later period in the develoment of these institutions. Rather, a "foreign" atmos- phere was created on the campus and it was the foreigners who estab- lished and maintained the contacts abroad, not Filipinos. In addition, foreign faculty assumed positions of academic and/or administrative power in the universities which resulted in institutional links abroad often becoming coteminous with the networks of foreign administrators. In terms of specific ties to universities abroad, the newer linkages are predominantly to universities in the United States, but with no specific clustering on any specific American institutions. The faculty members that have been or who are now abroad have attended 59 universities widely scattered across the United States. To illustrate this point, there are twenty-two Filipinos of the science faculty of Silliman University who have had advanced education abroad. These twentyhtwo individuals have gone to eighteen different.American univerb sities, with only four schools being included twice-Stanford, Pennsyl- vania State, Cornell and the University of Arizona. An additional sixteen people are currently doing graduate work in universities abroad. It appears that this university sponsors individuals abroad wherever such people can gain admittance. Some institutions encourage advanced study of their faculty at a variety of institutions, not only in America but increasingly in European and Southeast Asian institutions as well. A diversity of schools precludes the importation of the viewpoint of a single univerb sity and assures a wide variety of perspectives. For the faculty them- selves, there are certain disadvantages involved. For example, each foreignpeducated Filipino may be one-of-a-kind in terms of his ex- perience abroad at a particular institution. There is little folklore, tradition, support or a group spirit built-up under such conditions among fellow faculty members in their university regarding mutual experiences abroad, which can be passed on to others going abroad. 1) The Protestant University At the time of interviewing there were thirtybfive foreign faculty members at Silliman University, all from the United States. Six of them were visiting professors, and twenty-nine were permanent. This represents about 15 percent of the total faculty of some 228 members. many of these visiting or permanent foreign faculty received their 6O advanced academic training in American theological seminaries or religiously-oriented institutions, but not those to which Filipino staff members have gone for their own education. In the Philippine science faculty, eighty-eight (69 percent) received their highest degree from institutions in the Philippines. Thirty-eight (31 percent) were educated abroad, thirty-six in the States, one in Europe and one in Asia. 2) Catholic Universities Catholic universities have a somewhat different pattern. Very often priests are trained before coming to the Philippines, or are sent abroad from the Philippines after a number of years of service. In either case, it is difficult to say whether the universities attended abroad by priests are the result of links forged between the academic institutions involved, or due to ties between religious societies, or between religious societies and particular universities abroad. There appears to be a great deal more focus on and exchange with fewer universities abroad than is the case with other sectarian universities in the sample. This includes the education of Filipinos, either priest or lay faculty, and/or foreign priests themselves who are sent abroad and then return to the Philippines to work. To illustrate the type of linkage abroad, of the science faculty of 88 at Xavier University, a provincial university in Cagayan de Oro, fifteen persons were listed as having advanced education abroad. These fifteen people, including five Jesuit fathers, were educated in eleven universities, with Cornell, Fordham and Georgetown university each listed twice. The fifteen individuals educated abroad represented 18 percent of the total science faculty. Seventybtwo faculty have 61 received their highest degrees in the Philippines. This represents 82 percent of the science faculty. Out of a faculty of 158 people, ten persons were listed as being permanent foreign faculty, and three were noted as visiting foreign faculty. Combined, this represents approximately eight percent of the total faculty that are either permanent or visiting foreign faculty members. At the larger cosmopolitan Jesuit university,.Ateneo de Manila, approximately 102 or 55 percent of the total faculty are in science. Of this number, 70 persons are listed as having advanced education abroad. However, eleven.American.universities account for over half of the degrees earned. In order of attendance: 14 faculty members received their advanced degrees from Fordham; h each at Georgetown, University of Minnesota, Cornell and Harvard; 3 each at Hawaii, Indiana, and Boston University, and 2 each at New York University, Chicago and the University of Santa Clara. Taking the 18 Jesuit fathers listed, 7 received their advanced degrees from Fordham, which represented half of those attending that university. Three out of the four faculty receiving their advanced degrees from Georgetown Univerb sity were also Jesuit fathers. Faculty also had been trained at eight universities in countries other than the United States, including schools in Australia, Japan, Pakistan, Australia, Germany and England. Among the total faculty, approximately 17 percent of 31 persons were noted as foreign faculty at this university. b. Private Profit Universities The privatelybowned, profit-making institutions are the most limited in their ties abroad of all types of Philippine universities. Mbre recent in origin than either sectarian or state-supported schools, 62 the privately-owned, profit-making institutions by design have been inwardly looking. That is, they have been created to meet specific needs within Philippine society, primarily that of making education accessible to a segment of the population that could not afford it otherwise. Their curricula are organized to be as economical as possible, which results in service-oriented courses and/or technical fields being more heavily stressed than the traditionally "academic" areas. These schools also have the increased difficulty of not being eligible for support from the Philippine government or from the U.S. government, the international governmental agencies or most American foundations. This has meant that such schools remain on the fringes of the ecumene resulting in few visiting faculty or educational ex- change programs. ‘With restricted access to channels abroad, there is little institutional support for faculty development involving advanced education outside the country. Faculty who desire this training have to either leave these schools and go elsewhere, where institutional connections are better, or they have to apply on their own through such available programs as Philippine American Foundation, the Asia Foundation or particular foreign universities. Indicative of the trend within one such profit-making, privately- owned university are the figures taken from the catalogue of the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences of the University of The East. On this faculty, 29 persons have received some advanced education abroad. No two people went to the same institution abroad; i.e., twenty-nine people went to twenty-nine different schools. Twenty-seven were in the United States, one was in Egypt, one in Pakistan. Unlike the 63 faculty of other Philippine universities, a high proportion of faculty that went from this institution took only Master's degrees while abroad. This was the case for 25 out of the 29 people. One degree was a Bachelor's degree in engineering from Chicago; two were Ed.D.s and one was a Ph.D. These figures show the limitations perhaps of insti- tutional support available. That is, lacking much regularized contact abroad, the privatelybowned universities cannot provide their faculty with channels for advanced education abroad. Hence faculty at these institutions have to make their own arrangements. very often these arrangements provide for earning one degree; i.e., the Master's, but makes no provision for’the doctorate. In a sense these twenty-five people represent a potential for additional education. Rather than personal limitations, it can be suggested that it is the limitations of the university itself that finds so many people stopped at the master's level. It is difficult to internally finance expensive faculty development programs abroad when an institution is heavily reliant on student fees as its main source of income. In addition, there is less incentive for such a program in an institution that is concerned more with local graduates who can performuwell in their community than with graduates who would fare well by international standards. c. State Supported Universities The State-supported universities and colleges have had the ad- vantage from.the outset of their establishment in regard to contacts abroad to other universities. Being the central educational facility under the.Americans implied that the way was opened and tradition established for institutional, governmental and foundation assistance 6h to continue or develop further even after Philippine Independence. The investment of large sums by Rockefeller, Ford, AID and the inter- national agencies into various campuses of the State university complex is a case in point. At another level of involvement, under the auspices of either the American government or foundation contracts, specific American univer- sities have become involved with the State university in faculty development programs, technical assistance, and exchange and visiting professors programs. Turning to the data on advanced education outside the Philippines, for the main State university campus, 30 percent or 469 faculty members out of 1,557 received advanced education abroad for their highest or last earned degree. One hundred and sixteen foreign universities were attended, but of these, fourteen universities have graduated 25} or 5h percent of the total, reflecting the direct and long association of some.American universities in some aspect of the Philippine State university. The following distribution occurs of universities from which numerous Philippine faculty members have received their advanced degrees. 65 TABLE 6. Numbers of Filipino Science FacultyifromiMain State University Campus Earning Advanced Degrees Abroad by American Universi_ty Attended, 1963.* American University Numbers of Filipinos from State University Attended Campus Earning Advanced Degrees Abroad Cornell A} University of Michigan 28 University of Hawaii 19 Stanford University 19 University of Illinois 19 University of Wisconsin 18 Harvard University 17 University of California 15 University of Chicago 15 NHehigan State University 14 Columbia University 13 Syracuse University 11 Johns Hopkins University 11 NOrthwestern University 11 * Figures taken from the University of The Philippines Catalogue, 1968-1969. In addition fiftybnine American universities had only one person listed as a graduate while the other remaining #3 institutions had from two to nine graduates. Altogether, 21 out of the 116 universities from which Filipinos received advanced degrees, were located in countries other than the United States. Five institutions in England, four each in India and Canada, and two institutions each in Pakistan and Germany were listed as granting degrees to Filipinos. In addition, a single institution in Australia, Scotland, Italy and France have also been attended by faculty of the State university. This diversity developed due, in part, to several factors. First there was not the same tradition of long-staying American faculty holding positions of authority and leadership as there have been in 66 other academic institutions. Within a relatively short time of its founding, the State university and the college of agriculture began to channel Filipinos into administrative positions within the univerh sity structure. In addition, Filipinos were sent overseas for under5 graduate work and later for their advanced work as a way of developing a Filipino faculty. The Filipinization of this university and college was the earliest effort in the country to transfer positions of respon- sibility from Americans to Filipinos. Second, the Americans who came after the initial founding groups were often short-thmers, temporary personnel or visiting faculty. This had the advantage for the State university of having a continuous rotation of persons and hence series of networks being established involving foreign academic people who had once worked in the univerb sity but who had returned to the States. In contrast to foreign faculty who came to the Philippines to stay indefinitely and thereby closed off or only minimally maintained contacts in universities in the States, the temporary visiting professor keeps his contacts more viable because of his expectation to return to academic life in the United States. While there are forty-eight visiting faculty members listed in the 1968—1969 catalogue of the main campus of the State university, this represents only 3 percent of the total faculty of 1,557. The primary college of agriculture catalogue notes the presence of 29 visiting foreign faculty, which represents approximately 6 percent of the total faculty of that college. This is lower than figures cited for the sectarian universities earlier. 67 What the constant turnover and exchange of professors has meant for Filipino staff members desiring education abroad, is an increased opportunity to study at an institution in the States that already has some association with their own university in the Philippines. This has been the case for Cornell in agriculture, Wisconsin in economics and business administration and Syracuse in the college of forestry. The diversity of links and continual association of Philippine universities with institutions abroad has additional consequences for ensuing scientific third cultures and networks. One, mutual associa- tion between institutions can lead to tailorbmade academic programs for Filipino faculty to be educated abroad. Two, greater equality may develop in a modern third cultural sense whereby Filipinos have equal say in developing university assistance programs, including the right to select among suggested visiting foreign professors. Three, for people moving between universities, whether Filipino or American, there are fewer unknowns and problem areas inasmuch as a body of folklore, information and experienced people develop who share the same experiences and can ease in many ways, the transition to and from the institutions involved. Four, this process of mutual interaction and continued association is what leads to the development of institu- tional third cultures. 3. Summary This section has briefly considered some of the factors contri- buting to the development of institutional third cultures among Philippine and foreign institutions. In the establishment of inter- institutional linkages it was pointed out that connections developed in some Philippine universities first by foreigners who were semi- 68 permanent faculty. Depending on the type of university, the Filipinization of administrative positions and thereby participation of Filipino administrators in third cultures evolved at different points in time. The sectarian universities, for example, have been much slower in Filipinizing their administrative structure than has the State university. The numerous programs involving faculty, technical assistance and curricular development are elements which bring different univer- sities and governments or foundations together and provide the nexus in which institutional third cultures develop. Another point is that Philippine universities recruit their best undergraduates as faculty members. The opportunity for these indi- viduals to continue their advanced education abroad depends in large measure on institutional linkages abroad. Interbinstitutional links provide a primary means of introduction into what basically is a third cultural situation for individual scientists; i.e., advanced education abroad. C. ‘Sponsored‘MObility -- Foreign, Philippine, Foundation The insights of Ralph Turner (1960) regarding societal variations in the patterning of mobility are indeed relevant to conditions in the Philippines. In counter distinction to "ascribed" and particularly "achieved" mobility, Turner writes of another distinctive process which he labels "sponsored mObility." Rather than the conditions of a "contest" in which all participants are encouraged to compete until the very end when a few "winners" are named, sponsored mobility works out of a different context. Such a context generates an early aneenhmg 69 of all potential candidates for or in a system to determine and select out a certain few whose success in the system is guaranteed once their selection is determined. Sponsored mobility implied limited opportu- nity in a system, or limited rewards, for which screening or selection is done as an antecedent to access to limited opportunity or rewards. Once selected, the obtaining of the desired end, whatever it is, is ordinarily assured. The conditions of sponsored mobility are much more operable in the Philippines than is the American ideal of achieved mobility. The Philippines remains too much a feudalistic society to allow for achieved mobility to be very frequent or the primary vehicle of access to the centers of power. In addition, the configuration of Philippine values which emphasizes personal loyalty and obligations are realized in a social system based primarily on vertical, rather than horizontal, patterns of interaction. This also precludes the possibilities of much achieved mobility. The hdirarchical patterns of relating, means that opportunity and rewards as coordinates of power are controlled and managed by successive positions upward. Hence one is always reliant on others more privileged and powerful for one's own small gains. Planning for dependency is embodied in such larger traditional systems as the cgmpadre arrangement, the political process, or the "hacendero-tenant" relationship. The configuration of sponsored mobility as it functions in academic institutions has already been mentioned. However, upon closer analysis of what actually occurs within universities, further differentiation is needed in terms of types of sponsorship. It has been stated earlier that entree into scientific third cultures occurs 70 with advanced education outside the Philippines in more advanced centers of science. This training is usually reserved for promising young undergraduates who are hired by their own alma maters, and sent abroad only after a number of years of teaching. Except for privatelybowned, profit-making institutions, advanced work abroad is highly probable by the fact of being hired by a university, as this has traditionally been the primary way new scientific personnel has been added to university faculties. A closer look at the process of sponsorship is needed, however, in the relationship of Philippine faculty to various centers of power. That is, the average Filipino faculty member has only limited access to other institutions abroad. While it is the faculty member who spots and recruits the best students in a department as future staff, these same faculty members do not determine where or when a young instructor should be trained. These kind of decisions are only minimally controlled at the department level. In most cases, the decision to send someone abroad is made at the higher administrative levels of the university. Therefore, a faculty member can only do his best to influence the proper authority regarding sending particular young instructors abroad. Depending on the type of university, these authorities may be Americans or well-placed Filipinos. In any case, given this system, direct sponsorship of a Filipino abroad by another Filipino is indeed rare. What occurs instead is that particular faculty members are noted for ”encouraging" students to continue in a certain field. However, it is the institution itself, a government agency or foundation that provides the actual support for the person abroad. It is the person representing the supporting university, 71 agency or foundation that then incurs the obligation and loyalty of the person being sent. To the extent that the institutional repre- sentative is a Filipino or a long-staying and well-established foreigner, the greater is the personal obligation and loyalty generated. This is an additional reason why many Filipino academicans remain for a lifetime in the same university. Such obligations and personal loyalty are more binding in many instances than are formal contracts.7 To sumarize, the average Filipino faculty member is locked into an institutional system where power and privilege are reinforced by interpersonal norms of obligation and loyalty. Because few faculty have direct access to institutions abroad, they have to proceed through persons of power who do have such ties in order to act on a student's behalf. The subtle nuances of reciprocity and obligation work both up and down a hierarchy, and the institutional support for a talented young instructor's education abroad is only one of many ways that people in power reinforce their positions by using their office to insure support in the future from individuals favored in the present. Hence, in addition to Turner's original idea of sponsorship there also exist varieties based on access to or control of power. Turner bases his analysis on the assumption that both selectors and those to be selected belong to the same larger system or society; His model is 7Of course the sample represents only those scientists who initially return to the Philippines rather than stay abroad. The data reveal nothing about those Filipinos who did not return. It would be interesting to know the extent to which shifts in power structures in Philippine society and universities, issues such as "filipination," or finding their own financial support or other factors play a part in Filipinos deciding to stay abroad and not return. 72 inappropriate, then, in situations where participants are from different cultures or societies, as in the case of the Philippine scientific community. One who has direct access to a system or reward can "sponsor" another to partake of it. However, in situations where one does not have direct access to desired ends, one acts as a mediator between the candidate seeking education, for example, and the administrator who can arrange it. Administrators in some universities keep their eyes open for talent and do their own recruiting, particularly in their own fields. This is direct sponsorship, and includes individuals who have power to deal with foreign institutions directly. In other instances, faculty members encourage and prepare young instructors for going abroad, but the institution sponsors their education through the university's own connections to other universities abroad or by other ties they might have to foreign governmental agencies, founda- tions and so on. In still other cases, faculty desiring education abroad apply on their own for extra-institutional programs such as to the Agricultural Development Council, Colombo plan, the Fulbright program, or Asia Foundation scholarships. Many also apply directly to universities in the States for assistantships and then apply for travel money from their local university or some foundation. Hence the data show various means by which respondents have been assisted in Obtaining their education. They are: 1) direct sponsor~ ship 2):mediated sponsorship; i.e., interest in a field being "encouraged" and helped by a faculty member or profession 3) institu- tional assistance A) direct application for general fellowships or assistantships either in the Philippines or to universities abroad. 73 Table 7 shows the distribution of the sample by type of university in regard to direct and mediated sponsorship. TABLE 7: Type of University and Forms of Sponsorship Abroad for Philippine Scientists Sponsorship Direct Mediated NOt* Not* Yes No Appli- Yes No Appli- cable cable Type of Per- Per— Per- Per- Per- Per- University No. cent No. cent No. cent No. cent No. cent No. cent Regional 30 l 3 22 73 7 23 9 30 8 27 l} 43 Cosmo- politan 1h 0 o 12 86 2 1h 5 36 1 7 8 57 Primate U.P.D. 25 2 8 21 8h 2 8 10 40 ll #4 h 16 Primate U.P.C.A. 31 11 35 16 52 h 13 11 35 7 73 13 42 Total 100 14 71 15 35 27 38 *th applicable includes respondents who have not been abroad or for whom no information is available. Looking at direct sponsorship of respondents abroad, it is clear that this occurs more often in the State college of agriculture (U.P.C.A.) than anywhere else. Eleven of thirtybone respondents or 35 percent were directly sponsored abroad. This trend is in keeping with the history and tradition of interbinstitutional linkages of the college to institutions abroad. Of the State university respondents (U.P.D.) only 8 percent went abroad under direct sponsorship. No one went this way from the cosmopolitan universities, and only one re- spondent from regional universities was directly sponsored abroad. Turning to patterns of mediated sponsorship, one finds that about 74 35 percent of all scientists in the study had some professor or teacher who had personal concern for them and encouraged their interest in science. For the other two-thirds of the sample, mediated sponsor- ship was either not applicable (38 percent)or had not been the ex- perience of some respondents (27 percent). By type of university, the State university (U.P.D.) had the highest proportion of its sample scientists (40 percent) who exper- ienced some form of mediated sponsorship. Over one-third of the sample in cosmopolitan universities (36 percent) and in the State college of agriculture (U.P.C.A.) (35 percent) also acknowledge such an occur- rence. Such was the case for 30 percent of scientists from regional universities as well. The sources of support by which scientists went abroad for their advanced education ranges from: 1) Philippine university or governp ment support; 2).mmerican foundations or government grants; 3).Asian or international organizations; 4) assistantships or fellowships won by individual scientists; 5) grants from religious orders, or families; 6) combinations of the above. For twenty respondents there was no information or the question was irrelevant to them. Table 8 shows the means of support for education abroad of scientists by type of univerb sity and supporting organization. 75 TABLE 8: Sources of Support for the Advanced Education of Scientists by Supporting Organization and Type of University Type of university Cosmo- Regional gpolitan U.P.D. U.P.C.A. Perk Per- Per- Per- Type of Organization No. cent No. cent No. cent No. cent Philippine University8 5 17 2 1h 7 28 11 )9 Philippine Government 2 7 O -- O -- l 3 American Foundations 0 -- l 7 3 l2 3 10 American Government 1 3 2 1h 5 20 S 16 .Asian Organization 2 7 O -- O -- O -- Igzfiigztional Organi- 0 O O -_ 0 _- 2 6 Assistantship 1 3 l 7 O -- 4 l3 Fellowship 3 10 2 14 1 h 0 -- Religious Order 3 10 l 7 O -- O -- Fundly'Support 0 0 1 7 O -- 0 -- Combination of Above 3 10 2 1h h 16 2 6 Total 20 67 12 8h 20 80 28 90 Not Applicable 10 33 2 1h 5 20 3 10 Grand Total 30 100 1h 100 25 100 31 100 The distribution of support by organization for the advanced education of scientists abroad supports the generalizations made in the last section.regarding institutional third cultures. That is, Philippine universities in general, and the State university complex 8University support mmy'involve grants given by outside agencies, universities, or foundations as part of faculty development programs, or training grants. However, since the university controls the dis- persal of the grants, it is considered part of the funding resources of the university. 76 in particular, are the main sources of support by which scientists receive financial assistance in the pursuit of advanced education abroad. This is the case for 5 scientists from regional universities, 2 from cosmopolitan institutions, 7 from the State university and 11 from the State college of agriculture. However, other institutions also play an important part in providing resources for advanced education abroad. By type of university, in regional institutions other than support from one's own institution, support came from fellowships (10 percent), religious orders (10 percent), the Philippine government (7 percent) or an Asian organization (7 percent). For a third of the respondents (33 percent), the question of support was not relevant. In cosmopolitan universities the main sources of support are universities (14 percent), American government (14 percent), fellowa ships (1h percent) and some combination of support which is usually a travel grant from the university or Philippine organization to supple- ment a fellowship being offered by a foreign university. Only In percent of the scientists from cosmopOlitan universities had not been abroad or had not had any external means of support for their advanced education. Respondents from the primary campus of the State university complex receive support from their own university (28 percent), from the American government (20 percent), from.American foundations (12 per- cent), from fellowships (only 4 percent), or some combination of sources (16 percent). Of the twenty-five respondents from this insti- tution, 20 of them (80 percent) have been abroad under some kind of support, 5 respondents have not. 77 The proportion of respondents receiving some kind of support for their advanced education abroad is even higher in the primate State college of agriculture. In that institution 28 of 31 respondents (93 percent) have had some kind of financial support for their educa- tion abroad. This was not the case for only three respondents. The sources of support came primarily from the college itself (39 percent), from the American government (16 percent), from assistantships (13 percent) and.American foundations (10 percent). In regional universities, the lack of interbinstitutional linkages with foreign.universities, agencies, and governments; financial prdb- lems, and curricular emphases on non-science areas all contribute to proportionately fewer scientists gaining support and going abroad from these universities. One-third (33 percent) of the scientists from regional universities have had no support for their education abroad, or have never been abroad for their education. Net only do proporb tionately more regional scientists receive their advanced education in the Philippines, they are more likely, if they do go abroad, to go to a South Asian or Southeast Asian institution rather than to America or Europe. (This will be considered in more detail in the next chapter.) 1. Summary The data presented in this section suggest that beyond certain levels, science is not a self-generating institution in the Philippines, excluding the medically-related disciplines. Except for a few fields where graduate programs exist, most advanced education particularly on the doctoral level in the sciences has to be obtained outside the Philippines. Uhtil very recently, the majority of Filipinos went to 78 the States for this education, a pattern having many implications for third cultural links between the two countries, and for the affairs of science within the Philippines. Net only is the Philippine govern- ment attempting to adapt science to aid in the development and modernization of the country, there is the added problem of utilizing and retaining Filipino scientists in the country. This involves blending the realities of the local scientific environment with the more or less ideal circumstances (referring to equipment, facilities and research time) under which Filipinos were educated abroad. In many ways, Philippine scientists are a new but largely non-political elite for whom there exists little precedence regarding integration into and utilization by the larger social structure. Chapter III will consider in more detail the types of third cultural involvement that some scientists develop. Not all Philippine scientists create or participate in international scientific networks. They, too, shall be considered. Both patterns however, can be viewed as essentially adaptive mechanisms by which scientists attempt to fashion a reasonably satisfactory scientific life for themselves. Education abroad is not universally alienating. It may be for some individuals. However, the response of such individuals to the social scene may be quite varied. That is, being alienated does not thereby indicate what kind of response a scientist will make to surrounding social conditions. A scientist may be alienated from his science and give up research work, for example, but turn to university or civic affairs, or politics within the country. Or a scientist may be alienated from the country itself which may or may not be due to scientific conditions, and decide to migrate. The variations in response will be taken up in Chapter III. 79 D. Geographical Location,_Institutional Environment and Influence on Scientists Upon Their Return to the Philippines. The purpose of this and the following two sections will be to consider how university structure and milieu mediate and direct the style of scientific life fashioned by different scientists. In this section the focus of scientific endeavor will be considered by type of university; i.e., regional, cosmopolitan, and primate university complex. In terms of scientific focus, or the main direction of a scientist's work, there appears to be two main directions: one is a primarily Philippine focus, the other is an international one. In addition, there are a number of scientists who for various reasons, have never been or have ceased being active researchers. 1. ‘Vignette of Returning Philippine Scientists For any traveller, the anxiety and trepidation of leave-taking is perhaps matched only by the anticipation and joy of return. The ex- citement of seeing family and friends again is mixed with concern over changes-~in them, in the job, in the local community. The returning Philippine scientist is little different. However, one of the uns anticipated consequences for many of them is the fact that they have changed.much more than the surrounding environment to which they are returning. University, classroom, the tempo of life appear untouched or only minimally different. They return full of plans for "doing something for my country," or "making a real contribution to my dis- cipline," only to find that such enthusiasm is not generally welcomed by university administrators, department chairmen, or even former 80 colleagues. As one respondent put it, "We all return expecting a brass band to greet us, and instead nobody cares." Some of the problems encountered by returning Philippine scien- tists, for example, are that one's academic achievement abroad is not usually met with much university recognition or even promotion. Numerous respondents mention this, that their colleagues who remained behind have been promoted, while they themselves re-enter the univerb sity at the same level or are only minimally advanced beyond the level they had when they left. The classes are the same, as are the teaching assignments. There appears to be little structural flexibility for making possible the introduction of new knowledge, techniques, or procedures. There are added frustrations caused by the lack of equip- ment, facilities and research funds. Salaries are poor and demand "deficit living" in terms of remaining in the university while raising a family. The university that often chose the person to go abroad and assigned the field of study in terms of strengths and weaknesses of the university faculty;seldom appears to give much thought to how to utilize trained faculty when they return. The status gained by having an additional Ph.D. on the staff often seems to be the extent of the university's concern for sending people abroad. As one scientist put it, "They would suck me dry if I'd let them. The administration would have me teach twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week. That's their definition of a good faculty member." Frequent also are the comments of scientists that "there is no time for research, for reading, for my own work." Administrators are seen as having little understanding of certain fields, or of the 81 proper balance between teaching and other aspects of scientific life. This is, in very broad outlines, a composite of many of the reactions of the scientists in the study to their universities when they first returned from abroad. It is not meant to be representative of the experiences of all scientists. However, for many of them, it was situations such as these that led them to ask "Why am I here?" and "What am I going to do?" It was within contexts like that de- scribed above that scientists then began to fashion some type of scientific life for themselves. For scientists for whom the above vignette is not descriptive, their return and adjustment to even the most "positive" environment necessitates asking the same questions and developing some kind of scientific work situation also. The pur- pose of the vignette is to highlight in composite form, the variety of problems facing Philippine scientists upon their return to the Philippines. It is the variety of responses and different univer- sity settings that will now be considered. 2. University Setting Including Geographical Location in Regard to National Centers of Power a. Regional Universities The Philippines, being composed of 7,000 islands spread [in chain- like fashion] over a thousand miles north to south, presents special prOblems of communication and transportation for people not on the island of Luzon. Especially for universities and scientists, the island locations and distances between them makes quite difficult any easy and sustained contact among scientists not in the same university. Meager salaries and the lack of university travel funds restricts scientists who wish to visit other scientists, attend scientific 82 meetings or conferences. Air travel is expensive, and while boats are available, they are slow and consume valuable leave time with frequent stops and their leisurely pace. In the past, the different origins and foci of universities, and the lack of mutual interests bringing them together, contrived to keep academic institutions as self-contained units. This separateness was further influenced by the type of institution it was, based on owner- ship, and/or its primary source of financing. For example, "diploma mills," are generally considered as having little to offer state or sectarian schools. As mentioned earlier, financial support has been especially powerful in influencing the "academic environment" that an institution develops and tries to maintain. Changes in curricula, or those to meet pressing social conditions are undertaken only after careful consideration by Superiors, funding sponsors, foreign Boards of Directors, party politicians and so on. In the past as well, geographic isolation has kept the four regional universities in the study removed from the centers of national power, touched relatively little by Philippine events centering in the nation's capital, Manila. ‘With the exception of Mindanao State Univerb sity, the impact of non-Philippine origins and financial support encouraged the other three universities in the south to be outward looking. Even Mindanao State University is politically isolated from the Center enough so that it is quite difficult for this institution to obtain its full, annual budgetary allotment from the National Government. For scientists working in regional universities, Manila as the center of powen,plays a different role for them. That is, even though 83 the universities do not have strong ties to the center, individual scientists do, or would like to. In Philippine science, the center is the Greater Manila.Area, particularly the State university complex found in Luzon. From the point of view of the regional scientist, Manila appears as the "Mecca" of science, as the source of journals, research funds, recent literature, people to talk to. In effect, it is the place where scientific action is in the country. Such views were often stated by respondents mentioning the isola- tion of their institution, of having "to go to Manila in order to talk to people," or to "read Journals," or "to catch up on what's going on." These feelings appear heightened by the atmosphere on each campus. While three of the four regional universities were founded by foreigners, and while they have maintained strong external ties abroad, the academic atmosphere on these regional campuses appear out-of-date in terms of what is happening in American or foreign institutions. Therefore, the returning Filipino is caught in an added dilemma. The reputation of his local university, in part, has been based on the very fact of its being foreign, yet his own experience abroad shows him the local academic scene is indeed behind the times. Hence, the scientist is in a situation where his university is neither tied into Philippine society, nor up-to-date or congruent with events in foreign ones. Factors such as the slowness of the mail, the difficulty and expense of travel, the lack of regular publication of Philippine Journals or the holding of professional meetings, the absence of active professional societies, the scarcity of other similarily trained scientists, all contribute to a frustrating situation for many scien- tists in regional universities. 8% b. Cosmopolitan Universities in Relation to National Centers of Power Cosmopolitan universities were categorized as those institutions located in the Greater Manila.Area that are not part of the State university and college system. Four universities fall into this category; two sectarian and two privately-owned, profit-making schools. 1) Cosmopolitan Sectarian Universities These two universities provide interesting contrasts to one another. One school, University of Santo Tomas, was founded and run by a once-powerful, Spanish priestly Order in the Philippines; the other, Ateneo de Manila, is also run by a Catholic Order but this is largely staffed by American priests and has enjoyed for many years good reputation, power and influence in.Manila and among certain classes in particular. During the recent years, independence from and antipathy toward Spanish priests, the lack of strong third cultural ties abroad, and the shifting clientele of students serviced by the university of Santo Tomas has encouraged it to quietly go its own way, except for the segment of society that comes within its own orbit. Part of a teeming metropolis, yet drawing many of its students from the provinces, this large institution has generally been ignored by,and has had little institutional tie-in to,the present national Philippine centers of power. Medicine has been the most active part of the school, producing many doctors, and running good hospitals. As stated earlier, however, the central academic legacy of this university has been in the fine arts and humanities, and theology in addition to medicine. Hence 85 scientific ties have been slow to materialize either within or outside the Philippines. In addition, the continued administrative control by Spanish priests until 1970, served to curb the initiative of those Filipino faculty interested in greater participation in scientific affairs, and limited the role of the university in society. However the university does play an important part in providing educational opportunities to large numbers of the middle and lower middle class. For four of the five scientists who had been abroad, working in this academic institution puts them only on the edges of the Philippine scientific community. They are isolated from greater participation in the affairs of science in the country for a variety of reasons, for example, because of heavy administrative duties and teaching loads. As one respondent said Three-fourths of my time is spent in teaching; one- fourth in other duties like supervision and consultancy. I teach six courses. I want the students to get a proper background, so I teach the courses, there is no one else. Another scientist stated To do research I would have to find someone to teach my courses. . . Since I've been back I haven't written any papers. How can I? There are tests and quizzes for eight courses, besides being department chairman. Poor research facilities, limited research funds, the general stature of the university are additional problems that limit the parti- cipation of these scientists in scientific activities in the country. Regarding research,one respondent averred, "If we could start research (in my field) in the university this would be one way to attract other researchers in the field." Another scientist said simply There is no research being done by the staff . . . There is no time for writing papers. 'We are so short-handed there is no time off to take courses. 86 The problem as one scientist saw it If we can get faculty, that's the problem. 'We couldn't get anyone to teach (some specialized courses) at our pay scale level . . . . People in other schools are too busy . . . they look down on us because our program is not up to theirs. A certain interbinstitutional competition and antagonism was also noted by scientists at this university. "There are only small numbers at the meetings. The Ph.D.s are tied up at U.P. In our field there is an elite crowd. They bunch together." Faculty of the State univerb sity are perceived as controlling the scientific associations and disciplines in the country, and many faculty of the Spanish university are put-off by the constant references of State university faculty to their experiences abroad. In addition, the State university campus is seen as a hot-bed of radicalism and communism in the country. As one informant said, "I wouldn't hire a graduate from the State univer- sity. There are too many radicals and communists out there. Their students would only cause trouble as teachers here." In general, affairs of state and science frequently pass this university by, although there are now efforts being made to alter this recent history. For example, a research center has been established and funded by the university to encourage research among the faculty. New emphasis is being placed on seminars and guest lectures to stimulate interest and to up date the scientific knowledge of the graduate faculty. In addition, a new Rector has been appointed, the first Filipino priest to hold this position in the history of the university. At the time of the study, the Ateneo de Manila University has a distinguished position in the Philippines. Providing education that 87 would get its limited number of graduates accepted in schools abroad has given this university high prestige and ties into many of the most powerful families in the Philippines. As a mediating institution for aspiring wealthy Filipinos desiring prestige education abroad, this university has created a reputation of scholarship in the country that presents tremendous advantages for its faculty. While not directly linked to political parties and government itself, the university faculty is becoming quite active as consultants, seminar leaders, and resource people to large industries in the country, including the nation's sugar planter's association. In addition, several companies are supporting research projects of the university faculty. The pressure on faculty in this institution is to preserve American academic standards but in a Philippine context. That is, classes are to maximize quality of instruction yet the teaching, com- mittee, administrative and other duties of the faculty are quite demanding. In addition, while a certain emphasis is given to research, the areas of teaching, civic, and community service and service to the university are also highly valued by the administration. Regarding recognition for research one scientist shrugged and said, "Maybe it would count in promotion. It is one of the criteria, but it is not highly ranked. Teaching is emphasized mostly." In the past, administratively controlled by American priests, the school has remained small, expensive and elite-oriented. "When I was outside, I had the impression it (Ateneo) was designed for the rich. I don't think that object will change, although there are some scholarship students taken in." Such a position offers little problem 88 as long as a pro—American feeling is pervasive in the general Philip- pine society; However, recent issues of Filipinization, the growing isolation of the Philippine elite from the great masses of Filipinos and.anti4West-pro-Filipino as the new motto of modernity has put this university in a precarious position in terms of its status in the society. ‘Hithin the university as well there is growing internal stress regarding the role of the priests, particularly Americans, and lay.American faculty. One respondent summarized the situation in this W3? I'm in favor of Filipinization. But I'm.not in favor of Americans being ousted outright from their positions. If there is a Filipino equally qualified with an American, I think the Filipino should get the chance. He went on I think the lay-religious relationship is cordial. However, I was just invited to a meeting of lay faculty members alone. Not all of them share my opinion. They feel they are second rate to the religious...I think the pressures will increase as it increases in the general society. what also becomes problematic is financial support for the university from both internal and external sources. This, in turn, will effect the resources available for faculty research. 2) Privatelyeowned, Profit-making, Cosmopolitan Universities These two universities, and others like them, are without foreign domination, yet are generally ignored by other academic institutions and sections of the Philippine government, who are interested in socially useful and applicable research. In spite of being Filipino- owned, they are still pejoratively known as "diploma mills." Among the owners of these universities are some of the top-ranking Filipino 89 families in the country, many of whom have intricate political con- nections. In spite of this, however, the student bodies of these universities have become part of the center of much of the anti- government and antiquerican feeling that is growing in the country. While institutionally not directly involved in larger societal issues, many students and some faculty from these universities are extremely active. For full-time faculty, their role is defined as full-time teaching, with their salary computed by the course taught, not on a salary basis. The heavy teaching loads, crowded classrooms, multi- shifts, the stress on undergraduate and technical courses, and lack of facilities make research nearly impossible. As one respondent put it The atmosphere here at U.E. is not good for research... I do like teaching but the environment here is not so good. Research is writing textbooks....But I have been able to squeeze from the university a reduced load from a 2h unit load to only 9 hours in class. Success in these institutions is primarily through administrative positions, not scholarly ones. In the Greater'Manila.Area, these schools also remain on the peripheries of power. Both scientifically and politically they are not the benefactors of‘many external grants for scientific work. Not having strong academic ties abroad or within the country gives the faculty, in many cases, unwarranted low self-esteem. Numerous privatelyaowned, profit-making universities have separate, autonomous, nompprofit professional schools, primarily in the medical sciences where the financial and research traditions are somewhat different. Being nonpprofit, for instance, allows a medical school to Obtain tax benefits from the Philippine Government, and financial assistance from external sources. 90 c. Primate University Complex in Relation to National Centers of Power Regarding the local cognitive map of Philippine scientists, certainly the State university and college complex located in Central Luzon is now the center of Philippine science. However, for scien- tists located in different institutions of the state-supported system, the action is neither the same nor equally distributed. Those dis- ciplines or research institutes most closely aligned with government priorities, for example, receive more financial assistance than do other disciplines not as central to government priorities. There has been a shift in strength within the main university campus from traditional academic departments to various applied research and action-oriented units. This has meant a relative decline in some traditional fields, in particular;some of the biological and physical sciences. Social scientists, if action-oriented and properly allied, can move into the institutes or create their own ties into Philippine government or industry. Even technical fields, such as engineering, are building bridges to industry and government. But many of the faculty that seem to be especially hampered are scientists in the life and physical sciences. From scientists in the "out" fields in the state academic complex, the same complaints are heard as are heard from scientists in other parts of the nation. That is, there are no funds for research, facilities are inadequate, there is too much teaching and committee work and too little understanding and support from the general administration. A scientist summarized numerous statements we had heard to the same effect when he said 91 I would like to do less teaching and more research. I have requested a lighter teaching load, (it's now 12-15 hours a week). When people come back from abroad they have two choices, teaching or research. Mest want to do research. They ask for projects. But there are too many students and it is the university's interest to say that it is primarily a "teaching university," and so it relegates research to a minor position. . . . There is no equipment either for fundamental research. EVen in teaching you can't teach in the areas of your training. So it goes wasted. Most often you teach general courses which any M.A. could teach. Regarding the administration and promotion, a respondent had this to say Even if the salaries are low, the university could at least promote people. But its promotion is lower in the natural sciences as compared with the human- ities and social sciences. The administrators are mostly social scientists, that's why. The Dean . . . is a social scientist for example. That's why the Ph.D.s in the chemistry department left. Especially when the President (of the university) is a politician. Politics always comes in. The agricultural college has more recently come into its own with independent outside aid and support, and national recognition for the relevant research work it has done. What specifically this means for scientists at this institution will be used as point of contrast in the next section. d. Summagz This section has attempted to deal briefly with factors in- fluencing scientific life in the Philippines, namely geographical location and the ensuing ties of universities to Philippine centers of power. The next section of this chapter will take up more ex- plicitly the responses of scientists to their university environments. 92 3. Responses of Scientists to University Environment In dealing with institutional and environmental factors such as type of university and geographical location as they affect univera sities, a context has been established within which to view the dif- ferential patterning of scientific life. Of particular concern in addition to general patterns, are those relating to scientific third cultures. For many Filipinos, advanced education outside the Philippines is their introduction to third cultures. However, continued parti- cipation and "active status" in scientific third cultures is not guaranteed by education alone. Given the nature of any culture, and in particular scientific third cultures, the very nature of the scientific interests which bring people together necessitates constant effort and exchange on the part of scientists involved. That is, being trained as a scientist does not automatically confer lifelong "membership" in scientific third cultures. Because some third cultures are composed of networks and not of "organizations," there is no membership per se. Rather individual scientists by training, are introduced to a series of potentialities for developing ties and relations with other scientists. But it is not "done for somebody." Each scientist has a series of options to maximize the potentials available and develop extensive and farbreaching networks, or at another extreme, ignore them completely. There are numerous intervening variables which affect a scien- tist's participation in third cultures. Two intervening variables have been considered previously; i.e., geographical location and type of university in which scientists work. In addition, field of science, 93 type of research undertaken, research funding, equipment and facilities all come into play. Nor can such factors as teaching, consulting, ad- ministrative duties and other demands on scientists be ignored. 8.. Type of Response to Scientific Context of Universities by Focus of Scientific Work In the beginning of this section it was mentioned that there appears to be two main directions that scientific life takes in the Philippines: one, is a primarily Philippine focus, the other is an international one. For still other individuals, the conditions facing them are such that they never do become active research scientists, or cease being so. This could be considered a third trend among Philippine scientists. By "active research scientists" one is referring to individuals who continue to read the literature and attempt to keep up with events in their field, who attempt to do some research if only a modest under- taking, who continue to write and publish, and who seek out others to talk to about science whether in their own university, region or country. An "active scientist" is one who still considers science to be among his primary concerns and one who acts in terms of this concern. By this definition, a scientist in the remotest university, lacking much of what he needs to be fully productive, can nonetheless still be considered active. A Philippine focus would refer to those scientists who turn their scientific concerns and energies inward to the local conmunity, region, or nation. These scientists respond to their environment by trying to synthesize science with local, regional or national concerns. 94 Other scientists react to their situations by looking outside the country in terms of ties, support and shared interests. That is, for a number of scientists in the sample, the fact of being a one-of-a- kind scientist with little or no intellectual support in the Philippines, encourages rather than hinders their scientific activity abroad. They usually develop an international focus in their work. These are the three general trends. Within each there are addi- tional variations. For example, in the category of non-active scien- tists there are those who have never been active scientists; those who have ceased to be so. In addition, there are a number of scientists who are in the process of reprofessionalizing after absence from their fields for a variety of reasons, such as family matters or shifting scientific interests. Still others have the pgtential for being active scientists but are lacking, at present, additional education, experience, and/or time and opportunity. ‘Variations among scientists with a Philippine focus in their work are those having a local scientific network only, local and regional civic networks, and national scientific networks. .A local scientific network refers to scientific activity confined within a single univerb sity setting, with primary intellectual support and stimulation being derived from other members of the faculty. The main focus of research that this type of scientist does, deals with the specific discipline of each scientist as applied or related to specific problems or conditions of the area. Local or regional civic networks are forged by some respondents to industries, large agriculturists, professional or civic connnmity groups, or regional government programs, all located within the 95 community or region. In some cases, being educated, having a position in a university, having useful skills and talents, give a number of scientists a visibility in the local area that they would not have otherwise. These kinds of networks are also established by scientists whose research is directly applicable or relevant to certain business concerns, farmers or agriculturists, or regional industries. A.national network refers to ties that include both local univerb sity and region and extends to areas in the rest of the country as ‘well. These ties might include civic as well as scientific links. The point is that scientists with these kinds of ties usually are also active in the national scientific community in the sense of knowing other scientists in different parts of the country, attending con- ferences and.meetings whenever possible, and having some role in the professional society (if there is one). This would be a person who would know others and be known by them professionally. Among the varieties of international networks that develop are: international ties only; a combination of national and international ties, and local focus combined with international networks. Inter- national ties are those established by scientists whose main reference group, source of intellectual support, stimulation, and dialogue, and audience, exists outside the Philippines.. Such indivi- duals 1ook outside for journals in which to publish their articles; there is little or no scope for the utilization of their knowledge in the Philippines; there are few other Filipino scientists who either understand or share any enthusiasm for their work. In some cases, their scientific speciality is entirely unrelated to the Philippines; i.e., it could be pursued anywhere in the world. For example, these 96 scientists say: My work is entirely unrelated to any particular group within the country or even to the Philippine itself... I am in constant contact by letters with a few institutions. I also get all the publications of these institutions, for example, I get all the preprints from Germany...Communication abroad is no problem....I am the only person in my line in the Philippines. There is no one to talk to here. For research talk most of it is outside the Philippines ...it takes a particular orientation to be in similar communication...I am the only one in my speciality in the Philippines...There aren't others in my line in the country. There isn't much communication among the trained (people in my field) in the country...Everyone is too busy and overextended... I am a paper and pencil man. I don't need elaborate funding in order to work. All I need are (foreign) journals...There is a long gap between the work I do and its eventual use by anybody...There is no one else in my specialization in the country. So there is no one to discuss my area with.... In other cases, the central interest of work is found only in the Philippines and as such makes a contribution to world scientific knowledge, as species or conditions are found nowhere else. My research is basic to any work in my field. You must first know what you have before you can begin work to control it....There are so many varieties we don't even know about, let alone study....No study has yet been done on this particular variety...I was invited to give a paper in Puerto Rice on the state of my field in the Philippines. National and international networks, refers to scientists who are involved both in the Philippines and in the larger world com- munity of science. These are scientists who have fashioned scien- tific lives that involve them in civic and professional networks in the Philippines, and in international networks as well. They are equally at ease in international conferences with other scientists as they are with Filipino farmers. The focus of their scientific work 97 is often on Philippine plants, animals or local phenomena. But the nature of their work has relevance to scientific knowledge of the larger worldawide science aggregate. A distinctive pattern combines a local network with interb national ties. Scientists garner stimulation and support from others in their local university community, but are isolated or have no larger national reference group of scientists with which to work, share, or contribute. There is no supporting national discipline or professional association, or even trained others. This occurs parti- cularly in very specialized areas of science, which are too new or too esoteric to be anything more than importations of science from abroad, without opportunity of becoming established in the Philippines as yet. No one in the Philippines is interested....There is no Philippine journal in my field so I have to rely exclusively on foreign journals as an outlet for my research...There would be no one in the Philippines to send my study results to...The professional societies in engineering do not cover scientific topics in their meetings so I could not report to any of these meetings. 1) Scientific Focus in Regional Universities In Table 9 the data are summarized for the types of scientific focus found among the scientists interviewed from regional universities. 98 TABLE 9: Type of Scientific Focus by Respondents in Regional Universities Respondents in Regional Universities Type of Focus Number of Cases Percent l. Non-active scientists Total = 8 27 a. Never been active 1 b. Ceased to be active 2 c. Reprofessionalizing 2 d. Potential as yet undetermined 3 2. Philippine Focus Total = 15 50 a. Local scientific network 6 b. Local regional civic networks A c. National scientific networks 5 3. International Focus Total = 7 23 a. International network only 2 b. International and national network 3 c. Local and international networks 2 Grand Total 30 100 Of the 30 respondents in the study from the four regional universities one-half of them (15) have primarily a Philippines focus to their work. Over one-fourth respondents (8) have the status of being non-active at the time, and nearly another fourth (7) have an international orienta- tion to their work. The eight persons categorized as being non-active could con- ceivably re-activate their scientific work if they so chose. For two in particular, becoming active again would involve returning abroad in order to re-tool, and catch up on new techniques and new knowledge in their respective fields. The two who are now reprofessionalizing have the training they need to remain active--that is, theirs are 99 more technical fields, more in line with the interests of their university, and hence privy to the literature, facilities and equip- ment already available. Three scientists with potential need further training in order to have the skills to actively pursue their scien- tific fields. Two of them.are in disciplines where advanced education is necessary in order to be on a par with scientists and scientific knowledge elsewhere. The one scientist who is noted as never being active suffers from insufficient education, even though she has been abroad for part of her advanced education. Her discipline depends, however, on further education in order to participate fully in it. In addition, this person's ethnicity excludes her from access to government scholarships, research support, membership in national professional societies, or opportunity to take the Government Board examinations for professional qualification and licensing in her field. Such restrictions make it doubly hard for her to develop or carry out a productive scientific career. Turning to scientists with a predominantly Philippine focus in their scientific work, it is not surprising that this is the case for half of the scientists sampled from regional universities. The main point is that they do have other persons to talk to regarding some if not all aspects of their work. While isolated from Manila, and from much of the larger scientific world in terms of attending conferences, or having personal contacts with other scientists outside the realm of their university, they do receive or have access to some Philippine journals as well as foreign scientific journals. These journals are used to supplement their knowledge and research. Their research deals 100 with the hydrology of local rivers, marketing costs for neighboring fanmers, nutrients of local grasses, soil analyses, local folklore and culture and so on. This type of research may eventually lead to national or even international scientific reputations for some scien- tists. This, however, is not the object of the work for most of these scientists. Basically, top priority is given to work that concerns the solution of local problems or is of local interest. Possible wider relevance of their work, while not ignored is simply not primary. The two cases with international networks only, represent scien- tists whose particular fields, while otherwise non-existent in the Philippines except for their own endeavors, put them dead center in a world-wide network of similarity-trained scientists. That is, if anyone wants to know anything about the content of these two fields, with regard to the Philippines, they must contact these men. In addition, the scientific work these two do makes continually new contributions to their respective fields. The type of work they do does not require advanced education. It is rather of a basic taxonomic nature. (To say that advanced education is not necessary is not to imply that these fields are any less scientific. Quite the contrary in fact. Each of these two individuals have been largely self-taught, however, and have spent their lives working intensively in their specialities). Both these men are actively involved in social causes related to their scientific interests as well, but neither has supporting scientific groups in the country. Under these conditions, extreme isolation geographically and intellectually has little effect on these two scientists. Even advanced education abroad is not 101 necessary for them as an introduction to third cultures; i.e., the unique nature of their fields and their own passionate concern for their work have led them to create their own networks, and to posi- tions of world standing and prestige. Scientists in the regional universities with both national and international networks are individuals who: (1) have other similarly trained scientists with whom to associate in the Philippines, with supporting professional societies, and journals; or (2) work in areas of science that have useful applied aspects that tie in with Philip- pine government or industrial priorities and goals. Factors like these account in part for their national networks. In addition, the type of research and scientific work in which they engage fits in with and contributes to international science as well as to Philippine scientific and societal interests. For example, the work in rickettsial diseases is relevant to both Philippine and international scientific concerns. Much of the other scientific research being done is of the same type. Two of the sample have distinctive patterns of communication and linkages that are not shared by others in the area. The nature of the university administrative assignment given one individual results in the majority of his time and ties on the local level being primarily academic, but nonescientific. However, he remains actively interested in science, reads the journals, corresponds with other scientists in his field abroad, and considers as an important reference group a small number of professionals in his field in Manila. Ideally, this person would like to be remembered for his teaching and scientific work, not for his administrative achievements. 102 The other scientist while working on research of national signi- ficance, has few other similarily educated scientists with whom to associate in the Philippines. Therefore the bulk of his scientific life is devoted to research, to his university in teaching and working to develops his own department, and to a few connections outside the Philippines that give him exchange, support and stimulation. 2) Scientific Focus in Cosmopolitan Universities The fourteen scientists sampled from cosmopolitan universities show the following patterns of responses to their university settings, as summarized in the table below. TABLE 10: Type of Scientific Focus by_Respondents in Cosmopolitan Universities .Bssnand2nia_in.Qnsmannliisn.flni¥szaiiisc Type of Focus Number of Cases Percent l. anpactive scientists Total . 4 28 a. Never been active 1 b. Ceased to be active 3 c. Reprofessionalizing 0 d. Potential undetermined O 2. Philippine Focus Total 3 5 36 a. Local scientific network 5 b. Local regional non-scientific networks 0 c. National scientific networks 0 3. International Focus Total . 5 36 a. International focus only 1 b. International and national network 2 c. Local and international networks 2 Grand Total 1% 100 103 In the category of non-active scientists, the one respondent classified as "never been active" is an unusual case representing someone who has almost completely occupationalized his profession. That is, he has never used his science as a way to meet or associate with other similarly educated people either in the Philippines or abroad. Neither has he attempted to use his skills in industry of government through consulting, lecturing, or advising. He has received his entire educa- tion in the Philippines, including his doctorate. He subscribes to no journals and reads only those available in the library. He attends no scientific meetings, belongs to no professional societies either in the Philippines or abroad. Instead he has built his life around his classes and his office-cum-laboratory. He regularly and systematically teaches and works in his own area of interest but as something for which he receives a salary and is his duty, not as something in which he is deeply involved. The other three cases noted as not being active at present are women. Two of them have good chances of re-activating their scien. tific interests and concerns. One woman has recently finished her doctoral work and is now involved in family matters. The other has been hampered in her research and work by an argument regarding certain research facilities. While trying to arrange to do some collaborative work with other scientists abroad, this person is holding off leaving the Philippines out of loyalty to the university (especially to the previous Rector), and because of family responsibilities. The desire for an active scientific life is very strong in both these cases. The third respondent noted as not being active at the moment actually fits no category easily. This is a person who has worked in 10h many disparate areas within and outside of the academic world. She has one advanced degree from the States, but has ceased working in that field and is instead slowly moving toward a doctorate in a new discipline. In the meantime she is acting head of her department, is just becoming involved in a cooperative research project, is close to the previous Rector of the university, and in general has the familial, economic and social status that gives her a certain freedom and in- dependence that other faculty members do not have. The five scientists in the cosmopolitan sample noted as having primarily a Philippine orientation to their work are not totally without contact abroad, but the primary purpose of keeping in touch with their disciplines is to learn how new knowledge can be useful to the Philippines. Their research involves assessing old and developing new ways of teaching a particular course, writing a new plan for the advanced training of graduates in a particular discipline, developing new computer techniques or moving into the area of pollution. One person is not presently engaged in any research directly, but spends large amounts of time coordinating graduate training with government and social service groups. The majority of ties of these scientists from cosmopolitan universities are into non-scientific but civic groups, agencies, industry and/or government. They serve as con- sultants, do research, give talks, hold seminars in addition to teachimg and doing administrative and committee work in their respective univerb sities. ‘Mbst of these scientists are also involved and concerned with helping to get their respective disciplines well established in the Philippines. To this end they are active in local professional societies. 105 Turning to those of the cosmopolitan universities with international ties, three of the five are in the same university. Each however, has his own style or pattern of contacts. One, for example, is a Chinese priest, a one-of-a-kind scientist with no scien- tific ties back into Philippine society, but with a few priestly ones. For this man, his scientific reference group is a small number of men scattered around the world with whom he corresponds, exchanges pre- prints and reprints, and in whose journals he publishes. There are not similar opportunities for him in the Philippines. One suspects that the religious order serves as an important mediating cushion in what otherwise would be an extremely isolated life. Another scientist at this same university is ostensibly much more involved in the affairs of the university, in the local discipline, and industry, and in strong personal and work-related ties to indivi- duals abroad. However, it is this scientist and not the former one that speaks of "intellectual isolation," and problems of having few others with whom to discuss scientific matters. ...in the end I wanted to come back to the Philip- pines....But after being back and getting back in I sometimes wonder if its worth it. I feel so helpless. It is a sacrifice in many ways; first financial and second, in terms of scientific atmosphere. The scientific climate is not the same (here) as in Germany or the States....Even if all the equipment was available it still wouldn't be the same because of the scientific climate. The equipment is only part of it. There is also the need for intellectual stimulation, for people to talk to, everyday; even if they're not doing the same kind of work, but are at least active and interested. Mbre than just a few such people are necessary for such an atmosphere. It is missing entirely here in the Philippines... 106 The third respondent from this university has non-scientific civic ties and scientific international ones. For her, there are no others in her particular speciality in the country, and few others in the same discipline. Hence, given the nature of her research and work interests, her scientific life has two main dimensions; one into non-scientific but civic segments of Philippine society, where industry, government, organizations and civic associations find her work extremely useful. The other dimension is a scientifically- based network abroad where her work feeds into and is relevant to the general worlddwide discipline. Any scientific ties she may have in the Philippines are with other social scientists not members of her own discipline. As she says, "The others in my field are just too overworked. Besides we all have different interests, none of theirs is similar to mine." 0f the two remaining scientists in this category, one also has non-scientific local ties and scientific international linkages. His field is a new one in the Philippines and he feels that it has a bright future. His interests involve, on the local scene, a two-fold challenge of creating interest in his field among various industries and yet, at the same time, producing trained people to meet these demands. In addition, he has become a "living link" between his own university and certain industries in terms of relating university research facilities to industrial problems, and industrial research support back to his university. His international ties are extensive enough so that he does not feel isolated, and has managed to go regularly abroad. 107 The remaining scientist in this category is a unique person who has both national and international ties which criss-cross and weave in and out of administrative as well as scientific activities. A well-known scientist in the Philippines, and someone with continued research support from abroad, this person is interested in relating industrial research work to theoretical issues in her field. In addition to doing research, being a Dean of a college, and working on a voluntary committee of the national professional society to suggest curricular changes, this individual also writes a column in one of the local newspapers and maintains an extensive correspondence abroad to other scientists. 3) Scientific Focus in the Primate University Complex In comparing the distribution of cases as represented in the following table, some revealing differences appear between units of the primate university complex. 108 TABLE 11: Type of Scientific Focus py Respondents in Primate University Complex Respondents in Primate University Complex University (U.P.D.), University (U.P.C.A.) Type of Focus No. Cases Percent No. Cases Percent 1. Nonpactive scientists Total 3 3 12 10 32 a. Never been active 0 4 b. Cease being active 0 O c. Reprofessionalizing 0 0 d. Potential undetermined 3 6 2. Philippine Focus Total = 4 16 ll 36 a. Local scientific O b. Local regional civic networks 4 c. National scientific networks 0 d. Local scientific and/networks civic 7 3. International Focus Total =18 72 10 32 a. International networks 2 O b. International and national networks 9 6 0. Local and international networks 4 3 d. Local civic and international scientific networks 3 1 Grand Total 25 100 31 100 an-active scientists: On the primary university campus of the State complex (U.P.D.), 12 percent of the respondents are non. active at the present time. They are young, recentlybreturned scienp tists who are still trying to determine their future course of action. For example, one physical scientist is considering how to become (and since the interview has become) more directly involved in social issues. From his point of view, the university is "too isolated from the rest of society." Another physical scientist has become embroiled in a 109 departmental struggle and, in addition, is becoming increasingly "nationalized" due to the influence of his students. He has managed to begin some research, supported by industry and government yet is unsure of his scientific future in the country. Whether he remains in the Philippines depends on his evaluation of the possibilities of remaining a viable scientist given Philippine conditions. The third as yet non-active person is a social scientist just returned from the States to her old unit in the university. Certain family considerations will demand her’most immediate attention, and it will be a number of years before her career takes shape. .At the primate State college of agriculture roughly a third (32 percent) of the respondents are non-active at the moment. Among them are four individuals who have never been active and six whose potential is as yet undetermined. Of the four who have never been active, two are in fields peripheral to the primary interests of the college. This is not the case with the other two. However all four people are in basically service courses; that is, two of the sample are working more as technical assistants within a prominent department than as indepen- dent scientists. The other two are in departments that are considered ancillary or supporting units to the rest of the college. The common difficulty of being peripheral in an institution is that of being ignored and continually on the short end in terms of funds, promotions, and recognition. To be peripheral in the college of agriculture is similar to being isolated in a small remote place in the country. Of the six whose potential is as yet undetermined, four have recently completed their advanced education abroad. It is too soon to 110 tell what kind of scientific styles they will develop. The other two scientists are at critical points in their careers, one thinking of leaving due to problems created by being a basic scientist in an atmos- phere of applied research, and disagreement with departmental and other faculty members over life styles. Such an individual has been typed as living a life of "injured merit," i.e., someone who has worked dutifully and hard in her own area, accomplishing a good deal of research, active in teaching and working with students. In general, she is an active scholar, but unrewarded and unrecognized by the general university community. The other scientist at a critical point in his career is a talented person assigned to work in an area that has great potential significance for the Philippines, but is as yet unrecognized and thereby unsupported by the university. Not having the funds to remain scien- tifically active in the area of work assigned to him, this scientist is working in another area of interest while waiting for some word on the future of research funding in his assigned area. Scientists with a Philippine Focus: Of the 25 scientists interviewed at the Dilhman campus, four (16 percent) have primarily a Philippine focus to their work. Two are from technical departments that are moving in the same direction as are the institutes on campus; i.e., deeper involvement with the public sector. The other two with a Philippine focus to their work are men who are at the top in their respective fields. They have held or presently hold top administrative posts in the university. They are respected scholars and teachers. They are widely published and have farbreaching scientific reputations within the Philippines. In addition both have civic ties that find lll them consulting for industry and government. For these scientists the future is problematic in a different way then it is for'most respondents. That is, how does one move on when you are already at the top of your field? ‘Migration is a possibility for both. However, neither appear to be inclined in that direction. One individual has forged a tie with a major Philippine industry that will provide him with ample research support and opportunity. The other individual contemplates shifting his research interests to a more international focus in the years to come, but can do this without leaving the Philippines. Eleven scientists (35 percent) from the state college of agri- culture (U.P.C.A.) have primarily a Philippine orientation to their work. In general, these eleven scientists are able to gain research support from Philippine industries, serve as consultants to government as well as to industries, to small and large farmers, and move also within a professional milieu within the country. ‘Many of the agri- cultural sciences have viable and active professional societies which bring scientists together from all over the Philippines for meetings and conferences. There are Journals, communication, and in general professional support for one another. In addition, there is an ‘Association of Colleges of.Agriculture of the Philippines (ACAP) which brings together eighteen of the better agricultural schools in the country in mutual faculty exchanges, Joint research, and meetings. In summary, for many agricultural scientists like these eleven, a full and active scientific life can be developed and maintained without having to turn outside the Philippines. 112 Scientists with an International Focus: That 18 of the 25 scientists (72 percent) in the sample from the primate university (U.P.D.) have an international scientific focus in their work is in keeping with general conditions and with the status of the university in the country. Net only has it had the most extensive and intensive support and ties abroad, the State university and its faculty continue to be fithg"'university to visit, and "the people to see" for almost any travelling foreigner passing through the Philippines. This campus of the State-supported complex is readily accessible to visitors, Just as the faculty are nearby to attend as consultants or speakers at various conferences and seminars. Having official status as the State school, requests or invitations sent to the Philippine government to attend conferences abroad for example, are passed on to the university. Once on a "circuit" no matter what kind, a person.usually tends to stay, and is then continually asked to attend, to represent, to speak for and to be the Philippine "authority” at.many different functions. The requests can come from agencies or groups increasingly removed from a person's original field, and he becomes known as a "general expert" rather than as a specialist. Caught in this routine, a few individuals becase ”science statesmen” abroad. Such activity often not only takes scientists away from more directly related scientific activity, but also involves fewer and fewer Filipinos in.some interb national circuits. One outcome of this general emphasis on some State university faculty to the exclusion of others is that certain people are over- ‘used, while talented others are ignored or underbutilized. .A small inpgroup of internationally known scientists come to represent the ll} larger Philippine collectivity, receive most recognition, yet often are overbextended, and overbworked. Interesting patterns in the types of networks being forged abroad are found in those nine scientists having national as well as interb national ties. There are three different patterns apparent in their networks. One is that being created by scientists whose work in the Philippines prompts them to turn to nonpacademic institutions abroad. For example, a particular research problem undertaken by a Filipino scientist was of a type not being done in universities abroad, but was being pursued by industries in Europe. Therefore his ties shifted from scientists in the academic world abroad to scientists in industry also working on similar problems. The same is the case for a second scientist. A third respondent is involved in a network unrelated to his original discipline but relevant to an administrative position he now holds. .A second trend is represented by three of the nine Filipino scientists who participate internationally in principally administrative networks, but the institutes they represent are also relevant to their own scientific training. Hence they are moving in administrative, yet science-related networks. The third trend finds three other Filipino respondents having purely international scientific networks that have grown out of their work in the Philippines. Of the nine scientists, six are actively engaged in helping and supporting their respective disciplines in the Philippines. In addi- tion, all of them.have ties into civic areas of the society as consultants, lecturers, advisers to industries, government, civic 11h groups and associations. Of the remaining nine scientists having an international focus to their work, seven of them have only select ties into their local pro- fessional societies in addition to international scientific networks, or they have no local supporting professional societies at all, as in the case of two respondents. If this is the case, they then have civic ties of some sort similar to those mentioned earlier in tonne of consultancies and so on. These scientists have to rely entirely on professional support from outside the Philippines. Turning to the figures for the state college of agriculture, ten scientists (32 percent) have primarily an international focus to their work. or the ten respondents, six have both national and inter- national networks which combine professional and civic involvement nationally, and professional involvement internationally. Examples of this type of scientist are those mentioned earlier who are equally at ease talking with farmers or giving papers at international conferences. iMbst of these scientists at the college of agriculture are doing work relevant in some way to Philippine prob- lems. However the nature of the work and the scientific disciplines represented by these scientists lend themselves also to contributions to international scientific knowledge generally. Three scientists at the college are working in areas of science that find support from among other scientists on campus, but have little or no professional support from within the Philippines as a whole. Another scientist in much the same situation has civic ties into the local area besides international networks, but enjoys little profes- sional support from elsewhere in the country. 115 I4) Sumag To review the data discussed in this section, the following table is given: TABLE 12: Response of Scientists to Scientific Environment by Type of Universitygand by Type of Scientific Focus. Type of Scientific Focus Type of Non-active Philippine International Total University No. Percent No. Percent No. Percent No. Percent Regional 8 27 15 50 7 23 30 100 Cosmopolitan ll 28 5 36 5 36 14 100 U.P.D. 5 12 h 16 18 72 25 100 U.P.C.A. IO 32 ll 35 10 32 31 100 Total 25 25 35 55 ho ho loo lOO Briefly one notes that of the 100 scientists included in the study, twenty-five can be considered as non-active scientists at the moment; thirty-five have primarily a Philippine orientation to their scientific work: and forty enjoy an international focus to their work. By type of university, one notices that non-active scientists constitute the highest percentage (32) at the primary State college of agriculture. Slightly more than a fourth of those at the Regional and Cosmopolitan universities are not presently active whereas only 12 percent (3 scientists) are not actively engaged in research at the Diliman came of the State University. Factors related to the number of non-active scientists at the State college of agriculture are: a) the nature of their assignment in the university: i.e., either as technicians or in non-supported areas of dominant departments; 116 b) they came from fields peripheral to the main orientation of the college or university and hence were unsupported and unrecognized; c) they were themselves undecided how to best maximize their scien- tific skills and training, whether to leave or stay in the Philippines, and if to stay what role to take in the light of present Philippine conditions. In regional and cosmopolitan universities non-active static appears related to scientists: a) who have not finished with their advanced education and are thereby limited in participating inter- national networks: b) who are over involved in teaching or other duties with insufficient time for research; or c) who do not have equipment, facilities, financial support for certain kinds of research. (For example, agriculturally—related disciplines are by and large better supported throughout the Philippine than any other area of science. Hence scientists in these fields are more likelyto receive some kind of research support than are scientists from other disciplines.) Scientists with primarily a Philippine focus in their work also vary by type of university. Fifty percent from regional universities, slightly more than a third at both the primary State college of agriculture and the eempolitan universities, but only one-sixth at the Diliman campus of the State University have a Philippine focus to their research. me high involvement of scientists in regional universities in Philippine-related research is in keeping with the orientation of the universities with which they are affiliated. That is, among the regional universities, one, Mindanao State University, is primarily concerned with the integration of a cultural minority into the 117 mainstream of Philippine society. Another (Xavier University), is dedicated to improving the agriculture and general standard of living of the people in its region of the Philippines. The third university (Sillimsn), is concentrating on extension programs to its surrounding areas, and the fourth, while an urban university (University of San Carlos) is slowly reaching out in the area of urban problems. Disciplines related to the main interests of these universities get such of the funds and resources available for research. In some regional universities this means that the biological sciences are favored: in another agriculture and social science; in a third, social science, primarily; in the fourth, technical fields and social science. By university type, the main campus of the State University (U.P.D.) has the highest percent of its respondents involved in scientific work with an international focus (72 percent). This is due, in part, to the interplay between type of scientific discipline and patterns of foreign assistance. That is, in colleges, institutes and schools within the university, the availability of foreign research assistance allows individual scientists to pursue a wide variety of research interests, which may be quite unrelated to Philippine prob- lems but which are funded nonetheless. If scientists are reliant on the Philippine government as their primary source of research support, their work must be predominantly applied in nature. Government funds for basic research are quite limited. (Roughly 11 percent of the total funds available for research was allocated in 1966 to the Philippine National Research Council which handles basic research funding in the country.) 118 ‘With proportionately more foreign assistance going to the State University complex for research and development, it is not surprising that scientists on the main university campus are international in their research focus. Also the other factors mentioned of accessi- bility to foreign visitors, the greater opportunities to be on international circuits, and to acquire one's advanced education abroad, all serve to foster and sustain an international orientation among scientists in the State University. E. C_h_apter Stunnery This chapter has delineated types of institutional linkages among Philippine universities and.universities abroad, including different types of sponsorship of Filipinos abroad for advanced education. .Also considered is the geographical location of univer- sities, their institutional environment and influence on the scien- tific lives of Philippine scientists. In response to institutional environments, Philippine scientists have made different kinds of adjustments, and have fashioned different kinds of scientific lives. One trend is the data as shown by 35 scientists who have developed a Philippine focus in their scientific work. Another trend is shown by to scientists whose work is primarily international in focus. Twenty-five scientists in the sample were not actively engaged in any scientific research at the time of the study. The following chapter will consider in more detail, personal social factors of types of scientific third cultural networks that 119 are being fashioned by Philippine scientists. In addition, the characteristics of scientists with third cultural scientific networks will be compared with scientists who do not have third cultural scientific networks. CHAPTER III PERSONAL SOCIAL FACTORS 01“ THIRD CULTURAL NETWORKS The previous chapter discussed the various combinations that networks can have for the scientific work of Philippine scientists in terms of a Philippine focus, an international focus or a canbination of both. In that chapter the interplay of institutional and social- environmental factors and scientific atmosphere were considered, particularly as they combined to influence the type of response scien- tists made to different university scientific envirorments. The focus of this chapter will be on scientific third cultural networks, their patterning and variety. Networks are the vehicles or nascent forms of social organization by which third cultures develop, are shared and maintained. These networks will be considered from the viewpoint of scientists themselves, and will include: 1) the charac- teristics of scientific third cultures as they relate to total scien- tific disciplines or We collectivities, and to the personal networks of scientists themselves; 2) the purpose or functions that networks have for different Philippine scientists; 3) the different modes of participation in scientific third cultures and the different networks that develop, as well as it) the centrality of third cultural networks to scientific identities of respondents; and 5) a comparison of respondents with and without third cultural scientific networks. 120 121 For the modalities that center around different kinds of scien- tific networks, a number of factors will be considered for each modality. They are: gender of respondents, university affiliation, type of research being done, field of science, highest degree earned, place of education for highest degree, sources of research funding, and average age. unique cases or those which fit no modality will also be considered. A. Qppgacteristics of Scientific Third Cultures 1. Science Collectivities and Personal Networks of Scientists In conceptualizing the patterning of science around the world, a basic distinction needs to be made between the distribution of a science itself; i.e., the collectivit , and the personal network that any particular scientist may have. The collectivity represents the ecological distribution of a science, where it is located geographically or centered in various countries; which countries send their people to which centers for training: and the general distribution around the world of trained scientists in a particular field. The collective distribution may not form a complete linkage system. For example, science centers in mainland China are not part of a world linkage pattern, but by and large are separate entities going their own way, doing their own research, and training their own people. A.1anguage problem further curtails the translation and communication.among different scientific communities such as the Russians, the Chinese and the Japanese. However, in speaking of a scientific discipline as it is dispersed around the world, the term science collectivity includes and refers to the world wide patterning of that science. 122 The personal network of a scientist is not necessarily cotenminous with the science collectivity of a certain discipline. In the Philip- pines, for example, the political restrictions prohibiting contact and columnication with Russia and other Iron Curtain countries excludes Russian and other centers of science from the personal networks of Philippine scientists. While Russian centers are part of the larger world collectivity of different scientific disciplines, it is possible for Philippine scientists to know of these centers but‘ppp to have 'pigp,to them. ‘a scientific network represents the specific ties and cognitive map of a particular scientific discipline from the perspective and experience of a scientist himself. It may encompass much of the world science collectivity (an extensive network) or it may be limited to only a small part of the total ( a nascent network). An intensive network may include 1) high involvement with everyone in a numerically small discipline; i.e., where network and collectivity may overlap, or 2) high involvement with only a few of the total collectivity of a scientific discipline. Such distinctions will be discussed in greater detail later in the chapter. 2. Elements of Scientific Third Cultures Scientific third cultures are anchored in trans-societal scien- tific networks as they interwine, change and develop, as active scientists sharing similar interests come together, interact, collob- crate in research, exchange articles and preprints, share knowledge, and train one another's students. Networks in general refer to non- institutionalized forms of interaction which are apt to be tenuous, 12} fluid and individually created. They are different from.and more flexible than the forms of interaction found in organizations, formal groups, or other formalized social groupings. The concept network deals with the configuration of the sheer numbers of interacting people involved, and their distribution; much like the "points in a grid" as Barnes (1954) originally defined it. Third Culture con- ceptualizes the forms of behavior that develop in the process of scientists interacting with one another, and include as well the shared normsand values that also develop to guide and foster interaction among scientists. The team "culture" is considered an appropriate word to summarize the process that is occurring. That is, as in any culture, what guides human behavior, the norms and values and other social form, are continually changing and taking on new meanings and defini- tions for the participants as situations change. So, too, this occurs with the process of interaction among scientists Joining from countries and societies all over the world in a continuing but flexible, and changing process of creating and sharing scientific knowledge. Turning to characteristics of scientific third cultures, the following should be noted: a. 'What a scientific third culture is perceived as being at any one time depends on the perspective of the scientist involved. That is, where one is, in terms of analyzing a scientific third culture, influences one's view of the network and its primary reference points. For example, the centers of most scientific disciplines exist outside the Philippines. Therefore a scientific third culture from the perspective of a Philippine scientist involves looking beyond the confines of the Philippines. 12h b. Which countries are perceived as being centers of science, who participates in, and the nature of the ties fashioned within networks are also largely influenced by factors only partially related to science itself. That is,the perceptions of and participation in scientific third cultures are influenced by historical colonial patterns, by nee-colonial conditions and present-day policies of nations. What a network is or>may become also depends on the institu- tional affiliation and geographical location of the scientist himself. c. Scientific third cultures transcend any one grouping in a nation. That is, being a scientist in one of the centers of science does not automatically mean that one belongs to a scientific third culture. The obverse also applies, that is, one is not automatically excluded fra participation in scientific third cultures simply by fact of geographical location outside a center of science. The point is that scientific third cultures are created by individuals ire respective of geographical location. {a close corollary to this is the following. d. Being part of a scientific third culture implies an awareness or consciousness of participants regarding others in the network. This does not mean that everyone a scientist knows in a network, known each other. It does mean, however, that networks as artifacts do not Just happen, rather they are consciously developed and maintained. while it has been pointed out that "introductions" to scientific third cultures may be ”inherited” for example, that being educated abroad is an intrinsic part of being hired in certain Philippine universities, active participation in third cultural networks cannot be inherited but must be individually activated. 125 e. There is not a single "scientific third culture." Rather there are any number of them depending on scientific discipline, the different participants involved in them, the ecological distribution of the collectivity and network members, the type of research being done, or interests bringing them together (for example whether dis- cipline or non-discipline related, administrative rather than scien- tific) and other variables. f. Third cultures also are not necessarily perceived by all the participants as positive or "good." As enacted by some scientists third cultures become avenues for neo-colonialism, and are viewed as exploitation by other participants. The values, and artifacts carried by third cultures may also be appraised by one side or another as inimicable or conflicting to certain national values or cultures. g. In addition, there is not just one type of third culture. That is, there are different patternings of the third cultures that vary with historical and societal circumstances. For example, the colonial third cultural patterns in the Philippines were based on relationships that were inherently superordinate - subordinate in nature. That is, the Americans controlled the major positions in Philippine government, including science, and the subsequent interb action with Philippine scientists was predicated on this power. Filipinos did not have control of science as it existed in the Philip— pines at that time, as it was the Americans who decided which Filipinos should go for what training, in what fields, at which schools. Americans controlled the careers and opportunities of educated Fili- pino scientists when they returned to the Philippines. It was prima- rily.American scientific interests and networks that linked the 126 Philippines with the world of science. Filipinos who developed their own networks, and attained some international reputation based their work and their scientific identities on the American model. Philippine science during the American period was very much an American "import." As will be discussed in more detail later, with the development of more established and independent Philippine scientific disciplines there is a shift in the patterning of relationships between.Americans and Philippine scientists. From patterns of superordinate - subordinate relationships, the patterning becomes based more on eggality and reciprocity between and among participants, including scientists from other countries besides America. The shift in the basis of the re- lationships comes as certain Philippine disciplines begin to be known internationally for making significant contributions to not only Philippine problems, but to general scientific knowledge as well. That this often involves the focusing on Philippine problems, centered on applied rather than basic research, with pay-off to national govern- ment delivery systems are only further indications of the independent nature of such scientific disciplines. Independence then involves Philippine scientists choosing their own research problems, gaining their own funds, publishing where they will, and having the freedom to participate or not in networks abroad and on their own terms if they do choose to establish contact with scientists elsewhere in the world. Relationships based on patterns of equality and reciprocity are indi- cative of the norms of "modern third cultures." 3. Functions of Networks for Philippine Scientists For Philippine scientists, being part of a scientific third culture enables them in varying degrees, to participate in scientific 127 affairs outside the Philippines. For some scientists this means receiving science journals only, or simply following the main inter- national literature in the field. Other Philippine scientists rely on scientific third cultural networks to provide them with knowledge, and professional ties abroad including membership in foreign scien- tific societies, attendance at international scientific meetings, meeting scientists from other countries, exchanging reprints, materials and information. For still other Philippine scientists, third cultural scientific networks provide them with continuous personal contact and support as well as professional ties. In varying degrees, participation in scientific third cultures offers the "stimulation and support" necessary to maintain the morale of many of the scientists in the sample. Continuous exchange of letters, materials, reprints and preprints provides much of an intel- lectual dialogue otherwise missing for some scientists within the Philippines. It is often mentioned by Philippine scientists that even with others in their same scientific fields, there is little criticism or exchange of opinion regarding someone's work. "There is one big problem with the technical people in this country, I think, they don't talk to each other often enough or lengthily enough." In addition, it is often noted that Philippine scientists rarely ask one another for reprints of articles, or ask about another's research activity. I guess there are about three other people that I can talk to on certain matters, but not anything that really matters to me about problems I'm confronting in my research....0n my last article I didn't get any requests for reprints from within the Philippines, but maybe ho or 50 from outside... Under these circumstances third cultural contacts are often the only 128 way that Philippine scientists can obtain a respected appraisal of their work. Contact abroad often augments the local situation in such a way that numerous scientists mention their willingness to remain in the Philippines so long as they felt they were able to function as scien- tists and yet "do" something for their country. One way that ties outside the Philippines augments the local situation, is by providing access to equipment and facilities not otherwise available. This allows some kinds of research to continue in the Philippines that would not otherwise be possible. Supplementary to personal support and communication, scientific third cultures provide for continuing professional ties. In addition, networks involve an intellectual give and take, and a certain recip- rocity. .Along with all that Philippine scientists receive from net- works, they also are publishing their findings, exchanging articles, materials, and opinions, going as visiting professors, and collaborat- ing in research. One of the most important functions of international networks is that it provides the opportunity for Philippine scientists to contribute to world science, an opportunity that is dependent on third cultural participation. Without belonging to some network, it is extremely difficult to publish abroad, to keep up with the field, to receive outside funding, collaborate in research, make one's work known, or otherwise gain international reputation. Contributions include the specific work of Philippine scientists but can also involve knowledge regarding the influence of Philippine conditions on certain scientific processes or research. As one visiting German professor stated, regarding some joint research being 129 done between scientists in a German university and Philippine scientists I've done this experiment hundreds of times in Germany, If I hadn't done it here myself in the Philippines, I wouldn't believe there could be such variation possible in the experiments. If I hadn't come here I wouldn't have believed it possible. (The German professor is referring to the differential effects Philippine climatic conditions had on a frequently done experiment in Germany which yielded different results when done in the Philippines.) Networks bring together scientists sharing similar interests some of whom do collaborative research together in spite of the distances separating them. Ties abroad also allow for close personal ties in- volving more than the scientific selves of individuals involved. A close friendship made while a student abroad, or developing with a person sharing similar scientific interests are frequently maintained and continued. The discussion of functions of networks for scientists has mainly focused on what networks themselves provide or make available. However, much of the actual benefit derived from them is influenced by the university setting in which a scientist finds himself. The complementarity of personal scientific networks and institutional linkages abroad constitutes the foreign scientific resource base that a scientist has. Where universities have strong institutional ties abroad, there appears to be less need for highly personal scientific networks abroad in some cases. But more than that, the nature of the personal networks changes, given the institutional setting in which scientists work. Where a scientist is one-of-a-kind, networks can 130 become a critical lifeline in sustaining a scientific identity. There are few people to talk to here in my field. For exchange of information, I have to rely on friends abroad who write, send Journals and re- prints of articles. In other instances where the institutional setting is relatively congenial to and supportive of science, personal networks abroad tend to be adjuncts to a full Philippine scientific life. In such instances, networks are not so much lifelines as they are ancillary sources of contact and interaction. Our department is composed mostly of young men. The department supports and helps you improve. It is a good work environment and there is ample scope for each person to work....The results of your work and efforts are in rank, promotions, money and repu- tation. I have been generously rewarded with all of these. There is nothing which I lack....(From) correspondence, Journals, reprints you get an idea of what problems are being worked on (abroad). Different institutions for example, depending on their sponsorship and connections abroad, have access to certain foreign agencies, founda- tions, and governments which deal in large grants for "institution building.” Institution building often defines a "proper" institution in a Western sense, but nonetheless makes available curriculum and faculty development programs, building programs, and technical assistance including library grants, facilities and equipment for research. Institutional linkages often constitute broader contact with the outside world involving numerous Philippine faculty and staff in many and varied ways. That is, rather than being the personal domain of a single individual, institutional links are usually more position- related and less person-dependent, thereby enabling more people to partake of them. In some cases, it does happen that a single indi- vidual comes to dominate and control the institutional linkages of his 131 university as if they were personal networks. Access to foreign resources then becomes an additional source or indication of internal power for such individuals who control institutional linkages. The limitations of institutional linkages are that they are more subject to national societal conditions than are personal networks. For example, the growing anti-American feeling in the Philippines makes it extremely difficult for universities to accept American aid of any kind. As one scientist remarked, "We were hoping to get a Ford grant, but then all the trouble with the students started, so we've had to drop the idea for the time being." Even though the assistance is of critical importance in augmenting other university resources in keeping certain programs of the university running, the strong feelings of students and some faculty against any American aid, makes this linkage system.an extremely sensitive issue on some Philippine campuses. ...I think the University was mistaken in turning down the Dow Chemical company contract. There has been another contract turned down...sponsored by the U.S. Air Force....I thought the President (of the University) was pressured by the students to turn it down. I thought it was a mistake because we need the information, too... Personal scientific networks on the other hand, are less visible and can.be maintained in spite of the general tumult in the society. Personal scientific networks are limited, however, in various ways as well. For example, they are limited to whom you know within a particular field or speciality of science. If one has to change fields, as often happens in the Philippines, it is difficult to establish new networks, or’maintain the old ones. As one scientist mentioned: 132 I used to write to my professors and some friends about my work. But I stopped when I began working in this other field. I don't know anybody yet in this new area, although I've written to some people. Another limitation of personal networks is that they can be "owned" by particular individuals. A single scientist well tied in with cheagues abroad, may not extend the benefits of his network to others, nor may others participate in it. In this sense institutional linkages are broader as they tend to involve a whole field or department such as economics, agronomy, engineering rather than single individuals. In summary, scientific networks have a number of functions for participating Philippine scientists. For some, third cultural scien. tific networks augment the local scientific environment in which critical facets of science may be lacking. For others, networks abroad are an added dimension to an otherwise full scientific life. Networks for these individuals are often less a necessity than they are an extension of one's scientific world. For still other scientists, third cultural scientific networks are of secondary or minor importance to them, due to a variety of reasons, but which at a minimum brings scientific knowledge into the country to them. As will be discussed later, among scientists having no third cultural ties, there are a few who consciously eschew scientific third cultures as they are seen as being basically imperialistic and neo- colonial. These scientists think that Philippine science should be more relevant to the pressing social problems of the society. It should be more indigeneous and self-contained, and it should be less dependent on foreign influence and domination. 133 h. 'Variations in Participation In Scientific Third Cultures Not all scientists in the sample are active participants in third cultural networks. Of the one hundred Philippine scientists interviewed, fiftyanine have some kind of third cultural involvement. Fortybone (41) scientists have none. Scientists with no third-cultural networks at the time of the study are, by and large, those whose scientific activities and iden- tities are contained solely within the Philippines. This includes scientists who have the potential of creating third cultural ties at some later date, but have not done so due to absence from the field, reprofessionalizing inexperience,and newness in science. Also included in this category of non-third cultural ties are those scientists who only receive knowledge from abroad but who do not reciprocate in kind. This would encompass those who receive foreign journals in order to keep up with events in the field, and who use this knowledge in terms of specific Philippine problems and concerns. Included also are those few who eschew all foreign contact as being inherently against the best interests of the Philippines. These few might become the core of what may become national disciplines. The scientists themselves are highly nationalistic. Basic to the difference between Philippine scientists with third culture networks in contrast to those withoxt film is an expanded aware- ness or broader outlodk regarding science and their own scientific identities. For some of those without third cultural ties, science appears to be less an end in itself and more an instrumentality in achieving other ends. For some, science functions as an occupation, 134 and in this regard obviates what Storer and others postulate as being the norms of science. In general, these are scientists whose scientific focus and identity are bounded by the Philippines itself, and who re- ceive sufficient support and stimulation from.within the country to make outside contact unimportant or unnecessary. This is in contrast to scientists with third cultural ties who have a Philippine focus to their work, but who also maintain ties abroad. In comparing specific characteristics of scientists with or with- out third cultural networks, Table 1} summarizes the data. 0f the 100 respondents in the study, fifty-nine have third cultural networks and forty-one do not. 135 TABLE 1}: Characteristics of Philippine Scientists as Participgpts or Non-Particiwts in Scientific 'Ihird Cultural Networks. Scientific Third Cultural Networks Third NonyThird Qhagacteristic Culture Culture Total No. Percent Nb. Percent NETT Percent Total 59 .59 hl #1 100 100 Gender Male #6 65 25 35 71 100 Female 13 #5 16 55 29 100 Ave e e h} -- 37 -- Range (27-68) (23-67) Hi est De e Earned 24.11. .3. 8 51 18 69 26 100 Ph.D. 51 68 2} 32 74 100 Place of Education for Biggest Dame Philippines 7 39 11 61 18 100 Southeast.Asia 1 50 l 50 2 100 Australia 1 100 O -- 1 100 India 1 100 O -- l 100 Europe 5 85 1 17 6 100 united States hh 61 28 39 72 100 Area of Science Social Science 18 58 13 #2 31 100 Physical Science 12 #6 1h 54 26 100 Life Science 29 67 1h 33 h} 100 of Research Applied 32 6O 21 #0 53 100 Basic 22 67 11 3) 33 100 No Researdh 5 36 9 6# 1h 100 Uhiversitz.Affiliation Regional 13 h} 17 57 30 100 Cosmopolitan 8 57 6 43 1h 100 Primate U.P.D. 20 80 5 20 25 100 U.P.C.A. 18 58 l} #2 51 100 136 a. Gender: Of the twenty-nine women in the sample, the split is about even between those having third cultural networks and those who do not. The figures are 13 or 45 percent with networks abroad and 16 or 55 percent with no such ties. Among the sixty-seven males in the sample, the split is roughly two-thirds to one-third. That is, forty-six males or 65 percent have some kind of ties abroad, while 25 or 35 percent do not. b. Highest Degree Earned: In the study, twenty-six scientists have master's degrees only, while seventybfour have doctorate degrees. Of those with master‘s only, roughly one-third; i.e., eight or 32 percent are involved in networks abroad. Two-thirds, 69 percent or eighteen scientists with master's degrees have no such active ties abroad. Among the seventybfour scientists with Ph.D.s, fifty-one of them or 68 percent are involved in third cultural networks abroad, while twenty-three or 32 percent are not. While not mandatory, holding a doctorate's degree increases the likelihood of Philippine scientists participating in networks abroad. This is due to the increased scientific qualifications for partici- pating in networks by scientists. That is, advanced education pro- vides the scientific knowledge for one to communicate with others in the same speciality; This depends on the type of scientific speciality in which one is working. In more taxonomic areas, for example, the latest in scientific knowledge is not necessary in order for Philip- pine scientists to discuss their work with others. In fields such as theoretical physics, or mathematics, however, recent and up-to- date knowledge is necessary in order to maintain contact abroad. 137 c. Place of Education for Highest Degrees: 0f the forty-one Philippine scientists with no active third cultural ties abroad, eleven were educated in the Philippines, one in Thailand, one in Europe and twenty-eight in the United States. This distribution corresponds to that of scientists with third cultural scientific networks, except for the following: 1) In the total sample there are eighteen scientists who received their advanced education exclusively in the Philippines. Eleven of these eighteen or 61 percent are not involved in scientific networks abroad; seven of eighteen or 59 percent do have some type of ties abroad. 2) Considering the participation in networks abroad, of those educated in the States,fortyafour of the total of seventy-two or 61 percent,have scientific ties abroad; twenty-eight or 39 percent do not. The data show a strong tendency,but not an overwhelming trend, regarding either degree earned or place of education and third cul- tural participation. That is,roughly one-third of the scientists having only master's degrees are involved in scientific networks abroad: while roughly a third with Ph.D.s do not have ties abroad. In addition, close to 40 percent of those educated in the Philippines are participating in networks abroad, while roughly the same percent of those educated in the States are not actively involved at all. Reasons for such discrepancies point up the importance of ecological factors in the patterning of scientific activity. That is, explana- tion of the variation in the data involves factors such as type of 1:8 discipline to which scientists belong, the relative priority of various disciplines in governmental planning and support; the degree of establishment and institutionalization of the science, including the type and state of delivery system, the location of universities and so on. d. Area of Science: While the proportion of life scientists in the total sample is fairly high; i.e., #3 percent, the proportion of life scientists participating in scientific third cultural networks is also high. Of the forty-three life scientists in the sample, twenty-nine or 67 percent are participants in third cultural networks, whereas fourteen or 33 percent are not. The social sciences are represented in the total sample by thirty- one respondents. Among social scientists, eighteen of them or 58 percent are participants in scientific third cultures. Thirteen scientists or #2 percent are nonpparticipants. Among the twenty-six physical scientists in the study, twelve of them or #6 percent are participating in some kind of scientific network abroad. However, fourteen or 5% percent are not presently active in such networks. A factor that helps explain the pattern of participation in the physical sciences is that of obsolescence in scientific knowledge and technique in different fields. The physical sciences are more empha- sized and deal more with the forefront of knowledge in developed countries than in developing nations. In the latter, the life sciences are more emphasized and given greater support. What occurs is a rapid expansion and turnpover in knowledge and technique in the physical 139 sciences in the more advanced countries not matched elsewhere. For physical scientists in the less advanced countries, there is greater probability, therefore, of becoming obsolete sooner unless they can keep right on top of changes and developments in their field of specialization. However, it is harder to keep up with rapid changes in these fields,as compared to others,because the Journals are less satisfactory as sourcescf information and recent developments. Pre- prints, reprints, correspondence are more valued sources of informa- tion. In addition, having access to these sources requires being on a network in order to receive them. As compared with other scientists, the physical scientist in the Philippines has a more difficult time in staying up with his field, in remaining up to date in terms of knowledge and technique,and in doing the type of research that is of international stature. Given the lack of many local Journals in their particular fields of spe- cialization, the physical scientists do not have the alternative of publishing in specialized Philippine Journals, as do other scientists. Hence, the added dilemma of having to do research of international worth in order to publish at all. ‘With these problems and the added difficulties involved in shortages of facilities, equipment, and funds, it is not surprising that slightly more than half the physical scien- tists in the study are not active in international scientific networks. Mhny developing countries are more dependent on the‘West in the physical sciences than in either the agriculturally-related life sciences, or in the social sciences. In the latter two areas, informa- tion and knowledge relevant to Philippine conditions often contributes to general scientific knowledge. Given the nature of the disciplines 11:0 themselves, this is less often the case in the physical sciences. e. Type of Research: In the study, a total of 53 percent of the scientists are doing applied research; i.e., work of immediate use to the Philippines. Of these, thirty-two scientists or 60 percent of them have networks abroad; twentyaone or #0 percent do not. Thirty-three are doing basic research; twenty-two of them or 67 percent are involved in third cultural ties, eleven of them or 3} percent are not. The eleven scientists doing basic research, but not actively involved in networks abroad, represent somewhat of an anomoly in terms of other trends in the data. Nbch of the analysis so far has pointed to the proclivity of scientists doing basic research to look outside the Philippines for scientific dialogue and support. It has also been assumed that scien- tists doing basic research are more from the physical sciences than from the other major areas of science. An analysis of the interviews of the eleven respondents doing basic research but without contact abroad, shows interesting patterns of variation. 1) Non-Participant Scientists in Third Cultures Doing Basic Research For one thing, the type of research being done by such scientists which they labelled "basic" research, is more fundamental or theoret- ical in nature rather than basic in the "pure" science sense. That is, the work is "basic" to the development of knowledge in respective disciplines in the Philippines, but often involves work that is tangential or fringe to the interests of the larger international science collectivity. Such knowledge may indirectly be of international lhl scientific value eventually, but is not part of the international "hot spots" or'major areas of interest. Ekamples of such.work are those dealing with parameters of oysters, varieties of phytoplankton in a Philippine bay, the ecology of a particular variety of tree borer, and the hydrology of Philippine rivers. There are other research problems being done which may have greater direct impact in international circles than those projects mentioned above. These projects involve work in graph theory, toxins of certain Philippine fungi, basic research in amines, and in hydro- carbons from cocoanut oil. However, inherent in both types of research mentioned, is the fact that none of these projects are highly controversial in their respective disciplines, nor are the researchers in danger of being "scooped" or preempted by work done elsewhere in the world. Hence, there is not the pressure of priortiy problems nor, as an extension of this, a reliance on immediate knowledge or up-to-the-minute information on the status of work being done by others in the same problem area. In addition, most of these eleven scientists are, on the average, five years younger than other scientists with no third cultural net- works. It is interesting to speculate whether or not these scientists represent new patterns in Philippine science; i.e., a movement toward the development of indigenous Philippine science, with research prob- lems, education and other accoutrements of science being Philippine- oriented and contained. The factor of age also indicates that it is too early to tell what the future will be like for’many of these scientists. At 32 years on the average, many of them.have Just returned from abroad and their 1&2 scientific careers have not been long enough as yet to have earned them.much scientific recognition of any kind. By field of science, of the eleven scientists doing basic research but without ties abroad, four of them are from the physical sciences: six are from.the life sciences and one is from the social sciences. In regard to education; four have master's degrees and seven have Ph.D.s. Three of the master's degree holders are affiliated with regional universities; four scientists are from the primate college of agri- culture (U.P.C.A.), three are affiliated with the primate university (U.P.D.), and one is from a cosmopolitan university. Many of these scientists appear to have high potential for scien- tific involvement abroad if they so choose. However, because most of them.come from scientific disciplines that already are or are becoming well-established in the Philippines, they have the opportunity of becoming highly nationalistic yet scientific as well. As one respondent said, I would refuse any scholarship abroad. I want to finish my degree here. Going abroad removes me from the problems of my society and coopts me into American imperialism. I want no part of it. His sentiments are shared by a small but growing number of younger scientists who belong to disciplines that are fairly well established in the country. Indicative of an "independence movement" in the sciences from.foreign domination is the positions of some of the younger scientists. That is, there is a combination of scientific and political ideals that guides and mutually influences their behavior. The fact that their fields of science are developed enough to offer them a place, advanced education, and, in this sense, a future, makes them 143 more critical of foreign influences in Philippine science. On the other hand, politically, many of these same scientists are quite radical in their assessment of Philippine society. In this sense they are anti-government, anti-elite and anti-the-existing-political-system. The ironies arise because they are involved in societal issues. They are involved as individuals; but this extends into their work as scientists. They would like to continue to use their scientific skills for the benefit of the country, yet at the same time they are working for independent science as well as a changed Philippine society. (An interesting note on the third culture: Many of the ideas and heroes, both ideologically and politically come from the West, particularly the States. Hewever, the model of a good society and the means to get there derive from Mao. In either case, the Philippine radicals are part of a revolutionary third culture which brings them information, ideas, and models from which they fashion their own radical stance in the Philippines.) These scientists have the skills and knowledge to direct their work and to contribute to society,and the Philippine society on certain levels is willing to accept, use and support their science. However, the tension arises because the same elements that support science will react negatively or repress, if sufficiently threatened, the political beliefs and activities of these young scientists. One can compare the situation of these young scientists of the present day, with the situation that faced Philippine scientists before them. Under the Americans, Philippine scientists educated abroad returned to government positions, or to teaching posts in a system where the Americans were on top, and the basic definition of the scientific enterprise was American. 14h Even after political independence, Philippine science remained largely dependent science, relying on foreign universities for the education of Philippine scientists, accepting the foreign definition of research problems and science model as their own, importing and grafting science as it existed abroad on to the Philippine system with little concern with ”goodness of fit." This is not to say that Philippine science did not develop; some disciplines did very well. In fact, it is within these areas that new opportunities now exist for new definitions of these sciences to arise, and for new relationships to be forged abroad. Such relationships will be based on the independence of certain disciplines from foreign domination. The new relationships will be largely equalitarian and reciprocal rather than embodying the superordinate-subordinate pattern existing in colonial situations. f. University Affiliation: The distribution of the sample by university type consists of thirty scientists being in regional universities; fourteen affiliated with cosmopolitan universities, twenty-five coming from the primate university (U.P.D.), and thirty-one scientists affiliated with the primate college of agriculture (U.P.C.A.). By and large, most respondents are faculty members with a variety of duties involving teaching, committee work, and consulting. However, a number are primarily in administration as departmental chairmen, (l7), Deans, (8), or Directors of various institutes, (9). By participation in third cultures, the most unequal incidence is found in the Diliman campus of the state-supported complex. Of the twenty-five scientists interviewed, twenty of them or 80 percent have 1&5 third cultural ties abroad, while only five or 20 percent are at the present time without such ties. This pattern is much more clearbcut than it is in other universities. In the state-supported college of agriculture (U.P.C.A.), the distribution is more evenly divided. Eighteen scientists of thirty-one or 58 percent have networks abroad, while thirteen scientists or #2 percent are not involved. In regional universities, of the total thirty respondents, thirteen or #3 percent have third cultural ties, while seventeen or 57 percent have no such networks. Of respondents in cosmopolitan universities eight scientists or 57 percent are participants in third cultural networks. Six scientists in these universities or 43 percent are nonpparticipants in scientific third cultures. These figures follow what has been described earlier as the institutional environment of different universities. As mentioned, three of the four regional universities in the sample are sectarian institutions with the primary means of institutional support coming from.outside the Philippines. The institutional links that do exist are primarily concerned with finances, policy, building programs and only tangentially concerned with science. The fourth regional univerb sity while a Philippine state university, shares in common with the others a primary concern with institution building, involving for example, buildings and undergraduate curricula rather than developing disciplines or scientific activity. under such conditions science per se is of low priority. In addition, the three regional sectarian universities are isolated by Philippine law from support from the Philippine government, 146 and until recently, by policy from support from.United States govern- ment and.many agencies as well. The regional State university is hampered by geographical isolation in its relationships with the Philippine government. Hence for scientists affiliated with these universities, it is more difficult to rely on institutional links to maintain contact abroad. Scientists also are not under pressure to publish or perish, to do research or to remain active, hence it is largely through their own effort that ties are established abroad. Given these circumstances, the fact that almost half of the scientists interviewed from these schools have ties abroad, is as much an indica- tion of a commitment to science as anything else. As mentioned earlier, institutional links not being coterminous with personal networks means that in an otherwise satisfactory scien- tific environment, outside support and communication is not as im- portant for individual scientists, and as such, is not as sought after. For the college of agriculture, for example, the links abroad are mediated and maintained primarily by administrators of the college. These administrators, once active scientists themselves, have a basic understanding of the scientific process and are quite effective in ‘melding local needs with external foundation or government grants. (The role of the science administrator in developing countries is extremely critical in the development of the scientific counnunity in nations. Individuals have the delicate task of getting support, either national or foreign, for local science; a task which requires balance between government priorities, for example, and personal preferences of scientists involved; compromise between national 147 priorities and scientific ones, and national desires and foreign programmatic pressures.) 5. Variations in Scientific Networks Abroad In analyzing the data of scientists with networks abroad, three patterns of involvement become apparent. They involve patterns of extensive, intensive, and nascent involvement in scientific networks outside the Philippines. Such categories are heuristic devices to highlight the variations shown by the data. Quite generally, the distinctions differentiate among broad, relatively diffuse ties; those of a more narrow, or concentrated nature, and those ties extremely sparse, tenuous and fragile in nature. The three categories also refer to the patterning of the interaction among scientists in the same network, and to the larger science collectivity. a. Extensive Ties Scientists with extensive third cultural networks are individuals ‘with comprehensive knowledge of their field, of its active center, of the people in it, of the latest problems and issues of interest. They themselves are often well-known, internationally-recognized scientists holding pivotal positions in scientific networks. These are the scientists who are a "must" to be seen by any foreign scientist in the same field travelling through the Philippines. They themselves often do lots of travelling, to attend international science meetings, to teach as exchange professors and so on. These Philippine scientists follow the work in their fields through the international scientific literature, by going to international meetings, by exchanging reprints and preprints with others in the same field. It often appears, 148 however, that personal contact and communication with scientists from all over the world are their primary sources of information for keeping abreast of events in their fields. They are usually in correspondence with fellow scientists from all over the world, and in this sense their actual ties match fairly closely the distribution of the total science collectivity for that field. Such ties, however, are often focused on work-related problems and do not generally carry over into non-scientific personal dimensions of the self. As will be pointed out later, scientists with extensive third cultural networks often are deeply involved in problems and research related specifically to the Philippines. Such commitment frequently results in the formation of scientific identities to which third cultural networks are quite secondary. In such cases, in spite of numerous ties abroad, the basis for who one is as a scientist, is shaped, reinforced and based upon conditions and institutions in the Philippines. Another interesting variation noted in scientists with extensive third cultural networks refers to those scientists in top priority fields in the Philippines. That is, the agriculturallybrelated life sciences are among the best developed and most established scientific disciplines in the Philippines. For scientists in these fields, the opportunities for being introduced into third cultures, and for forging networks abroad is much greater than it is for scientists in most of the other disciplines. To a certain extent, the development of an international reputation of a whole field of Philippine agricultural science, carries certain individual scientists in that field to international prominence as well. However, as will be pointed out, 1&9 scientists carried to the top by the general development and inter- national recognition of their fields, do not necessarily have strong ties abroad. Nor do they necessarily consider their third cultural scientific networks to be central or primary in the definition of their own scientific identities. b. Intensive Ties Intensive ties are usually the result of continual effort on the part of a particular scientist. For many Philippine scientists, intensive ties are of critical importance in keeping "scientifically alive.” Not only do these ties pass along the latest information in a field, they also provide meaningful support and stimulation that is otherwise missing in certain disciplines in the Philippines. Contrary to scientists with extensive ties, most scientists with intensive scientific third cultural networks consider them of primary importance in shaping and sustaining their identities as scientists. Such reliance on networks abroad is encouraged by the lack of development or institutionalization of their sciences in the Philippines. This is the case for'many of the physical sciences, and for many fields in the life sciences that are peripheral to Philippine national or‘univerb sity priorities. Intensive networks usually encompass fewer scientists, but in contrast to the casual basis of many of the relationships of scientists with extensive ties, intensive ties are more focused, regular, and sustained and involve other scientists as persons as well as scientists. Other dimensions of the self are known to each other, for example, family affairs, personal problems beyond purely scientific matters. In contrast, extensive ties are usually focused more specifically on 150 scientific matters only. Intensive networks often lack a "goodness of fit" with the larger science collectivity of a particular field. Rather, they are more particularistic to the interests and personal efforts of scientists involved in them. Intensive ties often circumvent world centers in a certain field and create a network tangential to the larger science collectivity. Scientists with intensive third cultural networks are often engaged in collaborative research with scientists outside the Phil- ippines. Regular contact is maintained through correspondence, visits, and, like other scientists, through the exchange of reprints, pre- prints, and other materials. Like other scientists, scientists with intensive ties also go to international meetings when they can, keep up with the literature in their field, correspond with other scientists, and publish abroad. Other types of intensive ties besides collaborative research may involve: 1) Joint authorship of articles or textbooks, 2) close professorbstudent ties that have moved to new levels of cooperative work, 3) individuals sharing the same esoteric research or work interests, or 4) reliance on personal contact primarily because of the nature of the research problem which is not reported in the general literature. The primary differences between scientists with intensive ties and those with extensive ones are: l) scientists with extensive ties have broader and more far-reaching contacts, but they are more casual and limited in content to the extent they exclude non-science related matters. Intensive ties on the other hand involve scientists more 151 deeply with fewer people, and include personal as well as scientific aspects of the self. 2) In contrast to scientists with extensive scientific networks, scientists with intensive ties consider their third cultural scien- tific networks central to their identities as scientists. ‘Without constant and sustained access to the scientific world outside the Philippines, these scientists either would seriously consider leaving the Philippines, or would cease being active scientists. This is not the case for most scientists with extensive ties. The lack of contact abroad would not seriously hamper their work nor disrupt their identi- ties as scientists. In two cases, Philippine scientists have a combination of exten- sive and intensive ties. Such combinations involve an active and wide knowledge of their respective disciplines, but include also more personalized ties with a few others which take the form of a gener- alized network with a particular few highly significant others. c. Nascent Ties Nascent ties refer to scientists who: 1) are beginning to form third cultural ties; 2) are not very active, but who have modest COD! nections abroad which serve some supporting function other than just providing knowledge about their field; 3) are at a cross~roads in their careers, either just returned from abroad, Just reactivating a scien- tific interest, still involved in or not finished with their advanced education, or poised at some significant point of decision that will have farbreaching effects on their futures as scientists. Philippine scientists with nascent ties have published, do read the journals, perhaps even correspond infrequently with a few other 152 scientists abroad. They may or may not have had the opportunity to attend international meetings; if they have gone it has probably been only once. Although not as developed as the networks of scientists with extensive ties, scientists with nascent networks are much more similar to the former scientists in the patterning of their’networks than they are to scientists with intensive networks. That is, nascent networks are primarily work-related, based on the exchange of articles, reprints and materials, carried on through the Journals or casual correspondence and infrequent contacts They are not highly personalized ties. d. Discipline-Related and NOndiscipline Related Networks For the majority of scientists having networks abroad, their foreign counterparts who participate in the same networks are also in academia and in the same scientific discipline. However, this is not true for five of the fiftyanine Philippine scientists having networks abroad. Their networks are centered in nonpacademic areas such as foreign industry, or business. Four of the five Philippine scientists for which this applies have extensive networks abroad. The remaining Philippine scientist with non-academic related ties abroad has intensive ties to a few industrial scientists working on the same problem. 6. Characteristics of Scientists Having_Extensive, Intensive, or Nascent Networks Abroad To compare the salient features of scientists with varying types of involvement in scientific networks abroad, the following table has been prepared. Percentage figures given in the table are for the sample as a whole. 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