POPULATION, AGRtCULTURE AND URBANIZATIONJN
THE KINGDOM or TONGA " ’ ’

Dissertation for the Degree of Ph. D.
' WILLIAM FENTON CLARK
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

1975

......

 

This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

POPULATION, AGRICULTURE AND URBANIZATION
IN THE KINGDOM OF‘ TONGA

presented by

WILLIAM FENTON CLARK

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

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I? ‘ ABSTRACT

POPULATION, AGRICULTURE AND URBANIZATION
IN THE KINGDOM OF TONGA

By

William Fenton Clark

Prior to this investigation it was believed that alterations
in the population profile and agricultural economy of Tonga have
resulted in a growing social, economic and nutritional instability
throughout the Kingdom. Natural population increase and internal
migration have contributed to the urbanization of approximately
fifty percent of the nation's total population. Increases in popu-
lation are also noted to be accompanied by subsequent increases in
pressure upon available agricultural acreage, resulting in a growing
number of a landless agrarian populace. In addition, increases in
the cash income of those Tongan farmers who enjoy secure land tenure
have been accompanied by increases in migration to urban areas and
absentee landholding. It was hypothesized that these demographic
and economic shifts result in a continuation of rapid urbanization
and a subsequent growing malnutrition among the urban population.

In addition, it was proposed that the increase of cash cropping
replacing traditional subsistence agriculture has resulted in a
reduction of domestic foodstuff production in ratio to total popu-

lation requirements and a subsequent dependency upon imported

william Fenton Clark

foodstuffs. Demographically, continued urbanization was perceived
to be strongly correlated with undernourishment and malnutrition.
Field investigations supported the above contentions.
Increases in the absolute total of agricultural production have been
lnullified by population growth. In addition, growing landlessness
(due to population growth and the mismanagement of the national
land system), absentee landholding and the status ascribed to food
imports have hastened a reduction in domestic food production.
Examination of preschool children conclusively showed that altera-
tions in dietary quality correlated with urbanization have resulted
in retarded physical development. Continued alterations in the
demographic and economic structure of Tonga are perceived to be a

critical factor in all future private and governmental planning.

POPULATION, AGRICULTURE AND URBANIZATION
IN THE KINGDOM OF TONGA

by

William Fenton Clark

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Geography

1975

© Copyright by

WILL IAM FENTON CLARK
I975

Thank God . . .

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

many peOple . . .

and...

“ we ‘

'
l

“@3 Ha I t Disney P roduct ions

I

\>

\

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v

LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii

LIST OF PLATES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viii
Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I

II. LITERATURE REVIEW AND RESEARCH METHODOLOGY . . . . 9'

Literature Review . . . . . . . . . . . 9

Research Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . l2

III. POPULATION AND SETTLEMENT . . . . . . . . . 17

Historical Development . . . . . . l7

Twentieth Century Population Settlement . . . . 19

IV. LAND TENURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48

V. AGRICULTURAL PATTERNS . . . . . . . . . . . 65

The Traditional System . . . . . . . . . . 65

Cash Cropping . . . . . . . . . . . . . lOl

VI. AGRICULTURE TO URBANIZATION . . . . . . . . . llQ
VII. NUTRITIONAL IMPLICATIONS OF CHANGE . . . . . . 128
VIII. CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l49
Smmmw . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . l49
Implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . l50
Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . l52

iii

Page

APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155
A. GEOGRAPHICAL SURVEY OF TONGA . . . . . . . . 156
B. RESEARCH SURVEY . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
C. DATA COLLECTION CRITERIA . . . . . . . . . . 182
SELECTED REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189

iv

Table

macaw

10.
11.
12.
13.

14.
15.
16.
17.
18.

LIST OF TABLES

Distribution of Population by Island Groups
(Percentages) .

Crude Birth and Death Rates

Population by Broad Age Groups

Projected P0pulation Size of Tonga

Component Populations of the Kingdom Showing
Respective Percentages to Total Population:
1939, 1956, and 1966 . . . .

Towns with 1,000 P0pulation and Over Showing the
Percentage Increase Since 1956. . .

Population Distribution .

Population Density of Each Principal District:
1956 and 1966 . . . . . . .

Population Density, and Acres Per Capita
Distribution of Land Ownership

Distribution of Land Holdings by Type

Nonpayment of Rents by Lease Holders: 1971 and 1972

Economically Active Males Over Age l5 Classified
According to Industry in Which Engaged: 1966 .

Livestock Census: 1973 .

Livestock Owned by Tongan Households: Sample of 260
Livestock Production of Manure Per Annum
Approximate Soil Nutrients Per Ton of Manure .

Produce Exported Through the Tonga Produce Board
and Copra Board, l972-l973 .

Page

25
28
28
29

3O

43

45
52
54
57
59

66
94
95
100
101

103

Table Page
19. Tongan Banana Exports and Their FOB Values . . . .. 107
20. Tongan Balance of Trade: 1950-1972 (T$,OOO) . . . . 124

21. Proximal Evaluation of Canned Meat Typically
Available to Tongan Consumers . . . . . . . . 136

22. Height Measurements of Tongan Preschool
Children (N=265) . . . . . . . . . . . . 140

23. Weight Measurements of Tongan Preschool
Children (N=265) . . . . . . . . . . . . 141

24. Tricep Skinfold Measurements of Tongan Preschool
Children (N=265) . . . . . . . . . . . . 143

25. Upper Arm Circumference Measurement of Tongan
Preschool Children (N=265) . . . . . . . . . 144

26. Suggested Standards for Hair Sample Evaluation . . . 146
27. Mean Annual Rainfall: 1932-1940 . . . . . . . . 166

28. Determination of Fat and Lean Content in Fresh Meat
(Beef) Samples Available in Nuku'alofa . . . . . 188

vi

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page.
1. Planting of the Tongan 'Api . . . . . . . . . 88
2. Urbanization: Kingdom of Tonga . . . . . . . . 151
3. The Islands of Tonga by Geologic Type . . . . . . 158

4. The Kingdom of Tonga . . . . . . . . . . . . 160

vii

Plate

th

CROWNOSUW

12.
13.
14.

LIST OF PLATES

A Bush or Rural 'Api in Cultivation .
Characteristic Appearance of Black Leaf Streak
Characteristic Appearance of Bunchy Top

Characteristic Appearance of Banana Scab Moth
Damage . . . . .

Rat Damaged Coconuts .

Tin Strips Used as a Protective Measure Against Rats
Coconut Palm Damage from the Rhinoceros Beetle
Rhinoceros Beetle Control

Movement of Rural Agricultural Produce to Market
Basic Agricultural Tools of the Tongan Farmer

Sun Drying Split Coconuts

Kiln Copra Drying Shed

Profile of Tongan Soil: Tongatapu

Severe Soil Erosion: Vava'u

viii

Page
73
73
74

74
81

82
82
93
93
105
105
168
168

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

For centuries, mankind has been aware of the consequences
of population expanding in numbers more rapidly than agricultural
production. Ancient history records the efforts of governments in
storing foodstuffs during periods of plenty, in preparation for
periods when agriculture could not support the populace (Genesis
41:25-36). In the past, a natural catastrophe was often the cause
for food shortage. However, in the current century, in addition to
flood, drought and disease, mankind must contend with the conse-
quences of his own multiplicative nature influencing the production
and availability of food. As the 19705 progress, one is struck
with the realization that there are developing all the conditions
necessary for a global food shortage and regional famine. In this
decade, nations,inc1uding India and Brazil, have been the scene of
riots by those demanding food necessary for survival. These demand-
ings may, in fact, be only the prelude of a time when traditional
agriculture will have exhausted its potential and securing food for
survival will be foremost in the activities of man.

A full accounting of the causes and consequences of the
world's population-agricultural production imbalance on a global

scale would be an enormous undertaking. However, a microcosm of

these conditions may be fOund in many parts of the world such as the
islands which dot the oceans. One such microcosmic situation may

be observed in the Kingdom of Tonga, which is located as an island
chain in the Southwest Pacific Ocean. (Note general mapping of
Tonga, Figure 4, Appendix A.) Population growth and diminishing
agricultural food production, per capita, as a ratio to total popu-
lation, are as serious a threat to national stability in Tonga, as
in the more publicized nations of the world. (The reader, if not
familiar with the more basic geographic considerations regarding
Tonga, may, at this point, wish to review Appendix A.)

Even though these conditions exist in Tonga, as well as in
other populated island groups, it must be understood that while many
of the Pacific islands are now facing a land-population growth cri-
sis, only recently have these conditions arisen. Anthropological
data indicate that historically the Pacific Basin is a region of
relatively recent human settlement (Harris 1966, p. 13). In the
case of Polynesia, Tonga, Samoa and the Society Islands formed the
core from which the population of other island groups originated
(Emory 1974, pp. 732-745). The Tongas were settled probably no
earlier than 1100 B.C. The significance of this situation is that
when religious quarrels, conditions of war, or overpopulation arose,
groups of island people migrated to other islands in, seemingly, an
ocean of innumerable islands (Harris 1966, p. 14). However, in the
twentieth century, uninhabited island groups are no longer to be

found and since 1945, overpopulatibn has become a growing force,

with little probability of relief. Such is the case in Tonga at
the present.

With a population exceeding 95,000 scattered over 288 square
miles, Tonga contains areas of rural population density in excess
of 600 per square mile. Coupled with a resource base inadequate
for significant industrial development, and an economy which is at
present entirely dependent upon agriculture, Tonga often resembles
many nations of the "underdeveloped world." However, because of a
growing relationship with the British Commonwealth, a Western form
of government, and a 95 percent literate population, Tonga
resembles many nations of the "developed world." Characteristics of
both “worlds" are found scattered over the 150 islands that comprise
the nation. Therefore, here is a laboratory situation in which to
study the critical issue of population growth and urbanization
versus food production.

The Tongan population-agricultural imbalance may be reduced
to a simple statement of conditions. Tongan population growth has
in recent years stood at over 3.5 percent per year and is today
among the highest of the Pacific islands. (Other island groups of
the region having had high growth rates include Fiji with 3.5 per-
cent, Samoa with 3.8 percent, and Tahiti with 3.6 percent.) Con-
ditions in Tonga, as evidenced by the present p0pulation growth
rate, indicate that the present population of 95,000 will more than
double by 1990. News items from Tonga predict that this number will
overwhelm the food production capacity of the land ("There's Not

Enough Land . . .," 1967, p. 37). Such conditions are not yet so

critical in other Polynesian island groups. In the case of Fiji, the
issue is not one of overpopulation as much as land distribution

among racial elements of the p0pulation (Mohan 1961). In Western
Samoa and the Cook Islands, population expansion is drawn off by
migration to New Zealand (Curson 1973). In American Samoa, popula-
tion expansion is released to the American West Coast and Hawaii.

Tonga, having had a long history of political independence,
has no such outlet for her growing population. Migration has not
played a significant role in the population characteristics of
Tonga in the past several decades. (This refers only to movements
of population out of the national limits of Tonga in a permanent
sense. Internal migration, i.e., rural to urban, is a significant
consideration and will be treated in some depth within this research.)
Presently, the only notable migratory trend is in temporary Tongan
labor movements to Australia, New Zealand and nearby islands, in
search of employment. The majority of these laborers return to
Tonga within a year and, therefore, do not provide an effective or
permanent outlet for Tongan papulation (Clark 1974). However, of
significance is the additional capital and purchasing power enjoyed
by this labor group, upon their return to Tonga.

Eliminating the probability of large scale migration, Tonga
is faced with three basic alternatives in the foreseeable future:
(1) establish and maintain a population control program which will
stabilize the expanding population at a level capable of being sus-
tained by Tongan agriculture and the limited national resource

base; (2) support the growing national population through an

expanded agricultural base and a program of commodity imports from
nations still producing a food surplus; or (3) approach a level of
population at which point natural controls (i.e., malnutrition and/
or starvation) set in to bring the population into balance with the
supporting capacity of the land.

In addition to the basic difficulty of population-food
imbalance, Tonga must also contend with the physical shifting of
its population from rural to urban settings, and the economic
shift of elements of the population from a traditional subsistence
agriculture to a cash economy. Both of these changes in the char-
acter of Tongan population tend to aggravate the overall p0pulation-
food and agricultural imbalance.

Rates of urbanization in the entire South Pacific region
are among the highest in the world, when considered as a percentage
of total population. If one includes the nations of Australia and
New Zealand, the peoples of the South Pacific are the most urbanized
in the world on a proportional basis (Urban Problems in the South
Pacific,l967, p. 2; Urbanization in the South Pacific,l962, p. l).
Tonga, since the end of World War II, has seen rapid growth in its
capital city, which has nearly tripled in size.

This changing characteristic of the population has in
itself had a significant impact on the natural environment of Tonga.
In addition, as urbanization continues to expand, social issues
including housing, public health, and sanitation grow proportionally.

As in most other island environments in the South Pacific, water for

drinking and sanitation remains, at best, in a precarious balance
with growing urban population.

The process of urbanization has several causes which are
significant in the framework of this research. Since the mid-19605,
the development of tourism, and its associated activities, have
been stressed in the developmental plans of all island governments
in the Southwest Pacific. This has had two immediate results in
Tonga. First, many individuals within the agricultural sector of
the population have given up their subsistence agricultural activi-
ties and moved into urban centers hoping to secure cash employment
in handicraft or tourist related activities. This is particularly
the case in Nuku'alofa, Tongatapu and Neiafu, Vava'u. This movement
has not only rapidly increased the urban population but has also
decreased the total acreage in agricultural production, or changed
production from food craps to cash crops. Others of the rural
population, who remain on their farms, often devote increasing
amounts of time to the production of craft items. However, because
of the rate of expansion in Tongan population, total rural popula-
tion has continued to increase. Therefore, as rural population
continues to grow, agricultural food production is decreasing and
urban population is rapidly expanding.

The second important result of urbanization, without con-
sidering the social and cultural impact, is the growing reliance
upon imported foods and urban oriented materials (Horine 1967,

p. 43). As urban population increases and agricultural production

of foodstuffs proportionally decreases, food imports become necessary.

Many, though not all, of these imports are of little nutritive value
and may be actually detrimental to the health of the pe0p1e. In
Tonga, for example, a recent French survey of the capital city
revealed a dramatic increase in the consumption of high energy
foods, such as sugar, alcohol, and highly processed foods. As a
result, the French study concluded, there was a rapid rise in the
incidence of dental caries within the Tongan population, accompanied
by a general decrease in the overall nutritional status, especially
among preschool children (Hansell 1962).

This is not to imply that all food imports are of little
nutritive value or that Tonga should strive to achieve self-
sufficiency in food production. However, it is clear that some
fbrm of control, governing the quantity and quality of certain
foods, should be considered. Such action should be aimed at
improving the quality of imports, including flour, meats, and
grains. Consideration of the nutritional status of urban popula-
tions is advisable in view of the rapid expansion of this popula-
tion segment and the increasing utilization of imported foodstuffs.

The economic shift of the populace is another major cause
of urbanization. This shift has been most notable in the agricul-
tural sector of Tonga's national economic structure. The effects
upon agriculture are felt in two significant areas. As alternatives
to agriculture are found in cash employment in urban areas, the
cash income of the people involved increases and imported foods,
often seen as status symbols, are sought as such. Therefore, the

per capita urban demand for indigenous foodstuffs tends to decline,

if imported foods are available and cash is on hand with which to
purchase them (Horine 1967, pp. 43-46). In addition, as the pos-
sibilities of cash employment in urban areas increases, the popula-
tion is less inclined to work their traditional urban gardens.
Rather, they prefer to raise their visible socioeconomic status
through the use of imports. This subsequently reduces further the
amount of foodstuffs produced in the nation.

In rural areas of Tonga, major portions of the remaining
agricultural sector are changing to a cash orientation. The govern-
ment requires a substantial portion of a farm holding to produce
export products (or at least be planted in such), principally coco-
nuts or bananas. However, many farm plots are totally devoted to
the production of crops for export (Kennedy 1961, p. 61). Major
cash crops include cepra and sweet banana, which together account
for 80 percent of Tonga's exports. As is the case in urban areas,
as the cash income of farmers increases, the incentive for producing
agricultural food staples decreases. This situation will probably
continue as long as market prices for Tongan exports remain high and
the status associated with material products, including imported
feadstuffs, exists.

Therefore, one may hypothesize that as Tonga's population
continues to increase, urbanization will increase, agricultural pro-
duction of foodstuffs per person will decrease, the dependency being
placed upon food imports will continue to grow, and the nutritional

status of particularly urban p0pulations will probably decline.

CHAPTER II
LITERATURE REVIEW AND RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Literature Review

Few research projects of this type, on a regional scale or
limited to Tonga, have been initiated in the Pacific islands. A
search through numerous texts and bibliographic materials, among
other possible sources of information, supports this conclusion.
Organizational work with regard to population and agricultural devel-
opment in the Pacific islands has been conducted by several inter-
national groups. Most notable among these are (l) the World Health
Organization, (2) the Food and Agricultural Organization, (3) the
Offices of the United Nations, including the United Nations' Chil-
dren's Fund, and (4) the South Pacific Commission.

The South Pacific Commission and the World Health Organiza-
tion have been the most active, producing at least 16 technical
reports dealing with agriculture, population distribution, and
nutritional difficulties through 1970. However, only three of these
treat Pacific island populations and their food production agricul-
ture, and none treat Tonga specifically. These papers are Chemical
Composition of South Pacific Foods (Peters 1957), Dietary and Nutri-
tional Problems in the Pacific (Massal 1954), and Some Food Problems

in the Pacific Islands (McKee 1957).

10

In addition to international work, several nations have
conducted work in the South Pacific. French research has been
confined primarily to French Polynesia, New Caledonia and the New
Hebrides. However, a brief nutritional survey prepared in Tonga
is one of few such reports stressing the dangers of a growing
dependency upon imported foodstuffs (Hansell 1962).

In the United States, the National Research Council has
conducted some research in Micronesia, Samoa, and Hawaii but none of
significance in Tonga. More significant has been the work carried
out through the University of Hawaii, the Hawaii Agricultural
Experimental Station and the East-West Study Center in Honolulu.
Notable research by these groups include the determination of food
values in native diets, determination of nitrogen and protein
balances in native groups, and the utilization of macro and micro
nutrients in island p0pulations (Peters 1957; Murai et al. 1958).
In addition, extensive research has been conducted with regard to
crop production, crap disease, and pest control (McKee 1957; Paine
1964; Watson 1956). Urbanization has also received increased
attention in the past decade due to the continued development of
this phenomenon among Pacific island p0pulations (Urban Problems

. . ., 1967; Urbanization . . ., 1962; Harr'e 1973; Horine 1967).

 

Individual research efforts in Tonga are also limited. The
most notable example is a doctoral thesis, "Population, Land and
Livelihood in Tonga“ (Maude 1965). Another example is an economic
analysis of Tonga by T. F. Kennedy (1961). In both cases, popula-

tion expansion and pressure upon a limited amount of available

11

agricultural land was found to be one of the more serious issues
facing Tonga's future.

With regard to population expansion and the pressure of
numbers upon agricultural land within the South Pacific, work has
been published since the period of European exploration. Most
notable among these are the narratives of James Cook. However,
until recently, such research treated only two general themes.
First, the process of depopulation brought about through European
contact and the spread of common European diseases, such as measles
and the flu, was examined (Friis 1967; Roberts 1927; Pacific Islands

. ., 1944). This subject has been treated not only with regard
to the Pacific island populations, but other cultures as well. One

such reference work is the series by J. M. May: The Ecology of Mal-

 

nutrition and Studies in Disease Ecology_(May 1961a, 1961b).

 

Second, research has examined the recovery Pacific p0pula-
tions have made during the post-World War II period (Great Britain
Colonial Office 1956-64; Roberts 1927). Therefore, little attention
has been paid to intra-regional population characteristics, includ-
ing migration and the chaos wrought by combatants of World War II
upon native cultures. In the postwar period, more interest has been
directed toward the Pacific peoples in terms of population outstrip-
ping sustaining capacities of agriculture and natural resources, on
isolated islands or groups of islands. However, as mentioned, little
work has been conducted on a regional basis, considering the agri-
cultural and nutritional consequences of continued development in

the Pacific. This has been particularly true in terms of population

12

growth and movement, food production and the rise of tertiary

industries.

Research Methods

 

Based upon the hypothesis of this study, three major divi-
sions of research were discerned. First, the degree of population
increase and the growth of urbanization was measured. This involved
analysis of Tongan population data from the last thirty years (post-
World War II).

Second, the changes in the agricultural profile of the
nation were investigated. This involved a brief sequence occupancy
survey in which the historical expansion of population onto agricul-
tural land and the development of the traditional Tongan farm
system ('api) was traced. In addition, a determination of the growth
of cash crapping and the changing agricultural profile of rural Tonga
was necessary. From these data, a pattern of population pressure
upon agricultural resources was developed. Furthermore, any change
in the purchasing power of rural Tongans was noted. This change
proved to be (1) a decline in the support capacity of the land
because of increasing population, resulting in land abandonment and
poverty migration to the urban area, or (2) an increase in purchas-
ing power and subsequent moves to the more attractive urban environ—
ment.

Third, once the pattern of urbanization was established, it
was necessary to examine the food intake and basic nutritional
status of the urban population, especially children. Two methods

developed included a survey of available foods within the urban area,

13

and a calculation of their basic nutritional content. (While pro-
tein was of prime importance, the effect of other macro nutrients,
fat, and carbohydrates were also considered as were dietary miner-
als including zinc, iron and copper.) A second method involved a
brief physical examination of a sample of Tongan children. This
included such observations as teeth (caries), hair, general body
tone and structure, plus a tricep Skinfold measurement taken in
conjunction with upper arm circumference.

With regard to population increases, a mathematical compari-
son of migration from Tonga, to immigration into the nation, provided
an accurate estimate of population totals. Combining this estimate
with data concerning growth in urban population and rural density,
collected from census material, resulted in an indication of the
distribution of population growth and migration potential.

Using agricultural data gathered from census materials and
ministerial reports, a brief historical outline (i.e., post-World
War II) of land usage patterns was developed. (The postwar period
evidenced the most rapid population growth.) This indicated devel-
opmental trends in specific aspects of agriculture, such as cash
cropping, the spread of plant diseases, etc., which altered agri-
cultural patterns. Trends in land utilization and land abandonment
were established, such as tenancy, absentee landholding, etc.

Assessing the nutritional status of urban population and
geographically comparing these findings with rural inhabitants
became a major undertaking in itself. However, because alteration

in nutritional status was to be related to urbanization only in

14

cause and effect, extensive scientific investigation, such as blood
assay of amino acids, was not necessary.

There are three reasonable approaches which can be followed
in collecting data for this comparison. First, food consumption sur-
veys, using selected families, were employed. In this approach a
record of food and approximate amounts used was made. This tech-
nique also supplied data pertaining to food availability, by type,
for both rural and urban areas. The disadvantages of using house-
hold food consumption surveys were (1) the survey would have been
necessarily limited due to the time involved, and (2) the diffi-
culty an outsider encounters communicating in a traditional society
concerning a personal topic. Secondly, the determination of nutri-
tional status employed anthropometric measuring of subjects (head,
upper arm, chest circumference plotted against established standards
by age). Third, a clinical analysis utilizing hair root diameters
as a precise measurement of nutritional status was undertaken.
(Studies have shown strong correlation between hair root examina-
tion and serum amino acids and anthropometric measurements [Brad-
field, 1972 and 1971; Nommacher 1972].) It was felt that this
technique, when used in conjunction with the above anthropometric
measures, would provide an almost foolproof comparison of rural and
urban children with respect to nutritional status and physical
growth and development.

In data collecting, every effort was made to avoid environ-
mental, physical, or nutritional influences which would have

resulted in skewed or distorted conclusions. All children of the

15

survey sample were examined within a 4-week period. Standards for
physical measurements and hair sampling were observed in that each
child was measured on the same anatomical site and hair samples were
taken from the same scalp location1 (note procedures in Appendix C).
Efforts were also made to insure the sample was a cross-section of
Tongan population which involved no particular religious or

2 Therefore, it was fully recognized from

economic group in excess.
the onset of this research that in surveys of an entire population,
as well as specific groups within the population, one should make
every possible effort to gain results which are representative and
unbiased. The sampling took into account specific cultural and
occupational characteristics of the area and the population.

After the individual sample subject was selected, every
effort was made to gain complete information for that subject. Of
the total sample, a research sampling of 265 Tongan preschoolers were
selected from rural and urban areas throughout Tonga. In the selec-

tion of each subject, care was taken that only one per family was

included in the sample. Upon initial inspection, if the child was

 

1The possibility of such dietary variations as mineral con-
sumption between rural and urban children was recognized as a factor
which could result in differences in the growth profile between the
two groups. Research pertaining to such cause and effect was not
undertaken within the scape of the present endeavor. However, one
possibility for future research is seen in the role of zinc in rela-
tion to the large consumption of wheat bread in urban areas.

2The most obvious case was that of Mormon (Latter Day Saints)
families. Without exception, children in these households appeared
better cared for in terms of physical development and general con-
ditioning. This distinction was noted early in the sampling process
and was compensated for.

16

determined to be abnormal in his physical development, i.e.,
unusually large or small for his particular age group, his survey

form was not included in the research survey.

CHAPTER III

POPULATION AND SETTLEMENT

Historical DevelOpment

 

The initial settlement of the Tonga Islands resulted from
southward migrations of Polynesians from Samoa, approximately 3,000
years ago (Green and Kelly 1931, p. 64). Pottery fragments and
ancient fortifications indicate that settlement was widespread and
that a prehistoric population of approximately 30,000 persons devel-
oped within the islands (Green and Kelly 1931, p. 64; Maude 1965,
p. 27). Between this prehistoric period and European contact in
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, there elapsed sufficient
time for the population to have expanded beyond this level, even with
only a modest growth rate. This suggests that at some time during
this pre-European period, Tongan population stabilized at a level
reasonably in balance with the carrying capacity of the land. This
assumption is, in part, confirmed by the writings of Tasman in 1643,
and Cook in 1773, each of whom observed widespread settlement
throughout the islands. Concerning the island of Tongatapu, maps
and descriptions from the seventeenth and eighteen centuries indi-
cate only small scattered areas not included within a system of
native food producing plantations (Green 1973, p. 64).

It appears that the concept of village settlement did not

exist in Tonga during this early period of European contact. Tasman

17

18

reported that individuals resided within private gardens, separated
from each other by fences, or such common boundaries as roads and
trails. Cook, more than a century later, reported a similar pat-
tern of settlement. Such accounts suggest that the island popula-
tion was relatively evenly distributed over most of the island
acreage. Towns, as defined today, were unfamiliar, the population

groupings being loosely clustered on land holdings of respective
chiefs (Kennedy 1958, p. 162).

During the eighteenth century, newer types of weapons were
introduced (i.e., the bow and arrow, and a modified throwing spear,
from Fiji) and tribal fighting began within Tonga. What began as
small scale conflicts gradually evolved into civil war which involved
all the Tongan islands. This period of warfare, which lasted until
the 18505, effectively terminated the widespread house and garden
type of settlement (Kennedy 1958, p. 164). Replacing this tradi-
tional system for a limited time was a settlement pattern in which
most people resided within fortified structures. The war also
disrupted the garden agricultural system, owing to frequent raids
from neighboring tribes. As a result, treaties were formulated
between two or more fortified groups, whereby land was guarded,
planted, and harvested in common (Kennedy 1958, p. 64).

With the close of the civil war period (1799-1852), which
lasted for more than a half century, the three principal island
groups comprising the Tongas were unified under the rule of
Taufau'ahau (Tupou 1). However, the end of hostilities did not

signal a return to the traditional house and garden settlement

19

pattern. Villages, resembling the modern concept of population

grouping, replaced the fortified structures, often being constructed

on the original fortress site (i.e., Feletoa and Neiafu).
It was during this post-civil war period that the present
agricultural system, based upon land tenure, was initiated. Under

a decree issued by Tupou I, farmland was divided into allotments

of approximately eight and one-quarter acres, or 100 fathoms square.

This 'api tukuhau, or rural allocation system, was available to all
males over 16 years of age. In addition, the 'api kola, or urban
allocation system, provided each family with two-fifths of an acre
within a village, for housing. An alternative to the above per-
mitted an individual to waive his rural and urban allotments, in
exchange for a larger rural allotment of 12 3/8 acres.

The bonds of communal living insured the survival of this
nuclear village pattern, despite the fact that some individuals
resided a substantial distance from their farm holdings. Within
modern Tonga, this pattern still exists as a strongly bound unit,
even though this often necessitates as much as 20 miles of travel

from village to farm acreage (Kennedy 1958, p. 165).

Twentieth Century Population Settlement
The population of twentieth century Tonga can be divided
into three groups, by pattern of settlement: (1) villages,
(2) towns, and (3) miscellaneous groupings, such as school and
church facilities.
Although the village concept is relatively new to Tongan

culture, it serves today as the center of most social and economic

‘ in V3 nib“;

 

20

activity, being second only to the family in social unity. Even
within larger urban areas, village characteristics remain. The
capital, Nuku'alofa, still retains social divisions based on older
village distinctions. For example, sections of the capital, such
as Kolomotu'a, exhibit aspects of the former village social structure.

The 1966 census of p0pulation lists 152 villages within the
Tongan Kingdom (Fiefia 1968, p. 39). The location of the majority
of these villages is within a half mile of the sea, with relatively
few being found within interior areas. The explanation for this
distribution involves consideration of the insular nature of the
nation, as well as the significant role the reefs and sea play in
supplying the Tongan diet with protein. During the civil war
period, the fortified structures were built on hills to facilitate
strategic defense. For this reason occasional villages, built upon
old fortress sites, are today located on inland elevations. This
is most often the case in Vava'u (i.e., Feletoa, Mataika, and
Leimatu'a).

All Tongan villages are similar in social character, with
differences stemming only from size. Larger villages are more urban
oriented, and exhibit such recreational facilities as motion pic-
tures, pool halls, and social halls. However, most Tongan villages
number fewer than 400 total inhabitants, and have few distinguishing
characteristics.

Some of the larger villages represent an amalgamation of two
or more settlements which, following a period of expansion, joined

together forming a cluster or elongated configuration. Nuku'alofa

21

represents such an occurrence. Historically, the formation of this
city resulted from the merger of three villages, Ma'ufanga,
Kalamotu'a and Kolomofu'ou, during the reign of Tapou I. Following
rapid urban population growth and expansion of settlement along the
major transportation routes of the city, Nuku'alofa has recently
incorporated other nearby villages such as Longalonga, Fasi, Fanga,
and Maile'taha.

The Tongan Minister of Lands has classified only four Tongan
towns as being urban areas: Mu'a, Nuku'alofa, Pangai, and Neiafu.
The latter three are the capital cities of Tongatapu, Ha'apai, and
Vava'u, respectively. Mu'a, which is located on Tongatapu and is
Tonga's third largest city, historically represents the seat of
Tongan power. (It was also the site of Cook's landing in the
eighteenth century.) Mu'a today, however, is economically and
socially overshadowed by Nuku'alofa, which is 11 miles away, and
therefore has retained the function and appearance of a large agri-
cultural village. In other words, it exhibits few of the economic
and political functions which characterize Nuku'alofa, Pangai, and
Neiafu.

While there is no uniform definition of an urban area nor a
standard of measurement, within the Pacific Islands, the Urbaniza-
tion Advisory Committee of the South Pacific Commission has estab-
lished several applicable characteristics:

1. a noticeably heavy concentration of population in com-
parison to the surrounding areas,
2. an occupational distribution differing from the sur-

rounding area, with a larger proportion engaged in
non-farming pursuits,

 

 

22

3. a form of local government different from that of rural
areas, as being more suited to the provision of neces-
sary urban services, made possible by greater population
concentrations and financial potential (Urbanization
. . ., 1962, p. v).

 

Nuku'alofa is Tonga's center of economic and social activity.
The urban area houses a rapidly expanding population in excess of
20,000, and has spread along the major transportation routes to the
point where it has overtaken surrounding villages and formed a 1.5
mile arc, radiating from the waterfront. The population density is
greatest along the peripheral edge of the city's central business
district, and along the major transportation routes leading into the
city. As the nation's capital, Nuku'alofa contains the majority of
governmental divisions, including the royal family and all major
ministerial departments. Although Pangai and Neiafu are also capi-
tals, of Ha'apai and Vava'u respectively, they are greatly overshadowed
by Nuku'alofa.

Pangai, the capital of Ha'apai, exhibits fewer of the urban
characteristics found within Nuku'alofa. Smallest of the four
Tongan cities, Pangai evidenced a decreasing p0pulation during the
intercensal period of 1956 to 1966. However, within the Ha'apai
island group, Pangai remains the focal point of governmental, social
and economic activity. The recent construction of the Ha'apai air-
field, and the development of tourism, is expected to forestall
further declines in Pangai's population.

Neiafu, capital of Vava'u, is second only to Nuku'alofa in
terms of commerce and economic development. Neiafu not only serves
as the administrative center of Vava'u, but is rapidly becoming the

most important tourist center in the Kingdom.

 

23

Considering the urban characteristics set forth by the South
Pacific Commission as being applicable to the Pacific islands, it
becomes apparent that the cities of Pangai, Neiafu, and Nuku'alofa
can be defined as being urban centers. In the case of Mu'a, though
larger than Pangai in terms of population, the lack of such urban
characteristics as government, commerce, and economics eliminates it
from urban classification, under the South Pacific Commission's
definition.

Other population groupings of significance include church
training facilities and schools. The most important of these are
Salote College and Toloa Methodist Training College, sponsored by
the Wesleyan Methodist organization, and Liahona High School,
sponsored by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. Each
of these include several hundred students and staff, many of whom
live in housing provided by the respective schools.

Other groupings to be considered within this classification
are the training camp for the Tongan defense force and the police
training facility, both on Tongatupa. The population of these two
facilities, though largely transient, must be recognized.

The historical growth of Tongan population can only be
estimated through calculation of approximate numbers supported by
approximate tillable acreage. Therefore, figures representing the
population prior to the first census (1921) reflect educated guesses
supported at times by missionary estimates and head counts (Walsh
1970, p. 31). In addition, none of the censuses prior to 1956 can

be considered to be entirely reliable. McArthur stated that

24

fluctuations of the population of individual islands "are such as to
arouse considerable doubts of the accuracy of either the recording
or summarizing of the data" (McArthur 1968, p. 81).

It is generally assumed that an estimated pre-European popu-
lation of 29,700 represents a reasonable figure. This estimate, by
Maude (1965), takes into account the entire Tongan group and will
suffice as a starting point from which a discussion of modern Tongan
population can begin. Table 1 represents a summation of available
population data, beginning with the pre-European period. Although
it is recognized that the historical statistics prior to the 1956
census are primarily estimations, several broad conclusions can be
drawn from this table. An overall pattern of p0pulation decline
and recovery, common to most of the Pacific island groups, is evi-
dent throughout Tongan history. In addition, three contact phases,
fbllowing Tasman's initial landing on Tongatupa. are suggested and
supported within the historical p0pulation data of Table 1
(Tupouniua 1957, p. 17).

Phase one, from 1643 to 1799, represents the period of
Tongan history for which there are no records “of any large scale
destruction through disease, and internal wars were totally unknown"
(Tupouniua 1957, p. 17). This period began with Tasman's visit and
continued until Cook's last contact with the islands. Due to the
absence of wars and disease, a balanced population with a steady,
if somewhat slow, growth rate can be assumed.

Phase two represents the civil war period, from 1800 to

1852, a period of "bewilderment and social disintegration marked by

25

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.mm "comp mzmcmu

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m

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.np “mmo— mamcmu

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.pcaouum xgmcowmmwz

.o xmccmaa<
m
m

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"coogwpm>w4 can can; .cowumpamoa 2? mean: .< an umumewumm

F

 

 

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a.~ ~.N a.“ m.“ N.w a.~_ a.o_ usages
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.Ammmmpcmosmav manage u:m_mH An comgmpzaoa eo cowuanpcammaii.P u4m<p

26

asense of insecurity" (Tupouniua 1957, p. 18). During this phase,
internal armed conflict often resulted in large scale loss of life,
destruction of crops, and subsequent famine conditions. It is
estimated that at least one-fourth of the Tongan population perished
during the first half of this period, victims of either war or
famine (Wood 1932, p. 33). In addition, diseases contracted from
Europeans, whose contacts with the islands were increasing in fre-
quency, produced several severe epidemics. In combination, the war
and disease resulted in a large and widespread reduction of popula-
tion.

Phase three represents a period of "adjustment and recovery,"
dating from 1852 to the end of the century. Recovery, in terms of
population numbers, did not immediately occur. Secondary effects of
the civil war period lasted until approximately 1890 to 1895, or
until large numbers of individuals born after 1852 entered the repro-
ductive ages.

Following the 18905, the population evidenced a numerical
recovery, though periodic outbreaks of disease resulted in an
irregular pattern of increase. ’For example, an epidemic of measles
in 1893 reportedly killed a "twentieth of the population," while an
influenza epidemic in 1918 claimed as much as a tenth of the popula-
tion, on some islands (McArthur 1968, p. 96). Nonetheless, the
number of individuals increased from approximately 20,000 in 1891,
to 24,000 in 1918. Following the 1918 epidemic, the Tongan popula-
tion exhibited a period of accelerating growth. Between 1891 and

1931, the annual rate of increase was 1.1 percent. This rate

I ‘7‘“

 

342!

.e
4'

27

increased to 3.1 percent between 1931 and 1956, with the population
growing from 28,839 to 56,838 (KingdomiyfTonga: Statistical Abstract
1222, p. 1). This rate of expansion accelerated further during the
intercensal period, 1956 to 1966, to reach 3.6 percent. By the

time of the 1966 census, the Tongan Kingdom contained 77,429 indi-
viduals. This represents a tripling of the 1918 population figure, '1
in less than 40 years. Since 1966, the population has increased by

approximately 20,000, and now stands in excess of 95,000.

 

Data available from the Tongan Department of Justice, and

 

published after 1966, indicates a decelerating population growth
rate (Table 2). While there exists some speculation as to the
accuracy of this data, it appears that the annual growth rate has
decreased from the intercensal 3.6 percent, to a 1973 level of 2.5

percent (Report of the Department of Justice 1973, p. 9). However,

 

despite the declining growth rate, a proportional decrease in the
yearly numerical increase of the population is not evident. Sta-
tistical evidence indicates that greater numbers<rfthe population
are entering the fertile years, thereby offsetting the decreasing
rate of growth by maintaining a nearly constant or increasing
number of births. Furthermore, due to the age structuring of the
population, which is decidedly young, more individuals will be
entering the reproductive years in the near future, than will be
leaving it (Table 3).

Projection for the future population of the islands differs
greatly, depending upon the sources consulted. Therefore, Table 4

(page 29) projects the population for five different growth rates,

28

TABLE 2.--Crude Birth and Death Rates.

 

Per Thousand

 

 

 

Year Registered Registered Natural Yearly
Births Deaths Increase Births Deaths Growth
1966 2,870 228 2,672 38 3 3.46
1967 2,652 278 2,374 34 4 3.06
1968 2,648 209 2,439 33 3 3.05
1969. 2,844 236 2,608 34 3 3.16
1970 2,652 227 2,425 31 3 2.85
1971 2,505 285 2,220 29 3 2.54
1972 2,486 2.74
1973 2,395 2.58
SOURCES: Population Census Reports, 1956 and 1966.

Government Printer).

TABLE 3.--Population by Broad Age Groups.

Kingdom of Tgnga:
Government Printer, 1972), p. 4.

Report of the Department of Justice, 1966-1971 (Nuku'alofa:
Statistical Abstract 1972 (Nuku'alofa:

 

1956 Census

 

1966 Census

 

 

 

 

Age

61°“PS Total % Total %
Under 5 10,031 17.7 14,326 18.5
05 - 09 8,090 14.2 11,546 14.9
10 - 14 6.843 12.0 9.873 12.7
15 - 19 6,045 10.6 7.825 10.1
20 - 24 4,968 8.8 6,219 8.0
25 - 29 4,416 7.8 5,441 7.0
30 - 34 3,537 6.2 4,542 5.9
35 - 39 2,896 5.1 4,154 5.4
40 - 44 2,256 4.0 3,321 4.3
45 - 49 1,782 3.1 2,711 3.5
50 - 54 1,606 2.8 2,064 2.7
55 - 59 1,279 2.3 1.484 1.9
()ver 60 3,089 5.4 3,923 5.1

Total 56,838 100.0 77,429 100 0

 

SOURCE:
(Nuku'alofa:

Kingdom of Tonga, Statistical Abstract 1972
Government Printer, 1972), p. 4.

TABLE 4.--Pr0jected Population Size of Tonga.

29

 

Growth Rate, Percent Per Year

 

 

Year

1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5
1980 104,000 107,500 112,000 117,500 121,000
1990 120,500 131,500 143,500 156,500 170,500
2000 141,500 161,500 183,000 210,000 240,000
2010 162,500 198,000 234,000 281,000 338,000

 

fer the forthcoming 30-year period (1980 to 2010). A growth of 2.5
percent, though not currently met, probably provides the most
realistic estimate, though possibly conservative, for long range
projections.

Regardless of the estimated growth rate used, one overriding
feature becomes apparent when considering Tonga's population history
and its projected future. It took approximately 100 years to double
the 1840 p0pulation figure of 18,500. The 1940 population figure,
approximately 35,000, required less than 25 years to double, result-
ing in 70,000 individuals. Projected growth rates (Table 4) indicate
that the population will double again between 1966 and 1990, a period
of 24 years.

The p0pulation composition of modern Tonga is homogenous.

As indicated within Table 5, 98 percent of the population is Tongan,
while less than 2 percent is composed of other racial elements.
Throughout history, Tongan law has consistently f0rbade the sale of

land to non-Tongans, Therefore, this non-native element is primarily

 

30

TABLE 5.--Component Populations of the Kingdom Showing Respective
Percentages to Total Population: 1939, 1956, and 1966.

 

Component Population 1939 Census 1956 Census 1966 Census

 

Tongans 96.28% 97.04% 98.31%
Europeans 1.17 0.40 0.42
Part-Europeans 1.29 1.06 0.66
All Others 1.26 1.41 0.51
100.00 100.00 100.00

 

SOURCE: S. N. Fiefia, Report of the Results of the 1966
Census (Nuku'alofa: Government Printer, 1968), p. 17.

 

concentrated within the urban areas. Of this 2 percent non-Tongan
population, nearly 30 percent are of mixed racial composition, the
majority of whom are of Tongan and European descent. The signifi-
cance of this absence of alien racial elements is the subsequent
absence of Conflicts of interest between these elements, often evi-
dent in other Pacific island groups (i.e., in Fiji between Fijians
and Indians, and in Tahiti between the Chinese and native Tahitians).
The basis for this homogenic feature may, in part, be
traced to the civil war period of Tongan history. During this
period, evidence indicates an increasing Tongan hostility toward the
resident Europeans. The popularized name, "The Friendly Islands,"
given to Tonga by Cook, became a misnomer as ships and missionaries
were attacked. Tales of murder and cannibalism emanated from the

voyages of the ships "Duke of Portland" (1802), "Union" (1804),

31

"Supply" (1822), and "Rambler" (1824) (Wood 1932, p. 34). Although
the authenticity of these stories nay be questioned, they effec-
tively portrayed Tonga as an extremely inhospitable landing for
European ships.

Following the civil war period, the newly formed Tongan
nation successfully maintained its independent status, despite the
fact that other Pacific territories became European colonies or
possessions. Prior to 1900, various treaties were signed with
France, Germany, the United States, and Britain. The British treaty
of 1900 designated Britain as the Protecting Power of Tonga, and
reconfirmed Tongan independence. This treaty, in effect from 1900
to 1970, insured Tongan independence and shielded the islands from
any substantial alien influences.

At no time has Tonga experienced large scale influxes of
alien population, such as the introduction of alien labor into
Fiji, or the Anglo annexation of Eastern Samoa. This has allowed
the maintenance of a nearly pure racial complexion in Tonga, with
only a very minimum alien entry.

A second significant feature of the Tongan population compo-
sition is the age structure. This factor is particularly important
in terms of projected population growth rate, as well as to
future agricultural, urban, and economic planning. An examination
of the 1956 and 1966 censuses reveals a significant expansion of the
population percentages within the young age groups (Table 3). For
example, the pre-fertility age group, ages 0 to 14, increased from

43.9 percent of the total population in 1956, to 45.1 percent in

32

1966, On the other hand, the reproductive age groups, ages 15 to
44, evidenced a decline within each age group, with the exceptions
of ages 35 to 39 and 40 to 44. Further examination of these repro-
ductive age groups indicates, however, that while an overall per—
centage decrease was realized between 1956 and 1966, the absolute
numbers within each group increased substantially. This explains
why, while the percentage of post-1966 births has decreased, the
total number of births has remained nearly static (Table 2).

While stable populations develop stable age distributions,
rapidly increasing populations evidence a greater proportion of
younger age groups. The younger groups provide a broad base from
which a large reproductive age group may eventually emerge, with
the potential of even further increasing the birth rate. Tongan
census statistics report a 1966 growth rate of 3.46 percent which
represents one of the largest yearly growth rates in Tongan
history. Since 1966, yearly percentage growth rates have decreased.
However, as the younger age groups reach reproductive ages, Tonga
nay experience a resurging population expansion.

In order to forestall this continually increasing birth
rate, and to establish a more stable demographic profile, the Tongan
government has, since 1955, supported a family planning program.
The medical department of the Tongan Ministry of Health began the
present program of family planning in 1958, with aid from the South
Pacific Commission. Since its initiation, the program has been
extended to all parts of the Kingdom, with varying degrees of

S UCCES S .

 

I ‘4‘- xh- _._.
g.. 7

33

Tongan traditions are contrary to the concept of reduced
family size. Prior to 1950, high infant mortality motivated pro-
duction of large numbers of offSpring. In addition, a large family
represented security for elderly parents. However, with the intro-
duction of public health facilities, such as water purification,
infant mortality declined, but without a corresponding decline in
the birth rate. Thus, family size has increased slightly. The
average number of persons per household in 1956 was 6.6, while in
1966 this figure was 6.7.

Several of the active religions within the Tongan Kingdom
are a second major obstacle to effective family planning. These
church groups (Mormon, Free Church of Tonga and Catholic) are out-
spoken in their opposition to family planning and birth control.
Estimates of lay agreement to this opposition vary. The Office of
Family Planning in Tonga claims that 18 percent of the Catholic
population participates in the pragram. However, interviews con-
ducted in a cross sampling of the Tongan population indicated a
much lower percentage of Catholic supporters. Interviews with Mormon
and Free Church members indicated consistent rejection of the family
planning project. Despite the fact that the majority of the Tongan
population is of Methodist affiliation, the influence of smaller
church groups should not be underestimated. The Mormon church mis-
sion, for example, has experienced a rapid expansion in all areas
of the Kingdom. The potential for a religious-based block to
governmental birth control programs is not insignificant (Clark

1974).

 

 

 

34

A lack of consistent governmental support has produced a
final obstacle to an effective family planning program. While a
few members of the government outwardly support the program,
others have, for various reasons, withheld their endorsement.

This inconsistency is prevalent at all levels of the government.

The combined result of these three negative factors is a
program far less effective than its earlier reported potential.
Interviews with Tongan family planning administrators indicated
that while these are important considerations, family planning is
making progress and stabilizing population growth. However, inter-
view questions designed to determine the opinions of average village
inhabitants toward Tongan population issues revealed several
interesting factors.

Among those Tongan citizens questioned, there was almost
unanimous agreement that overcrowding is a problem within Tonga,
in the 19705. This overcrowding was recognized at four societal
levels: family, village, island, and nation. However, very few of
those interviewed coUld supply an accurate national population
estimate (within 15,000).

Similarly, of those interviewed, most believed that overpopu-
lation would remain a major problem in Tonga's future. On the other
hand, few individuals considered family planning to be an important
feature of household management.

Density of p0pulation was also found to be of minor impor-
tance in the acceptance or rejection of family planning. In a

comparison of the high density areas of Ha'apai with low density

35

areas, suah as 'Eua, no significant difference in the proportion
of acceptance was evidenced. Nor were significant variations of
acceptance noted between rural and urban areas.

Examination of interview responses tends to indicate that
the major factor determining acceptance or rejection of a family
planning program is based in economics. It was found that the
average Tongan, even when knowledgeable of the population issue,
was more concerned with his own cost of living, school fees, and
social expenses, than with overcrowding in his village or nation.
Recognition of the possibility of improving family living standards
by the reduction of offspring was the major motivation for accept-
ance of family planning. It is argued that with current trends
toward increased tourism, the economic incentive for family planning
may be removed. However, fewer than one percent of the total popu-
lation would benefit monetarily from these changes. Therefore, it
apears that the major incentive to acceptance of planning, the
possibility of improving economic status, will continue to be
influential.

The possibility of improved economic status also is the
driving force behind population migrations in modern Tonga. This
possibility, coupled with related social aspects (i.e., educational
facilities, urban amenities) of certain areas over others, provides
the major stimulus for movement within the nation.

Tongans have, for centuries, been known as a regionally
mobile population. However, while movements of population out of

the islands were frequent, seldom were they permanent. For example,

 

36

Tongan sovereignty was, at one time, established in Samoa, Futuna,
Rotuma and Uvea to facilitate collection of tribute (Gifford 1929,
p. 15). Control was also extended to Fiji, the Gilbert and Ellis
Islands, Niue, and the Cook Islands, as a result of war. None of
these cases represents part of a permanent migratory pattern.

Migration in modern Tongan history has also been largely
restricted to movement within the nation. In other words, the
Tongans have never had a period of large scale permanent movement
out of the nation. Those individuals now leaving for New Zealand,
Australia, Samoa or the United States usually do so for higher wages
in industry or service activities. These people, however, usually
return to Tonga within a year. (These external migration figures
are not yet significant, although they are increasing.) Therefore,
a consideration of migration in modern Tonga is most often con-
cerned with rural to village or city movements, or inter-island
movements.

The movement of people between the islands, particularly to
Tongatapu, is reaching such a significant level that government
regulation has been suggested (Fiefia 1968, p. 11). The increase in
the proportion of the population living in Tongatapu, and the cor-
responding decrease in proportions living in other islands, has
become the most noticeable trend in the population distribution of
the Kingdom. This movement can be explained by better educational
facilities, the availability of cash wages, and a force vaguely

described as the centripetal pull of urban areas.

 

 

37

During interviews with individuals who had migrated to
Tongatapu, the most frequently offered explanation for this migra-
tion was the desire for the best education for the children, and a
subsequent qualification for careers in government service. Until
recently, Tonga's secondary schools were all located on Tongatapu.
Even though secondary schools have now been built on the other
islands, most informants believed that the Tongatapu schools are
superior. All such individuals expressed a willingness to tempo-
rarily lower their standard of living, undergo long periods of
family separation or relocate the entire family, in order to
achieve a long range goal of better education.

A smaller number of informants migrated to Tongatapu, due
to a desire for cash employment in or near the capital. However,
in many cases both motives, education and employment, were
influential.

The centripetal force of urbanization, as described by
Fiefia in the 1966 census report, is noted particularly with regard
to younger age groups. "The drift of young people from the atolls
of Ha'apai, especially, and rural areas of Tongatapu to Nuku'alofa
is probably indicative of this trend" (Fiefia 1968, p. 11).

Most of the internal migration is from rural to urban areas,
and Nuku'alofa is by no means the only urban area affected. The
1956 census listed six settlements, including the capital, with
populations in excess of 1,000. With the 1966 report this statistic
had risen to 13. (Table 6 lists these settlements with the respec-

tive intercensal increases.) These 13 evidenced a combined

38

 

 

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uaascsasaw "aeo_a.=x=zv mamaau cam. 6;» Ca maesmam 6;“ Lo asoaam .aacawa .z .m "wumaom

 

 

 

 

 

m.m¢ + www.mm m_~.a~ Papae
m.m + moo.P aoo., 8.33asaaa
o.m~ + mam.m mem.m zaaaaz
=.m>m>
P.a + moo.p mom oaw;_:
2.5 - o~8._ mmm.F Lamcaa
Gama.a:
m.am + meo.F man assasxsz
_.Pm + mmm.. mmm mass:
m.am + FPm.F. new amca_ax
m.amm + amm.P Nam A=_a>azv oaaps_a>a=
a.~a + mam.. “mm mason amcaaaa amcoe ago La
wmwpak asmu mcwuzpucw :uosm.m=m
8.5m + mna.P moo.~ _aaa.a;aaad aaa amap_ou
munch mamas—oz? ozwoum.m:
o.mo + Pan._ «mo._ seam _aa:aeasaaxm
newscgm>ou mg» acwoapocw chm>
m.mm + Nom.m omm.~ a.=z
ao.o~ + mmo.m_ ~o~.m apamcaoaa
-a_maam mamas_acw aeop<.=x=z
:mwummco._.
mmmweumc Lo mmmmgucu
cowumpzaoa cowumpaaoa each can uuwgumwn
mmflHCQULQQ Omm— OnMGP

 

.omm_ mucwm unoccucH mmmpcmugmm mga mcwzocm Lm>o use cowpm—zaoa coo._ cur: mczohii.m umm<~

39

percentage increase of 48.3 percent of the total I'urban" population
and represented in excess of 46 percent of the Kingdom's popula-
tion. Nuku'alofa alone accounted for nearly 21 percent of the
national p0pulation total.
It is important to note that 9 of the 13 settlements
(Table 6) are in the middle and eastern sections of the Tongatapu
district, the areas where economic and educational activities are
concentrated. These 9 villages represent nearly 60 percent of the
island's p0pulation, with Nuku'alofa, alone, accounting for 32.4
percent of the total (Fiefia 1968, p. 10). An example of extremely
rapid village growth is the case of HaVeluloto (Havelu). This
rapid growth is the result of three factors:
1. The proximity of Havelu to Nuku'alofa attracts
many people who could not find land within the
capital.
2. The relocation of the Tonga Capra Board and the
Tonga Construction Company, from Nuku'alofa to
Havelu, was accompanied by a subsequent reloca-

tion of employees.

3. The construction of a new island hospital within
Havelu has attracted many residents.

The major road between Havelu's hospital and Nuku'alofa is solidly
lined with dwellings.

The four remaining villages of over 1,000 population, not
found on Tongatapu, are divided evenly between Ha'apai and Vava'u.
Of these, Pangai declined in population during the intercensal
period, while the other three registered the lowest percentage
increases of the 13 settlements. This statistic indicates that

movement from rural to urban areas was not as influential within

 

4O

Ha'apai or Vava'u, as in Tongatapu. This conclusion is supported
by the outmovement of population, both rural and urban, from these
islands to Tongatapu. In Ha'apai, four villages lost population,
while others increased at rates lower than the national average.
In Vava'u, one-third of the villages lost population, while only
two increased at a rate equal to the national average (Walsh 1970,
p. 36).
Areas of Tonga most affected by in-migration are portions of
'Eua, owing to the available land, and Tongatapu. In addition to
Nuku'alofa and its environs, the east central districts of Tongatapu
have been most affected. The Nuku'alofa in-migration is of particu-
lar interest. Prior to 1956, the majority of migration to Tongatapu
was directed to rural areas. Growth rate of Nuku'alofa during the
intercensal period of 1931 to 1956 averaged 5.2 percent, while
rural Tongatapu grew at a rate of 6.3 percent. However, the trend
altered during the intercensal period of 1956 to 1966. Nuku'alofa,
during this period, grew at a rate of 7.4 percent, while rural
Tongatapu maintained the rate of 6.3 percent. This, and the pre-
ceding statistics, demonstrate the increasing importance of
Nuku'alofa and the other major villages, both in terms of population
(nearly 50 percent of the nation's total) and the tendency for cur-
rent migration to Tongatapu to be urban oriented (Walsh 1970, p. 38).
Movements to Nuku'alofa and its environs from other areas of
Tongatapu were more numerous than in-migration from other islands.
This suggests a two-step migratory pattern. Frequently, a migrant

from the other islands will settle initially in a Tongatapu village,

 

41

rather than move directly into the capital. Movement from these
areas into Nuku'alofa primarily involves young age groups, such as
school girls attending Queen Salote College.

Two factors stimulate movement from the outer islands.
Centrifugal forces push people out of Ha'apai and Vava'u, while
centripetal forces pull these pe0p1e to Tongatapu. The most
notable examples of these forces are greater opportunities for social
mobility through education, improved transportation facilities
between the islands, recent hurricanes in Ha'apai and Vava'u, an
outbreak of black leaf streak in Vava'u, and the urban attractions
of Nuku'alofa. Each of these forces can be related to economics.
Simply, the average Tongan is seeking to improve his economic
status to moving himself, if not his entire family, to Tongatapu.

These movements to Tongatapu are complicating the already
serious problem of land and housing shortages on that island. As a
result, migrants often live with relatives, or within the crowded
substandard dwellings near Nuku'alofa. Examples are especially
prevalent along the major roads between Nuku'alofa and Pea.

Interviews with individuals residing under these conditions
revealed two important facts. If employment is secured and a perma-
nent home established, the individual can expect additional family
members and relatives to also migrate and move in with him, result-
ing in a cyclical process. In addition, it was found that as fami-
lies leave Ha'apai and Vava'u, farmlands are not properly maintained,
due to the absence of male family members, who are usually the first

to migrate. Therefore, the the Kingdom is experiencing a severe

42

maldistribution of resident population, with over 50 percent now
living on Tongatapu. This situation is compounded by the decreas-
ing use of arable farmland and a subsequent reduction in the produc-
tion of indigenous foodstuffs (Fox 1972, p. 5).

Several Tongan geographic features are influential in the
distribution of the Tongan p0pulation. The western chain of islands
in the Tongan group are volcanic and therefore have been settled
only intermittently. These islands, usually smaller in size, are
less densely settled than the eastern coral islands. Factors, such
as the lack of permanent fresh water, and land too steep for anything
beyond scattered cultivation, severely limit their settlement poten-
tial. In addition, occasional volcanic eruptions further deter
settlement. During the civil war period of Tongan history, most of
the western chain islands supported sizable populations. However,
only Niuafo'ou and Niuatoputapu continued to support communities
into the twentieth century (Walsh 1970, p. 30). A volcanic eruption
on Niuafo'ou in 1946 ferced its evacuation and most of the village
population from this island resettled on 'Eua. (Niuafo'ou was
resettled in 1958.) Recent attempts to settle Kao and Tofua in
Ha'apai have met with varied success. Only Tofua appears, at
present, able to sustain a reasonable population. However, plans
and proposals are occasionally presented for the permanent settle-
ment of Late and Koa, also in Ha'apai.

The concentration of Tongan population within towns and
villages is expected to continue to be a significant feature of

Tongan population distribution. Similarly, a growth in the number

 

43

of village communities with populations in excess of 1,000 is
anticipated, particularly on Tongatapu and 'Eua. The attraction of
'Eua appears to be the availability of land, which motivates the
migration of Tongatapu's landless males. Table 7, which includes
the distribution of p0pulation from the 1921 census, illustrates
the p0pulation growth on 'Eua, from 1.4 percent of the total popula-
tion in 1939 to 4.3 percent in 1966.

Another significant factor determining population distribu-
tion is proximity to food source. In most cases, this results in
location either near the sea or near cultivated land. Maude, in

his examination of Tongan areas of low and high density, has

TABLE 7.--P0pulation Distribution.

 

Population Population Population Population

 

 

D'SIIICF 1921 1939 1956 1966
Tongatapu 10,127 15,754 31,264 47,920
Ha'apai 5,976 7,483 9,918 10,591
Vava'u 5,787 8,199 12,477 13,533
Niuatoputapu 791 836 1,254 1,395
Niuafo'ou 1,108 1,378 --- 599
'Eua ---I 480 1,925 3,391
Total 23,759 34,130 56,838 77,429
1

Included in the Tongatapu figures.

SOURCE: s. N. Fiefia, Report of the Results of the 1966
Census (Nuku'alofa: Government Printer, 1968), p. 9.

 

suggested that a balance between land and sea resources is generally
the determining factor (Maude 1965, p. 63).

Although it is in close proximity to Tongatapu, in-migration
to 'Eua has only recently been of significance. Interviews with
residents of 'Eua suggested two reasons for this relative neglect.
Passage to 'Eua is often dangerous, owing to the reef which surrounds
the island. In addition, there is a marked lack of seafood available
to the settlers on 'Eua. However, with the lack of land and the
increasing population pressure on Tongatapu, coupled with the avail-
ability of land on 'Eua, in—migration is expected to steadily
increase.

P0pulation density, in relation to tillable land, is often

determined by the degree of willingness on the part of Tongan

nobles, to lease their holdings. In eastern and southeastern v‘

Tongatapu, large tracts of land lie idle or are used only minimally.
However, in other portions of the nation, where landowners have
been willing to lease, distribution is concentrated and densities
are much higher.

Table 8 includes population density statistics for the
major districts of the nation. For purposes of discussion, popu-
lation density can be considered at three levels: (1) uninhabited
land, (2) areas of low density, and (3) areas of high density.

Uninhabited areas of the Kingdom are usually those lands
inhich are either unsuitable for cultivation or restricted from
(:ultivation by members of the nobility. The majority of the

'volcanic fermations in the western Tonga chain are included within

 

'QZZZT'T'

45

TABLE 8.--Population Density of Each Principal District: 1956 and

 

 

1966.
District 1956 1966
Tongatapu 313 480
Ha'apai 490 523
Vava'u 281 304
Niuatoputapu and Tafahi 172 191
'Eua 57 100

 

SOURCE: S. N. Fiefia, Report of the Results of the 1966
Census (Nuku'alofa: Government Printer, 1968), p. 9.

the former category. As mentioned previously, the lack of suitable
water sources, coupled with the steep and rocky landscape, pose an
effective deterrent to agricultural settlement.

Several important examples of uninhabited coral formations
are located within the eastern island chain. Walsh described
Uoleva as having never been inhabited and explained that the soil
of the island is unsuitable for yam cultivation and "although visited
and farmed to some extent, there is no record of permanent settle-
ment" (Walsh 1970, p. 30). Interviews within Ha'apai settlements
supported this conclusion in relation to several smaller uninhabited
islands of this same island group. I

The uninhabited areas of Vava'u are usually small islands
which are steep and provide little acreage for productive farming.
Also, in Vava'u, which has not experienced significant overcrowding,

there has been little need for additional land. Many farmers

46

recognize that the uninhabited land is available, but continue by
stating, "We have enough land."

Although Ha'apai and Vava'u include areas of low density
population, the majority of this land is located on Tongatapu, also
the scene of in-migration, population maldistribution and crowding.
While totally uninhabited areas on Tongatapu are few, there are
several areas of extremely low density, most often held by the
nobility and located within the eastern and southeastern districts.
The total amount of land held or controlled by Tongan nobility and/
or royalty is unpublished (Rogers 1969, p. 217), and estimates vary
from less than 50 percent to 70 percent. However, it is anticipated
that p0pulation pressure, building throughout the Kingdom and par-
ticularly on Tongatapu, will necessitate the end of such land
hoarding.

Natural factors may also contribute to the low density of a
particular area. Maude's assumption of a balance of "land and sea
resources" would seem to be the major cause. Though growing popu-
lation pressure may necessitate a reordering of this concept, at
present it appears that a scarcity of seafood correlates highly with
low population density on adjacent land areas. This is particularly
noticeable in the smaller islands of Eastern Ha'apai, and in areas
of Vava'u. However, the situation in Vava'u is compounded by the
inaccessibility of existing resources, owing to reefs and rocky
shorelines.

On the other hand, densities which are highest, excluding

urban areas, are located within areas where reefs provide an

47

accessible and abundant sea resource. This is true of western
Tongatapu and the western sides of the Ha'apai islands, with the
reefs of inner Ha'apai being the most productive.

Urban areas are by definition high density zones, and
therefore need not be defended as such. However, urban density
can be examined in relation to size of housing units within the
islands. The average size of the Tongan household, as reported in
1966, included 6.7 persons. Recently collected data indicated no
significant change in this level. However, the census reported
nine villages with households averaging eight persons, and four
villages which averaged over nine persons per household. Most of
these were located on Tongatapu. Similarly, recent study indicated
the average household size in Nuku'alofa to be 7.96; Pangai, 7.55;
and Neiafu, 7.42. In addition, more than 63 percent of those house-
holds containing three or more nuclear family units were located on
Tongatapu.

High density rural areas may number more than 2,000 persons
per square mile, as in some parts of Ha'apai, while urban densities
nay be much higher. The average density of the population on
inhabited islands, in 1966, was approximately 375 persons per square
inile. This represented an increase in overall density per square
inile of nearly 100 persons, from 1956 to 1966. However, these sta-
tristics are of little significance, unless considered in relation to
the Kingdom's available human, natural, and agricultural resources.
The following sections, which treat land tenure and agricultural

eX<:hange, will rely heavily upon an analysis of these resources, and

their critical interrelations within Tonga.

CHAPTER IV

LAND TENURE

The Tongan land tenure system originated in 1852, following
the conclusion of the civil war period of 1799 to 1852. It was at
this time that Tupou I proclaimed himself to be ruler of all Tonga,
and issued the two proclamations which laid the foundation for land
tenure. Maude summarized these two proclamations as: (1) "No
person has any title to lands in the islands except by grant from
the government," and (2) "It shall not be lawful for any chief or
people in Tonga (Tongatapu), Haabai (Ha'apai), or Vava'u to sell a
portion of land to strangers" (Maude 1965, p. 62). Although the
sale of land to foreigners was thus prohibited, leasing was per-
mitted under government supervision, thereby satisfying the requests
for land by Europeans (i.e., missions, traders, and refueling
facilities).

The Tongan nobility received the first land divisions,
from Tupou I, in the form of estates. This land was to be leased,
in turn, to people residing in the vicinity of each noble. Thus,
the leasing system probably began shortly after these estates were
granted, in the 18505, and has remained intact to this day.

The first significant step toward formal clarification of

the land tenure system appeared in the code of 1862, with the

48

 

49

requirement that all foreign leaseholders pay rent to the Crown.

In addition, non-ownership of land was extended to Tongans, as

well as foreign residents. The code also borrowed from the earlier
Vava'u Code of 1839 the concept that pe0p1e are entitled to
farmland, and that so long as tribute is paid, they cannot be
dispossessed.

The legal basis for this system was supplied by the Con-
stitution of 1875. Though revisions to the system have been made,
most notably in the Land Act of 1927, the fundamental provisions
of the 1875 Constitution, pertaining to land, have remained vir-
tually unchanged. All land remains the possession of the King,
who can grant estates to nobles. Nobles, in turn, lease parcels
of land to individuals residing within the respective districts, as
is needed. Land cannot be sold to Europeans or Tongans, and only
leases approved by the government are recognized (Pacific Islands,
Vol. III, 1944, p. 58).

This system was further developed between 1875 and 1900,
the most notable modification being the regulation by the Crown of
all land rents (i.e., taxes), allotments, and evictions, initiated
in 1890. This legally limited the traditional power of the Tongan
chiefs and nobles. In addition, the nobles could not refuse land to
any person in their district. In other words, the government had
successfully solidified and reserved for itself, ultimate control
over all land.

Under the 1890 provisions, Tongan males, upon reaching the

age of 16, were recognized as being entitled to apply for a land

50

allotment. Two types of allotments were granted. The 'api tukuhau,
or rural allotment, was 100 fathoms square or approximately eight
and one-quarter acres. The 'api kolo, or town allotment,

neasured 22 fathoms square (132 yards square) and was designed for
use as a dwelling and garden site. Portions of Tongatapu and
Ha'apai were subdivided into units 50 fathoms square, to allow far
greater p0pulation density in select areas. In addition, the 1890
provisions made land liable to forfeiture if rents or taxes were
not paid for three successive years. Annual rates of tax equaled
eight shillings per 'api tukuhau. Smaller allotments were assessed
a proportionate rent, while no rent was paid for the 'api kolo.

In 1915, a minor regulation was added to the 1890 provi-
sions, whereby the government was required to notify the nobility
prior to making allotments from their estates.

' The 1927 Land Act consolidated the existing laws and is the
legal instrument currently consulted for clarification of land
policies. This act also included provisions for granting a rural
allotment of 12 3/8 acres to any applicant willing to forfeit his
town site. This modification was probably designed to encourage
more even distribution of population, plus increase agricultural
production. In 1934, the size of this allotment was increased to
15 acres, due to the lack of interest in the 12 3/8 acres. The
15 acres were comprised of a standard 8.25 acre rural allotment and
a town site of 1.75 acres. In addition, an optional five more acres
could beleased for 50 years, at a minimal rate. Employees of the

Tongan Ministry of Lands, as well as village residents, indicate that

 

 

51

neither allotment size has been popular to the point of signifi-
cantly altering population distribution. While several estates were
initially surveyed into 15 acre allotments, most have since been
resurveyed to the stand eight and one-quarter acre size (Wood 1932,
p. 74).

The estimated total land area of the Tongan Kingdom is
184,674 acres, or approximately 288 square miles (Report of the

Ministry of Lands and Survey, 1973, p. 14). Approximately 40

 

percent of this total represents the Tongatapu island group.

Vava'u and Ha'apai represent 22 percent and 18 percent, reSpec-
tively, with the remaining 20 percent being volcanic and largely
uninhabitable. Population estimates of 101,608 for 1975, projected
in the 1970 economic survey, allow 1.8 acres per person or an
overall density of 352 persons per square mile (An Economic Survey

of Tonga: 1970, p. 10). However, a breakdown of Tongan districts

 

illustrates the maldistribution of population and land resources.
Tongatapu, with over 60 percent of the total population, currently
has a ratio of approximately 1 to 1.02 acres per person, and an
estimated 1975 population density of 628.8 persons per square

mile. Ha'apai, not including Tofua and Koa, shows 0.94 acres per
person and a density of 685.6 persons per square mile. 'Eua, on the
opposite extreme, contains 4.3 percent of the population, or approxi-
mately 4,370 persons. 'Eua is an estimated 33 square miles in size,
resulting in a population density of approximately 129 persons per

square mile, or 5.0 acres per person (see Table 9).

 

52

.,—

TABLE 9.--Popu1ation Density, and Acres Per Capita.

 

 

Population Area Density Acres

1975 est. Sq. Mi. Per Sq. Mi. Per Capita
Tongatapu 62,794 99.85 628.8 1.02
Ha'apai 13,890 20.26 685.6 0.94
Vava'u 17,679 44.44 397.8 1.61
'Eua 4,370 33.76 129.44 4.97

 

SOURCES: Kingdom of Tonga: Statistical Abstract 1972
(Nuku'alofa: Government Printer, 1972), p. 2.

S. 11. Fiefia, Report of the Results of the 1966 Census
(Nuku'alofa: Government Printer, 1968), p. 8.

An Economic Survey of Tonga: 1970 (Nuku'alofa: Government
Printer, 1970), p. 8.

 

 

 

As indicated by these statistics, land is often at a premium
within Tonga. While the laws provide for an equitable system of land
distribution, differences between actual practice and theory in land
distribution, in view of p0pulation pressure, must be recognized.

Of 265 sample household interviews within the Kingdom, 51 percent of v/
the respondents reported to be landless. These individuals indi-
cated that the willingness of the estate holder to lease land, as

well as Tongan tradition, is frequently a more decisive factor than
the 1927 Land Act, with regard to land distribution. Many inter-
viewees suggested that land is rarely acquired in the manner stated

by law, but rather through a complex, and apparently corrupt, system
of barter and favor buying. This accounts for the fact that a

large number of Tongans are landless, while as much as 50 percent

of available acreage remains intact within royal and noble estates.

53

The same reasoning applies to historically prevalent variations in
size of holdings.1 Though an expose of these issues is not the
intent of this research, they are, nonetheless, considerations with
regard to population and land distribution. The following para-
graphs describe the land tenure system in practice, in contrast to
that outlined by Tongan law and theory.

Within the Tongan tenure system, there are two principal
types of land holdings--the estates of the royalty and nobility,
and the land allotments of the average citizens. The 1927 Land Act
listed three types of estates: those belonging to the King, those
belonging to the royal family, and the hereditary estates of the
Tongan nobility. At present, 39 nobles retain control, beneath the
Crown, of 31.1 percent of the total land area (see Table 10). About
60 percent of the Tongan population resides upon hereditary estates.
A few of the nobility retain possession of two estates or one estate
and other small holdings. In addition, some holdings may be on more
than one island, or fragmented on a single island. These features
complicate the assessment of these holdings, in terms of land area
involved, usage, and amount of leasing. Discussions with employees
of the Tongan Ministry of Lands revealed that although the Land Act
of 1927 requires the registration of estates and their boundaries,

approximately one-half of the existing estates have not been listed.

 

1The 'api tukuhau, or rural allotment, is most frequently
8.25 acres in size. However, sizes do vary considerably owing to a
variety of circumstances, which need not be discussed, with regard
to the tenure system. The average rural allotment ascertained
through interviews amounted to 9.63 acres, with extremes of two
acres and 48 acres being encountered.

 

 

‘15255'7‘”“"

54

.mm .a .Amnme .emucegm ucme:Lm>ow
.ma .a .Amee_ .eomeeea .e .a

 

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”ouoz

 

”eeeee.=xezv weep eoeeemee _eoeoa_eeom “emcee ea seemeex
U¥Lo> 3mzv ueeeuma pmmzsuaom .ucmegmnsao .m .x

 

 

 

 

 

 

.Agmpcega
eeoEeeasou ”eeaee.=x=zv _em_-memp «Nosesm ace mace; ea Neemeeez age ea eeeaam "mwuesom
. . . . . . . . . eaesaeeemee
o oo_ o cop o oo_ NON me_ see _e, one _e_ see me com me Pea em eeep Peace .e
m.~ m.~ m.~ eOe.e Fmo.e Pme.m -- -- -- momea_ xeeeeeu .e
m.e m._ m.~ NNN.N mem.m mmo.~ -- -- -- mameae eeeaeea .m
. . . . . . -- -- -- maoeemm o_aoz
_ _m w _m m mm wee _m eem _m we, we seeeeeeeoz .e
a 30
e.om e._N m._N emo.em oom.em owe em -- -- -- mmmwuseeeuw .m
m >
e._ m.e m.~ _ee.m _e_.N mme.N ewe mew Nee “meemmwaw WWW“ .N
mcemcoe
. . . . o m :ms 0 a
e.~e m.ee m.Pe mem.oe emo.ee com me em_ NN ewe _N one Fm “saw eew ”we
we vmpceem use; .e
eeme gem, mem_ _emp oem_ mem_ Fem. oeme meme

 

eoee Peace ea e

 

 

Amoeoev eoeeope< eoe<

mmmueoee< mo cmnssz

 

.aeeaeaezo use; ea eo_o=aeeoeeo--.oe mdmee

55

This lack of compliance results from inadequate surveying, di5puted
boundaries, and/or apathy.
In addition to the 31.1 percent of total acreage being
held by nobility, Crown lands account for another 20.7 percent.
This land, much of which is totally unused, includes the holdings
of the King and the royal family. P
Another type of estate, of recent origin, is that desig-
nated as government estates, under the control of the Tongan

Ministry of Lands. These consist of land which has not been i

 

granted by the Crown to the nobility. Ea
Thus, the estate is the primary unit in the division of

land by the Crown. However, beyond the breakdown of land owner-

ship within Table 10, an accurate accounting of land availability

and distribution is difficult. It may be reasonably assumed that

over one-half of the Kingdom's total acreage is held in estate form,

with much being left unused or used below capacity. The uneven

distribution of p0pulation further complicates an analysis of

the Tongan estate system. For example, while estates in Vava'u

and 'Eua may show a capita per acre ration of 1:5, more densely

settled Ha'apai and western Tongatapu show ratios of 1:0.9. This

fact leads to an expectation of internal migration, resulting in

more favorable distribution patterns. However, landless householders

indicate that it is extremely difficult to obtain land in distant

areas. This is in direct conflict with the principles of the 1927

Land Act, and emphasizes the influence of tradition and the unwill-

ingness of nobility to lease land to those from outside their distri-Cts.

L561-

The 'api, or land allotment, represents the second type of
land holding in the Kingdom, being a subdivision of the estate. In
theory, the estates are to be divided into allotments as needed.
However, according to the Tongan Ministry of Lands, only the
nation's major geographic features, such as roads and shorelines,
had been surveyed prior to the national survey of 1958. Subse-
quently, few of the estate lands had been subdivided into the
standard eight and one-quarter allotments prescribed by law and
the presence of customary farm holdings, which were of a wide range
in size and Spacing, made implementation of the 1927 Land Act, in
terms of land distribution, impossible. The national survey in
1958 greatly increased the number of available land allotments.

Maude (1965) reported that in 1957, only 2,564 allotments, of eight
and one-quarter acres, were available to 12,000 Tongan taxpayers.
Table 11 indicates that by 1973, this figure had increased to over
15,000 allotment holders (Report of the Ministry of Lands and Survey,
1973, p. 15). Though the increase of surveyed and allotted land

is impressive, over 50 percent of Tonga's acreage is retained by
royal and hereditary estates, and the growing number of landless
households persists. A recent royal address indicated that as many
as 39,837 individuals had applied for only 13,017 available allot-
ments. Based upon this data, there are twice as many men entitled ,,
to land as there are allotments available. This trend may reasonably
be expected to increase, as younger population groups reach maturity.

Land is most easily acquired through inheritance of a lease.

(The most frequent explanation for landlessness, as reported by

57

TABLE ll.--Distribution of Land Holdings by Type.

 

 

Year Tax Alggtmegfiuflglders Town Allggmegglgolders Total
1967 13,041. 7,186 20,221
1968 13,614 7,116 20,730
1969 14,065 7,194 21,259
1970 14,329 7,392 21,721
1971 14,615 7,571 22,186
1972 14,965 7,594 22,559
1973 15,152 7,828 22,980

 

SOURCE: Kingdom of Tonga: Statistical Abstract 1972
(Nuku'alofa: Government Printer, 1972), p. 95.

Tongan interviewees, was the lack of an inheritance.) On death of
the landholder, his widow is entitled to life interest in his land
holding. This right is lost only upon remarriage or conviction of
adultery and/or fornication. If there is no widow, the land passes
to the eldest son, and in the case of his death, to his eldest son.
If there arerwisons, an unmarried daughter may hold the land for
life.

With the average Tongan household consisting of 6.7 persons,
it is apparent that many males will not inherit land. Therefore,
the only subsequent way to acquire land is through an allotment
which is vacant, or an arrangement for land usage with a noble,
relative or friend. Many interview respondents indicated that

vacant land is scarce in densely settled areas, in that no

58

allotments are unclaimed, or the surveying for allotments has not
kept pace with demand.

Acquiring a vacant parcel of land is also complicated by
tradition and the power of the estate holder, as was mentioned
previously. A noble may delay the registration of the leased
allotment with the Ministry of Lands, thereby enabling him to
extract favors and gifts from those using his estate. Several
farmers in Vava'u, responding to interview questions, reported hav-
ing agreed to lease land from a particular noble, and after paying
the customary favor, discovered that the land was already leased.
Many estate holders are reluctant to relinquish their powerful posi-
tion. Subsequently, the allotments which were listed in the 1958
national survey as being available have been only slowly distributed.

The Tongan law requires a yearly payment of 80 cents to the
government or estate holder, by each farmer (Report of the Ministry

of Lands and Survey 1973, p. 3). However, investigation indicated

 

that many rents are far in excess of this requirement. Frequently,
farmers estimated their yearly rent to be more than ten dollars. In
many cases, rents are paid with gifts of food, such as pigs or yams,
or other material items, which are valued at more than 80 cents,
and make an accurate estimate of an average tax rate difficult to
determine (Clark 1974).

This situation may, in part, explain the widespread failure
by farmers to pay rent as required. Table 12 lists 1,241 allotment
holders, throughout the Kingdom, who have failed to pay rent, and

this delinquency continues to grow. Note that in 1971, only 1,034

59

TABLE l2.--Nonpayment of Rents by Lease Holders: 1971 and 1972.

 

 

Increase or Decrease
197] 1972 in Numbers
Tongatapu and 'Eua 216 386 + 170
Ha'apai 65 539 + 474
Vava'u 691 225 - 466
Niuatoputapu 62 91 + 29

 

SOURCE: Report of the Ministry of Lands and Survey 1973
(Nuku'alofa: Government Printer), p. 3.

 

allotment holders were listed as delinquent in rents (Report of the

 

Ministry of Lands and Survey 1973, p. 3). Several interviewees

 

indicated that they had no intention of paying rent under the

present system of collection. Since the regulation permitting
eviction after three years of delinquent rent is not strictly

enforced, the number of delinquent landholders is expected to

increase.

The 1966 census reported that only 42 percent of Tongan
taxpayers had a tax allotment, the distribution of this percentage
being 39 percent among the larger Tongatapu p0pulation, 46 percent
on Vava'u and 48 percent on Ha'apai (Fiefia 1968, p. 30). This
variation in distribution appears to be related to the uneven dis-
tribution of p0pulation, the resulting uneven demand for allotments,
and the fact that each year there are more taxpayers than available
allotments. A temporary solution, as indicated by interview

responses, involves subleasing from friends or relatives. This

 

60

subleasing is common 'throughout the islands, and most frequently,
payment is in a traditional means, such as an occasional basket of
taro or yams, or on a special occasion, a small pig.

Upon initial inspection, the information presented thus
far suggests a land shortage in the Kingdom. However, this inter-
pretation is not necessarily valid. When confronted by statistics
showing less than one-half of the Tongan taxpayers possessing
allotments, several qualifications must be recognized. Misalloca-
tion and maldistribution of land certainly exists. However, none of
the interviewed population, even in the squatters section of the
capital, appeared to be critically short of food. In cases where
land is totally unavailable fer household cultivation of vegetables,
it is traditional to borrow or receive subsistence foodstuffs from
neighbors, friends, or relatives. In this way even the totally
landless Tongans benefit from garden produce. (Food quality does
vary within the Tongan popualtion, and this will be discussed
further within a later chapter.)

Borrowing land for cash cropping or purposes other than
subsistence food production is rare. In very few interviews with
landless Tongans did the sale of cash crops contribute to the
income of the household, and this fact was often reflected signifi-
cantly in the income of the landless family. However, landlessness
should not be considered synonymous with poverty in Tonga. Land—
less households, though enjoying less agricultural cash income,
often receive income from more fortunate relatives, in the form of

gifts. (While the most frequent extra-subsidiary expense

1::

 

61

encountered in survey responses was church contribution, the second
most frequent expense was cash gifts to relatives.) In addition,
landless households may receive cash from relatives working over-
seas, most frequently in New Zealand, though also in Australia,
Samoa and Hawaii. In a few cases, landless households receive as
much or more income from overseas sources than the total income of
a landholding Tongan.

Additional alternatives Open to landless Tongans include a
variety of sharecropping arrangements, the most common being an
agreement to harvest a prearranged quantity of produce, for which
no return to the landowner is made. A modification of this is the
harvesting of the entire crop by the landless family, and sharing
the profits, half and half, with the landowner.

Still another alternative enabling landless households to
obtain land is the paying for such through an unofficial rent system.
The renting or leasing of land under this arrangement is, strictly
speaking, illegal. However, use of land is often granted in
exchange for gifts of vegetables, pigs, labor or even small amounts
of cash paid to the landowner.

The landless element in Tonga is rapidly growing, and
undoubtedly will become a major social and economic issue in the
Kingdom's future. However, at present, significant or widespread
social unrest related to the issue of land tenure is not evident.
Of those interviewed, 21 percent believed the present land tenure
system to be unsatisfactory, due to the lack of sufficient land.

This opinion was not restricted to landless households, but was

 

62

expressed by landowners, as well. However, only 0.3 percent of the
sample expressed the opinion that the tenure system should be
reorganized. Though this appears to be contradictory, most inform-
ants, when pressed on the issue, implied that the land tenure system
was based on tradition, and would not change.

Considering these features of the system, the following con-
clusions may be formulated. Although landlessness exists on a large
scale throughout Tonga, few landless households suffer critical hard-
ships resulting from land shortage. Most landless individuals
consider their income sufficient for household needs. An occasional
landless family enjoying remittances from abroad or who derive
income from fishing or labor may even achieve an income level above
that of the average allotment holder.

Land tenure must also be considered in terms of its role in
the nation's agricultural economy. Although an in-depth analysis of
Tongan agriculture is contained within the following chapter, its
relation to land tenure can be considered within the framework of the
present section. The major issue which arises is that concerning
the basis for the develOpment of cash cropping, which is vital to
Tonga's balance of payments.

Cash cropping has been largely confined to the production of
bananas and cocnut products. This does not mean that other cash crops
are being rejected, owning to land tenure. At the present, several
attempts are being made to develop the cultivation of vanilla and

citrus as cash crops. Nonetheless, the great majority of export

63

capital earned by cash cropping is the result of banana and coconut
product sales.

Prior to 1965, the slowness with which allotments were
registered and the incomplete subdivisions of larger landholdings
hindered the expansion of both the banana and coconut crops. Many
informants expressed a reluctance to plant their land with such
long-term crops as coconuts, until their allotments were registered
with the Ministry of Lands, and their tenures secure. Large scale
banana production was postponed for the same reasons. Under these
circumstances, the cultivation of short-term food crops has been
conducted on land often sparsely planted or devoid of coconuts.
Since 1965, and the initiation of the Coconut Replanting Scheme, a
major effort supported by the government, a marked increase in the
area planted in coconut palms has resulted. This, in turn, has
encouraged some farmers to cultivate bananas also. Therefore, it
appears that the basis for deve10ping cash crop agriculture, within
the present land tenure system, is sound. However, expansion will
likely fail to meet its potential unless the tenure system is
strictly applied and implemented, as stated in Tongan law and
theory.

According to survey respondents, the single major limiting
factor to increasing agricultural production is the lack of land.
Many farmers expressed a willingness to increase production, if land
was made available and secure to them. Assuming this willingness to

be reliable, the tenure system limits the average farmer to eight and

64

one-quarter acres, except for the above mentioned modifications, and
thus significantly limits the future expansion of cash crapping. In
some cases, this has led to the borrowing of land, whereby the
borrowed land is used for family food production, while intensive
cash cr0pping is carried out on the borrower's individual allotment.
Despite the above deterrents, agriculture remains the funda-
mental basis of the Tongan economy. The following chapter contains

an indepth analysis of this agricultural activity.

CHAPTER V

AGRICULTURAL PATTERNS

The Traditional System

 

Economically, Tonga is supported primarily by agriculture.
Production of primary agricultural products accounts for approxi-
mately 65 percent of the nation's employment and the majority of
all export earnings (96 percent in 19a9). In addition to subsis-
tence cropping, bananas and coconut are most frequently raised as
cash crops. Copra is currently Tonga's major agricultural export,
seconded by bananas. While the export value of bananas was greater
than copra in 1967 and 1968, the occurrence of diseases, which
affect the banana plant, permitted copra to regain its dominance.
Copra is expected to remain the major agricultural cash crop in Tonga,
during the near future.

Most Tongan men earn their livelihood as farmers, having
three basic production activities. Production of subsistence crops
for family consumption is the major concern of the majority of these
men. Additional production activity concerns crops for local sale
and crops for exportation to international markets.

Table 13 presents the major labor divisions within the Tongan
Kingdom. While only 66.5 percent of the male p0pulation is engaged
in agricultural employment, recent surveys indicated that a majority

of the remaining work force are also part-time farmers, producing

65

 

66

TABLE 13.--Economically Active Males Over Age 15 Classified Accord-
ing to Industry in Which Engaged: 1966.

 

 

Industry Total Number Percent
Agriculture 13,827 66.58
Commerce 180 .86
Transportation and Communication 334 1.60
Services 1,715 8.25
Manufacturing and Processing 579 2.78
Government and Administration 124 .59
Domestic 33 .15
Unclassified 3,974 19.19
Total 20,766 100.00

 

SOURCE: S. N. Fiefia, Report of the Results of the 1966
Census (Nuku'alofa: Government Printer, 1968), p. 72.

food cr0ps for home consumption, plus some meat, such as pork and
goat. As outlined in the previous chapter, virtually all Tongans
are tied to the land and only rarely is a household encountered where
the production of at least garden crops does not exist. However, the
use of imported food commodities is increasing, particularly in the
urban areas. This will be discussed in greather depth within the
following chapters.

Agriculture is usually the work of men, although it was fre-
quently observed that an entire family may travel to its rural 'api
and spend several days working together. Men usually do the heavier

labor, such as clearing and preparing the land for planting. While

67

the primary duties of women are cooking, cleaning and looking after
the children, they may also assist in the planting and tending of

crops. A rigid social division of domestic duties was not observed
in Tongan culture, and often men or older children were seen cooking
or tending the children while women labored in the household garden.

Tongan agriculture is based upon a bush fallow system. The
terminology "bush fallow," in this investigation, is used to denote
the Tongan form of shifting cultivation, in which a fallow period is
included between cycles of cropping. This system is used primarily
in the production of tubers for home use or local market sale.

The bush fallow cycle begins with the selection of a portion
of the 'api for clearing, burning-over, and planting. The selection
is based upon the requirements of the crop to be grown, in relation
to the characteristics of the available land. For example, low
swampy land is usually planted in taro, while yams require better
drained, loose soil. Following selection, the land is cleared, a
procedure which often involves little more than cutting small
undergrowth, using a bush knife (Plate 1, p. 73).

Most Tongan soils are the result of weathered volcanic ash
and are 60 to 90 percent clay. The soil structure is strong, as
indicated by its formation and friability, very permeable, and
generally exhibits characteristics of favorable tilth. Most Tongan
soils are also high in calcium, magnesium and potassium. Phosphorus,
generally fixed and immobile, is therefore unavailable in large

quantities, although enough is released at a constant rate to

 

68

provide for cr0p needs.1 The practice of burning-over land, which
fellows clearing, represents a significant factor to soil composi-
tion. This constant burning severely limits the amount of humus in
the soil and acts to reduce the amount of available nitrogen
(Hougland 1974). A further negative effect of burning is evident in
cash crop production. Improper timing of the burning process often
results in damage to coconut palms, thereby reducing the number of
nuts produced. Several 'apis were observed where burning had totally
destroyed the immature nuts of producing palms.

Following burning, very little ordering of the land is
done. Occasionally, a farmer may rent a small tractor to plow his
land, but usually the cost is prohibitive or the procedure is con-
sidered unnecessary. The planting of crops in Tonga involves little
more than digging a hole in the soil, planting, and leaving the crop
largely untended until maturity. Few farmers effectively weed more
than the immediate planting site, and planting often follows no
pattern of rows or other orderly arrangement.

Tongans evaluate land fertility by the presence of such wild
vegetation as weeds and grasses, plus previous experience with the
given land. However, land shortages in the more densely populated
areas often limit the choice of planting sites, and even in cases
where land is borrowed, usually only the poorer land is lent, and

thus secured for planting.

 

1This information was obtained from an examination of Tongan
soil, in conjunction with interviews conducted at the Tongan Govern-
ment Experimental Farm.

 

69

Yams are the first cr0p produced during the cultivation
cycle, given sufficiently fertile soil. Most farmers interviewed
stated that they grew two crops of yams on a given planting site,
before proceeding to the next cultivation stage. Interplanted with
the yams are a variety of other miscellaneous vegetables, bananas,
kape (i.e., giant taro), or plantains. In densely populated areas,
such as western Tongatapu, taro is occasionally interplanted also.
In regions in which sandy soils prevail, sweet potato instead of yam
often starts the planting cycle. This is usually fellowed by
bananas, plantains or cassava.

Following the yam harvest, taro, cassava or sweet potato
is planted. While surveys indicate that there is no established
pattern or sequence of crapping following the yams, taro was found
to be the usual second cr0p. Most farmers produce two plantings of
the second crop prior to the third cultivation stage, which most
often involves the production of cassava. Up to six croppings of
cassava are produced, although this figure is not the norm. Cassava
is occasionally found sparsely planted on fallow land, or growing
wild, especially in the densely settled areas of Ha'apai, where the
fallow period is much shorter, owing to less available land. An
almost endless number of variations of planting and intercropping
was reported by individual farmers. However, as the first planting
was usually yams, the last planting was usually cassava, for reasons
of soil depletion and the ease of cassava production (i.e., the lack
of tilling, weeding, and grass control). Only occasionally did the

sequence end with bananas, rather than a tuber.

70

Two features of the bush fallow system of particular inter-
est are crop interplanting and crop succession. Interplanting was
feund to be practiced by over 90 percent of all landowning farmers
engaged in cultivation. When questioned as to the reasons for this
practice, the most frequent response concerned a desire for increased
production on limited land. However, several additional advantages
were observed. Interplanting reduces farm labor requirements, in
terms of weeding, to only minor maintenance activities. Interplant-
ing also retards soil erosion, such as on the steep slopes of Vava'u
and the more sandy soils of Ha'apai. In addition, it is believed that
the soil nutrient requirements of interplanted crops are frequently
complimentary, although this was not tested.

The cycle of crop succession in Tonga is primarily based
upon a farmer's knowledge of his land's condition and fertility,
plus the fertility requirements of individual crops. Yams are
planted first because they require a loose soil, such as is found fol-
lowing the clearing process, and a higher soil fertility.

Taro and cassava, the most frequently planted second and
third crops, are less demanding on soil fertility. Cassava is
particularly notable in this respect. Thus, in the more densely
settled portions of Tongatapu and Ha'apai, where the fallowing peri-
ods are much shorter and, consequently, soil fertility is lower,
cassava is more frequently cultivated.

Tuber cultivation, such as for yam, taro and cassava,
represents the principal farming activity in the Kingdom's food pro-

duction. However, several supplementary crops are noteworthy, the

71

most important being coconut. The coconut, though representing the
majority of cash-earning export production, is also an important
domestic food source. Coconut flesh and cream are integral parts of
practically every Tongan meal. In addition, products of the coconut
palm are also important to other aspects of Tongan life, from house
construction to production of a sh0pping basket for marketing.

A second important supplementary agricultural crop is kava.
The roots of this plant are dried, pulverized, and mixed with water
to produce what could be called the Tongan national beverage.
Although the taste is somewhat alien to a non-Tongan palate, the
only observed immediate physical effect of this drink was a slight

1 Prolonged consumption, however, was noted to

narcotic quality.
cause a darkening and scaling of the skin, evidenced hisome older
Tongans.

A third supplementary plant is the papaya, which is only
infrequently cultivated for its fruit, and usually grows totally
unaided. While foreigners find the papaya to be a welcome addition
to the principally tuber diet of the Tongan, it is, strangely, a
native food viewed with low status. Few interviewees admitted to.

consuming papaya regularly, and frequently described the fruit as

being pig food.

 

1On several occasions young Tongan men, having consumed a
large quantity of the kava drink, or "Tongan beer" as it is commonly
referred to, were observed to be thoroughly intoxicated. However,
experience indicated that enormous quantities of the drink are
necessary to produce anything more serious than a mild headache.

From all indications, the intoxicating effect is quite simply psycho-
logical, rather than physiological, although all Tongans questioned
will attest to the contrary.

72

Cash cropping (to be discussed in greater depth later in this
chapter) in the bush fallow system can be divided into long- and
short-term crops. The principal short-term crops include bananas and
a variety of melons, plus miscellaneous plants. Bananas, as
described above, may be interplanted in the normal planting cycle.
Usually, banana cropping is continued for several years before a
plot is returned to fallow. Production from this crop is allocated
to household consumption, or sold in local markets. Surveys encoun-
tered only an occasional farmer producing bananas for the international
export market. Subsequent interviews indicated several limitations
on this type of production, such as plant disease and inadequate
shipping facilities.

The most severe diseases affecting banana production are
black leaf streak, bunchy top, and banana scab moth, the most serious
being black leaf streak. Decreases in the production of exportable
bananas since 1967, equaling 83 percent of the 1967 crop, have been
attributed largely to this particular disease. Leaf streak is a
fungal disease, characterized by a dark streaked appearance on the
plant leaf (Plate 2). The disease, by decreasing the total leaf
areaiyfthe plant, thereby reduces the plant's photosynthetic capacity.
The results are smaller fruit, smaller numbers of fruit per bunch,
or frequently the complete absence of fruit.

Banana bunchy top is a viral disease, also reducing the
photosynthetic area of the plant. It is characterized in the field
by the insequential order in which the plant leaves die and the

bunched appearance of remaining leaves (Plate 3, p. 74). Bunchy top

73

Plate 1.

A Bush or Rural 'Api in
‘ Cultivation.

 

Plate 2.

 

Characteristic Appearance of
Black Leaf Streak.

74

Plate 3.

  
 
  
 

, \s Characteristic Appearance
‘ “ of Bunchy Top.

Plate 4.

Characteristic Appearance of)
Banana Scab Moth Damage.

75

retards the growth and development of the plant, and terminates
fruit production.

Banana scab moth, most destructive during its larval stage,
may cause damage ranging from simple fruit discoloration to total
destruction (Plate 4, p. 74). DOT, which is frequently used to
combat scab moth, has been ineffective in annihilating the pest.

The combined effect of these three diseases have reduced
internationally marketable banana production by nearly 1.5 million
dollars, representing approximately 30 percent of total agricultural
export production since 1967. Farmers are increasingly hesitant
to initiate large scale banana production, unless guaranteed
assistance in combating disease and plant destruction.

Survey interviews also attributed decreasing banana produc-
tion to inadequate shipping facilities. Frequently, harvested
bananas are placed on a dock to await the arrival of transport
vessels destined for overseas markets. During this time, the fruit
becomes over—ripe, falling below export quality. As a consequence,
fruit originally priced up to $1.90 per case may be sold for as
little as 40 cents. Because of this potential low cash return,
nany interviewed farmers stated that large scale banana production
was an unwise economic risk.

Commercial production of melons, especially watermelons, is
also hindered by the inadequate scheduling of transport facilities to
overseas markets. Melons are also produced for Tongan markets, but

frequently earn only low prices, even when out of season.

76

0f the miscellaneous crops produced, two are particularly
noteworthy--sugar cane and peanuts. Sugar cane is frequently produced
on the farms of Vava'u, although limited cultivation may be found
throughout the nation. Sugar for domestic consumption is not produced
in the Kingdom, and mature cane is sold in small unprocessed sticks,
much like candy.

Peanuts have a great potential for expanded production in
Tonga. The presence of a domestic market for peanuts is apparent
throughout the Kingdom, and the potential dietary value of this
product should be recognized. Employees within the Tongan Ministry
of Agriculture blame the lack of extensive peanut production on the
laziness of individual farmers. On the other hand, farmers refuse
to plant peanuts without guaranteed aid for the necessary machinery
and fertilizers.

Coconut is the best example of long-term cash cr0pping.
Products of the palm, principally copra, equal approximately 85
percent of Tonga's total international export. Cultivation of palms
is conducted independently of the food crop planting cycle. If
well cared for, young palms will reach initial production four to six
years after planting, although seven to nine years was frequently
reported in interviews as being the time required prior to production.
The coconut palm will produce for up to 70 years, with 50 to 60 years
being the norm. However, rats and beetle damage claim up to 25 per-
cent of all potential produce.

Palms are often not planted in an orderly fashion on a

typical 'api, being planted in a seemingly random distribution. An

77

aerial analysis of Tongatapu, and a subsequent comparison with
Western Samoa, revealed a marked difference in planting and culti-
vation. Portions of Samoa reveal an orderly planting configuration,
suggesting more devoted commercial production of coconuts. Tongan
farmers, when questioned about the uneven planting, noted that they
can produce much larger tuber crap yields if sunlight is not blocked
by closely planted palms. However, loosely defined and enforced
Tongan laws requiring palm cultivation, plus the desire for a cash
income, have motivated an increasing number of Tongans to plant
their entire landholding with coconuts.

It was noted in such cases that extensive coconut production
is accompanied by smaller gardens and less rotation of crops. This
subsequent reduction of tuber food crop yields is compensated by the
purchase of foodstuffs in neighboring village or urban areas. In
Ha'apai and the more densely settled portions of Tongatapu, an
occasional interviewee reported the necessity of planting entire land
holdings in coconuts to insure a cash income. Increasingly, incomes
from cash craps are providing households with diets of imported food-
stuffs, replacing those of traditional cr0ps.

The possibility of subsistence cr0p production in conjunc-
tion with coconut planting is largely dismissed by Maude (1970).
While coconut yields can be temporarily improved by the occasional
clearing of bush for gardens, the burning of the cut vegetation scars
the palm and severely reduces production. In addition, once the
planting cycle is complete and fallowing begun, vegetation is allowed

to grow around the palms unhindered. This growth not only competes

78

for plant nutrients and soil moisture, but also hinders collection
of nuts (Maude 1970, p. 60). Similarly, planted food crops also
compete for soil nutrients, and none of the interviewed farmers
reported using significant amounts of fertilizer, owing to rapid
price increases. Only when coconut production is profitable enough
to pay for increased fertilization is interplanting of significant
value.

In addition, when interplanting is practiced, the potential
for the reduction of both coconut and subsistence crop yields exists,
due to competition for moisture, shading, and damage to the root
system of the coconut. Maude concluded that there is, as yet, no
satisfactory integration between the bush fallow food cropping
system and the coconut plantation (Maude 1970, p. 60). Therefore, as
the development of cash cropping continues, through enforcement of
palm cultivation laws or simply the farmer's desire to insure a larger
cash income, a significant alteration of Tongan agricultural society
will emerge .

The increased planting of palms since 1965, initiation by the
Coconut Replanting Scheme, has brought about an increase in the cash
income of Tongan landholders. However, owing to the incompatibility
of bush fallow and plantation cultivation, the landowners' production
of foodstuff for home use is increasingly curtailed. As a result,
the increase in cash income is frequently used entirely in the pur-
chase of food from village or urban markets. The dietary and nutri-
tional implications of this alteration will be discussed in the

following chapters.

79

As coconut palm cultivation increases toward the point of
monoculture, the potential for destruction of croppings by pests
also increases. Two such pests are of particular significance in
Tonga--rats and the rhinoceros beetle. Rats, alone, account for a
loss of approximately 20 percent of the total coconut crop, annually.
Fallow vegetation, which is left growing around planted palms,
provides an excellent habitat for rats, and is conducive to rat
breeding. Despite efforts by the Ministry of Agriculture to encourage
farmers to reduce this cover, Tongan farmers continue to be uncoopera-
tive. Damage to young nuts is mot frequent, and occasionally a palm
will lose its entire crap to this type of destruction. Plate 5
(p. 81) illustrates coconuts which have been destroyed by rats. The
most reliable identification of rat damage is a hole gnawed through
the coconut husk.

There are two procedures which have been proven to be effec-
tive in preventing, or at least curtailing, rat destruction. The
removal of cover vegetation effectively discourages large numbers of
rats from living in close proximity to the palms. Secondly, fasten-
ing metal or plastic strips around the trunk of a palm prevents rats
from climbing to the nuts. (This technique is most effective on
palm trunks perpendicular to the ground, as opposed to those which
lean to any excess.) Agricultural specialists in Tonga reported the
use of metal strips to be the most effective method of combating rat
damage (Hougland 1974). However, of the farmers interviewed, less
than one percent used this technique. Although the strips are cheap

(8ix115 cents apiece) and some varieties are guaranteed to last the.

80

life of the palm, the initial cash outlay deters increased usage.
Farmers believe that the initial outlay of 8 to 15 dollars per

hundred palms is excessive, and do not understand the concept of long-
term investment. Agricultural extension workers claim that a more
realistic reason for insufficient use of the strips is laziness of the
Tongan farmer. Only the Mormon plantation and two 'apis were

observed to be using the preventive strips. Plate 6 illustrates the
simplicity of the procedure.

Another pest destructive to coconut production in Tonga is
the rhinoceros beetle. This beetle has only recently become a major
threat, and was largely unknown in the islands, until the 19505 and
19605. Plate 7 illustrates the characteristic angular leaf damage
inflicted on the palm by this insect, which reduces the photosyn—
thetic area of the plant, and subsequently the production poten-
tial of the palm. The most frequently noted method of control
consists of a mound of sawdust into which are placed the eggs or
larva of one of several predator insects, usually mites or click
beetle (Plate 8). Sawdust is a favorable breeding ground for the
predator insects, as well as for the rhinoceros beetle, which is
attracted to the sawdust pile. Subsequently, the larva of the mite
or click beetle destroys the rhinoceros larva, with up to 100 percent
efficiency. Despite the effectiveness of this technique, it is not
extensively used within the Kingdom. The procedure was observed
being used most frequently in Vava'u, only occasionally in Ha'apai,

and not at all in Tongatapu.

81

Plate 5.

Rat Damaged Coconuts

 

Plate 6.

Tin Strips Used as a Protec- "
tive Measure Against Rats.

 

 

82

Plate 7.

Coconut Palm Damage from
the Rhinoceros Beetle.

 

Plate 8.

Rhinoceros Beetle Control.

 

83

Survey information covering the 1973-74 cropping year indica-
ted only scattered and infrequent use of any type of pest control by
Tongan farmers. Only 25 percent of those farmers surveyed used
spray or dust pesticide of some type. Most often this was DDT,
supplied by the Tongan Department of Agriculture. Application of
this was usually concerned with combating the scab moth for banana
production. The expansion of cash cropping, whether in plantation
or bush fallow production, is significantly limited by this lack of
pest control.

Food cropping for home use, mainly tuber production, does
not notably suffer from pest destruction, with soil fertility deple-
tion being the major cause of reduced yields. Fertilizer is beyond
the economic means of the typical Tongan farmer. The cost of basic
fertilizer, such as urea, increased from $120 to $220 per ton in
1973-74 (Hougland 1974). Of the total survey sample of farmers cul-
tivating land, only two percent used any kind of fertilizer, and it
usually was supplied by the Tongan Agricultural Department. More
readily available sources of fertilizer, such as green manuring or the
spreading of animal manure, are untraditional in Tongan farming and,
therefore, unfamiliar and unused. The bush fallow system remains the
major technique employed in Tonga to increase soil fertility.

In the bush fallow system, a given plot undergoes a cropping
cycle of up to seven years. Declining yields during this period make
continued cultivation unprofitable, and the garden area is shifted
to another portion of the 'api. Nitrogen depletion appears to be

the major cause for crop yield reduction. Maude (1965) reported no

84

significant difference in nitrogen concentration between plots which
had been cropped for long periods and those in fallow. In conclu-
sion, Maude finds no specific reasons for declining yields or the
effects of cropping on soils, which might necessitate rotation (Maude
1965, pp. 135-136). However, several points must be considered.
Phosphorus in Tongan soil is primarily fixed and immobile, and
therefore is a direct influence upon the amount of available nitro-
gen, as opposed to total nitrogen, used in plant growth. Interview
information indicated that phosphorus is released very slowly and,
therefore, in fallow periods with less demand, may build in-soil con-
centrations, or be contained in fallow vegetation. This concentration
of phosphorus creates a subsequent increase in available nitrogen,
rather than total nitrogen, used by plants in fallow or to be cropped.
The principle behind the bush fallow system (i.e., the
increase of available nitrogen) is negated by excessive weed and
grass growth during the fallow period, which extends from three to
six years. Wild grasses, which grow during the fallow period, are
the most demanding on soil nutrients. The most common of these
grasses are nut grass (nut sledge), guinea grass, and Johnson grass.
Nut grass presents the greatest concern, owing to its difficulty of
control and its competitiveness for available nitrogen. It is
believed that unless some control of weed and grass growth is carried
out during the fallow period, the peak of nitrogen fertility being
returned to the soil by fallowing is reached in approximately three

years. Beyond this time, fallowing seemingly enters a period of

85

diminishing return, during which nutrient demands upon the soil by
weeds and grasses are equal to or greater than that being restored.

As stated previously, a further complication to soil
fertility results from the traditional practice of burning-over the
land, prior to initiating the planting cycle. The burned vegetable
residue representsa return of a thin layer of mineral ash to the
soil, consisting primarily of calcium, magnesium, phosphorus, and
potassium. With the addition of rain and new plant growth, these
mineral components become mobile within the soil. However, the
nitrogen contained in the fallow vegetation is lost in the burning
process, and therefore not returned to the soil. Thus, available
nitrogen for cr0p production may actually be reduced.

The fallowing period may last from one year to as long as
ten years. Examples of these longer fallowing periods were encoun-
tered in interviews, as well as occasional plots which had never
been fallowed. The average time schedule consists of three to six
years in fallowing and two to four years in cropping. However, no
farmer reported following a predetermined schedule, basing decisions
upon crop yields.

Variations in the length of time allotted to cropping and
fallowing were noted in relation to population density. In Ha'apai
and western Tongatapu, where land shortage is related to population
density, relatively short periods of fallowing are followed by
longer periods of cr0pping. In addition, the practice of retaining
cassava growth, and occasionally taro, on fallow acreage was noted

in these regions. Explanations for this, presented during interviews,

86

ranged from spontaneous growth to a safeguard against periods of
food shortage.

Entering land into fallow was found to be a gradual process.
Tubers, and occasionally bananas and plantain, may continue to be
harvested from the plot for several years after the cessation of
active cultivation. Coconuts are also produced in fallowing plots,
independent of the bush fallow system.

Increasingly, in more densely populated areas of the King-
dom, this combination of fallow and cropping is being practiced,
whereby a farmer plants cassava on the fallow plot and allows
grasses and weeds to grow unhindered. The only incidence of weed-
ing is at the time of planting and then in only the immediate plant-
ing site. This activity may last for several years, or occasionally
for the entire fallow period, followed by the planting of yams or
taro. Only in western Tongatapu was the addition of any fertilizer
(an occasional application of small quantities of pig manure)
noted.

Fallowing is traditional to Tongan agriculture. However,
due to population growth in many areas of the Kingdom, increasing
demand for land is modifying the fallow system. Surveys indicated
an average fallow time of three to six years. It was the opinion
of over 81 percent of those farmers interviewed, and who had land
in fallow, that the average fallowing time is evidencing a slow but
steady decrease. Farmers are finding it necessary to devote more
of their acreage to some form of semi-permenant cultivation, in

order to meet subsistence requirements, or to secure an adequate

87

level of cash income through local sale of produce. Many of the
above farmers were those who expressed dissatisfaction with the
land tenure system. Tracts of long-term idle land adjacent to
leased intensively cultivated plots is a growing source of
embitterment.

The typical 'api allotment is subdivided into several
plots, at various stages of the bush fallow system. For example,
the average farmer cultivates two or three plots, which usually
differ in the age and crops being grown, while several plots are
simultaneously in various stages of fallow. Thus, land at all
stages of the agricultural cycle may be found in the typical allot-
ment. Figure 1A illustrates a bush allotment of eight and one-
quarter acres, indicating the variety of plantings and fallow.
Figure 18 is typical of the smaller holdings in Ha'apai and western
Tongatapu. The smaller fallow area and shorter fallow time are
indicative of increased population pressure and the subsequent
increased land use.

Labor requirements of an 'api vary greatly as to the
amount of cultivation and the cr0ps being produced. Interview
responses indicated extremes from five 8-hour work days per week,
to as little as three hours per weekend. The average for culti-
vating farmers, however, is 3.75 hours per day, or less than one-
half day. No particular routine was noted, the Tongan farmer
usually laboring only upon impulse.

Although lack of land was a frequent explanation for the

difficulty in increasing agricultural production, another prevalent

Figure l.--Planting of the Tongan 'Api.
1A. 8.25 acres
18. 4.76 acres

SOURCE: R. R. Thaman, "The Role of the Tongan Agricultural
System in Fulfilling the Subsistence Needs of the Tongan Society,"
R. W. Parkinson Memorial Lecture, School of Social and Economic
Development, University of the South Pacific, September 26, 1974.

89

 

DISTRIBUTION OF MAJOR

CROPS

AND FALLOW

Sample Bush Allotment

Area: 8.25 acres

 

hibi '— ., ions
(:05 In—nae

[E

residence area

 
     

DO OYO
hibEscus’,

   

 

" a
I
2.1).-

 

    

 

house

 

 

 

... , pig pen

 

123-5 yeario‘rsr cassava,
.533 follow 3 taro

 

  

 
 

banana,
plantain

    

yams,

 

. a 0
, -.1-' plantains
4' ~_' I “I~:\ 0‘
01-",\\\'§\:.§ 5117,)?!an :7: ;; o C O S 5 (NO
:71}: 2:.-r_~;-‘Z’- 5039,95}. IV
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I '\I‘\“ -|."\‘|‘.\"L \’L\{‘\-- §
'fi: " .e’l‘vr)‘ .z":l““l.\\t ‘I'\¢'O’If'. ‘ _
. “ ~ ’ENM' \’ 5 " ‘7 .9 1""

 

Sample Bush Allotment

residential
area

dwelling-~E1

capsicum—Q

gtaro,’
alantai

I yarns,
year “it; 91010,
fallow “°‘ $~ taro

 

n giant taro,

Area: 4.76 acres

7" sug. cane, CCISSOVCI

I

g (taro, g.taro,pineap., sug. cone)
0

cassava, cassava

    
          
     
   

.

\ - \

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‘5‘ (‘3‘:‘5‘.““c(\“ "\

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Lf-‘fi: Vs"'5‘:"‘(:..‘=1'\‘I‘¢‘£(-\“:<' 5:: "3 1 ‘ ' ‘
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3‘21"": " ’

taro,

plantain

     
  
 

 

taro, giant taro

taro,
giant taro,

papaya

  
 
 
   
 
 

  
  
 
 

taro,
giant taro

  

 

‘ pandonus

 

90

factor in Tongan society reduces the incentive for increased
production. Individuals who manage to significantly increase their
production of crops or agricultural profits are under social pres-
sure to supply loans and miscellaneous obligations to close rela-
tives and friends. This practice severely reduces the independence
of the farmer. Several informants stated that they would not
increase crop production because neighbors and relatives subse-
quently "borrow" all extra produce. Although lending is a tradition
which increases the social status of the lender, resentment toward
this social obligation is increasingly expressed among younger land-
holders, who place higher esteem on cash than tradition.

At present, the typical farmer appears to work his 'api an
average of 18 to 20 hours per week. The remaining time is occupied
by a variety of additional activities. Although statistical evidence
of the duration of each activity was not collected, three activities
appeared to be dominant. Owing to the distribution of population
and the subsequent pattern of settlement, a farmer often spends
several hours per day traveling to and from his 'api. Travel
extremes from zero to 21 miles were reported by interviewees. Occa-
sionally, informants reported leasing land on nearby islands, which
necessitated travel overland, as well as by boat. However, an
average of 6.75 miles was determined to be the distance necessary
for the typical farmer to travel to his 'api. Although the principal
islands of the Kingdom have bus transportation, the busses average
no more than 15 miles per hour, thereby consuming at least an hour

of travel per day for the average farmer. Frequently, walking for

91

another hour follows the bus ride. Transport of crops from the 'api
usually involves greater lengths of time as the common method con-
sists of a horse-drawn cart (Plate 9, p. 93).

Fishing is a second significant activity conducted away from
the 'api, although of less concern within the interior of Tongatapu
and along those shares with poor sources or access. In Vava'u and
Ha'apai, fishing often consumes several hours per day, and supplies
not only family food needs, but also enough for sale in local markets.

A third major activity concerns church and social functions
within the local village or the nearest urban area. Many of these
activities are concentrated during the weekends, such as marketing
and major church functions. However, social activities during the
week require participation of several hours per week.

In addition to the above, an entire range of miscellaneous
labor must be considered, due to the low level of specialization of
labor in Tonga. Thus, to summarize, it is evident that potential
expansion of agricultural production in Tonga involves not only
issues of land tenure and management, but also individual incentive,
tradition and the amount of time devoted to agricultural activities.

During interviews conducted on all of the major Tongan
islands, lack of land was most frequently denoted to be the major
limitation upon agricultural expansion, while laziness of Tongan
farmers was the second most frequent response. The third most
'frequent explanation concerned the lack of adequate agricultural
tools and machinery. An examination of farm equipment, either owned

or rented by the interviewees, indicated that most farmers possess

92

only basic agricultural tools, such as a bush knife, hoe, planting
stick, and spade (Plate l0). Beyond these, little else is used
fOr cultivation. Of all landholding Tongans surveyed, only l6
percent used a plow or tractor and, in each case, the implement
was either rented or borrowed.

The maintenance of agricultural machinery, in terms of effi-
ciency and materials (i.e., fuel, parts, and lubricants), severely
limits the possibility of increased use within Tonga. Interviews
within the Tongan Department of Agriculture indicated that this
problem reaches every level of agricultural operation, from trucks
to garden tilling machinery. For example, a large truck was cited
as having not been used for over 18 months, because of a broken
transmission gear. The required part, ordered from Japan, had not
yet arrived and no one knew if it ever would. In the interim, no
attempt to make the part, in one of the local blacksmith shops, had
been made. It was confidentially learned that, should the part
arrive, the truck would remain largely inoperative because of another
damaged gear which was not totally broken and, therefore, not
replaced. Other examples of this situation were noted, emphasizing
the serious lack of basic mechanical service.

When workable machinery is available for rent, the cost is
often prohibitive to the average farmer. Informants also complained
that rental machinery is allocated on the basis of social standing
and status, rather than need. Thus, the majority of planting, cul-
tivation, and harvesting on Tonga remains the work of hands, and is

expected to remain so.

 

Plate l0.

Basic Agricultural Tools of
the Tongan Fanner.

(From left: Bush knife,
spade,
stick spade,
hoe,
bush knife.)

93

Plate 9.

Movement of Rural Agricul-
tural Produce to Market.

 

94

In addition to traditional cropping, livestock also plays a
significant role in the agricultural system of Tonga. The most fre-
quently observed stock, owned by Tongans, included horses, cattle,
goats, pigs, chickens and a variety of other fowl, such as guineas,
geese, ducks and turkeys. Table l4 provides a breakdown of these
groups for the entire Kingdom, for the year l973. Additional
information, acquired during village surveys, is summarized in
Table l5. Survey results indicated that horses and cattle are
raised most frequently by rural residents. 0n the other hand, goats,
pigs and fowl are kept in approximately equal quantities in both
rural and urban areas, except in regions of high population density
in Ha'apai and Tongatapu, where a larger pr0portion of scavenger

stock was noted.

TABLE l4.--Livestock Census: 1973.

 

 

 

Cattle Pigs Horses Poultry
Tongatapu l,836 13,962 2,306 31,377
Ha'apai 2l6 9,443 l,289 11,097b
Vava'u 637 9,443 1,467 l6,l48
'Eua 724a 2,115a 53oa 2,714a
Niuatoputapu -- l,643 2l8 l,843
Niuafb'ou ___;:;__ 1,007b ___jjjfi 1,623b

Total 3,413 37,6l3 5,927 64,802
33%;:

SOURCE: Report of the Minister of Agriculture l973
(Nuku'alofa: Government Printer).

95

.TABLE l5.--Livestock Owned by Tongan Households: Sample of 265.

 

 

ggggggogg§ ”ea"p3¥"6d gagggsggp Livg::;cfi06w::d
Household By Ent1 re Sample

Horse 38 1.0 l—6 98

Cattle 12 4.0 l—lZ l24

Pigs 55 4.9 l-48 700

Goats 27.5 2.5 l-B 179

Total fowl 70 20.2 l-50 3,676

 

SOURCE: William F. Clark, data collected through personal
survey, Kingdon of Tonga, August-October, 1974.

Livestock, as a food source or a cash product, is raised
almost exclusively for the domestic market. Very little of this
produce is exported to neighboring nations. In addition, the
domestic role of livestock is complex and complicated by tradition.
Pork is consumed more frequently than any other meat source, exclud-
ing fish, and with the possible exception of poultry. Fresh milk,
for feeding small children, is usually in short supply, although
the large number of goats on the islands represents a potential source
of milk protein. Tradition, however, undermines the widespread use
of goat's milk. Food production and consumption patterns in tradi-
tional Tongan society are more often influenced by social custom
than by need.

Survey results indicated that horses are owned by 38 per-

cent of Tongan households, and are used as a means of transportation.

96

Horses are most frequently used fOr transporting agricultural produce
from farm to village markets, either as pack animals or in con-
junction with a cart (Plate 9). Despite their obvious usefulness,
horses are largely uncared for in the Kingdom, being frequently
overworked and then tied in the bush or village with insufficient
food and water. As a result, many of the animals evidence gross
nutritional deficiencies and, subsequently, operate far below their
potential.1
Cattle were reported as being owned by 12 percent of the
surveyed households. Generally speaking, these households had
access to more land than the average, and therefore could allot land
for pasture in addition to agricultural cultivation. Cattle are not
an integral part of Tongan agriculture, and at present provide only
limited quantities of meat and milk. Although past attempts to
establish herds on Tongatapu and 'Eua have met with varied success,
cattle are not expected to become a significant factor in Tongan

agriculture. Occasionally, cattle are grazed on cash crop planta-

tions (i.e., coconut), in an attempt to reduce the grass and weed

 

1The plight of the horse is similar to that of the dog, a
frequent food source in Tongan society, in respect to general care.
Both have a marked dependency upon man for food and care. In the
case of cattle, status insures the well-being of the animal,
while pigs, goats, and fowl are able to sustain themselves as effi-
cient scavengers. However, the domestic dog evidences neither char-
acteristic, and is often in a state of starvation, due to his
dependency. The same is true of the horse. Therefore, a seemingly
contradictory image of livestock is found. Poorly maintained horses,
which are essential to agricultural tranSportation, and dogs, which
provide a fOOd source, exist in conjunction with healthy pigs,
goats and fowl, the scavengers of Tongan agriculture.

97

cover, which is attractive to rats. However, the initial expense
of cattle, plus continued capital outlay for maintenance, substan-
tially reduces the profitability of this scheme.

Goats were owned by 27.5 percent of the total survey
sample. Although a potentially valuable source of meat and milk,
roaming goats cause considerable crop damage in Tonga. The goat is
one of three scavengers, competing with pigs and fowl for household
refuse and other edible items. While goats are occasionally used
for meat on special occasions, the pig is considered to be a much
more prestigious food or gift. In addition, because of the low
status ascribed to goats, use of goat's milk is avoided. Thus,
the role of the goat in Tongan agriculture is expected to remain one
of little significance.

Pigs are the most prestigious livestock raised in Tonga, and
were owned by 55 percent of the survey sample. As mentioned previ-
ously, the pig is a meat source used for important social functions
and-traditional gifts. Being the most common of Tongan livestock,
the pig plays an indispensable role in the control of garbage and
refuse, plus provision of meat protein. Most households own
several pigs, raising them as a food source or as a means to fulfill
a variety of social obligations. It is not uncommon for taxes,
debts and other financial obligations, especially to the nobility,
to be paid with one or more pigs. Pork is not included in the
average Tongan weekday diet, being consumed primarily during main

Sunday meals or at feasts.

98

Being a scavenger, the pig is generally allowed to roam
unrestrained, although laws prohibit the animal from being untended
in major urban areas of each island group. However, enforcement of
these laws appeared to be quite lax. Roaming animals were fre-
quently noted on the periphery of the main business sections of
Nuku'alofa and Neiafu, as well as entering and leaving the royal
grounds in Nuku'alofa. In villages, pigs are occasionally confined
to prevent crop destruction. However, it was observed that confined
pigs appear less healthy than those left unrestrained. This is
probably the result of poor environmental management, plus the
disruption of scavenging.

Seventy percent of those surveyed owned some variety of
fowl, with chickens being the most frequent. Fowl, which represent
the third scavenger in Tongan agriculture, are seldom confined.
Their major food function is the provision of meat, since eggs are
seldom collected. The sale of eggs was noted only infrequently, and
at a price prohibitive to the typical Tongan. A single egg nay sell
for as much as l3 cents. Most eggs are left undisturbed to hatch,
although more than half of any given brood dies from dampness or
destructiontn/other animals. Thus, lack of management successfully
eliminates the utilization of eggs as a food source, plus severely
reduces the number of fowl available for consumption.

To summarize, livestock ownership remains largely a matter
of status, often exemplifying more value as a product of social

exchange than as a source of food. The maintenance of stock is

99

frequently nonexistent and the well-being of large numbers of pigs,
goats and fowl throughout the Kingdom depends greatly upon
scavenging.

An advantage of livestock production almost totally neglected
in Tongan agriculture is the production of manure. The process of
applying manure to soil is not traditional in the Tongan agricul-
tural cycle, and the basic concept is, for the most part, not under-
stood (Hougland 1974). Annual manure production per animal varies
as to diet and amount of feeding. Table l6 indicates the amount of
potential fertilizer (i.e., animal manure) which can be returned
to the soil. Table 17 provides additional data, including the
amounts of the three macro-nutrients available per ton of animal

1 Collection of

manure, essential for maintaining soil fertility.
manure would require containment of stock, or at least confinement
to the boundaries of the 'api, thereby bringing about direct return.
Only a small minority of Tongan allotments are fenced, the required
cost and labor being considered excessive.

Livestock is expected to retain its traditional role in the
agricultural system of Tonga. The potential upgrading of stock, as
well as the full utilization of this agricultural component, is

directly determined by Tongan farming traditions. Thus, while ful-

filling an unintentional role as scavengers, livestock will probably

 

1The average stock-owning household may claim ownership of
twenty fowl, two goats, five pigs, four cattle and one horse
(Table 15). No individual household in the survey completely owned
this number of animals, due to combination ownership. However, only
five percent of the surveyed households owned no stock of any type.

lOO

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.mm_ .6 .ka_
”mumaom

_

 

 

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ON._ ON m~.m m.~ m.- FAammgmv paow
m.~_ com mN.m_ m.¢ mm m_a
c.66 oo_._ oo.m_ o.¢ N_ Azouv 6.6660
m.o_ com oo.- o._ mm mate:
Acoov A.6Fv Acoov
me> pcswc< agape: . “comm: m>F4 ucsoa upocmmzo: mcmczo
.5“. 5.5268“. Lon. £3.82 80. Ton. £3; .56 3230 @5353
wgacmz Pouch mmmcm>< umquwpmm cowpoauocm «Luca: Lma cum: Pouch we &

 

.E::c< me 23:02 mo cowHUSUOLQ xuoumw>m._||.m_. “mu—m4:

lOl

TABLE 17.--Approximate Soil Nutrients Per Ton of Manure.

 

 

Nitro en PhOSphoric Acid Potash
(N (P2 05) (K20)
lb. lb. lb.
Horse 13.2 5.1 12.1
Cow 11.4 3.1 9.9
Pig 9.9 6.7 9.3
Sheep 115.8 6.7 18.0
Hen 21.0 16.4 10.2

 

SOURCE: D. Acker, Animal Science and Industry (Englewood
Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1971.

 

remain most important as an instrument within the Tongan social

structure.

Cash Cropping_

 

The cr0ps grown primarily for the international export
market are coconuts and bananas, although vanilla, melons, fruits
and vegetables are also produced in less significant quantities.
Survey results, substantiated by personal observations, indicated
that most landholdings are at least partially planted with coco-
nut palms, while many 'apis of Ha'apai and Vava'u are totally
planted in palms. As the desire or necessity for cash income
increases, a greater pr0portion of the typical 'api will be planted
in some type of cash crop.

Coconut surpluses, beyond the needs of the family, are usually

sold as copra to the Tonga Copra Board. Bananas in surplus are sold

l02

to the Tonga Produce Board. The Produce Board also handles the
export of vegetables, melons and miscellaneous fruit and agricul-
tural production directed to the international market.

Cash cropping, as mentioned previously, consists mainly of
two broad categories: long- and short-term production. In addi-
tion, each may further be classified as either for domestic or inter-
national sale, although short-term croppings (i.e., vegetables,
fruit, and melons) are usually domestically sold and long-term
(i.e., coconut products and bananas) are international export items.

Cash cropping remains largely in the hands of Tongan offi-
cials, with only a few exceptions, including church plantations.

The European contribution to this agricultural component is decreas-
ing as leases expire and are not renewed.

Coconuts, c0pra, and other coconut products are the major
cash crop of the Kingdom, representing as much as 85 percent of
total agricultural exports (Table 18). Survey responses indicated
that all landholders rely upon the sale of copra for at least a
portion of the household cash income. 'While statistics from the
Department of Agriculture evidenced that the majority of coconut
sales originate on Tongatapu, survey data revealed that the propor-
tion of total household income, earned from coconut production, is
greatest in Ha'apai. The fact that Ha'apai soils are often
not ideally suitable for large scale production of other cash
cr0ps, such as bananas, may represent an explanation for this
apparent contradiction. Also, in areas of high population density,

such as Ha'apai, a smaller proportion of land can be allocated to

103

TABLE 18.--Produce Exported Through the Tonga Produce Board and
Copra Board, 1972-1973.

 

 

 

 

Quantity Value T$

Commodity Unit
1972 1973 1972 1973

Bananas 56 lb. case 119,186 112,628 321,946 304,099
Watermelons 'Loose 34,968 91,070 67,219 88,934
Pineapples 18 per case 3,003 1,426 4,205 1,997
Plaintains 56 lb. case 1,977 523 4,522 1,361
Swamp taro 56 lb. case 3,534 1,770 10,876 ' 5,548
Taro Tarua Bags 419 110 586 849
Yams 43 lb. case 731 82 2,118 402
Avocadoes 15 1b. case 1,507 936 1,507 1,145
Capsicums 15 lb. case 13,080 10,801 16,309 14,534
Tomatoes 14 1b. case 3,720 4,761 3,102 4,133
Vanilla 60 lb. crate 20 31 5,198 8,693
Egg plants --- 141 96 190 147
Cabbage cartons --- 2 Samples only
Lettuce cartons --- 3 Samples only
Copra ton --- 12,362 --- 2,175,461

 

SOURCE: Report of the Minister of Agriculture (Nuku'alofa:
Government Printer, various dates).

104

the cultivation of cash crops. Coconut palms, being relatively
independent of the agricultural planting cycle, are a logical choice
fOr farmers engaged in cash crapping in densely populated areas.

In addition to being the major cash crop export, the coco-
nut palm is also invaluable to the Tongan as a building material and
a source of food and drink. However, until land tenure is secure,
nany farmers are reluctant to enter large scale copra production.
Interviewed farmers also expressed reluctance to mix the cultivation
of food crops and large scale palm growth, because the shade from
palms supposedly reduces the yield from food plants. Frequently,
farmers eliminate all palm growth from small, scattered portions of
their allotments, reserving these areas entirely for food crop pro-
duction.

The frequency with which households collect coconuts and pro-
duce copra varies considerably. Survey informants indicated col-
lections every week, to once per month. In copra production, the
coconuts are collected and usually transported to a central location,
frequently the area of residency on an allotment. Here the nuts are
split and placed in the sun to partially dry (Plate 11). Later,
the flesh is scooped out, dried thoroughly in the sun, and bagged
for sale. Occasionally a crude kiln drying shed is used to dry the
flesh, in which the heat is supplied by a fire beneath the shed,
fed by discarded coconut husks and shells (Plate 12). The produc-
tion of c0pra usually involves the entire family, with men collect-
ing and splitting the nuts, women extracting the flesh, and small

children guarding the sun-drying copra from dogs and pigs. The

105

Plate 11.

w ,
mem‘ »

Sun Drying Split Coconuts.

 

   

Plate 12.

Kiln Copra Drying Shed.

106

kiln drying shed, introduced in 1938, is replacing the more tradi-
tional sun-drying method, being recognized by most Tongan producers
as more efficient.

Historically, Tongan copra had the reputation of being
poor quality. However, in 1926, government legislation made it a
statutory offense for a trader' to be in possession of damaged
copra. Since the introduction of such laws, the quality of Tongan
produce has steadily improved and today ranks among the world's
best.

Coconuts and c0pra are marketed through the Tongan Copra
Board, which is a government monopoly established in 1942. Collec-
tion points are located throughout the islands, while the principal
grading and storage facilities are in Neiafu, Pangai, and Nuku'alofa.
The Tonga Copra Board purchases copra from local producers, and then
'resells it in the international market. Maude (1965) noted the
variance in the international market price (FOB) of c0pra, as
compared to the price paid local producers. After all payment to
producers has been made, 36 percent of the FOB price remains with
the Copra Board to cover management, handling, export charges and
miscellaneous expenses. A survey of local producers throughout the
Kingdom indicated their concern and dissatisfaction with the govern-
ment's arrangement. Some farmers expressed the opinion that internal
corruption caused the cash variance. It is clear that while the
average Tongan farmer does not understand the management and market
economy of c0pra, a growing resentment of the pricing policy of the

Copra Board is evident.

107

Bananas are Tonga's second most important cash crop for the
international market, although exports and capital earned by this
crop have decreased significantly since 1967 (Table 18, p. 103,
and Table 19, below). Tongatapu is the principal producer, with
Vava'u being second. Banana exports represented 45 percent of the
value of total exports in 1967, but by 1973, equaled less than 15 F1
percent. While this percentage has continued to decline, the g .

market price for banana produce has generally risen. Owing to this

 

rise in price, many farmers expressed a willingness to produce ’;
bananas, providing governmental assistance was received in combating PJ

crop disease. (As mentioned previously, the principal reason for

TABLE l9.--Tongan Banana Exports and Their FOB Values.

 

 

5333.9 “324:3?“ “221.2253":
(thousands of lbs.) Banana Exports
1965 22,708 lb. at 4.1¢ a 1b. 5 941,222
1966 31,883 lb. at 4.26 a 1b. 1,337,554
1967 43,949 lb. at 4.1¢ a lb. 1,794,000
1968 37,674 lb. at 4.6¢ a 1b. 1,738,679
1969 15,147 lb. at 4.5¢ a 1b. 683,440
1970 10,268 lb. at 4.5¢ a 1b. 465,950
1971 7,706 lb. at 4.8¢ a 1b. 368,970
1972 6,743 lb. at 4.8¢ a lb. 327,914
1973 6,272 lb. at 4.8¢ a 15. 302,400

 

SOURCE: "Banana Exports Have Declined Sharply," Tonga
Chronicle, August 8, 1974.

108

decreasing production of bananas is the spread of black leaf
streak, bunchy top and scab moth.)

Marketing of banana produce, through the Tonga Produce
Board, is often difficult because of improper scheduling of ship-
ing facilities and the subsequent sale of under or overripe fruit.
In one example, 9,000 cases of produce became overripe while in
wharfage awaiting shipment, resulting in the fruit being sold for
40 cents per case (Report of the Minister of Agriculture 1973,
p. 5). The bulk of banana produce is shippped to New Zealand,
although the shipping difficulties and quality control remain
obstacles to full entry into this market. These same problems
with marketing, shipping and quality have been effective in removing
many Tongan farmers from banana production. At present, the Pro-
duce Board reports that export levels are so low that levies are
not sufficient to provide a comprehensive service to growers in
such areas as disease control ("Banana Exports . . ." 1974, p. 5).

In addition to the exportation of bananas, coconut, and
miscellaneous melons, fruits and vegetables to international
markets, small quantities of produce are also traded among the
islands, the most important of these transfers being from 'Eua to
Nuku'alofa on Tongatapu, and from Nuku'alofa to Pangai and Neiafu.
This movement involves not only domestic produce, but also food
imports such as tinned meats, sugar, flour and a wide range of
foodstuffs sold through the local stores (fale koloa).

Large quantities of produce are also marketed domestically.

Although some produce is sold in several smaller settlements, the

109

largest markets are Nuku'alofa in Tongatapu, Pangai in Ha'apai, and
Neiafu in Vava'u. Such markets cater to two principal groups,
although many people travel to market to buy, sell, or socialize.
Those members of the non-Tongan population who do not lease land,
such as church facilities, and must purchase market food, repre-
sent one group. Though not large in comparison to the Tongan popu— i
lation, this group does contribute a significant cash input to the “a
local economy. The second group consists of landless Tongans and
those Tongans who do not farm or garden intensively and derive cash
income from other means. ,j
Producers, or members of their families, most frequently sell
directly to the consumer. Saturday is market day (although the
major markets carry some business throughout the week, except Sunday)
and the market area becomes the center of urban activity. Individu-
als having produce to sell may rent one of several types of stalls
or floor space, upon which to display their produce. The staple
foods (i.e., tubers, coconuts, and bananas) are the major items
sold, although other types of food produce and miscellaneous items,
such as shells, carvings, and handicrafts, are also available. Mar-
keting hours generally are from 8:00 A.M. to 5:00 P.M., with the
busiest time being in the forenoon and early afternoon.
Personal observations, plus discussions with sellers,
revealed several marketing patterns. A few farmers or craftsmen
sell each day or week on a regular basis, and generally have rented
stalls which can be locked at the end of each day. Rental for these

is on a monthly basis, and costs the producer eight dollars per

110

month. On the other hand, some farmers market their produce only
monthly or occasionally during the year, depending upon when a cash
need arises. A third type of seller is the craftsman who produces
items of quality specifically for the tourist trade (i.e., handi-
crafts of wood, shell or tortoise shell) and markets these goods
only when a tourist ship or plane has brought passengers from Fiji
or Samoa. Thus, the craftsman's sales are largely independent of
the needs of native Tongans. The prevalence of this type of pro-
ducer is expected to increase, as tourism develops within Tonga.

A variety of baked goods may also be found in the market
on Saturday. Though largely devoid of flavor and extremely heavy
in texture, Tongan "cakes" are p0pu1ar and sell rapidly. An
excellent market also exists for peanuts. Supply rarely is adequate
to meet demand. The sale of kava (from which "Tongan beer" is
made) is also brisk. Kava is lightweight and easily transportable.
Producers on Ha'apai, Vava'u and many of the isolated islands often
send kava to Nuku'alofa for sale.

The major competitor to the open-air market is the Vuna
Government Market, which handles the majority of fish and meat sales
to Nuku'alofa and surrounding Tongatapu. Many of the local stores
are also beginning to sell fresh meat products. Consequently, the
amount of meat sold in the market fell from 160,771 pounds in 1971,
to 94,684 pounds in 1973. The sale of fresh fish in the market
rose during the same period, mainly due to the operation of a gov—
ernment fishing vessel which had a total catch of 203,243 pounds in
1973 (Report of the Minister of Agriculture 1973, p. 24).

111

Fishing activity is often not considered part of the agri-
cultural sector of an economy. However, in Tonga fishing represents
a significant cash input to the local agricultural base. Of the
total survey sample, over 15 percent of those questioned indicated
that they derived some part of the household cash income from fish-
ing. The Tongan government obviously considers fishing to be of
significant value to the national economy, in that it includes
evaluations of fishing catch and sale within the annual reports, and

operates one major fishing vessel, the Ekiaki. This ship is of

modern construction and contains some refrigeration and pre-processing

facilities. In 1973, the Ekiaki landed a total of 203,243 pounds of
fish, representing a catch percentage (catch per 100 hooks) slightly
better than Korean and Chinese Operations in the region. This total
catch was smaller than anticipated, due to mechanical breakdowns and
the lack of trained operation personnel.

Tongan waters are a largely untapped source of food, includ-
ing such fish species as tuna, bill-fish, and shark (Report of the

Minister of Agriculture 1973, p. 30). In 1973, sale of fish through

 

the Vuna market equaled over $15,000, or 120,000 pounds. However,
demand for fish in Nuku'alofa far excelled this amount. Personal
observations evidenced that on those days when fish is to be sold,
crowds of consumers wait hours before the market opens.

DeSpite the fact that domestic demand for fish is unsatura-

ted, 40 percent of the Ekiaki's total catch, for the year 1973, was

 

112

sent to canneries in Pago-Pago.1 A recent Japanese survey, which
mapped the most productive Tongan fishing grounds, suggested that
up to 90 percent of the potential catch could be exported to Japan
(Kyokuyo, Hogai Co. Ltd. 1965, p. 2). In view of the domestic
demand for fish products, plus the nutritional status of many urban
Tongan inhabitants (to be discussed in the following chapters), .
such exportation would be totally irresponsible to the needs of the HE
Tongan people.
Small scale, private household fishing activity has done
little to meet domestic demand. Survey responses indicated that .3
the lack of investment capital for necessary fishing equipment is
the major obstacle to expansion of private fishing enterprises.
Discussion of this problem with part-time and full-time fishermen
revealed that not only is the basic cost of equipment prohibitive,
but a 33 percent import tax, charged by the government for such
items (i.e., nets, lines and hooks) makes purchase impossible for
the average Tongan. While this situation insures the governmental
monopoly on commercial fishing, it hinders the expansion of fishing
activities necessary for meeting the domestic demand for fish
products.»
Another major obstacle to the expansion of fishing activi-
ties in Tonga is the general lack of preservation and holding

facilities throughout the islands. Again, the only adequate

 

1Ironically, much of this same catch is processed in can-
neries and resold as tinned fish products to Tonga at a sizable
increase in price.

113

facilities are governmentally controlled. Thus, most fishermen
catch only that which will satisfy family needs, plus a small
quantity for immediate sale.

Data determining income levels from all types of cash food
production (including fishing) was collected during household sur-
veys.1 Range of income was from zero to $1,200 per year, with
a mean of $480 per year for those farmers selling produce.

Sale of copra results in the largest cash income, with vegetables
(all types) second and bananas third.2

During survey discussions concerning income, it became
apparent that cash incomes have increased substantially over the
past several years. As a result, Tongan farmers are enjoying an
increase in purchasing power, reflected in the purchase of non-
traditional items, such as imported foodstuffs or the purchase of
food items from local producers. However, while few farmers are
totally dependent upon this new cash-based living, the significant

increase in the use of canned goods, sugar, bread and assorted

imports is an obvious indication of the direction of this trend.

 

1The average Tongan farmer keeps no record of his yearly or
monthly earnings and survey information probably reflects mere esti-
mations. In addition, in several instances, it was apparent that
income levels were being exaggerated or minimized for one or more
reasons. Although obviously skewed data was excluded from survey
data compilation, it is reasonable to assume a margin of error still
exists. For this reason, only range and mean of income are used,
in an attempt to minimize the effects of misleading data.

2The other major contributors to the household cash income
include the sale of handicrafts, plus income derived from relatives
or overseas sources.

 

114

(This concept, which is becoming more notable in all segments of
Tongan population, is analyzed within the following chapters.)

In summary, while many aspects of Tongan agriculture have
remained basically unchanged through history, there have been
several significant alterations with respect to population growth,
land distribution and cropping practices. The most significant of
these changes has been the development of cash cr0pping and the
subsequent rise in purchasing power of the average Tongan farmer.

An indication of these alterations is the increased incidence of
material items within the household, plus reliance upon imported food
products, such as tinned meat, fish, bread and sugar.

The continually good market for copra and coconut products
has resulted in many 'apis being planted almost entirely with palms,
and less production of traditional foodstuffs. In addition, in
densely populated areas where f00d crops are interplanted with palms,
the competition for sunlight, soil nutrients, and moisture insures
significantly lower yields from food plants.

Low production yields associated with decreases in soil
fertility are frequently the result of the shift to a more continu-
ous exploitative cropping system. This change is stimulated by the
Tongan farmer's desire for increased cash income, and by increasing
p0pulation pressure on land available for cultivation. This popu-
lation pressure is intensified by the migration of individuals to
Tongatapu from the other island groups, especially Ha'apai. The
Tongan situation is becoming increasingly intensive, with often a

crop/fallow period ratio of one to one, and a supported population

 

115

density in excess of 600 persons per square mile, in some regions.
Surveys determining fallow periods evidenced a marked decrease in
fallow time in Ha'apai and densely settled portions of Tongatapu,
and a subsequent lengthening of the cr0pping cycle. In many cases,
cropping is continuous, considering the frequent practice of
sparsely planting fallow acreage with tubers.

The use of fertilizers necessary in offsetting the nutrient
depleting effect of intensive cropping is not financially feasible
nor understood by the typical Tongan farmer. The issue of main-
taining soil fertility is of critical concern to the few agricul-
tural and soil technicians ianonga. However, owing to prohibitive
cost, scarcity, and lack of knowledge, it is expected that most
Tongan farmers will continue to rely upon the fallow system for
replenishing soil nutrients.

The problems of soil fertility and land availability in
Tonga have resulted in the increased cultivation and household

1 Cassava

reliance upon taro and cassava as major food staples.
represents the best example of the variation in food cropping
brought about by increasing pressure upon the land. In a status
ranking of tubers grown in Tonga, cassava is found at or near the

bottom. However, even though the least desirable, cassava is the

 

1Both tubers were introduced into Tonga in the nineteenth
century, although a variety of taro was cultivated in Tonga prior
to that period. The introduced taro varieties are more tolerant of
dry, upland conditions, as opposed to the marsh requirements of the
earlier species. Today most taro is cultivated without a marsh
environment. Cassava is an introduced food crop. 0f the culti-
vated tubers, cassava is lowest in status and its increasing culti-
vation is due to necessity, rather than any growth in popularity.

 

.f i

116

easiest to cultivate, plant or harvest, requiring very little care
for a high yield. In addition, of the tubers grown in Tonga,
cassava is the least demanding upon soil fertility and is the most
tolerant of drought. Survey data indicated that cassava is culti-
vated the most in the densely populated portions of the islands or
in those areas where land availability is limited. -
The increasing reliance upon cassava presents a potential 1‘
nutritionally detrimental situation. Cassava as food is nutri-

tionally unbalanced in several ways, particularly in protein ,»v

 

content. Protein derived from cassava is deficient in the sulfur 1
essential amino acids. Therefore, most cassava protein, low in

total value to begin with, is unavailable for use by the human

body. The consumption of cassava, in lieu of more nutritionally

balanced foods, could result in protein deficiency in several seg-

ments of Tongan population, including pregnant women and preschool

children.

The increase in cassava cultivation has seemingly brought
about a corresponding decrease in the cultivation of yams. Though
the yam is the most prestigious of the major tubers, yams are a
much more labor intensive crop than cassava, requiring intensive
soil preparation, careful planting, weeding and harvesting. In
addition, yams are more demanding on soil fertility, and with
increasing cash cropping and decreasing land availability, less
land is suitable for yam cultivation. The trend toward decreasing
fallow periods does not permit sufficient soil nutrient accumulation

for favorable yam growing conditions.

117

Land tenure is also related to changes in the Tongan agri-
cultural system. The land tenure system in Tonga is the cause of
considerable social dissatisfaction and economic inefficiency.
Farmers are reluctant to invest significant quantities of labor or
capital in land, until secure tenure has been established, thereby
reducing productivity levels. Since more than 50 percent of
Tonga's tillable acreage is owned by royalty or nobility, the land
available for crop production is severely limited. It is a general
opinion in Tonga that land shortage is the major restraint upon
improving agricultural productivity. However, land shortage in
absolute terms is not the case. The shortage of acreage is in
that which is made available to Tongan farmers by the nobility and
royalty.

Tongan social and cultural traditions are also an influen-
tial force upon agriculture. For example, many surveyed farmers
expressed a reluctance to increase production because of the cor-
responding increase in social obligations which would offset the

effort. This custom of "borrowing" cash or crops, with infrequent

repayment, has caused many farmers to purposely curtail production.

In addition, growing urbanization has had an enormous impact upon
Tongan agriculture.

Despite the above, Tongan economy remains tied to agricul-
ture. This fact is unlikely to change in the foreseeable future,
despite continuing population pressure, alterations in cropping

patterns, and the increasing consumption of imported foodstuffs.

 

118

Personal observations, survey data and research indicate that the
agricultural future of Tonga will be one of continued drain upon
soil fertility, decreasing production rates per man hour in food
crop cultivation, and increasing reliance upon cash cropping to

satisfy the needs of an agrarian population.

e1

 

CHAPTER VI

AGRICULTURE TO URBANIZATION

Urbanization and its effects are issues confronting all
the governments in the Pacific islands. 0f the principal Polynesian
Cities, only Pago-Pago in Eastern Samoa evidenced a decrease in
urban population between the mid-19605 to 1975, a result of migra-
tions to Honolulu and San Francisco. The remaining cities of the
region are c0ping with the increasing numbers of individuals
migrating from villages and rural areas. Thus, urbanization, as
defined by the South Pacific Commission and applied to Tonga (see
pages 21-22) must be examined in relation to those factors moti-
vating population movement from rural to urban centers. A
fallacious assumption examines urban growth as a product of the
city when, in fact, "it must be viewed as stemming from forces
working on the whole of society" (Harr'e 1973, p. 11). Urbaniza-
tion in Tonga results from both urban and agricultural societal
forces. Although three urban centers in Tonga are recognized,
Nuku'alofa exemplifies the process of urbanization in Tonga and
will be used as a model in the following discussion.

The steady and accelerating growth of Nuku'alofa, particu-
larly notable in the past 40 years, has been generally an uninter-

rupted process. In 1937, the capital contained 4,000 inhabitants.

119

 

120

By 1956, this figure had increased to 9,200, and by 1966, to nearly
16,000 not including surrounding areas. Today, Nuku'alofa,
including the adjoining settlements, contains between 25 and 30
thousand persons. This number represents approximately half of the
population of Tongatapu and a quarter of the nation's total
population.

Nuku'alofa is not unique in these respects as many of the

 

same features of growth are common throughout Polynesia. However,

unlike other Pacific cities, Nuku'alofa is almost totally unprepared

 

to absorb the continuing flow of 600-l,OOO new inhabitants per year. t
The city lacks strong local government and laws, contains inadequate
water and drainage facilities, refuse collection, and sewage systems,
all necessary for coping with a sizable population. In addition,
there are few opportunities for steady urban employment and,
therefore, many persons are underemployed semi-subsistence agricul-
tural workers dependent upon the production of others.

In these respects, one could justifiably argue that
Nuku'alofa is not an urban settlement, in the true sense, but
merely an agglomeration of three agricultural villages (Kolomofo'ou,
Ma'ufanga and Kolomotu'a). The merging of these three villages
into one urban area resulted from the establishment of the royal
seat of power and the Wesleyan church headquarters at this loca-
tion, plus the fact that Nuku'alofa was Tonga's first international
port. The urban center of Nuku'alofa remains highly agricultural
in nature. The city has acquired few new facilities other than

those usually associated with administration and trade. Three

121

factors have been major forces motivating the migration of rural
residents into Nuku'alofa. Employment opportunities are available
to some individuals who have friends or close relatives already
employed, an attraction to potential migrants. However, surveys of

migrated urban residents indicated that only two percent had moved

 

as a result of acquiring urban employment. In addition, cash income ‘2
earned by this same group from urban employment was only a small

proportion of total earnings. However, most agreed the possibili-

ties of increasing their cash income were greater in Nuku'alofa

than in rural agriculture, and that infrequent part-time employment L

was preferable. Government-owned services and operations represent
the greatest source of urban employment, although church and pri-
vately sponsored work (i.e., teaching, housekeeping, and miscel-
laneous part-time labor) also exists.

A more significant factor, motivating migration to urban
areas, is rather vaguely defined as "urban attractiveness." In
the case of Nuku'alofa, the excitement and variety of town life is
especially attractive to younger age groups. Social clubs, dances,
sporting events and other amusements, including the seemingly end-
less opportunities for kava, make village life appear to be compara-
tively dull to individuals confronted with daily agricultural and
domestic chores. In addition, urban living is a symbol of prestige,
indicative of a higher living standard. Young men most frequently
migrate for these reasons although women are not to be excluded.
This has resulted in a large number of unemployed and underemployed

urban youth, characterized by young people loitering in the market

122

areas and in amusement facilities. This situation is often blamed
for the rapid rise in crime in Nuku'alofa. Burglary is the most .
frequent offense, although the incidence of fighting, prostitution,
and petty theft have recently evidenced significant increases.
Subsequently, this continuous migration of young Tongans has become
a concern at all levels of government in the Kingdom (Report of the
Department of Justice 1973).

The most influential urban factor attracting rural indi-

viduals to Nuku'alofa is the opportunity of improved education.

 

Nearly all of the secondary schools are on Tongatapu and most of
these are in Nuku'alofa. The fact that substantial education is
usually'unnecessarnyr village life, and that there are few oppor-
tunities for gaining urban employment, is of little consequence in
deterring this desire. As mentioned previously, families often
entirely abandon their village residence in order to move into
the city and acquire a better education for the children. Fre-
quently, this migration is intended to be temporary. However, as
the older children finish their education, the younger children
begin. In addition, the older children often marry and, as a result,
permanent residency is established. Tongans perceive education to
be symbolic of prestige, even though the knowledge gained will be
put to little use. Educational attainment is considered to be the
simplest and most direct means to upward social movement.

The rural factors contributing to expanded urbanization are
almost entirely related to the system of land tenure and agriculture.

Pressure of population upon land resources has been shown to exist

123

in varying degrees throughout the Kingdom, though it is greatest
in Ha'apai and portions of western Tongatapu. As population pressure
increases and maintaining a living through agriculture means becomes
more difficult, migration from these regions can be anticipated.
Related to this issue are the decreasing agricultural yields result-
ing from lower fertility levels, shorter fallowing periods and the
expansion of cash cropping. When cash cropping profits become sub-
stantial enough to support a given household, independent of large
scale home food production, the motivation for migrating to an urban
area is high. Such migration results in absentee landholding and the
utilization of friends or relatives to harvest the cash crop. Thus,
agricultural acreage is removed from domestic food production, and
allocated to cash crop production. The cash earnings are used to
maintain the household in the urban environment. Consequently, the
family experiences an increased dependency upon a greater propor-
tion of foreign imports in order to satisfy its food and material
needs. The effects of this are currently being felt in Nuku'alofa,
a direct result of too many urban consumers being served by too few
rural producers. The Kingdom is operating under an increasing trade
deficit in order to supplement native food production with imports
(Table 20). Eventually, this will necessitate major adjustments in
the national economic profile.

Migrating to an urban area such as Nuku'alofa often increases
the social position of the household. Urban living is perceived as
being synonymous with an improved standard of living, while agricul-

tural employment is considered to be a lower prestige occupation.

 

124

TABLE 20.--Tongan Balance of Trade: 1950-1972 (T$,OOO).

 

 

Trade % of Imports

Year Imports Exports Surplus (+) Represented

Deficit (-) by Foodstuffs
1950 1,778 2,776 + .998 8.30
1952 2,322 2,802 + .480 7.60
1954 2,220 2,786 + .566 9.38
1956 3,028 3,248 + .220 12.38
1958 3,236 2,420 - .816 14.71
1960 3,300 3,393 + .093 16.58
1962 2,460 1,667 - .793 17.68
1964 3,854 2,328 -1.526 16.11
1966 4,141 3,617 - .524 23.97
1968 5,150 3,846 -1.304 22.87
1970 5,539 2,676 -2.863 23.50
1971 6,305 2,200 -4.104 28.30
1972 7,456 2,050 -5.406 30.11

 

 

SOURCES: 1954-1961--An Economic Survey of Topga: 1970
(Nuku'alofa: Government Printer, 1970)E'Kingdom of Tonga: Statis-
tical Abstract 1972 (Nuku'alofa: Government Printer, 1972);

Great Britain Colonial Office, Report: Ton a (1954-1963)(London:
Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1956-64 .

1970, 1973--Report for the Ministry of Finance (various
dates) (Nuku'alofa: Government Printer); "Statement of Trade and
Navigation: l973“ (Nuku'alofa: Government Printer, 1974).

 

125

A survey of employment preferences indicated that 83 percent of the
respondents preferred to remain in agriculture. However, this
response was given for one or both of the following reasons:

(1) agricultural employment was preferred to unemployment, and/or
(2) agriculture was perceived to be the only employment opportunity
available to the interviewee. Several respondents stated that if
they were given urban employment, they would abandon farm work, even
if it meant a minor reduction in cash income.

It is not the purpose of this research to present an indepth
analysis of Tongan urban environments. However, mention of the more
fundamental issues is appr0priate. In the future, in addition to
limited opportunities for employment and a steadily increasing crime
rate, the urban officials will have to contend with inadequate
housing, expanding squatter sections and increasing public health
problems resulting from the lack of adequate sewage and refuse
disposal.

More significantly, the entire migratory process evidences
a weakening of traditional Tongan social and cultural norms. Fre-
quently, the movement of households to the urban area disrupts the
traditional extended family system. Although family ties are never
severed entirely, there is a distinct transition from the system of
extended families evident in small rural villages, to the nuclear
families found in larger villages and urban areas. However, in
instances in which extended family ties are maintained, an urban
family may anticipate the eventual arrival of rural relatives. The

new arrivals reside with the established urban household until

 

126

employment is found or a means of establishing a new urban household
is secured. At this point division is accomplished and the newly
urbanized family becomes another potential host to migrating rela-
tives. This system with its chain nature of migratory urbaniza-
tion was observed in many of the surveyed urban households.

Thus, migration to urban areas has been in response to 3‘
economic and social pressures for education, employment and the
prestige of urban living, plus a lessening attachment to the tra-

ditional village life style. Therefore, migratory trends are

 

indicative of cultural and economic changes in Tonga, which are _a
_ expected to continue.

With the development of cash cropping and a greater depend-
ency being placed upon a cash economy, money has become an essential
to the average Tongan. Not only is it needed to meet social obli-
gations (i.e., education, taxes and church contributions) but it is
also increasingly important in satisfying the basic subsistence
needs of both rural and urban residents. The desire to increase
cash income has altered the agricultural pattern of the nation
from traditional to cash cropping, thus eliminating a dependency
upon the land for production of food and material necessities.

These changes have been facilitated by fluctuations in post-World
War II copra prices, and such natural disasters as drought and
hurricanes.

While Nuku'alofa does not offer full-time employment to
most migrants, there remains the possibility for part-time labor,

sufficient to meet the minimum cash requirements. Thus, urban

127

migration hiTonga is not only closely tied to a desire for social
mobilization, but also to fundamental economic changes. The
urbanization process has, therefore, been encouraged by conditions

in both the urban and rural environments of Tonga. A variety of
factors have been influential, with each part acting to accelerate
the whole. The role of social status and prestige in everyday Tongan
life motivates the continuation of these transitions resulting in

the potential social and economic disruption of the Kingdom.

 

CHAPTER VII

NUTRITIONAL IMPLICATIONS OF CHANGE

Investigations in Tonga, presented in the previous chapters,
indicated that agriculture, land and population are major contribu-
tors to the urbanization process. There remains to be discussed
the fundamental subsistence of those residing within the urban
environment. Public health, housing, water supply, waste disposal
and disease vectors are only a few of the problems encountered in
massive urbanization. However, of particular interest to this
research are those factors altering the nutritional patterns of the
urbanite. Specifically, the degree of nutritional gradient between
rural and urban populations is perceived to be important and an
issue largely neglected in considerations of Pacific island
urbanization.

At present, the Tonga Islands are relatively devoid of
recorded malnutrition, when compared to selected nations of Africa,
Asia and South America. However, a pattern of development in
Nuku'alofa, similar to the urban centers of other regions, is
becoming more apparent. The continued urbanization of Tonga's popu-
lation, approaching 50 percent of the nation's total, frequently is
accomplished at considerable cost to family health and welfare.

The traditional food patterns of the Tongan are nutri-
tionally balanced. Fruits and root vegetables provide sources of

128

11
’

 

1“."

129

calories, vitamins and minerals, as do nuts and shellfish. However,
this balance in the average Tongan diet has recently undergone
significant change. Particularly since World War II, imported
cereal products are replacing the traditional vegetables, while
tinned varieties of meat and fish are replacing fresh sources.
However, survey results indicated that this dependency upon

imported food products is more pronounced in urban areas, especially
Nuku'alofa.

The history of Tonga, as well as the generalized South
Pacific, shows the classical forms of malnutrition to be very uncom-
mon. Accounts of folk medicine reveal very few treatments for the
symptoms of malnutrition (Harr'e 1973, p. 86). Similarly, more
recent healthand nutritional surveys, conducted by the South Pacific
Health Service during the 19505 and including those by Langley
(1952), and Whiteman (1956), did not note significant nutritional
variations between rural and urban populations. However, rapid
population expansion in conjunction with the deve10ping of urbaniza-
ton, during the 1960s and 19705, necessitated a reexamination of
Tonga in terms of undernourishment and classic malnutrition. Inves-
tigations by Hansell (1962) reported that up to 15 percent of house-
holds contacted by the Tongan Service for the Protection of Mothers
and Children evidenced some signs of protein-calorie malnutrition
(Hansell 1962, p. 288). More recently, Jansen (1973) reported that
protein-calorie malnutrition is becoming a more frequent occurrence

within Tonga, with 55 cases reported in 1971. Malnutrition was

 

130

further reported to be the fifth leading cause of death among young
in-patients at Vaiola hospital on Tongatapu in 1971 (Jansen 1973,
p. 3).

It is probable that borderline malnutrition, or at least
undernourishment, has existed in the South Pacific to some degree
since the influenza epidemic of 1918. Rapid population growth has
been prevalent and unabated since that time. The situation in such
urban environments as Nuku'alofa is becoming serious with regard to
nutrition and general well-being. The high cost of living and
underemployment, aggravated by the overflow of unskilled or semi-
skilled laborers, has resulted in a subsequent increase in the
number of malnourished children. Foods such as yam, fresh fish and
fruits which traditionally were eaten by all Tongans are now, for
many families in Nuku'alofa, a luxury beyond their economic means.
Money secured through cash cr0pping, relatives or overseas remit-
tances often is insufficient to support a large urban family and
migrating relatives. Jansen (1973) concluded that under prevailing
conditions,

two points must be kept in mind: a. in spite of socio-
economic progress, technology, better education, etc.,

many children in the Pacific Islands actually die because
they lack proper food; b. the survivors may be permanently

stunted in physical, and possibly mental, development
(Jansen 1973, p. 43).

In the present investigation, the incidence of protein mal-

nutrition or undernourishment was of prime interest. Throughout the

sample survey, children of preschool age groupings (here defined as

2 years 0 months to 5 years 0 months) were examined. Data presented

 

[is

131

in previous chapters indicated the economic and environmental factors
conducive to the development of nutritional disorders. Preschool
children were chosen as subjects, in that they are the most dependent
on household food supplies. The selection of the sample was con-
ducted randomly, within such cross sections of Tongan society as
religion, economic and social standing. Collected data from 265

preschool children (114 female and 151 male) was then examined in

 

light of possible rural/urban variations in nutritional well-being.

For a more complete description of data collection procedures, see ;

 

Appendices B and C. E:

The prevalence of protein malnutrition represents a serious
risk in Tonga, for several reasons. A correlation between urbaniza-
tion and the incidence of protein malnutrition, as well as additional
nutritional factors, adds a new dimension to any consideration of the
urban process in Tonga or the South Pacific in general. With regard
to the individual, lesser degrees of protein malnutrition may cause
retarded physical growth (most obvious in height and weight). In
addition, a malnourished individual suffers more from a variety of
common infectious diseases than does a well nourished person.

In any' consideration of food production, distribution,
consumption and value patterns, a variety of cultural factors must
be recognized. In Tonga, several such factors have a profound influ-
ence upon the quantity and quality of food consumed by the preschool
child. Aside from purely economic factors, which frequently dictate
quantity and quality of food consumed, the family size and age

spacing are also important. Cultural patterns, which determine the

132

rank order of food consumption during family meals, also often limit
the preschooler's diet.1
Diet is also influenced by the prestige value of foods as
was discussed in relation to papaya, pork and goat. Tubers are
generally ascribed a high prestige value in Tonga. This is par-
ticularly true of the yam and white potato. However, leafy

vegetables which are potential sources of vitamins lack this status

 

1Tongan government officials and members of the World Health
Association publicly deny the existence of a feeding order within
Tongan households. However, it was confidentially learned from
field officers of W.H.O. and medical personnel in Tonga that such a
situation does exist and is a significant influence upon the nutri-
tional well-being of the preschooler. Personal observations sub-
stantiated the prevalence of a traditional feeding order, in which
the meal is consumed in shifts, with adult men (joined occasionally
by women) eating first, women and children eating in an order fol-
lowing. It was noted in many cases that preschoolers are unable to
compete with older children for those food items not consumed by
adult family members. Occasionally older children are given charge
of feeding younger brothers or sisters, and subsequently neglect
their responsibility. Thus, another significant factor which
influences the nutritional well-being of the preschooler is his age
and ability to fend for himself. A category of foods nearly uni-
versally neglected in nutritional survey work is that generally
known as "bush food," or those wild or domesticated fruits, nuts,
etc. which an individual collects and consumes away from the house-
hold. A preschooler is not physically developed enough to take
advantage of this food source. A three-year-old was never observed
scaling a coconut palm in search of a snack. However, a 40 foot
palm proved no obstacle to a 6- or 7-year-old. Similarly, pre-
schoolers were never observed on the reefs searching for edible
raw shellfish. However, older children, as well as numerous adults,
were able to take advantage of this valuable protein source. The
preschooler is at a developmental stage in which he is totally
dependent upon the household for food. However, within the house-
hold, he usually consumes only the leftovers and is often left
out entirely. This cultural pattern is totally contradictory to
the nutritional needs of the growing child.

 

133

1 On the other hand, imported

and are often excluded from the diet.
foods are perceived as being prestigious items. Some imports have

limited nutritional value, although often below that of domestic

products, while others such as refined flour, cereal products and

sugar may cause or aggravate conditions of ill health, sugar being

an obvious offender. Hansell (1962, p. 288) listed increased sugar FE}

consumption as being the principal cause of the rapid rise in the

incidence of dental caries in Tonga. Personal observations verified

 

this situation, with a marked predominance of cases noted in j
Nuku'alofa.

During the data collection process, a 24-hour dietary recall
was conducted for each preschool subject, to determine any obvious
dietary variations between rural and urban children. In addition,

a frequency of consumption record was taken for the entire family,
listing the frequency during an average week with which selected
foodstuffs were consumed (i.e., fresh or canned meats and milk,
tubers, cereal products, soft drinks, alcoholic products and sugar).
In collecting this data care was taken to avoid the inclusion of
weekend food consumption, especially that of Sunday. Because Sunday
is a traditional day of feasting and heavy eating, a 24-hour dietary
recall of this day would give a skewed and unrealistic picture of

the preschooler's food consumption pattern.

 

1The best example of this is the leaf of the taro plant.
The leaf is used in the preparation of many dishes called "Lu" (i.e.,
lfi pulu or beef, lu ika or fish) in which the meat is, in combina-
tion with coconut cream, etc., wrapped in taro leaves and cooked.
However, the prepared dish is usually eaten without the leaf wrap-
ping. In addition, raw vegetables, such as cabbage or greens, are
not eaten.

134

The information acquired for the household frequency of con-
sumption record usually consisted of rough approximations. How-
ever, several important aspects became evident during the rural to
urban comparison. For example, household usage of sugar was found
to be as high as 3.31 pounds per person per week in Nuku'alofa,
although the average for the entire urban sample was 1.18. On the
other hand, rural consumption of sugar averaged only .57 pounds per
week. Cereal products, including bread and flour, are also used in

greater quantities in Nuku'alofa than in rural areas.1

 

The consumption of soft drinks, alcoholic products, and
cassava significantly increased in the urban areas, while the con-
sumption of yams decreased. In the case of tubers, this fact most
probably reflects economic forces which dictate that a basket of
cassava cost T$.80, while a basket of yams sells of T$lO-12.2

A higher rate of consumption of canned meat products was
also observed in the urban area, although this product is widely
used throughout Tonga--a probable reflection of its ease of distri-
bution, storage and social status. A purchase of two samples of

the most commonly used canned meat, and a subsequent proximal

 

1This data may have been influenced by the distribution of
such products over theislands. Surveys of stores in rural villages
indicated that often sugar, flour and bread were not in stock. At
times, the entire Kingdom is devoid of such basic commodities as
sugar or flour. In one such incidence, over two weeks elapsed
before a new shipment arrived from overseas sources, during which
the entire nation lacked sugar. However, even with consideration
being given to these influences, a significant variation between
rural and urban consumption is evident.

2Prices acquired in the Nuku'alofa market, October, 1974.

135

analysis of these samples revealed that in each case, quality was
below suggested standards in content of protein, fat, carbohydrate
and moisture (Table 21). This was especially true of the sample of
K. & R. Corned Meat Loaf. This product is frequently consumed in
Tonga, a probable reflection of its lower cost. Price surveys

indicated that this meat loaf sold for approximately T$.30-.35,
1

 

while the other canned meat sample analyzed sold for T$.75-.85.
Fresh beef from Australia and mutton from New Zealand are

also consumed in greater quantities in urban Tonga. Analysis of

 

random samples purchased in Nuku'alofa showed the surface fat of a;
beef imports to be in excess of 73 percent of total product weight.
Similarly, mutton samples not only evidenced a high fat content but
were also greatly weighted by bone.2
On the other hand, individuals residing in rural areas con-
sume more fresh meats such as pork, poultry, and fish (although
fresh and canned fish are popular throughout the Kingdom), plus a

greater variety of tubers. Yams, sweet potatoes, and taro retain

their important traditional role in the Tongan diet within the rural

 

1The results of the analysis of both products, which are
imported from Australia, emphasize the fact that the Tongan govern-
ment, despite recommendations by members of medical professions and
church groups, refrains from monitoring the quality of products
imported into Tonga. This neglect is exploited by foreign commer-
cial organizations as evidenced by the analysis of the above canned
meats, in addition to imported fresh meat samples (Appendix C).

2The Tongan government recently announced plans for a
refrigerated vehicle to transport fresh meat to rural Tongatapu.
The value of such a scheme is questionable, considering the low
quality of the products to be transported.

136

TABLE 21.--Proximal Evaluation of Canned Meat Typically Available
to Tongan Consumers.

 

 

<4 “1.253229“ “93:13:“
Protein ' 21.93 7.68 26
Fat 10.82 13.63 8 ..
Carbohydrate .95 13.39 -- EPA
Ash 2 .50 2 .40 4
Moisture 63.80 62.90 __Jfi;_

Total 100.00 100.00 100 .5

 

 

1Value for corned beef as given in H. S. Mitchell, et al.,
Cooper's Nutrition in Health and Disease, 15th ed. (Philadelphia:
J. B. Lippincott Co., 1968), p. 553.

environment. Cassava, though consumed throughout the Kingdom, is
proportionally less important in rural areas. However, as empha-
sized in preceding chapters, this fact is changing, with increasing
consumption of cassava in such densely settled areas as western
Tongatapu and Ha'apai.

The 24-hour dietary recall for each preschool subject
substantiated the trends indicated by the frequency of consumption
records. In urban Nuku'alofa, children often eat only one or two
meals per day. Of particular interest is the urban child's

reliance upon bread and butter for an entire meal. Tea is also

137

a popular drink at mealtimes. It is actually little more than hot
sugar water and remains a poor substitute for milk or broth.1

Snack foods consumed by urban preschoolers also are of poor
nutritional quality such as imported cookies (called biscuits),
soft drinks, and miscellaneous items (cheese puffs were observed to
be favorites). hnruralareas a child is most often given coconut,
taro or a fruit, such as papaya or mango, when in season. Rural
children also enjoy a greater variety of foods per meal, with
several tubers being supplemented by fruit and frequently meat or
fish.

To summarize, the preceding data indicated that individuals
residing in urban Tonga consume less nutritionally balanced diets.
This was substantiated by interviews with the medical staff of
Vaiola hospital on Tongatapu. The urban group most frequently having

substandard diets was found to be migrants from other islands or

 

1The low consumption of milk in all regions of Tonga, but
especially Nuku'alofa, is a nutritional shortcoming in the Tongan
diet. Imported milk sources such as powdered, sweetened condensed
or evaporated products are available and, if used properly, could
be influential in improving the preschool dietary condition. How-
ever, the most frequent way of serving milk is to substantially
dilute the mixture with water (often unclean) and thereby reducing
the nutritional value. Domestic sources of cow's milk are scarce
and expensive, while the large milk goat population in Tonga repre-
sents a largely unused potential milk source. A nutritive com-
parison of goat's milk and cow's milk indicates that goat's milk
is quantitatively higher in most vitamins and minerals, contains more
fat, a higher total caloric value in addition to a reasonably equal
protein value. Widespread use of goat's milk, as suggested in
previous chapters, would improve the nutritional conditions of many
currently malnourished Tongan children. However, the consumption
of goat's milk is believed to be indicative of low social prestige
and government officials are unreceptive to information concerning
its potential value.

 

138

rural Tongatapu. These people, displaced by overpopulation, the lack
of land or through the development of cash cropping, represent a
critical potential risk for the development of classical malnutri-

] A situation cited as being conducive to the development of

tion.
malnutrition involves a child with diarrhea (as is common in weaning
infants) being fed only warm sugar water, a folk medicine remedy.
This treatment tends to aggravate the initial condition and the
cycle develops and intensifies (Tu'itavaka 1974). Subsequent mani-
festations of malnutrition are a lessening of the child's activity
level, an increase of irritability and a retardation in the physical
growth and development of the child.

During the investigation designed to determine the physical
conditions of Tongan preschool children, height, weight, arm
circumference and skinfold measures were recorded, as anthropometric
indicators of a child's growth and development. Data from each
indicator was grouped as to rural or urban and compared to suggested

standards (The Health Aspects of Food and Nutrition 1972, pp. 278-

283). Percents of variation from standards were then taken and

 

1The development of the symptoms of malnutrition (i.e.,
retarded growth and development in preschool subjects) was not
strongly correlated to densely populated rural areas such as rural
Ha'apai and western Tongatapu. Interview responses indicated no
cases of malnutrition in these areas, which may be attributed to the
greater availability of protein. The Nuku'alofa environs produced
the greatest number of cases of malnutrition with Neiafu containing
the second largest number. Only one case of malnutrition from the
outer islands was reported. The staff of Vaiola hospital on
Tongatapu believe malnutrition in Tonga is strongly linked to con-
tinued urbanization. (Interview with S. U. Tu'itavaka, Vaiola
Hospital, Nuku'alofa, Tongatapu, September 24, 1974.)

139

averaged, giving a finalized comparative indication of the variation
in the physical growth and development of rural and urban preschool
children.

Height measurements are summarized in Table 22. These data
for age groups 2 years, 1 month, to 5 years, 0 months, clearly show
the superior physical growth of the rural child. Although neither f5“
variation from the standard suggested by the World Health Organiza-
tion is substantial, the significance of the data is the rural/

urban comparison. In all but 6 of the 35 sample age groups, the

 

rural preschooler was observed to be taller. A comparison of the
average height of all subjects with suggested standards showed the
rural subjects to be .51 percent above the norm while urban pre-
schoolers fell 2.35 percent below the suggested values. While a
total variation of 2.86 percent between rural and urban preschoolers
may not be alarming, it is nonetheless reflective of dietary vari-
ation among the two groups.

Measurements of weight, summarized in Table 23, are con-
gruent with the data in Table 22, except that the weight measure-
ments show a greater deviation from W.H.O. suggested norms. Rural
preschoolers averaged 1.93 percent above suggested standards while
uban children of the same age groups averaged 4.11 percent below
suggested values. Considering a total difference of 5.04 percent
between the weights of rural and urban preschool children, a clearer
indication of the consequences of those dietary variations noted
above begins to become evident. The urban preschooler is generally

smaller in height and weight than his rural counterpart.

140

TABLE 22.--Height Measurements of Tongan Preschool Children (N=265).

 

 

Avg. of Avg. of 1 % %
Age Rural Urban Standard of Std. of Std.

Subjects Subjects (Rural) (Urban)

Year-Mo. (cm) (cm) (cm)

2- l 88.64 85.36 88.00 100.72 97.00
2- 2 89.43 86.87 88.80 100.70 97.82
2- 3 90.38 90.96 89.70 100.75 101.40
2- 4 85.46 87.03 90.40 94.53 96.27
2- 5 93.70 86.55 91.30 102.63 94.79
2- 6 92.14 90.78 91.80 100.37 98.88
2- 7 91.50 88.15 92.60 98.81 95.19
2- 8 91.36 90.88 93.30 97.92 97.40
2- 9 95.20 93.80 94.00 101.28 99.78
2-lO 95.73 95.66 94.70 101.08 101.01
2-11 97.12 94.02 95.30 101.91 98.65
3- O 99.36 94.30 96.00 103.50 98.22
3- 1 100.43 93.47 96.60 103.96 96.75
3- 2 98.00 94.96 97.30 100.72 97.59
3- 3 91.23 96.62 97.90 93.19 98.69
3- 4 96.15 95.12 98.40 97.71 96.66
3- 5 101.70 93.42 99.10 101.92 94.26
3- 6 100.25 99.80 99.70 100.55 100.10
3- 7 101.40 100.26 100.30 101.10 99.96
3- 8 102.05 97.47 101.50 100.99 96.02
3- 9 99.63 95.86 101.60 98.06 94.35
3-10 105.93 100.26 102.10 103.75 98.19
3-11 103.35 100.77 102.70 101.22 98.12
4- 0 105.68 98.95 103.30 102.30 95.78
4- 1 102.12 98.68 103.80 98.38 95.06
4- 2 103.63 107-00 104.50 99.17 102.39
4- 3 105.83 102-00 105.20 100.60 96.95
4- 4 105.27 102-82 105.70 99.59 97.27
4- 5 104.68 106.46 106.20 98.57 100.24
4- 6 107.96 106.93 106.80 101.09 100.12
4- 7 106.40 100.60 107.30 99.16 96.55
4- 8 106.34 102.40 107.90 98.55 94.90
4- 9 109.46 107.22 108.20 101.16 99.09
4-1O 115.70 103.37 108.50 106.64 95.27
4-11 114.47 105.62 108.70 105.31 97.16

 

Average variation of measured subjects from suggested
standards (%): Rural +.51, Urban -2.35.

1The Health Aspects of Food and Nutrition, 2d ed. (Manila:
Regional Office for the Western Pacific of the World Health Organi-
zation, 1972), pp. 278-283.

11

141

TABLE 23.--Weight Measurements of Tongan Preschool Children (N=265).

 

 

Avg. of Avg. of 1 % %
Age Rural Urban Standard of Std. of Std.
Subjects Subjects (Rural) (Urban)
Year-Mo (K9) (K9) (K9)
2- l 12 58 11.28 12.6 99.84 89.53
2- 2 11 73 13.53 12.7 92.35 106.54
2- 3 12 54 11.11 12.9 97.26 86.14
2- 4 13 30 11.94 13.1 101.55 91.17
2- 5 14 11 13.60 13.3 106.57 102.31
2- 6 13 98 14.09 13.5 103.59 104.39
2- 7 13 53 14.28 13.7 98.76 104.29
2- 8 13 74 13.06 13.8 99.59 94.66
2- 9 14 18 14.62 14.0 101.25 104.49
2-10 15 71 13.75 14.2 110.62 96.88
2-11 13 53 13.75 14.4 93.96 95.53
3- O 15 56 13.68 14.5 107.30 94.38
3- l 16 33 15.04 14.7 111.09 102.32
3- 2 16 56 14.69 14.8 111.87 99.30
3- 3 15 31 13.24 15.0 102.06 88.30
3- 4 15 76 14.96 15.2 103.70 98.47
3- 5 15 59 13.68 15.3 101 93 89 41
3- 6 14 52 13.22 15.5 93 65 85 33
3- 7 14 97 15.64 15.7 95 34 99 67
3- 8 15 03 14.06 15.8 95 ll 88 99
3- 9 17 46 15.14 16.0 109 15 94 63
3-10 17 08 14.78 16.2 105 45 91 28
3-11 17 24 15.45 16.3 105 75 94 83
4- O 19 20 14.40 16.5 116 37 87 28
4- 1 17 01 17.32 16.6 102 47 104 38
4- 2 16 73 18.89 16.8 99 58 112 48
4- 3 16 67 17.91 16.9 98 64 106 01
4- 4 16 73 16.29 17.1 97 83 95 3O
4- 5 16 39 17.55 17.2 95.28 102.08
4- 6 18 26 15.64 17.4 104.93 89.93
4- 7 15 88 17.69 17.6 90.20 100.51
4- 8 16 10 15.49 17.7 90.98 87.54
4- 9 18 32 16.00 17.9 102.33 89.41
4-10 20 11 15.30 18.0 111.71 85.05
4-11 19.96 17 01 18.2 109.66 93.46

 

Average variation of measured subjects from suggested
standards (%): Rural +1.93, Urban -4.11.

1The Health Aspects of Food and Nutrition, 2d ed. (Manila:
Regional Office for the Western Pacific of the World Health Orga-
nization, 1972), pp. 278-283.

142

Skinfold and circumference measures substantiated this
trend. In each case the urban child was found to be smaller and
less developed. Skinfold data, summarized in Table 24, evidenced
the greatest variations between urban and rural children. Skin-
fold measurements of rural preschool children of both sexes were

significantly higher than their urban counterparts, resulting in

.. ' AMI.
'z—J

variation between the two sample groups of 24.38 percent for male
subjects and 26.55 percent for female subjects. Circumference
data (Table 25) also showed a variation in the development of rural r
and urban subjects. When compared to suggested norms, rural pre- :41
schoolers had greater upper arm circumference measurements than
urban children by 3.29 percent for male children and 2.80 percent
for female children.
Considering the above four physical parameters measured on
each preschool subject, it is conclusively evident that the rural
child is physically larger and more deve10ped than his urban
counterpart. A final nutritional evaluation technique was conducted
in which a sample of each child's hair was collected using the pro-
cedure outlined in Appendix C. Later, each hair specimen was
examined and classified as to growing phase (i.e., growing or
anagen, and resting or telogen), and bulb and shaft morphological
changes. A hair in the growing or anagen phase is characterized
by a bell-shaped bulb structure and solid dark pigmentation. The
telogen bulb is shaped like a teardrOp and shows a distinct lack of
pigment (Bradfield 1972, p. 721). Protein malnutrition, in particu-

lar, causes hair to shift to the telogen phase. Rural hair samples

143

TABLE 24.--Tricep Skinfold Measurements of Tongan Preschool Chil-
dren‘(N=265).

 

 

Avg. of Avg. of 1 % %
Age Rural Urban Standard of Std. of Std.
Subjects Subjects (Rural) (Urban)
Year (mm) (mm) (mm) En?
Male U
2 12.00 9.70 10.00 120.00 97.00
3 12.55 9.63 9.30 134.95 103.54 ,"
4 11.22 9.48 9.30 120.64 101.93 :gJ

Average variation of measured subjects from suggested standards (%):

Rural +25.20, Urban +.82.

 

59113.12
2 12.64 10.31 10.10 125.15 102.07
3 13.07 10.00 9.70 134.74 103.09
4 12.61 10.07 10.20 123.62 98.72

Average variation of measured subjects from suggested standards (%):

Rural +27.84, Urban +1.29.

 

'The Health Aspects of Food and Nutrition, 2d ed. (Manila:
Regional Office for the Western Pacific of the World Health Organi-
zation, 1972), pp. 278-283.

144

TABLE 25.--Upper Arm Circumference Measurement of Tongan Preschool
Children (N=265).

 

 

Avg. of AVQ. of 1 % %
Age Rural Urban Standard of Std. of Std.
Subjects Subjects (Rural) (Urban)
Year-Mo. (cm) (cm) (cm)
Male
2-3 17.08 16.30 16.6 102.89 98.19
2-6 16.90 16.13 16.4 103.05 98.35
2-9 17.29 16.88 16.4 105.43 102.92
3-0 16.07 16.28 16.2 99.19 100.49
3-3 17.36 17.16 16.9 102.72 101.53
3-6 17.52 17.25 16.5 106.18 104.54
3-9 17.46 17.05 16.7 104.55 102.09
4-0 17.54 16.81 16.9 103.78 99.46
4-3 17.68 17.78 17.2 102.79 103.37
4-6 17.77 16.99 17.5 101.54 97.08
4-9 17.55 17.12 17.2 102.03 99.53
5-0 18.78 16.60 17.0 110.47 97.64

Average variation of measured subjects from suggested standards (%):
Rural +3.72, Urban +.43.

Female
2-3 16.90 15.66 16.4 103.05 95.48
2-6 16.97 16.47 16.4 103.47 100.42
2-9 16.91 16.13 16.1 105.03 100.18
3-0 17.01 16.34 15.9 106.98 102.76
3-3 17.21 17.10 17.4 98.90 98.27
3-6 17.25 17.43 16.3 105.82 106.93
3-9 16.99 17.85 16.8 101.13 106.25
4-0' 17.51 17.22 16.9 103.61 101.89
4-3 17.41 17.65 16.8 103.63 105.05
4-6 17.31 16.85 16.6 104.27 101.56
4-9 17.51 16.16 16.8 104.22 96.19
5-0 17.87 16.42 16.9 105.73 97.15

Average variation of measured subjects from suggested standards (%):
Rural +3.81, Urban +1.01.

 

1The Health Aspects of Food and Nutrition, 2d ed. (Manila:
Regional Office for the Western Pacific of the World Health Organi-
zation, 1972), pp. 278-283.

 

H

145

were found to be 79 percent anagen and only 5 percent telogen. Sug-
gested standards call for between 80 and 90 percent anagen, though
the exact percent may vary from subject to subject and a percentage
greater than 50 may be considered normal (Bradfield 1972, pp. 721-
725). (See Table 26 for suggested hair evaluation standards.)
Urban samples showed a marked increase in the percent of telogen 15
hair samples. 0f the urban sample taken from Nuku'alofa, only 44 4
percent were classified as anagen while 13 percent were telogen.
While this 13 percent incidence of telogen hair falls below the
suggested 20 percent indicative of moderate protein malnutrition,
it nonetheless shows a significant variation from the rural values.
This percentage increase is, therefore, interpreted to be indicative
of increasing moderate protein malnutrition in the urban child.
The urban incidence of anagen hairs, however, falls well within the
values indicative of moderate protein malnutrition and is seen as
a positive indication of the lower level of nutritional status in
the urban preschooler.

Hair samples were also examined to determine the incidence
of atrOphied bulbs. An atrophied bulb is shrunken, often has a
shriveled appearance, and shows a considerable decrease in diameter
to the point of being less than the hair shaft itself (Bradfield
1972, p. 722). An increase in the incidence of atrophied samples
is an indication of severe or chronic protein-calorie malnutrition,
and is associated with depletions of tissue reserves. In addition,
increases in root atr0phy frequently occur simultaneously with

depressed weight and height values (Nommacher et a1. 1972, p. 874).

146

TABLE 26.--Suggested Standards for Hair Sample Evaluation.

 

Maximum mean bulb diameter, >11 Normal
mm x 10-2 6-11 Moderate Protein Malnutrition
< 6 Severe Protein Malnutrition

AtrOphy, % of anagen 0-25 Normal
26-50 Moderate Protein Malnutrition
>50 Severe Protein Malnutrition

Anagens (%) >50 Normal Ezh
30-50 Moderate Protein Malnutrition .
<30 Severe Protein Malnutrition

Telogens (%) <20 Normal
20-45 Moderate Protein Malnutrition
>45 Severe Protein Malnutrition

 

 

SOURCE: R. B. Bradfield, "Protein Deprivation: Comparative
Response of Hair Roots, Serum Protein and Urinary Nitrogen,"
American Journal of Clinical Nutrition 25 (February 1972): 186-205.

 

0f the hair samples taken from rural preschool children, 16 per-
cent were classified as being atrophied, a value within the range

of normality. However, total urban hair samples showed a 42 per-
cent incidence of root atrophy which is a value near that associated
with severe protein malnutrition. The 26 percent variation in the
rate of atrophy incidence between rural and urban children is a
clear indication of the comparatively poor nutrition and general
state of health of the urban child. The high percentage level of
telogen and atrophied root samples among the urban preschool chil-
dren together substantiate the lower level of growth and development
indicated by anthropometric measures, as well as a tendency toward
severe protein malnutrition. The rural child, on the other hand,

was not found to exemplify, to any great extent, these abnormalities.

147

With the onset of protein deprivation or a malnourished
period which may lead to protein malnutrition, the earliest con-
sistent change notable is a reduction in maximum bulb diameter
(Bradfield 1972, p. 722). Hair root bulb diameter measures from
both rural and urban samples fell below suggested standards. However,

2

the average for rural samples amounted to 9.65 mm x 10’ , while

urban samples averaged 8.25 mm x 10'2.

Though both are below the
suggested standard of 11 mm x 10'2 (Table 26), the more pronounced
deviation is seen in the urban sample. This also lends support to
the contention that the urban preschooler is nutritionally less
sound than his rural counterpart.

In conclusion, two additional factors of Tongan society must
be emphasized. Cases of classical malnutrition, particularly severe
protein malnutrition, were not found to be currently prevalent
throughout the islands. Occasionally, children were observed exhib-
iting illness which could be directly correlated with the lack of
sufficient food or adequate nutrition. Infections and eye disorders
were relatively common. A more significant factor is the potential
risk for the future development of malnutrition, especially in
urban areas, where the diet was found frequently to be deficient in
both quantity and quality. Indicative of this condition is the
urban preschool child who is smaller and less developed than his
rural counterpart, by every parameter examined. These data support

the conclusion that the occurrence of moderate and severe protein-

calorie malnutrition in Tonga is greatest among urban children.

148

Attributing this condition to the effects of urbanization
and continued in-migration from rural areas of Tonga, the prevalent
factors of overpopulation, pressure upon domestic agriculture and
the continued development of a cash crop economy assume a new sig-
nificance. Tongan society, already approaching 50 percent urbaniza-
tion, has reached a critical stage during which the future health E“?

and well-being of the population will be determined.

 

CHAPTER VIII

CONCLUSION

Summary

The objectives of this research were threefold:

1. To assess alterations in the population profile
of Tonga (i.e., natural increase, internal migra-
tion and urbanization).

2. To determine the influence of population growth,
land tenure and the development of cash cropping
upon the agricultural economy of Tonga.

3. To determine the degree to which urbanization
has altered the nutrition status of the Tongan
pe0p1e.

Prior to fulfilling the above objectives, it was hypothe-

sized that:

l. Increases in population are accompanied by subse-
quent increases in (a) pressure upon agricultural
lands, (b) population migration, and (c) urbaniza-
tion.

2. Increases in cash income among agricultural pro-
ducers are accompanied by subsequent increases in
migration to urban areas, and decreases in agri-
cultural production of food crops in ratio to total
national population.

3. Increases in urbanization are accompanied by sub-
sequent increases in reliance upon imported food-
stuffs, and decreases in domestic food production
and nutritional status.

Data acquired during field investigations supported the

above hypotheses. A condition of increasing urbanization in Tonga

was found to be the result of (1) natural population growth within

149

150

urban areas, (2) displaced individuals migrating due to increased
population pressure on agricultural land, and (3) migration of
those rural individuals with sufficient income from cash cropping
enterprises. (The above is summarized within Figure 2).

Despite increases in the absolute quantity of domestic food
production, research results indicated that population growth more :‘
than nullifies these gains. This situation is aggravated by the F51
withdrawal of acreage from domestic food production resultant from

(1) expanded cash cropping, and (2) increasing absentee landholding.

 

The ensuing gap between population and domestic food needs Fifi
requires that Tonga import large quantities of foodstuffs (Table 20).
Further investigation revealed that the consequences of
urbanization in Tonga are (1) decreased domestic food production
per capita, and (2) retarded physical development of preschool
children most likely due to inadequate dietary quality, as shown
in Table 21, and Table 28 (p.188). However, in order to strengthen
the reliability of the preceding hypotheses, it is recommended that

they be tested in relation to alternative societies.

Implications

 

The Tongan social structure and systems of land tenure and
agriculture, in combination with expanding urbanization, require
that Tongan governmental officials realize the vital role of agri-
culture in the Tongan economy. To date, the Kingdom lacks any
other alternative resources. Thus, care must be taken to stabilize

and revitalize agriculture and domestic food production.

151

Natural Population Rural
Increase Population
Increased Increase
Purchasing
Power
Stemming from ggc:?::$gn
Cash Cropping p p
ressure upon
Agricultural
Desire for Land
Urban
ReSidence Lack of
Support
Capacity for
. Rural
Reduction of .
Agricultural POPUIatIO"
Food
Production .
Resulting from PAggiculggral
Population r0 1 e ange
Dislocation and Dislocation
of Population
1

 

 

> Increased Urbanization +~

Decreased
Nutritional
Status

Figure 2.--Urbanization:

 

Kingdom of Tonga

152

Recommendations

 

Recommendations following this research might take several
forms. The most immediate need involves the complete redistribution
of land now being held by the nobility or royal family. Further,
allotment sizes of four acres appear able to provide the needs of
the average family. Therefore, division of existing eight and one-
quarter acre or larger holdings into four-acre units seems advisable.
It is fully recognized that the existing political and social struc-
ture of the Kingdom make implementation of such recommendations
difficult. More realistically, the following may be offered with
some expectation for immediate or future implementation.

1. Inasmuch as pest damage to Tongan agricultural produc-
tion amounts to 20 percent of exportable cropping, newer forms of
effective pest control are appropriate. The rat, as the most
destructive, should receive first priority. Reducing foliage cover
and using protective measures for cr0ps has been shown ineffective
in the Tongan situation. Therefore, newer approaches of research
are advisable, including disruption of the rodent's feeding base and
the possible introduction of predators, i.e., viral or mammalian.
Such control measures, if successful, would benefit not only the
Tongan situation, but other Pacific islands as well.

2. Owing to the already serious population maldistribution,
it is advisable thatimnediate action be taken by the Tongan government
leading to the strengthening of rural activities, resettlement or

planned settlement of migrating Tongans, and the discouragement of

153

the continued movement of people into the urban areas, principally
Nuku'alofa.

3. A third recommendation for immediate implementation
calls for quality inspection of food imports. The quality of most
fresh meat and canned beef products is indicative of this necessity.
As food products assume a greater proportion of total Tongan imports,
the continued lack of efficient quality inspection is seen as detri-
mental to the health and nutrition well-being of urban Tongans.

In addition to recommendations for immediate action, it is
advisable that long-term planning and implementation of the follow-
ing be undertaken.

1. Agricultural education of extension services for use in
all rural settlements is advisable. Such an undertaking is feasible
considering the existence of the government farm on Tongatapu and
the agricultural training facility on 'Eua.

2. Basic family hygiene and nutritional education is also
advisable. The formulation and instruction of fundamental home
economics or family ecology could easily be incorporated in the
nation's secondary schools. In view of the fact that continuing
education is viewed as a status in Tongan society and literacy is
almost universal, it is reasonable to suggest such an introduction
in the Tongan educational system would reach a large segment of the
population.

3. A reorientation of the subject areas of emphasis in the
educational system might also be a long-term goal. Development of

technical skills, including construction and fundamental

Fi

 

154

manufacturing techniques, crop and soil science, as well as animal
husbandry seem appr0priate areas of emphasis given Tonga's economic
profile.

It is recognized any change in policy or the implementation
of the above recommendations require capital outlays involving land,
population and urban conditions making it imperative that the govern-
ment reorder its current development priorities. This investigation
concludes that a pessimistic aura regarding the future of Tonga

remains. Given the social structuring and system of land tenure

 

and agriculture, coupled with a numerically increasing and urbanizing
population, Tongan government officials must face several hard
realities. The nation lacks to date any economically exploitable
resources save its agricultural acreage or possibly the fishing
resources in surrounding ocean waters outside the reef areas. Talk
of economic schemes and wealth from underseas deposits of petroleum
or minerals has largely proven to be rhetoric. Tonga must quickly
come to grips with the economic and p0pulation crises which are
already the cause of discontent in several significant sectors of
the population. Yesterday's factors of risk concerning overpopula-
tion, malnourishment and economic instability are rapidly becoming

realities of today.

APPENDICES

155

 

APPENDIX A

GEOGRAPHICAL SURVEY OF TONGA

156

 

APPENDIX A

GEOGRAPHICAL SURVEY OF TONGA

The islands comprising the Kingdom of Tonga are scattered Eu 3
through 8°30' of latitude, from 15° South to 23°30' South, and
4° of longitude, from 173° West to 177° West. Directionally, the

Kingdom is located East of Fiji and South of Samoa (Harris 1966,

 

p. 124). The total area encompassed by the Kingdom is over 20,000
square miles. However, of this area only 288 square miles are land
and this amount is scattered over 150 islets of which only 45 are
inhabited (Kennedy 1968, p. 22). The largest and most populated
island of the Kingdom is Tongatapu which accounts for 99 square
miles and holds a population in excess of 50,000. Estimates of
Tonga's total population vary from 80,000 to 100,000. However,
sources within the nation give the total as of January 1, 1975,

as 95,000 (Report of the Ministry of Health 1973, p. 26).

The islands of Tonga lie in two fairly parallel lines and
are actually the t0ps of two undersea mountain ridges. The basic
orientation is Northeast to Southwest with several notable outliers
in the Northwest of the Kingdom's territorial limits. These out-
liers include the islands of Niuatoputapu and Niuafo'ou (Kennedy
1968, p. 22).

Physically, the geography of the islands is not uniform.
There are three divisions of islands by geologic type (Figure 3).

157

158

Figure 3.--The Islands of Tonga by Geologic Type.

159

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  
 
 

’51:? _- ._____- 7 __'35‘7___ 7 -_ 277- I7? -____ m' 1,351
1 THE ISLANDS or TONGA '
1 BY GEOLOGIC TYPE
1 l
| D Limestone Formation . ‘
~ I {‘IIMMoFbava
! O Raised Marine Volcanic
[ 0 Subaerial VolcanicI "fl‘
,6. z. 77-_- .__L .___. ..-- "‘"W‘ 5°
8' ‘ ---..__.__ -—'~— —'~ 4
F‘" “1:... "
l
i VAVA'U oRoupl—“Lm
l mtg, “:5”
0““ Lz._]
,,._____ -7-____*__ -73?- __-,-Q U 7 f! ,.
I: “Wm. V1500
rmcfijdwbwfi‘é‘hzngiémc
. . warn-71
2m HAAPAI GROUP fwitiz'ia 1,22%,“ 20'
. Am - «Sm-cu
Fulani: Haw/shy a
‘ Ammo
minimum 'm" I
P A c i F A c
2r a-
renewal a. TONGATAPU
‘5... GROUP
5.4,.
i 1
22* ——————— 224

w - - - : . _.
2" NOT ON THE SAME SCALE
30' 7.- __ - -.

[77‘

L ..
[76"

 

 

 

 

 

 

. a22‘
_ __.~.. ..._ ___.. I __.. v
10 5 0 IO 20 30 4O 50
_ Miles _ _.__ cf 3
[74' If!

 

 

 

r];

_
.m‘lha...‘v. .lv

160

Figure 4.--The Kingdom of Tonga.

4A.
4B.

4C.
40.

Principal island groups and outliers.

Tongatapu group with principal outliers
(excluding 'Eua).

Ha'apai group.

Vava'u group.

16

l

 

177°
:51 7E... -

i
,6.L*____ . __

8’ r-

 

 

2r ———- ~— ----~

 

i
2271
wi H.-—

i
2 ' NOT on THE SAME SCALE
331 z .

 

(77'

7- 7 If:
KINGDOM OF TONGA

' Showing the Territorial Boundaries

i
l

I

i
l

l

1

”17+“

 

Quinn 3
_. 0 -9! .._.__._ -7. -H —. ..—-——- «I?
l
(‘ I
l n ' a
Union ”Mme Vivian’s
foluo B . Frame/7:1"! ”awowzmjlflzzz
i HNAPAIGROUP uxxF"%?
; - ___ . ,fimemz m. - - - __ _-__.eou
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revolut-
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5 oreuuuwa
.ma
wwhfiIS-‘W rm“ «we
6‘ 7 F I C‘
' ‘--'— - 21'
0'5th
7mm ,. TONGATAPU
‘Ewb GROUP
'xmr:
i — ‘—- -- * ~“-‘22'
C E A M
l l -- _. __ _ I221
1 i w
10 5 0 10 2O 30 4O 50
. Miles - __ 314:3
I75° l74° ”3’

[76°

omfi'ou/s

l
i
l
l
i
l

VAVA' U GROUP
.3220, .

 

 

I 74’

 

 

 

- g 173’
5'

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

162

 

 

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e 23 a

 

 

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a 8.3:

 

 

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In” . . .. .. . . . . . . 23..... . .. ., , .
... ,.. ,. . . . . I n . . . . . . . . .
7.. . , . - . .. . .. u . . . . . . , ,
.... . . .. . Z . . . I . .

a £5 6
a 88:3.

033k.

ass“

.__.w,fl..w._, 5.1.3 33.3 .

 

e53.

.eohkx

 

 

 

 

163

 

 

 

rain: I:

znw'mwo' Irrso' IN'ZU'
'- l - ' ' . I

 

Koo I:

v . album I:

I 'Mo'aw'mc I:

 

«’9'
l ozma ‘0‘
5 who/a
:;:'_‘:*LF -- j; W“ . 0
Foot
0M1:
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am “"05 .rm/s 4”
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1
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l
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|
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| HA APAI GROUP
1
20.1 A?
”’5—
‘Kek/esals 3.23.5.rgoowul
W .
l »_..334567-90h
I ~ ‘ l ‘ - J
Ir”, ’7'”; wn' 0"” ’1

 

 

 

 

 

 

164

 

 

VAVA' U GROUP

 

A. .4 . LEmYuA 7 gr . 7. ‘
Fa, Q 3 -

um“ ;-:.; , :."~i.=‘*"5

     

o Fatah) 73
MM Is

 

, a Man Is
am 6 O Orv/w ’3 O Euokafa I:
O ‘Eww Is
0 rotate/awn Is

0 Muomu'a/s 'Fuamdu Is

0 I. mln'apo ls

’ LW” ’3
o Fangav'neo'ne ls
”Fatwa/o Is

\Tauhls

an... - O Man/mm IS

 

 

165

l. Subaerial volcanic islands, formed above the sea by

volcanic action.

2. Raised marine volcanic islands formed beneath the

sea and elevated, composed of both volcanic mate-
rial and limestone.

3. Islands formed entirely from limestone.

The volcanic islands to the west form a line extending
Northeast to Southwest, approximately parallel to the long axis of
the group. Raised marine volcanic islands are found in the Southern
Ha'apai group and the island of 'Eua. Limestone islands comprise
Tongatapu, the Vava'u group and the Northern Ha'apai islands. The
material of this latter group is entirely of coral origin which

seems to have been formed by the elevation of the various atolls

through geologic history (Pacific Islands, Vol. III, 1944, pp. 15-

 

21).

The islands have experienced volcanic activities in historic
time which, while not always severely damaging, have caused evacua-
tion of some islands. It is also significant to note this activity
has contributed to the soil fertility of the islands adjacent to an
eruption through the spreading of volcanic ash over the area.’ The
majority of this activity is found in the western chain of islands
away from the mainstream of Tongan life located on the coral lime-

stone islands to the east (Pacific Islands, Vol. III, 1944, pp. 15-

 

21).

Geographically, the islands of Tonga are found in three
distinct groups: spread along a 500 mile North-to-South axis
(Figure 4A). These groups are: Vava'u to the Northeast, the

central islands of Ha'apai, and Tongatapu to the Southwest. The

 

166

majority of population, social, political and economic activity
is found on Tongatapu centering on the capital, Nuku'alofa.

The distance over which the islands are spread allows some
variety in climate. Temperature is, on the whole, equable. The
absolute maximum seldom rises above 90°F or falls below 80°F. The
temperature minimum seldom reaches above 70° or falls below 50°F.
For most of the year the mean temperature is between 70° and 80°F.
As is often the case in tropical locals, seasonality is measured in
terms of wet and dry periods. Rainfall in Tonga occurs on the
average of 170 days during the year in progressively heavier amounts
northward (Table 27). The wet season spans the months from December
to April. Dryer periods and occasionally droughts occur from May
through November. Overall averages for rainfall vary from 67" in
the South, to 117" in the North.

Coupled with the advantages of a warm temperature range and

an adequately distributed rainfall, Tonga possesses a third basic

TABLE 27.--Mean Annual Rainfall: 1932-1940.

 

Tongatapu 65 inches
Ha'apai 67 inches
Vava'u 75 inches
Niua T0putapu 95 inches
Niua Foou 121 inches

 

SOURCE: Pacific Islands, Vol. III: Western Pacific (Tonga
to Solomon Islands) (Washington: Naval Intelligence Division,
1944 .

 

167

agricultural necessity, rich soil. Except on the volcanic islands,
the soils are predominantly clay loams derived from coral lime-
stones and weathered volcanic ash material. The eastern islands,
which contain the bulk of population and production activity, are
close enough to the volcanic chain to the West to have received
numerous coatings of volcanic ash through geologic history. The
result is the presence of a much more fertile soil than is normally
fbund in a coral island environment (Kennedy 1961, p. 66).

The soils of the islands may be seen as two general layers
(Plate 13). The lower layer is comprised of older volcanic ash
material which has undergone little weathering but shows evidence
of water action, i.e., percolation and some leaching. The clay
content, though as high as 90 percent, does not prevent water
passage or pose any significant potential for hardpan or claypan
development. The upper level (actually a topsoil layer of up to
three feet in depth) consists of approximately 60 percent clay, and
is also weathered volcanic ash material. An examination showed the
soil to have an excellent structure with particle size generally in
the 1-2 cm. range. The structure is also strong as evidenced by
its friable character. However, owing to the average particle size
and generally young appearance of the soils in profiles examined,
it remains very permeable and possesses few water retention
qualities (Hougland 1974).

Soil mineral characteristics are also generally favorable.
Those examined where high in calcium, magnesium, and potassium.

However, nitrogen deficiency in some areas may be noted. This is

L3

 

168

Plate 13.

Profile of Tongan Soil:
Tongatapu.

 

 

169

likely owing to the combination of a number of factors, both
physical and cultural, not the least of which are rainfall, general
weed and grass growth and the custom of burning acreage prior to
planting.

The key to the maintenance of soil fertility in the islands
under the present pattern of cultivation is the system of "bush
fallowing" and close planting of crops which results in the reten-
tion of some humus in the soil (Great Britain Colonial Office
1956-64, p. 20). This, along with the soil characteristics described,
make some minor leaching and nitrogen depletion the major problems
regarding the soil's physical properties.

Vegetation is luxuriant and includes most typical tropical
types with a number of superimposed imported varieties, particularly
food producing plants. In addition to introduced food crops, an
undesirable feature of plant life which has been introduced is
weeds which pose problems for agriculture as well as being a
bother to the human element (Pacific Islands, Vol. III, 1944, p. 37).
The most significant of these are the grasses, including Nut,

Guinea and Johnson varieties (Jansen 1973).

Forestry potential presents perhaps the most valuable aspect
of natural vegetation aside from food production. The total area of
all forest lands comprises approximately 26,000 acres which are con-
fined to the islands of 'Eua and Vava'u. This resource is owned and
managed by the government. However, it is presently of little
commercial value due to the problems of resource inaccessibility and

transportation of the milled production. Most activity in this

 

170

sector is directed to the construction of banana cases and local
housing construction. It should be noted, however, that since
1954, the Tongan Department of Agriculture has begun a small scale
reforestation program designed to determine the feasibility of
developing this as an exportable economic resource (Great Britain
Colonial Office 1956-64, p. 22).

Other Species of vegetation which are culturally important ”.1
to Tongans are those which produce the majority of the nation's

fbod. These include the breadfruit, coconut, banana and various

 

root crops. ’J
Until recently, Tonga has had the distinction of being one IV:

of the few Pacific territories which could be called a self-

supporting community (Harris 1966, p. 127). Economically, Tonga is

essentially an agricultural country. There are no notable developed

mineral resources and the only industry consists of minor processing

facilities for agricultural products. Economic necessities from

outside the islands are paid for by exports of bananas and coconut

products in most cases. Until recently, Tonga enjoyed a favorable

balance of trade. However, this balance has tended to reverse in

the past few years with the tendency toward larger and larger defi-

cits as shown in Table 20.
The population in the past has been in the position to plant

a large portion of their food requirements. Any cash requirements

were usually provided through the sale of bananas and coconuts to

regional collection points (Great Britain Colonial Office 1956-64,

p. 11). This subsistence system is rapidly altering due to increasing

171

pressures of population upon the land. The result of this pressure
is seen in part in a growing dependency on imported foodstuffs.

Exports have been the only significant source of income
for the Kingdom, though earnings from tourism and overseas remittances
are becoming increasingly important. Of this trade, copra, bananas,
and pineapples represent the only items traded in quantity inter-
nationally. Copra currently accounts for more than 70 percent of
the total exports and, therefore, the export income of Tonga is
largely at the mercy of fluctuations in world copra prices (Kennedy
1968, p. 20; Britten 1968, p. 53).

A diversification of export crops is possible under existing
environmental conditions. However, the isolation of Tonga from
international trade routes coupled with distance from markets make
large scale diversification unlikely in the near future.

Fundamental in the economy of any agricultural nation is the
policy formation regulating land use by the native element. In
Tonga, ultimate title to all land rests with the King. However,
every individual is entitled to an eight and one-qaurter acre farm
lot and a two-fifths acre town lot. Obviously, in light of the
growing population situation, the plan cannot work as the policy
intends. However, in the past the policy had the effect of allow-
ing most people the opportunityto plant and earn a subsistence
living from the earth. The law, at present, states that males
upon reaching 16 years of age are required to register with the

government for tax purposes. At the same time, all are invited to

 

172

register for their land allotment called an "'api." However, with
the upsurge in populaton, there simply is not enough land to go
around. The King of Tonga, in a report to the nation's Legislative
Assembly (October, 1967) told of "39,837 males in the Kingdom who
are, or will be, entitled to tax allotments, there are currently
only 13,017 allotments to distribute to them" ("There's Not Enough
Land . . ." 1967, p. 37).

 

APPENDIX B

RESEARCH SURVEY

173

 

APPENDIX B

RESEARCH SURVEY

 

 

 

(Demographic)

1. Location Urban______
Rural______

2. Type of Household

Single family Multiple family

 

 

 

 

 

Family and relatives______ Mult. family and rel.
Family and friends ______ Mult. family and friends____
3. Age-Sex Structure
0-2______ 10-14______ 25—29______ 50-59______
3-5______ 15-l9______ 30—39______ 60-69______
6-9__ 20-24___ 40-49___ 70+ __
4. Occupational and Educational (Household Head)
Educ: Primary________ Univ.
Secondary______ Tech. Sch.______ Type of Train.
Occup.: Agri. Skilled Share
Fish Wt. Collar;______ Unemp.
Unskilled____ Self Employ._____ Location of Emp.____
(Migration)
5. Time household lived in present location
0-1______ 5-9______ Life_______
2-5______ 10+

 

174

 

175

6. If less than life in same village

Other places lived and how long prior, or between
moving to
T.

 

 

H.

 

 

V.

 

 

7. Does this household intend to remain permanently in this
village?

Yes No

 

Why?

 

8. Why moved to this village

 

Employment______ Health Care______ Relatives______
Land ______ Food Avai1.______ Friends

Educ. ______ Religion

Other

 

9. Household members who have left or entered in past year

Sex Age Loss or gain

 

Perm. or temp. Where

 

Reason for move

 

 

 

 

My;
10. Size and location Town______ Ac.
Tax Ac.
Distance from dwelling ______ mi.
Landless______ Reason

 

ll . Considering existing land tenure system satisfactory.

Yes No

 

 

Reason

 

176

12. Do any other peOple use the same land for any type of Agri.
production?

No Yes

 

How long Type Of use

 

Reason for use

 

13. Number of people supported from land

14. What is the best size for aTongan 'api ac.

(Agriculture Production)
15. Who Operates farm: Head Family Others
16. Main crops grown by household during 1973-74.

Main CrOps Amt. Grown

 

 

 

 

 

ac. yield Single Crop
ac. yield Double Crop
ac. yield Triple Crop

 

 

Fallow land ac.

 

l7. Fallow usage (ex. coconuts)

 

Time in fallow Hist. increase Decrease

 

18. Livestock, 1973-74

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Head Slaughtered Given Away Sold
Horse % %
Cattle
Goat
Pig
Fowl

 

 

 

 

 

Other

 

 

 

 

 

 

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

177

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Length of time (day) spend working farm lot hr.

Work for others: No______ Yes______ Payment

Use of farm equipment, and farm fertilizer

knife ______ spade______ tractor______

hoe ______ ax ______ own equip.: No Yes______

stick ______ plow ______ equip. not owned____

Use animal manure: No Yes______ lfflfi

Human manure: No Yes______

Commercial fert.: No Yes_____.

Frequency Of usage of fert. pyr. I

Use of fertilizer, seed, spray, dust, l973-74 F13
Frequency Amount Where Obtained Cost

Fert.

Seed

Spray

Dust

 

Tin prot. strips

 

Pest Control

 

Major limiting factor to increased prod. on farm in order of

importance.
Lack of land

Disease of crops

 

Pest destruction

 

Use of produce by others

 

Is Agriculture important to this household as a means Of liveli-

hood?
Very Not important
Important Don't know

178

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

24. Occupational rating and reasons for preference

Agri. Prof. Self. employed

Fish Skilled Wage—earning labor

Other

Reason
(Income)
25. What income was earned by household members in nonagricultural

employment:

Member Occupation Where Earning wk. mo.
26. Livestock and crOp sold during year:

Commodity Quantity Value Where sold
27. Fishing produce sold:

(Commodity Quantity Value Where sold
28. Other sources of income (handicrafts, etc.):

Source Type of income Amount Where sold

 

 

 

 

FcJ

179

(Expenditure)

29. Food per week bought:

Item Quant. Cost (Unit) Where bought Meth.of Pay

 

 

 

 

I“:
Total food value per week

 

30. Farm needs during year:

“A. lVH’ -

Item Quant. Cost Where bought Meth.of Pay

 

 

 

 

q

u

C

7 J
‘ ’
.v. .

 

 

 

 

 

31. Other spending during year (approx.):
Clothing Church
School Other Value

(Household Possessions)

32. Does this household possess:

Radio Food cabinet Community H20
Telephone Electricity Indoor toilet
Refrig. Indoor H20 Indoor washing

(Attitude to Population Size)

33. Is this household overcrowded: No Yes

If No , will you have any more children? NO Yes

 

34. Is this village overcrowded? No_______ Yes_______
Is this island overcrowded? No_______ Yes_______
Is Tonga overcrowded? No Yes_______
Will Tonga be overcrowded in the future? No_______ Yes_______
When?

 

What is the best number of population for Tonga?

 

Religion

 

35. How many children is best for a Tongan family?

 

36. Does any member of this household use or subscribe to any form
of birth control?

 

 

 

Member Type of BC How long
37. Is family planning important for this household? No____ Yes____
Is family planning important for Tonga? No____ Yes___

38. Is the present family planning program adequate for Tonga?

NO' Yes

 

 

39. Do you consider Tonga's growing population associated with
problems of

Unemployment Lack of available land

Lack of education Difficulty of food prod.

 

(Child Survey)

40. Sex Age, Yr. MO. Date of Birth
Height cm. Weight kg. Breastfed Time
41. Left arm circum. cm.

Left arm tricep Sf. mm.

42.
43.

44.

45.

181

Hair sample taken? No Yes
General appearance

Skin Eyes Hair

 

Teeth Frank Nutr. disorder

 

How Often does this household have: (week days) Meat:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Mutton_______ Tinned_____Fresh_____ Bread

Beef Tinned____ Fresh_____ Biscuit

Pork Tinned____ Fresh_____ Rice

Fish Tinned_____Fresh_____ Butter

Poultry;____- Tinned_____Fresh_____ Coconut milk

Milk - Coconut flesh

Tinned sweetened_______ Yam Soft drinks

Powdered Potato Canned jam

Fresh Taro Alcoholic
Cassava Flour (pd.)

Sugar (pd.)
Dietary Recall (24 hr. for )

 

Breakfast Lunch Dinner Other

71

 

APPENDIX C

DATA COLLECTION CRITERIA

182

 

‘.-q— ‘
Q
«'4

APPENDIX C

DATA COLLECTION CRITERIA

Physical Examination Inn;
In conjunction with the population survey a brief physical .
examination Of each preschool child residing in the sample house-

holds was conducted. The following indicators of nutritional and

 

general well being were noted: L.J

1. Skin changes. Careful observation was especially given
for flake-paint dermatosis, which may characterize severe protein
malnutrition. However, only one such case was noted and that child
was a weaning infant and too young for inclusion in the survey
sample. Skin areas with open wounds resembling burns or infection
were examined also. Though the incidence of infection was quite
common within the urban sample, it was impossible to directly
attribute any to nutritional disorders alone, and probably reflect
the effects of the total urban environment.

2. Edema. Each child's feet, ankles, hands and wrists
were examined for this characteristic of severe protein malnutri-
tion. Several cases of this, in generalized form, were observed in
the urban sample, although absent in rural areas. Several infants,
not included in the sample, were also noted as having this condition.

3. Eyes. Vitamin A deficiency symptoms were noted to be

common throughout Tonga. Parents frequently indicated that their

183

184

children showed symptoms of night blindness. Bitot spots, xerosis,
xerOphthalmia and keratomalacia were also noted.

4. Hair changes. Principally, dyspigmentation of hair
color from the characteristic black to a reddish brown was noted.
However, the possible use of domestic or imported dye (frequently
perceived as a status item) lessened the reliability of these
observations. None the less, microscopic examination Of hair
samples verified that changes in pigmentation were greater within:
the urban sample.

5. Muscle wasting. This condition was noted in only one
case in the total sample. Given the high caloric and starch diet
of the Tongan, it is reasonable that such cases are rare.

6. Anthropometric indicators. Each child's height, weight,
left arm circumference and tricep skinfold measurements were
recorded. Height was taken using a vinyl tape, in conjunction with
a back and head rest. The circumference measurement was acquired
following the standard procedure of measuring halfway between the
acromial process of the scapula and the point of the elbow. Weight
was taken using a bathroom scale, adjusting the reading to zero
prior to each weighing. Skinfold measures were taken three times
and the average was recorded.

7. Hair. Hair specimens were also obtained from each
preschool child examined. Care was taken to obtain specimens having
the hair root intact. The procedure followed that outlined by

Bradfield (1972), and varied only in the number extracted from each

 

185

child.]

Samples were stored in numbered postage envelopes for
transit from Tonga, the numbers corresponding with those of the
appropriate survey forms.

Examination and analysis of collected specimens also fol-
lowed the procedure outlined by Bradfield. Samples were first
separated by growth phase (i.e., anagen [growing], telogen [rest-
inQJ) followed by a classification of morphological changes in
each phase. Bulb diameter was determined, using a standard
disecting microsc0pe equipped with amicrometer eyepiece. Two
measurements for each sample were taken and the average determined.
The percent of atrOphy (an atrophied bulb is shrunken, having a
shriveled appearance and a considerable decrease in bulb diameter)
was also determined.

Alterations in bulb, sheath and hair shaft were also noted
and classified, although growth phase, root bulb diameter and
percent of atrophy were of prime importance to the research.
Results of the above were then compared with the figures in Table
26, which suggests standards for preschool children. The standards

formulated by Bradfield were developed from studies of children

with Asian and Negroid hair types.

 

1Because root presence was determined at the time of
collection, fewer hairs were necessary than that suggested by
Bradfield (1971, p. 70).

 

186

Tinned Mean Samples

Two samples of tinned meat were purchased in Tonga and
subsequently analyzed upon completion of the data collection process.
The selection of the meat samples was based upon the criteria which
influence their consumption by the Tongan people: (1) availability
throughout the islands, determined during price surveys in village
and urban shops; and (2) price, K. 8 R. brand Corned Meat Loaf
being usually the cheapest of the tinned meat products of comparable
variety. It appeared that the large-scale consumption of the.meat
loaf was based solely upon price as it was perceived to have the
lowest prestige value of all tinned meats. Globe Corned Beef,
the other tinned meat sample selected, enjoyed a much higher status
ranking but had a medium price, making it more acceptable than
products advertised to be better quality tinned beef products.

Each product was analyzed by proximal determination, which
supplied values for protein, fat, moisture and ash. Carbohydrate
values were determined by the subtraction of the total values for
protein, fat, ash and moisture from 100 percent. The Kjedahl-Total
Nitrogen method as described by McKenzie was used to determine the
protein content while fat content was discovered using the Soxhlet
method (McKenzie and Murtphy 1970, p. 158). Moisture was determined
by weighing a sample of the product, vacuum drying it at 100°F for
5 hours, and then reweighing it. Ash content determination called
for charred samples being placed in a Muffle oven at 500°C for not

less than 6 hours.

 

187

Two samples of each product were analyzed, as explained
above, and the averages were calculated. The results were pre-

sented in Table 21.1

Fresh Meat Samples

Fresh meat samples imported from Australia and representa-
tive of available supplies found in Nuku'alofa were also purchased
in four stores. Prices of the product varied from 1.50 to .70 per
pound. (At the time of purchase, October, 1974, U.S. $1.00 equaled
T.63.) Small samples of the meat were weighed on a standard Welch
balance. Surface fat was removed from each using an ordinary paring
knife, followed by weighing. Next, samples were placed in boiling
water for four minutes. Recognizing that much of the weight of the
melted fat was replaced by water, attempts were made to thoroughly
dry each sample over slow heat, prior to reweighing. Although this
procedure is not the recommended methodology for fat determination
of fresh meat samples, the results nonetheless provide a crude
approximation of value. The results of this procedure are pre-

sented in Table 28.

 

1A complete explanation of the procedures used in this
analysis may be found by consulting the Official Methods of Analysis
of the Association of Official Analytical Chemists 1970.

 

188

 

 

Km.oN m¢.mn m.¢m ¢.N~ ¢.Po~ amatas<

 

 

 

mm.mm ~¢.¢m 5.5m m.mu m.m- wk OFQEmm
mm.m— ~_.mm «.mm F.mm ~.wm_ ma OFQEmm
mm.mm No.80 m.~m F._F_ ¢.mo~ we mpasam
mm.om _m.mo P.me o.mo «.mep Fa m—qemm
Aewv Aewv Aggy
cum; pad mcwzgo Fm>osmm
mammp new mcwpwom and OOMGL3m usmwmz ummmsugsa
Asv .P mcwzop_od p;m_az mcwzop_0d peace:
.m»o_m.:x:z

:w m_.n0_._.6>< mmFQEmm Awmmmv Ham: cmwgu Cw acmucou com.‘ Ucm Ham “_.0 cowwchELMHmm—Ii.mm m.._m<._.

 

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189

 

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