a.— ._.— - _-— A COMPARISON OF THE BEHAVIORAL STYLES 0F POLICEMEN AND SOCIAL WORKERS Thesis for the Degree of Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY ROBERT CHESTER TROJANOWICZ 1969 0-169 This is to certify that the thesis entitled A COMPARISONTJF THE BEHAVIORAL STXLES OF POLICEMEN ”AND SOCIAL WORKERS presented by Robert Chester Trojanowicz ‘ " ” .- . ‘- .4’. " has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for I Ph.D. degree in Social Science ”WK (4%, Major professor Date February 26, 1969 L- I’ .-'~.' .1 n ‘r! M. 321:?211 Sarah-:- " o v . o ’1... :‘L’Li 3716112 If 17 ’t a: bars-a. '- ping-~15 ABSTRACT A COMPARISON OF THE BEHAVIORAL STYLES OF POLICEMEN AND SOCIAL WORKERS by Robert Chester Trojanowicz The basic purpose of this study was to determine: (1) if the behavioral styles of policemen are different from the behavioral styles of social workers; (2) if sub- Specialties of the social work profession exhibit varying behavioral styles; (3) if sub—specialties of the police profession exhibit varying behavioral styles; (4) if rank order in the particular organization, be it a police or social work organization affects behavioral styles.. Behavioral styles are the consistent ways individ- uals organize their physical, emotional, and energy re- sources° The operational definition of the term is based upon the measurements on the scales of the Job Analysis and Interest Measurement (JAIM), the instrument used in the study. Robert Chester Trojanowicz In order to investigate the stated purposes of the study it was necessary to distribute the JAIM to members of the police and social work professions. A total of 200 answer sheets were completed, one hundred social workers and one hundred policemen. The answer sheets were coded by (1) occupation. (2) sub- specialty within the profession, (3) rank level within the organization, (4) age, and (5) sex. Appropriate statistical tests such as analysis of variance and T‘tests were utilized. Because there is an extensive number of scales in the instrument. thirty- four to be exact, two scales can be significant by chance alone. Therefore in order for a hypothesis to be accepted. three or more scales had to be significant at (at least) the .05 level of confidence. The following results were obtained: 1- Twenty~five out of the thirty—four scales signif- icantly differentiated social workers from police- men at the .01 level of confidence. Robert Chester Trojanowicz There was a differentiation of behavioral styles within the profession of social work depending on the rank of the person in the organization. The significant differences were at (at least) the .05 level of confidence. There was a differentiation of behavioral styles within the police profession depending on the rank of the person in the organization. The signifi— cant differences were at (at least) the .05 level of confidence. There was a differentiation of behavioral styles within the social work profession depending on the area of specialization. The differences were significant at (at least) the .05 level of con- fidence. There was a differentiationtof behavioral styles within the police profession depending on the area of specialization. The differences were signifi- cant at (at least) the .05 level of confidence. A COMPARISON OF THE BEHAVIORAL STYLES OF POLICEMEN AND SOCIAL WORKERS BY Robert Chester Trojanowicz A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University 1 fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of in partia DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY College of Social Science 1969 (J ‘ ‘3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This research was made possible with the help of many people. Unfortunately all of them cannot be named. The help they provided is, nevertheless, greatly appre— ciated. Appreciation is expressed to all of the persons who c00perated in the research and filled out question— naires; namely to the social workers of the Lansing area and the policemen of the Michigan State Police. Specif- ically I am grateful to Sergeant Charles Weirman and Mr° Thomas Houle for their technical assistance. I am greatly indebted to Professor ChristOpher Sower, chairman of my guidance committee, for his assis- tance, guidance, and friendship. I also thank the other “Embers of my committee for their help and encouragement. They are Professor Charles Press, Professor Arthur Brand— statter, and Professor Peter Manning- A special thanks is extended to Dr. Regis Walther Who Permitted me to use his instrument in the study. In ii addition his technical advice and publications were very helpful in the designing and inplementation of this re— search project. The literary works of Dr. Shirley McCune, Dr. Jerome Skolnick, and Dr. Arthur Niederhoffer were also very helpful and provided me with a great deal of insight into the social work and police professions. The general outline and some of the ideas of Chapter II should be attributed to Dr. McCune. The assistance given to me by Professor Clarence Minkel was also greatly appreciated. Finally I want to thank my family and especially \r'\H 4“" ‘ nw'wife for their physical and spiritual support. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. . . . . . . . . . . . . LIST OF CHARTS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chapter I. INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Problem. . . . . . . . . . . . . II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE. . . . . . . . Social Systems and Social Role . . . Page ii vii l7 . 18 Occupations as a Form of Social System 23 Occupational Socialization . . . . . Studies of Policemen . . . . . . . . The Social Work Profession . . . . . Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . III. PURPOSE OF THE STUDY AND THE HYPOTHESES Origin of the Study. . . . . . . . . Hypotheses of the Study. . . . . . . Operational Definitions of the Study iv 36 . 44 . 61 . 72 74 . 74 . 77 . 84 Table of Contents.--Cont. Chapter Page IV. DATA COLLECTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Selection of the Sample Studied. . . . 87 The Police Sample . . . . . . . . . 87 The Social Work Sample. . . . . . . 90 Measurement Instrument . . . . . . . . 96 Behavioral Styles . . . . . . . . . 100 Stability of JAIM Scales. . . . . . 109 Correlation of JAIM Scales with Performance Criteria. . . . . . . 110 Interpretation of Scores. . . . . . 111 Scoring . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112 The JAIM as It Relates to the Present Study. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 V. ANALYSIS OF THE DATA. . . . . . . . . . . 126 Analysis of the Relationships. . . . . 126 The Police Profile. . . . . . . . . 131 The Social Work Profile . . . . . . 1s2 Summary of Chapter V. . . . . . 153 VI. SUMMARY OF RESULTS AND DISCUSSION . . . . 155 Findings of the Study. . . . . . . 156 Table of Contents.--Cont. Chapter The Sample . . . . . . . Summary of Hypotheses. Discussion . . . . . . . . Limitations of the Study BIBLIOGRAPHY} . . .. . . . . . . . . . APPENDIX A. . . . . . . . . . . . . . APPENDIX B. . . . . . . . . . . . . . APPENDIX C. . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi Page 156 157 159 169 172 183 210 224 Chart 10. 11. LIST OF CHARTS Rank Position in the Organization of the Policemen . . . . . . . . . . . . Sub—Specialties of Policemen in the Study Rank Position in the Organization of Social Workers . . . . . . . . . . . Sub-Specialties of Social Workers in the Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sex Distribution of Policemen and Social Workers in the Study. . . . . . Age Distribution of Policemen and Social Workers in the Study. . . . . . . JAIM Scales and a Designation as to Expected Results When Policemen and Social Workers are Compared. . . . . . . . . . . . Comparisons of the Expected Results with the Actual Results on the JAIM Scales when Policemen and Social Workers Were Compared. Comparison of Policemen and Social Workers on Standard Scores on the JAIM Scales Comparison of Consultants and Supervisors in Mean Score on the JAIM Scales . . . Comparisons of Consultants and Caseworkers in Mean Score on the JAIM Scales. vii Page 9C 92 93 95 125 130 135 136 List of Charts.--Cont. Chart 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. Comparison of Supervisors and Caseworkers in Mean Score on the JAIM Scales . . . . . . Comparison of Command Officers and Troopers in Mean Score on the JAIM Scales. . . . Comparison of Mental Health and School Social Workers in Mean Score on the JAIM Scales. Comparison of Mental Health and Social Service in Mean Score on the JAIM Scales. Comparison of Mental Health and Private Agencies in Mean Score on the JAIM Scales Comparison of Social Service and Private Agencies in Mean Score on the JAIM Scales Comparison of Police Patrol Division and Police Crime Laboratory Division in Mean Score on the JAIM Scales. . . . . . . Comparison of Police Training Division and Police Crime Laboratory in Mean Score on the JAIM Scales . . . . . . . . . . Comparison of Social Work Females and Social Work Males in Mean Score on the JAIM Scales Comparison of Social Work Age Group 20-29 and Social Work Age Group 30—39 in Mean Score on the JAIM Scales. . . . . . . . . . . . . Comparison of Social Work Age Group 20-29 and Social Work Age Group 50-59 in Mean Score on the JAIM Scales. . . . . . . . Comparison of Social Work Age Group 30-39 and Social Work Age Group 40—49 in Mean Score on the JAIM Scales. . . . . . . . . . viii Page 137 138 140 141 142 143 145 146 148 149 150 150 List of Charts.—-Cont. Chart 24. 25. 26. 27. Comparison of Social Work Age Group 30-39 and Social WOrk Age Group 50—59 in Mean Score on the JAIM Scales. . . . . . . . Comparison of Police Age Group 20-29 and Police Age Group 30-39 in Mean Score on the JAIM Scales . . . . . . . . . . . Comparison of Police Age Group 20-29 and Police Age Group 40-49 in Mean Score on the JAIM Scales . . . . . . . . Comparison of Police Age Group 30-39 and Police Age Group 40-49 in Mean Score on the JAIM Scales . . . . . . . . . . . ix Page 151 151 152 153 II! I III Ill‘ CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The Problem From the time of the Greek Philosophers, persons have been cast into classifications of role and person— ality for the purpose of generalizing and interpreting their behavior. In addition to the typologies posited in the past, psychologists and social scientists have re- cently made many contributions to the great diversity of such typologies. Max Weber in beginning the modern era of the science of social organization made the distinction between bureaucratic and charismatic leaders. From this. it has become a standard practice to "type" the people in organizations either as one homogeneous group in distinc- tion from other people ("organization man" or "bureaucrat") or in differentiated categories such as Robert Presthus "upwardmobile" "indifferents" and "ambivalents." (Men are ctten typed in accordance with the organization that they are associated with and such expressions as "military mind" or "diplomatic mind" have become common phrases.) 1 DV 5... ~. Even though these broad classifications may be useful and descriptive in the generalized study of society or organizations, their application is difficult and oftentimes deceptive when applied to any complex organi- zation. As is commonly acknowledged, the human person- ality has too many facets-~many of them hardly explored-— to depict a single dimension or fixed set of character— istics. Complex organizations are too diverse in terms of the innumerable amount of roles and relationships that exist. Furthermore typologies that are applied are many times rough with ill-defined boundaries. Typologies such as "bureaucrats" or "diplomats" are often manufactured from one’s own slight or occasional contacts and from what one has heard or read. Hence, the "image" or "typ— ology" becomes so vague and generalized that reality is displaced by fantasy and subjectivity.1 There is, however, a mounting accumulation or research literature dealing with personality —_ 1Frederick C. Mosher, found in Regis Walther, "Orientations and Behavioral Styles of Foreign Service CEficers," Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1965, p. xiii. differentiation of occupational groups. Walther has shown that persons engaged in different occupations are charac- terized by distinctive personality patterns and sets of values.2 .Although the relationship between personal and occupational characteristics has only recently been de— lineated, Veblen alluded to this relationship when he said tflmt the kind of work which men perform not only influ— ences their thoughts but also is a determining factor in their relations with one another, their culture and their institutions of control.3 Waller did an early study which showed the influ— ence of an occupation on the personality. The study was 2 . . . R. H. Walther, The Psychological DimenSions of Egg); (The George Washington University, Center for the Behavioral Sciences. 1964). R. H. Walther, Orientations and Behavioral .Egdes of Foreign Service Officers (New York: The Car— negie Endowment for International Peace, 1965). R. H. Walther and Shirley McCune, Socialization gghmfiples and WOrk Styles of the Juvenile Court (Wash- 1mEton, D.C. : The George Washington University, Center fin the Behavioral Sciences). 3 . R. M. MacIver, Soc1ety: A Textbook of Sociology (New York: Farrar and Rinehart. 1937) . "What Teaching Does to Teachers." His ideas of the "teacher personality" are summarized thusly: There is first that certain inflexibility or unbendingness of personality which is thought to mark the person who has taught. That stiff and formal manner into which the young teacher compresses himself every morning when he puts on his collar becomes, they say, a plaster cast which at length he cannot loosen. One has noticed, too, that in his personal rela- tionship the teacher is marked by reserve . . . As if this reserve were not in itself enough to discourage ill-considered advances, it is supplemented, when one has become very much the teacher, by certain outward barriers . . . . Along with this goes dignity . . . that consists of an abnormal concern over a restricted role and the restricted but well defined status that goes with it . . . . The didactic manner, the authoritarian manner, the flat assured tone of voice that go with them, are bred in a teacher by his dealings in the classroom . . . and it is said these traits are carried over by the teacher to his personal relations . . . . If these traits . . . are found among the generality of teachers, it is because these traits have survival value in the schools of today. If one does not have them when he joins the faculty, he must develop them or die the aca- demic death.4 There is still much speculation in the area of labeling and typing professions and the people who enter them. Some persons speculate that extroverts are drawn “— 4 Quoted in Krech, et a1., Individual and Society (New York: McGraw Hill, 1962). The original source is Willard walter Waller, The Sociology;of Teachingi New York, Russell and Russell, 1961. to the sales profession. Others believe that the job molds individuals into extroverts. Until recently dis- cussions on this and similar topics were manytimes not only speculative but highly subjective. Of late it has been generally recognized that both forces, psychological predisposition and learned behavior while on the job, operate to some degree. Just as the individual brings certain personal characteristics such as attitudes, pre- ferences and values to the job so is an individual's work environment a distinctive sub-culture within the general culture of his society. As Walther points out,"in the development of a perfessional culture, values and behav— ioral norms become established which, through attraction or repulsion, formal and informal selections and reinforce- ment patterns, produce the profession's distinctive psy- chological climate.5" The adjustment of an individual to this climate constitutes a process of professional social— ization. An example of the process by which an individual changes to maintain congruence with the "significant “— 5 _ . . . Regis H. Walther, The Psychological D1mens1ons of Ikuk (The George Washington University, Center for the Behavioral Sciences, 1964) . others" who are about him is when a person enters a new occupation. When an individual takes on the norms, values, and interests of the group with which he is a member, he is being socialized. Socialization is based on shared assumptions within the profession re- garding the ideal philoSOphy, the ideal set of behavior, and the ideal person for the profes— sion. The resultant personality structure con- sists of those interests, attitudes, values, modes of relating to others and other character- istics that make the individual maximally recep- tive to the cultural ways and ideologies of his profession, that enable him to achieve adequate gratification and security within the profes- sion. Because, as just pointed out, it is not sufficient to study the personality or jobs apart from one another, research has to emphasize and consider both the profes- sional cultural context and the psychological predisposi- tions of members of the profession. The structure of an occupation provides a framework for the carrying out of a social role. The individual's interests, activities, and personality structure are also important in the __. 6R. Walther, S. McCune, and P. Petersen, "The Shaping of Professional Subcultures: A Study of Student Groups from Five Professions," unpublished paper. ‘5.“ ‘PO 1., l 0'. individual’s performance of the particular role. When the occupational system and the individual system are interactive and form a style of behavior which is unique to a particular profession, then this provides a level of analysis. Although there has been much attention given to a child's socialization into society7 there has been little emphasis placed on how an adult adjusts to new systems throughout his life and how he is being constantly socialized into new systems. It is possible for role change to bring about some change in behavior. More importantly, most roles provide an opportunity for the adaption of personal tehavioral styles to the role. Most occupational socialization of the individual is not the result of f6rma1 contacts that transpire. Most socialization results from informal interaction with members of the profession or through various media that provide information about the profession (professional —__.‘ 7Ibid. (Also see references for footnote num- ber l.) schools, literature, etc.). "The extent to which the learner internalizes the values and norms of the profes— sion is a highly significant aspect of the worker's de- velopment." This topic will be elaborated upon in Chapter Two. There has been much and varied discussion as to how an occupation is selected. For example, Caplow be— lieves that except for that tiny minority whose occupational choices are crystalized in childhood or early adolescence, choices occur at the points where they are built into the educational system. Under the emerging system of occupational de— termination complete passivity on the part of the student is itself a choice. If he does not elect the appropriate subjects in his early years of high school, he rejects in effect the occupations for which college training is re— If he omits the natural sciences in quired. he eliminates favor of the social sciences, himself as a candidate for thousands of indus- trial jobs, and if he ignores both of them he will never be qualified for the beginning ranks in government service. 8Barbara K. Varley, "Socialization in Social Work Education," Social Work (July, 1963, vol. 8, no. 3), P. 102. Theodore Caplow, The Sociology of Work (Univer- North Central sity of Minneapolis Press, St. Paul: Publishing Co., 1954), p. 220. Caplow, then feels that occupational choices are not made under real working conditions but they are made in the classroom under the influence of the school cur- riculum. He states that one is never sure of his occu- pational choice even after that choice has been made. Caplow reports on interdisciplinary studies that have concluded that the choice of an occupation is a subjective process and part of the achievement of matur- ity. These studies hypothisize that occupational choice is a process. The process takes place in periods or stages and extends over a lengthy period of time. There are three major stages in the process which extends from early childhood to late adulthood. The occupational dxuce begins with fantasy, extends to a period of ten- tative choice and then culminates in a realistic choice in adulthood.11 ___ loIbid., p. 223. llIbid., p. 226. 10 The empirical work undertaken in connection with this study, and I might add, many other studies, is limited and inconclusive and as Caplow himself states, The presentation of periods and stages should be considered as hypotheses about individual devel— opment and not as a set of findings. As such even studies that emphasize process take the place of a considerable number of vague psycho— analytical pronouncements (e.g., many adoles- cents sublimate their sadistic impulses by turn— ing to surgery or other naively conceived studies).l Caplow, however, is himself vague when he attempts to explain the process whereby an adult chooses an occupa— tion. He alludes to psychological predispositions but loses clarity when he mentions that realistic choices typically involve the abandonment of old aspirations in favor of more limited objectives. He seems to ignore the possibility in our society for many and varied opportunities for the selection or rejection of different or similar occupational settings. He does acknowledge that in some sense it is only a.temporary abandonment of aspirations. With the crystallization of occupational choice, the youth looks around for the means which lie 12Ibid., p. 227. ll initially humble. But his sort are often imperm- ith the occupa— recreate some of tion stage. In hoice is not, espe- s functionary at hand and these are crystallizations of t Closer acquaintance w u may eventually ns of the transi the realistic c he mobile middle alas --the final period of development as far as occupational projections are concerned. In— stead a continuous process of alternately lower- ing and raising goals will be initiated. Not until late in his career will the average man be able to sum up his total eXpectations with some degree of finality and measure them against his remaining aspirations so as to arrive at a permanent sense of frustration, a permanent glow of complacency, or an irregular oscillation from one to the other. anent. tional milei the conditio other words, cially for t Caplow's work is cited because it illustrates and typifies the general vagueness that exists in terms of Whether there is an interaction between the qualities of the individual and the shaping influences of occupational or professional sub—cultures to produce a distinguishable Style of behavior that is unique to the particular pro— fession or professions being studied. e able to delineate the effects Research should b influences and in particular and ramifications of these be able to determine if these mentioned influences produce a distinctive "type" of person in a given profession. l________.__.,,_________ 13Ibid., p. 228. I i as. -. I‘- ~§~ .h \ 12 The following is an exploratory study of the mea- sured behavioral styles of persons in the social work pro— fession versus persons in the police profession. Measured behavioral styles refer to the consistent ways an indi— vidual organizes his physical, emotional, and energy res sources. For the purpose of this study, behavioral styles are those characteristics which are hypothesized to be relevant to job functioning and the formulation and mea- surement of these styles is obtained through the use of the Job Analysis and Interest Measurement (JAIM), a self-report instrument. The instrument will be described in Chapter Four.14 This study will attempt to test the commonality of behavioral styles of persons within the professions of social work and the police. It will more importantly, however, also test the differences between the two pro— it is believed that fessions. As alluded to previously. each profession has, over a period of time, developed shared interests, characteristic norms and values. Once established, this frame of reference is transmitted through u——— 14The instrument was develOped by Regis Walther of the George Washington University Social Research Group. «1‘ :- It. A.\V 13 the forces of attraction of people to the profession and the socialization process which ensues. Because the major emphasis of this study is an attempt to identify and distinguish behavioral styles of persons functioning "on the job," the study is not designed to differentiate between those behavioral style factors that are the result of the socialization process and those factors that are the result of pre—socialization person- ality factors. The total behavioral style will be eval- uated and then compared with the appropriate categories. This study does not prOpose to examine the cumul- lative process of commitment to a profession. As pre— viously mentioned it involves only an evaluation of be- havioral styles by the use of a self—report instrument and will not corroborate the results by such means as participant observation, a check of personnel records, or by evaluations by supervisors. Future research could study the problem by the use of the above mentioned methods. In a study undertaken by Galen Gockel in 1961, students were asked retrospectively to reveal times of ChOlCe and decision of an occupation, social values, and an. ... ‘ «‘5 u . ~‘fi ; 1 —\~\ - s 4L V l4 attitudes toward work and an orientation toward social They were also asked about plans for work as a career. employment and graduate training and a variety of back— The students ground and demographic characteristics. were subsequently asked the same types of questions in 1962, 1963, and 1964.15 Correlates of recruitment and retention to the work were examined and social values such as helping peOple, liking people and early choice of an occupation were found important corre- lates of a stated orientation to social work as a career. In a related research proposal by Peter Manning, He proposes a somewhat different perspective is taken. to study a set of behaviors of social work and medical students over time in contrast to Gockel's retrospective Gockel did not analyze the process of career study.l7 -__ l5 . . Galen Gockel, Silk Stockings and Blue Collar: §pcial Work as a Career Choice of America's 1961 College Graduate, National Opinion Research Center, University of Chicago, April, 1966. "A Comparative Study of Med— 16 . . Peter K. Manning, lcal and Social Work Students at Michigan State Univer- sity." an unpublished research prOposal. 17 Ibid. 15 choice but viewed persons who had already made choices. Manning proposes the former. Gockel's study and Manning's research proposal are mentioned to illustrate the different research ap— proaches that are available when occupations are being studied. The stated objectives of this study preceeded the description of the above—mentioned study and study proposal. The specific purposes of the study are: 1. To determine if the behavioral styles of social workers are different when compared to police- men .. 2. To determine if sub-specialties (juvenile divi— sion, patrol division, crime laboratory division, and training division) of the police profession exhibit varying behavioral styles. 3. To determine if sub-specialties (persons in the Mental Health Department, the Social Service Department, the school system and private agen— cies) of the social work profession exhibit vary— ing behavioral styles. 16 4. To determine if rank order in the particular organization, be it a social work or a police organization, affects behavioral styles. a. .A (I! (II I I; CHAPTER II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Professions have been studied from various view— points and in fact there are many different and legitimate ways to approach them. McCune18 was successful in study- ing the social work profession from the standpoint of social systems and social role. She discussed the social work profession as a form of social system. The present study will approach the police and social work professions in somewhat the same manner. The discussion of social systems and social role will however be more brief and will be mentioned only to illustrate that a social role cannot be viewed apart from other social roles or their connection with the social system. The following brief discussion of roles and social system will provide a basis for a discussion of the police and social work professions as forms of social systems. Occupational socialization _ 18Shirley D. McCune, "An Exploratory Study of the Measured Behavioral Styles of Students in Five Schools of Social Work" (An unpublished Doctoral dissertation, pre- sented to the Catholic University of America, 1966). 17 18 will also be briefly discussed to illustrate the inter- action between societal forces and personal character— istics. Social Systems and Social Role Many theorists have considered social role theory as being basic for the study and integration of the be- havioral sciences.19 Social role theory has been used by sociologists, psychologists, and anthropologists. The particular emphasis taken in each case of course reflects the particular theorist's field of specialization. Even though this concept has much potential and looks very promising it is still quite vague and possibly this is the reason why it has been so malleable to the many disciplines within the social science field. ”Furthermore, the concept of role cannot be viewed in isolation from other interacting forces. Linton has stated that _.k 19Ibid. ' hhfi -.\~\ In. 19 the interpersonal relations which are of such paramount importance in the formation of per- sonality cannot be understood except with reference to the positions which the indi- viduals involved occupy in the structural sys- tem of their society. It is also impossible to understand or delimit the individual's culturally ascribed rights and obligations without taking this system into account. Con- versely, the structure of any society is it- self a part of the society's culture and many of its features cannot be understood except in relation to the organization of that culture as a whole. Parsons' discussion of a social system illustrates that a social role cannot be viewed apart from other so- cial roles. When social roles are combined and connected . . 21 . . 1 a soc1al system is formed. Parsons defines a soc1a system as a plurality of individual actors interacting with each other in a situation which has at least a physical or environmental aspect, actors who are motivated in terms of a tendency to the "optimization of gratification" and whose relation to their situations including each other is defined and mediated in terms of a SYStem of culturally structured and shared symbols.2 20Ralph Linton, The Cultural Background of Per- EQBELEEX (New York: D. Appleton—Century Company, 1945), p. xvii. 1Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1951), pp. 5-6. 22Ibid. A\~\ 2 O I“ Hern has been noted for his discussion of the properties of systems. His basic thesis is that there are layers of systems which operate in an environment which helps the systems function in unison so that they can maintain themselves in a steady state.2 There has not been unanimous agreement when so? cial role is discussed. Lambert and Lambert believe that social role serves "as a unit for the analysis of social organizations and the structure of the role is largely invariant, regardless of individuals."%:] Linton looks at social role as the Epollection of rights and duties of a social position."EE7 Goffman is at odds with Linton and does not feel, unlike Linton, that the individual should be the focal point of attention but that it is the individual enacting his bundle of obligatory action which should be in the Primary focus. 23Gordon Hern, Theory Building in Social Work (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1958). p. 4. 24William W. Lambert and Wallace E. Lambert, §Qcia1 Psychology (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc. 1964). p. 45. 25Ralph Linton, The Study of Man (New York: APPleton-Century Company, 1936), pp. 113-114. 91 VI ‘I U. - .,_ "I \. an. 21 The system or pattern borrows only a part of the individual, and what he does or is at other times and places is not, the first con- cern. EJ‘The "role others" for whom he performs similarly represent only slices of these others. Presumably his contribution and their contribution, differentiated and interdepen- dent, fit together into a single assemblage of activity, this system or pattern being the real concern of role analysis. Goffman also feels that the various performances of role can be analyzed and distinguished by looking at the commitment, attachment, and embracement of the par— ticular person to the role.27 Kretch and Crutchfield's concept that "the roles which the individual performs in his various groups both reflect and enduringly shape his personality" 8 has much meaning for the present study. Mason and McEachern add some clarity to the con— cept of role because they attempt to combine the common They Properties which exist in most definitions of role. mention that all of the various role definitions have ‘ 6Erving Goffman, Encounters (Indianapolis: Bobbs- Merrill, 1961), pp. 86—87. 27 - ' 11 Ibid.: also McCune, gpé_gig.. p. - 28 and Eger- David Kretch, Richard S. Crutchfield, ton L. Ballachey, Individual in Sociegy (New York: MCGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1962). p- 529- 22 certain elements in common. [These elements are that in- dividuals in social locations behave according to certain . 29\7 expectations. ‘ _/ McCune summarizes the role concept very adequately when she states that while we recognize role or the pattern of wants and goals, beliefs, feelings, attitudes, values and actions which members of a community expect should characterize the typical occupant of a position, it is also recognized that the point of vantage or the context of the social system from which we view the individual will deter— mine the perceptions of the appropriateness of the role. 0 XIn summary by way of the previous discussion it has been illustrated that the concept of role although showing much promise and being very adaptable to the var— ious social science disciplines is nevertheless somewhat of an ambiguous concept. Furthermore if the concept is viewed apart from social systems it loses much of its force and meaningfulness. 29Neal Gross, Ward S. Mason, and Alexander W. McEachern, Explorations in Role Analysis (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1958), p. 17. 30Shirley D. McCune, "An Exploratory Study of the Measured Behavioral Styles of Students in Five Schools of Social Work" (An unpublished Doctoral dissertation. pre— sented to the Catholic University of America, 1966), p. 10. 23 In short then, social roles are embedded in social systems and society is composed of interacting and inter— locking systems. These systems have sets of relationships to both sub-systems and super—systems. Occupations as a Form of Social System The occupation serves as a means for man to not only earn a livelihood but to more importantly express himself. McCune insightfully points out that XIthe degree to which the individual finds out— lets for his abilities, interests, personality traits and values will markedly influence not only the extent to which he obtains work sat- isfaction, but also life satisfaction. In the work situation the individual plays the kinds of role which interests him, which makes use of his abilities and to which he attributes importance. In these optimum situations the individual utilizes the occupational role as the means for self-actualization.31 Early in his writing, Durkheim recognized the im- portance of the occupation as a social system. He con- cluded that M 31Shirley D. McCune, "An Exploratory Study of the Measured Behavioral Styles of Students in Five Schools of Social Work" (An unpublished Doctoral dissertation, pre- sented to the Catholic University of America, 1966), p. 16. Fun 24 a nation can be maintained only if, between the state and the individual, there is intercolated a whole series of secondary groups near enough to the individuals to attract them strongly in their sphere of action and drag them in this way, into the general torrent of social life. We have just shown how occupational groups are suited to fill this role and that is their destiny.32 Caplow believes that in any complex society mutual dependence of highly specialized and differentiated occu- pational groups helps maintain the society.33 Super and Goblot discuss occupations in terms of their effects on the individual and the ramifications for his self-concept. Super34 feels that one of the most im— portant decisions an individual makes in his life is the choice of an occupation. A chosen occupation is, in addi- tion to earning a livelihood, a way of life or more Spe- cifically a social role. In addition, Super places great emphasis on the fact that because an individual becomes 32Emile Durkheim, "The Solidarity of Occupational Groups," Theories of Society, Talcott Parsons, Edward Shils, KaSpar D. Naegele, and Jesse R. Pitts (eds.) (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1961), p. 362. 33Theodore Caplow, The Sociology of Work (Minne- aPolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1954), p. 4. 34Donald E. Super, The Psychologyiof Careers (New Yerk: Harper and Brothers, 1957), p. 33. 25 identified with his occupation, social status, and style of life are dependent upon that occupation and its ensu— ing rewards. Goblot like Super feels that an occupation deter- mines what type of mode of life the individual will en— counter. Furthermore, he feels that persons in the same occupation began to imitate one another because of their close proximity and the frequency on their associations.36 Hughes has done a great deal of writing relating to occupations as systems and he also provides a link between occupations and professions. In reference to the former he feels that whether systems are large or small, simple or complex, an occupation is not only a set of activities it is a part of a set of ongoing activities of which individuals are a part. In terms of positions in an occupation Hughes feels that many different —_‘ 35Donald B. Super and John O. Crites, Appraising ygcational Fitness (New York: Harper and Row, 1962), P. 408. 36Edmond Goblot, "Class and Occupation," Theories 2£*Society, Talcott Parsons, Edward Shils, Kaspar D. Naegele, and Jesse R. Pitts (eds.) (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1961), p. 535. 26 relationships exist. {The relationships may be formal or informal, distant or close, frequent or rare.37 "The essential is that the occupation is the place ordinarily filled by one person in an organiza— tion or a complex of efforts and activities."38 In his discussion of the link between occupa— tions and professions Hughes mentions that the occupa- tion gives the incumbent the license to carry out cer— tain activities in exchange for mainly money. The activities carried out are usually different for dif- ferent occupations. :In addition, members of occupations set up, either implicitly or explicitly, standards of behavior and modes of conduct.I In many cases members of occupations will go so far as to try to dictate be- liefs and values "for the body societal and politic with respect to some broad areas of life which they believe to be in their occupational domain. Professions, ____ 37Everett Cherrington Hughes, "The Study of Occu- pations," Sociology Todgx. Robert Merton, Leonard Broom, and Leonard S. Cottrell, Jr. (eds.) (New York: Basic Books. 1959), p. 445. 38Ibid., p. 445. 27 perhaps more than other kinds of occupation, also claim a broad legal, moral, and intellectual mandate. Not only do the practitioners, by virtue of gaining admis- sion to the charmed circle of the profession, individ— ually exercise a license to do things others do not do but collectively they presume to tell society what is good and right for it in a broad and crucial aspect of life."39 Greenwood has mentioned how professions have even a greater effect on the individual than occupa- tions. In addition to a systematic body of theory and authority provided by society, prefessions usually abide by a set of ethical codes and have community sanctionfor their activities.4 * 39Everett Cherrington Hughes, "The Study of Occupations," SocioloquToday, Robert Merton, Leonard Broom, and Leonard S. Cottrell, Jr. (eds.) (New York: Basic Books, 1959), p. 447. 40Earnest Greenwood, "Attributes of a Profes- sion," Social Work, vol. 2, no. 3 (July, 1957), pp. 45- 55; also McCune, op. cit., p. 15. 28 The existence of occupational systems can vividly be seen when we consider the fact that individuals in different occupations have different attitudes, interests, and values. In studies that have utilized the Strong Vocational Interest Blank there has been an indication that interest scores do predict future occupational ac- tivity.41 The Strong Vocational Interest Blank was developed in 1928 and has been evaluated extensively on a long-term basis. It has found that persons engaged in similar occu- pations tend to have common interests in school and job activities and social relations and hobbies, etc. A per- sonal profile could be compared with other profiles in similar and disimilar occupations. A follow—up study of the Interest Blank showed that the chances were 3.5 to 1 that a man who was given an "A” for a particular occupa- tion would be employed in that specific occupation 18 years later. A person with a "C” had a 5 to 1 chance that he would not be so employed.42 m 41Edward K. Strong, Jr., "An Eighteen-Year Longj- tudinal Report on Interest," The Strong Vocational Inter- est Blank, ed. 1962, Wilbur L. Layton (Minneapolis: Uni- versity of Minnesota Press, 1962), p. 17. 42Ibid., p. 18. 29 Kelly and Goldberg (1959) conducted a study of clinical psychologists and in their follow-up study found that measures used in their original studied distinguished among subspecialties ten years later. There was a major difference between the way therapists and teachers scored on the various scales of the instrument. For example, teachers scored high on such scales as intrOpsychic con- flict, curiosity, creativity, and childhood rebellious- ness. Therapists scored high on measures of altruism and low on conventionality and exploitiveness. Further- more persons performing administrative functions scored low on scales which measured childhood rebelliousness, curiosity, scientific interest, and creativity and high on scales which measured such things as social conven- tionality and exploitiveness. Terman also conducted a longitudinal study of Gifted children. In a follow—up study a comparison was made between men who eventually became PhYSiCa1 scien— tists with those specializing in social sciences. law, or “ 43E. L. Kelly and L. R. Goldberg, "Correlates of Later Performance and Specializations in Psychology." BEYchology.Monographs, 1959, 73. See also Walther, McCune, and Petersen, Op. cit., p. 3. ‘Ii‘ 3O humanities. Significant differences were found on a number of variables. Some of these were an early evi- dence of ability or interest in science by the scien— tific group and higher scores on social adjustment for the non-scientific group. As a result of these longitudinal studies and others by Rosenberg (1957) there seems to be an indica- tion that values, interest, and attitudes play an impor- tant part in the choice of an occupation. There has been much disagreement in the area of interests tests however. Caplow, for example, believes that there is something absurd in giving a test of interests. Interests, by definition, repre- sents areas of high motivation. It might be maintained that anyone who is not already aware of his own interests but must take an examination to determine what they are, is in fact devoid of any real interests. There is undoubtedly some truth in this argument. Those for whom interest measurement is designed 44Terman, et al., Genetic Studies of Genius, Vol. 13 Mental and Physical Traits of a Thousand Gifted SEIIQEEQ (Stanford: Stanford UniverSity Press, 1925). 45Regis Walther, Shirley McCune, and Peter Peter- sen, "The Shaping of Professional Subcultures: A Studyd 0f Student Groups from Five Professions," an unpublishe Paper. '1 31 are not usually characterized by powerful and well-defined motivations. However, the fact that occupational choices must often be made long before a career can be begun and far from the environment of the occupation itself, nec— essarily reduces the intensity of interests. If a place in the work world must be chosen by schoolboys who know neither the world nor them- selves very well, it is perhaps reasonable that they take a pencil and paper test to discover their own inclinations. 6 He further states, In spite of the great number of painstaking researches on the Vocational Interest Inventory, the results have consisted of dubious validity. In spite of the variety of items included, most of the weight in the final score for any occu- pation is actually derived from direct state- ments of preference for th37occupation itself and for allied activities. Walther48 adds thatflin general, attempts to measure the extent of the relationship between aspects and attri— butes of the individual and his possible success in a given occupation have been measured by tests of ability, interest, and personality. Although many of these leads have been promising the research has been scattered, and I comparative explorations have not been undertaken. 46 . 221 Caplow, Op. Cit., p. . 47Ibid., p. 222. 48Walther, "Behavioral Styles for Foreign Service Officers," op. cit.. P- 32 One recurrent theme in much of the re- search is the frequent curvilinear relation— ship between job performance and intelligence: and between job performance and personality characteristics. Although a minimal level of a particular trait or quality is correlated with performance, the extreme scores may cor- relate negatively with the criterion or not add to the strength of the prediction.49 As a result of research by Walther and others it has been learned that performance and interests are not necessarily related. A person can do something well and not particularly like it. Conversely, a person may be interested in something yet not be adept at doing it. Eh_the final analysis, lack of satisfaction will likely influence functioning performance. (This may not be true, however, for strongly disciplined individ- uals.) There are in addition to knowledge, ability, and interests, other personal qualities that have a Great influence on whether a person succeeds or fails in a given occupation or profession. It has been k 49Regis H. Walther, The Psychological Dimensions 2EIK2£L.IWashington. D.C.: Center for the BehaVioral Sciences. 1964), pp. 15—65. 33 observed and stated that specific abilities or interests are not as much a factor in work failures as are certain personality variables. These qualities are many times very complex and are often described in ways that refer to the person's not being able to "get along with people." Interviews, reference checks, and other like methods have not been successful in identifying these various person- ality variables. Reference checks and the other men- tioned procedures are, of course, important but they do not go far enough. Even though it is recognized that personality factors influence performance, there is little evidence that existing personality and interest inventories are e(Flipped to measure these relevant variables.50 Asastasi has discussed occupational interests in relation to various personality patterns. At best, what occupational differences have been found in personality patterns represent group trends.' For many kinds of work, one could probably write personality sketches that would roughly fit a majority of persons in that occu- pation. This sort of information is useful in counseling insofar as it gives the counselee 50Walther, loc. cit. 34 some idea of the kind of person with whom he is likely to associate if he chooses a given type of work. But, within any occupational group, the range of individual differences is fully as wide in personality variables as it is in apti— tudes. Nor are these differences necessarily associated with different degrees of success. The breadth and flexibility of most occupations are such that different persons choose specialties (as in medicine or law) that are consonant with their own needs, interests, and values. Even a single job can often be structured by the indi- vidual to fit his own aptitude and personality pattern. Moreover, the same jobs in different companies or under different supervisors may call for very different personality traits. 1 Thus the selection of an occupation and the follow- ing behavior of members of that occupation is affected by the person's personality structure, his interests, and activities and the context within which he Operates. For the purpose of the present study the interaction of the occupational system and the individual system as they pro- duce a distinctive behavioral style will be of interest. There is a constant attempt by the person to acquire a state of equilibrium between his occupational system and his individual system. The concept often cited is adjustment or congruence. "The individual is seen as A 51Ann Anastasi, Fields of Applied Psychology (New Ybrk: McGraw-Hill, 1964), p. 23. 35 an active agent in maintaining a stable interpersonal . 52 . . . . enVironment." “Mechanisms which are used to maintain congruence are selective perception of environmental cues, selective interaction (interacts most frequently with those who are like him) selective evaluation of the other person, selective evaluation of self and evocation 53 of congruent responsesr Interests, values, and attitudes have a tendency to maintain a degree of stability because the social structure helps maintain the environment of the individual. In great part it determines who the person associates with, what is expected of the person, and finally helps form the person's own conception of himself. ”The like- lihood of encounters with others which would require mod- . . . . . . 54 ification of self and behaVior are limited." An individual, however, does not remain static throughout his life. He does go through a period of mod- ification when he moves through various occupational ‘ 52Paul F. Secord and Carl W. Backman, Social Psy- EEQAQSY (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1964), PP. 576-602. 53McCune, op. cit., p. 19. 54Ibid., p. 19. 36 systems as he becomes of age. He takes on new roles which help establish him in the occupational sphere. As men— tioned earlier, when the individual takes on interests, values, and norms of the new group with which he is seek- ing identification we call this the process of socializa- tion. Occupational Socialization Stern, Stein, and Bloom believe that the social- ization process helps a person adjust to his environment. Certain types of behaviors are emulated and others rejected so that identification with the group is facilitated and adjustment made less painful.55 To reiterate a point made earlier in the thesis, the adult often faces many changes throughout his life. Hence, the necessity to adjust to new systems. The point to be made, however, is that even though each role change brings about some change in behavior, most roles provide —_..L_ 5George G. Stern, Morris I. Stein, and Benjamin 8. Bloom, Methods in Personality Assessment (New York: The Free Press, 1963). In \ A o» .v ‘A V» “v ‘A 'V m. ‘v '1 I III 37 an opportunity for adOpting the role to personal behav- ioral styles. George Mead discusses roles and personal behavioral styles when he mentions that even though all roles organize behavior, some roles are much more impor- tant in integrating the personality. Roles become a part of a person's conception of himself and they influence the way he interprets the world around him. The major roles of sex, family, and occupation may even construct his ability to be objective or prevent him from acting in ways that would be alien to these major or critical roles. In terms of the socialization process and its complexity Varley points out that learning new behavior patterns and skills is only a minor part of the sociali- zation process. Socialization also includes crystalizing role expectations, reorganizing the self-image and being convinced that the values governing the new role are le- 57 gitimate and good. M 56Leonard Broom and Phillip Selznick, Sociology (New York: Row Peterson and Co., 1958). p. 98. The ori- ginal reference is George H. Mead, Mind, Self and Society (ed. C. H. Morris) Univ. of Chicago Press, 1934. 57Barbara K. Varley, "Socialization in Social Work Education," Proceedings, Sixth Annual Program Meeting, Sancil on Social Work Education (New York: Council on Social Work Education, 1958), p. 20 ~\~\ 38 Levinson has given a comprehensive analysis of Role, Personality, and Social Structure in the Organiza- tion Setting. A few of his comments will be appropriate at this point, because he makes a primary distinction between the structurally given role—demands and the forms of role—definition achieved by the individual members of an organization. Personal role-definition becomes a linking con— cept between personality and social structure. It can be seen as a reflection of those aspects of individual personality that are activated and sustained in a given structural-ecological en- vironment. This view is Opposed to both extremes of either the "psychologizing" or the "social- izing" of the organizational structure. At the same time, it is concerned with both the psycho- logical properties of social structure and the structural properties of individual adoption.58 Levinson also differs with the concept that in— cumbents of a given position will necessarily exhibit like behavioral styles. He comments that "where individual variations in patterns of role-performance have been in- vestigated, several modal types rather than a single M 8Daniel Levinson, "Personality and Social Struc_ ture in the Organizational Setting," J. of Abnormal and §_o_cia1 Psychology, _5__§ (1958), 172—177. 39 . 9 . . dominant pattern were found.5 He Cites the studies of Argyis and Greenblatt, et a1.60 Levinson also comments that too often the prevailing image of the organization has been that of a mechanical apparatus operating imper— sonally once it is set in motion by administra- tive edict. The prevailing conception of social role is consonant with this image: the indi- vidual member is regarded as a cog in the ap- paratus, what he thinks and does being solely determined6py requirements in the organizational structure. Furthermore, he states, "When social structure and personality fail to mesh, it is assumed to be personality alone that gives. Structure is the prime, uncaused, 62 cause." The point he continually emphasizes is that role behavior for all participants in an organization may not follow the simple role-behavior models that have typified discussions in this area. 59Ibid., p. 177. 6OD. Levinson and R. Williams and M. Greenblatt (eds.), The Patient and the Mental Hospital (Glencoe, 111.: Free Press, 1957). p. 179. C. Argyis, Personality and Organization (New YOrk: Harper, 1959). 61Levinson, op. cit., p. 170. 62Ibid., p. 172. 40 It is assumed that structural norms, individual role-conceptions and individual role—performance are three isomorphic reflections of a single entity: ppp_role apprOpriate to a given organ— izational position. The unitary conception of social role is unrealistic and theoretically con- stricting.6 Part of the thesis of this study is that there are behavioral style differences between persons within the same profession, depending on their place in the organi- zational hierarchy and their area of specialization. Levinson as mentioned in the above paragraph believes that differences also occur among occupants of the same posi- tion. In attempting to characterize the role— requirements for a given position, one must therefore guard against the assumption that they are unified and logically coherent. There may be major differences and even contradic- tions between official norms, as defined by character or by administrative authority, and the "informal" norms held by various groupings within the organization. Moreover, within a given status group, such as the top administra- tors, there may be several conflicting view- points concerning long-range goals, current Policies, and specific role-requirements. In short, the structural demands Egemselves are Often multiple and disunified. 63Ibid., p. 173. 64Ibid., p. 174. 41 He feels that the most significant prOperties of an organization are the degree of coherence among the structurally defined role-requirements, the degree of con- sensus with which they are held and the degree of individual choice they allow (the range of acceptable alternatives). In terms of the relationship between sociological and psychological factors in an organization he points out that every social structure confronts its members with adaptive dilemmas. If we are to comprehend this aSpect of organizational life, we must conceive of social structure as having intrinsically psy— chological properties, as making complex psycho- logical demands that affect and are affected by the personalities of its members. At times Levinson had difficulty reconciling the integration of the individual personality and the social structure. He concludes that because of the diversity of individual backgrounds it follows that not all incumbents of organizational positions will think alike. He tends to forget at times that persons with similar psychological _. t_ predispostions are lifely to be «-.__,_. attracted to similar or- ganizational structures. 65Ibid., p. 175. 66Ibid., p. 175. 42 He states, After all, individual role-conceptions are formed only partially within the present organ— izational setting. The individual's ideas about his occupational role are influenced by childhood experiences, by his values and other personal characteristics, by formal education and apprenticeship and the like. The ideas of various potential reference groups within and outside of the organization are available through reading, informal contacts, etc. is reason to expect, then, that the role- conceptions of individuals in a given organiza- tional position will vary and will not always conform to official role-requirements. Both the diversities and the modal patterns must be considered in organizational analysis. There The major point that Levinson tried to make was that individual role-conception and role-performance do not emanate, full formed, from the depths of the person- ality, nor are they simply mirror images of a mold estab- lished by the social structure. This is an insightful theses and supports many of the other theorists cited in this study. Levinson's desire to make this point, how- ever, causes him to become superfluous in his discussion with the resulting effect that his presentation is more complicated than is necessary at times. He loses sight of his main Objective by overemphasizing the fact that ____2 67Ibid., p. 176. 43 role incumbents can have different attitudes, desires, and motivations. Regardless of the particular theorist's specific point of view, it is evident that most believe that there is an interaction between the occupational system and the individual system and that the resultant different systems exhibit varying and distinguishable qualities. If this is in fact true, then the present study should make a differ- entiation between behavioral styles of occupants of dif- ferent professions. A distinction should also be possible between persons of the same profession but with a different area of specialization and position in the organizational hierarchy. With this in mind the policeman's and social worker's occupational systems, their working mileaus and their "working personalities" will be discussed so as to provide background information and a perSpective with Which to view the two mentioned occupations. The follow- ing discussion will, in addition to describing the char- acteristics of the two professions, provide a basis and a rationale for the development of the hypotheses and assumptions of the study. up 44 Studies of Policemen Until comparatively recent times, law enforcement and protection of life and property amounted to self- enforcement and self-protection. When police forces were finally established in the 19th century the public, in effect, delegated its law enforcement power to a relative handful of professional guardians. The policeman has been described in many and var- ious ways but the description given him by Niederhofer is most illuminating. The policeman is a "Rorschach" in uniform as he patrols his beat. His occupational accouter- ments--shield, nightstick, gun and summons book, clothe him in a mantle of symbolism that stim— ulates fantasy and projection. Children iden— tify with him in the perennial game of "COpS and robbers." Teenagers in auto's stiffen with compulsive rage or anxiety at the sight of the patrol car. To people in trouble, the police officer is the savior. In another metomorphosis, the patrolman becomes a fierce ogre that mothers conjure up to frighten their disobedient young- sters. At one momggt, the policeman is hero, the next, monster. Until recently, sociology was also guilty of neglecting the police institution as a topic 68Arthur Niederhoffer, Behind the Shield (New York: Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1967), p. 1. I TR '15 1...); 45 for scientific research. (In the twenty-five year period from 1940 to 1965 only six articles remotely concerned with the police were pub- lished in the American JOurnal of Sociology and the American Sociological Review.) Although it Offered a made-to—order case of institutional split personality, with the additional inter- esting feature that the occupation was in the throes of a crusade to raise its lower—class status to that Of a respected profession. Ob- viously, this involved probelms of bureaucracy, professionalization, ideology, role conflict, social control, and occupational anomie--all subjects close to the heart and art of the so- ciologist.69 Niederhoffer believes that if the law-enforcement 3h occupation is successful in Obtaining the status of a respected profession, it will be a Horatio Alger story. /The great stumbling block is its traditionally low status in our culture. A warped conception of poligemen has been cultivated in EBB“mass“ edla; Théwpublic holds fast to the derogatory stereotypes of the grafting COp, the sadistic cop, the dumb cop, the chiseling cop, and the thick brogued cop. There can be no respected profession where the public refuses to grant high status and prestiege. And it does not help the police to call themselves "the finest" as they do in New York City. The title Often backfires.7O A study by North and Hatt in 1947 sought to determine the prestige Of ninety occupations. The 691bid., p. 4. 70Ibid., p. 20. Au» n‘v Q‘- ”A V» A. -C Flt. HUA 46 results showed that policemen ranked fifty-five. Hodge and Siegel reported in 1963, after replicating the afore- mentioned study, that the police still ranked only forty- seventh.72 "The coefficient of correlation between the re- sults in the two surveys was .99. In sixteen years the occupational prestige ladder had not changed much." Throughout his book, Niederhoffer speaks of the police system. Many of his comments appear to be more Of generalizations than the result of empirical verifi- cation. His Observations are nevertheless intriguing. He believes that the police system transforms a man into a special type of authoritarian personality required by the police role. NO matter what kind Of person 71Paul K. Hatt and C. C. North, "Prestige Ratings of Occupations," Man, Work and Sociepy. Sigmund Nosaw and William Form (eds.) (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1962), pp. 277-283. 72Robert W. Hodge, Paul M. Siegel, and Peter H. Rossi, "Occupational Prestige in the United States, 1925- 1963," American Journal Of Sociology, vol. 70 (1964), p. 291. (See also Niederhoffer, Op. cit., p. 21). 73Niederhoffer, op. cit., p. 21. 47 he was before joining, the system's brilliant success in creating authoritarian personalities is sometimes a source of serious trouble. Since the policeman feels justified and righteous in using power and toughness to perform his duties, he feels like a martyr when he is charged with brutality and abuse of power. Goffman has alluded to the fact that the police Operate in a "locker room" atmosphere. He feels that in most lowly male service occupations it is inevitable that occupational anecdotes be redefined into sexual terms. He points out however that tales of sexual prowness are common also in the general male subculture.75 Neiderhoffer believes that policemen vary in the amount of authoritarianism they exhibit. This, he feels, is the result of the different impact that train- ing, experience, and role models have upon each indi- vidual. The system places the most authoritarian men where they have most Opportunity to demon- strate authoritarianism. This is a latent consequence Of the normal bureaucratic personnel 74Ibid., p. 118. 75Erving Goffman, The Presentation of Self in gyeryday Life (Garden City: Doubleday & Co., Inc.. 1949), P. 194. 48 administration. It is the patrolman on the beat who is involved in most of the incidents that require a display of authority. It is precisely the patrolman on the beat who is most authori— tarian. There is a social process at work within the police system that precipitates the most authoritarian type into the authoritarian role at the lowest level of the hierarchy, pounding the beat. Only after many years, when he is too old to stand the pace, is he rewarded with a quiet job in the station house as messenger or atten- dant. There, as an elder statesman, he trans- mits his reverence for toughness to each new generation of recruits.7 Extending the discussion of the police system and the working mileau, Skolnick believes that value conflicts of a democratic society create conditions undermining the capacity of police to respond to the rule of law. He says that the police in a democratic society are required to maintain order and to do so under the rule of As functionaries charged with maintaining law. The order, they are part of the bureaucracy. ideology of a democratic bureaucracy emphasize initiative rather than the disciplined adherence to rule and regulations. By contrast, the rules of law emphasizes the rights of individual cit- izens and constraints upon the initiative of legal officials. This tension between the oper— ational consequences of ideas of order, effi— ciency, and initiative, on the one hand, and legality, on the other, constitutes the principal problem of the police as a democratic legal or- ganization. The common juxtaposition of law 76Niederhoffer, op. cit., p. 130. 49 and order is an oversimplication. Law is not merely an instrument of order, but may fre- quently be its adversary. In terms of the specific role of the policeman, / There are two principal variables involved in \ police work; danger and authority which should 3 be interpreted in the light of a constant pres— sure to appear efficient. The element of danger seems to make the policeman especially attentive to signs indicating a potential for violence and law breaking. As a result, the policeman is generally a "suspicious" person. Furthermore, the character of the policeman's work makes him less desirable for a friend, since norms of friendship implicate others in his work. Accordingly, the element of danger isolates the policeman socially from that seg- ment of the citizenry which he regards as sym- bolically dangerous and also from the conven- tional citizenry with whom he identifies. Gen— erally thereis. in fact, a greaterflsocial dis- tapge_betWeen_policemen_and civilians regard- less of their color. N The element of authority as Skolnick points out reinforces the element of danger in isolating the police- man. Typically the policeman is required to enforce laws representing puritanical morality such as prohibiting drunkenness and traffic infractions. In these situations a policeman directs the citizenry whose typical response 77Jerome H. Skolnick, Justice Without Trial (John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1966), p. 6. 78Ibid., p. 44. Q. A. be 'r '0 “V 5. IA ”V (II p h t 50 does not recognize his authority and emphasizes his Ob- ligation tO reSpond to danger. For example, the comment can Often be heard by a policeman after he has stopped a traffic violator, "Why aren't you out catching dangerous criminals rather than bothering a law-abiding citizen?" The point to be made is that generally, persons who re— Spond well to danger do not normally subscribe to puri- tanical codes of morality. As a result, charges of hy- pocrisy are Often heard. "Danger also undermines the judicious use of authority. Where danger, as in Britain, is relatively less, the judicious application of au- thority is facilitated.”79 3% Dodson feels that law enforcement is selective and it is the community power structure that determines which laws will be enforced. The policeman has to be perceptive enough to know what laws the power structure 80 wanthmforced--if..he .19 ts keep, Pia 3192;- __ 79Skolnick, op. cit., p. 44. Dan Dodson, A speech delivered at M.S.U., May, 1955. reported in Proceeding Of the Institute on Police The Community Relations (May 15-20, 1956, East Lansing: School Of Police Administration and Public Safety), P. 15. 51 Likewise westly believes that enforcement of the law is not the primary function of the police. Satisfy- ing the interests of the power people in the community takes precedence.81 In addition to political pressures, the policeman also faces other dilemmas, namely the existence of danger and authority in his working environment. It is difficult to develop qualities enabling him to stand up to danger and to conform to standards of puritanical morality, such as re— fraining from drinking alcoholic beverages. The element Of danger demands that the police- man be able tO carry out efforts that are in their nature overtly masculine. Police work, like soldiering, requires an exceptional cal- iber of physical fitness, agility and tough- ness. The man who ranks high on these mas- culine characteristics is not usually disposed to being puritanical. Hence, as Skolnick points out, danger and author— ity, two qualities Of the policeman's role and occupation, should never for the sake Of the rule of law be permitted to coexist. Danger typically yields self-defensive conduct, conduct that must strain to be impulsive, be- cause danger arouses fear and anxiety so easily. 81William Westly, "The Police: A Sociological Study of Law, Custom and Morality" (unpublished Doctoral dissertation, The University Of Chicago, 1951). p. 30. 82Skolnick, Op. cit., p. 57. 52 Authority under such conditions becomes a re— source to reduce perceived threats rather than a series of reflective judgments arrived at calmly. Continuing the discussion of personal character- istics and traits of policemen there has been much specu- lation. Time magazine mentions that most Americans are not even sure what they want the police to be. "We ask our officers to be a combination of Bat Masterson, Sher- lock Holmes, Sigmund Freud, King Soloman, Hercules and Diogenes," says Rocky Pomerance, Miami Beach, police 84 chief. "Who wants The question has been asked many times, to be a cop?" Time magazine answers this question in the following manner. Their description of course reflects the magazine's need to sell copy and hence, the charac- terizations tend to be a bit exaggerated and generalized. One of the most common types who become a cop is the ex-high school athlete who went directly into a virile military unit like the Marines, and now seeks security in a job that requires no college degree. Often, he aims to live far from the inter city——a lower middle class 83Ibid., p. 67. Time magazine, Oct. 4, 1968, Time Inc., Rocke— feller Center, New York, N.Y., p. 26. 53 aspiration that produces white commuter cops who nervously regard black-ghetto patrols as raids behind enemy lines. (I might add that this description of the policeman being a "commuter personality" is not unlike a description that could be given to the populace in general today. How many businessmen, for example, who work in the ghetto live there?) According to Chicago psychiatrist, Clifton Rhead, a policeman needs distinct traits-- a tendency to be suspicious, act fast, take risks, be aggressive and obey authority. Time believes that despite the glaring lack of uniform standards across the country, most police recruits fit Dr. Rhead's prescription, as far as it goes. In Eastern and Midwestern cities the typical recruit is a Roman Catholic of blue-collar back- ground and Irish, Polish, or perhaps Italian ancestry. Often, says Chicago Psychologist, tArnold Abrams, he has been "exposed to an autocratic environment." Most recruits are eldest sons, most tend to be nervous around authority. In Detroit, says former Police CommisiOner Roy Girardin, they usually come from the bottom 25% of their high school class. U.C.L.A. psychiatrist, Charles Wohl, adds that most policemen he has worked with had harsh and punitive fathers. 6 . 85mg: p. 260 8 Ibldo' p. 26. 87Ibid., p. 26. 54 Time appropriately states however that the same kind of analysis can, of course, be applied to the motives of judges, surgeons, soldiers, and presidential candidates, to say nothing of journalists. In fact, police work also attracts large numbers of men who sin- cerely want to serve the public, delight in chores as desperate as solving murders and de- livering babies and have all the moral courage requisite to making that awesome police deci- sion-—to kill or not to kill. In California, one study showed that 50% of one police force (Sousalito) had the same psychological profile as doctors and ministers. If most cops were not highly motivated, how could they stand tgg thankless job of doing society's dirty work? In terms of political beliefs, Time-continues, Policemen are usually conservative. The police- man says Berkeley Criminologist Gordon Misner, pictures himself as the prime fighter standing alone against the Mongol hordes, without the support88f the public, the politicians or the courts. ‘1 In many respects policemen represent the most typical beliefs and attitudes of their communities, including what Los Angeles Chief Thomas Reddin deplores as a moralistic ten— dency to see things as either—or. Not sur— prisingly, the police tend to be appalled by abnormal behavior and rebellions against au— thority. Most scorn long hair and homosexu- ality horrifies them. With their ingrained respect for work, they take a dim view of people living on welfare. Perhaps most irritating to 881bid., p. 26. 89Ibid., p. 26. 55 cops are the anti-war protestors, most of them collegians who have rejected advantages that policemen themselves lacked and fail to give their own children. The police consider the beatniks spoiled darlings of society, so says Berkeley economist, Margaret Gordon, who also serves on the city council. Their rage and frustration at them can break out uncontrollably even in the historically well disciplined and polite Berkeley police department. What most upset Chicago police during the Democratic Con- vention of 1968 was obscenity from women and disrespect to the flag. When demonstrators blithely pulled down the Stars and Stripes in Grant Park, several cops at the scene could not hold back their tears. Tlpp_magazine is not, of course, an adequate lit- erary source. It is useful in providing a popular descrip- tion of the policeman, his personality, his problems, and his working mileau. Most of 2133's comments however are largely subjective and empiracally unfounded. Informal observations are manytimes interesting and very helpful but they should, nevertheless, be substantiated by empir- ical research and testing. Timgfs study gives further credence to the fact that there are a diversity of views and suppositions about the policeman and the police profession. Scientific re— search should help either dispel or possibly support the _ 9OIbid., p. 26. 56 common pOpular conceptions of the policeman and his pro- fession. By and large there as mentioned previously are few scientific studies of the police profession. An ex- ception to this is a study by Praise and Erlich. They studied the police from the standpoint of Role Theory. Although this study incorporates role theory its major emphasis is broader in sc0pe. Another example of a scientific study is the one conducted by the New York Police Department. From a survey of backgrounds of more than 1,200 recruits who graduated from the New York Police Academy in the last fifteen years (during a cycle of prosperity) the bulk of police candidates were upper-lower class with a sprinkling Of lower-middle class; about ninety-five per cent has had no college training. "The typical char- acteristics were working class background, high school education or less, average intelligence, and a cautious personality."92 * 91 . Jack Preiss and Howard Erlich, An Examination of 3218 Theory: The Case of the State Police (Lincoln, Ne- braska: University of Nebraska Press, 1961). 92 . Niederhoffer, op. cit., p. 36. na— Hun Ah» 7. o ‘1. -\~ 00 “5 0‘. 5C 5“ ‘x. 57 Ternan and Miles in 1936 felt that their study gave evidence to policeman's lack of masculinity. As a result of a chance finding they discovered that the po- licemen they were testing scored low on their masculinity scale which was devised from a series of word associations The policemen ranked twelfth out of fifteen occupations. The sample, however, only included thirteen policemen. Sheldon has extensively studied body types and assigned characteristics to his various classifications. He feels that the policeman's physique fits his mesomorph category perfectly. Since mesomorphy is correlated with the temperament of somatonia he feels that the policemen's temperament can be described in such terms as a need to dominate assertiveness, competitive aggressiveness, ruth- lessness and other traits associated with authoritarian- 94 ism. L 93Ibid., p. 125. 94 . . . . William H. Sheldon, The Varieties of Tempera- ment: A Psychology of Constitutional Differences (New 1942), 400. YOrk: Harper, p. A 58 Sheldon, however, is refuted by both his psychol- ogist colleagues and sociologists. Sociologists feel that studying role behavior within the social system is more legitimate. In this case, physique is only one of the variables that must be considered. Hence it would be premature to conclude that a particular physique would automatically indicate authoritarianism. The well-known F—scale was administered to members of the New York Police Department. The group means score on the F-scale was 4.15, compared to the 4.19 score of 95 the working class in The Authoritarian Personality. "The score by extrapolation indicates that police candi- dates in general are no higher in authoritarianism than the rest of the working class and also suggests that there is no self-selection among authoritarian personalities prior to appointment.96" Skolnick does not place an extensive amount of emphasis on Police authoritarianism but he does mention -—_ 95 . . T. W. Adarno, Else Frenkel—BrunSWick, Daniel S. Levinson and R. Nevitt Sanford, The Authoritarian Person- Eli£x.(New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950). 96 . . Niederhoffer, o . c1t., p. 150. A that there is for the police "a working personality." 59 He believes this to be the case because of certain outstand- ing elements in the police mileau which were mentioned previously. They are danger, authority, and efficiency. These, he feels, combine to generate distinctive, cogni- tive, and behavioral responses in the police. liar to specific professions, Janowitz states that —_ Such an analysis does not suggest that all police are completely alike in working person— ality, but that there are distinctive cognitive tendencies in the police as an occupational Some of these may be found in other grouping. So far occupations showing similar problems. as exposure to danger is concerned, the police- man may be likened to a soldier. His problem, as an authority bears a certain similarity to those of the school teacher and the pressures he feels to prove himself efficient are not unlike those felt by the industrial worker. The combination of these elements, however, is unique to the policeman. Thus, the police, as a result of combined features of their social situation tend to develop ways of looking at the world distinctive to themselves, cognitive lenses through which to see situations and events. The strength of the lenses may be weaker or stronger depending on certain condi- tions but they are ground on a similar axis.98 In reference to behavioral styles that are pecu- the 97 Skolnick, op. cit., p. 42. 9 8Ibid., p. 42. 6O professions such as the military became a "style of life" rather than merely an occupation. He attributes this to the fact that where there are crucial tasks that in- volve life and death decisions such as in police work or in the military the claims over one's life became more blatant and real.100 Even though most occupational groups share a mea- sure of inclusiveness and identification, and people are brought together simply by doing the same work and hav- ing similar career and salary problems, the police, as several writers have pointed out, show an unusually high degree of occupation solidarity.lOl 9 . . . 9Morris JanOWitz, "The ProfeSSional Soldier," é §9§ial and Political Portrait (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1964), p. 175. 100Ibid., p. 175. 10 . . 1William westly, "Violence and the Police," American Journal of Sociology (July, 1953, vol. 59), p 294; and James Q. Wilson, "The Police and Their Problems," A_Theory-Public Policy (1963) 13, pp. 189-216. V0 0" ‘» 61 It is true that the police have a common employer and wear a uniform at work, but so do doctors, milkmen and bus drivers. It is doubt- ful that these workers have so close knit an occupation or so similar an outlook on the world as do the police. Set apart from the con- ventional world, the policeman experiences an exceptionally strong tendency to find his social identity within his occupational mileau. As a result there are tendencies, general enough and similar enough to identify a distinctive "work- ing personality" among police. In summary then the police system, the police mileau, and the policeman's "working personality" have been briefly viewed. Next attention will be focused on these same general characteristics in the social work profession. The Social Work Profession Barber describes social work as an "emerg- ' . 103 ing or marginal" profession. Furthermore the Profession is presently facing many problems 10ZSkolnick, Op. cit., p. 52. "Some Problems in the Socio- 103 Bernard Barber, p. 676. 1°9Y of Professions,“ Daedalus (Fall, 1963), 62 cause of the changing and complex environment within which it is practiced.104 be Wilensky and LeBeau105 feel that contrary to pOpular opinion, it is medicine and not the ministry, l for social work. that has become the preferred mode 8 developed between them. A close relationship ha nt increase One result of this has been the rece in social work efforts to undertake the research needed to establish a unified scientific base—- exemplified in programs of research at several schools of social work. developing gan to have a distinct realm of Social Work be its own when the ns movement provided a sys- tem wherein a visitor came frequently and sys— tematically in contact with "cases"--the heads of poverty stricken families primarily—-with Special attention given to what were seen as individual or family causes of difficulty and as individual resources to meet the problem. Thus a setting and vehicle were provided for the observation of human behavior and for the practice of skills in helping peOple out of trouble. Charity Organizatio "Needed Research on Social the Task Force on Social Work Welfare Administra- 1964), 104David G. French, Work Manpower," A Report to Education and ManPOWer (Washington: tion, Dept. of Health, Education, and Welfare, pp. 1—7. arold Wilensky, Industrial 105Charles LeBeau and H 1 Sage Foundation (New §9Ciety & Social Welfagg. Russe York: 1958). 10611318., p. 284. # 107Ibid., p. 288. 63 ut that casework was "born Helen Witmer pointed o in the dilemmas of poor relief."108 It was to be a new method for handling poverty. In its early days social casework carried a strong "sociological" emphasis: an interest in the socio-economic environment-~conditions of and income maintainance. factory labor, housing, Quite early, however, casework became centered on the individual, on his personal strengths and weaknesses, on individual psychological mechanisms and on broad social forces only as these were in- terpretable in individual behavior terms. Casework, however, has in many cases become an end in itself. Bruno reports that Mary Richmond said five years of my life in an 1 casework accepted as a ial work. Now I shall spend trying to demonstrate to 80- e is more to social I have spent twenty— attempt to get socia valid process in soc the rest of my life cial Caseworkers that ther work than social casework. s on the premise that any cial stresses which he can- th and inner resources shackles of fear, Casework operate individual facing so not deal with has streng which, if freed from the 108Helen L. Witmer, §9cial Work: An Analysis of a Social Institutigg (New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1942), p. 127. 288. 109‘Wilensky and LeBeau, op. cit., p. "Trends in Social Work as Re- National Conference of Columbia University 110Frank J. Bruno. flected in the Proceedings of the Social Work, 1874-1946" (New York: Press, 1948), pp. 186-187. 64 inhibition, and other types of psychological blockage, will enable him to become effec- tively self-responsible. Social work practice is extensive and varied and as mentioned previously has many sub-specialties. Until very recently, however, professional schools of social work have exhibited only minor interest in working with criminal offenders. "There is considerable question as to whether the caseworker as presently equipped could operate effectively in an atmosphere of high authorita- tiveness and ’toughness'."112 Simon and others note that the practice of con- sultation is highly developed and approved by administra- tion in agencies staffed by social workers. 'Often, how— ever, agencies have operational requirements, set by law, tradition, policy, or public pressures, which depart from professional standards. This is particularly true of public agencies operating within a legal framework, a situation which sets the stage for role conflict."113 111Wilensky and LeBeau, op. cit., p. 290. 112Wilensky and LeBeau, op. cit., p. 319. 113Herbert A. Simon, Donald W- Smithberg, and Victor A. Thompson, Public Administration (New York: Harper Row, 1950). (Found in Wilensky and LeBeau p. 319). 65 The discrepancy between professional and agency norms stems from a basic conflict in principles of organization which appears in all bureaucratic systems-~in factories, in univer— sities, in hospitals, etc. In all of these or~ ganizations different professional groups are arranged in a hierarchy. Thus, the colleague principle is in conflict with the hierarchial principle of the bureaucracy. To further emphaSize the relationship of the so- cial worker to the agency, Wilensky comments that'in es« sence, the caseworkers complain that the policy-minded lose sight of the psychological understandings necessary to help the case while the policy-minded complain that the caseworkers lose sight of the community structure that creates the case in the first place and fail to use their case—history information to shape the size and character of welfare service. The argument between the apolitical technician and the policy-minded "program professional" is an old one and is carried on wherever staff experts who have knowledge work in large organizations under other 115 people who have power.’ E 114Wilensky and LeBeau, op. cit., p. 3200 llsHarold L. Wilensky, "Intellectuals in Labor Unions: Organizational Pressures on Professional Roles," 1956). (Found in Wilensky gree Press (Glencoe, Illinois: and LeBeau p. 333). 66 Several studies have concluded that professionals tend to assume a "cosmopolitan" orientation, manifesting itself in a lack of loyalty to particular organizations and a willingness to move from one employer to another, whereas only those less committed to professional skills are usually "locals" with strong feelings of loyalty to their organization. Social workers would easily fit into the Cosmopolite classification. Although there has been comparatively little re- search relating to the social workers' organizational and . . 7 occupational mileau, there have been several reports relating to the personal characteristics of those persons who choose a social work career. Popular stereotypes of the social worker-— whether as motherly healer, cold snoopers, or Lady Bountiful——are almost exclusively feminine. In popular literature, the model of the social worker is a flat-heeled female: even in the daily press, personal items about social workers will likely appear on the Woman's Page. The major historical figures that leap to mind-- Jane Adams, Mary Richmond--are women.118 116Alvin W. Gouldner, "Cosmopolitians and Locals," Administrative Science_Quarterly,‘2 (1957-1958), pp. 231- 306. l7Wilensky and LeBeau, op. cit., p. 323. 118Ibid., p. 373. V (J (n In 67 Pins' and Ginsberg's work follows a parallel in terms of the results reported in relation to the selection of a social work career. In Pins' study over a third of 2,771 participants said that social work was their second choice. Other professions had been tried first. Pins also found that there were more Jewish and Negro social workers than in the general population. Ginsberg substantiates these findings.120 Kadushin comments that there is a pattern that applies to social work and that certain types of persons are likely to be attracted to it. A profile of such a person would be a female of above average intelligence, of pro- fessional or middle class parents, living in a northern city, whose occupational values and interests revolve around a desire to work with people in an effort to help them through the use of verbal skills. w llgArnu1f m. Pins, Who Chooses Social Work, When and WhY? An Exploratory Study of Factors Influencing Career Choices in Social Work (New York: Council on So- cial Work Education, 1963). 120 . . . . Eli Ginsberg, et a1., Occupational ChOice (New York: Columbia University Press, 1951). 121 . . . Alfred Kadushin, "Determinants of Career ChOice and Their Implication for Social Work," Social Work Edu- 923322. April, 1958. 68 Pins' study does not agree with Kadushin's in that he says that social work is attractive to r early twenties, coming from arge eastern d in the social academic records, ial work and who people in thei lower-middle class homes in 1 cities, who in college majore sciences and achieved average had previous experience in soc value and enjoy helping people. Gockel states that value on jobs or ca- social workers place high pportunity to be of reers which give them an 0 service; they are relatively uninterested in jobs which contain an intellectual component: and they are relatively uninterested in mone- tary rewards and the oppoi§gnity to operate independently on the job. He further states that the underrepresentation of men in social work is for an intellectual reason. Perhaps the field attracts men who are limited in their rates of enrollment in high quality schools not for financial reasons but for intellectual reasons. In summary he says that rates of recruitment into social work are rela- tively low among students who endorse the fol- lowing values; freedom from supervision, a chance to exercise leadership, opportunities 122 . . Pins, op. Cit. 123 p 24 Gockel, op. cit., 124Ibid., p. 27. w p; 69 to be original and creative, living and working 2 in the world of ideas and making a lot of money.1 5 Furthermore, Those students who are politically liberal are more likely to remain loyal to social work than those with a conservative orientation. Kidneigh in the comparison of social work students with six other professional schools found that social work students were more liberal in their thinking than students attending other professional schools. Their views were ethnocentric, and conservative in 27 not as anti-democratic, their political—economic philosophy. In a later study, McCornock and Kidneigh sent the Strong Vocational Interest Blanks to 700 men and 700 women randomly selected from the 1952 Membership Directory of the American Association of Social Workers. Approximately 87% of the total sample returned the questionnaires. All subjects were full members of the A.C.S.W. and had at least three years of fulletime experience. Results of 125Ibid., p. 61. 126Ibid.. p. 106. 127John Kidneigh and H. W. Lundberg, ”Are Social Work Students Different?," Social Work, vol. 3, no. 3 (May. 1958). pp. 57—61. 5r be _. h 9 70 the study indicated that both male and female social workers had a strong liking for activities involving peOple, a strong liking for verbal activities and tended to dislike "conservative" people. The men also showed a dislike for the physical sciences and athletic men and the women a dislike for athletic women as well as of scientific, selling, and clerical activities.128 Roe used the Minnesota Multiplastic Personality Inventory and found that social work students were likely to score higher on the effeminate scale. Because she also found out that they gave a more disturbed personality inventory she felt that unfavorable parental relationships had motivated the person choosing social work to find . . 2 more satisfying personal relationships.1 9 Roe also cites three additional studies by Lewis, Piotrowski, Harrower and Cox. She reported that Lewis compared 50 women social workers with the norm groups on 128E. F. Koepp, "Authoritarianism and Social Workers: A Psychological Study," Social Work, vol. 8, no. 1 (January, 1963), pp. 37-43. 129Ann Roe. John Wiley and Sons. 1956)- Psycholqu of Occupations (New York: 71 the MMPI and found them to be significantly lower on mas- culinity, hypochondriasis, and schizophrenia. Roe sug~ gests that the low scores on these scales may reflect the . , .. . . . M 130 soc1al worker s unusual sophistication in Peychology. Piotrowski, who used 18 social work students of superior intelligence in a comparative study of the Ror— schach found that those who were studying social work be- cause they wished to, rather than for other reasons (e.g., outside pressures, etc.) showed particularly greater in- terest in persons. However, contrary results were reported by Harrower and Cox who found social workers to be low in human movement responses, an assumed index of interest in other people. To substantiate this a recent study of low income families by the New YOrk Times "was strongly critical of the condescension and contempt of many social 32 workers toward the poor."1 As was the case with the policeman, the social workers occupational system, his "working personality," lBOIbid. 131Roe, loc. cit. 132New York Times, February 20, 1966, p. 42. 72 and his working mileau as reflected by the present liter- ature were discussed. Even though there is more scientific substantia- tion for commonly held conceptions of social workers there are, nevertheless, many contradictions and unexplored areas. The previous discussion and description of the social work profession will not only be of assistance in providing background information but will assist the reader in understanding the rationale for the assumptions and hypotheses of this study. Summar In the discussion thus far, the central concepts of social role, social systems, and the occupation as a social system have been utilized as the framework for examining the police and social work professions. systems, Subsequently the occupational mileaus, and the "working personalities" of persons in the two Professions were delineated. Studies of the two profes- sions were then discussed and summarized. D. .4. 73 The outstanding conclusion that can be drawn from the previous discussion is that there is a paucity of objective and scientific information about the two profes- sions. Furthermore, attempts to study the two professions have many times been retrospective, contradictory, and inconsistent in their findings. The writer has chosen to study these two profes- sions not only because of the above mentioned factors but also because 19Ehi§~E£E_S£_§SEiEl_E§§9§§_Ehg§§ two proe ffifl‘iiihsve.-§ssr_1_forceé into :hspsliEécs}- and axial . "limelighppl Hopefully this study will contribute to an in- creased understanding of the two professions and the people who occupy them. CHAPTER III PURPOSE OF THE STUDY'AND THE HYPOTHESES Origin of the Study There are probably not two other professions that have been "typed" or "stereotyped" more than the police and social work professions. Adjectives like "authori- tarian" personality and "do-gooder" are commonly heard when reference is made to the two professions. Some de- gree of consensus about the two professions obtained via scientific procedures would be helpful in objectively assessing and designating the norms and values of the two mentioned professions. The writer has worked in settings where social workers and the police are in frequent contact with one another. Often, hostility toward one another's profession is blatent and this hinders the process of cooperatively working together to combat the social ills of society. Clark states that members of both the police department and other social agencies were asked to indicate the 74 75 frequency with which they failed to interact with the other agencies on official matters because the personnel of the other agencies not being "what they should be." Failure to interact was operationally defined to mean (1) avoiding or ignoring a situation which might result in the need for interaction, or (2) turning to somebody else for assistance, or (3) handling the matter themselves without the assistance of others. A significant portion of the police and other agency personnel manage to curtail indi- cated interaction in official matters and therefore, mutually isolate each other within the social control system. This phenomenon is particularly noticeable between the police and social workers which may reflect the presence of conflicting Operating ideologies, lack of professional respecE3§nd ignorance of the others' operations. Since the writer has college degrees in both Police Administration (B.S.) and Social Work (M.S.W.) he not only has witnessed this animosity but in fact feels that he has a fairly good knowledge of "both sides of the story." One aspect has remained extremely clear, a great deal of the criticism--both ways—~is highly subjective and much of the "hearsay" nature. information is of the Not all of the observations and accompanying ad- jectives of the Police and Social Work professions however 133John P. Clark, Isolation of the Police: A Comparison of the British and American Situations, op. cit., p. 313. 76 are unfounded and unwarranted, because in fact the be— havior patterns and attitudes of social workers as com- pared to policemen appear to be in many cases different. Furthermore, different behavior patterns and attitudes appear to exist within the two professions depending on the area of specialization and also rank order in the particular organization. These observations prompted the writer to make the assumption that when social workers are compared with policemen their occupational systems will be dif— ferent. A further assumption is that there will also be varying behavioral styles within the two professions in accordance with the particular area of specializa- tion and rank order in the organization. If then, police and social workers have distin- guishable occupational systems it could be hypothesized that these systems would be reflected (1) when the two mentioned professions are compared, (2) within the pro- fessional sub—specialties, and (3) in the organizational rank of the particular professional. 77 Hypotheses of the Study I. Hypothesis I Different kinds of work and work situations demand different types Of orientations and behavioral styles Of persons who operate them. Since policemen and so— cial workers Operate in different work situations there should be different and distinguishable behav- ioral styles when the two professions are compared. A. Assumptions. Because professions are unique social systems 1. they have Specific values, norms, and atti- tudes. 2. Professions can be distinguished by the prefer- ences, interests, and values Of their members. 3. Extensive research by Walther, McCune, and Petersen134 has illustrated that the relation 134Regis H. walther, Shirley D. McCune, and Peter B. Petersen, "The Shaping Of Professional Subcultures: A Study Of Student Groups from Five Professions," an unpub- lished paper. (Some Of the ideas for the assumptions have come from the above paper.) 78 between the personal characteristics of the individual and his occupation is a reciprocal one. As they have stated, the individual both selects and is selected; molds and is molded. 3.. There are occupational requirements that are unique for each profession- These requirements attract some persons and repel others. Applicants for a particular profession are different from their coun- terparts in other professions. Each profession has a common conception as to the characteristics Of the ideal person for the profession. Because Of this there are both formal and informal selection standards that influence either selection or non—selection for the profession. After being selected for the particular profession the individual has an Oppor— tunity to test himself against the behav- ioral requirements, satisfactions, and value potential of his profession. There 79 is a distinct difference between persons Of different professions and between those persons who remain in the profession and those who resign or are terminated. d. After a person commits himself to a prO- fession both formal and informal pressures tend to alter or change some Of his per— sonal characteristics; namely certain attitudes and behaviors. Both the occupational expectations and the occupational mileau are different for differ- ent professions. Some differences in the police and social work professions are: a. The police encounter many more dangerous situations and Often must make a "life or death" decision. b. In police work there is a greater need for physical agility and endurance because Of the unique types of problem situations. II. 80 The use Of controls is an inherent aspect Of police work. Police organizations are para-military in nature and are organized according to the classical hierarchical structure. Educational requirements are different with a bachelors degree being the minimum requirement for entrance into the social work profession. A high school diploma is usually the requirement for entrance into the police profession. Physical requirements are different; policemen must meet minimum physical standards (height, weight, etc.). Hypothesis II There will be a differentiation Of behavioral styles within the profession of social work depending on the rank Of the person in the organization. III. 81 A. Assumptions 1. Persons who are promoted in the organization are different from those who are not promoted because they have been tested against per- formance standards enforced by the recognized authorities within the profession. 2. Functions and duties will differ between con— sultants, supervisors, and caseworkers. 3. Responsibilities and organizational perspec- tives will differ between the above mentioned organizational levels. Hypothesis III There will be a differentiation Of behavioral styles within the police profession depending on the rank of the person in the organization. A. Assumptions 1. Persons who are promoted in the organization are different from those who are not promoted IV. 82 because they have been tested against perform- ance standards enforced by the recognized authorities within the profession. 2. Functions and duties will differ between troopers and command Officers. 3. Responsibilities and organizational perspec- tives will differ between the above mentioned organizational levels. Hypothesis IV There will be a differentiation of behavioral styles within the profession Of social work depending on the area Of specialization (sub-specialty). A. Assumptions 1. Important sub—specialties exist within every profession. The breadth and flexibility of most professions permit different types Of individuals to succeed for dif- ferent reasons. Sub-specialties can thus be expected to develop within the larger professional 83 culture based on different settings and varied interpretation Of goals. There are significant differences among persons following different sub—specialties within a profession but these differences are signifi- cantly less than the differences between professions.135 The service emphasis and clientel served will 2. differ depending on the particular social work sub-specialty. 3. Unique skills, attitudes, and abilities are required for each Of the various social work sub—specialties. V. Hypothesis V There will be a differentiation Of behavioral styles within the police profession depending on the area Of Specialization (sub—specialty). A. Assumptions 1. Important subrspecialties exist within every profession. 135Ibid. 84 The breadth and flexibility Of most professions permit different types Of individuals to succeed for dif- ferent reasons. Sub-specialties can thus be expected tO develop within the larger professional cul- ture based on different tasks per— formed in different settings and varied interpretation Of goals. There are significant differences among persons following different sub-specialties within a profession but these differences are signifi— cantly less than the differences between professions. 36 The service emphasis and clientel served will 2. differ depending on the particular police Specialty. 3. Unique skills, attitudes, and abilities are required for each Of the various police sub- Specialties. Operational Definitions Of the Study The following list will interpret the meanings Of terms that will be used throughout the study. 136Ibid. l. 3. 85 Behavioral Styles-~Those characteristics which are relevant to job functioning. They refer tO the consistent ways an individual organizes his physical, emotional, and energy resources. These include personality styles, work preferences, and values. The Operational definition Of the term is based upon the measurements on the scales Of the Job Analysis and Interest Measurement (JAIM). A description Of the JAIM will be given in Chap— ter Four . Social Work System-—This includes both the indi- viduals who have positions within the organization and the activities needed to fulfill the positional requirements. The system also includes the Occu- pational milieu and the "working personality." Consult Chapter Two for an elaboration Of this concept. Police System—-This includes both the individuals who have positions within the organization and the activities needed to fulfill the positional require- ments. The syStem also includes the occupational 86 mileau and the "working personality." Consult Chapter Two for an elaboration Of this concept. Organizational Rank-—The position that an indi- vidual occupies in the organizational hierarchy. In the case Of the police this would be either trooper or command Officer. A command Officer is a person with the rank Of corporal or above. In the case of social work this refers tO case- workers, supervisors, and consultants (Staff and not line positions). Area of Specialization—-This refers to the occu- pational specialization (sub—specialty). In the case Of the police, it refers to four divisions within the department; training, crime labora- tory, juvenile, and patrol. In the case Of so— cial work, it refers to one Of the following fields Of Specialization: mental health, social service, school social work, and private agencies. o4 I “ 'F.’ CHAPTER IV DATA COLLECTION Selection Of the "Sample" Studied The Police "Sample"* There is a wide diversity Of police departments in Michigan and there are great numbers Of policemen. The police Officers for the study were selected from one agency mainly because Of the problems of access. The writer had access to the Michigan State Police Department. The Mich~ igan State Police engage and specialize in all Of the func— tions that are considered an integral part of police work. For example, they are actively engaged in juvenile work, training, crime laboratory work, and patrol. It is felt that this will help eliminate local biases and contribute to state-wide representation. ‘— *The police sample Should more appropriately be termed a Purposive sample. The major reason for choosing the Mich- lgan State Police was because the writer had access to the organization. 87 88 In terms Of practical considerations it was ex- tremely convenient to use the State Police because Of the location Of their Headquarters Post (East Lansing). In addition the writer had the advantage Of having per- sonal acquaintences with command Officers at the head- quarters post. It was with their approval and coopera- tion that this research was made possible. Questionnaires were distributed to Officers at the Bay City and East Lansing district posts. In addi- tion questionnaires were distributed to all members Of the training division and the crime lab division at the Headquarters Post and all Of the juvenile Officers in the State Police organization. A total of 100 question- naires were distributed. Because there was total response and total repre- sentation from the two district posts, the training divi— sion, the crime lab division, and the juvenile division the Officers were felt tO be representative Of the patrol, training, crime lab, and juvenile divisions of the Mich- igan State Police. The number Of responses from patrol personnel are much greater because Of the fact that patrol 89 is the major function of the Michigan State Police. Hence the patrol diviSion is by far the largest unit Of that organization. In addition to the answer sheets being coded by particular specialty (training, juvenile, crime labora- tory, and patrol) they were also coded by rank. The respondents were classified into two categories, trOOper or command Officer. A command Officer was considered to be any Officer with the rank of corporal or above. With the rank of corporal, the Officer assumes command respon- sibilities. CHART 1 Rank Position in the Organization of Policemen Rank Number of Policemen Command 29 TrOOper 71 TOTAL 100 *The term "chart" is used throughout this study in its conventional sense. The term "table" could have also been used. 9O CHART 2 Sub-Specialties of Policemen in the Study f Sub-Specialty Number 0 Policemen Juvenile 8 Patrol 72 Training 9 Crime Lab 11 TOTAL 100 All respondents have at least one year Of service and since the greatest "quit" rate Of the Michigan State Police is within the first year, it was felt that the respondents would reflect the behavioral styles Of the police officer who is committed to the profession. Eh? Social Work'Sample" In terms of the social work sample, it was felt that representation of the various social work sub- specialties would be necessary so as tO give the study 91 balance and total representation of the social work field. Unlike police agencies which are all basically the same and have a variety Of functions within each agency, social work agencies are usually a part of a larger departmental structure which has a unique and specialized area Of emphasis. The particular specialty Of the social worker usually coincides with the superordinate department. In other words, social workers in a psychiatric setting are members of the Mental Health Department and likewise SO- cial workers who specialize in public assistance and other like functions are members of the Social Service Depart- ment. In the case of school social workers, they are members Of the Department of Education. Private agencies, although they are not necessarily a subsidiary Of a larger superordinate department, nevertheless usually reflect a different philOSOphy and program emphasis than the other above mentioned departments. A case could probably be made for the fact that each mentioned department has tangential or secondary services that are related to the other departments (such as services to children). Even so, it was felt that the general organizational philOSOphy Of the superordinate department would pervade. 92 For reasons just mentioned, then, it was not felt to be appropriate to merely select one department (Mental Health, for example). Instead it was felt that selection Of a city which provided services that covered the entire scope Of social work practice would be most appropriate. Lansing was considered to be such a city because services were provided by the Mental Health, Social Service, and Education Departments. In addition services were also provided by private agencies. As was the case with the police, social workers were also coded by rank, case- workers, consultants, and supervisors. CHART 3 Rank Position in the Organization Of Social Workers Number of Rank . SOCial Workers Consultants 19 Supervisors 28 Caseworkers 53 TOTAL 100 93 CHART 4 Sub—Specialties Of Social Workers in the Study . Number Of Sub—SpeCialty Social Workers Mental Health 24 Social Service 44 Private Agency 18 School Social Workers 14 TOTAL 100 There are approximately 110 persons with master's degrees in social work in the Greater Lansing area as re- flected by the membership list Of the local social work organization. Each Of these persons was contacted and hence instead Of having a sample there was a population. A total Of 100 answer Sheets were received. Although educational background was not a factor with policemen it was felt to be important with social workers--thus the reason for selecting only persons with master's degrees in social work. 94 Persons with masters degrees are considered to be the professional or trained social workers and it is this category that is most Often "typed." Furthermore, persons with M.S.W.'s make most Of the policy decisions. The com- mitment of persons to the field Of social work was felt tO be stronger among those persons who had attained the masters degree. Age of the respondents was not felt to be an im- portant variable in the study because the major emphasis Of the study is to determine if the police and social work professions as a whole can be "typed." Correlations be- tween age and behavioral style will be computed, however, with there being an analysis in terms Of ten-year inter— vals starting with the age Of twenty and ending with the age Of sixty. Even though age could have an effect and the study will compute it, it is for informational pur- poses only. It has not been controlled for. Sex is also considered to be a minor factor in the study because all of the police respondents are male. A differentiation between sex and behavioral style will be computed for social workers however. 95 CHART 5 Sex Distribution of Policemen and Social Workers in the Study Sex Number Of Number Of Policemen SOCial Workers Male 100 51 Female 49 TOTALS 100 100 CHART 6 Age Distribution Of Policemen and Social Workers in the Study J l Age Number of Number Of Policemen SOClal Workers 20 - 29 42 30 30 ~ 39 35 38 40 - 49 23 23 50 - 59 9 TOTALS 100 100 96 Measugement Instrument137 The research instrument used in the research herein reported, the Job Analysis and IntereSt MeaSure— ment (JAIM),138 has evolved over a ten-year period through a series Of studies Of mature workers in over forty occu- pations and professions, including business executives, juvenile court judges, ambassadors, physicists, social workers, policemen, army Officers, engineers, lawyers, and secretaries. The beginning point for the development Of the JAIM was the discovery that certain self— description items answered by the U.S. State Department personnel when they entered the Department were useful in discriminating among employees assigned tO different jobs, and in predicting both staying power and performance rat- ings within these jobs. These results led tO the con— clusion that the achievement Of a satisfactory level Of k 37Pages 96 to 113 were taken from the JAIM Manual and also from "The Shaping Of Professional Sub—Cultures: A Study Of Student Groups from Five Professions," by Regis H. Walther. Shirley D. McCune, Peter B. Petersen. an un- published paper, 1968. 138 . . Distributed for research purposes by the Educa— tional Testing Service, Princeton, New Jersey. Studies using the JAIM are reported in Walther (1964, 1965), Wal- ther and McCune (1965), Petersen and Lippitt (1968). 97 job satisfaction and performance requires an adequate psychological match between the job and the individual and that self-reported beliefs, typical behaviors, prefer- ences, and values provide useful information for judging the adequacy of the match. The notion that the study Of the internal frame Of reference of the individual is a useful approach for understanding behavior is consistent with the views Of many personality theorists (Rogers, 1961; Combs and Snygg, 1959; Kelly, 1955; ROkeach, 1960). Kelly, for example, in proposing his psychology Of personal constructs states that man creates his own ways Of seeing the world in which he lives; the world does not create them for him. Thus, if we examine a person‘s philosophy closely, we find our- selves examining the individual himself. TO understand how a person behaves, we need to know the manner in which he represents his circumstances to himself.139 The research leading tO the development Of the JAIM found persuasive support for Kelly's point Of view regarding the importance Of personal constructs and for m 1391bid. 98 the predictive power Of self—descriptive statements. It also led to the conclusion that a useful way to sub-divide personality variables for role or occupational analysis purposes is into behavioral styles, activity preferences, and values. In general, as mentioned previously, behav- ioral styles are the consistent ways in which individuals organize and direct their mental, physical, and energy resources to accomplish goals. Activity preferences and values refer tO attitudes and norms. (Because this re- search utilizes a self-report instrument there is always the possibility that the self-reported behavior and the actual behavior may not be the same.) These variables in- fluence the degree Of occupational match as follows: -—Different roles or jobs have different behavioral requirements and provide varying Opportunity for personal satisfaction and feeling Of value: --Individuals bring to their roles or jobs behavioral styles, activity preferences, and values; and --It is the degree Of match between the role or job and the individual in these dimensions, which sig- nificantly influences hOW'Well the individual will either perform in the job: be satisfied with the role or job, or both. 99 The measurement of behavioral styles, work prefer- ences and values through self—descriptive statements raises two issues of theoretical concern-~how accurately can an individual report on his own personality and how truthful will he be when he makes such reports? The first issue re— lates to the differing effects Of unconscious and conscious motives and the second to the problem Of response sets. In the approach used with the JAIM, the crucial question is the relationship between beliefs and behavior. To deal adequately with his task environment. the individ- ual needs (a) to know what he wants and what he does not want, (b) to Obtain pertinent and reliable information about his environment, and (c) to make productive choices among the alternatives available to him. In making these decisions, he will be guided by his beliefs about the in- tentions of other people, his beliefs about his own ability to influence the outcomes Of events, and his strategies—- which are his notions about what will work for him. These beliefs can be reported by means Of self—descriptive statements and can be used to predict behavior. Uncon- scious forces are assumed to be represented reliably but not necessarily accurately by these beliefs. 100 The amount Of intentional distortion Of reSponses is reduced in this study by administering the JAIM to cooperative subjects under non—threatening circumstances. The effect Of response set is kept tO a minimum through use Of a "forced choice" format. Self—report methods are not fool—proof, however. Consult the JAIM manual for a further discussion of this subject. The three clusters of personality variables (be- havioral styles, activity preferences, and values) and the JAIM scales that measure them are discussed in the following sections. One scale, Academic Achievement, does not fit into any category and is defined in the Appendix as are the other JAIM scales. Behavioral Styles Each of us functions in a world too complex for continuous, consciously determined response. Man can deal with a very limited amount of information at one time, yet there is an almost limitless amount of informa- tion which could be noticed, and an almost infinite number Of decisions to be made and physical actions tO be com- pleted at the physiological, psychological, and 101 sociological levels for the individual to function ade— quately in the world. Almost all determinations as to what tO notice, what it means, what to do about it, and the actual physical manipulation Of both the individual's internal and external environment are performed "auto- matically" through complex patterns Of behavior which are available to the individual with a minimum Of con- scious effort. We necessarily develop standard ways for dealing with recurring situations and reserve conscious informa- tion processing and decision—making for more significant occasions. This organization gives rise to behavioral styles-~characteristic types Of performance, conscious and unconscious, in various life Situations. An indi- vidual's behavioral styles are determined, in part, by his innate characteristics: his eXperience with what works and what does not work for him; and the social values he has acquired. Behavioral styles are very dif- ficult to change because their elements work together as part Of a functioning system. Experience sometimes re- sults in Slow change, put planned change requires the use Of a good deal Of conscious effort, frequently more than the individual is able or willing tO spare. 102 It is impossible for an individual to have behav— ioral styles which will enable him to be equally effective in all types Of situations. Behavioral organizations which lead to effective performance in one type of situ- ation frequently lead tO inefficient performance in other situations. An habitual response Of one type can be ex- pected to make other types of response more difficult. The behavioral styles measured by the JAIM and a description Of each scale Of the instrument will follow. The JAIM is organized into six categories Of scales. The categories and the scales listed in each 140 are: A. Personal Orientations l. Optimism—-measures the degree to which the indi- vidual assumes that the intentions of other people are benevolent and that satisfactions can be ex- pected in the natural course Of events. 140For a description Of the scales Of the JAIM and a summary Of use Of these scales, see Appendix B. A OOpy of the JAIM may be found in Appendix A. The scales were summarized from‘Walther, McCune, Petersen, "The Shaping of Professional Subcultures: A Study of Student Groups from Five Professions, Op. cit. 103 Self-Confidence--measures the degree to which the individual believes that he can, by his own action, influence future events. Perseverance—~measures the degree to which the individual keeps at something even when he is not particularly interested in it. Orderliness--measures the degree tO which the individual has internal standards which he follows. Plan Ahead--measures the degree tO which the in- dividual is a self-starter and directs his own activity toward goal achievement. Moral Absolutes--measures the degree to which the individual believes in moral absolutes. Slow Change-—measures the degree to which the in- dividual believes that change should proceed at a slow pace. Interpersonal Influence 8. Persuasive Leadership--measures the degree to which the individual exerts leadership in inter- personal situations. 104 9. Self-Assertiveness--measures the degree to which the individual tends to pursue his own goals when they are in competition with the goals of others. C. Reaction to Aggression 10. Move Toward the Aggressor-—measures the degree to which the individual tries to "pour oil on troubled waters" when someone acts toward him in a belli- gerent or aggressive manner. 11. Move Away from Aggressor--measures the degree tO which the individual withdraws when someone acts toward him in a beliigerent or aggressive manner. 12. Move Against Aggressor——measures the degree to which the individual counterattacks when someone acts toward him in a belligerent or aggressive manner . D. Relationship to Authority 13. Prefer Routines-—measures the degree to which the individual likes to have definite procedures avail- able which he can follow. 14. 15. 105 Identifies with Authority--measures the degree to which the individual identifies with his superior and tries to please him. Independence——measures the degree to which the in- dividual likes to act on his own. Leadership Styles and Strategies 16. 17. 18. Directive Leadership--measures the degree tO which the individual believes that an executive gets the best results by making decisions himself. Participative Leadership—-measures the degree to which the individual believes that executives get best results by having the work group participate in decision—making. Delegative Leadership—-measures the degree tO which the individual believes that the executive gets best results by delegating decision-making authority as much as possible to individual workers. 19. 20. 106 Motivates by Knowledge Of Results—-measures the degree to which the individual believes that people are motivated best by knowledge Of results (intrinsic motivation). External Controls—-measures the degree to which the individual believes that most people require external controls. F. Information Processing Style 21. Systematical-methodical--measures the degree to which the individual uses systematic-methodical methods for processing information and reaching- decisions. G. Work Preferences 22. 23. Problem Analysis--measures the degree to which the individual likes to analyze situations and develop ingenious solutions tO problems. Social Interaction--measures the degree to which the individual likes work involving interactions with peOple. 24. 25. 26. 27. 107 Mechanical Activities--measures the degree to which the individual likes mechanical activities. Supervisory Activities—~measures the degree to which the individual likes to plan and supervise the work of other people. Activity—Frequent Change-—measures the degree to which the individual likes to be actively engaged in work providing a lot Of excitement, and a great deal Of variety. Group Participation—-measures the degree to which the individual identifies himself with a highly valued group. H. Values 28. 29. Status Attainment--measures the degree tO which the individual values himself by his achievement of the status symbols established by the culture. Social Service-—measures the degree to which the individual values himself by contributing to social improvement. 108 30. Approval from Others--measures the degree to which the individual values himself by Obtaining the approval Of others. 31. Intellectual Achievement——measures the degree to which the individual values himself through his intellectual attainments. 32. Maintain Societal Standards-~measures the degree tO which the individual values himself by helping to maintain standards established by the society Of which he is a part. 33. Role Conformity--measures the degree to which the individual values himself according to how suc- cessfully he can conform to the role requirements Of the society. I. Other 34. Academic Achievement—~measures the degree to which the individual does well in academic situations. 109 Stability Of JAIM Scales An important problem which concerns the users Of a self—report inventory is the stability Of the scales when used for different samples from the same population. The JAIM Manual reports a study of Junior Foreign Service Officers showing that there was no significant difference between different classes Of newly appointed officers who completed the JAIM shortly after entering on duty. In a study by Walter in 1966141 a comparison was made between forty-five first year students from the 1964-65 class and fifty-four first year students from the 1965—66 class at one Of the schools of social work. Over 90% Of the two classes completed the JAIM shortly after the first sem- ester started. The average t value for the difference between the means was .75 with the difference between means for Only two Of the thirty-four scales being signif- icant at the .05 level. The slight differences which were found might be accounted for by minor differences in 141Regis H. Walther, "Personality Variables and Career Decisions," an unpublished paper, George washington University, Washington, D.C., February, 1966. 110 selection standards or in the characteristics of the stu- dents who applied for admission during the two years. Correlation of JAIM Scales with Performance Criteria In the JAIM Manual, studies are reported showing significant correlations between JAIM scales and rate Of promotion, supervisory ratings, turnover in jobs, promo- tion panel ratings and oral selection panel ratings. In another study reported in the JAIM, scales were correlated with school grades, field work ratings, and scores on ability tests for the social work student sample. "School grades" means the grade received by the social work stu- dent at the end of the academic year during which he com- pleted the JAIM. The field work rating was the rating given him by his supervisor during his field service at hospitals, clinics, welfare agencies, etc., as part Of his social work educational program. Both of these cri- teria can be eXpected to be unreliable, with the field work ratings being the least reliable. Factors which can be expected to contribute to unrealiability were that the subjects attended schools with different standards and were 111 judged by many raters. Under these circumstances, any significant correlations can be considered encouraging. The Miller Analogies Test and the Graduate Record Examination were taken prior to completing the JAIM as part Of the admission procedure. The highest correlations were with the Verbal Sub-Test of the Graduate Record Examina- tion with seventeen from the thirty-four correlations be- ing statistically significant. Interpretation Of Scores The score reports for the JAIM are based on a nor- mative group Of 4,361 applicants who took the U.S. Depart- ment Of State Foreign Service officers examination in September, 1963, and who turned in JAIM answer sheets. The higher the score on a particular scale, the more Often the subject has chosen the Options for this scale as being descriptive of himself in preference to the Options for other scales and has avoided Options which are negatively scored for the scale. The lower the score on a particular Scale, the less Often the subject has chosen the options for this scale as being descriptive Of himself in preference to the Options for the other scales and the more 112 Often he has selected Options which are negatively scored for the scale. The logical relationship to the underlying hypoth- esis for each scale is the ability Of the item to distin- guish between occupants of a job requiring the character— istic being measured from occupants Of a job not requiring the characteristic. Scoring Scoring keys for the JAIM are not available. Ar- rangements for scoring must be made through the Office Of Special Tests, Educational Testing Service, Princeton, New Jersey, or through Dr. Regis Walther, author Of the JAIM. The scoring Of the instrument utilizes a digital computer program for this purpose. Items keyed tO a scale can have either positive or negative values. Weights Of more than one are used only for Options representing points along a scale. The reliability and validity Of JAIM scores using the test-retest procedure and the split half methods Of determining reliability are reported in the manual Of the JAIM. 113 The JAIM as It Relates to the Present Study The previous discussion and description of the JAIM instrument has illustrated how the concept Of be— havioral styles is related to the thirty—four measurement scales Of the instrument. The hypotheses Of this study have been predicated on the concept Of behavioral styles and their implicit relationship to the thirty-four scales Of the instrument which was developed to test and dis- criminate between behavioral styles of different profes- sions. Even though the hypotheses Of this study are gen— eral in nature, specific scales of the instrument can be correlated with the previous research undertaken in the police and social work fields. The particular scales that will be most relevant for this study will be desig- nated and substantiated by pertinent literature in the field. First, however, the data preparation and process- ing techniques used in the study will be discussed. The .05 level Of significance will be the criteria for the acceptance or rejection Of a relationship. Be- cause there is an extensive number Of scales in the 114 instrument—~thirty-four tO be exact-~this means that two Of the thirty-four scales can be significant at the .05 level by chance alone. Therefore, in order for a hypoth- esis to be accepted, three or more scales will have to be Significant at the .05 level. The greater the number Of scales past two that are significant at the .05 level the greater the support and substantiation for the particular hypothesis. For example, a hypothesis that has ten scales that are significant at the .05 level of significance is much more impressive and provides greater substantiation for that hypothesis than does a hypothesis that has only four scales at the .05 level of significance. An impor— tant point. then, to be aware Of is that the number Of scales that are significant for a particular hypothesis is probably more important than whether or not the par— ticular hypothesis has been accepted or rejected. It is recognized that there are alternative sta- tistical procedures that could be considered for this study. For example, the study could make the assumption that each scale Of the instrument measures independent events and that scores are independent Of each other. The method of binomial expansion could be utilized to IOfi 115 Show the probability Of the occurrence of a particular sequence of events. In addition the use Of discriminate function could be initiated. The fact remains however that the scales Of the JAIM are not independent Of one another and are, in fact, intercorrelated. Hence the first method described is most appropriate for the present study. In terms Of the data gathering process and the statistical tests used in the study, the machine scored answer sheets were coded after they were received from the respondents. They were then sent to George Washing- ton University where they were placed in an Optical scaner and then into the computer. The statistical tests that were deemed appropriate and subsequently used were the following: 1. Analysis Of variance which provides a method of testing for significant differences between means among and between groups. 2. T—tests Of the means. 3. Chi-square. 116 The correlations and comparisons that were made by the use Of the above mentioned tests were the follow- A comparison Of the behavioral styles of the police profession vs. the social work profes- sion. A comparison of the behavioral styles Of the organizational rank levels within the profes- sion Of social work. This means a comparison of: a. supervisors to consultants b. supervisors to caseworkers c. consultants to caseworkers A comparison Of the behavioral styles of the organizational rank levels within the police profession. This means a comparison Of command Officers to troopers. A comparison Of the behavioral styles Of the sub- specialties within the police profession. This means a comparison of: 117 juvenile to patrol juvenile to training juvenile to crime laboratory patrol tO training patrol to crime laboratory training to crime laboratory A comparison Of the behavioral styles Of the sub-specialties within the social work profes- sion. This means a comparison Of: mental health to social service mental health to private mental health to school social service to private social service to school private to school A comparison Of age groupings and behavioral styles within the police profession. This means a comparison of the following age group- ings: 118 a. 20-29 to 30-39 b. 20-29 to 40-49 c. 30-39 to 40-49 8. A comparison of age groupings and behavioral styles within the social work profession. This means a comparison Of the following age groupings: a. 20-29 to 30-39 b. 20-29 to 40-49 c. 20-29 to 50—59 d. 30-39 tO 40-49 e. 30-39 to 50-59 f. 40—49 to 50-59 9. A comparison Of the behavioral styles Of the sexes within the profession Of social work. As mentioned earlier in this section, the inter- correlations Of the JAIM scales with research undertaken in the police and social work fields will be discussed. First the JAIM scales and the authors Of the pertinent research will be discussed as they relate to the police 119 profession. Next they will be discussed as they relate to the social work profession. Footnotes will not be provided because the authors' works were previously discussed and cited in Chapter two. The following JAIM scales, Perseverance, Prefer Routines, Orderliness, and Directive Leadership should correlate with Skolnick. Niederhoffer, and Walther's com— ments about the policeman's strict adherence to rules and regulations. Clarkts discussion about the strict enforce- ment Of laws being an integral function Of police work should also support the findings Of the above scales and in addition have implications for the External Controls scale. Reddin's thesis about the policeman's moralistic attitudes not only relates to the above discussion but should be reflected in the Moral Absolutes scale. The Role Conformity scale should measure the degree to which the policeman values himself according tO how successfully he conforms to the role requirements Of society. North and Hatts discussion Of the low prestige Of the police profession should have implications for the Self-Confidence scale. 120 The Move Against Aggressor, Persuasive Leadership, and Self-Assertiveness scales relate tO comments made by Skolnick, Sheldon, Turman, and Mills. For example Skol- nick believes that danger and authority in an occupation are incompatible because danger undermines the judicious use of authority and yields self-defensive conduct. Be- cause Of the many danger situations, persuasive leadership is not expedient and self—assertiveness becomes common- place. Also in relation tO self-assertiveness. Sheldon has said that the police fit perfectly into the mesomorph classification. Mesomorphy is highly correlated with the temperament of Somatotonia. This temperament is charac- terized by assertiveness, dominance, and competitive aggressiveness. Skolnick supports this when he says that the policeman needs to be "tough and have physical agility." Niederhoffer mentions that there is a great feel- ing Of "esprit de corp" in the police profession. Further- more, both Skolnick and Niederhoffer talk about the police- man's dependence on his colleagues and the need for team- work. The Participative Leadership and Delegative Leader- ship scales relate tO these concepts. 121 The Social Interaction scale should reflect Clark's and Skolnick's ideas about police isolation. The Intellectual Achievement and Academic Achieve— ment scales are related to Giaradin's comments and the results of the New York police survey in which it was learned that most policemen come from the lower portions of their graduating high school classes and generally have not been successful in past academic endeavors. The Identifies with Authority scale should be significant in terms Of statements by Adorno, Niederhoffer, and Wohl in relation to the policeman as an authoritarian personality. Certain scales Of the JAIM should be equally re- vealing for the social work profession. Pins and Gins- berg mention the profession Of social work being the "second choice" of many social workers. The Perseverance scale might be significant in this case. The Moral Absolutes and External Control scales should reflect the work Of Freud, McCormick, Kidneigh, and Glockel. Freud's writing emphasizes how external con- trols inhibit expression of man's needs and drives. McCormick and Kidneigh talk about the social worker's 122 dislike for conservative personalities, while Glockel alludes to the social worker's liberalism. McCormick and Kidneigh also discuss "the social work personality" and their general dislike for athletic people. The Self-Assertiveness scale should measure these feelings. The Move Toward Aggressor scale should be sig- nificant for the same reasons as above and should also reflect Roe's research concerning the social worker's distaste for physical activities and their scoring higher -On his effeminate scale. The Move Against Aggressor scale should be low for the Opposite reasons as those stated for the Move Toward Aggressor scale. Glockel's research Showed how social workers dis- like independence and are not leadership oriented. The Independence and Directive Leadership scales should mea- sure these relationships. The Problem Analysis scale Should reflect Glockel's findings about social workers not being interested in original or creative activities. McCormick and Kidneigh's finding that social workers dislike scientific people could also have implications for this scale. 123 McCormick and Kidneigh, Pins and Glockel all men- tion that social workers like activities which involve working with people and helping them. Piotrowski also mentions that social workers are interested in people although Harrower and Cox found the opposite to be true. The Social Interaction, Social Service, and Group Parti- cipation scales should measure these concepts. Niederhoffer and others have discussed the social worker's need to be nice, friendly, and helpful. If this is the case, social workers should score high on the Approval From Others scale. The Status Attainment scale Should reflect Glockel 5 comments about social workers not being interested in mone- tary rewards and McCormick's and Kidneigh's discussion Of social worker's dislike for competitive persons. There has been much contradictory discussion con— cerning the intelligence Of social workers. Pins states that they are above average intelligence while Glockel mentions that they are below the average in comparison with most college graduates. Glockel further mentions that social workers are uninterested in the intellectual 124 component of a job. The Intellectual Achievement and Academic Achievement scales are designed to measure these concepts. The results of this study should help determine the accuracy of the above theorists' findings and con- cepts. The following chart will designate the scales that are expected to be significant when policemen and social workers are compared. 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