LANGUAGE FACTORS IN. THE EMPLOYMENT . or BILINGUAL MEXICAN-AMERICANS: A CASE sway ANALYSIS Thesis for the Degree of Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY NELDA CAROLA GARCIA 1 97 1 J ’5 i I III! IIZIIIIIIII II III II III IIIII III II IIIII ' 0179 6096 “a LIBRARY Michigan Stan: University This is to certify that the thesis entitled LANGUAGE FACTORS IN THE EMPLOYMENT OF BILINGUAL MEXICAN-AMERICANS: A- CASE STUDY ANALYSIS presented by Nelda Carola Garcia has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for .Eh...D_.__degree in My Education & Curriculum Major professor C Date nggnber, 1971 if 0-7839 1' amomc Iv “MG 8 SUN? MON BlNDERV INI . LIBRARY amosnr ”1mm.“ l u ,. . 7-; N1" tart-‘13:" ) t eg; m you «some '“ ant hav: rfomzm ”on. K wuoxim“mxicam cnunNn‘g 1:. I er.udy ,0. was : pijo. .Irtmatignfihfim a! " L‘Lllly' : Vatican-hurl run-2 wr- ABSTRACT LANGUAGE FACTORS IN THE EMPLOYMENT OF : _ BILINGUAL MEXICAN-AMERICANS: A H ”“ y‘ CASE STUDY ANALYSIS by Nelda Carola Garcia r‘xA large majority of the people in the Southwest ’ ‘Spanish as their family and community language and ‘CfEnglish only as a requirement for formal education _fi§ployment. Assertions have been made that these ;%h-speaking people are confronted with a language yér in their educational and employment settings. [allegations have been made that they operate under soap in performing job duties as proficiently as ~3'?§nolingual counterparts. ng‘flte present study was a pilot investigation of the .%%§ English language performance of employed bilingual Ericans. Specifically, the English language ~ rilfl'ingual non—Mexican-Americans. The objectives fife-Lthe importance of EngliSh language abilities ..‘ . n ' u I“. “. .‘. “L ‘o.-‘ '.'O. ..‘. Nelda Carola Garcia 7 1on8 and to develop comparative socioeconomic, edu— 5'1énal, and employment background profiles of the two jfikhnic groups as well as a language profile of the bilin- ogfiaiism of the Mexican-Americans. From the findings, impli— Lfiiafiions for the improvement of the occupational training of . B111ngual Mexican-Americans were derived for use in bi— Eingual, business, and vocational education programs. ‘5 Personal interviews were conducted with forty-five éfiployees. This group contained equal numbers of Mexican- im£11Cans, their non-Mexican-American occupational peers, u§fifl‘persons in supervisory positions over each "matched Kg§§1r" of white-collar employees. Data were obtained from a I$.gerson in each of these groups from fifteen Texas firms in 2"fiflé finance, retail trade, and utilities industries. The yfitticipants were selected from three cities close to and fihflee cities away from the Texas-Mexico border. Ten language factors related to white-collar work Nelda Carola Garcia ‘ um, i” fiwffdent, and advancement. Interv1ews were also con- ~ngéd to obtain background factors on the employees. 1“ 6' The data were tabulated and classified in case 4 d #:émuuies to reflect the perceptions of each participant. '.§E§ ratios, or the percentage with which they "almost al- .:fifiYB' performed certain language factors, yielded compari- ths between the perceived language performance abilities -.u 5E the two ethnic groups. Tabulations and ratios were con- .1: h iglidated to show relative importance of each language .3" gfiétbr to job progress. Summaries of the background factors dfiéfié‘also made for comparative profiles, and language usage '1 Ifixétei‘ns- were derived for the bilingual employees. ;“‘{L° ‘ The data from this study indicated that the per- ’I iéi language performance abilities of both ethnic groups fig? relatively high, with the Mexican-American subjects ( dang somewhat lower. The self-images of language perfor- ’ ,. \ .1 t o \‘f f \ erabilities indicated a relatively low self-image for -1ifnon‘Mex1can—Amer1can coworkers and a relatively high “_;: n}ge for the Mexican—American subjects. :.f5 Even greater differences between peer-images of angfiage abilities were indicated in relation to the u. i‘of the employees' residence to the Texas-Mexico ‘1ng population. The high levels of language be attributed to the employees' comparable Nelda Carola Garcia background factors, such as age, education, and occupational experience. The occupations and educational backgrounds of the employees' parents were also comparable. The major contrasts were shown by their nativity and language usage patterns. The dual language characteristic of the Mexican- American employees did not affect their overall job— related language performance. Their relative performance on certain language factors, however, provided insight on how bilingualism can promote and mitigate problems for a bilingual employee. To a marked degree, these employees were considered to speak English with Spanish accents, but the more critical factors in their performance were vocabulary and fluency. A prospective job applicant was expected to have certain language abilities in order to perform his job satisfactorily. These included comprehension of written material and of verbal instructions; use of correct verbal grammar; and use of words which are varied, selective, and relevant to his verbal conversations. In summary, bilingualism was seen as having a role in the employment setting of Mexican—Americans. Spanish appeared to be used on the job without compensation or recognition of its skill and economic value. This area of research deserves further exploration. LANGUAGE FACTORS IN THE EMPLOYMENT OF BILINGUAL MEXICAN-AMERICANS: A CASE STUDY ANALYSIS BY Nelda Carola Garcia A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Secondary Education and Curriculum 1971 ”A”; EEEII lntu.~r‘ $651! that _ ’5“ “has 1' : 'Wlmn, a... . . l DEDICATION owflprtunlty a : w '"flréh I HF‘IHW 109er of my father %. the Q5911, 59903.0 my mother, who continued afiusimfl". £99903 and encouragement M’dibm m{moharaoteristic of my parents H‘ggdgfhffipghput my educational endeavors. WM by be1~~ . “' v 1 - V fill an on: y vt)ua r :y A. ‘ 3h aruj,c- ,_ .1?“ my invaw. ' Q52? f"?! of {'1‘ ,3, «17.11 tails] iii; ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many people contributed to this study through their interest, encouragement, and other support. Among those that I should like particularly to acknowledge are the members of my committee. Dr. Peter G. Haines, chairman, deserves a special tribute. He allowed me an opportunity and a Special latitude to explore an area in which I was interested both personally and professionally. From the outset to the completion of my program, his professional insight and guidance have been invaluable in the pursuit of my objectives. I especially want to acknowledge the unique role he performed in my educational experiences by being the first educator to encourage me to utilize my own bilingualism. The framework by which the field investigation was conducted was originally developed under the encouragement and guidance of Dr. Cole S. Brembeck. I am grateful that he gave me an opportunity to examine cultural factors in education at an early stage in my doctoral program and encouraged me in my investigation of cross-cultural concepts. H'Iu "‘p. . ..,.' ‘u.,.. he. 6' ‘3 ation provided the kind of encouragement which is gimbasurable. 0““ Because of my interest in the interdisciplinary . 2§.:§ppreach to business education, I deeply appreciate the -Ugg.:inspiring contribution made by Dr. Ruth Hill Useem. Her I Slégéherous and enthusiastic assistance helped to place an .f #jgportant perspective on the very nature of the project. ; i wffir ’ Throughout the project the continuous interest of #3.€§§&iengues and associates and their readiness to assist ‘.- -- égfiark. Aesociate Professor of Business Statistics, The alihérsity of Texas at Austin, and Dr. Myrtle L. Bell, .riasdr of Psychology, Lamar University, for their aid, " ingest; and support at everY Stage °f the w°rk' I also U ding me considerations so that I could pursue work Lgfifproject with as much latitude as possible. lfffiarticular appreciation is due Dr. Mietzl Miller, ate Professor of Economics at Lamar University, who A dance and personal assistance relative to the égtion, interpretation, and presentation of the . %study. Dr. Miller, who read chapter drafts v‘ “3.1-. 'fiflfe invaluable. I especially wish to thank Dr. Charles T. w‘t‘ "‘ ,..yav¢o - b I a. l .q...' ~q‘. ‘. . I "‘ Ion-.- " i No u... .. . i' .- . '0. ‘ ‘ . u ‘ A - ‘a. .‘ .- ‘d critically and raised questions on points needing clarification, also made constructive suggestions to refine and improve the communication of this work. The field investigation, staged in Texas, was helped by the cooperation and assistance of many educators and of many businessmen, employees, and executives in industry throughout the state. The hospitality of many friends and relatives eased the pressuring demands as well as the expenditures posed by extensive travel. A voluminous amount of work was generated from the field investigation. I am most appreciative for the assistance I received at various stages of consolidation from Sandy Phelps, Donna Carter, Lorna Lucas, and Gayle Sims. Special gratitude goes to Mavis Williams, business teacher at Nederland High School, who devoted personal time and energy to typing a final draft of the study. I wish to thank Gloria Cardenas, who exemplifies the young bilingual student of today, for her aid with last-minute preparation. Finally, I wish to express my appreciation to Jo Lynn Cunningham and Carolyn Piersma for the work they performed in transforming the draft into the formal, final copy. u... o a. ,h n TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter I. THE PROBLEM OF THE STUDY . . Introduction . . . . . The Problem. . . . . . Need for the Study . . . Language Disability and In—School Achievement . . . Language and Perceived Employability. Limitations of the Study . Definition of Terms . . . II. REVIEW OF LITERATURE PERTINENT TO VOCATIONAL EDUCATION, LANGUAGE, AND CULTURE OF THE MEXICAN-AMERICAN. . . . . Cultural Approach. . . . Spanish-Speaking Culture . Homes. . . Characteristics Relevant to Educational Achievement . . . . . Operative Factors . . . Educational and Occupational Vocational Education. . . Challenges for Change . . Summary of Literature . . III. PROCEDURES FOR THE STUDY. . Population and Sample . . Selection of Industries . Selection of Firms. . . Selection of Employees . Aspirations Page U'IWH ON 11 14 23 23 32 a no." - v' .4. .v. . Chapter Page Preliminary Instruments . . . . . . . 89 Personal Interviews. . . . . . . 90 Letter of Request for Participation . . 91 Questionnaire for Screening Participants . . . . . . . . . 92 Field Instruments . . . . . . . . . 93 Language Factors Rating Sheet . . . 95 Language Factors and Employment Phases . 98 Data on Employees . . . . . . . . 99 Data Classification and Analytical Techniques. . . . . . . . . . . 101 Case Studies . . . . . . . . . 101 Language Performance Ratings. . . 103 Language Factors and Employment Phases . lll Comparative Background Factors . . . . 118 IV. THE FINDINGS, PART A: COMPARATIVE PROFILES OF THE EMPLOYEES . . . . . . . . . . 121 Socioeconomic Backgrounds . . . . . . 121 Parents' Backgrounds . . . . . . . 121 Employees' Backgrounds. . . . . . . 130 Educational Backgrounds . . . . . . . 132 Years of School Completed. . . . . . 132 Occupational Training . . . . . . 135 Influences on Choice of Work. . . . . 136 Employment Backgrounds . . . . . . . 138 Job Functions. . . . . . . . . 138 Employment Experience . . . . . . . 139 Salary . . . . . . . . 140 Job Tenure, Advancement, and Promotion . 142 Language Backgrounds . . . . . . . . 145 Language Readiness . . . . . . . 145 Parents' Language Training and Usage . . 150 Subjects' Language Training and Usage. . 153 Coworkers' Language Training and Usage . 158 Summary of Chapter Findings. . . . . . 160 vii Chapter Page V. THE FINDINGS, PART B: PERCEIVED ENGLISH LANGUAGE PERFORMANCE ABILITIES OF EMPLOYEES . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162 Comparative Language Ratings . . . . . . 162 Self—Images Versus Other-Images . . . . 164 Location . . . . . . . . . . . . 170 Individual Language Factors . . . . . . 177 Scores on Each Language Factor. . . . . 177 Differences for Each Language Factor. . . 180 Verbal and Written Language Factors . . . 187 Summary of Chapter Findings . . . . . . 189 VI. THE FINDINGS, PART C: HOW LANGUAGE IS USED IN EMPLOYMENT. . . . . . . . . . . . 191 Language Factors Affecting Employment Progress . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 Importance of All Language Factors to Each Phase of Employment . . . . . . 194 Importance of Each Language Factor to All Phases of Employment . . . . . 201 Importance of Language Factors to Prospective Applicant . . . . . . . 207 Use of Spanish in Employment . . . . . . 215 Requirement for Employment . . . . . . 215 Nonrequirement for Employment . . . . . 217 Use in Employment . . . . . . . . . 217 Nonuse in Employment . . . . . . . . 218 Verbal Communications. . . . . . . . 223 Written Communications . . . . . . . 224 Mailed Questionnaire Returns . . . . . 225 Summary of Chapter Findings . . . . . . 227 VUEI- SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS . . 229 Procedures for the Study . . . . . . . 230 Sample I I I I O I O I I I I 231 Collection of Data. . . . 232 Classification of Data in Case Studies . . 235 viii apolob. 1 Chapter BIBLIOGRAP APPENDICES Appendix Findings . . . . . . . . . . Background Factors . . . . Perceived Language Performance Abilities . Importance of Language Factors in Employment . . . Use of Spanish in Employment. . . Conclusions . . . . . . . . Background Factors . . Perceived English Language Abilities Importance of Language Factors in Employment . . . . . Use of Spanish in Employment. . Recommendations and Implications . . Concluding Remarks. . . . . . . HY . . . . . . . . . . . . A. Sample Selection . . . . . . . . B. Instruments . . . . . . . . . . C. Case Study Summaries . . . . . . . ix Page 237 237 243 249 251 252 252 254 258 259 260 265 266 279 286 293 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Design Matrix . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 2. Weightings Given to Verbal Responses for Language Performance Ratings . . . . . . 104 3. Places of Birth of Workers and Their Parents. . 123 4. Occupational and Educational Backgrounds of Parents . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126 5. Comparative Background Factors . . . . . . 131 6. Language Patterns of Parents of Employees. . . 146 7. Subjects' Language Patterns . . . . . . . 147 8. Comparative Ratings of Perceived English Language Proficiency . . . . . . . . . 163 9. Self-Perceptions of English Language Proficiency Contrasted with Perceptions of Others. . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 10. Comparative Ratings of English Language Proficiency in Relation to Proximity of Mexican Border . . . . . . . . . . . 171 11. Comparative Rankings of Individual Language Factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178 L12. Comparative Ratings for Individual Language Factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 ‘ 1H3. Relative Importance of Language Factors to Each Employment Phase. . . . . . . . . 193 14. .1nmortance of Language Factors Relative to All Phases of Employment. . . . . . . . 206 n O O I I O I C I I " ions of the Use of Spanish in hoyne sh Usage in Industries Not Included in Case Studies . . . . . . . ’EIBQUa ags‘ All 8- ., Tnifforennn: _~‘2Rac3nqs f,.( ‘ H 1, ages 2 -, 59a ,: 1'1. ' '7"72‘3.§}" ‘ .ti'lr. . '- IOYEMNU. 9-.- ;.,- ‘ .4 atiVC Page 216 226 LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Language Performance Ratings (All Cases and All Ratings) . . . . . . . . . . . 165 2. Differences in Subjects' Language Factors—— Ratings from Coworkers: Total Scores. . . 184 3. Language Factors Importance for Placement . . 196 4. Language Factors Importance for Adjustment. . 198 5. Language Factors Importance for Promotion . . 200 6. Comparative Language Factors Emphasis for Employment Phases . . . . . . . . . 202 7. Comparative Employment Phases-—Language Factors Emphasis. . . . . . . . . . 204 \ I 1 xii l'i CHAPTER I THE PROBLEM OF THE STUDY Introduction The plight of disadvantaged youth, particularly in terms of employability is a critical concern of business educators today. Among the populations of disadvantaged youth are the Mexican—Americans, who represent a minority ethnic group heavily concentrated in the southwestern part of the United States. Each minority ethnic group in the nation has its own distinct history, historical circum— stances, and peculiar heritage. The roots of "disadvantage— ment'1 grow out of these circumstances. The history and heritage of the Mexican-Americans1 of the United States are no exception. The assimilation and acculturation of the Spanish- speaking population are a major problem. Historical, sociological, and psychological perspectives must be equloyed if the reasons for this group's lack of accultur- atLiOn or unwillingness to acculturate are to be understood. 1In this study, "Mexican-Americans" is a term used interChangeably with the term "Spanish-Speaking Population." ,_ «.993 E- 19 for other terms used in reference to the W1 shespeaking population. 1' a , 1 2 The problem of acculturation, often portrayed by the word forgotten, has been the subject of research and investi— gations which, during the last decade, were undertaken to ascertain some of the specific difficulties which might be experienced by Mexican-Americans.2 While these projects have pointed to many different possibilities, language has been identified as a central concern. There is evidence that vocational education, including business education, can assist in alleviating the problems of disadvantaged youth, but evidence is lacking regarding efforts being made to make a positive impact upon the problem. In essence, high school students are not well served by vocational education programs. It should be stressed that vocational education cannot be regarded as a panacea for the problems of disadvantaged youth. However, evaluative studies point to the need for 1% new occupationally oriented programs to be added to the curriculum.3 Vocational education is faced with the challenge of seeking ways to provide for the occupational 2George I. Sanchez, Forgotten People (Albuquerque: New Mexico Press, 1940), p. 28; Julian Samora, ed., "Initroduction," La Raza: Forgotten American (South Bend: University of Notre Dame Press, 1966), p. x11; Celia S. Heller, Mexican-American Youth: Forgotten Youth at the crossroads (New Yofk: Random House, 1966), p. 19. . 3U.S., Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Education for a Chan in World of Work: Re ort of the Fame: of ConsuIEants on Vocational: Educat1on (Wasfiington, L23- 3' Government Printing Office, 1963), pp. 131-230. ‘u v .. .assimilation of Mexican-Americans. Implications for tmaching the Mexican—American student should be derived :from research in the realms of employment as well as edu- ¢=ationa1 settings. Teachers, and vocational teachers as tflus case in point, who are operating without a clear-cut strategy for teaching Mexican—American students, have both the opportunity and responsibility for considering edu— <:ationail approaches which may be more successful than those czurrentzly in practice.4 However, more information is Imeeded. to avoid changes which do not address themselves to zippropiriate goals. Particularly, more information is Iieeded about the actual problems which are encountered by ‘PeOple ‘who, educated and trained by past and existing nethmds, are gainfully employed. The fact that a person is gairifully employed does not overrule the possibility of his corrfronting problems which, if isolated conceptually, COU1d lae diagnosed and possibly remedied. Therein lies the realm of this study. The Problem This research specifically focused on Mexican- Americans, with the dual language characteristic of varying ‘T Profh=iengies ianhe English and the Spanish languages, and M..— 4Miriam L. Goldberg, ed., "Methods and Materials for Educationally Disadvantaged Youth," in Education of the Disadvanta ed: A Book of Readings, ed. by A. Harry Passow wireT’IEBEE'FEIHolt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1967), Pp. 369-98. u .I'V .. .. a}..- --- ~- . - .m' not I l w ~u~~s ,, . .- «.5... o 4 "“‘v a» . . Idle... 5 v--. .,. .. “in,“ -l'. 1. <>n their non-Mexican-American peers whose only basic language is English. It sought to assess the effects of JLanguage on these workers' placement, adjustment, and advancement in certain white—collar occupations. The major objectives which provided the general framework for this study were the following: To determine the differences and similarities between the language abilities of the Mexican- American and non-Mexican-American employees as perceived by self, peer, and management images. To assess the importance of language factors relative to different phases of employment in white-collar positions. To develop comparative profiles of socioeconomic, educational, and employment backgrounds of all the employees and a profile of the dual language heritage and language usage patterns of the Mexican-American subjects as explanatory dimensions relative to their perceived language abilities. To disclose sociological perspectives which may provide insights for educators, particularly in the field of business education, who are concerned with the improvement of occupational skills, knowledge, and assimilation of Mexican-Americans. Need for the Study The states of the Southwest, where most of the zaation's Mexican-American population lives, were once part <>f Mexico. Only a little more than a century ago this tzerritory became part of the United States. Upon the izransferrof lands between the two nations, the majority of tzhe ressidents remained on the grounds which had been those c>f theiar ancestors. This was provided for in the Treaty c>f Guarialupe Hidalgo, which settled the conquests from theQ Llexicari War. The Mexicans living in what is now Texas, l§ew Mastico, Arizona, California, Nevada, Utah, and Colorado chose to become citizens of the conquesting nation. ‘Howeverr, they did not abandon, and have not abandoned to this day, their basic adherence to their original ethnic a? origins , including language. Sociologists and other social scientists refer to the dascendants of those Mexicans who were "absorbed" into the United States as Spanish-speaking. The term takes on a sPecial significance in that English is properly the EEEHEi tongue of the Mexican-Americans, since they are natives of the United States. They are called Spanish- ' §E§fl§fl13_in that Spanish is generally the first language they use in their lives and the language they often continue to use for communication within the family group and in ‘their communities. In common parlance, Spanish is thus 'ccmsidered to be the "native tongue" of these people. In order to participate in mainstream American czulture, the Mexican-American must speak English. In <>Ider for the Mexican-American to communicate within what 5.8 now a subculture of the nation's mainstream culture, he unust speak Spanish. Some Mexican-Americans never learn 13mglish¢ and if they do not commingle with the mainstream, there is no necessity for them to impose upon themselves another language. On the other hand, some Mexican—Americans do not learn Spanish. In these rarer cases of the non—Spanish- speaking Mexican-American, the circumstances center around Ipartictilar demographic structures in different geographic regions in which there is no concentration of a Spanish- sI’ealking population. Most Mexican-Americans, then, are referred to as Spanish-speaking in social literature. The necessity for the use of two languages does “Qt Offset the confirmation that the dual language Characteristic is a problem. Viewpoints about bilingualism are based on historical research of vernacular languages in eduCation, on the contribution of the Spanish language to the <2ulture of the Southwest, and on psychological and socj-OJ-‘Dgical findings. They direct attention to the Special need for schools to implement effective approaches thh regard to introducing English to Spanish-speaking St“merits as a second language. The viewpoints are sup- Ported by parents, teachers, and students, who also place emphasis on language as a major problem of the Spanish— speaking population.5 Usually the acquisition of a second language is not a disadvantage for an individual in his adjustment and functioning in his principal cultural milieu. For the Spanish-speaking of the United States, however, there appear to be two major conditions of disadvantagement surrounding the use of two languages. Language Disability and is In-School Achievement z' The school setting for the student from a Mexican— American heritage is characterized by a language barrier which affects his educational achievement. In many cases the Mexican—American learns only Spanish before he enters school. If he attends a public school, he is immediately ‘— 5For a historical, cultural, and educational Eréatment of bilingualism, see: George I. Sanchez, History, Culture, and Education,“ in Samora, La Raza, PP- 1‘26. Other sources on need for effective approaches and VieWpoints on language as a problem: 0.5., Congress, Senate, Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, Bilingual Education, Hearin s, before a special subcommittee on blllng’ual educat1on of the Committee of Labor and Public Welfare, Senate, on S. 428, 90th Cong., lst Sess., pt. I, 196.7! pp. 59-66; Miles V. Zintz, "Problems of Classroom AdJustlnent of Indian Children in Public Elementary Schools in the Southwest," in Passow, Disadvantaged, pp. 88-100; Herschel T. Manuel, Spanish—Speaking Ch11dren of the S°‘“'-h‘»7est (Austin: The University of Texas Press, 1965) , P' 3 Operation SER: A Demo ra hic and Attitudinal Study c’f‘thiAlbuquerQe Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area (SMSA) for Utilization in Manpower Planning and Develop- men o A vance Report No. 1 (Santa Monica, Calif.: Oper- aTt on 5312, August, 1968), pp. 32—37. <=onfronted with another language with which he may not be eat all familiar. This other language, English, which is lefaCt his "native" tongue, must be learned simultaneously ? H“_~fmfl, vwith learning the subject matter during the first few years in school. In many instances when a child returns home he eexplairis what he learned in English to his parents and r1eighbc>rs in Spanish. Under these circumstances, what he JLearns is often less than what the school expects. Poor educational achievement causes a high per- <=entage= of Mexican-American students to drop out of school lbefore they reach the eighth grade.6 If they reach high school 'they are allowed many times to guide themselves toward linachievable goals. Those who graduate from high school frequently occupy positions which do not adeggately twilize their skills. Such jobs could be done as well Without; the benefit of a high school education. These CirquInstances suggest that many Mexican-Americans who are able to complete their high school work may not have received effective vocational guidance. Ineffective M 6The median for school years completed is lowest f°r the Spanish-speaking population, as indicated by Ralph VV. Yarborough, Senior Senator from Texas, in an address given at the opening general session of American v°°§t10nal Association Convention, Dallas Memorial Audi- tor1um' December 9, 1968. The Median years completed by the SDanish-surnamed group is 6.1 compared to 8.1 for 917038 and 11.5 for Anglos, as shown by Harley L. Browning and S~ Dale McLemore, in A Statistical Profile of thg iioaniSh-Surname Population of Texas, Population Series n: Bureau of Business Research, The University ust 1964), pp. 29-36. n. ...m _._. rd vocational guidance may also play a role in the high school drop-out rate of Mexican—Americans. Lan a e and Perceived mi oyaB1I1ty The economic condition for most Mexican-Americans is characterized by an extremely high unemployment rate. This unemployment is attributed to the educational level. Nevertheless, Mexican—Americans seeking employment, whether as high school or college graduates, are faced either with the problem of being underutilized in their Employment or with the problem that the company cannot hire Someone whose bilingualism results in a "ngt" or I'jargon" which may be damaging to the company image. In areas where a significant proportion of the Population is Spanish-surnamed, the other groups in the Population have often alleged that the Spanish-surnamed Person cannot be employed effectively in many positions because of his inability with the English language. In most inStances the Spanish—surnamed person whose English language ability is adequate for most of life's common functions but who by necessity speaks more Spanish during 'his life than he does English seldom refines his pro— muncj~3‘tion of English words. Thus he retains the normal accent derived from using English as a second language to Spanigh. Manuel, in his report on ability and achievement of S[Knish-speaking students, states for example, that "the 10 language handicap was shown also by the fact that many Spanish-speaking girls seeking employment with the telephone company failed because of their speech."7 To many observers the practice of not employing a / person on the basis of his accent amounts to nothing less than fundamental discrimination stemming from other factors besides language. Nevertheless, language has frequently been cited as a principal reason for not employing the Spanish-surnamed for jobs outside service and menial categories. In essence, the language barrier causing the ’ problems of big dropout, unemployment, and underemployment rates means that these students will " 8 . . . end up on the economi c slag heap . " The educational and economic conditions join forces to direct attention to an unquestionable need for continued research on Spanish-speaking people. A number of sug- QEStiOns for research, because of the current rapid develop- ment of action programs, have been submitted by educators who rfictognize that research findings can provide some basis x— ,. 7Manuel, Spanish-Speaking Children, p. 68. For addltlOl'lal treatment on language in Employment, see: ' Operation SER, Albuguergue, p. 27; Operation SER, Second W, Report to the U.S. Department of Lanr un er Contract No. 82-46-68—49, October 1, to November 29, 1968 (Santa Monica, Calif.: Jobs for Progress, Inc., 1 8 . pp. 7-17. 8"Bilingual Education," The New Republic, October 21, 1957: pp. 9-10. 1 \1 _. I .~ "1 ‘ r.‘ 11 for important policy decisions.9 Most of the suggestions, 110mever, are limited to an educational setting rather than aim employment setting. Limitations of the Study A primary objective of the present study was to gain clear insights into pertinent factors about the employed Mexican-American white-collar worker with a dual language heritage and his work situation as it relates to his English language ability. The particular Mexican- Americans, occupational peers, and supervisors who are the Subjects of this research are defined by certain vital characteristics: 1- Mexican-Americans are those who (a) have a dual language heritage and characteristic; (b) are employed in white-collar occupations wherein the use of English in one or more of its communication forms is a requisite of the job; and (c) have some appreciable level of employment experience or tenure. Occupational peers are those who (a) are not Mexican-American; (b) possess neither a dual language heritage nor a dual language character- istic: and (c) are employed in a job situation \———_. 9For a detailed summary of suggested research see , La Raza, pp. 200-11. ‘ 12 which is identical with or very similar to that of their Mexican-American counterparts. Management representatives are those who (a) are in supervisory capacities over both the Mexican— Americans and their occupational peers; and (b) represent an ethnic element which is neither Mexican-American nor bilingual. By using a group restricted in the above character- Virtually istics, the scope of the research was narrowed. no work has been done to indicate what language needs the Mexican-American employee actually has on the job or, equally important, those which he believes himself to have. lheither has work been done to discover what attitudes the llllaxican-American has about his language abilities in relation to those of his occupational peers who do not have ‘tlle dual language characteristic. Conversely, no infor- Inil'tion exists to show attitudes toward the Mexican-American GanRiployee by his non-Mexican-American occupational peers and Such information is vitally needed to avoid s\lpervisors . With field data gathered on £31? represent high and low concentrations of the Spanish— speaking population . 10 A fourth limitation was in the procedure for ‘a‘laluating the language abilities of white-collar employees. ILlélnguage performance abilities were determined by per- <=€Elptions, opinions, and judgments of personnel selected for ‘:11<3 viewed as a changing process by which thoughts, feelings, ‘Ellad actions of different groups are fused socially and ‘ ié=fitlgturally. The process may include both Acculturation, were the thoughts, feelings, and customs of a people are filtered through transmission, creativity, or H one .- ’V oun- ' . ‘l' i‘ -'- 15 disintegration, and Integration, where there is social interaction or fusion regardless of racial or ethnic identity.11 Assimilation ranges from the "melting pot" concept to the "Americanization" viewpoint and to the theory of "cultural pluralism“ which Vander Zanden defines: . . . (Assimilation) aims at achieving uniformity within a society through immigrant conformity in those areas where this is felt to be necessary to the national well—being; yet simultaneously it permits immigrants to maintain their own cultural traits in conformity within a framework of cultural pluralism-- an imperfect fusion of a number of diverse cultural ingredients within the framework of a larger soc1ety. For purposes of this study, the term assimilation is used in reference to the theory of "cultural pluralism" “filth the added dimension of achieving occupational uni- ft>rmity. It should be stressed, however, that the works ‘31? writers cited in this study may use assimilation in Sociological terms which include different concepts and V— Viewpoints . Bilingual--The term bilingual refers to an indi— vidual who develops and uses two languages, usually as a 1result of formal training. The Mexican-American shares ¥ James W. Vander Zanden, American Minority 11 Relations: The Sociolo of Race and Ethnic Grou s 32m 3.; New YorE: The RonaId Press Company, 1966), ‘300. . . e 1E!1s>. 298 121bid., p. 304. ' a a. .yay a h. I... A . . '1". "A we... V . '2: r r, '-~6. §‘ Cay. .- s... 'g.‘ . o.._'l_. - _ _ ""‘vu ' s 1" ‘... fi-o. ,. ... - ".. "k-a“‘ ‘ A .. ‘u‘ I: I ',.~ ., i . . 1 '- u.- s ‘ V Vt... 16 with the American Indian this characteristic of a cultur- ally superimposed dual language characteristic. Within the broader definitional construction, Anglos of German and French descent are bilingual when, particularly in certain geographic regions of the Southwest, they use their respective languages in combination with English. The term bilingual, however, is used in this study with reference to Mexican-Americans whose functioning language abilities in Spanish and English stem from a dual language heritage. Bilingualism--In education, bilingualism can be in terms of the development of literacy defined " . . . in two languages by using the child's first language as "13 tflie medium for learning the reading and writing process. 11 program in bilingual education, for example, involves " . . . the use of two languages as medium of instruction 1=<> enable students to learn and adjust satisfactorily in 1:lieir educational environments."l4 Another definition of bilingualism is concerned 'V'j.th " . . . the ability of a person to function in two languages, and/or the ability of an adult to function as a l3Severo Gomez, Paper delivered on "The Meaning and 3|:Itllgzlications of Bilingualism for Texas Schools," during .Proceedings of the First Texas Conference for the Mexican- held in San Antonio, Texas, April, 1967 TAustin: Antericans, Soutfiwest Educational Laboratory), p. 47. 14Ibid., p. 57. . _.l ":«'a . oeuvolv\ 'l I... in n.‘.‘ . I..._ " - 1'u b.. - eq' 0‘. ‘1 y. -A \- h :‘A. 's i. 'I ‘ ' c 17 literate member of his society in two languages as a result of his public school education."15 For purposes of this study, bilingualism refers to language knowledge which, in the absence of formal training in Spanish, results from a dual language heritage and leads to functioning abilities in both English and Spanish. Monolinguist--A monolinguist is an individual who develops and uses one language. Some Mexican—Americans, for example, are monolinguists in that they speak only Spanish or only English. The term is used in this study in reference to Anglos whose functioning language ability is English only. Disadvantaged Youth--The term "disadvantaged" is Ilsed interchangeably with such other terms as “culturally <3Eaprived," "educationally deprived," "deprived," and "lower sc.>cioeconomic group."16 The term as used in this study is in reference to youth who: . . . usually exhibit two characteristics: they are from the lower socio-economic groups in the community and they are notably deficient in cultural and academic strengths. The latter characteristic is usually, but not always, a consequence of the first factor. The parents of these children have simply been unable to provide the quality of background, outlook, initial grounding, and readiness for formal learning that middle and upper-class parents provide as a matter of ¥ 15Ibid. 16 ,_ Frank Riessman, The Culturally Deprived Child _ (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1968), p. l. 3}. t - cunt. ‘ W”. . .y \ I.A~' ’~v-.. ‘ C - U (I. ‘1. ml...‘ , . III 5‘ [II n‘_ u s. ‘- “ . O . ~.,‘. U..‘~ O A p. n,’ V. ‘- - t . .' I.~ I. .‘.~~ *u .. 18 course. And all too often our schools have been almost exclusively geared to the mores of the latter group. For purposes of this study the term disadvantaged youth is broad in scope as it applies to Mexican—American students whose heritage makes them members of a minority ethnic group. The term is not confined to those students 18 Instead, “ who "cannot succeed" in vocational education. it applies to Mexican-Americans, who, by receiving the type of training offered by a conventional vocational education program in high school, would be provided with skills and knowledge necessary for entry level employment. The term is used with an added dimension of providing occupational equality for Mexican-Americans by means of conventional (Dccupational training which can enhance their employment Opportunities . 17Bernard A. Kaplan, "Issues in Educating the c:ulturally Disadvantaged," in Vital Issues in American Iadiucation, ed. by Alice and Lester Crow (New York: Bantam BOOKS, I964), p. 98. 181t should be pointed out that the term dis- iitivantaged youth is used in vocational education to include :ifferent concepts and viewpoints. Its use is limited to =3‘I:udents whose characteristics, described above, "prevent illiem from succeeding in vocational education . . . programs <5leasigned for persons without such handicaps, and who for liat reason require specially designed educational programs <:>;: related Services." Texas Education Agency, Texas State IPfllan Vocational Education Under the Amendments of 1968, Fiscal Year 1971 (Austin, Texas: Texas Education Agency, , p. . Another characteristic is that " . . . he is often a member of minority groups with linguistic PIOblems that prevent educational success. In fact, these stadents come from a bilingually illiterate home," (Ibid., “Appendix, p. 75). ‘éi- ‘ : ‘ . ,7 -,7 . - _ . \ft J. . n. K I .”:-. ~nuu~vi nap up fi.A n I- i nliv uni/U ..., ., . P - ( -I‘y. a“ u m. I... ,- III.. . . i'or ..." '0- a 3 \"Au .‘ p u n"‘se P:~lv;‘- v 1‘. «u l f" 19 Non-Spanish-Surnamed Populatiopf-The non—Spanish- surnamed population represents members of the Caucasian race whose wide range of nationalities may include Irish, Polish, Italian, German, and others. In the Southwest members of this population are commonly referred to as “Anglos," a short term for "Anglo—Saxon," regardless of the nationality involved; their major characteristic is the basic language, English. A more inclusive term used in this study is non—Spanish-surnamed, but it will be used interchangeably with Anglos or non-Mexican-Americans. Specific reference is to employees and students from a majority ethnic group whose social, educational, and economic strata differ from those of the "disadvantaged" Ininority groups. Spanish—Speaking Population--The Spanish—speaking I3crpu1ation represents members of the Caucasian race known ePither as Mexican, Mexican-American, or Chicano, with a mnéijor characteristic of using Spanish as a basic language. ”Elle more recent term, Chicano, results from attempts by 5F<>ung Mexican-Americans for self-identity and positive ijnage. Chicano, derived from an Indian word and previously 19For a detailed description of generic and c1=>lloquial terms used by different ethnic groups, see Jillian Nava, Mexican Americans: A Brief Look at Their W (New York: Anti-Defamation League of: B'nai Bi rith, , pp. 9-10. no A7 A rinse d ‘IAV‘ .- din: ,- u... . ‘5' "iv a s V9.7. .. - b \ Iuh.'- I ‘4... 4 -U. “’u... .H ‘ on 13.". I). ll. 20 used as a derisive slang term, now symbolizes a badge of honor and loyalty to the civil rights movement of Mexican- Americans.20 Spanish-speaking, a more technical term in this study, is used interchangeably with Mexican-Americans. Specific reference is to employees and students who represent a minority ethnic group regarded as "dis- advantaged." Students with Special Needs--This term, according to the 1963 Vocational Education Act, applies to students with academic, socioeconomic, or other handicaps who do not Succeed in regular vocational education programs. Vocatiopal Education-—The term vocational education, according to the 1963 Vocational Education Act, applies to Izrograms which are operated in the public schools and aissisted by funds provided by both federal and state ‘Qflovernments. The purpose of these programs is to provide <3<:cupational skills and knowledge essential to the develop- 1‘!ent of competencies required in the occupational field for ‘Vliich the individual is being prepared, upgraded, or Iaquated. 20The meaning of the term Chicano is explained in The Houston Post, August 30, 1970, p. 16-c. 'FJACtion Line," -ItSusage is eprained in Nava, op. cit., p. 46. V Ava-u \ i. 3‘ Du ‘ 'u OVHI shall .- ‘9' in. m G‘s-.u. I v...‘ - A "vd.l 'A‘.. I - a, . ‘tV-sp ‘I. '1 «n ('I .I, 7-' 21 Vocational education refers to two areas in th1s study. In the first area, Business and Office Education, instruction is designed to prepare students for ga1nful employment in an office occupation. Training is provided for many different office occupations, e.g., bookkeepers, 21 cashiers, payroll clerks, receptionists, and secretar1es. In the second area, Distributive Education, instruction is designed to prepare students for gainful employment in retailing, wholesaling, and service occupations. In retailing, for example, students receive occupational training for many different positions, e.g., advertising “Vinegar, customer service employee, and salesperson 1n nMerchandise departments. In either of these areas, students receive training in different types of in— str‘uctional programs, i.e. , cooperative part-t1me tra1n1ng Eirna pre-employment laboratory training programs. White and Nonwhites--Members of the Caucasian race, <2lassified as "Whites," include Anglos and Mex1can- Alllericans . facilitate the collection and analysis of stat1st1cal data. Distinctions frequently are made, however, to \ 21Texas Education Agency, Vocational Office Edu- <=£i'tion Pro ram Standards, March, 1971 (lst ed., rev.; J‘llstin: Texas Educat1on Agency, 1971), pp. 1- 16. 22Texas Education Agency, Vocational Distributive 1971 (lst ed., rev.; Jaklllcation Pro ram Standards, March, lihltstin: Texas Eaucation Agency, 1971), pp. 1- 7. 22 Anglos, for example, sometimes are classified as "Whites not of Spanish-surname" while Mexican-Americans are classified as "White persons of Spanish—surname." U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1960, uses “Spanish surname" although it points out that terms used in classifying Mexican- Americans are not without limitations.23 As a consequence, the term "Spanish origin" was used for the first time in the 1970 Census as a "self-identifying" category.24 The classification of Nonwhites, referring to members whose race is non—Caucasian, is used in statistical data largely in reference to Negroes. For purposes of this study the term is inclusive of American Indians and Orientals. 23U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1960, Subject Reports, Persons tJW-S. Census of ngulation: __ °\E Spanish Surname, Final Report, PC (2)--B. (Washington, b.c.: Government Printing Office, 1963), pp. viii-ix. 1: 24The 1970 Census figures were not available at I he time of this writing. Figures were released from 8 Angeles by the New York Times Service: "9.2 Million " ricans Linked to Spanish Origin, Census Reveals," aEEESiumont Enterprise, April 19, 1971, p. 5. CHAPTER II REVIEW OF LITERATURE PERTINENT TO VOCATIONAL EDUCATION, LANGUAGE, AND CULTURE OF THE MEXICAN-AMERICAN First, the views of educators regarding a cultural aPpr'oach essential to understanding the make-up of an ilniividual and the causes and results of poor educational achievement were sought out. Secondly, the principles of Vocational education which are relevant to the study were Ifinpointed . '<.-H Cultural Approach ~ A cultural approach can be of value to teachers, ‘vlfiese value judgments daily affect the lives of their EIt‘fladents. In more specific terms, a cultural approach can SEEENEQB as a basis for recognizing and understanding an . fi‘vidual's characteristics: strengths and weaknesses, ‘gighiuational aspirations, causes and problems of academic .‘hE‘ “amount, and self-image. In addition to the specific advantages of under- ‘_gaxhe makeup of the individual, the use of a 23 24 cultural approach may promote recognition of untapped human resources and creative talent. Pioneering efforts and works reveal this country's neglect of the dis— advantaged. This potential source of manpower and creative talent may be tapped by undertaking the following initial steps to understanding culture: . . [use] some fresh approach. . . . The usual tests won't identify these able pupils; the usual curriculum won 't challenge them; the usual teachers won't inspire them. While additional research would be helpful, the more urgent need seems to be for creative teaching on the basis of a different set of assumptions. . . . [Also needed is] respect. . . . We don't understand these neighborhoods, these homes, these children, because we haven't respected them enough to think them worthy of study and attention.1 Manuel reported a belief that "heredity itself sets tflle stage for many differences and that environment (zcunplicates the situation still further." He also accented ‘tlle talent of children emphasizing that "failure with these (zllildren means an especially great loss of human re- 53<>urces."2 If attempts to understand the disadvantaged entail Ein approach which involves understanding the culture of the jLIldividual and respect for this culture, what is meant by (3‘11ture? An attempt to define culture warrants a re- diiifinition of the term "culturally deprived," which, ‘:1lough common in usage, is not unanimously accepted by \ 1Riessman, The Culturally Deprived Child, p. xi. Manuel, Spanish-Speaking Children, pp. 72-73. 25 educators. The concept of cultural deprivation when used by school personnel can foster misunderstandings or expectancies which are detrimental to the individual swudent. For example, the culturally deprived individual may be regarded with "a pervasive expectation of failure"3 \flnch, as aptly stated by many educators, can cause the "self-fulfilling prophecy" to become reality. Those who disfavor the term "culturally deprived" contend that the members of this group are ppp_cultureless bUt that "their cultures and heritages differ from those cultivated by the middle-class schools they attend."4 lindeed, the so-called culturally deprived "possess a culture oftheir own, with many positive characteristics that have developed out of coping with a difficult environment."5 The concept of culture is regarded with differing v'ie‘Mpoints. Although some regard culture as being equiva- leahtto environment, Riessman explains culture as: . . . an effort to cope with the surrounding environment. If we fail to see the struggle, the attempts to combat the difficult environment, and instead seize upon the failures, the ineffectiveness, we will not understand \ It 3Doxey A. Wilkerson, review of Dark Ghetto, by Iizilxneth Clerk, in Education for the Disadvantaged: ed. by liry L. Miller (New York: The Free Press, 1967Y, p. 31. 51¢: 4Kaplan, "Issues in Educating the Culturally Dis- vantaged," Vital Issues in American Education, p. 107. 5Riessman, The Culturally Deprived Child, p. 3. 26 the behavior of the educationally deprived or, at best, will see it only onesidedly.6 Three reasons have been given by Manuel for the difficulty in describing a culture: . . . the term is so broad. How people live . . . what customs they observe, what language they speak, what religion they value--in brief, the life characteristics of a people are their culture. . . . . cultures change. . . . This is particularly true of a people whose culture was developed within a rural-village environment and who are suddenly trans- planted into a modern urban culture. . . . there are extreme differences among persons who are within the same group. Within many large groups there are subgroups markedly different from each other. . . . It should be emphasized that a kind of central tendency-—or, in statistical terms, the mode of a p0pulation—-is just that: . . . a condition which is characteristic of a fraction of the group suf- ficiently large to have significance . . . character- izing a group as 'Spanish-speaking' expresses only a 'usual' condition to which there are many exceptions, and even 'Spanish-speaking' varies in degree.7 Manuel has repeatedly stressed, as have other wtiters, that inferences cannot be made regarding the status of an individual on the basis of the average or trend of the group, for the individual alone must be £3t‘udied in order to learn of his real characteristics. hie‘Vertheless, Manuel has also recognized the need for lillowing the conditions and trends of the group.8 6Ibid., p. 6. 7Manuel, Spanish-Speaking_Children, pp. 31-32. 8Ibid., p. 33. 27 Spanish-Speaking Culture Numerous writers have discussed and described the Spanish-speaking population. Particular emphasis has been on the factors of: (1) resistance to acculturation, including the reasons and values behind the problem of acculturation; (2) differences between and within groups in the Spanish-speaking population and the historical influences on these differences; and (3) differences between the Spanish-speaking and English-speaking cultures. The problems of assimilation and acculturation of Mexican-Americans have received the attention of social Scientists, according to Heller, but "there are very few sCholarly studies of the factors accounting for this Heller acknowledged the work of Kluckhohn as Situation. " 9 " in which slow a " recent effort along these lines . aSSimilation is related to sharp differences in value 0 I‘ientations . Samora briefly traced the nationalities of the SDanish—speaking people from Spanish to Mexican to Ameri- can. He stated that " . . . up to the turn of the century \ i 9Heller, Mexican-American Youth, p. 19. It is ITheresting to note how the theme of acculturation is gortrayed by Heller and others with the word Forgotten. lahchez in 1940 wrote Forgotten People. Twenty-six years a‘ter Sanchez and other colleagues contributed chapters to maze: Foggotten Americans edited by Julian Samora. 180 in 1966 Heller wrote Mexican American Youth: Forgotten %h at the Crossroads. 10Florence R. Kluckhohn, Variations in Value Orien- ited by Heller, Mexican-American Youth, p. 19. 1: . MW 28 the Spanish settlements in the United States remained essentially Spanish folk societies with a variety of admixtures from the indigenous populations."11 Manuel reported Saunders' classifications of the groups as flfliows: (l) the Spanish-American group of New Mexico and mnmhern Colorado who represent more of a village culture; (2) the Mexican-Americans who are immigrants or descendants of immigrants from Mexico; and (3) the Mexicans who have recently come to the United States either legally or illegally.12 Sanchez provided historical information concerning the Spanish-speaking people who settled in the Southwest "Kite than 350 years ago. His writings in 1940 and 1966 indicated differences between groups and reasons for lack of(acculturation of the Spanish-speaking population. In 1966 he reported: . . . The date of migration and settlement, the attendant cultural noncomitants, geographic isolation, natural resources, the number and kind of Indians among whom they settled, and many other factors resulted in not one Spanish-speaking people but several, each with distinctive cultures. The outlook on life and the value, the allegiances, the biology, the very speech of these colonial settlers varied greatly, and though all were Spanish-speaking, they can be thought of as different peoples. Until about the mid-nineteenth century, the Californios, the Nuevo Mexicanos, and the Texanos went llSamora, ed., "Introduction," in La Raza, p. xii. (2 12Lyle Saunders, Cultural Difference and Medical §3§§EE£§; the Case of the Spanish—speaking Pe0ple of the South- “5§£§‘~, cited by Manuel, Spanish-Speaking Children, p. 36. 29 their separate cultural ways, held together only lightly by, first, the slender threads of Spain and, later, for a brief time, the uncertain bonds of independent Mexico. The annexation of Texas and the occupation of the rest of the Southwest by the United States changed the course of human affairs in the region, but the change was a slow one, unplanned and haphazard. The United States had not developed the social and cultural institutions to carry out an effective program of acculturation among her new citizens. The new states and territories were left to shift for themselves, with an understandable lack of success. The Spanish-speaking peOples of the Southwest remained Spanish—speaking and culturally isolated—- unassimilated citizens, subject to the ever increasing dominance of a foreign culture.13 Sanchez suggested that time could have solved some of the Problems of acculturation, but in addition to the inade-