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THE IMPACT OF SOCIAL CHANGE ON POLICE DEVELOPMENT
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RIYADH POLICE DEPARTMENT

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THE IMPACT OF SOCIAL CHANGE ON POLICE DEVELOPMENT
IN SAUDI ARABIA: A CASE STUDY OF

RIYADH POLICE DEPARTMENT

BY

Mohammad Owayedh R. Rajehi

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Sociology

1981

THE IMPACT OF SOCIAL CHANGE ON POLICE DEVELOPMENT
IN SAUDI ARABIA: A CASE STUDY OF

RIYADH POLICE DEPARTMENT

BY

Mohammad Owayedh R. Rajehi

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University

in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Sociology

1981

D V
Approved: Professor Peter Manning, Chairman . (.I [l 1 . 1

Professor James McKee, Member , a
Professor Christopher Vandergé/J/ (1!”
Member 1"‘¢
Professor Robert Trojanowicz

(Criminal Justice), Member 11"
Professor John Hudzik (Criminal “ 4) ‘,,

Justice), Dean's Representative

ABSTRACT
THE IMPACT OF SOCIAL CHANGE ON POLICE DEVELOPMENT

IN SAUDI ARABIA: A CASE STUDY OF
RIYADH POLICE DEPARTMENT

BY

Mohammad Owayedh R. Rajehi

The main purpose of this study was to explore, eXplain,
and analyze the effect of specific aspects of social change
in Saudi Arabia, a traditional society, on police development.
The interest was in the cause, impact, and consequences of
change in police role, function, and structure. The writer
explored the roots, origins, and structures of Saudi Arabian
society as a background for the specific case study. It was
deemed proper to outline the concept of social organization
and to ask such general questions as: What is social struc-
ture? What is social change? What are the sources or factors
of change? What are the measures of change? How does a
given society react to change (i.e., is change welcomed or
resisted)? What are the sources of resistance? What is social
control in a society? In other words, where does the locus
of power to "apply sanctions" reside in a society? How does
the legal system Operate? What role is assigned by tradition

to the police? What is the function, role, and structure of

Mohammad Owayedh R. Rajehi

the police during a period of change? What degree of control
over society does the police department have? Who controls
the police? In the first two chapters these general questions
were asked in the specific context of Saudi Arabia.

These questions, along with the writer's hypotheses,
were the mainstream upon which the theme of the study focused
and traced its explanatory and analytical processes. Parti-
cular attention was paid to economic growth, population growth,
crime rate, foreigners living in Saudi Arabia, and widespread
education and the impact of these factors on police develOp-
ment in Saudi Arabia. These factors were the main independent
variables of the study. Other important factors such as
religious and political commitment and modern communication
were touched upon and briefly described rather than statisti-
cally analyzed. The hypotheses were:

I. Economic growth has a direct effect on police
development.
II. Population growth leading to urbanization has a direct
effect on police development.
III. Crime rate has a direct effect on police develOpment.
IV. Educational growth has a direct effect on police
develOpment.
V. Foreigners living in Saudi Arabia affect police
develOpment.
The dependent variable for this research was the main subject

matter, police organization in Saudi Arabia.

Mohammad Owayedh R. Rajehi

The research was built upon the writer's own
experience of 13 years as a police officer (lieutenant
colonel) and 7 years as a government employee-~a total of 20
years of government service. The study relied on three types
of data: published and unpublished government documents,
statistical yearbooks, and other literature on police develOp-
ment in general and in Saudi Arabia in particular: personal
interviews with the five highest police officials in the
Saudi Arabian police force; and a questionnaire that was ad-
ministered to 55 police officers in the capital city of
Riyadh's police department and to high-ranking officers in
the General Directorate of Public Security (10 captains, 26
majors, 6 lieutenant colonels, 6 colonels, 3 major generals,
and 4 lieutenant generals). The questionnaire data were
analyzed statistically. The background of interviews,
existing literature and documents was also utilized. Based
on this, the five hypotheses were accepted.

Limitations of the study are noted and discussed,

and the degree of generalizability of the findings assessed.

© COpyright
Mohammad Owayedh R. Rajehi

1981

ii

o a, a In the Name of Allah, the
5? M . Compassionate, the Merciful

iii

To my children, Naif, Nada, Nader, Noha, and Nezar,
my mother, Haya, and my wife, Sameera, who
value knowledge and appreciate education

iv

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The writer would like to extend his thanks and
gratitude to the many individuals whose help, assistance
and guidance have contributed a great deal in shaping,
completing and executing the study in its present format.
Any shortcomings of this study regarding contents, judgment
or conclusions are the sole responsibility of the writer.

Special thanks goes to Professor Peter Manning,
the Chairman of the Guidance Committee, for his valuable
expert advice and his academic guidance. He has been very
helpful all through the study's many phases. Also, many
thanks to the members of the Committee, Professors Chris-
tOpher Vanderpool, James McKee, and Robert Trojanowicz,
for their valuable time, assistance, guidance and continuous
encouragement and patience. Special thanks should be
attributed to Professor John Hudzik, the Dean of the Social
Science College's representative, who gave me many valuable
suggestions for changes and good ideas to include in the
study. My gratitude also extends to those authors whose
books and articles I used for my research, especially
Dr. David Bayley, Charles Tilly and Associates, Professor

Peter Manning, Neil Smelser, Guy Swanson, the Project Star

authority, and the many others whose names could not
possibly be included in this brief paper.

I would also like to thank all those police officers
in Saudi Arabia who were very helpful and cooperative during
the administration of the questionnaires and personal inter-
views in Riyadh. I am deeply in debt to all those officers,
especially Lt. Colonel Fahed Al-Ghannam, Regional Planning
and Budget Director, Colonel Mohammad Iben Raja', Regional
Traffic Department Director, Lt. General Mohammad Iben Aish,
Riyadh Police Department Director, General Mohammad Iben
Hallal, Coast Guard General Director, and Full General
Abdullah Al-Shiekh, Public Security General Director, for
their help, understanding, and assistance.

In addition to the above officers, special thanks
go to Prince Naif Iben Abdullaziz, Minister of the Interior,
and his Vice Minister, Prince Ahmed Iben Abdullaziz, for
their full encouragement, helpful suggestions, and their

unlimited assistance.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Chapter

I.

II.

INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Background to the Problem . . . . . . .
Introduction to Saudi Arabia . . . . .
Historical Background . . . . . . . .
Geography . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Population . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Form of Government . . . . . . . . .
Social Structure . . . . . . . . . .
The Legal System . . . . . . . . . .
The Police System . . . . . . . . . .
The Problem Focus . . . . . . . . . . .
The Importance of the Problem . . . . .
Definition of Terms . . . . . . . . . .
Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Overview of the Study . . . . . . . ...

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE . . . . . . . .

General Factors of Social Change . . .
Social Change . . . . . . . . . . . .
Development . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Economic Growth . . . . . . . . . . .
POpulation Growth . . . . . . . . . .
Growth in the Crime Rate . . . . . .
Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Police DevelOpment as a Response to the
Preceding Factors of Social Change .
Role of the Police . . . . . . . . .
Police Organization and Structure . .
Politics and Control of the Police .
Police Functions and Definition . . .

Factors of Social Change in Saudi Arabian

SOCiety O O O O O O O I O O O O O O 0
Economic Growth . . . . . . . . . . .
POpulation Growth . . . . . . . . . .

vii

Page

xiii

55

56
56
59—
61—
62’
64-”
70

71
73
75
77
78

82\
83

III.

IV.

V.

Educational Growth . . . . . . . .
Growth in the Crime Rate. . . . .
Foreigners Living in Saudi Arabia .

Growth of Traditional Institutions as

Result of DevelOpment . . . . . .
Police DevelOpment in Saudi Arabia .
sumary O O O O O O O O O O O O O I I

METHODOLOGY, PROCEDURE, AND OPERATIONALIZATION

Sample . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Justification for the Selection and
Location of the Sample . . . . .

Design of the Instrument . . . . . .
Other Sources of Data . . . . . . . .
Operationalization . . . . . . . . .
Economic Growth . . . . . . . . . .
Population Growth . . . . . . . . .
Crime Rate . . . . . . . .

Foreigners Living in Saudi Arabia .
Education . . . . . . . . . . . . .

DATA ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS . . . . . .

Statistical Techniques . . . . . . .
Descriptive Statistics . . . . . .
Inferential Statistics . . . . . .

Characteristics of Respondents . . .

Analysis of the Data . . . . . . . .

Hypothesis I: Economic Growth Has a Direct

Effect on Police DevelOpment . .

Hypothesis II: Population Growth Has a
Direct Effect on Police Development .

Hypothesis III: Crime Rate Has a Direct

Effect on Police DevelOpment . .

Hypothesis IV: Education Has a Direct
Effect on Police Development, Both

Qualitatively and Quantitatively

Hypothesis V: Foreigners Living in Saudi

Arabia Have an Effect on Police
Development . . . . . . . . . . .

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND IMPLICATIONS

Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . .
Implications of the Study . . . . . .

Limitations . . . . . . . . . . . .
Generalizations . . . . . . . . . . .

viii

Page

86
88/“
93/

103
109

123
124

129
132
132
133
134/
134/’
135/
136/
137

139
139
139
140
140
142
143
146

148

154

156
177

178 _
182/
185
185
186

Page

BIBLIOGRAPHY O O O O O O I O O O O O O O O O O O O O 191
APPENDIX A: THE QUESTIONNAIRE (English Version) . . 200
APPENDIX B: THE QUESTIONNAIRE (Arabic Version) . . 204

ix

4.3

LIST OF TABLES

ARAMCO' S SHARE IN SAUDI ARABIA'S OIL
PRODUCTION AND REVENUES . . . . . . .
SAUDI ARABIA: KEY ECONOMIC INDICATORS . .
CRIME INDEX FROM 1966- 75 . . . . . . . . .
MOST SERIOUS CRIMES FROM 1977- 78 . . . .

ALL CRIMES COMMITTED FROM 1977- 78 REGARDLESS

OF SERIOUSNESS . . . . . . . .
NUMBER OF PEOPLE BY NATIONALITY (SAUDIS AND
NON- SAUDIS) WHO COMMITTED SERIOUS CRIMES
FROM 1966-75 AND FROM 1977-78 . . . . .

RANK AND YEARS OF POLICE SERVICE OF
RESPONDENTS . . . . . . . . . . . .

DATA FOR HYPOTHESIS I: ECONOMIC GROWTH HAS A

DIRECT EFFECT ON POLICE DEVELOPMENT . .
4.2.1. Responses to Economic Growth
Question . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2.2. Responses to Economic Growth
Question by Rank . . . . . . .
4.2.3. Responses to Economic Growth
' Question by Years of Service .
DATA FOR HYPOTHESIS II: POPULATION GROWTH
HAS A DIRECT EFFECT ON POLICE DEVELOPMENT
4.3.1. Responses to Population Growth
Question . . . . . . . . .
4.3.2. Responses to Population Growth
Question by Rank . . . . . . .
4.3.3. Responses to POpulation Growth
Question by Years of Service .
DATA FOR HYPOTHESIS III: CRIME RATE HAS A
DIRECT EFFECT ON POLICE DEVELOPMENT . .
4.4.1. Responses to Increased Crime Rate
Question . . . . . . . . . . .

4.4.2. Responses to Crime Rate Question by

Rank 0 O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Years of Service . . . . . . .

0

4.4.3. Responses to Crime Rate Question by

Page

91
91

92

94
141
145
145
145
145
149
149
149
149
152
152
152

152

4.5 DATA FOR
DIRECT
4.5.1.

4.5.2.
4.5.3.

4.6 DATA FOR
EFFECT

4.6.1.

Periods from 1939 to 1959 Giving

Best Indication of Social Problems

(Crime Rate) Such as Homocide,

Burglary, Theft, Rape, and Traffic

Accidents as Measured in
Question 5 . . . . . . . .
Periods from 1959 to 1979 Giving

Best Indication of Social Problems

(Crime Rate) Such as Homocide,

Burglary, Theft, Rape, and Traffic

Accidents as Measured in
Question 5 . . . . . . . . . .
HYPOTHESIS IV: EDUCATION HAS A
EFFECT ON POLICE DEVELOPMENT . .
Responses to Education Question
Responses to Education Question
by Rank . . . . . . . . . . .
Responses to Education Question
by Years of Service . . .
HYPOTHESIS V: FOREIGNERS HAVE AN
ON POLICE DEVELOPMENT . . . . .
Responses to Question 7 about the

Source of Social Problems (Crime
Rates) as Measured in Question 5

Rank vs.
(Crime Rates) as Measured in
Question 5 for 1939-1959 . . .

Years of Service vs. Source of

Source of Social Problems

Social Problems (Crime Rates) as
Measured in Question 5 for 1939-

1959 . . . . . . . . .
Responses to Question 9 about the

Source of Social Problems (Crime

Rate) as Measured in Question 5
Rank vs.
(Crime Rate) as Measured in
Question 5 for 1959-1979 . . .
Years of Service vs. Source of
Social Problems (Crime Rate) as

Source of Social Problems

Measured in Question 5 for 1959-

1979 . . . . . . . . . . . .
Responses to Question about the
Effect of Increased Numbers of
Foreigners on the Crime Rate .
Rank vs. Effect of Increased
Numbers of Foreigners on Crime
Rate . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Years of Service vs. Effect of
Increased Numbers of Foreigners
on Crime Rate . . . . . . . .

xi

Page

153

153

157
157

157
157

160

160

160

160

161

161

161

164

164

164

4.6.10.

4.6.11.

4.6.12.

4.6.13.

4.6.14.

4.6.15.

4.6.16.

4.6.17.

4.6.18.

4.6.19.

4.6.20.

4.6.21.

Responses to Question 11 about
Crimes Associated with an
Increased Number of Foreigners
During the Period 1969-1979 . . .

Rank vs. Increase in Crime Fre-
quency Due to Increased Numbers
of Foreigners . . . ... . . . . .

Years of Service vs. Increase in
Crime Frequency Due to Increased
Numbers of Foreigners . . . . . .

Responses to Question 12 about Non-
Crime Related Problems Caused by
Foreigners During 1969-1979 . . .

Rank vs. Non-Crime Related Problems
Caused by Foreigners During 1969-
1979 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Years of Service vs. Non-Crime
Related Problems Caused by
Foreigners During 1969-1979 . . .

Responses to Question 13 on Whether
or Not Saudi Arabia Should StOp
Importing Foreign Laborers . .

Rank vs. Whether or Not Saudi Arabia
Should Stop Importing Foreign
Laborers . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Years of Service vs. Whether or Not
Saudi Arabia Should StOp Importing
Foreign Laborers . . . . . . .

Responses to Question 14 on the
Effects of StOpping the Importa-
tion of Foreign Laborers . . . . .

Rank vs. StOpping the Importation
of Foreign Laborers Would Decrease
Crime Rate . . . . . . . . . . .

Years of Service vs. StOpping the
Importation of Foreign Laborers
Would Decrease Crime Rate . . . .

xii

Page

166

166

166

168

168

168

170

170

170

172

172

172

LIST OF FIGURES

Map of Saudi Arabia . . . .

Organizational Structure of
Force in 1937 . . . . . .

Organizational Structure of
Force in 1950 . . . . . .

Organizational Structure of
Force in 1964 . . . . . .

Organizational Structure of
Force in 1966 . . . . . .

Organizational Structure of
Force in 1976-1977 . . .

Organizational Structure of
the Interior in 1980:
Sections . . . . . . . .

Organizational Structure of the General
Directorate of Public Security in 1980

Organizational Structure of the Riyadh Police

Department in 1980 . . .

xiii

the Ministry of
Main Organizational

Saudi

Saudi

Saudi

Saudi

Saudi

Police

Police

Police

Police

Police

Page

24

26

28

30

31

33

35

108

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Background to the Problem

 

In develOping countries, as well as in developed ones,
social change not only brings important and innovative ideas;
it also brings conflicts and contradictions to the societies
involved. Such change not only affects every segment of
social organization in any given society, it also affects the
daily lives of everyone in that society, irrespective of
whether the sources of change come from inside or outside.
Since we all live in a world of ideas and fast communication,
peOple are affected by the ideas and discoveries of others.
In such situations, social control agencies, especially the
police, are at the "cutting edge" of social change. In other
words, for the police (being one segment of the social struc-
ture), the impact of social change on their role, structure,
and function is at its peak. They must carry the burden of
coping with the heavy stress of maintaining law and order in
the society, with all its differentiated social structures,
and at the same time keep their original, traditionally pre-

scribed role. However, the definition of social change and

social order that guides the police in their work may lag
behind the conceptual meaning of these terms. Strecher
correctly pointed out this problem when he said that "the
police see social order as a planned process when it actually
involves a number of interrelated factors such as technology,
economy, social structure, values, and cultural institutions."1
Therefore, the main purpose of this study was to ex-
plore, eXplain, and analyze the effect of specific aspects of
social change in Saudi Arabia, a traditional society, on
police develOpment. The interest was in the causes, impact,
and consequences of change in police role, function, and
structure. In doing so, the writer was bound, as any social
science researcher is, to note the necessity of digging deeply
into the roots, origins, and structures of Saudi Arabian
society before presenting the specific case study. It was
therefore deemed proper to outline the concept of social organ-
ization and to ask such general questions as: What is social
structure? What is social change? What are the sources or
factors of change? What are the measures of change? How
does a given society react to change (i.e., is change wel-
comed or resisted)? What are the sources of resistance? What
is social control in a society? In other words, where does
the locus of power to "apply sanctions" reside in a society?
How does the legal system Operate? What role is assigned by

tradition to the police? What is the function, role, and

structure of the police during a period of change? What
degree of control over society does the police department
have? Who controls the police? Furthermore, these general
questions were asked in the specific context of Saudi Arabia.
These questions, along with the writer's hypotheses,
were the mainstream upon which the theme of the study focused
and traced its explanatory and analytical processes. Parti-
cular attention was paid to economic growth, pOpulation growth,
crime rate, foreigners living in Saudi Arabia, and widespread
education and the impact of these factors on police develop-
ment in Saudi Arabia. These factors were the main independent
variables of the study. Other important factors such as
religious and political commitment and modern communication
.were touched upon and briefly described rather than statis-

tically analyzed.

Introduction to Saudi Arabia

 

Due to the fact that this research is concerned with
the impact of social change on the develOpment of law enforce-
ment agencies in Saudi Arabia, it is deemed proper to famil-
iarize the reader with Saudi Arabian society. This introduc—
tion will briefly touch upon the historical background,
geographical location, pOpulation, economy, form of government,
social structure, legal system, and police system in Saudi

society.

Historical Background

 

Historically, the Saudi Arabian dynasty dates back
to 1703 when an alliance was formed between Prince Muhammad
Ibn Sau'ud and Sheik Muhammad Ibn Abdul-Wahhab, the founder
of the Wahhabi religious movement. During this period many
struggles and setbacks threatened the Saudi dynasty, leading
to a breakdown in political continuity and control of the
region (the central part of what is known as Saudi Arabia
today). The first starting point for the present, unified
kingdom began only in 1902 when Abdul Aziz a1 Saud recaptured
the city of Riyadh from Ibn Rashid. At this time the country
was divided into several regions: one area (the eastern
province) was under the control of the Ottoman Empire; another
area (the central region) was under tribal rule and exper-
ienced disputes among tribal leaders for territorial control;
and the remaining area (the western province) was under
Hashimait control. Abdul Aziz undertook the difficult task
of uniting these regions and their inhabitants under one
nation; a task which required about twenty years of contin-
uous effort to accomplish. This dream was finally realized
in 1932 when the whole Arabian peninsula was unified under
one officially recognized name--the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.
This consolidation could be considered the first step in the

nation-building process.

Geography

 

Geographically, Saudi Arabia is bounded to the north
by Jordan, Iraq, and Kuwait; to the east by Qatar, the United
Arab Emirates, and the Sultanate of Oman; to the west by
the Red Sea; and to the south by Yeman and Oman (see Figure
1.1). The kingdom occupies an area of just over one million
square miles, an area approximately equal to one-third of the
area occupied by the United States of America. The density
of the Saudi Arabian pOpulation is nearly six persons per
square mile which is comparable to the 1970 pOpulation density
of the United States. The climate is permanently hot and dry,
and there are no permanent rivers. Rainfall is scarce (about
3.5 inches per year) with occasional rainstorms occurring
during the winter months. The mountain areas tend to be
temperate, the coastal areas are more humid, and inland areas,
such as the capital city of Riyadh, experience very hot

summers and moderately cold winters.2

Population

 

POpulation statistics for Saudi Arabia are widely
variable. The Saudi Arabian government has not been able to
release accurate population statistics in part because approx-
imately 10 to 15 percent of its pOpulation consists of nomadic
peOples. Also, the continuous migration from rural to urban
areas does not allow for an accurate census. Thus, estimates

vary from six million to nine million peOple. The latest

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estimate, which is provided by the U. S. government in its

January 1980 National Basic Intelligence Fact Book, indicates

 

that the population of Saudi Arabia is 8,224,000 with an
average annual growth rate of three percent.3 In 1974
statistics, the Saudi Arabian government estimated that the
country's population was just over seven million.“ Fouad
Al-Farsy estimates that the pOpulation was over eight million
in 1978, including the immigrant work force.5 However,

The Third World Encyclopedia cites a figure of 9,240,000 for

 

the year 1976.6

Yet another figure is provided by the U. S. Department
of State which in September 1979 estimated the pOpulation to
be 7.1 million.7 From such contradictory figures one can see
the dilemma facing the researcher who seeks accurate and
reliable information concerning the actual population of

Saudi Arabia.

Economy

The main economic source of gross domestic product
(GDP) is oil. Table 1.1 shows the country's oil revenues
from 1962 to 1976. Key economic indicators for fiscal years
1977-1980 are summarized in Table 1.2. In 1979, the GDP was
estimated to be over $78 billion, with an annual growth rate
of 24.9 percent. Per capita income was estimated at $11,500.8
According to Newsweek magazine, the Saudi Arabian government

had the fourth highest per capita GNP in the world in 1979.9

TABLE 1.1

ARAMCO'S SHARE IN SAUDI ARABIA'S OIL PRODUCTION AND REVENUES
=a=========================================================

 

Aramco's Total Oil Oil Revenue Total Oil

Production Production by Aramco Revenues
Year (m/b) (m/b) ($ millions) ($ millions)
1962 555.1 599.8 381.7 409.7
1963 594.6 651.7 571.3 607.3
1964 628.1 694.1 482.4 524.3
1965 739.1 804.9 618.7 664.1
1966 873.3 949.7 745.8 789.9
1967 948.1 1,023.8 853.2 903.6
1968 1,035.8 1,113.7 872.0 926.4
1969 1,092.3 1,173.9 895.1 949.2
1970 1,295.3 1,386.7 1,148.4 1,214.0
1971 1,641.6 1,740.6 1,806.4 1,884.9
1972 2,098.4 2,202.0 2,643.2 2,744.6
1973 2,677.1 2,772.6 4,195.0 4,340.0
1974 2,996.5 3,095.1 22,375.0 22,573.5
1975 2,491.8 2,582.5 24,838.6 25,676.2
1976 3,053.9 3,139.3 29,937.3 30,747.5

 

SOURCE: Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency (SAMA), Annual Report:
1977 (Jeddah, Saudi Arabia), cited in Jobarah Bid Suraisry,
"DevelOpment of a Dualistic Economy: A Case Study of Saudi
Arabia" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Colorado, 1979),
p. 63.

 

9

TABLE 1.2

SAUDI ARABIA: KEY ECONOMIC INDICATORSl

 

 

 

 

Exchange Rate:

1977 US$1.00 - SR 3.5251 Fiscal Year Fiscal Year B/A Fiscal Year
1978 US$1.00 - SR 3.3996 1977/782 1978/792 Percent 1979/80
1979 8531.00 - SR 3.368 Change

 

Income and Production

 

e

 

 

 

 

 

GDP 64.2 75 e + 16.8 104
Per Capita GDP (US dollars) 10,351 11,800e + 14.0 15.700
CD? (at 1969/70 prices) 12.0 13.3e + 10.8 15.3
on-Oil GDP 25.5 32.82 + 28.8 41.1
Non—Oil GDP (at 1969/70 prices) 5.8 6.8 e + 17.2 7.9
GDP Deflator 4.39 4.83 + 10 5.30
Government Budget
Budgeted Revenue 42.3 38.5 ' 8.9 47.6
Budgeted Expenditure 32.2 38.5 + 19.5 47.6
Actual Revenue 40.9 39.3 - 3.9 60
Of which oil revenue 34.8 34.2 - 1.7 54
Actual Expenditure 32.2 43.6 + 35.4 57
Surplus or Deficit +8.7 -4.3 -l49 +3
1978/77
1977 1978 Percent 1979
Change
Oil, lioneyL Prices
Crude Oil Production
(million bbl/day) 9.2 8.3e - 9.8 9.6
Money Supply 13.0 17.1 + 31.5 21
Cost of Living Index (1970 - 100) 304.2 299.4 - 1.6 310
Trade and Balance of Payments
Total Government (SANA) Foreign Assets 59.1 58.9 - .3 56.92
Offical (SANA) Reserves Minus Gold +24.6 19.2 - 22 17.2
Current Account Balance 12.3 -0.1 -100 +7
Exports (FOB) 40.8 37.8 — 7.4 54
US Share (percentage) 9.5 15.7 + 65.3 15
Imports 14.7 20.4 38.8 25
US Share (percentage) 18.6 20.9 11.8 21

 

e = estimated
f = Embassy forecast

1All values in billions of current U.S. dollars unless otherwise indicated
2

Saudi Fiscal Year 1977/78 - June 17, 1977 to June 5, 1978; 1978/79 I June 6. 1978 to
May 26, 1979; 1979/80 - May 27. 1979 to May 15, 1980.

3A5 of April 30. 1979.

“As of August 31, 1979.

5Principal imports from the United States: cars and trucks; aircraft and avionics; cereals
and prepartions; electric power equipment; construction and mining equipment; heating and
cooling equipment.

SOURCES: Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency (SANA); Ministry of Finance Central Department of

Statistics; International MOnetary Fund, Embassy estimates cited in "Saudi Arabia: Develop-
ment Still Emphasizes Islamic Traditions." Mideast Business Exchange IV (June 1980): 31.

10

The increased wealth from oil revenues has had a considerable
effect on migration, widespread education, and the crime rate
(especially for property crimes). Chapters II and IV discuss
the effect that this wealth has had on creating social prob-
lems for police officials, especially regarding the increased
size of the foreign work force that has come to work on the
many developmental projects and programs.

In 1977, agriculture accounted for only one percent
of the GDP, yet its share of employment was 20.5 percent.10
This is in sharp contrast to agriculture's role before oil
was discovered in 1939. At that time agriculture was the

primary economic source both for employment and income.

Form of Government

The government is a monarchy, and Saudi Arabia is
ruled at present by one of the founder's sons, King Khaled
Bin Abdul Aziz. The King heads the government as prime minis-
ter. The Council of Ministers has full executive powers,
direct administrative responsibility, and financial control
over the government. Each ministry has a full complement of
supporting staff and services to insure the smooth fulfillment
of the overall national develOpment plan. Saudi Arabia is a
founding member of the Congress of the Islamic World, the
Arab League, the United Nations, the International Monetary

Fund, and a wide range of other international organizations.

11

The Saudi Arabian governmental structure is centralized
yet flexible and elastic. An example of this is the element
of decentralization which has been in effect since 1963 when
the country was administratively divided into five provinces
(western, central, southern, eastern, and, more recently,
northern). Each province has an appointed governor (amir)
who is charged with local administration, maintenance of
peace and order, and interpretation of Islamic laws. These
governors are given a direct delegation of authority to deal
with all matters regarding their provinces.

Although there are no elections and no political party,
Saudi Arabia has its own form of Islamic democracy. In prin-
ciple all men are regarded as equal, and differences are
minimized between the rich and the poor, the governors and
the governed. To put this principle into practice, ministers
and public officials keep their doors Open during certain
daily hours. Anyone with any type of business can come without
prior appointment and be offered refreshment in accordance
with Arab custom.11

This open-door policy is practiced even by the highest
ranking official of the country, the King. His Majesty
devotes one hour of his working time every day except Thurs-
day (which is devoted completely to this practice) so that
peOple may come in and talk about any problem or issue that

they might have. This period is "spent giving audiences Open

12

to all his peOple, hearing grievances, righting wrongs,
dispensing reward and punishment."12 It was at such an

audience (majlis) that King Faisal was assassinated.

Social Structure

 

The value system in Saudi Arabia differs from that of
any Western society. It also differs from the Japanese
value system even though Japanese society has eXperienced the
same changes that Saudi Arabia is eXperiencing now. In Saudi
Arabia, the value system is centered around close family ties,
whereas in Western societies the value system is centered
around material values. In Japan, according to Bellah, the
"value system is characterized by the primacy of 'political
values.'"13 He adds, "there were no clans or sibs, the
lineage and nuclear family being the most important structural
unit."1“

On the other hand, Saudi Arabian society is character-
ized by close relationships between families and kinship.
Families depend on each other a great deal. These kinship
ties are maintained even in urban life. Dr. Ibrahim Al-Awaji,
Deputy Minister of the Interior, said in his thesis that "the
identity of the individual is identical with that of his
group. Individual initiative is only encouraged when it

serves and enhances the interests of the group."15

Allegiance
to Islam, loyalty to the family, and loyalty to the community

are the bonds which hold the Saudi peOple very close together.

13

Strengthening these ties are the common faith, which
encompasses 100 percent of the population, the common language,
and the non-distinguished class characteristic. People are
looked upon as equal and no one man is above others. The
only difference that exists between one person and another
is what each establishes between himself and his God through
his true faith and good belief. Social economic classes are
there, of course, but the Islamic doctrine Of equality does
not differentiate between this in treatment. Those bonds in
turn give the individual a sense of importance derived from
his social group and a feeling of belonging. Joseph Schacht
describes the Saudi Arabs as follows:
The (Saudi) Arabs were, and are, bound by tradition and
precedent; they were, and are, dominated by the past. . .
Whatever was customary was right and proper. Whatever
their forefathers had done deserved to be imitated.16
What Mr. Schacht failed to realize was the fact that the
Saudi's forefathers had never ridden in an airplane, never
gone abroad to study modern technology, and never had a
rational development plan to absorb the increasing economic
growth of their country. But their late sons did, and still
do, and will continue to do so. Regarding this point, Nerp
said:
As long as the Saudi economy continues to expand rapidly,
a talented, industrious and loyal secularly educated
commoner can be certain of profitable employment and
advancement. The best indication of the devotion and
loyalty of this emerging modern middle-class was that
as of the mid-705 almost all Saudis educated abroad
returned home to work; this was in sharp contrast to

almost all other develOping nations which have eXper-
ienced extensive brain drains.

14

From this, it is clear that Saudi people are striving for
better education, better skills, and better growth for their
country in increasing numbers. It is true that Saudis are
faithful to their families and their group, but it holds
true, too, that they weigh much loyalty to their country
which is actually composed of the larger group.
In an article written in 1974, Harold W. Glidden
observes that:
In group solidarity, stemming originally from Arab
values, is probably the most salient characteristic of
the mechanics of Arab society. It demands a high degree
of conformity and therefore imparts a strong authoritar-
ian tone to Arab culture and society.18
This high conformity is really the key safeguard to stability
and security against deviant behavior. PeOple may conform
in fear of punishment, but they certainly will conform if the
deviant is pointed out in front of his family and group who
had been clean and conforming. The consequence of this is
not a feeling of guilt for the act itself, but actually the
feeling of aching shame. And for more in this regard, Glidden

adds:

Whereas societies based at least in part on the so-called
protest ethic are often characterized as "guilt-ridden"
or "guilt-oriented," the traditional Arab society is
often described as "shame-oriented". . . Shame that is
"intensely feared" comes not from the commission of an
act condemned by the value system, but from the dis-
covery by outsiders of that act. Hence, there is an
intense concern with and catering to outward appearance
and public Opinion that many observers have noted as
being characteristic of the Arab society.19

15

The stability of the Saudi Arabian political as well
as social system is due mostly to the fact that the "sociali-
zation" process, that is close family and group ties and
school's uniformity, are attained and maintained through
homogenous and consistent ways, where elements influencing
the individual do not seriously conflict either with each
other or with his adult activities and expectations. In
spite of urbanization, new mass communication, widespread
education (both vocational and academic), the rapid growth
of the economy, and the rise of socioeconomic change, Saudi
Arabia is still one of the most, if not the only, stable and
fast-growing countries. By keeping its homogeneity and
Islamic traditions, Saudi Arabia has helped to reduce crimi-
nal activities, especially violent ones. As Nyrop comments:
. . . With development of a dual system of harsh
repression of crime and swift and impartial justice,
reportedly has successfully suppressed the growth of
a criminal element. . . . Incidence of crime is not a
major problem facing Saudi cities though figures are
not publicly known. In 1976, they were reportedly
very low.20

Regarding Saudi Arabia's homogeneity, Nerp writes:
The Saudis are relatively homogeneous ethnically and
are primarily from indigenous Arab tribes. Within the
tripartite division of Arab culture, Saudi Arabia shows
a "high degree" of cultural uniformity. . . the country's
cultural homogeneity indicates a similar homogeneity
of values. Founded on the triple foundation of Islam,

family, and tradition, the Saudi value system has shown
relatively little erosion.21

16

The Legal System

 

The Operating legal system in Saudi Arabia is the
Islamic (Sharia) law. Under this law all crimes and their
punishments are prescribed and specified by the Holy Koran.
Once the accused has been proven guilty beyond reasonable
doubt, he receives the Specified penalty corresponding to his
crime. In this case, the judge or anybody else, for that
matter, cannot reduce or adjust the penalty. Crimes according
to Islamic law are divided into three major categories:

1. Crimes which are considered to be restrictive

ordinance of God. Included in this category are the following

 

major crimes: (1) adultery, (2) false accusation of adultery
for the purpose of defaming or degrading someone's honor,
(3) drinking, (4) robbery, and (5) property crimes. Penalties
for these crimes are rendered in accordance with the obliga-
tion to God as specified. The Holy Koran reads:

It is not for the faithful, man and woman, to decide

by themselves a matter that has been decided by Allah

and his messenger, and whosoever commits an affront to

Allah and his messenger is certainly on the wrong path.

(XXXIII:36)

2. Crimes against the person. Included in this
category are (l) deliberately taking a person's life, (2)quasi-
deliberate killing, (3) mistaken killing, (4) deliberate
assault to injure (bodily harm), and (5) mistaken assault.

The right to claim damages for these crimes rests with the

individual's legal guardian, father, mother, brother, son,

daughter, wife, or close relative in the case of killing.

17

If no relative is found, the state assumes the responsibility
as the legal guardian. In the case of deliberate homocide,
it is only up to the relatives mentioned above to waive their
right against the accused person either by forgiving him,

by demanding blood money, or by demanding his execution.
Depending on the relatives' wishes, the accused will be
either set free or executed. In the other cases (2, 3, and
4) or if the accused has no money, bond must be paid by the
culprit.

3. Chastisements. In the last category are petty

 

offenses or cases of concern to the public interest but which
have no specific penalty in Islamic law. Decisions concerning
the application and kind of punishment are left to the judge's
discretion.

Besides these basic categories, there are other regu-
latory devices to be initiated by the government from time to
time when they are necessary. Traffic regulations, customs,
naturalization, and civil service regulations are some exam—
ples of such. But, even these regulations are formed to
conform to the same basic principles of Islamic law and follow
the guidelines set down in the Koran, which call for justice,
equality, fairness, and good faith. Therefore, the Saudi
Arabian government makes it clear that in each instance when
such regulations conflict with or disregard Islamic law, they

are not enforceable and should be disregarded by the people.

18

For example, any employee can leave his office at the time of
prayer and join his colleagues in performing the prayer, and
if his superior told him to stay and work at that time, he
can refuse the order and no one can punish him for that dis-
obedience. God says, "No obedience of human order that
contradicts or comes in violation of God's order."

Islamic Law. Islam in the Arabic language means

 

"submission." In religion it means submitting oneself to God.
All that one does is directed to God, asking his guidance and
requesting his mercy. Islamic law is the basic law of the
land in Saudi Arabia from which stems the guiding principles
for the society's regulatory behaviors.

There are four basic sources of Islamic law with a
controversial fifth source. The "Koran" (Shariah) is the
primary source and is defined as the words of God transmitted
by His angel Gabriel to His prOphet Mohammed. 'Dr. Al-Moududi
emphasizes the importance of this source because it "embodies,
word by word, the instructions, the commandments of God and

"22 The second source is the

is His unadulterated word.
"Sunah" (the prOphet's traditions), which clarifies, explains,
and exemplifies the meanings of the Holy Koran. Not only
this, but it also includes what the prOphet said and did or
what someone else said and did in the prOphet's presence
without his objection. The third source is "Giyas" (analogy),

that is when an act has been taken as a rule or precedent

that can be applied to future cases or situations. The fourth

19

source is "Ij'mai" (consensus). This refers to a situation
when the judge or the "wally" (governor) decided a case with
no precedent during the prOphet'S lifetime and the prOphet
was not involved in the action. After the prophet's death,
consensus was to be reached by Islamic scholars or religious
heads. The fifth source is "Ijtihad" (inference) which is
based on the judge's own knowledge and background. This
source is used only when the preceding four sources provide
no clear-cut guidelines on how to resolve the present case.
This fifth source has been the subject of a great deal of
religious debate among Islamic scholars (Imams) regarding its
validity and application. The controversy has developed
because there are four schools of Islamic law: the "Hanbali"
School, named after its founder, Imam Ahmed Ibn Hanbal; the
"Maliki" School, named after Imam Ibn Malik; the "Shafis"
SchOol, named after Imam Al-Shafi; and, finally, the "Hanifis"
School, named after Imam Abu Hanifa. Both Maliki and Hanifis
doctrines recognize the utilization of "Ijtihad" though in
different forms and under different names-~for example, when
using this source is in the public interest. On the other
hand, the Shafis and the Hanbalis try to restrict the usage
of this source. Saudi Arabia relies heavily on its Islamic
interpretation of the Hanbalis doctrine.23

Islam is not only a religious law covering one aspect

and ignoring the many prevailing social, political, and

20

economic situations, but it is a complete way of life which
lays down the fundamentals of every social arrangement.
Dr. Al-Moududi writes:
The Sharia'h (Islamic law) has given us the broad
framework of administrative 1aw--exactly in the same
way as it has given the fundamentals of constitutional
law and has left it to the discretion of the Muslims to
build up the details in accordance with the demands
of the age (time) or country in which they live--subject,
of course, to the limits prescribed by the Sharia'h.
According to Joseph Schacht, Islamic law is systematic--that
is to say, it represents a coherent body of doctrines.25
Its several institutions are well put in relation with one
another; the greater part of the law of contracts and obliga-
tions, for instance, is constructed by analogy with the con-
tract Of sale. Furthermore, the whole of the law is permeated
by religious and ethical considerations. Islamic law not
only defines man's relations, duties, and obligations toward
God, but also defines man's relations, duties, and obligations
toward his fellow man in five principles. These Islam char-
acterizes as the rights of the individual which should be
protected and insured. The first such right, "the self,"
concerns the right of a man to exist and to be free to enjoy
his life. The second right, "the property," insures the
right to preserve personal property ownership. Third is
"the honor," which holds that an individual has a right to

defend himself against false allegations and accusations.

The fourth right, "the mind," asserts that a man has as much

21

right to the use of his mind for judgment, reasoning, and
making rational decisions as to life itself. A life without
a reasoning mind is not a life at all. "The religion," the
fifth right, claims that a man has a right to practice his
chosen faith, creed, and belief, providing this choice does
not lead to practices violating Islamic law when in an Islamic
country. Thus, Islam is inclusive. Interference with a
man's prerogative to practice his preferred religion is a
crime. The Islamic position is that religious humanism,
whether Islamic or Christian, cannot be human without God,
God being the beginning and end of all religions. After
looking at how the government functions under Islamic law
and at how that law affects the society, it is appropriate
to look at how the criminal justice system functions under

Islamic law.

The Police System

 

The police mandate in Saudi Arabia is carried out
within the framework of the Islamic legal system. Historically,
the Saudi Arabian police force was established officially on
a small scale, by Royal Decree No. 233 in the early 19303.

At that time, only four cities in the Hejaz region had some
form of uniformed police presence left over from the Hashi-
miat kingdom, whose King Housien had left Hejaz in 1926 after
King Abdul Aziz captured it. Those police precincts inheri-

ted their system of policing from the Turks who occupied

22

Hejaz and most of the Arabian peninsula until 1920. King
Abdul Aziz, by issuing this decree, ordered that all four
cities (Mecca, Taif, Jeddah, and Medina) were to be central-
ized under one head director located in Mecca. Prior to the
establishment of a uniformed police force, policing was done
by informal methods. These methods consisted of making the
respective governors (amirs) of each city, town, or village,
the responsible body for enforcing all civil as well as
criminal cases with the assistance and advice of the existing
judge (kadi). Each governor (amir) had at his disposal a
body of chosen men called "Khoyia",companions,who were used
as messengers and bodyguards. Those companions were sent
upon the request of a complainant to the said accused to ask
him to report to the governor to investigate the matter.

Upon the arrival of the said culprit, the governor asked the
plaintiffs to present this case in front of the accused.

When the governor heard the case as presented by both parties,
he had many Options open to him. If the accused was proven
guilty, the governor ordered both parties to settle the matter
peacefully. If this procedure worked out, the matter was
finished. If no settlement was reached, the accused was
ordered to pay back what he had unlawfully taken or he was
jailed until payment was attained. If, on the other hand,
the governor was unable to establish guilt beyond reasonable
doubt, then both the complainant and the accused were sent to

the judge who then determined, according to legal Islamic law,

23

the final say in the case. After rendering his judgment,
the judge sent the case and both parties to the governor
who executed the ruling of the judge without hesitation. The
accused could appeal his case to higher courts if he wished.
For crime prevention, there was no formal procedure enforced
by the governors, only each group could do that among them-
selves. Since each group knew each other well, crimes against
morality, property, or self were prevented under organized
ethical and moral standards. Interestingly enough, this old
informal system of policing is still practiced very widely
in towns and villages which still don't have police depart-
ments.

From 1932, the time of unifying the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia under a formal system, formally-organized police depart-
ments have been spreading rapidly across the country. If one
looks at the organizational chart of the Saudi Arabian police
force in 1937, 1950, 1969, and 1980, one would realize the
major change which took place over this short period of time.
Fouad Hamza, who was King Abdul Aziz's advisor and Deputy
Minister for Foreign Affairs until 1940, described the central
police force in Mecca in 1937.26 This description is sum-
marized in Figure 1.2, Organizational Structure of the Saudi
Police Force in 1937.

From this chart, it seems that the police function

was performed on a small scale and to limited degrees.

24

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25

Activities of police work were directed towards moral
enforcement, major crimes, and some traffic enforcement.
Planning, training, construction of facilities, and Special-
ized units were all absent. Even the Ministry of the Interior,
which now directs the police force, was notcreated in its
present form until 1951. With increasing social problems
and increasing police departments, the formal central depart-
ment had to be enlarged to meet these increasing demands and
generate prOper responses, and, at that time, Specialized
units were not established. Personnel were few and their
educational backgrounds were very low. Even the traffic con-
trol function was not maintained in its proper form. Some-
times one person headed two divisions at the same time and
spent most of his time and energy trying to cope with many
cases and to make the best of an overloaded situation.
Therefore, in 1950, Royal Decree No. 3594 provided
for the establishment of a central General Directorate for
all police forces in Saudi Arabia. Specified in this decree
were the organizational charts of the national headquarters,
the duties and obligations for police, the methods and ways
of conducting criminal investigation, and the rights and
safeguards of the accused individuals. The 1950 organiza-
tional chart for the General Directorate of Public Security

is shown in Figure 1.3.

26

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27

Even this structure was enlarged compared with the
preceding one of 1937. However, the fact remains that it did
not provide enough coverage for the increasing needs of modern
times. The national police headquarters continued to accom—
modate all police departments and personnel, except the Coast
Guard, until 1962 when the General Investigative Branch, Civil
Defense, the Naturalization and Immigration Branch, and later,
the Police Colleges, were separated, each becoming a regional
force connected directly to the Ministry of the Interior at
the same level as the national police headquarters (called
the General Directorate of Public Security). This expansion
was dictated by the expansion of the country's national income,
the prevailing social and political demands of the time, and
the necessity of specialization.

A major break for the national police headquarters in
regard to specialization came in 1964 when new divisions with
Specialized tasks were created. Figure 1.4 shows the increase
both in the number of departments created and the specialized
divisions that were added. As can be seen from this chart,
the new organization was far from being perfect. There were
a lot of overlapping functions. Some divisions were separated
when in fact they could have been combined for practical
purposes. For example, the civilian division and the officer's
division dealt with personnel matters; the budget projects
and accounting office both dealt with financial matters.

Therefore, a reorganization was badly needed to correct the

28

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29

overlapping. Thus, in 1966 the General Directorate of Public
Security was reorganized in a more simple, yet effective

way, as can be seen from Figure 1.5. This chart shows some
incorporation and consolidation of coherent activities. It
is more specialized, yet additional organizational fragmen-
tation was avoided. Chain of command and span of control
were easily monitored. Ease of communication was facilitated
at vertical as well as horizontal levels. However efficient
and Simple this chart might be, other changes took place
after it was established. The next major move to change the
organizational chart took place during 1976 when new depart—
ments or divisions were created and already existing depart—
ments were expanded to include new divisions or subdivisions.
It is interesting to point out that with every coming of a
new General Director, a change in the organizational chart
should take place. Thus, in 1976-1977 a new Chart was
authorized and adapted as can be seen from Figure 1.6.

Saudi Arabia's police system at present resembles
that of the French system in regard to tasks, national struc-
ture, nature of control, internal organization (except in
training--the former is military, the latter civilian), and
role of behavior and image (except in perceived character,
the Saudi police are perceived as trustworthy,27 the French
police are mistrustedze). It is highly centralized. Not

only are regulations, uniformity, and procedures identical

30

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32

throughout the country, but the Ministry of the Interior has
the authority to direct, control, and finance the police
force. Figure 1.7 outlines the main organizational sections
of the Ministry of the Interior.

The system of policing is conceived, considered, and
operated as a national government responsibility. Yet,
Operational control is not exercised by the Ministry of the
Interior but is delegated to the general director of each
police force at the main headquarters in Riyadh. In turn,
each director general delegates some of his authority to the
respective police department directors in cities around the
country.

There are four distinct police forces, each headed by
a full general as director general. First, there is the
Public Security General Directorate with responsibility for
connecting all police departments. Second, there is the
General Directorate of Investigation. Third, there is the
General Directorate of the Coast Guard with responsibility
for patrolling the border and watching for illegal entry or
smuggling. Each of these three forces is headquartered in
Riyadh. Finally, there is the General Directorate of the
Special Forces Unit, a new police force created for quick
deployment in times of emergencies and local crises. There
used to be a General Directorate for Civil Defense, but in

1977 it was reduced to a department and came under the

33

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34

authority of Public Security.* Figure 1.8 outlines the present
organizational structure for the General Directorate of Public
Security.

One of the distinctive characteristics of the police
profession in Saudi Arabia is that it is independent of poli-
tics. That does not mean political affiliation to the govern-
ment's rules and regulations, but it means that police offi-
cers or chiefs are not politically selected or elected; they
rise to their position through rank and seniority. No junior
officer can head a division while there is a senior one in
that division. This is to avoid influence or non-seniority
bases for promotion and to insulate against political inter-
ference. It is a traditionally, professionally, and morally
unethical and unaccepted practice to appoint a person other
than on a seniority basis. Part 4, Section 1, Article 23
of the uniformed officer‘s code issued by Royal Decree M/9,
dated March 14, 1979, includes a statement that makes senior-
ity the basic condition for promotion to the next rank.

Another interesting point is that the uniformed
officer's code treats every officer in the country in the
same way, regardless of the force with which they work. For
example, all uniformed, commissioned officers (2nd lieutenant
and up) of each rank have the same basic monthly salary,

basic monthly living expenses, basic yearly clothing allowance,

 

*The Internal Security Forces College is treated at
an equal level of directorship within the Ministry of the
Interior heirarchy.

35

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36

basic yearly housing allowance, basic 45 days vacation a year,
and must spend the same amount of time in each rank before
promotion. For example, a major, whether in the Coast Guard,
Public Security, General Investigation, Special Forces Unit,
or the Police College within the Ministry of the Interior,
receives the same basic salary, fringe benefits, and promo-
tion period as a major in the military, air force, navy, or
national guard. In other words, any officer can transfer from
one force to another without losing seniority or pay. There
are some extra fringe benefits for special types of jobs.

For example, pilots are given extra for flying, special forces
unit officers are given special benefits, officers who teach
in the college, those with master's degrees in science
(engineering, chemistry, etc.) and those holding a Ph.D. in
any field receive special pay. This special pay is not
counted when they move from the job or as part of their
retirement benefits.

No officer may be commissioned or promoted except by
royal decree. Officers' files are reviewed by a higher offi-
cer's committee which makes a recommendation to the appropriate
ministry. The respective minister sends an official letter
approving the committee's wishes to the Council of Ministers
which is presided over by the King. After these steps have
been taken, a royal decree promoting or commissioning the

named officer(s) is issued.

37

Officers may not be fired unless they have been
judged morally or ethically at fault. These charges must be
proven, and any dismissal must be authorized by the King,
who is the commander-in-chief of all of the forces. The
dismissal of an officer may occur as the result of one of
two formal procedures: the Criminal Court may make a legal
decision or the higher officer's committee may recommend
disciplinary action. In both cases, the higher officer's
committee must make a recommendation to the respective minis-
ter who in turn must approve the recommendation and send it
to the Council of Ministers. The King presides over this

Council and has the final say on the subject.

The Problem Focus

 

The police are in the midst of the dilemma of the
cause, effect, and outcome of social change in their societies.
They are charged with the responsibility for keeping the peace,
maintaining law and order, and providing safety and security
for the public. By the same line of reasoning they must
modify their operations to meet and adapt to the everyday
life changes being experienced by the society as a whole.

Police work and the police role in modern times have
been the focus of continuing controversy. What is the role
of the police in modern society? Is it crime prevention and
public services or is it crime investigation, arrest, and

prosecution?29 Smelser suggests that rapid develOpment will

38

undoubtedly result in tensions between various social
structures. These tensions will arise "between occupation
and achievement, between differentiated and undifferentiated
structures, between egalitarian and hierarchical principles,

and between central and local power."30

With increasingly
rapid social and economic develOpment, how can the police
meet the challenge of the tensions that are set up between
the various social structures in their society? What Options
and/or methods should the police adopt to COpe with con-
flicting situations and what organizational policies should
they follow?

The answers to these important and persistent ques-
tions will depend largely on the social structure and the
governmental decision-making processes that the writer is
studying. Police action is affected by public opinion and
national traditions. Public opinion affects police action in
regard to assignments and organizational matters. National
traditions have an important role because they affect both
what individuals can report to the police and what the police
can do about the report.

For these reasons, the focus of this research was on
examining the impact of social change on the police system in

Saudi Arabia. The study analyzed the basic police structure,

function, and role with respect to the following questions:

39

' What factors affect police develOpment?

- What are the prevailing social values in Saudi Arabian
society?

° Why has the country organized the police force in the
way it has?

- What effect, direct or indirect, do the social change
factors outlined in the hypotheses section have on
police develOpment in Saudi Arabia?

The Importance of the Problem
The writer was motivated by two areas of concern in
undertaking the study. Firstly, there is an overwhelming
lack of literature on Third World police forces in general
and on Saudi Arabian police in particular. Manning and

Van Maanen point to the importance of this problem in an out-

line for their forthcoming book, Comparative Policing. After

 

discussing recent trends in police studies, they comment:

Within this evolving analytic and research framework,
studies concerned with policing in other societies are
relatively rare as are historically and culturally
informed accounts of the growth and shape of present-
day police agencies--although the works of David Bayley,
Robert Fogelson, Allen Sivler, and Thomas Repetto are
prominent exceptions in this regard. Among police
researchers, there is increasing recognition that such
a void in the published literature represents a serious
impediment to our understanding of police work as it

is carried out in this or any other society.31

There are no books written in English on the Saudi Arabian
police. Many prominent writers have omitted references to
the Saudi Arabian police force in their works. For example,
Cramer does not mention Saudi Arabia in his 1964 work, The

World's Police, and Ingleton's 1979 work, The Police of the

 

40

World, includes a note that no information on the Saudi police
force was supplied.* Secondly, having been educated and
eXposed to Western ways of looking at police organization and
methods and their reactions to social problems, the writer
wished to provide another perspective by studying a tradi-
tional Third World society (Saudi Arabia) that is faced with
the same modernization process that most Western countries
have experienced in order to see how that society's police
Operated in the prevailing social structure.

There has been continuing interest in the comparative
study of police by such writers as Tilly, Bayley, Cain,
Manning, Banton, and others. However, this work has either
been focused on organizational or social role issues, or it
has been limited to the analysis of developed, industrialized
nations. There is little research, outside of the work of
Bayley on India and Japan, and Manning on the British police,
that takes up the development and elaboration of the police
mandate under different political and social conditions. The
shaping of the Anglo-American mandate under different poli-
tical conditions (e.g., colonialism, democratic adaptation,
and imperialism) is one context for studying the development
of policing. This study addresses in part the ways in which

the cultural and social traditions of Islam and the political

 

*Cramer and Ingleton claim to deal with the world's
police. Yet neither discusses the Saudi Arabian police
force. It seems that for these writers, as for writers such
as Mosse (Police Forces in History), Saudi Arabia does not
exist.

 

41

develOpment of Saudi Arabia have shaped the mandate of the
Saudi Arabian police. It thus contributes to the broader
academic study of policing comparativity.

Further, the work of Bayley is perhaps the only
systematic attempt at comparing the structure, function, and
role of police across several similar nations. Bayley studied
police develOpment in Western EurOpean states (England, France,

Germany, and Italy).32

Bayley's work is an important para-
digm for this analysis but it suffers from a number of flaws.
It is necessary to address comparative develOpmental issues
outside the framework of developed nations. Bayley also
negates the claim that economic growth, population growth,
and crime rate affect police develOpment. He writes, "there
is certainly no threshold of population size which seems to

"33 Neither can the

compel develOpment of a police system.
incidence of criminality or personal insecurity be sufficient
to create a police force. To this effect, Bayley comments,

"In short, develOpment of police can't be understood in terms

of crime."3“

Bayley goes one step further to negate the
effect of economic transformation on police develOpment. In
this regard, he writes, "though containing the thrust of
industrialization in a neat chronology is exceedingly diffi-
cult, the periods of most vigorous industrial change, when
the economic transformation becomes confirmed in practice,

don't coincide with the rise of today's police systems."35

42

Only political transformation, according to Bayley, can have
an effect on police systems. With respect to this factor,
he writes, "It would be reasonable to expect that the consol-
idation of government in an eXpanded geographical area, state
building, would be associated with the creation of a police
system."36

It is further necessary to isolate development from
creation of policing, and to more precisely focus on the
impact of social change on the development of the police. In
my Opinion, Bayley's terminology is ambiguous and this weakens
his argument. For one thing, he doesn't define the word
"develOpment" or state how it will be applied or used.
Secondly, he uses the term "develOpment" to mean "creation."
He does not clearly indicate how "develOpment" affects
policing.

Hence, it is more pertinent now than ever to close
the gap between the lack of literature on the subject and the
need to discover, understand, and communicate important infor-
mation about Saudi Arabian society in general and the police
in particular. It is hoped that this study has helped to
close that gap and that it will contribute to further research

in the area.

Definition of Terms

 

The very process of defining a variable entails the

Operation of classifying it relative to phenomena falling

43

outside the SCOpe of the definition. Smelser writes that

definition and classification must be regarded as parts of

the same conceptual Operation:
Every time an investigator defines a phenomena, he is
simultaneously establishing a system of classification
containing at least two classes--the class including
the variable on the one hand and the class of events
and situations that are to be considered or excluded
from that class on the other.37

The boundaries Of the definition should be made pre-
cise and unambiguous, and the kind of social unit to be
studied should be specified in the beginning.

For the purposes of this study, the following terms
and definitions will be used. Due to the fact that there is
no agreement among social scientists concerning the terms
with which we are dealing, the writer is obligated, firstly,
to use major dictionaries to pinpoint the original meanings
of the terms; secondly, to use other writers' definitions of
the terms; and, finally, to use his own definition of the

terms .

Police, as defined by Webster's EncyCIOpedia of Dic-

 

tionaries, is the "civil force which maintains public order.”8

 

The American College Dictionary defines police as "an organ-

 

ized civil force for maintaining order, preventing and

detecting crime, and enforcing the laws."39

Research use Of
this term is defined in the subsequent chapter. The social
science literature does not contain an agreed-upon definition

that is generally used.

44

Development is defined by Webster as "a gradual

 

unfolding or growth; eXpansion, evolution, unraveling of a

"”° For this research,

plot; the result of previous courses.
development will be used to mean growth, eXpansion, and
evolution. These terms will be used interchangeably during

the study.

Modernization, as defined by Webster, is "to bring

 

"“1 For this study, modernization will be used to

up-to-date.
mean bringing the public security police force in Saudi Arabia

up-to—date in outlook and ideas.

 

Bendix defines modernization (sometimes called social
and political develOpment) as to "refer to all those social
and political changes that accompanied industrialization in

"“2 This definition

many countries of Western civilization.
does not mean that industrialization must beta pre-requisite
for modernization nor does it limit our conception of modern-
ization to be judged only by Western standards, or expect
all nations to develop in the same way, as is the case with
many Western writers. Bendix refers to these writers as
falling into the "trap of neo-evolutionists.”3
Realizing the limitations facing historians or social
scientists who study traditional societies with Western con-
ceptualizations of development, Bendix writes, "Our concept

of development must encompass not only the products and by-

products of industrialization, but also the various amalgams

45

of tradition and modernity which make all development

"'4':

partial. Alexander Gerschenkron goes one step further

to say:

What can reasonably be regarded as a prerequisite in

some historical cases can be much more naturally seen

as a product of industrialization in others. The line
between what is a precondition of, and what is a response
to, industrial development seems to be a rather flexible
one.

Social change, as defined by Webster, has a lot of

 

meanings. For the purposes of this study, it will be used to
mean "to alter or make different; to shift; or to quit one

state for another.“6

Social change, as defined by G. and A.
Theodorson in the Modern Dictionary of Sociology, means "any
modification in the social organization Of a society in any
of its social institutions or patterns of social roles.“7
Social change, as the writer defines and uses it in this
study, means the art of moving gradually from one state of
being to a new stage of evolution or expansion without losing
track Of the original basic norms, values, or traditions of
Saudi Arabian society. It also will be studied in terms of
the traditional social structure Of Saudi society.

gage in general refers to "a pattern of behavior,
structured around specific rights and duties and associated
with a particular status position within a group or social

situation.“8

A person's role in any situation is defined by
the set of expectations for his behavior held by others and

by the person himself. Ralph Linton has referred to role

46

"as the dynamic aspect of status; a role is the totality of

all the cultural patterns associated with a particular status.“9

Police structure will be defined in terms of the for-

 

mal organizational chart which shows the chain of command,
Span of control, and channels of communication--whether verti-
cal or horizontal--of a police force. Hence, a structural
definition of police is, by its nature, limited to, determined
by, and evaluated with the functional definition. The inter-
actions of police structure and informal processes produce

the organizational outcomes and product.

Centralization will be used in this study to mean the

 

ability to maintain power to command, control, and direct the
social, economic, and political activities of the state by a
central government agency with flexibility and delegation of
authority. Decentralization is the Opposite of this approach.

Islamic law. Islam, in the Arabic language, means

 

"submission." In religion it means submitting oneself to
God. All that one does is directed to God, asking His gui-
dance and requesting His mercy. Islamic law is the basic law
of the land in Saudi Arabia from which stems the guiding

principles for the society's regulatory behaviors.

Hypotheses

 

Having discussed, in brief outline, social change and
social structure in general and the methods, procedures, and

definitions of terminology that were used in the study, some

47

important issues still need to be identified. These issues
concern research questions such as: What are the sources of
change? What is it that is changing? And, what are the
measures of change?

In this study, the sources of change that are of
primary concern and considered as independent variables are
economic growth, pOpulation growth (urbanization is implicit
in pOpulation growth), crime rate, foreigners living in Saudi
Arabia, and widespread education. Despite Bayley's claim,
one would expect to find a direct relationship between these
variables and the develOpment of the police in Saudi Arabia.
The variables were tested empirically through statistical
analysis, government documents, and questionnaires. Other
important factors such as religious and political commitment
and modern communication have been touched upon and briefly
described rather than statistically analyzed.

It was not the intention of the writer to prove or
disprove an existing set of hypotheses, but merely to develOp
guidelines and procedures for studying the research questions.
It is the writer's confirmed belief that forming hypotheses
in advance influences the direction of a study, hence de-
tracting from its usefulness. If, on the other hand, hypothe-
ses are used as guidelines with no preconceived notions,
they can no doubt contribute to the develOpment of a study.

As Claire Selltiz writes:

Whether or not the nature of the anticipated relation-

ships can be stated clearly--i.e., whether or not they
can be eXpressed as hypotheses in the formulation stage

48

of an inquiry-~depends largely on the state of knowledge
in the area under investigation. Scientific knowledge
can begin with well-formed hypotheses or it can formu-
late hypotheses as the end product of the research.50
Also, it is Obvious that hypotheses that are constructed in
advance run into some possibility of real-life problems. As
Earl Babbie states, "there is a constant danger that con-
structed theories may overlook relationships not anticipated

by formal hypotheses."51

However, based on the writer's
previous police fieldwork, background, and academic achieve-
ment, he formulated the following general, broad hypotheses
to guide the research project.
I. Economic growth has a direct effect on police
development.
II. Population growth leading to urbanization has a
direct effect on police develOpment.
III. Crime rate has a direct effect on police development.
IV. Educational growth has a direct effect on police
develOpment.

V. Foreigners living in Saudi Arabia affect police

develOpment.

The dependent variable for this research was the main
subject matter, police organization in Saudi Arabia. It is
this variable that was studied regarding the question, "What
is changing?"

The question, "What are the measures of change?" was

approached and evaluated in the following manner: economic

49

growth was measured using per capita income and the government
budget; pOpulation growth in Riyadh was measured using govern-
ment statistics; the crime rate and number of foreigners
living in the country were measured using statistics in the
government criminal record book; and education was measured
using the number of schools and pupils enrolled in those
schools.

Questionnaires were distributed to 55 tOp, high-
ranking Officers (captain to lieutenant general) in the
General Directorate of Public Security, the Traffic Depart—
ment, and the Riyadh Police Department, which was selected
as a case study for the research project. In addition to
the questionnaire, the writer personally interviewed a number

of top police officials in Saudi Arabia.

Overview of the Study

 

The following is a brief outline of the methods by
which this study was set up.

In Chapter I, the reader is introduced to the problem
of the study and its importance, and the background of the
country, Saudi Arabia, where the research was conducted.
Also, definitions and terminology were discussed. Finally,
hypotheses were constructed.

Chapter II is devoted to the review of literature
that addresses itself to the subject matter of the study.

Social change, development, economic growth, population growth,

‘50

crime rate and the wide spread of education were greatly
discussed and analyzed. Police development, role, function,
structure and political influence on police were also dis-
cussed in general. Finally, those factors were discussed
and analyzed in the particular context of Saudi Arabia.

Chapter III is designed basically to deal with the
methodology, procedures and Operationalization as used in
the study. Sample selection, justification for selection,
design, etc., were discussed. Finally, the five independent
variables measurement was introduced.

Chapter IV is devoted to data analysis and reporting
of the findings. The statistical techniques, responses,
and data findings were given in this chapter. Also, the
major hypotheses were measured and evaluated against the
study findings.

Chapter V is the final chapter of the study in which
the summary, conclusions, implications, limitations and

generalizations were advanced and assisted.

51

Footnotes--Chapter I

 

lVictor Strecher, The Environment of Law Enforcement:
A Community Relations Guide (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:
Prentice-Hall, 1971), p. 67.

 

2Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Saudi Arabia (Riyadh:
General Directorate Press, 1977), pp. 4-20.

 

3United States, "Saudi Arabia," in National Basic
Intelligence Fact Book (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government
Printing Office, January 1980), p. 171.

 

l'Fouad Al-Farsy, Saudi Arabia: A Case Study of
DevelOpment, 2nd ed. (London: Stacey International, 1980),
p. 24.

 

 

5Ibid.

6"Saudi Arabia," in Third World EncyclOpedia, 1978,
p. 1235.

 

7United States, Department Of State, Background Notes:

 

Saudi Arabia (Washington, D.C.: United States Department of
State, September 1979), p. 2.

8Ibid.

9"Rich Man, Poor Man," Newsweek XCIII:22, 28 May
1979, p. 58.

1°Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency (SAMA), Annual Report
(Riyadh: Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency, 1977), p. 154.

 

11Robin Dunipace, ed., The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
(London: Stacey Internationa, 1977), p. 124. (Printed in
Japan.)

121bid., p. 48.

13Robert Bellah, Tokugawa Religion (Boston: Beacon
Press, 1970)! p0 130

 

1"Ibid., p. 46.

52

15Ibrahim M. Al-Awaji, "Bureaucracy and Society in
Saudi Arabia" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Virginia,
1971), pp. 134-149.

16Joseph Schacht, in Area Handbook for Saudi Arabia,
3rd edition, ed. Richard Nerp (Washington, D.C.: American
University, Foreign Area Studies, 1977), p. 5. (Available
from the U.S. Government Printing Office.)

 

17Richard Nyrop, ed., Area Handbook for Saudi Arabia,
3rd ed. (Washington, D.C.: American University, Foreign
Area Studies, 1977), p. 5. (Available from the U.S. Govern-
ment Printing Office.)

 

18Harold Glidden, in Area Handbook for Saudi Arabia,
ed. Richard Nerp.

 

lgIbid.

20Nerp, Area Handbook for Saudi Arabia, p. 344.

 

211bid., p. 64.

22Sayid Abdula Al-Moududi, The Islamic Law and Consti-
tution, 4th ed. (Dacca: Islamic Publications, 1969), P. 70.

 

23For more detailed information about these schools,
see Joseph Schacht, Islamic Law (London: University Press,
and Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1964); Sayid Abdula Al-
Moududi, The Islamic Law and Constitution, 4th ed. (Dacca:
Islamic Publications, 1969).

 

 

21‘Al-Moududi, Islamic Law and Constitution, pp. 53-54.

 

25Schacht, Islamic Law, p. 201.

 

26Fouad Hamza, A1 Bilad Al Arabia Al Saudiah (Saudi
Arabia), 2nd ed. (Riyadh: Al—Nasar Modern Publishers, 1968;
originally published in 1937).

 

27For more information regarding this point, see the
writer's master's thesis, "Saudi Arabian Students' Attitudes
toward Police: An Exploratory Case Study with Some Compari-
sons tO American Students' Attitudes toward Police," which
showed a favorable attitude of Saudi senior high school
students toward police in Saudi Arabia when measured against
American students' attitudes toward police in the United
States (Michigan State University, 1977).

53

28David Bayley, "The Police and Political Development
in Europe," in Formation of National States in EurOpe, ed.
Charles Tilly (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University
Press, 1975A).

29Peter K. Manning, Police Work (Cambridge, Mass.:
MIT Press, 1977).

 

3°Neil Smelser, Essays in Sociological Explanation
(Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1968),
p. 156.

31Peter K. Manning and John Van Maanen, Outline to
Comparative Policing, forthcoming, p. 2.

 

32David Bayley, "Police Function, Structure, and
Control in Western EurOpe and North America: Comparative
and Historical Studies," in Crime and Practice: An Annual
Review of Records, eds. Morris Norval and Michael Torry
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979); David Bayley,
"The Police and Political DevelOpment in Europe."

 

33Bayley, "Police and Political DevelOpment in EurOpe,
p. 351.

3“Ibid., pp. 352-353.
351bid., p. 354.
361bid., p. 352.

37Smelser, Essays in Sociological Explanation, p. 201.

 

38John Allee, ed., Encyclopedia of Dictionaries
(Ottenheimer Publishers, Inc., 1978). P. 285.

 

39The American College Dictionary (New York: Random
House, 1963).

 

l’OAllee, Encyclopedia of Dictionaries, p. 105.

 

“'Ibid., p. 241.

“2R. Bendix, Nation-Building and Citizenship (Berkeley,
California: University of California Press, 1977), p. 12.

 

“3Ibid., p. 11.

'“Ibid.

54

“SAlexander Gerschenkron, quoted in R. Bendix,
Nation-Building and Citizenship (Berkeley, California:
University of California Press, 1977), pp. 393-394.

 

“GAllee, Encyclopedia of Dictionaries, p. 66.

 

“7G. Theodorson and A. Theodorson, Modern Dictionary
of Sociology (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1969), p. 384.

 

 

“81bid.

“9Ralph Linton, quoted in G. Theodorson and A. Theo-
dorson, Modern Dictionary of Sociology, p. 352.

 

soClaire Selltiz, Research Methods and Social Rela—
tions (New York: Holt, Rhinehart, and Winston, Inc., 1964),
p. 39.

 

51Earl R. Babbie, The Practice of Social Research
(Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Co., Inc., 1975),
p. 71.

 

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

This study is concerned with selected economic and
social develOpmental factors that affect police growth in
Saudi Arabia. Five major factors have been treated as inde-
pendent variables: economic growth, population growth,
educational growth, growth in the crime rate, and foreigners
living in Saudi Arabia. Police development from 1932 to the
present (1980) has been treated as the dependent variable.
Since social change, development, modernization, and political
as well as religious aspects, in general, are very important
elements in any given society, these factors have been
analyzed, evaluated, and treated as intervening variables.

The first section of this chapter provides an overview
of the general factors of social change that comprise the
intervening variables; the second section examines four Of the
five major independent variables* to see how different western

scholars have treated those factors of social change and have

 

*The fifth variable, foreigners living in Saudi Arabia,
is considered to be a characteristic of Saudi Arabian society.
Hence, this variable is discussed in the section on Saudi
society.

55

56

viewed their relationship to police development in western,
European, and Third World societies; the third section
analyzes the five independent variables in the context of
Saudi Arabian society; and the final section examines the

effects of these factors on police development in Saudi Arabia.

General Factors of Social Change

 

Social Change

 

In everyday life, peOple use the word change to denote
the same meaning as develOpment, progress, evolution, function,
or process.1 According to Swanson, "all of these terms,
including change, refer to a difference that occurs over time."2
In spite of this common usage, each one of these terms denotes
different meanings. For example, progress denotes that future

happenings will be better than whatever has happened before.

Evolution refers to a growth and develOpment in human capacity

 

to use and direct its environment effectively. Function,

develppment, and process, on the other hand, "refer to the

 

differences within a structure--a chemical compound, a person-
ality, a living organism, a group, a set of customs--that

appear over time and that are initiated by factors already

"3

present within that structure. Whereas, change refers to

"a difference in a structure that occurs over time, initiated

by factors outside that given structure."“

Therefore, what
actually distinguishes change from other processes is the

fact that "change lies outside the structure that changes."5

57

Swanson outlines two procedures to assist social
science researchers in locating and identifying the sources
of change: the exploitation of hints contained in empirical
generalizations, and "the determination, on theoretical
grounds, that some prospective sources are too unlikely or
too remote for our purposes, whereas others have more promise."6
He defines the term empirical generalization as a statement
that two things have been observed to be associated with one
another and in a particular pattern.7

To predict any change, we must find the condition
sufficient to produce it. There must be a response to change,
and there must be a potential for change. Finally, there
must be a susceptibility of the entire structure to influence
from the outside.

Because this study is concerned with the effect of
social change on police, it is important to identify first

what structures change and, secondly, what factors cause that

 

change inside and outside a given structure. Social struc-

ture is used in the social sciences to refer to two sets of
concepts: the directional tendencies of social systems and

the resources of social systems. In other words, social
structure refers to "organized bundles Of human activities
oriented to the directional tendencies of a social system. . . .
The basic units of social structure are not persons as such

but selected aspects of interaction among such persons."8

58

One major difference between simple and complex societies
is the degree of differentiation in the social structure.
Although there is no consensus within the field (of
social science) concerning how social structure should be
defined, as Manning comments, it "can be delineated from
other types Of groups by its scope and degree of abstract-
ness. . . . The term refers to any basic method of ordering

human interaction."9

Manning goes one step further and
relates to social structure the social institutions which are
the "collection of statuses, roles, and norms" that a society
possesses "to fulfill the basic functions necessary for the
survival and perpetuation of that society."10

According to Merton, societies have a cultural struc-
ture that is separate and distinguishable from a social
structure; the former consists of an "organized set of norma-
tive values," the latter of "an organized set of social rela-

tionships."11

Cultural structure makes it explicit that
"goals are more or less integrated and roughly ordered in
some hierarchy of values (that) defines, regulates, and
controls the acceptable modes of reaching out for these
goals."12
Social norms depend for their use and continued
existence upon the existence of collective relationships, and

they serve such relationships as a facility for the conduct

of and ordering of its affairs. We, as humans, grow because

59

of our ability to relate ourselves more effectively to our

environment, especially our social environment.

Development

 

W. A. Lewis refers to economic development as the

"13 Smelser believes

"growth of output per head of population.
that when we talk about develOpment, we generally speak of
several interrelated factors that accompany development such
as technical, economic, and ecological factors. Each one of
these factors has its own distinctive characteristics in any
changing social structure. Therefore, when we speak of change
in the realm of technology, we refer to change "from simple
and traditionalized techniques toward the application of
scientific knowledge"1“ for the period Of specialization in
cash crops and agricultural wage labor. In industry, the

term change refers to the "transition from the use of human

"15

and animal power toward industrialization prOper or, as

M. Nash noted, "men aggregated at power-driven machines,
working for monetary return with the products of the manu-
facturing process entering into a market-based or a network

"16

of exchange relations, whereas in ecology we use the term

change to refer to the "movement from the farm and village

toward urban centers."17

These processes do not necessarily
occur at the same time, but neither can we rule out their

existence when no full industry reveals itself. For example,

6O

agriculture may be commercialized without any concomitant
industrialization and the same reaosning can be applied to
crowded cities.

Bendix defines modernization (sometimes called social
and political development) as to "refer to all those social
and political changes that accompanied industrialization in

"18 This definition

many countries of western civilization.
does not mean that industrialization must be a prerequisite
for modernization, nor does it limit our conception of modern-
ization to be judged only by western standards, or expect
all nations to develop in the same way, as is the case with
many western writers. Bendix refers to these writers as
falling into the "trap of neo-evolutionists."19
Bendix, realizing the limitations facing historians
or social scientists who study traditional societies with
western conceptualizations of develOpment, writes, "Our con-
cept of development must encompass not only the products and
byproducts of industrialization, but also the various amalgams
of traditions and modernity which make all develOpment par-
tial."2° Alexander Gerschenkron goes one step further to
say, "What can be reasonably regarded as a prerequisite in
some historical cases can be much more naturally seen as a
product of industrialization in others. The line between
what is a precondition of, and what is a response to, indus-

trial develOpment seems to be a rather flexible one."21

61

Economic Growth

 

The economic growth of any given country depends,
in large part, upon its exploiting its natural resources
effectively and sufficiently through technological know-how.
As Smelser notes, "Economic activity in any society is
defined as a relation between those goals (where a society
possesses a value system that defines certain goals as
desirable for members or groups of the society at various
levels) and the degree of scarcity of goods and services."22
When a society is poor and desperate, it could be
argued that communities cannot Offer anything of value to
thieves and burglars. But, when wealth is acquired by some
segments of that society and wealth continues, the Opportunity
for crime becomes visible.
Patrick Colquhoun, writing in the late 17905, noted
that:
The enlarged state of society, the vast extent of moving
property and the unexampled wealth of the metrOpolis,
joined to depraved habits and loose conduct of a great
proportion of the lower classes of the people, and above
all, the want of an apprOpriate police applicable to
the Object of prevention will, after a careful perusal
of this work, reconcile the attentive mind to a belief

of the actual existence Of evils which could not other-
wise have been credited.23

Studies of the relationship between economic conditions
and crime have found that "both poverty (of the have-nots)
and increasing affluence (of the haves) can result in an

increase in crime rate."2“ They have also found that, "The

62

opportunities for crime directed against property increase

"25 Industrial and commer—

as countries become more wealthy.
cial activities more than doubled in France between the years
1826 and 1878, but during the same period Of time crime
increased two and one-half times. Similarly, in England
and Wales, crime has more than tripled over the past 25 years
6

while the standard of living of all classes has been rising.2

State Police in the United States emerged as a response to

 

heavily industrialized areas of the Northeast--i.e., Connec-

 

ticut (1904); Pennsylvania (1905); New York, Michigan, New

7

Jersey, West Virginia and others (1917).2 In England,

according to Tilly, "the number of police increased most

"28 Tobias

rapidly in areas of greatest population density.
comments that as shOps expand and markets grow, property
becomes more movable and the Opportunity for petty theft

multiplies.29

Population Growth

 

As a given country's pOpulation grows, the number of
reported crimes will directly increase. The demand for a
wide range of police services to be extended to the new,
growing numbers also increases. In this situation, the police
must deal with these rising waves either with the same number
of Officers or increase their number. However, choosing the

former alternative will no doubt lead to heavy strains on

63

the role, function, and structure of police and to anxiety
and mistrust by the general public about the police. Hence,
increasing manpower is frequently the course Of action Opened
to the police. Fosdick comments that the size of pOpulation,
at least for city police forces, might affect the amount of
auxiliary administration needed.3° Bruce Smith maintains
that in the United States auxiliary administrative functions

1 However, Bayley

in cities tend to increase with population.3
contends that this "simple hypothesis has not been followed
up in subsequent research."32

But, Tilly and his associates argue that in Canada
"the growing complexities of urban affairs and increasing

demand for efficient city and town administration were among

the factors which led to the creating of full-time urban

 

"33

police forces. They claim that "the rise of professional

 

policing occurred throughout the western world as industrial-
ization, urbanization, and the concentration of power in
national states proceeded."3”

David Bordua believes that "increasing concentration
of population in larger cities has allowed the development of
larger departments with the possibility of more rigorous
selection of personnel, better training, and the develOpment
of a more self-consciously professional administrative corps

among police commanders."3S

64

Growth in the Crime Rate

 

Criminal statistics support the notion that police
forces are usually developed as a response to an increase in
crime or related pressing social problems. Evidence from
European, western, and Third World societies tends to strongly
support this argument. History provides the much needed
evidence in this regard as is illustrated by the following
examples.

The creation of the mounted police in Canada demon-
strates how police are Often desperately needed during a
difficult time of social disorder. In 1845, after the workers'
dispute at the Welland and St. Lawrence Canal, the Canadian
government authorized the governor and council to raise "a
body of men not exceeding 100 exclusive Officers and to be

called 'the mounted police.'"36

In 1849, the government again
raised this mounted constabulary force, which consisted of
50 men, "mainly to protect Parliament and other public

"37

buildings. In 1885, a system of police patrol was begun
to reduce smuggling and horse stealing.

In the early 20th century, unpoliced areas in the
Canadian frontier were rampant with crime. After the inaugur-
ation of federal policing in the northwest, these territories

experienced the absence of serious crime in the police dis-

tricts.38

65

In the 19th century, special purpose police units
were established by the United States government to enforce

and protect congressional fiscal operations and the mail.

 

 

The modern role of protecting the president was not esta-
blished until 1902 as the result of the assassination of

President McKinley.39

Even private policing was created to
handle special tasks such as guarding and protecting private
and public premises, detective work, surveillance Of employ-
ees, and strike-breaking.

For example, the Pinkerton National Police Agency
began work in 1852 and was employed to protect private property
in connection with 70 strikes during the period 1866-1892.
Tilly and his associates attribute the decline in property
offenses in the United States during the 60—year period from

1860 to 1920 to the "widespread of an efficient organization

and the steady growth in size of both public and private

 

 

"“° When the Chicago police force declined in size

police.
relative to population from 1875 to 1885, the number of
arrests for property crimes also declined. But, when the
size of the police force increased over the next decade, the
number of arrests also increased.

In England, the passing of the Reform Bill of 1832
was due to the "steepest rise in the overall crime rate for

the period from 1813 to 1826.”1 The years 1836 to 1846 and

1853 had nearly identical crime rates. But, in 1839 the

66

crime rate was relatively low despite widespread Chartist
activity. Tilly comments that this is "apparently due to
the Home Office policy of restricting use of the military to
assist local magistrates in suppressing disturbances.“2
The military was used regularly for controlling crowds and
political unrest until the establishment of the Metropolitan
Police Force in 1829 in London. This trend continued to
prevail outside London until the end of the 19th century and
is still used in most develOping countries in times of major
crisis. In general, as the number Of police began to rise
rapidly after 1830, and especially after 1858, the crime rate
in England showed a decisively downward trend."3

In France, during the period from 1831 to 1881, the
number of prOperty crimes declined the most rapidly in those
departments where more than 15 percent of the population
lived in cities of 10,600 or more and where the size of the
police forces Of the Ministry of the Interior was expanding

I.

rapidly.l+ In this regard, Tilly finds a "significant rela-
tionship between policing and the property crime.“5 He
adds, "Major prOperty crimes have a weak tendency to rise
over police expansion."“5 Thus, in general, the eXperience
of 19th-century France showed that expanding police forces
had a significant effect on the decline of prOperty crimes.

In Ceylon in 1806, the authorities resolved to take

action against the bands of robbers who caused unrest in the

67

rural areas. They appointed one or two headmen in each
village to combat the robbers.

In 1954, Cyprus eXperienced unrest because the Turkish
majority did not want the island to become united with Greece.
In 1955, a gang of terrorists initiated a campaign of murder
and violence to prevent the union. At that time, the Greek
police could not deal effectively with terrorist activity.
Therefore, in 1956 the government called for urgent recruit-
ment and raised the size of the police force to 3,600 in order
to effectively meet the challenge of terrorism."7

In the 18th century, Ghanaian police forces were small
and too ineffective to deal with any social or political
upheaval. When riots erupted in Cape Coast in 1865, the
existing police force could not meet the challenge. Conse-
quently, the police were replaced by a new force called the
"Fani Force." But, when general riots erupted in 1948, this
force was caught unprepared and had to be quickly strength-
ened and enlarged."8

In 1776, as a result of the increased crime rate in
India, the Bombay government recruited Sepoys to reinforce
the militia. But, as this move yielded no improvement, a
lieutenant of police was appointed in 1779, and, in 1793, a
police commission appointed a superintendent of police.

Though there was a slight improvement in the situation, crime
continued to flourish, and the public demanded police reform.

Thus, in 1809 a committee was set up to study the problem.

68

This committee proposed that "the policing of Bombay should
follow that developed for London.“9
In Jamaica, the present constabulary force was
established as a response to the "Movant Bay Rebellion" in
1867.50

In Kenya, the internal unrest stemming from the
"Mau-Mau" (a secret society of the Kikiyu tribe) caused the
Kenyan police force to be enlarged and better maintained
between 1952 and 1956. British troops were also called in
to help the police deal with the problem.51

When an armed communist rebellion arose in Malaya in
1948, the federation police force, which totalled 10,000 men
of all ranks, faced a serious problem. The government de-
clared a state of emergency, and the size of the police force
expanded to include 31,164 regular police, 44,117 special
constables, and 88,000 auxiliary police. As the crisis sub-
sided, the size of the police force was reduced to 20,243
men of all ranks.52

When the government in Sierra Leone was faced with
an alarming increase in illicit diamond mining and illicit
diamond buying in the diamond areas of the protectorate in
1953, it established permanent police stations and posts
throughout the country.

In 1960, when widespread riots broke out in the Bukadi

District of the Eastern Province of Uganda, the size of the

69

police force was immediately increased by a large scale at
all levels.53

In Egypt, crimes in some provinces caused the Ministry
of the Interior to provide plans, men, and equipment to combat
them. For example, in one provice where the crime of kidnap—
ping was prevalent, the Ministry assigned armored cars to
carry patrols right up to the lairs occupied by criminals in
the mountain regions.5“

As a result of an extensive reorganization of the
police structure, Egypt reported a considerable decrease in
its crime rate. According to Cramer, the statistics for the
period between 1952 and 1959 indicated that burglary decreased
by 51 percent, arson decreased by 34 percent, and murder
decreased by 7 percent.55

When the Gordon Riots erupted in the summer of 1780,
London was abandoned to mob violence, and the government
resorted to calling in the army. Shelburne, who became the
first home secretary, spoke during the second day of the riots.
He praised the French police system which, in his opinion,
"was wise to the last degree in its structure and only abomin-
able in its use and direction." Thus, he argued that the
French system should be adOpted in England.56

As a result of the riots, a bill calling for the
"establishment of a strong police force to act throughout the

whole of the metrOpolitan area" was introduced by Pitt's

70

government in 1785.57 Although the bill was later withdrawn,
its very existence illustrates the point that social crises
always generate a cry for strong police forces to quell the
social upheaval that faces the society.

Historically, the growth of the police system under-
went evolutionary change Over the years. As Critchley notes,
"the system simply adjusted itself, with local variations,
to meet the pressures and needs of changing economic and
social conditions."58

Bordua observes that in the United States "where
crime rates soar high and where traffic regulation consumes
an important share of police resources, police commanders
have been tempted to limit police Operations to the central
ones of protection Of life and prOperty through the suppres-

sion of crime and disorder."59

Education

 

A large increase in the money invested in education
will pay off in economic and social growth because it will
increase the number of skills that a society has to meet its
changing institutions. The International Economic Associa-
tion suggests that the "secret of the United States was not
the fact that it was a democracy or a capitalist society, or
that it had the greatest physical resources, but rather that
it got started very early using education largely, or at

least philOSOphically, for political reasons, and then this

71

turned out to be a great economic asset."6° T. Fox and

M. Miller suggest that higher levels of upward mobility are
associated with higher levels of education.61 Thus, the
eXpansion of education opened the door for police organiza-
tions, as well as other professions, to choose among many
potential candidates and to select the best for the profes-
sion. (As levels of education increase, job qualifications
and standards for potential candidates for police work
increase also. Furthermore, as levels of education rise for
police, one would anticipate better job performance and
efficiency.) As Smelser notes, "There is good reason to
believe, however, that growth in the numbers who attain higher
levels of education should result in an increase in the amount

"62 Those

of high achievement orientation in the population.
highly educated individuals will seek employment in govern-
ment positions. K. A. Busia has found that students in
nations with tiny systems of higher education expect positions
in the majority of government jobs.63

Police DevelOpment as a Response to the
Preceding Factors of Social Change

 

 

Police develOpment as a response to the preceding fac-
tors of social change can be seen by tracing the history of
early police development in response to the need for safety

and security. One can find that:

72

the roots of the primary responsibility for maintaining
the king's peace in early English history fell largely
upon each locality under a well-understood principle

of social Obligation. . . . Collective security can be
found in voluntary associations or Frithguilds formed
in Wessex for mutual protection against theft.6“

As Professor Sayles puts it:

the primary importance of the vills in governmental life
lay in the police duties which came to be imposed upon
them. The most serious problem of everyday administra-
tion was to discover and punish those evildoers whose
deeds struck at the roots Of orderly society.65

 

Critchley points out that the collapse from 1689
onwards of the Old English police system, which was based on
the parish constable, was due to:
sheer inability, in its debilitated and corrupt state,
to COpe with a social and economic upheaval which, in
the course of the 18th century, doubled England's
population from six to twelve million, transformed the
metrOpolis from two overgrown cities into a massive
conurbation and turned vast rural areas into agglomera-
tions of slums, mines, and factories which lacked the
elementary conditions of civilized living.66

Life in London at that time was unbearable. As Horace Wal-

pole wrote in 1752, "one is forced to travel, even at noon,

as if one were going to battle."67

To restore the king's peace to the streets of London,
a series of trials and errors were adOpted in the form of
reforming police methods and criminal law procedures, notably
Fieldings. But, it was not until Peel's final reform took
place in 1829 that any meaningful, up-to-date, efficient,

and effective policing could be recognized as dealing with

the rising social problems in England.

73

When Patrick Colquhoun called attention to the
problems in the Port of London in 1797 as the place where
thieves, footpads, prostitutes, and pilferers were at work,
he advocated creation of a police force in that area. His
argument was so appealing and convincing that by June 1798

the Marine Police had been established. This force later

became the first regular professional police force in London.6

Peel once wrote, when he was faced with the fact of rising
crime rates, pOpulation growth, and social and economic
develOpment:

the time is come, when, from the increase in its popula-
tion, the enlargement of its resources, and the multi-
plying development of its resources, and the multiplying
of its energies, we may fairly pronounce that the
country has outgrown her police institutions and that
the cheapest and safest course will be found to be the
introduction of a new mode of protection.69

Role of the Police

 

The police role has been the subject of considerable
controversy. There is no single agreement as to what that
role should be. Are the police social workers or law enfor-
cers? Several studies (Reiss and Black 1967, and Cumming,
Cumming, and Edell 1965) showed that less than half of the

° One

public calls for police action involved criminality.7
study conducted in Detroit found that 16 percent Of the calls
received by the Detroit police in 1966 were related to crime.

The author of the study, Thomas Bercal, advocated that, in

8

74

large urban centers, the police should be viewed as service
agencies rather than as law and control agencies.71

Elmer Johnson believed that there is low morale among
police as the result of a role conflict that is caused by
this contradiction between the social service function and

2 This is what

the maintenance of a law and order function.7
J. O. Wilson meant when he talked about a variety of police
behaviors.73

Empirical studies of police behavior show that the
average police officer spends more time performing a variety
of social services than he spends in the pursuit of criminals.
Michael Banton said that "patrol Officers spend a larger pro-
portion of their time acting as 'peace Officers' than as

0:174

'law officers. Yet, the police are viewed primarily as

 

guardians of the law by the public, and this is also the
self-image held by police Officers. 8

Once public acceptance of existing laws based on
moral, religious, or traditional grounds declines, the role
of the police becomes more difficult. Stanford Kadish has
indicated that "an excessive reliance on the criminal law to
enforce morals creates acute problems for the administration
of (the) criminal justice system."75 This means that the
police who "hold the same traditional and moral values shared
with the other members of the society" face two different

kinds of problems.

75

On the one hand, they may find themselves being required

to enforce laws which they themselves regard as obsolete

or irrelevant; or on the other hand, they may be unable

to view the law enforcement task objectively or ration-

ally because of their own moral assessment of those who

break the law.76

Because the success of the police depends in large

part on their adaptation to their social environment, it is
therefore essential for them to understand and make use of
the changing social trends in their society. Hence, it is
necessary for the police to shape and develop their perspec-

tives, attitudes, and capabilities to keep up with the chang-

ing social environment.

Police Opganization and Structure

 

Bureaucracy is one major element of large-scale organ-
ization. According to Max Weber, bureaucratic organization
emerged in EurOpe as:

a result of the rational specialization Of functions and
the requirements for expert knowledge. At first, the
eXperts are called in on a temporary basis to assist

in making complex decisions. Later, an official position
is created as a permanent element of the government.
Finally, the individual position gradually turns into a
bureaucracy.7

Peter Blau has advanced four characteristics of bureau-
cracies: specialization, a hierarchy of authority, a system

of rules, and impersonality.78

In Saudi Arabia, many schools,
hospitals, police, and other government agencies possess these
features. Therefore, police in general are viewed to be

approaching the process of professionalization and speciali-

zation, especially in large cities.

76

With the establishment of uniformed, armed, and
well-organized police in modern times as a response to pre-
vailing social problems, police specialization became the
rule rather than the exception. With the exception Of the
United States, all countries in Western EurOpe and North
America have enacted statutes specifying principles for the
way in which police coverage is to be organized.

According to Bayley, the United States has no general
principles for organizing police coverage. Forty years ago,
Bruce Smith noted that the United States does not really
have a police system. What exists is merely a "hodgepodge
of autonomous forces created by various levels of government
according to parochial considerations." In other words,
Bayley notes, "American police coverage is made up of patches
on patches rather than tailored to fit."79

In the United States, work assignments are not made
in relation to specific skills or specialized training, as
they would be in an industrial corporation, a university, a
hospital, or a government agency. As Egon Bittner observes:

The projection of a career in police work means virtually

always spending one's working life in a single department.

Thus, the police officers are, in a sense, captives of

departments and must restrict their career planning and

social life to Opportunities that are available locally.80
However, what little specialization there would be is merely
a case of "exceptions to the more general rule that being a

policeman is basically an undifferentiated employment status."81

77

As a result of this dramatic situation with regard to
police organization, police Officers have little Opportunity
for lateral movement across different organizations. According
to Bittner, police departments in the United States, by con-
trast with other institutions, are "organizationally primi-
tive."82 To this he adds that police departments are "the
only large-scale institution in our society that has not
benefited from advances in management science."83

The President's Commission noted in 1967 that the
evolution of scientific discovery which Occurred in shaping
and controlling the physical environment, in the health field,
and in national security has "largely bypassed the problem of
crime and crime control." The greatest need, the Commission

found, was the need to "know."°”

Politics and Control of the Police

 

In France, Italy, and Spain, direct orders are issued
from a national police headquarters to local police chiefs.
French supervision is national and bureaucratic. Any local
control is exercised only by delegation from the central gov-
ernment. This national bureaucratic procedure is common
practice in Italy, Spain, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and the
Netherlands. In Germany, police command is organized by the
states that form the federation.

In Britain, with the exception of the London metro-

politan police who are responsible directly to the central

78

government, control of the police is in the hands of the
"police authority"* for each force. In Canada, policing is
carried out at three levels: national, provincial, and muni—
cipal. The control is decentralized except for the Canadian
mounted police which comes under the direct control of the
Minister of Justice and is exercised by appointed police
commissioners, some of whom are elected officials.

In the United States, the constitutional preference
has been reflected in a tendency to keep the police under the
control of local levels. This tendency, according to David
Bordua, "has been accompanied in the United States by special
problems of securing efficiency and honesty in police Opera-
tions." Bordua adds, "Until recently, it has been difficult
for police commanders in the United States to secure suffi-
cient independence from local politics to develop systems Of
recruitment, promotion, and assignment based on merit rather

than political performance."85

Police Functions and Definition

 

As has been mentioned before, there is disagreement

in the literature on how to define the police. Within the

 

*The "police authority" is an appointed body: two-
thirds of the members are the elected officials of local
government councils; one-third are magistrates.

79

literature, one also finds disagreement among many authors
as to the role and functions of the police.*

Added to policing functions are political and economic
functions. Manning (1977), Quinney (1977), Skolnick (1966),
Chapman (1970), and others maintain that police can be used
for Oppression or to further the economic interests of special
groups by protecting or ignoring the practice of gambling,

prostitution, nightclubs, etc.88

Political police, secret
police, or corrupt police have not been dealt with in this
study.

From the preceding, the writer maintains that, defini-
tionally, the police function in any given society is deter-
mined by the legal order that created the police force and
the social surroundings. The police role should and must be
looked at as one would look at that of any other citizen of
society. The police role is not or should not be different
from any other citizen's role; only the function of the police
is different.

The socialization process for police will not be
different from that of other citizens unless we give them

another role. Then, they will be cast away and isolated.

Role playing behavior, as the writer understands it, is a

 

*Manning, for example, has seven definitions of the
police. He uses functional, structural, attitudinal, cultural-
historical, output or praxis, legalistic, and phenomenological
definitions. He believes that functional definitions "are
perhaps the most commonly used in American sociology."86
Bayley defines the police as "an organization authorized by
a collectivity to regulate social relations within itself by
utilizing, if need be, physical force."87

80

behavior playing activity by individuals or groups in any
given society. Hence, because the police are members of the
whole society, their role must be looked at and interpreted
in the context of the whole society.

Each society has its own definition of the role and
function of the police. For example, linguistically, the
Arabic word for police (shorta) means a condition of doing
something in a specific way or a mark or symbol which could
be easily identified. This name was given to the police
because they used to wear something to identify them easily
which develOped later to a uniform and number.89

Legally, Royal Decree NO. 30, dated 4-14-1384 (1964),
defined the internal security forces (Public Security, Civil
Defense, General Investigation, the Coast Guard, the Special
Forces Unit, and the Internal Security Forces College) as:

the armed forces responsible for keeping the peace,
order, and public security in land and sea,* especially
preventing crime before its occurrence and apprehending
criminals and investigating crimes that have occurred;
protecting lives, prOperty, and morality in accordance
with the rules, regulations, and royal decrees issued
by the Council of Ministers and/or the Ministry of the
Interior.9°

From the royal decree above, one can see that the
police have (definitionally) three main functions in Saudi

Arabian society: they perform an administrative function

when they enforce the law equally for everyone, maintain peace

 

*The word sea is included because the Coast Guard is
considered to be one of the internal security forces.

81

and order, raise their level of efficiency, etc.; they perform
a legal function when they apprehend criminals and bring them

to prosecution and justice; and they perform a social function
when they seek to provide an understanding Of the causation

of crime and social ills and try to prevent crime by trying

to alleviate and reduce the causes of social ills.91

Generally speaking, the disagreements concerning the
role and substance of the police deal with appearance and
not with the substance of the matter. In the literature,
the authors mostly deal with the question, "What is the police?"
They don't deal with the question, "Why have the police been
created?" Once we know the logic, the philOSOphy, and the
reason behind creating the police force, then the definition
of the function, role, and structure of the police will become
clear.

In my Opinion, the definition of the police should be
looked at from the standpoint of the legal order or royal
decree that created the police force. Therefore, the police
have two definitions to consider--the linguistic definition
and the legal definition.

Having discussed the major independent variables of
the study in a general context (except the fifth variable,
foreigners living in Saudi Arabia) and examined their impact
on police develOpment, the writer will next examine the

variables in the specific context Of Saudi Arabian society.

82

Factors Of Social Change in
Saudi Arabian Society

 

Economic Growth

 

Before the discovery of Oil and its production and
exportation in 1938, the Saudi Arabian economy was based
mainly on subsistence agriculture and animal husbandry.
Because of the scarcity of rain and the primitive methods
used in agriculture, the national income was.low and per
capita income fell beyond the poverty line. Peter Hobday
writes, "For much Of the early years, he (the King) had to
live on monthly stipends from the British."92 Since 1938,
Saudi Arabian economic growth has increased at a rapid rate.
However, Philby notes that "it was not until 1946 that the
first substantial dividends were to find their way into the
Saudi treasury."93

Oil production has jumped from 0.5 million barrels a
day in 1938 to 9.5 million barrels a day in 1980. The govern-
ment budget has increased from 758 million riyals in 1951—52
to 111.4 billion riyals in 1977-78*. The gross domestic
product increased from 4,000 million riyals in 1372 (1952) to
200 billion riyals in 1396-97 (1976-77).9' Gross national
product was 75 million dollars in 1979, reaching 104 billion

in 1980 with per capita income at $15,700.95

 

*In 1980, U. S. $1.00 equaled 3.334 Saudi riyals.

83

Population Growth

 

As indicated in Chapter I, there is no reliable
documentation concerning the overall population growth of
Saudi Arabia. Various figures have been cited, including
those Of the Saudi goVernment which in 1974 estimated that

the pOpulation was over seven million. The Statistical Book

 

of the Ministry of the Interior: 1966-75 does give statis-

 

tics for the overall Saudi population from 1966—75. Though
this research does not specifically deal with the overall
pOpulation of Saudi Arabia, these figures have been used as
general guidelines of pOpulation growth. In 1966, the pOpu-
lation of Saudi Arabia was 5,662,000. By 1975, the pOpulation
was 7,201,000, a figure which reflects a steady increase in
pOpulation each year (5,815,000 in 1967; 5,973,000 in 1968;
6,135,000 in 1969; 6,301,000 in 1970; 6,472,000 in 1971;
6,647,000 in 1972; 6,828,000 in 1973; and 7,012,000 in 1974).96
These figures give the reader a general indication of the
trend in population growth.

Riyadh, the capital city of Saudi Arabia and the
location of the case study, was the main focus of the study,
and thus more information about population growth was developed
for Riyadh than for Saudi Arabia in general.

Riyadh is located in the heart and center of the
nation. All ministries, regional departments and most large

business firms are located there. More than one-half of the

84

civil servants work in Riyadh, and major decisions on issues,
policies, and matters of importance concerning the citizenry
or foreign relations are made and declared in Riyadh.

His Majesty, King Khalid, and His Royal Highness,
Crown Price Fahed, reside in Riyadh, as do all other ministers
and most high-ranking Officials. The foreign embassies that
are now in Jeddah have been asked to move to Riyadh--a process
that is close to completion.

The growth of Riyadh (both in physical and in human
terms) is an interesting phenomenon. Within a relatively
short period of time, the city has been transformed from a
walled, small town to a metrOpolitan city. In the words Of
St. John Philby, who came to Saudi Arabia in 1917 and worked
very closely with King Abdul Aziz as an advisor:

There is indeed no resemblance whatever between the great
city of today (1959) and the tight, little, walled town
which served for close to 40 years as the headquarters

of the great Ibn Saud during his campaigns for conquest
and unification of a nation.97

Philby's description of Riyadh in the 1920s indicates
that the walled town measured some 700 yards from north to
south and about 650 yards from east to west. The population
was about "30,000 souls at most."98 When Philby wrote his
article about ancient and modern Riyadh in 1959, he estimated
that the pOpulation had grown to 300,000 and that Riyadh was
a city "covering an area of about 100 square kilometers and
spreading out in all directions from the old lOO-acre 'heart

of Arabia.”99

85

In 1968, Doxiadis, an American consulting firm under
the direction of Dr. Doxiadis, gave the same figure of 300,000

°° This firm made a master plan

for the Riyadh population.1
for Riyadh and called it "Riyadh in 2,000." Five years later,
many newpaper reporters used the name as a joke because
Riyadh's eXpansion in 1976 exceeded the plan's estimates for
the year 2,000.

The firm encountered similar difficulties in its
estimation of land prices. For example, in its final recom-
mendations in July 1968, the firm estimated that vacant land
prices in the central business district ranged from 3,000 to
2,000 riyals (as of March 1968). In the residential areas of
the old city (center) that were outside of the central busi-
ness districts, the prices ranged from 500-100 riyals.1°1‘

The firm also estimated that "The cost of land in the indus-
trial areas, as well as on Khurais Road (Outside the residen-
tial area), the respective prices vary between 70-25 and 10
riyals (all estimates are per square meter)."1°2

Unfortunately, only five years later the prices quoted
above did not represent even one-tenth of the real land prices
in the areas described by the firm. The farthest area they
said would sell for 25-10 riyals did not exceed the 10-kilometer
radius. In 1980, no land within a 25-kilometer radius of

Riyadh could be bought for less than 100 riyals per square

meter.

86

SCET-International/SEDES, a French consultant firm,
was hired by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to continue working
with the remainder of the original master plan for "Riyadh
in 2,000." In a February 1977 technical report, the firm
estimated that the population Of Riyadh was 829,000 in 1977
and that it would be 1,030,000 in 1980.”3 This study has
used the SCET-International/SEDES figures concerning the

1980 population of Riyadh.

Educational Growth

 

In Saudi Arabia, education at all levels is free for
any citizens or aliens living in the country. Not only are
books, teaching materials, facilities and transportation
(especially for girls) free, but students who go to college,
the university, a teacher's training institute, technical
school, special education or religious school are given a
year-round monthly salary including summer vacations. More-
over, in 1977 free lunch-time meals were introduced for all
elementary school-age children. In 1980, the government
began paying each student 200 riyals a month instead of giving
them the free meal.

Education in Saudi Arabia is rapidly expanding. For
example, in 1953, there were 506 elementary schools with
44,000 students and 1,472 teachers. In 1978, there were
2,987 schools with 466,000 students and 25,188 teachers. In

1953, there were 100 secondary schools enrolling 793 students.

87

In 1978, there were more than 600 secondary schools enrolling
123,548 students. In 1953, there were about 50 high schools
enrolling 522 students. In 1978, there were 200 high schools
enrolling 44,037 students.

By the 1979—80 school year, the system had again
expanded. There were 3,638 elementary schools enrolling
517,069 students with 28,135 teachers and 4,186 administrators;
906 secondary schools enrolling 143,725 students with 10,171
teachers and 2,320 administrators; and 259 high schools
enrolling 54,841 students with 3,003 teachers and 775 adminis-
trators.

In 1953, the General Educational Directorate (created
in 1925 and now called the Ministry of Education) budget was
12 million riyals (about 3 million dollars at that time).

In 1977-78, the budget was almost more than 8 billion riyals
(more than 2.6 billion dollars). I

By 1978, the total school system in Saudi Arabia at
all levels of education, including 2,113 night schools and
123 kindergartens, included 8,695 schools with a total student
body of 1,219,818, including foreign students. The total
Saudi national student population was 1,054,932. Of this
total, 361,448 were Saudi girls. The total number of teachers
in these schools was 78,364 of which 50 percent were foreign
teachers. The number of Saudi teachers, when compared with

that of foreign teachers, is small, especially in the upper

88

levels of schooling. The total number of Saudi teachers in
the Saudi Arabian school system was 39,290. Of this total,
7,732 were female Saudi teachers.'°“
The 8,695 schools came under the direction of differ-
ent authorities. For example, the Ministry of Education for
boys' training from the first grade to the twelfth grade and
junior colleges and Presidency for Girls' Education (including
a separate higher education system for girls) have between
them the largest number of schools with the largest number of
enrollments. The Ministry of Education for boys' training
and junior colleges had a total of 5,532 schools in 1978 out
of the total 8,695 schools with an enrollment of 698,422
students of which 620,002 were Saudis. The Presidency for
Girls' Education had 2,163 schools in 1978 with an enrollment
of 390,838 of which 341,495 students were Saudis. The

‘ remaining schools and enrollees come under the jurisdiction

of other educational authorities.

Growth in the Crime Rate

The crime index rate published by government agencies
is considered by many scholars (Bordua and Reiss 1967; Reiss
1970; Black 1972; Manning 1977; and Quinney 1970)”5 to be
unreliable and undependable as a basis for develOping a true
picture of what actually happens in the real world. The
reasons for this unreliability are numerous. For one thing,

the definition Of what constitutes a crime or an offense

89

differs from one society to another. Secondly, when agreement
is reached on major crimes, only those are included in the
criminal index. (For example, the FBI usually lists only
seven major crimes in its index.)l Thirdly, crimes included
in the index are only those crimes that are known to the
police. Fourthly, some police departments may, on occasion,
either over-report crimes (in order to increase their budget)
or under-report crimes (in order to show the department's
professionalism and efficiency). Finally, the pressure on
police to process a large number of cases and to show a crime
rate may lead to more arrests or false accusations, not to
mention the violation of due process.106 Thus, in fact, the
nature of the true crime rate is like that of "a chimera."
The following figures on the Saudi Arabian crime
index are probably subject to the same limitations discussed
above. The first statistics on crime were published in 1966.
Before this period, no official statistics were available,
either from the police departments or the national police
headquarters (General Directorate of Public Security in
Riyadh). Therefore, the period covered in this study was from
1966-78.* Crimes listed in the index for 1966-70 are:
(l) homocide, (2) prOperty crimes (there are no breakdowns in
this category), (3) moral crimes, (4) cheating and embezzle-

ment, (5) drugs (this category implicitly includes alcohol),

 

*Figures for 1976 have been omitted because they have
not been published by the Statistics Department.

‘w—m""-, _ .

90

and (6) smuggling (there are no breakdowns in this category).
Tables 2.1, 2.2, and 2.3 show the total number of crimes
committed during the period 1966-1978. Table 2.1 shows the
crime index from 1966 to 1975 as broken down by official
statistics, Table 2.2 shows the most serious crimes committed
in 1977-78, and Table 2.3 shows all crimes committed in
1977-78 regardless of their seriousness.

From these tables one can see the general trend toward
an increase in the crime rate. For example, 372 more crimes
were committed in 1978 than in 1977, an increase of almost
17 percent in one year. If one looks at the entire ten-year
period, the total number of crimes decreased from 1,850 to
1,304. However, this decrease was not because less crimes
were committed during this period (as claimed by the Statis-
tics Department) but was due to the failure to include drug
and alcohol crimes in figures for the years after 1971. If
the figures for these crimes in 1978, which totaled 1,733
cases, are added to the total number of crimes committed in
1978, then the total becomes overwhelmingly high. On the
other hand, when the crime index for 1977-78 is examined, it
becomes apparent that there was a 25 percent increase in the
total number of crimes in 1978 (from 182 crimes in 1977 to
223 crimes in 1978). This increase, in the writer's Opinion,

represents the general trend in the crime rate.

91

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93

Foreigners Living in Saudi Arabia

 

After examining the nationality Of those who committed
crimes during the period from 1966-75, the writer found that
foreigners constituted a large prOportion of those responsible
for committing crimes. For example, in 1966, the total num—
ber of peOple who committed the crimes categorized in the
previous section was 2,560. Of this total, 833 individuals
were Saudis.* Table 2.4 shows the total number of people by
nationality who committed serious crimes from 1966-75 and
1977-78.

If we take the two—year period from 1977 to 1978, we
find that 7,986 people committed crimes in 1977 and 8,539
people committed crimes in 1978. Of these, 2,513 were foreign-
ers in 1977 and 2,713 were foreigners in 1978. There was a
7 percent increase in criminality from 1977 to 1978 for for-
eigners as compared with a 6 percent increase for Saudis for
the same period. (The number of Saudis totaled 5,473 and
5,826, respectively.)

If we examine the total number of persons who commit-
ted crimes in 1978, we find that a total of 5,826 Saudis out

of a population of 8,612,970 inhabitants”7 had committed

 

*The writer found a discrepancy in the total number of
crimes committed in 1966 as reported in two government statis-
tical indexes. One index was issued by the Public Security
Crime Statistics Division (national police). This index, which
reported crimes from 1966-70, listed the total number of crimes
committed in 1966 as 2,560. Another index was published by
the Ministry of the Interior Central Statistics Department.
This index, which reported crimes from 1966-75, listed the
total number of crimes committed in 1966 as 2,721. Interest-
ingly, both used the same categories.

94

 

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95

criminal activity as compared with a total of 2,713 foreigners
who had committed crimes out of a total foreign pOpulation of
859,694 living in Saudi Arabia during that same period.

The Statistical Book for the Ministry of the Interior

 

used two indexes for foreigners in 1978: one index showed
that 606,403 foreigners were granted legal stay status; the
other index showed that 253,291 foreigners had their status
renewed.“"108 Because the writer could not interpret whether
or not the last category was a subdivision of the first and

to avoid any confusion or over-representation of foreigners
committing crimes in Saudi Arabia, the writer combined the

two figures into one total. Even this combination, according
to his knowledge, is still low. The appropriate figure should
be over 1,000,000 foreigners. However, even allowing that the
total number of foreigners in Saudi Arabia in 1978 was over

' 1,000,000, the percentage of foreigners who commit crimes
(0.27 percent) is still quite high as compared with that for

Saudis (0.067 percent).

 

*The renewal of legal stay status is granted to those
foreigners who have been living in Saudi Arabia on an official
permit and have requested that the permit, which is granted
for a certain period of time, be renewed. Another type of
legal stay status is called "visa issuance" and occurs when
an embassy abroad grants a visa to foreigners whose services
are either requested by public or private institutions or who
have themselves asked for a job in the country. This clarifi—
cation should be approached with extreme caution, however, as
not every foreigner living in the country requests a renewal
of his stay every year, and all of those who are issued visas
do not necessarily come to Saudi Arabia.

96

It is also interesting to look at the total number of
peOple who are in Saudi Arabian prisons for committing one or
more of the categorized crimes and/or traffic accidents. Of
a total Of 9,244 prisoners in Saudi Arabia in 1978, 5,127
(55.5 percent) were Saudis and 4,117 (44.5 percent) were
foreigners. Comparing these figures with the total population
of each group (1,000,000 for foreigners and 8,612,970 for
Saudis) yields percentages of 0.41 for foreigners and 0.059

for Saudis.”9

The reader may interpret these figures as
being intentionally inflated for foreigners by police Officers
as a matter of differentiated practice. For example, more
foreigners rather than natives are likely to be arrested,
hence statistically used. However legitimate this claim may
appear, the fact remains that foreign work force criminal
activities are under-reported in order to continue importing
more foreign work forces to carry out the desired plans for
develOpmental projects in the country.

From the preceding discussion we have seen how impor-
tant the variables of economic growth, pOpulation growth,
growth in crime rate, and educational growth are in determin-
ing the rate and magnitude of development in many societies.
We have also seen how these four variables plus the fifth
variable, foreigners living in Saudi Arabia, have shaped the

present police and social structure in Saudi Arabian society.

It is amazing to see how Saudi Arabia has leapt many strides

97

ahead on the path of immense develOpment in all of its
institutions in such a short period of time. Fifteen years
ago, no citizen (or foreigner) with any forecasting abilities
could have even come close to foreseeing the present state of
economic and social growth.
Growth of Traditional Institutions
as a Result of DevelOpment
In 1964, Robert Sinai believed that develOpment cannot
be attained without breaking with centuries-old traditions.
In this regard, he wrote:
India can, in fact, never advance towards its proclaimed
goals unless, and until, it has the courage, the strength
of character, to free itself from its bondage to this
tradition. . . .11°
In the Arab countries of the Middle East, the struggle
between tradition and innovation is writ large in male
violence, the explosive tensions, the erratic policies,
the vicious inconstancy of the religion. . . . 11
Everywhere, even in autocratic, benighted Saudi Arabia,
there is the same agonizing and unresolved debate among
the newly forming middle classes, among army Officers,
white—collar workers and intellectuals between perman-
ence and change.112
At the time that Sinai wrote the above, this may have
been a point well taken, but what Mr. Sinai failed to realize
was the fact that develOpment, to be effective, must be
locally incorporated, modified, and adjusted to meet the
particular social and economic settings of a given society.

In other words, we can't expect all societies to develOp in

the same way or using the same approach. Thus, Saudi Arabia's

98

approach to development "modernization" is not an imported,
carbon-copy imposed or in conflict with its basic traditions.

The efforts the government takes to maintain such a
rapid economic and social growth, without eroding many of its
valued and established traditions, means that the government
of Saudi Arabia, as a social change agent, has been trying to
selectively modernize its institutions and, at the same time,
maintain the society's norms and values in conformity with
Islamic law and tradition.

As might be expected in the early phases of moderni-
zation, many traditional commitments must be overcome or
modified to allow for the desired organizational change to
take place. Such a process, however, must be approached with
care, sensitivity, and diplomacy. Saudi Arabia's government
is trying to accomplish change through a well—balanced social
system, integrating traditionalists peacefully into the new
system and maintaining basic Islamic traditions as the sole
source of law in the land and the national heritage.

Ralph Braibanti, in analyzing King Faisal's role in
developing Saudi Arabia, writes:

Great leadership in a developing nation doesn't reject
the traditions of the system. It introduces change into
the complex issue of religion, history, tradition, and
culture with caution and humility so as to minimize per-
forations in the membrane Of continuity which is the
psychic-~even sacred--possession of all men. . . . Yet
to preserve and to fortify this precious (Islamic)
religious heritage which will be (is) 1,400 years Old

in 1980. There must be a quality of Olympian states-
manship which is faithful to the Koran and yet wise and

Dr.

99

prudent in using modernized, secular political power

to safeguard the religious heritage. Here, the Koranic
concept of viceregency (Khalifah) is crucial: "No man
may rule over others unless he is superior in faith and
piety." This superiority in faith and piety Faisal
possessed to a remarkable degree.113

Fouad Al-Farsy writes:

Analysis would have shown the strong ties Of continuity
between the two cultures, shared assumptions of national
ideology and the profound spiritual consensus for the
teaching of the Koran. This is the first point to
establish, that beyond many significant differences

carved upon Saudi Arabia from the pre-industrial develOp-
ment process to the process of modernization is the total
sense of continuity maintained by the tightly woven fabric
of Islamic spirituality.11“

Helen Lackner comments:

Saudi Arabia became a dominant power in the Arab world
after 1967, but it was only after the massive oil price
rises in 1973 and 1974 that the country reached a position
Of importance on the world scene thanks to its financial
clout. . . .115

We thus have the strange phenomenon of a state which is
an anachronism in political terms in the twentieth
century, while at the same time it is a financial world
power and has introduced massive technological moderni-
zation in the country. . . . Yet the regime subscribes to
the fundamental Islamic ideas by which every man is
equal.116

Planned change does not mean, as Smelser has said,

that "traditional norms, values and religion will decline in

every respect at the time of modernization.

"117 On the con-

trary, traditions (especially those with a strong national

heritage and religious commitment) can be an important factor

in fostering social and economic growth.

Max Weber showed this when he wrote about the role

of Protestantism in the rise of modern capitalism:

100

(This doctrine) made mandatory the expression of devotion
to God in all aspects of man's daily life, and made an
obedience to the Biblical commandment to bring forth the
fruits of the earth through economic pursuits of equal
spiritual value to the life of spiritual contemplation.
(Leading, in the final analysis,) to a more systematic
pursuit of economic activities (in the right direction.
Such activities implanted the great idea of the) glory
of God and spiritual development of man in the mind of
the Protestants.118
That is why Islamic religion makes it a duty and an
obligation for its followers to direct their mental as well
as physical energies to both religious worship and the acqui-
sition of knowledge. Contrary to the Hindu religion, which
calls for directing energy toward worship, R. Sinai comments,
"Its energy has been spent in worship rather than in
thought . . . instead of stimulating the activities of indi-
viduals, it has condemned it to the most degrading spiritual
serfdom."119
Tilak, a militant nationalist who was called the
"father of Indian unrest," firmly believed that only by a
revival of Hinduism could the country be saved and win back
its dignity and independence. Gandhi not only rejected the
political domination Of the British but also rejected any
form of western presence. To this end, he said, "One effort
is required and that is to drive western civilization out.
All else will follow."120 He believed that the west's indus-

trial and democratic civilization was merely materialistic

and destructive Of harmony and community. One would question

101

Gandhi's stand of complete rejectionism of western civilization,
but even after witnessing, as Gandhi did, the ugly face of
colonialism and its effort to impose its own outside foreign
culture on the nationals, one can rationalize the stand that
Gandhi took.

Past experience in modernization has shown the set-
backs caused by forced or sudden social changes on develOping
societies, especially Asians. For example, Japanese moderni-
zation processes not only produced discontent among the
Japanese elite but also produced a "schizophrenic" Japanese
society.121

In Turkey, Kemal Ataturk tried to abolish the whole
Ottoman society's heritage and culture by introducing new
western concepts of modernization, a process that led, in the
final analysis, to a revolution against Ataturk and a retreat
to Turkey's old traditions. ’

India's leaders have always pressed the point that
"only by going back to the values and practices of India's
'golden past' and only by returning to Gandhi's pristine
teachings can the country be saved and rejuvenated."122

Motoori Norinaga of Japan (1730-1801) rejected any
Chinese influence over Japan and for that matter rejected all
metaphysics as foreign importation and "insisted in a literal
belief in the ancient myths as contained especially in the

Kosiki."123

102

An increase of motivational commitment to the
institutional pattern would strengthen the ability of the
integrative or institutional system to control and channel
social action. In other words, it would lead to an increase
in social discipline. Bellah notes that this occurred in
the case of Japan's social structure. "The institutional
structure was held together largely through ties Of loyalty
between the superior and inferior."12” Thus, strengthening
the intensity of loyalty leads to the strong and close
relationships between the political and social institutions.

Japan has tried, in its own way, to Japanize almost
everything, including religion. Where Confucianism and Shinto
had borrowed from Buddhist "metaphysics and psychology,
Buddhism and Shinto had borrowed much of Confucian ethics;
Confucianism and Buddhism had been rather thoroughly Japan-
ized."125

Saudi Arabian modernization, like that of Japan
(except in regard to the Islamic religion where no change in
any of its teaching or principles are allowed), is Saudianized.
Dr. Al-Gosaibi comments:

Unlike most develOpment efforts in the world, the Saudi
experiment escapes the doctrinaire clutches of both
capitalism and socialism. In common with capitalist
systems, private enterprise is encouraged, and the market
forces are the final determinants of economic policy.

In common with socialist systems, the state assumes a
very aggressive role in promoting welfare; there are
loans, grants, and subsidies in Saudi Arabia which never
crossed the imagination of the social democrat. . . .
However, the Saudi economic system is not a theoretical
hodgepodge of capitalism and socialism but the result

Of the evaluation and interplay of beliefs and forces
peculiarly Saudi.126

103

Comparing Saudi develOpment with that of other societies,
Dr. Al-Gosaibi notes that "in stark contrast" to these
societies, "Saudi develOpment is a child born in a cradle of

Saudi mores, customs and traditions“?7

Police Development in Saudi Arabia

 

The impact of the preceding social factors and growth
of traditional institutions on police development in Saudi
Arabia cannot escape the mind or thoughts of a student of
social change. The Saudi Arabian police force is growing
steadily and at the same pace as other institutions in the
society, particularly if we recognize the fact that before
1920 a regular police force was nonexistent (see Chapter I).
When the Hejaz region was captured by King Abdul Aziz in
January, 1926, there was some type of formal police presence
in four cities: Taif, Mecca, Jeddah, and Medina. These
cities inherited their system of policing from the Ottoman
Empire that controlled the region for a long period of time
and were represented by King Hussein. The police in the four
cities continued to perform the same function and role until
early 1930 when the King issued Royal Decree No. 233 which
provided for the creation of a central police department to
be located in Mecca. This decree gave the newly formed
central police responsibility for the police precincts in the

four cities.128

104

From that time on, police departments were established
in most of Saudi Arabia's cities and towns. According to
Fouad Hamza, in 1932 there were only 14 police departments
in the country, and the total police fOrce in the entire
kingdom had only 929 men. Of these, 33 were commissioned
officers (from 2nd lieutenant and up); the remaining 896 were
regular policemen. In 1980, there were over 86 police depart-
ments, stations, or precincts all over the country. The
Ministry of Finance authorized a budget for the General Direc-
torate of Public Security that allowed for a total police
force of 73,121 men, not including civilian employees.

Of this total, 2,375 positions were authorized for
commissioned police officers. These positions had to be
filled by those who have graduated from the Police College in
Riyadh or from other accredited colleges or universities
inSide or outside the country and who have entered their
police careers as commissioned officers. The individual
police officer's position is vacated for the following reasons:

1. Death

2. Resignation

3. Retirement

4. Forced retirement
5. Physical disability

6. Dismissal for committing an illegal act, whether
criminal or ethical

105

7. Failing to pass the promotion exams for the ranks
from 2nd lieutenant to major three times for

one rank trial

8. Promotion to the next rank
These are the primary causes of vacanCy of a police position.
However, the creation of new positions allowed in each new
budget is the most important factor in police Officers'
position openings.

The remaining 70,746 positions were authorized for
regular policemen. These policemen had to have completed the
fifth grade or higher, be 18 years of age or older (up to
age 40), and have received clearance regarding their high
personal integrity and emotional stability.

Because all of the jobs allocated for both ranks in
1980 will not have been completely filled, the writer has
adjusted the figures, based on his own experience, to allow
for some percentage decrease in the number of police officers
and policemen. Therefore, if we allow that 15 percent of
the officer's positions and 20 percent of the policemen's
positions will have been vacant in 1980, the total police
force for that budget year will have included slightly more
than 2,000 commissioned officers and approximately 53,000
policemen. These figures are consistent with a pattern of
previous increases in police personnel from 1959 to 1980.

To illustrate this point, in 1959 the total number

of police officers was 421 and the total number of policemen

106

was 10,599.129 In 1969, the figures were 888 and 21,057,
respectively, reflecting an increase of over 100 percent.
Therefore, in accordance with the previous percentage adjust-
ment, the 1980 figures of 2,000 officers and 53,000 police-
men are very close to reality. The number of police per
capita in Saudi Arabia is a hard estimate to come by because
first, the total pOpulation is not statistically well esta-
blished (see page 5). Secondly, of all the various internal
security forces, the General Directorate of the Coast Guard,
the General Directorate of Investigation, the General Direc-
torate of the Special Forces Unit, the Police College, Immi—
gration and Naturalization, and the General Directorate of
Public Security, only the last one performs real police func-
tions. If we take the General Directorate of Public Security's
total police force for 1980 to be 53,000 policemen and 2,000
police officers, totaling 55,000, and take the total popula-
tion Of Saudi Arabia as given by the U. S. Government in
January, 1980, as 8,224,000, then the percentage of police
per capita can be calculated at Q0067 percent.

The budget for the General Directorate of Public Secur-
ity for 1959 was 55,112,600 riyals; for 1969 it was 167,431,530

riyals; and for 1979/80 it was 3,771,881,428 riyals.*

 

*For the 1979/80 budget, U. S. $1.00 = 3.334 riyals,
although the exchange rate previously fluctuated between
3.5 and 4 riyals/dollar.

107

If we look at the Riyadh Police Department, which is
the main focus of the study, we can see that this department
is also growing rapidly. Figure 2.1 outlines the 1980 organi-
zational structure for the Riyadh Police Department. In 1950,
there were 1,255 policemen and 37 police Officers, not
including civilians; in 1960 there were 2,971 policemen and
47 Officers; in 1970 there were 2,971 policemen and 123 offi-
cers; and in 1980 there were 6,419 policemen and 137 officers.
The relatively stable number of Officers in 1970 and 1980 is
due primarily to the increased delegation of authority to
sergeants, staff sergeants, and major sergeants, the majority
of whom have been educated in the United States, Europe,
and/or Asian countries. These sergeants have assumed author-
ity in areas that used to be for officers only (e.g., train-
ing, patrol and supervision, and important administrative
jobs). Therefore, there is less need for commissioned
Officers.

This change is reflected in the increased number of
sergeants, staff sergeants, and major sergeants in the Riyadh
police force. For example, in 1950 there were only seven
sergeants and no major sergeants in the police force (the
position of staff sergeant was not created until much later);
in 1960 there were 18 sergeants and 18 major sergeants; in
1970 there were 50 sergeants and 27 major sergeants; and in
1980 there were 645 sergeants, 148 staff sergeants, and 54

major sergeants.

108

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109

Figures for the Riyadh Police Department budget are
only available for the period from 1975/76 to 1980. A recent
source indicated to the writer that the budget was 113,872,841
riyals in 1975/76; 108,557,422 riyals in 1976/77; 211,623,141
riyals in 1977/78; 243,289,554 riyals in 1978/79; and
227,428,970 riyals in 1979/80. There are two main reasons
for the decrease in the Riyadh Police Department budget from
1978/79 to 1979/80. The first is the transfer of the Riyadh
Traffic Division's budget for personnel, equipment, and facil-
ities to the Regional Traffic Department which was created as
as separate budget division in 1976/77. Secondly, most of
the needed projects and equipment for the Riyadh police were
completed in the previous fiscal budget period (1978/79).

The general pattern, these years aside, is an increase of
over 100 percent from 1975/76 to 1979/80 (without taking

into account inflation).

Summary

Today, developing countries have been engaged in
massive develOpment programs, each pursuing its own develOp—
ment according to its national goal. Without setting a goal,
develOpment can be of no value other than the paper it con-
tains. Saudi Arabia as a developing nation has been striving
in the right direction of developing in accordance with its

basic values and national heritage. It has launched two

110

huge five-year plans--one for 1975-80 for a huge sum of $142
billion. The second five-year plan for 1980—85 (already
started in June 1980) had a more striking huge sum of over
$330 billion, which Ed Bradley of CBS claimed to be the
highest figure ever put by mankind on earth for develOpmental
projects. The aim of this plan is to readjust ways and means
learned from the preceding one to accomplish the major
national goals. Those goals are varied and numerous, most
important among them are to diversify sources of national
income by not relying heavily on oil revenues, and to create a
more national skilled work force which is badly needed for
carrying out the plan.

The diversification of national income sources will
stem primarily from implementation of the already constructed
petrochemical projects at the newly established two industrial
cities of Jubail and Yenbu. In a country living with these
huge, ambitious plans of development over a short period of
time, one would wonder how its traditional social institu-
tions could handle all these fast-growing develOpmental
projects with the same rate of speed.

For a foreign observer it might seem impossible, but
for those who live and witness the experience of developing
it is no magic at all. Each institution has to share its
duties and responsibilities with h0pe, patience, and good

faith in what it is doing. Take, for example, the educational

111

institutions. In 1953 there were 506 elementary schools

with 44,000 students. In 1978 there were 2,987 schools with
466,000 students. In 1953 there were 100 secondary schools
enrolling 793 students, whereas in 1978 there were 600
secondary schools enrolling 123,548 students. At the high
school level in 1953 there were only 50 high schools with

522 students, while in 1978 there were 200 high schools with
more than 34,037 students. These figures belong to boys
only; there were no formal schools for girls in the whole
country until after 1960. Now there are more than 2,163
schools for girls with an overall enrollment of 390,838 girls,
of whom 341,495 are Saudis. Before 1950 there was no single
university in the country. Now there are six major univer-
sities, two junior colleges, one police college, one military
college, one air force college, and three girls' colleges in
three cities. Another example is the police force in Saudi
Arabia. Before 1920, Saudi police were non-existent. Only
in 1926, upon the capture of the Hejaz region (the eastern
province in Saudi Arabia now), did that change, as that
region had four police precincts in four cities. In 1932,
the total uniformed police force in Saudi Arabia was 929 men
of which 33 were commissioned police officers and the remain-
ing 896 were regular men, with 15 police districts all over
the country. Now, as of 1980, there are 4,000 police officers

and over 80,000 regular policemen in the whole internal

112

security force with over 80 police departments, stations
or precincts. The Public Security force alone has 2,000
police officers and over 50,000 policemen.

In the health realm, according to Fouad Hamza, in
1937 the total number of hospitals Operating in Saudi Arabia
was nine in all and three clinics with about 20 doctors.13°
In 1971, there were 1,138 physicians and 5,078 paramedical
personnel providing health services for both public and
private sectors.131

Medical care in Saudi Arabia, including hospitaliza-
tion costs, is provided free for each citizen or foreigner.
In addition, any citizen is eligible to receive free medical
treatment abroad if a medical report indicates that his case
requires this treatment. Treatment is available regardless
of cost and place of treatment. Individuals also have the
right to have a companion be with them during their treatment
abroad. Companions are provided with free tickets, expense
money for living abroad, and free transportation.

In the realm of social work, the Ministry of Work and
Social Welfare, through its respective branches located in
each city, town, and village, is the responsible social agent
for providing a basic monthly salary for each poor family
with no bread provider, each widow, each social worker who

works in the field, and each orphaned school student (or

reform school, as it is called now). In 1975, 110,000 peOple

113

received a social welfare salary each month. In that year,
the total number of citizens who received social welfare
salary assistance or urgent relief was 199,400.

In the industrial realm, it should be noted that
Saudi Arabia has a long way to go to be, definitionally,
called an industrial nation by western criteria. But, looking
at the rate of growth in light industrial develOpment, one
can, with full confidence, say that Saudi Arabia has both the
potential means and will and is moving in the right direction.
For example, 20 years ago one would not have been able to
find a private factory Operating with Saudi capital or run
by Saudi hands. In 1975, the Ministry of Industry had issued,
after recognizing each request's economic utility, 509 per-
mits for private sector light financing. In 1977, this
figure was almost doubled--800 permits were issued, capital—
ized at $2 billion. The government itself, last year, opened
two industrial cities for petro-chemical industries. To
encourage the expansion of industrial development, the govern-
ment provides the private sector with free land on which to
install the desired project and free studies and consulta-
tions about the economic utility of the project. Besides
this, the government provides 50 percent of the costs of the
project on a long-term loan without any interest. This assis-
tance is also applied to each citizen who desires to build his

private home, but with a longer period for paybacks.

114

These brief examples provide an illustration of how
Saudi Arabian institutions are growing very fast with a
steady and rapid rate. If, as Horowitz said, "the method-
ological orientation was the bridge which enabled the Ameri-
cans to cross over from an agricultural to an industrial
base,"132 then Islamic tradition as a Saudi value is the
bridge Saudi Arabia is taking to cross to development. As
Bendix nicely puts it, "a fully modern society lacking

tradition is an abstraction without any meaning."133

115

Footnotes--Chapter II

 

1Guy E. Swanson, Social Change (Glenview, Illinois:
Scott, Foresman, and Co., 1971), p. 2.

 

2Ibid.
3Ibid.
“Ibid.
5Ibid.
6Ibid.
71bid.
8Ibid.
9Peter K. Manning, "Social Groups and Social Functions,"

in Sociology: A Basic Concapt, ed. Edward Sagarin (New York:
Holt, Rhinehart, and Co., Winter 1978), pp. 190-191.

 

1°Ibid., p. 191.

11Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structures
(New York: Free Press, 1957), pp. 125-132.

 

12Ibid.

13W. A. Lewis, quoted in Neil Smelser, Essays in
Sociological Explanation (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:
Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1968): p. 126.

 

 

1"Neil Smelser, Essays in Sociological EXplanation
(Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1968),
p. 126.

 

15Ibid.

x6M. Nash, quoted in Neil Smelser, Essays in Sociolo-
gical Explanation, p. 126.

 

 

17Smelser, Essays in Sociological Explanation, p. 126.

 

116
18R. Bendix, Nation-Building and Citizenship (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1977), p. 12.
19Ibid., p. 11.
2°Ibid.

21Alexander Gerschenkron, quoted in R. Bendix, Nation-
Building and Citizenship, pp. 393-394.

 

22Smelser, Essays in Sociological Explanation, p. 68.

 

23Bendix, Nation-Building and Citizenship, p. 12.

2"American Justice Institute/Project Star, The Impact
of Social Trends on Crime and Criminal Justice (Sacramento,
California: Anderson Davis Publishers, 1976f, p. 193.

 

25Ibid.
26Ibid.

27Charles Tilly et al., "How Policing Affected the
Visibility of Crime in Nineteenth—Century Europe and America,"
to be published in The Criminal Justice System, ed. Theodore
Ferdinand, p. 33.

28Ibid., p. 74.
29Ibid.

3°Raymond Fosdick, quoted in David Bayley, "Police
Function, Structure, and Control in Western EurOpe and North
America: Comparative and Historical Studies," in Crime and
Practice: An Annual Review of Records, eds. Morris Norval
and Michael Torry (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1979). pp. 115-116.

 

31Bruce Smith, quoted in David Bayley, "Police Function,
Structure, and Control in Western EurOpe and North America:
Comparative and Historical Studies," p. 116.

32David Bayley, "Police Function, Structure, and Con-
trol in Western EurOpe and North America: Comparative and
Historical Studies," p. 116.

33Tilly, "How Policing Affected the Visibility of
Crime in Nineteenth-Century Europe and America," p. 23.

3"Ibid., p. 7.

35Ibid., p. 177.

1964).

 

1971),

36Ibid.

37Ibid., p.

38Ibid., p.

39Ibid.

“°Ibid., p.

“11bid.

“21bid., p.
“31bid., p.

MIbid., p.

“51bid.

117

18.

29.

54.

64.

79.

95.

“61bid., p. 98.

“7James Cramer, The World Police

“81bid., p.
“91bid., p.
5°Ibid.
51Ibid., p.
52Ibid., p.
S3Ibid.
5"Ibid., p.
55Ibid., p.
SGT. A.
2nd ed.
p. 36.
57Ibid.

5°Ibid.

 

132.

137.

154.

157.

284.

285.

(London:

Cassell,

Critchley, A History of Police in England and

 

(Montclair, New Jersey:

Patterson Smith,

59David Bordua, "The Police," in International Encyclo-
pedia of Social Science, ed. D. Sills (New York:

 

1968),

p. 174.

 

Free Press,

118

60Clark Kerr, quoted in Neil Smelser, Essays in
Sociological Explanation, p. 172.

 

 

61T. Fox and M. Miller, quoted in Neil Smelser,
Essays in Sociological Explanation, p. 176.

 

62Smelser, Essays in Sociological Explanation, p. 175.

 

63K. A. Busia, mentioned in Neil Smelser, Essays in
Sociological Explanation, p. 175.

 

 

6"Critchley, A History of Police in England and Wales,

 

p. 2.

65Sayles, quoted in T. A. Critchley, A History of
Police in England and Wales, p. 2.

 

 

66Critchley, A History of Police in England and Wales.

 

67Walpole, quoted in T. A. Critchley, A History of
Police in England and Wales, p. 21.

 

 

68For further information, see T. A. Critchley,
A History of Police in England and Wales.

 

69Peel, quoted in T. A. Critchley, A History of Police
in England and Wales, p. 48.

 

 

7oSee Donald Black and Albert Reiss, "Career Orienta-
tions, Job Satisfaction, and the Assessment of Law Enforcement
PrOblems by Police Officers," in Studies of Crime and Law
Enforcement in Major Metropolitan Areas, vol. 75 (Ann Arbor:
University of Michigan, 1966); Elaine Cumming, Ian Cumming,
and Laura Edell, "Policeman as PhiloSOpher, Guide, and Friend,"
Social Problems 12:3 (Winter 1965):276-286.

 

 

 

71Thomas Bercal, "Calls for Police Assistance: Con-
sumer Demands for Governmental Service," in Police in Urban
Society, ed. Harlan Han (Beverly Hills, California: Sage
Publications, 1970).

 

72Elmer Johnson, "Police: An Analysis of Role Conflict,"
Police 14:3 (January-February 1970):47-52.

73J. Q. Wilson, Varieties of Police Behavior (Cambridge,
Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968).

 

7"Michael Banton, The Policeman in the Community
(New York: Basic Books, 1964), p. 43.

 

119

75Stanley Kadish, quoted in American Justice Institute/
Project Star, The Impact of Social Trends on Crime and
Criminal Justice, p. 87.

 

 

76American Justice Institute/Project Star, The Impact
of Social Trends on Crime and Criminal Justice, p. 90.

 

 

77Max Weber, quoted in H. Gerth and W. Mills, eds.,
From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1976; originally published in 1946),
pp. 204-208.

 

78Bayley, "Police Function, Structure, and Control in
Western EurOpe and North America: Comparative and Historical
Studies," p. 124.

79Ibid.
8°Egon Bittner, The Function of the Police in Modern

Society (Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office,
1970), PP. 72-73.

 

81Ibid.

82Ibid.

83Ibid., p. 54.

8"United States, President's Commission on Law Enforce-
ment and the Administration of Justice, The Challenge of Crime

in a Free Society (Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government
Printing Office, 1967), p. 273.

 

 

asBordua, "The Police," p. 177.

86Peter K. Manning, Memo No. 2 to the Department of
Sociology, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan,
January 30, 1980.

87David Bayley, "The Police and Political Development
in Europe," in Formation of National States in Europe, ed.
Charles Tilly (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University
Press, 1979A), p. 328.

 

88See Peter K. Manning, Police Work (Cambridge, Mass.:
MIT Press, 1977); Richard Quinney, The Sggial Reality of
Crime (Boston, Mass.: Little, Brown and Co., 1970); Jerome
Skolnick, gastice Without Trial (New York: Wiley, 1966);
B. Chapman, Police State (London: Macmillan, 1970).

 

 

 

120

89Kamal Siraj-Addin, Al—Wajibat Alamah Le Gowat A1 Amn
Al Dahkili Fi Al'Mamlakah Al Arabia Al Saudiah (General Duties
of the Internal Security Forces in Saudi Arabia)(Riyadh, 1969).

 

9°Ibid.
91Ibid.

92Peter Hobday, Saudi Arabia Today (New York:
St. Martin's Press, 1978): P. 28.

 

93Bayley, "The Police and Political DevelOpment in
EurOpe," p. 328.

9"John Philby, "Riyadh: Ancient and Modern," Middle-
East Journal 13:3 (Spring 1959):131.

 

95Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency (SAMA), Annual Report:
1977 (Riyadh: 1977), pp. i-ii: Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency
(SAMA), Annual Raport: 1978 (Riyadh: 1978), p. 171.

 

 

 

96"Saudi Arabia: Huge Developments Based on Islamic
Traditions," cover story, Mideast Business Exchange IV:48
(June 1980).

 

97Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Ministry of the Interior,
Statistical Book: 1966-75; Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Ministry
of the Interior, Statistical Book: 1977-78 (Riyadh).

98John Philby, "Riyadh: Ancient and Modern," p. 131.

99Ibid.

100Doxiadis, "Riyadh Existing Conditions," Doxiadis
official report submitted to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia,
July 1968 (DOZ-SA-AZ), p. 86--Table 13.

1“Ibid.

1“Ibid.

1°3SCET-International/SEDES, Technical Report #2
(Riyadh: February 1977), p. 13.

 

1“Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Education,
Educational Statistics, 11th issue, 1977-78, pp. 43 and 46.

121

105See D. Bordua and A. J. Reiss, "Sociology in Law

Enforcement," in The Uses of Sociology, ed. Paul Lazarsfeld

et al. (New York: Basic Books, 1967); Albert Reiss, Crime

in Urban Sociaty (New York: Dunnellan Publishers, 1970);

D. J. Black, "The Production of Crime Rates," American
Sociological Review 35 (August 1970):733-748; Peter K. Manning,
Police Work; Richard Quinney, The Social Reality of Crime.

 

 

 

 

 

1“Ronald Akers and Richard Hawkins, eds., "A Dispo-

sition of Cases," in Law and Control in Society (Englewood
Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1975), p. 186.

 

1“This figure was given in the Ministry of the

Interior's Statistical Yearbook: 1977-78.

 

108Figures for 1966-75 were obtained from publications

by the Central Statistics Department of the Ministry of the
Interior and the Public Security Crime Statistics Division
of the Ministry of the Interior. Figures for the 1977-78
period were obtained from the Ministry of the Interior's
Statistical Book: 1977-78, pp. 260—266.

 

1”Ibid.

11°Robert Sinai, The Challenge of Modernization: The
West's Impact on the Non-Western World (New York: W. W. Norton
and Company, Inc., 1964), p. 80.

 

 

111Ibid., p. 92.
1121bid.

113Ralph Braibanti, "Saudi Arabia in the Context of
Political Development Theory," in King Faisal and the Moderni-
zation of Saudi Arabia, ed. Willard Beling (London: Croom
Helm, 1980). P. 40.

 

 

11“Fouad Al-Farsy, "King Faisal and the First Five-Year
Development Plan," in KingtFaisal and the Modernization of
Saudi Arabia, ed. Willard Beling, p. 60.

1

 

 

15Helen Lackner, A House Built on Sand: A Political
Economy of Saudi Arabia (London: Ithaca Press, 1978). p. 124.

 

 

116Ibid., p. 216.

117Smelser, Essays in Sociological Explanation, P- 135-

 

118Max Weber, quoted in Guy E. Swanson, Social Change,
p. 179.

 

122

119Sinai, The Challenge of Modernization: The West's
Impact on the Non-Western World, pp. 42-43.

 

 

12°Gandhi, quoted in Robert Sinai, The Challenge of
Modernization: The West's Impact on the Non-Western World,
p. 61.

 

121Sinai, The Challenge of Modernization: The West's
Impact on the Non-Western World, p. 68.

 

122Ibid., p. 77.

123Robert Bellah, Tokugawa Religion (Boston: Beacon
Press, 1970). P. 101.

 

12“Ibid., p. 55.
125Ibid., p. 59.

126Ghazi A. Al-Gosaibi, "Saudi Development--A Unique
Experiment," Mideast Business Exchange IV:48 (June 1980):37.

 

127Ibid.

128Siraj-Addin, Al-Wajibat Alamah Le Gowat A1 Amn
A1 Dahkili Fi Al'Mamlakah Al Arabia Al Saudiah (General
Duties of the Internal Security Forces in Saudi Arabia), p. 46.

 

 

129These figures were obtained in June 1980 when the
writer contacted the Director of Central Planning and
Budgeting at the national police headquarters in Riyadh.

13°Fouad Hamza, Al Bilad A1 Arabia A1 Saudiah (Saudi
Arabia), 2nd ed. (Riyadh: Al—Naser Modern PubliShers, 1968;
originally published in 1937), pp. 208-211.

131

 

Fouad Al-Farsy, Saudi Arabia: A Case Study of
DevelOpment, 2nd ed. (London: Stacey International, 1980),
pp. 208-211.

 

 

132Irvin Horowitz, Three Worlds of Develapment: The
Theory and Practice of International Stratification (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1966), p. 90.

 

 

133Bendix, Nation-Building and Citizenship, p. 11.

 

CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY, PROCEDURE, AND
OPERATIONALIZATION

In this chapter, the methodology and procedures used
in the study will be approached with the original sc0pe of
the study in mind--i.e., the impact of social and economic
factors on police development in Saudi Arabia. The case
study of the Riyadh Police Department provides an illustration
of both the impact of these factors and the qualitative and
quantitative sources of growth of the police. As Bayley notes,
. . . to determine meaningful data for the emergence of
modern police systems, in regard to the growth of
capacity of a police force, one needs to look at (l)
the number of police personnel in the force, qualita-
tively and quantitatively, which is an indicator of
(2) the amount of resources the government is willing
to expend on policing.1
In order to determine the impact of social and economic
factors on police develOpment in Saudi Arabia, the study as
a whole was exploratory, analytical, explanatory, and docu-
mentary in nature. The research was built upon the writer's

own experience of 13 years as a police officer (lieutenant

colonel) and 7 years as a government employee--a total of 20

 

1David Bayley, "The Police and Political Development
in EurOpe," in Formation of National States in EurOpe, ed.
Charles Tilly (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University
Press, 1975), p. 350.

 

123

124

years of government service. The study relied on three types
of data: published and unpublished government documents,
statistical yearbooks, and other literature on police develop-
ment in general and in Saudi Arabia in particular; personal
interviews with high police officials in the Saudi Arabian
police force; and a questionnaire that was administered to
police officers in the capital city of Riyadh's police depart-
ment and to high-ranking officers in the General Directorate

of Public Security.

Sample
At the beginning of 1980 there were about 3,800 police

officers working in the various internal security forces in
Saudi Arabia. Of this total, 3,000 held the rank of 2nd
lieutenant, lst lieutenant, or captain;* 723 officers held
the rank of major, lieutenant colonel, or colonel; and 77
officers held the rank of brigadier general, major general,

or general, with one officer as a full general. (In this
study, it should be understood that the term "police officers"
refers to commissioned, uniformed officers with the rank of
2nd lieutenant to full general. The term "policemen" refers
to those whose rank is major sergeant or lower, down to

private.)

 

*The questionnaire was not administered to 2nd or
1st lieutenants or to captains, except in 10 cases where
captains were either temporarily assigned to a post because
the director was absent or were permanently assigned super-
visory duties, as in the case of police precincts.

125

Of the 800 officers who held the rank of major or
higher, about 40 to 50 percent worked in the public security
force alone. The remaining 50 to 60 percent worked with the
other security forces and did not perform police duties in a
real sense. This means that police officers who worked in
the General Directorate of the Coast Guard, the Internal
Security Forces College, the General Directorate of Investi-
gation, the Special Forces Unit, and the Naturalization and
Immigration offices were not included in the questionnaire
distribution. These officers were omitted because their work
is of a different nature from that performed by those who
work in the General Directorate of Public Security and parti-
cularly differs from that performed by those who work in
police departments all over the country. Therefore, the
Riyadh Police Department was chosen to represent the other
departments, and the questionnaire was distributed only to
those who worked in it or in the General Directorate of Public
Security (both in Riyadh).

In 1980, there were a total of 137 police officers in
the Riyadh Police Department. Of this total, there were 17
majors, 6 lieutenant colonels, 6 colonels, 1 brigadier gen-
eral, and l lieutenant general (the director)--a total of 31
high-ranking officers. When the research was conducted, 3
majors, 2 lieutenant colonels, and 2 colonels were not avail-

able to receive the questionnaire. In order to increase the

126

size of the sample and to assure good representation within
the sample, 10 captains were also given the questionnaire.
These captains were selected because they had 10 or more
years of police service, daily work aSsignments that involved
them in crime-related investigative activities at the central
or precinct level, and authority to act in the place of higher-
ranking officers who were away or on leave during the distri-
bution of the questionnaire. Thus, a total of 34 officers
in the Riyadh Police Department were given the questionnaire.
Because the questionnaire was administered by the
researcher at each Officer's place of work, the responses
were encouraging and good controls were provided. To avoid
any misunderstanding, the researcher explained each question
thoroughly to each of the officers. As a control measure,
the officers were not allowed to communicate with one another
while answering the questionnaire. Prior to actually admin-
istering the questionnaire, the researcher conducted a pilot
study using 5 officers (majors) who worked in the offices of
the Ministry of the Interior. This pilot study gave the
writer an Opportunity to test the validity of the question-
naire, identify questions that needed further explanation or
clarification, and determine the amount of time needed to
complete the questionnaire. This pilot study gave the writer
a good indication of what to anticipate during the actual

administration of the questionnaire.

127

However, even though the researcher personally
explained each questionnaire, 2 respondents were disqualified
at the completion of the study: one respondent had marked
more than one answer, and the other had forgotten to mention
his rank. As a result, the total number of respondents from
the Riyadh Police Department was 32. Although this number
was highly representative of the Riyadh Police Department,
it only represented about 7.7 percent of the total number of
high-ranking officers who worked either at the General Direc—
torate headquarters in Riyadh or in other police departments
all over the country. Because of the validity questions
raised by this small percentage, it was decided to increase
the sample size by including officers from the headquarters
of the General Directorate of Public Security, from the
regional traffic department, and from the Riyadh traffic
division--all of which are located in Riyadh.

Sixteen high-ranking officers from the General Direc-
torate headquarters were selected based on the following
characteristics: (1) they all (except for 3) held the rank
of major or higher; (2) they all served as directors or
assistant directors of important regional (central) depart-
ments; (3) they all (except for 3) had worked at one time or
another in various police precincts around the country; and
(4) all of their jobs involved planning, supervision, train-

ing, and reviews of criminal investigation efforts.

128

The 16 officers from the General Directorate
headquarters included 1 lieutenant colonel (the director of
the Central Planning, Organizing, and Budget Department);

1 colonel (the director of the General Training Department)
and 1 major (his assistant); 3 major generals (one was the
director of the Criminal Investigation Division) and 2 majors
in Central Investigation; 2 lieutenant generals (one was the
director of the Central Control Board) and 1 major in the
Central Control Board; 1 captain (the assistant chief of the
Criminal Statistics Division); 1 major and 2 captains who
worked in the technical department of the Criminal Evidence
Department); and 1 major who was the chief officer in the
regional division of the Criminal Control Department.

Eight high-ranking officers from the Regional Traffic

Department and the Riyadh Traffic Division were also included
in the sample. Officers at the regional level included 1
colonel (the director of the Regional Traffic Department);
1 lieutenant colonel (the director's assistant); and 1 major
(the director of the Traffic Statistics Section). All of the
remaining five officers from the Riyadh Traffic Division were
majors.

The same control and explanation procedures were
followed in administering the 24 questionnaires to these

officers. Of these questionnaires, 23 were used in the study;

129

l questionnaire was not included because one of the captains
in the technical department did not indicate his length of
service.

In summary, a total of 55 queStionnaires were analyzed
for the study. These represented a significant portion of
high-ranking officers in the Riyadh Police Department, the
headquarters of the General Directorate of Public Security,
the Regional Traffic Department, and the Riyadh Traffic
Division.

The researcher also conducted personal interviews
with Prince Naif Ibn Abdullaziz (the Minister of the Interior);
the Director General of Public Security Forces (a full gen-
eral); the Director General of the Coast Guard (who was the
director of the Riyadh Police Department for more than 15
years before leaving that position in 1978 to direct the
Special Forces Unit and then in 1980 the Coast Guard); the
Deputy Assistant General Director of Public Security for Oper-
ations; and the present director of the Riyadh Police Depart-
ment. These interviews yielded valuable information and
added a large measure of reliability, validity, and compre-
hensiveness to this research.

Justification for the Selection
and Location of the Sample

 

The Riyadh Police Department was selected because

Riyadh is the capital city of Saudi Arabia and is located in

130

the heart and center of the nation. All ministries and most
large business firms are located in Riyadh. More than one—
half of the government work force is assigned to Riyadh.
The central decision-making processes for the whole nation
for major issues and matters of importance to all citizens
are originated and declared from Riyadh. His Majesty, King
Khalid, and His Royal Highness, Crown Prince Fahed, both
reside in Riyadh, as do other ministers and most high-ranking
officials. The foreign embassies have been informed that
the government would like them to move from Jeddah to Riyadh.
Most government employees must work in Riyadh for at least
some time because of the job Opportunities and because the
civil service headquarters are located there.

The General Directorate of Public Security is head-
quartered in Riyadh. The Riyadh Police Department is one
of the largest, if not the largest, of 3 majOr police depart-
ments in the country. As of 1980, there were 7,064 policemen
in the Riyadh Police Department: 3,883 were regular patrol-
men and 3,181 were noncommissioned officers (corporal to
major sergeant). There were 137 commissioned police officers,
125 civilian employees, and 75 persons who were employed on
a contract basis.*

Due to its location in the capital and its closeness

to high officials in the country, Riyadh has had to set a

 

*These statistics were obtained from a personal
letter to the researcher.

131

high standard of efficiency and professionalism. Therefore,
it has maintained reliable and accurate records since 1950.
(Records from the national police headquarters date only to
1959.)

With regard to the sample, the risk of biased selec-
tion was lessened, if not eliminated, by using the major
departments which deal directly with police—related activities
(e.g., the budget and planning, training, investigation, and
crime statistics departments) and interviewing the directors
of each department rather than selecting the names of indivi-
dual officers. The advantage to focusing on positions rather
than individuals was that someone with departmental authority
was always available, whereas the random selection of indivi—
duals would have required that the researcher deal only with
possibilities--were the officers still in the police force
and were they available? The sample was also kept relatively
small because of difficulties encountered in administering
the questionnaire and conducting the interviews. Police
officials in Saudi Arabia are extremely accessible to the
general public (in the case of Riyadh police officers) and to
the general public and other administrators (in the case of
officers at the national police headquarters).* Because

anyone can drop in at any time without prior appointment,

 

*It is a common practice for government officials to
leave their doors Open so that peOple may come in at any
time.

132

obtaining a response from even one police officer sometimes
took several hours.

This same time-consuming process occurred in the case
of interviews with the five tOp police officers in the country.
Only Prince Naif, the Minister of the Interior, instructed
his office not to allow anyone to come in until the interview
was completed, which took one hour. In the case of one
general, so many peOple came into his office during the day
that it was necessary to interview him at his home in the

evening.

Design of the Instrument

 

The questionnaire consisted of 13 multiple-choice
questions and 2 questions about the respondent's rank and
number of years of service. The multiple-choice questions
were designed to yield information about the five independent
variables in the study. The interviews were open-ended and
"conversations with a purpose." They discussed the primary
tOpics of interest and allowed respondents to recall events,
examples, and past developments in their own experience

relevant to the research hypotheses.

Other Sources of Data

 

Since the purpose of the study was to determine the
impact of certain social and economic growth factors on police
development in Saudi Arabia, the writer sought to gather as

much information as possible in order to properly address

133

this important problem. In addition to the questionnaire and
the interviews, the researcher analyzed published and unpub-
lished materials on Saudi Arabia in general and on police
development in particular.

However, the writer faced many problems in gathering
these materials. With the exception of a few unpublished
student papers, there are no materials written in English on
the develOpment of the police in Saudi Arabia and only a few
materials are available in Arabic.

Working with government documentation also presented
certain problems. Complete records did not exist in many
cases. Statistics were only available for certain areas and
did not cover all historical periods with respect to manpower,
budgets, or organizational structures. Even when such records
had been compiled, they were often misplaced or lost during
a move from one office to another. Finally, the accuracy of
some of the statistics is questionable. As is the case with
data from other governments, the information cited in govern-

ment records may not be completely reliable.

Operationalization

 

The five independent variables (economic growth,
pOpulation growth, crime rate, foreigners living in Saudi
Arabia, and widespread education) were tested empirically by
analyzing statistics found in government documents and the

results of the questionnaires and interviews. Other important

134

factors such as religious and political commitment and modern
communication were touched upon and briefly described rather

than analyzed.

Economic Growth

 

This variable was measured using budget and manpower
estimates for the General Directorate of Public Security
(national police headquarters) for the period from 1959 to
1980 and budget and manpower estimates for the Riyadh Police
Department for 1950 to 1980. Background information about
Saudi Arabia's gross domestic product (GDP) and per capita
income in the early 19205, after 1938 when oil was discovered,
and during the present time were also studied.

These figures were then analyzed in regard to general
information gathered from the literature, personal interviews,
and the questionnaires. Question 4 of the questionnaire was
designed to yield the respondents' beliefs about economic
growth and its effects on police develOpment. It asked whether
or not respondents agreed that an increase in a country's
national income and budget requires an increase in the number
of policemen and the quality of training facilities and

materials.

POpulation Growth
The earliest available data about the pOpulation of

Saudi Arabia are those published in a Ministry of the Interior

135

statistical publication for the period 1966 to 1975. These
figures were used as the basis for the study. Statistics

fOr the population of Riyadh during the early 19203 were

taken from figures cited by St. John Philby. Estimates for
later periods were taken from materials published by the
government, consultants to the government, and various western
writers. It should be remembered, however, that there is no
accurate figure concerning the population of Riyadh.

These figures were then analyzed in regard to general
information gathered from the literature, personal interviews,
and the questionnaires. Question 3 of the questionnaire was
designed to yield the respondents' beliefs about the effect
of population growth on police develOpment. It asked whether
or not respondents agreed that pOpulation growth requires

an increased number of policemen.

Crime Rate

 

The measurements for the crime rate were based on the
Government of Saudi Arabia crime index yearbook. These
figures are based on "crime" as defined and specified by the
Holy Koran. (See Chapter I for a discussion of crime and
punishment in Islam.) Because the index only covers the
period from 1968-1978, only figures for this time period were
used. These figures were then analyzed in regard to general

information gathered from the literature, personal interviews,

136

and the questionnaires. Questions 5, 6, and 8 of the
questionnaire were designed to yield the respondents' beliefs
about the crime rate and its effect on police development.
Question 5 asked respondents whether Or not they agreed that
an increasing crime rate (e.g., homocide, burglary, theft,
rape, and traffic accidents) required an increased number of
policemen; Question 6 asked which periods (1939-1949, 1949-
1959, or both periods) gave the best indication of the social
problems mentioned in Question 5 or whether there were no
serious social problems during these periods; and Question 8
asked for similar information concerning the periods 1959-

1969 and 1969-1979.

Foreigners Living in Saudi Arabia

 

Figures concerning the total number of foreigners
living in the country and the number of crimes or incidents
committed by foreigners during the period 1966-1978 were
taken from the Government of Saudi Arabia crime index, the
same source used for the crime rate.

These figures were then analyzed in regard to general
information gathered from the literature, personal interviews,
and the questionnaires. Questions 7, 9, 10, ll, 12, 13, and
14 of the questionnaire were designed to yield the respondents'
beliefs concerning foreigners and their effect on police

develOpment. Questions 7 and 9 asked respondents to indicate

137

whether natives, foreigners, or both groups were the source
of the social problems mentioned in Questions 5, 6, and 8;
Question 10 asked respondents whether or not the increased
number of foreigners coming into Saudi Arabia has a direct
effect on the increase of crimes in general; Question 11
asked which crimes (burglary, homocide, arson, picking pockets
and snatching purses, rape and drugs) increased most fre-
quently because of foreigners; Question 12 asked which non-
criminally-related problems (traffic accidents, laborers

who have escaped from their employers, laborers' disputes)
were caused by foreigners and preoccupied the police during
the period 1969-1979; Question 13 asked whether or not it

is a good idea for Saudi Arabia to stop importing foreign
laborers; and Question 14 asked whether stopping the importa-

tion of foreign laborers would affect the crime rate.

Education

 

The number of schools (elementary, secondary, and
high schools) and the number of students and teachers for the
male pOpulation in each school level were used as the basis
for studying educational expansion from 1953 to 1980. Statis-
tics for other educational organizations such as the General
Presidency for Girls' Schools, which supervises all female
education, the Ministry of Higher Education which supervises

all colleges and universities and scholarships for abroad,

138

and technical, vocational, special, and adult education
organizations were analyzed when this information was avail-
able.

These figures were then analyzed in regard to general
information gathered from the literature, personal interviews,
and the questionnaires. Question 15 of the questionnaire was
designed to yield the respondents' beliefs concerning educa-
tion and its effects on police development. It asked respon-
dents whether or not widespread education can have a direct
effect on police performance (administratively, technically,
and quantitatively--i.e., by increasing the number of police-

men).

CHAPTER IV

DATA ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS

Sections in this chapter discuss the statistical
techniques used to analyze the results of the questionnaire,
the characteristics of the respondents, and the findings from
the questionnaire with respect to each of the five research
hypotheses concerning Officers' perceptions of the impact of
economic growth, pOpulation growth, growth in the crime rate,
educational growth, and foreigners living in Saudi Arabia on

police development in Saudi Arabia.

Statistical Techniques

 

In this study, the writer used both descriptive and

inferential statistics to report the findings of the study.

Descriptive Statistics
The following descriptive statistics were used:
1. Absolute and relative frequencies of responses to
survey questions.
2. Mean, mode, median, range, variance, and standard
error for variables related to increasing the number

of police in Saudi Arabia.

139

140

3. Contingency tables displaying the observed frequencies
within each cell for rank and years of service in
relationship to economic growth, pOpulation growth,
crime rate, foreigners living in Saudi Arabia, and

educational growth.

Inferential Statistics

 

The following inferential statistic was used in the
study:

The chi-square test of independence was used to test for
significant deviation from independence in contingency
tables where no directional alternative hypothesis seemed
appropriate. The null hypothesis for such a test is that
of independence of the two variables and/or classifica-
tion considered. This hypothesis is rejected for p i .05
and otherwise accepted. The test for an rxc table
involves calculation of a normalized sum of squared
deviations of observed from expected frequencies and
comparison of the resulting statistic to the chi-square

distribution with (r-l) x (c-l) degrees of freedom.

Characteristics of Respondents

 

Respondents to the questionnaire were asked to indi-
cate their rank and number of years of service in police work.
As is indicated in Table 4.1, 47.2 percent of the subjects
who responded to the questionnaire were majors, 21.8 percent

were colonels and lieutenant colonels, 18.2 were captains,

141

TABLE 4.1

RANK AND YEARS OF POLICE SERVICE OF RESPONDENTS

 

 

 

Number of Years Number of Relative

Rank of Service _ Officers Frequency
Captain 10 2 3.6
11 4 7.3
12 3 5.5
13 l 1.8
Total 10 18.2
Major 10 2 3.6
11 2 3.6
12 3 5.5
13 7 12.7
14 9 16.4
15 2 3.6
22 1 1.8
Total 26 47.2
Lieutenant Colonel 18 2 3.6
20 4 7 3
Total 6 10.9
Colonel 22 3 5.5
23 2 3.6
24 l 1.8
Total 6 10.9
Major General 23 l 1.8
26 1 1.8
28 1 1.8
Total 3 5.4
Lieutenant General 28 l 1.8
31 2 3.6
32 l 1.8
Total 4 7.2

 

142

and 12.6 percent were either major generals or lieutenant
generals.

Regarding years of police service, none of the 55
respondents had less than 10 years of police service, and
only 7.3 percent had only 10 years of service. The vast
majority of respondents (30 officers or 54.5 percent) had 11
to 15 years of police service. The mean for years of service

is 16.873 and the range is 22 (from 10 to 32 years of service).

Analysis of the Data

 

In Chapter II, the writer has shown, using existing
literature, the impact of selected economic and social factors
on the growth of police forces in many western, European,
and Third World societies. These factors included economic
growth, population growth, growth in the crime rate, and
widespread education. The second section of Chapter II exam-
ined these variables plus a fifth variable, foreigners living
in Saudi Arabia, in the context of Saudi Arabian society.

In this section, the writer will take each independent var-
iable (corresponding to each initial hypothesis) and analyze
it in regard to the findings from the literature review, the
responses to the questionnaire, and information gained from

the personal interviews conducted by the writer.

143
Hypothesis I: Economic Growth Has a
Direct Effect on Police Development
Generally, when communities are poor and desperate,
thieves and burglars have no change of Operating because
nothing of value can be found. But, with the availability
of wealth and property, crime waves tend to take place in a
society. Therefore, the police are mostly needed. In the
1790s, Patrick Colquhoun wrote:
The enlarged state and society, the vast extent of moving
prOperty and unexplained wealth of the metrOpolis, joined
to the depraved habits and loose conduct of a great pro-
portion of the lower classes of the peOple, and above all,
the want of an apprOpriate police applicable to the object
of prevention will, after a careful perusal of this work,
reconcile the attentive mind to a belief in the actual
existence of evils which could not otherwise have been
credited.1
According to a publication of Project Star in 1976,
"Opportunities for crime directed against prOperty increase

"2 The same source maintains

as countries become more wealthy.
that between 1826 and 1978 in France, where industrial and
commercial activities more than doubled, crime increased two
and one-half times. Similarly, "in England and Wales crime
has more than tripled over the past 25 years while the stan-
dard of living of all classes has been rising."3 In the
United States, the early state police emerged as a response

to the "heavily industrialized areas of the Northeast."“

recent article in U. S. News and World Report maintains that

 

"budget problems are forcing sharp cutbacks in law enforcement

manpower in some of the nation's largest cities."5

144

The findings of the present research, obtained from
the responses of 55 tOp, high-ranking Saudi officers (whose
rank ranged from captain to lieutenant general), tend to
strongly support the contention that there is a relationship
between economic growth and increased police manpower. As
is shown in Table 4.2, 83.6 percent of the respondents marked
"yes, definitely" and 16.4 percent marked "yes" when asked
whether "increasing national income and budget requires
increasing the number of policemen."

It is interesting to note that all of the 55 respon-
dents agreed with the statement regardless of rank.* Similar
results were obtained when the respondents were analyzed with
respect to number of years of service.** It was found that
all of the respondents supported the writer's first hypothesis

regardless of their number of years of service.

 

*For the sake of analysis, respondents were divided
into two groups according to whether their rank was "high" or
"low." Colonels, lieutenant generals, and major generals were
included in the group whose rank was "high," while captains,
majors, and lieutenant colonels were included in the group
whose rank was "low." These categories were used in analyzing
all hypotheses.

**Respondents were also divided into groups according
to their number of years of service. Two major groups were
analyzed: those who had 10 to 17 years of service and those
who had 18 to 32 years of service. These categories were,
used in analyzing all hypotheses.

145
TABLE 4.2
DATA FOR HYPOTHESIS I: ECONOMIC GROWTH HAS A DIRECT
EFFECT ON POLICE DEVELOPMENT

TABLE 4.2.l.--Responses to Economic Growth Question

 

 

Question 4: Increasing national

 

income and budget requires increasing Relative Number of
the number of policemen. Frequency Subjects
1. Yes, definitely 83.6 46
2. Yes 16.4 9
3. No 0.0 0
4. No, definitely not 0.0 O
5. Do not know 0.0 0

 

TABLE 4.2.2.--Responses to Economic Growth Question by Rank

 

 

 

Rank Agreed Disagreed Total
Low (captains, majors, lt. colonels) 42 0 42
High (colonels, lt. generals,
maj. generals) 13 0 13
Total 55 0 55

Statistics: Calculation of statistics is impossible.

 

CONCLUSION: There was complete agreement, regardless of
rank, that increasing national income and budget requires
increasing the number of policemen.

TABLE 4.2.3.--Responses to Economic Growth Question by
Years of Service

 

 

 

Years of Service Agreed Disagreed Total

10 through 17 years 35 0 35

18 through 32 years 20 0 20
Total 55 0 55

Statistics: Calculation of statistics is impossible.

 

CONCLUSION: There was complete agreement, regardless of
years of service, that increasing national income and
budget requires increasing the number of policemen.

146

Hypothesis II: Population Growth Has a
Direct Effect on Police DevelOpment*

 

 

In any society, as the population of a country grows,
the demand for more services increases. At the tOp of the
list of demands is the demand for police protection of per-
sons and prOperty. In such situations, police may meet these
demands with one of two options: they may accommodate the
demands with their existing force or they may increase the
size of the force. Choosing the first Option will, no doubt,
result in placing a heavy strain on police function and
personnel as well as anxiety and mistrust of the police by
the general public, especially when the number of available
police cannot meet the challenge of criminal activities in
the country. In this situation peOple get annoyed, frustra-
ted, and afraid. Virginia Davidson, president of a Detroit

neighborhood citizens association, has said:-

There is a growing feeling of apathy toward contacting

the police. There have been more incidents of breaking

and entering and more gang problems. The entire situa-

tion has become worse. Why should we report crimes

when we know we aren't going to get any action?6

If they are to deal effectively with an increasing

population rate, the police must resort to the second Option--
i.e., increasing the size of the police force. Various
studies have shown considerable support of this trend. Fosdick

thought that the size of pOpulation, at least for city police,

might affect the amount of auxiliary administration needed.7

 

*Urbanization is implicit in population growth.

147

Bruce Smith also maintained that in the United States
auxiliary administrative functions in cities tended to
increase with population.8 Bayley, on the other hand, thinks
that police development cannot be accounted for by population
growth. Tilly and others maintain, in studying Canada, that
"the growing complexities of urban affairs and increasing
demand for efficient city and town administration were among
the factors which led to the creating of full-time urban

police forces."9

They conclude that the "rise of professional
policing occurred throughout the western world as industrial-
ization, urbanization, and the concentration of power in the
national states proceeded."1°

Regarding England, Tilly writes, "the number of police
increased most rapidly in areas of greatest pOpulation den-

"11

sity. David Bordua supports this notion. He notes that

"increasing concentration of population in larger cities has

 

allowed the development of larger departments . . ."12 In

Saudi Arabia, when the pOpulation was small and scattered

in small cities, towns, and villages, the number of policemen
was quite small. In 1937, as reported by Fouad Hamza, the
total number of police officers (2nd lieutenant and higher)
was 33.13 In 1980, there were 3,800 police officers in the
same ranks. This total was expected to increase to 4,000 as
new cadets graduated from the police college in Riyadh at the

end of the year.

148

The responses to the questionnaire supported the
writer's hypothesis concerning pOpulation growth and police
development and the general trend in the literature discussed
above. As is shown in Table 4.3, 78.2 percent of the respon-
dents marked "yes, definitely" and 20 percent marked "yes"
when asked if an increase in pOpulation growth requires an
increased number of policemen.

To determine if rank or length of service affect
respondents' views about pOpulation growth and police develop-
ment, the writer applied the chi-square test of independence
for low and high-ranking officers and for those with 10 to
17 and 18 to 32 years of service. The same results were
obtained: 41 of 42 officers of low rank and 13 of 13 officers
of high rank agreed with the statement with X2 = 0.315 and
p = 0.574 for both. Regarding length of service, 35 of 35
officers with 10 to 17 years of service and 19 of 20 officers
with 18 to 32 years of service agreed with the statement with
x2 = 1.78 and p = 0.182 for both. The result shows full
agreement with the second hypothesis, irrespective of rank
or length of service.

Hypothesis III: Crime Rate Has a

Direct Effect on Police
DevelOpment

 

 

 

Historically documented research has shown that police
develOpment occurs as a response to prevailing social problems

in general and to crime-related problems in particular.

149
TABLE 4.3
DATA FOR HYPOTHESIS II: POPULATION GROWTH

HAS A DIRECT EFFECT ON POLICE DEVELOPMENT

TABLE 4.3.1.--Responses to Population Growth Question

 

 

Question 3: Increases in pOpulation

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

growth require an increased number Relative Number of
of policemen. Frequency Subjects
1. Yes, definitely 78.2 43
2. Yes 20.0 11
3. NO 1.8 l
4. No. definitely not 0.0 0
5. Do not know 0.0 0
TABLE 4.3.2.--Responses to POpulation Growth
Question by Rank
Rank Agreed Disagreed Total
Low (captains, majors, 1t. colonels) 41 l 42
High (colonels, 1t. generals,
maj. generals) 13 0 13
Total 54 4 l 55
2

Statistics: X = 0.315 p = 0.574 df = 1

 

CONCLUSION: Agreement that increases in population growth
require an increased number of policemen is independent of
rank.

TABLE 4.3.3.--Responses to Population Growth
Question by Years of Service

 

 

 

Years of Service Agreed Disagreed Total

10 through 17 years 35 0 35

18 through 32 years 19 1 20
Total 54 1 55

Statistics: x2: 1.78 p = 0.182 df = 1

 

CONCLUSION: Agreement that increases in pOpulation growth
require an increased number of policemen is independent of
years of service.

150

Reports on crime in western, EurOpean, and Third World
countries support this contention. In the 19th century,
special purpose police units were established by the federal

government of the United States to enforce and protect con-

 

gressional fiscal Operations and the mail. "The modern role
of protecting the president," according to Tilly and his
associates, "was not established until 1902 as the result of

"I“ In Canada in the

the assassination of President McKinley.
early 20th century, unpoliced areas in the Canadian frontiers
were plagued by crime, while "with the inauguration of Federal
policing in the northwest territories, by contrast, we hear
about the remarkable absence of serious crime in the police

districts."15

In France, according to Tilly and his associates,
there is "a significant relationship between policing and
prOperty crime. . . . Major property crimes have a weak ten-

"16 In India, Jamaica,

dency to rise over the police expansion.
Ceylon, Kenya, Sierra Leone, and Egypt, as crimes and social
upheaval became major sources of problems, the size of the

police force had to be expanded and enhanced.

In its issue for October 27, 1980, the U. 8. News and

 

World Reports noted that trimming the police force in Phila-

 

delphia resulted in a 6 percent increase in crime. Because

of this, "residents are appealing to the mayor to avoid further

"17

cuts. According to the Figgie Report on the effect of

crime on the American psyche, more than half of 1,047 persons

151

interviewed across the United States supported higher taxes
if the money would go for wider police protection.18 On

the other hand, a study conducted by Philadelphia's Citizen's
Crime Commission showed that "having fewer police did not

"19 This view

necessarily result in a jump in the crime rate.
is also supported by the previous stand of Bayley. Yet both
stands come into conflict with the reality of everyday life--
that there is a demand for more police when the crime rate
rises. The findings of the writer strongly support the
findings of the other research reported above and reject both
Bayley's stand and the Philadelphia commission's conclusion.

As is shown in Table 4.4, 58.2 percent of the respon-
dents marked "yes, definitely" and 35.5 percent marked "yes"
when asked whether increasing crime rates required an increased
number of policemen. Of those who disagreed with the state-
ment, 12.7 percent marked "no" and only 3.6 percent marked
"no, definitely not."

An analysis of the respondents by rank indicated that
36 of the 42 persons in the low rank category agreed with the
statement and 10 of 13 persons in the high rank category
agreed, with X2 = 0.561 and p = 0.454 for both ranks. When
the respondents were analyzed according to their length of
service, 31 of 35 officers with 10 to 17 years of service and
15 of 20 officers with 18 to 32 years of service agreed, with

x2 = 1.713 and p = 0.191 for both.

152
TABLE 4.4
DATA FOR HYPOTHESIS III: CRIME RATE HAS A DIRECT

EFFECT ON POLICE DEVELOPMENT

TABLE 4.4.1.--Responses to Increased Crime Rate Question

 

 

 

 

 

 

Question 5: Increasing crime rates
(e.g., homocides, burglary, theft,

 

rape, and traffic accidents) require Relative Number of
increasing numbers of policemen. Frequency Subjects
1. Yes, definitely 58.2 32
2. Yes 35.5 14
3. No 12.7 7
4. No, definitely not 3.6 2
5. Do not know 0.0 0

 

TABLE 4.4.2.--Responses to Crime Rate Question by Rank

 

 

r
<—

Rank Agreed Disagreed Total

 

 

Low (captains, majors, 1t. colonels) 36 6 .42
High (colonels, lt. generals,
maj. generals) 10 3 13
Total 46 i 9 55

Statistics: x2: 0.561 p = 0.454 df = 1

 

CONCLUSION: Agreement that increasing crime rates require
increasing numbers of policemen is independent of rank.

TABLE 4.4.3.--Responses to Crime Rate Question
by Years of Service
P

 

Years of Service Agreed Disagreed Total

10 through 17 years 31 4 35

18 through 32 years 15 5 20
Total 46 9 55

Statistics: x2: 1.713 p = 0.191 df = 1

 

CONCLUSION: Agreement that increasing crime rates require
increasing numbers of policemen is independent of years of
service.

153

TABLE 4.4.4.--Periods from 1939 to 1959 Giving Best Indica-
tion of Social Problems (Crime Rate) Such as Homocide,
Burglary, Theft, Rape, and Traffic Accidents as Measured

in Question 5

 

 

 

Relative Number of
Period Frequency Subjects
1. 1939 to 1949 3.6 2
2. 1949 to 1959 5.5 3
3. Both periods 10.9 6
4. There were no serious problems 50.9 28
5. Do not know 29.1 - l6

 

TABLE 4.4.5.--Periods from 1959 to 1979 Giving Best Indica-
tion of Social Problems (Crime Rate) Such as Homocide,
Burglary, Theft, Rape, and Traffic Accidents as Measured

in Question 5

 

 

_
r

 

 

Relative Number of
Period Frequency Subjects
1. 1959 to 1969 1.8 1
2. 1969 to 1979 61.8 34
3. Both periods 10.9 6
4. There were no serious problems 20.0 11
5. Do not know 5.5_ 3

 

154

It is interesting to note that the people who
responded were high-ranking police officers who have spent a
considerable amount of time in the police force working in
crime-related activities. They know from practical, first-
hand experience what is best needed to combat an increase in
crime. Another interesting point arose during the personal
interviews, namely, that good training and better police
development where it is most needed can contribute to curbing
the crime rate, a stand that is well taken.

Hypothesis IV: Education Has a Direct

Effect on Police DevelOpment, Both
Qualitatively and Quantitatively

 

 

 

As education expands in a given society, the chance
for understanding the police role in providing services to
the community becomes noticeable. Hence, more peOple enter
the police force. Also, as the level of education increases,
job qualifications and better standards for potential candi-
dates for police work increase as well. Consequently, as
levels of education and training of police rise, one would
expect better job performance and efficiency. In general,
as Smelser notes, "there is good reason to believe, however,
that growth in the numbers who attain higher levels of educa-
tion should result in an increase in the amount of high

achievement orientation in pOpulation."20

155

For analytical purposes, let us take the case of
Saudi Arabia. When the School of Police (now the Police
College) was established in 1936, the educational level re-
quired for admission was 4th, 5th, or 6th grade. Anyone
meeting this requirement plus the medical, mental health,
and age requirements could be admitted. Yet even with these
minimal requirements, the enrollment was very low. Up to
1961, only 196 police officers graduated from the school. As
the level of education for the pOpulation increased, the edu-
cational level required for admission was raised to the 6th
grade. From approximately 1962 to 1967, anyone with a 6th-
grade education or higher could be admitted. The length of
time spent at the school before graduating during these periods
varied from as low as 6 months to as high as 2 years. From
1968 until the present (1980), the educational level required
for admission was raised to the 12th grade, and the time for
graduation has been maintained at 2-1/2 years. At this time,
the college receives more high school applicants than it
needs, and the time for processing admission requests takes
up to 2 months.

The Police College is not the only source of training
for police in Saudi Arabia. After 1960, a number of institutes
and training centers for police were established. For example,
in Saudi Arabia there are now police Officers' institutes,

language training institutes, regular patrolmen's institutes

156

for promotion and skills training, traffic training centers,
car and shOp training institutes, and a physical training
institute. All of these have been maintained as the result
of widespread education in general in Saudi Arabia which has
affected, no doubt, both the quality and quantity of the
police.

As is shown in Table 4.5, the findings of the study
tend to support the writer's initial hypothesis concerning
the effect of widespread education on police develOpment.
When asked whether education has a direct effect on the quality
and quantity of the police, 85.5 percent marked "yes, defin-
itely" and 14.5 percent marked "yes." All of the 55 officers
agreed with the above statement regardless of rank or number
of years of service. Hence, the writer's fourth hypothesis
is confirmed by a 100 percent positive response to the state-
ment and by the personal interviews.

Hypothesis V: Foreigaers Living in Saudi

Arabia Have an Effect on Police
Develgpment

 

 

 

Foreigners living in Saudi Arabia is a unique case;
therefore, it is analyzed only in the particular context of
Saudi Arabia. As reported in Chapter II, the number of
foreigners who commit crimes is higher than that of Saudis
when measured against their total pOpulation. If we take the

total number of prisoners in Saudi Arabian jails in 1978, we

157

TABLE 4.5
DATA FOR HYPOTHESIS IV: EDUCATION HAS A DIRECT
EFFECT ON POLICE DEVELOPMENT

TABLE 4.5.l.-éResponses to EduCation Question

 

Question 15: Education has a direct Relative Number of
effect on police develOpment. Frequency Subjects
1. Yes, definitely 85.5 47
2. Yes 14.5 8
3. No 0.0 0
4. No, definitely not 0.0 0
5. Do not know 0.0 0

 

TABLE 4.5.2.--Responses to Education Question by Rank

 

 

Rank Agreed Disagreed Total
Low (captains, majors, 1t. colonels) 42 0 42
High (colonels, 1t. generals,
maj. generals) l3 0 13
Total 55 0 55

Statistics: Calculation of statistics is impossible.

 

CONCLUSION: There was complete agreement, regardless of
rank, that education has a direct effect on police
development.

TABLE 4.5.3.--Responses to Education Question
by Years of Service

 

 

 

Years of Service Agreed Disagreed Total

10 through 17 years 35 0 35

18 through 32 years 20 0 20
Total 55 0 55

Statistics: Calculation of statistics is impossible.

 

CONCLUSION: There was complete agreement, regardless of
years of service, that education has a direct effect on
police development.

158

find that of 9,244 prisoners, 4,117 (45 percent) were
foreigners and 5,127 (55 percent) were Saudis. Measuring
both numbers against the total general pOpulation (1,000,000
foreigners and 8,612,970 Saudis), we Can see that a higher
percentage of foreigners (0.41 percent) have been jailed than
have Saudis (0.060 percent).

The foreign work force in Saudi Arabia has, no doubt,
affected the increase of crime and social problems, especially
since foreigners have come to Saudi Arabia in large numbers
during the past 10 years. When police officers were asked
which periods (1939-1949, 1949-1959 or both [p. 1531) give
the best indication of crime waves or social problems, 50.9
percent of the respondents indicated that there was no "serious
problem" during these periods, 29.1 percent indicated that
they did not know, 10.9 percent marked both periods, 3.6 per-
cent marked 1939-1949, and 5.5 percent marked 1949-1959.

When asked about the source of these problems (natives,
foreigners, or both), 70.9 percent responded that there were
no serious problems, 7.3 percent indicated that foreigners
were the source of the problems, and 14.5 percent indicated
that both Saudis and foreigners were the sources of the prob-
lems, but foreigners committed more crimes. Only 1.8 percent
said that natives were the source of the problems, and 1.8
percent said both foreigners and natives were the source of

the problems, but that natives committed more crimes. Only

159

3.6 percent indicated that both foreigners and natives were
equally responsible as sources of the problems. (See Table
4.6.1.)

When respondents were asked to indicate which periods
(1959-1969, 1969-1979, or both [p. 153]) give the best indi-
cation of crime and social problems mentioned in Question 5,
only 1.8 percent, or 1 respondent, indicated 1959-1969,
whereas 61.8 percent, or 34 respondents, indicated 1969-1979,
10.9 percent, or 6 respondents, indicated both periods, 20.0
percent, or 11 respondents, indicated that there were no
"serious problems," and 5.5 percent, or 3 respondents, answered
that they did not know. When respondents were asked about the
main source of the problems (natives, foreigners, or both),
47.3 percent said both foreigners and natives were responsible,
but foreigners committed more crimes, 23.6 percent said for-
eigners were the main source, and 23.6 percent said that there
were no "serious problems." None of the respondents said
that natives were the main source of the problems, although
3.6 percent said that both foreigners and natives were the
main source but natives committed more crimes, and 1.8 percent,
or 1 respondent, said that the percentage of crimes committed
by both groups was equal. (See Table 4.6.4 and p. 153.)

When the responses for the period 1939-1959 were
analyzed according to the respondent's rank and number of years

of police service, 9 of 42 officers in the low—rank category

160

TABLE 4.6

DATA FOR HYPOTHESIS V: FOREIGNERS HAVE AN
EFFECT ON POLICE DEVELOPMENT

TABLE 4.6.1.-—Responses to Question 7 about the Source of Social
Problems (Crime Rates) as Measured in Question 5
=========================================================================

 

Question 7: Source of social problems (crime Relative Number of
rates) as measured in Question 5. Frequency Subjects
1. No serious crimes 70.9 39
2. Natives were main source 1.8 l
3. Foreigners were main source 7.3 4
4. Both foreigners and natives were source,
but natives committed more crimes 1.8 1
5. Both foreigners and natives were source,
but foreigners committed more crimes 14.5 8
6. Percentages of foreigners and natives who
committed crimes are equal 3.6 2

 

TABLE 4.6.2.--Rank vs. Source of Social Problems (Crime Rates)
as Measured in Question 5 for 1939-1959
:==============================================an===============u=uann==s

 

 

Source
Rank Foreigners Natives Neither Total
Low (captains, majors, 1t. colonels) 9 ‘1 32 42
High (colonels, 1t. generals, maj.
generals) 3 l 9 13
Total 12 2 41 55

Statistics: x2= 0.847 p = 0.655 df = 2

 

CONCLUSION: These categories of sources of social problems (crime rate)
in 1939-1959 are independent of rank.

TABLE 4.6.3.--Years of Service vs. Source of Social Problems
(Crime Rates) as Measured in Question 5 for 1939-1959

 

 

 

 

Source
Years of Service Foreigners Natives Neither Total
10 through 17 years 7 1 27 35
18 through 32 years 5 1 14 20
Total 12 2 41 55

Statistics: x2= 0.394 p = 0.821 df = 2

 

CONCLUSION: These categories of social problems (crime rate) for 1939-
1959 are independent of years of service.

161

TABLE 4.6.4.--Responses to Question 9 about the Source of Social
Problems (Crime Rate) as Measured in Question 5
=========================================================================

 

Question 9: Source of social problems (crime Relative Number of
rates) as measured in Question 5. Frequency Subjects
1. No serious problems ‘ 23.6 13
2. Natives were main source 0.0 0
3. Foreigners were main source 23.6 13
4. Both foreigners and natives were sources,
but natives committed more crimes 3.6 2
5. Both foreigners and natives were sources,
but foreigners committed more crimes 47.3 26
6. Percentages of foreigners and natives who
committed crimes are equal 1.8' 1

 

TABLE 4.6.5.--Rank vs. Source of Social Problems (Crime Rate)
as Measured in Question 5 for 1959-1979

 

 

 

 

Source
Rank Foreigners Natives Neither Total
Low (captains, majors, 1t. colonels) 28 l 12 41
High (colonels, 1t. generals,
maj. generals) 11 1 1 13
Total 39 2 13 54

Statistics: x2= 3.01 p = 0.222 df = 2

 

CONCLUSION: These categories of sources of social problems in 1959 to
1979 are independent of rank.

TABLE 4.6.6.--Years of Service vs. Source of Social Problems
(Crime Rate) as Measured in Question 5 for 1959-1979

 

 

 

 

Source
Years of Service Foreigners Natives Neither Total
10 through 17 years 22 l 12 35
18 through 32 years 17 l 1 19
Total 39 2 13 54

Statistics: x2= 5.709 p = 0.058 df = 2

 

CONCLUSION: These categories of sources of social problems in 1959 to
1979 are independent of years of service.

162

said that foreigners were the main source of the problem,

1 said that natives were the main source, and 32 answered
that neither group was the main source of the problem. Of
the officers in the high-rank category, 3 of the total 13
officers said that foreigners were the source of the problem,
1 said that natives were the source, and 9 said that neither
group was the source of the problem. Regarding length of
service, 7 of 35 officers with 10 to 17 years of service said
that foreigners were the main source of the problem, 1 said
that natives were the source, and 27 said that neither group
was the source of the problem. Of the 20 officers with 18 to
32 years of service, 5 said that foreigners were the source
of the problem, 1 said that natives were the source, and 14
said neither. (See Tables 4.6.2-3.)

For the period 1959-1979, 28 of 41 officers in the
low-rank category said that foreigners were the source of the
problem, 1 said that natives were the source, and 12 said
that neither group was the source. Of the 13 officers in the
high-rank category, 11 said that foreigners were the source
of the problem, 1 said that natives were the source, and 1
said that neither group was the source of the problem.
Regarding length of service, 22 of 35 officers in the 10 to
17 years service category said that foreigners were the source
of the problem, 1 said that natives were the source, and 12

said that neither group was the main source of the problem.

163

Of the 19 officers in the 18 to 32 years of service category,
17 said that foreigners were the source of the problems, 1
said that natives were the source, and 1 said that neither
group was the source of the problem. ‘(See Tables 4.6.5-6.)

From the above breakdown, we can see that the higher
the rank and the longer the length of service of officers,
the more convinced they are that, in recent years, foreigners
have been the major source of social problems. This is due
in fact to their past experience in police work when they used
to witness low crime rates and few social problems. To
further test this notion, the writer asked respondents whether
the increased number of foreigners in the work force has had
a direct effect on the increased crime rate. In response to
this question, 61.8 percent said "yes, definitely," 16.4
percent said "yes," and 21.8 percent said "no." No one said
"no, definitely not" or that they did not knOw. (See Table
4.6.7.)

When the responses were analyzed by rank of the
respondents, 31 of 42 officers in the low-rank category agreed
with the statement while 11 disagreed, and 12 of 13 officers
in the high-rank category agreed with the statement while 1
disagreed. Regarding length of service, 26 of 35 officers
with 10 to 17 years of service agreed with the statement while
9 disagreed, and 17 of 20 officers with 18 to 32 years of
service agreed with the statement while 3 disagreed. (See

Tables 4.6.8-9.)

164

TABLE 4.6.7.--Responses to Question about the Effect
of Increased Numbers of Foreigners on the Crime Rate

 

 

Question 16: Increased numbers of

 

foreigners have a direct effect on Relative Number of
the increased crime rate. Frequency Subjects
1. Yes, definitely 61.8 34
2. Yes 16.4 9
3. No 21.8 12
4. No, definitely not 0.0 0
5. Do not know 0.0 0

 

TABLE 4.6.8.--Rank vs. Effect of Increased Numbers
of Foreigners on Crime Rate

 

 

 

Rank Agreed Disagreed Total
Low (captains, majors, 1t. colonels) 31 ll 42
High (colonels, lt. generals,
maj. generals) 12 l 13
Total 43 12 55

Statistics: x2: 1.991 p = 0.158 df = 1

 

CONCLUSION: Agreement that increased numbers of foreigners
increases crime rate is independent of rank..

TABLE 4.6.9.--Years of Service vs. Effect of Increased
Numbers of Foreigners on Crime Rate

 

 

 

Years of Service Agreed Disagreed Total

10 through 17 years 26 9 35

18 through 32 years 17 3 20
Total 43 12 55

Statistics: x2: 0.857 p = 0.355 df = 1

 

CONCLUSION: Agreement that increased numbers of foreigners
increases crime rate is independent of years of service.

165

In order to find out about the last 10 years in
particular, officers were asked to indicate which crimes
occurred the most frequently during the period 1969-1979
because of the increased number of fOreigners. Table 4.6.10
indicates their perceptions of whether crimes such as homocide,
burglary, arson, pickpocketing, and rape clearly increased,
increased but not to a great extent, or whether there were
no such crimes: 40.0 percent of the respondents said that
all of these crimes occurred but not to a great extent, 25.5
percent said burglary and armed robbery, 14.5 percent said
arson, 3.6 percent said rape, and 3.6 percent said that all
crimes clearly increased.

When the responses were analyzed by rank and number
of years of service of respondents, 26 of 42 officers in the
low-rank category associated crime frequency with an increase
in the number of foreigners, while 16 did not make such an
association. Of the 13 officers in the high-rank category,

7 officers agreed that crime frequency was associated with an
increased number of foreigners, while 6 officers disagreed.
Regarding length of service, of the 35 officers in the 10 to
17 years category, 23 officers agreed with the statement and
12 disagreed. Of the 20 officers with 18 to 32 years of
service, 10 officers agreed that crime frequency is associated
with an increased number of foreigners, while 10 disagreed.

(See Tables 4.6.11-12.)

166

TABLE 4.6.10.-~Responses to Question 11 about Crimes Associated with an
Increased Number of Foreigners during the Period 1969-1979
M

Question 11: Which crime occurred most

 

 

 

 

 

 

frequently from 1969 to 1979 because of Relative Number of
increased numbers of foreigners? Frequency Subjects
1. Homocide 0.0 0
2. Burglary and armed robbery 25.5 14
3. Arson 14.5 8
4. Picking pockets and snatching purses 12.7 7
5. Rape and drugs 3.6 2
6. All crimes clearly increased 3.6 2
7. A11 crimes occurred but not to a great
extent 40.0 22
8. There were no such crimes 0.0 0
TABLE 4.6.11.--Rank vs. Increase in Crime Frequency Due to
Increased Numbers of Foreigners
Foreigners and Crime Frequency
Rank Agreed Disagreed Total
Low (captains, majors, 1t. colonels) 26 16 42
High (colonels, 1t. generals,
maj. generals) 7 6 13
Total 33 . 22 55

Statistics: x2= 0.269 p = 0.604 df = 1

 

CONCLUSION: Agreement that increased numbers of foreigners increases
crime frequency is independent of rank.

TABLE 4.6.12.--Years of Service vs. Increase in Crime
Frequency Due to Increased Numbers of Foreigners
M

Foreigners and Crime Frequency

 

 

Years of Service Agreed Disagreed Total

10 through 17 years 23 12 35

18 through 32 years 10 10 20
Total 33 22 55

Statistics: x2= 1.039 p = 0.253 df = 1

 

CONCLUSION: Agreement that increased numbers of foreigners increases
crime frequency is independent of years of service.

167

When officers were asked which of the non-crime
related problems such as traffic, escaped laborers, and
laborers' disputes among themselves and their employers are
caused by foreigners, 56.4 percent said that all of these
problems are caused by foreigners, 21.8 percent said laborers
who escape from their employers, 16.4 percent said traffic
accidents, and 5.5 percent said laborers' disputes among
themselves and with their employers are caused by foreigners.
No one said that there are no such problems. (See Table
4.6.13.)

When the questions were analyzed with respect to the
respondent's rank and length of service, the results yielded
the same confirming attitude. All of the 42 officers in the
low-rank category and all of the 13 officers in the high-rank
category agreed that these problems of a non-criminal nature
are caused by foreigners. The same results were obtained for
the categories dealing with years of service. All of the 35
officers with 10 to 17 years of service and all of the 20
officers with 18 to 32 years of service agreed that these
problems of a non-criminal nature are caused by foreigners.
(See Tables 4.6.14-15.)

To further test this overwhelming agreement, the

 

Officers were asked to respond to the statement that it is a
good idea to stOp importing foreign laborers to Saudi Arabia.

As is shown in Table 4.6.16, only 7.3 percent answered "yes,

168

TABLE 4.6.13.--Responses to Question 12 about Non-Crime Related
Problems Caused by Foreigners during 1969-1979

 

 

 

Question 12: Non-crime related problems Relative Number of
caused by foreigners during 1969-1979. Frequency Subjects
1. Traffic accidents ’ 16.4 9
2. Laborers who escaped from their employers 21.8 12
3. Laborers' disputes among themselves or
between themselves and their employers 5.5 3
4. All of these problems . 56.4 31
5. There were no such problems 0.0 0

 

TABLE 4.6.14.--Rank vs. Non-Crime Related Problems Caused
by Foreigners during 1969-1979

 

 

Non-Crime Related Problems

 

 

Rank Agreed Disagreed Total
Low (captains, majors, 1t. colonels) 42 O 42
High (colonels, 1t. generals,
maj. generals) 13 O 13
Total 55 0 55

Statistics: Calculation of statistics is impossible.

 

CONCLUSION: There was complete agreement, regardless of rank, that non-
crime related problems caused by foreigners preoccupied police during
1969 to 1979.

TABLE 4.6.15.--Years of Service vs. Non-Crime Related
Problems Caused by Foreigners during 1969-1979

 

 

Non-Crime Related Problems

 

 

Years of Service Agreed Disagreed Total

10 through 17 years 35 0 35

18 through 32 years 20 O 20
Total 55 0 55

Statistics: Calculation of statistics is impossible.

 

CONCLUSION: There was complete agreement, regardless of years of
service, that non-crime related problems caused by foreigners pre-
occupied police during 1969 to 1979.

169

definitely," while 70.9 percent said "yes, except when
essential," 20.0 percent said "no," and 1.8 percent said that
they did not know. None of the respondents said "no, defin-
itely not."

When the sample was analyzed by rank and number of
years of police service, 31 of the 41 officers in the low-rank
category agreed that the importation of foreign laborers
should be stOpped, while 10 disagreed. Of the officers in
the high-rank category, 12 officers agreed with the statement,
while 1 officer disagreed. Regarding length of service, 27
of 35 officers with 10 to 17 years of service agreed that the
importation of foreign laborers should be stopped, while 8
disagreed. Of the 19 officers with 18 to 32 years of service,
16 agreed with the statement, while 3 disagreed. (See Tables
4.6.17-18.)

In order to find out what effect stOpping the importa-
tion of laborers would have on crime, the officers were asked
to respond to the following statement: "StOpping the importa-
tion of foreign laborers would lead to: a decrease in the
crime rate and social problems, an increase in the crime rate,
no change, or do not know."

It is interesting to note that 89.1 percent said that
stOpping the importation of foreign laborers would lead to a
decrease in the crime rate and in social problems, 9.1 percent

said that it would have no effect, and 1.8 percent said that

170

TABLE 4.6.16.--Responses to Question 13 on Whether or Not
Saudi Arabia Should StOp Importing Foreign Laborers

 

 

 

Question 13: Stop importing foreign Relative Number of
laborers? Frequency Subjects
1. Yes, definitely 7.3 4
2. Yes, except when essential 70.9 39
3. No 20.0 11
4. No, definitely not 0.0 0
5. Do not know 1.8 l

 

TABLE 4.6.17.--Rank vs. Whether or Not Saudi Arabia Should
StOp Importing Foreign Laborers

 

 

 

Rank Agreed Disagreed Total
Low (captains, majors, 1t. colonels) 31 10 41
High (colonels, 1t. generals,
maj. generals) 12 1 13
Total 43 ll 54

Statistics: x2= 1.697 p = 0.193 df = 1

 

CONCLUSION: Agreement that it is a good idea to stop
importing foreign laborers is independent of rank.

TABLE 4.6.18.--Years of Service vs. Whether or Not Saudi
Arabia Should Stop Importing Foreign Laborers

 

 

 

Years of Service Agreed Disagreed Total

10 through 17 years 27 8 35

18 through 32 years 16 3 19
Total 43 11 54

Statistics: x2= 0.379 p = 0.538 df = 1

 

CONCLUSION: Agreement that it is a good idea to stOp
importing foreign laborers is independent of years of service.

171

they did not know. None of the respondents said that it would
increase the crime rate or social problems. (See Table 4.6.19.)

When these responses were analyzed according to the
officer's rank and number of years of service, 37 of the 41
officers in the low-rank category agreed that it would decrease
the crime rate, while 4 disagreed. Of those in the high-rank
category, 12 officers agreed that it would decrease the crime
rate, while 1 disagreed. Regarding length of service, 33 of
the 35 officers with 10 to 17 years of service agreed that it
would decrease the crime rate, while 2 disagreed. Of those
with 18 to 32 years of service, 16 officers agreed with the
statement and 3 disagreed. (See Tables 4.6.20-21.)

It is amazing to see how much effect the foreign work
force has had in regard to both causing social problems and
in creating a negative police attitude toward them. When
the writer interviewed Prince Naif Ibn Abdullaziz, Minister
of the Interior, these feelings were discussed. The Prince
responded that he knew these things, but "this is the price
we have to pay for the huge developmental program the country
is undertaking." Further, he explained that "most Saudis who
enter into government contracts ask for foreign laborers in
order to execute on time the contracted projects. We can't
tell them not to enter as local contractors because they don't
have local laborers. It is within their rights and privilege

to do so." He added that once a contract is signed by both

172

TABLE 4.6.19.--Responses to Question 14 on the Effects
of Stopping the Importation of Foreign Laborers

 

 

 

Question 14: Stopping the importation of Relative Number of
foreign laborers would lead to: Frequency Subjects
1. Decrease in crime rate and social problems 89.1 49
2. Increase in crime rate and social problems 0.0 O
3. No change in crime rate and social

problems 9.1 5
4. Do not know 1.8 1

 

TABLE 4.6.20.—-Rank vs. Stopping the Importation of Foreign Laborers
Would Decrease Crime Rate

 

 

Decrease Crime Rate by
StoppingfiImportation

 

 

Rank Agreed Disagreed Total
Low (captains, majors, 1t. colonels) 37 4 41
High (colonels, 1t. generals,
maj. generals) 12 l 13
Total 49 5 54

Statistics: x2= 0.050 p = 0.823 df = 1

 

CONCLUSION: Agreement that stopping the importation of foreign laborers
would lead to a decrease in crime rate is independent of rank.

TABLE 4.6.21.--Years of Service vs. Stopping the Importation
of Foreign Laborers WOuld Decrease Crime Rate

 

 

Decrease Crime Rate by
Stoppingalmportation

 

 

Years of Service Agreed Disagreed Total

10 through 17 years 33 2 35

18 through 32 years 16 3 19
Total 49 5 54

Statistics: x2= 1.488 p = 0.223 df = 1

 

CONCLUSION: Agreement that stopping importation of foreign laborers
would lead to a decrease in crime rate is independent of years of service.

173

the government and the private sector to perform any given
program, construction or otherwise, all the contractors need
to do is to show the Ministry of the Interior the contract
and their application for the workers they need. He also
pointed out that "there are a lot of Saudis who ask for
foreign drivers or house workers because of their growing
social and family obligations. "If they can afford to pay
for these services," said the Prince, "we can't object,

or reject their requests." Prince Naif was confident that
through increasing public awareness of these problems, educa-
ting more Saudis for semi-skilled and skilled jobs, and by
attracting more town and village dwellers to work in the
cities, the foreign labor force can be contained if not con-
siderably decreased.

When the General Director of Public Security (national
police headquarters in Riyadh) was interviewed, he had more
serious and alarming concerns over the many crimes and social
problems caused by the foreign work force. He was against
the high influx of foreign laborers. He commented that large
numbers in the foreign work force may contribute to contra-
dictory moral values of the society and probably lead to many
more internal social problems. He went further to tell the
writer that major prOperty crimes could be planned from abroad
and that criminals might obtain a temporary visa to perform

these crimes inside the country, and after the crime has been

174

completed, if not caught, the criminal leaves the country
within a matter of days. These feelings were shared by the
other three generals interviewed by the writer, one of whom
was the director of the Riyadh Police Department.

The presence of foreigners is, in reality, a social
dilemma facing not only the police in Saudi Arabia, but also
ordinary citizens who are affected by the problems caused by
the foreign work force. The findings of the study clearly
show how much concern the matter is to police officers in
particular. These findings, as well as the other ones reported
earlier, have strongly provided support in confirming the
researcher's five original hypotheses. In conclusion, the
hypotheses maintain that economic growth, pOpulation growth,
crime rate, widespread education, and foreigners living in
Saudi Arabia all, individually and collectively, have a direct

effect on police development in Saudi Arabia.

175

Footnotes--Chapter IV

 

1Patrick Colquhoun, quoted in Charles Tilly et al.,
"How Policing Affected the Visibility of Crime in Nineteenth-
Century EurOpe and America," to be published in The Criminal
Justice System, ed. Theodore Ferdinand.

 

 

2American Justice Institute/Project Star, The Impact
of Social Trends on Crime and Criminal Justice (Sacramento,
California: Anderson Davis Publishers, 1976), p. 193.

 

 

3Ibid.

“Charles Tilly et al., "How Policing Affected the
Visibility of Crime in Nineteenth-Century Europe and America,"
to be published in The Criminal Justice System, ed. Theodore
Ferdinand, p. 33.

 

S"Fear Stalks the Streets," U. S. News and World
Report, 27 October 1980, p. 58.

 

6Ibid., p. 59.

7Raymond Fosdick, quoted in David Bayley, "Police
Function, Structure, and Control in Western EurOpe and North
America: Comparative and Historical Studies," in Crime and
Practice: An Annual Review of Records, eds. Morris Norval
and Michael Torry (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1979): PP. 115-116.

 

 

8Bruce Smith, cited in David Bayley, "Police Function,
Structure, and Control in Western EurOpe and North America:
Comparative and Historical Studies," p. 116.

9Tilly, "How Policing Affected the Visibility of
Crime in Nineteenth-Century Europe and America," p. 231.

1°Ibid., p. 7.
11Ibid., p. 74.
12David Bordua, "The Police," in International Encyclo-

pedia of Social Science, ed. D. Sills (New York: Free Press,
1968), p. 177.

 

 

176

13Fouad Hamza, A1 Bilad A1 Arabia Al Saudiah (Saudi
Arabia), 2nd ed. (Riyadh: Al-Naser Modern Publishers, 1968),
pp. 208-211.

 

1"Tiny, "How Policing Affected the Visibility of
Crime in Nineteenth-Century EurOpe and America," p. 14.

15Ibid., p. 29.

16Ibid., p. 95.

17"Fear Stalks the Streets," p. 59.

18Ibid., p. 60.

19Ibid., p. 59.

20Neil Smelser, Essays in Sociological EXplanation

(Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1968),
p. 175.

CHAPTER V

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND IMPLICATIONS

The purpose of this chapter is to give a summary of
the problem and of the study's findings, to present the con-
clusions arrived at by the writer, and to discuss the implica-
tions of the study. Today, with rapid economic and social
growth, police are in the midst of a social dilemma. In
other words, the police are at the cutting edge of social
change and at the same time they are viewed by many societies,
especially in fast—develOping ones, as the brokers of that
change. The police are charged with maintaining and enforcing
law and order within the society uniformly,-including those
laws and regulations which might come into complete contra-
diction with their basic beliefs as citizens of the society.
At such situations, the policeman is caught between performing
his department job, satisfying public demands, and playing
his role as a social being and a policeman. This sociological
and psychological bind not only present role ambiguities for
both the police and the public, but also makes it difficult
for scholars in police work to come up with a workable and
acceptable definition of police and their work. As Skolnick

realized:

177

178

The dilemma of a democratic society requiring the police
to maintain order and at the same time to be accountable
to the rule of the law is thus further complicated. Not
only is the rule of the law often incompatable with the
maintenance of order but the principles by which police
are governed by the rule of law in democratic society
may be antagonistic to the ideology of worker initiative
associated with a nontotalitarian philosophy of work.

In the same society, the ideal of legality rejects dis-
cretionary innovation by the police, while the ideal
worker's freedom and autonomy encourages such initiative.l

Summary

Although police work is as old as the society in which
police Operate, the definitions of police or their jobs are
not exclusively agreed upon. As Bayley comments, "to study
what police do, one must decide who the police are."2 This
good point will be taken if we all agree, even theoretically,
upon what police are in order to arrive at what they do.

The question to be raised here is who has the ability, the
knowledge, and the authority to define the police and their
work and to impose this definition on other peOple or other
societies. In my Opinion, no one can define the police because
this is a job that must be left to each particular society

or locality to decide upon.

Historically, localities created their police to deal
with certain prevailing social problems that characteristically
belonged to those localities. From that point on, the police
continued to perform their defined jobs incorporating any

rising new problems into the old ones. Yet, the practice is

179

locally initiated, not externally imposed. When the Allied
Forces occupied Japan and Germany at the end of World War II,
they introduced police systems foreign to the occupied
regions. These systems were patterned along the lines of
Anglo-American constitutional structures. Japan's police
system was changed in 1947 to complete decentralization, hence
treating the Japanese police force as if it Operated in any
of the occupying authorities' cities and disregarding the
Japanese social structure and the country's values in the
process. Later, being unable to adapt itself to an imposed
foreign police system, Japan returned back in 1954 to its
previous formal system of policing.3 This case illustrates
the point advanced above. Namely, that police and their
functions must be defined in regard to what each society
desires them to be because society is supposed to be the
source for identifying what is acceptable and tolerated behav-
ior and what is not. In simple and homogenous societies, one
would agree that the police and their work could be easily
established and clearly identified because each individual
shares the same value beliefs. But, in more complex and
heterogeneous societies, one might argue that the situation
is different. If peOple in these societies cannot agree on
their value systems, how can they agree upon what the police
or their work are? Although this argument may hold true in

many cases, it is also true that some complex societies can

180

agree on their police role. According to Peter Manning,
peOple in England look at the police job as "preventive in
nature" and essentially the police confine their actual
activity to this role.“ Commenting on Canadian and U. S.
police, Kirkpatrick notes, "it is important to Canadian
police to maintain a public identity distinct from that of
law enforcement agencies in the United States."5
From the preceding, it should be emphasized that the
definition of the police and their role must be viewed in
terms of the society in which they Operate. The fact remains
that in most developed societies, especially in the United
States, many scholars on police work take the burden of
defining the police and their role on their shoulders.6 Yet,
each one of them has his own conceptions and beliefs. Let
us take two or three of these definitions for illustrative
purposes and see how different these definitions are. For
example, Bayley defines police as "a group authorized in the
name of territorial communities to utilize force within the

community to handle whatever needs doing."7

Bayley not only
maintains that physical force is used, when needed, but also
singles out the police for using this force. In this regard,
he writes, "By and large, galy the police have an eXplicit
mandate to use physical force in order to resolve disputes or

"8

to enforce community directives. What has skipped Bayley's

mind here is that most other law enforcement agencies, as well

181

as private guards, use force in performing whatever needs
doing. Coast guard, customs, and I. R. S. agents, to name a
few, utilize force when needed. Not only this, but in some
countries police do not even carry guns (e.g., in England).
Hence, the risk of the police using force is minimized.
Manning, realizing the shortcomings of Bayley's
definition, tries to go one step beyond Bayley when he defines
the police as "those agencies that stand ready to employ force
upon the citizenry on the basis of situationally determined

exigencies."9

Cain, avoiding the issue of dialectical defin-
ition, comes up with the indisputable argument that "police,
then, must be defined in terms of their key practices."1°
Despite all these role ambiguities and a lack of clear-cut
definitions of the police and their work, the police continue
to perform their jobs, and their development has taken place
in accordance with their society's social institutions.

(See Chapter II.) As we have seen earlier, from existing
literature and the findings of this study, economic growth,
population growth, growth in the crime rate, and educational
growth have a direct impact on the evolution and expansion of
the police. These findings address themselves to the original

theme of the problem studied which was designed to find out

if these factors have a direct impact on police develOpment.

182

Conclusions

 

Based on the findings of the study both in regard to
the existing literature and the information gathered from the
questionnaire and interviews (see Chapters II and IV), a
number of conclusions were reached. The findings of the
study, as obtained from the responses of a sample pOpulation
of 55 tOp-ranking police officers (from the rank of captain
to the rank of lieutenant general) in Saudi Arabia, are out-
lined below.

1. Regarding the first hypothesis which maintains
that economic growth has a direct effect on police develOp-
ment: the findings are that 83.6 percent of the officers said
"yes, definitely" and 16.4 percent said "yes," comprising full
agreement. Thus, the first hypothesis was accepted.

2. Regarding the second hypothesis which maintains
that pOpulation growth has a direct effect on police develOp-
ment: the findings are that 78.2 percent of the officers

said yes, definitely," while 20.0 percent said "yes." The
result is supportive; thus, the second hypothesis is confirmed.
3. Regarding the third hypothesis which reads that
crime growth has a direct effect on police develOpment: the
findings are that 58.2 percent of the officers said "yes,
definitely," 25.5 percent said "yes," 12.7 percent said "no,"

and 3.6 percent said "no, definitely." This supports the

hypothesis; therefore, the hypothesis is accepted.

183

4. Regarding the fourth hypothesis which maintains
that educational growth has a direct effect on police develOp-
ment: the findings are that 85.5 percent said "yes, defin-
itely" and 14.5 percent said "yes." 'This in fact supports
this hypothesis; therefore, the fourth hypothesis is confirmed.

5. Regarding the writer's fifth hypothesis which
maintains that increased numbers of foreigners living in
Saudi Arabia have an effect on police develOpment (actually
this hypothesis addresses itself to foreigners as a source of
crimes and social problem growth in Saudi Arabia, which in
turn affects police development): the findings are that 61.8
percent of the officers said "yes, definitely" and 16.4 percent
said "yes," while 21.8 percent said "no" when asked if for-
eigners could be the source of crimes and social problems,
especially from 1959 to 1979. When the responses were broken
down by rank and years of service, 28 of 41 officers in the
low-rank category (captain to lieutenant colonel) agreed that
foreigners are the source of social problems, 1 said natives
were the source, and 12 said neither. For high-ranking offi-
cers (colonels, major generals and lieutenant generals), ll
of 13 officers agreed, 1 disagreed, and 1 said neither. Re-
garding length of service, of those with 10 to 17 years of
service, 22 out of 35 agreed, 1 said no, and 12 said neither.

Of those with 18 to 32 years of service, 17 out of 19 agreed.

184

When asked about foreigners as the source of non-crime
related activities for the period 1969—1979, 42 of 42 officers
in the low—rank category agreed and 13 of 13 officers in the
high-rank category agreed. Regarding length of service, 35
of 35 officers with 10 to 17 years of service agreed and 20
of 20 officers with 18 to 32 years of service agreed.

When asked if it was a good idea to stOp importing
foreigners for the work force, 7.3 percent said "yes, defin-
itely," 70.9 percent said "no, except when essential," 4
percent said "no," and 1.8 percent said don't know.

When asked if stOpping the importation of foreigners
will lead to a decrease or an increase in crime or will have
no effect, 89.1 percent agreed that it would lead to a decrease,
and 9.1 percent said that it would have no effect on the
crime rate.

From these data it is clear that, in the perceptions
of senior police officers, increasing the foreign work force
in Saudi Arabia has contributed to an increase in crime and
social problems. Hence, indicatively, this has had a direct
impact on police development since Hypothesis III, concerning
the crime rate, has been supported. Taking the findings of
the study as reported and analyzed, the writer's original five
hypotheses, which state that economic growth, pOpulation
growth, crime growth, educational growth, and increased numbers

of foreigners in the work force in Saudi Arabia have a direct

185

impact on police develOpment, are in the affirmative and

therefore being accepted.

Implications of the_Study

 

Limitations

 

1. The study was conducted in one city (Riyadh,
capital of Saudi Arabia) of the many cities in the country,
which might have had some bearing or effect on the outcome of
the results had they been included in the study.

2. Administering the questionnaire to tOp-ranking
officers (captains and above) and ignoring other ranks might
have affected the outcomes had cross-sections of all ranks
been selected.

3. Those officers interviewed at director's level
capacity might refrain from giving a true and real picture of
crime-related problems in order to show their departmental
efficiency.

4. Lack of Obtaining old documents regarding police
manpower, budget, or crime indexes in Saudi Arabia contributed
to shortening the period of study research. For example, the
Riyadh Police Department, the case study, was created in 1931,
but reliable documentation records existed only from 1950.
Also, the General Directorate of Public Security Headquarters
in Riyadh (the national police) was created on a small scale

in 1930, but records were only available from 1959.

186

5. With all the limitations of crime statistics,
especially governmental ones, this study should by no means
be excluded from criticisms directed toward these statistics.
The problem of developing nations in forming a systematic
approach to statistics may contribute to either over- or
under-reporting of crimes. However, the perceptions of senior
officers in the study are conclusive. They believe that
these statistics are valid. Not only this, but they believe
that in 1980 trends are continuing upward since the time the
data was last reported in 1978. However, the reader should
be aware of the fact that the beliefs, attitudes, and behavior
of many police may not reflect the reality of the situation.
The above factors could, no doubt, limit the findings
of the study to some extent. It is the hOpe of the writer
that further research studies could be conducted and remedies

for these limitations could be advanced.

Generalizations

 

The gain of generality is often
won at the expense of analytic
utility. (Bendix)

The writer, in spite of the study's limitations, would
take the position to generalize the findings of his study to
be the trend of police development in Saudi Arabia on the
following grounds:

1. The tOp-ranking police officers responding to the

questionnaire were all directors of departments, chiefs of

187

police sections, or in supervisory positions in the General
Directorate of Public Security, Traffic Department or the
Riyadh Police Department.

2. The other four higher-ranking officers (three
generals and 1 full general) are the final authorities to whom
all police officers in the country are accountable.

3. The final say in all police matters, approving
police assignments, promotions, budgets, and establishing new
departments, rests with the Minister of the Interior, Prince
Naif Ibn Abdulaziz, who was also interviewed. Hence, all
police matters regarding allocating manpower for other police
departments, allocation of cars and equipment, facilities,
etc., are done by these high-ranking officers.

4. Riyadh is the capital of Saudi Arabia. It is the
location of the national police headquarters which supervises
all other police departments in the country.

5. Riyadh is now the largest city in the country,
both in pOpulation and in the largest police personnel in the
whole country. It also has the largest congregation of foreign
work force, which makes the wave of social problems more acute,
and if the present trends continue the way they are now, more
serious problems are anticipated by the writer.

6. Riyadh is at the center of the country and is the
place where tOp government officials, including the King,

reside.

188

Based on these qualifying factors, it is deemed safe
to generalize that police develOpment in Saudi Arabia follows
the trend that was found by the writer manifesting itself
in the Riyadh Police Department. Yet, the reader should be
advised that the generalizations must be viewed and valued
in the context of Saudi Arabian society and its police force.
That is due to the fact that policing must be culturally
defined in terms of the society it Operates in. Therefore,
future research should address itself to cross-cultural and
historical comparative analysis, either in similar societies
sharing the same values and traditional social settings or in
different societies showing similar trends in police develOp-

ment processes.

 

Footnotes—-Chapter V

1James Skolnick, quoted in Anthony Guenther, ed.,
Criminal Behavior and Social Systems (Chicago, Illinois:
Rand McNally & Co., 1971), p. 341.

 

2David Bayley, "Police Function, Structure, and
Control in Western EurOpe and North America: Comparative
and Historical Studies," in Crime and Practice: An Annual
Review of Records, eds. Morris Norval and Michael Torry
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), p. 116.

 

 

3David Bordua, "The Police," in International Encyc-
lopedia of Social Science, ed. D. Sills (New York: Free
Press, 1968), p. 177.

 

 

“Peter K. Manning, Police Work (Cambridge, Mass.:
MIT Press, 1977).

 

5A. M. Kirkpatrick and W. T. McGreth, Crime and You
(Ontario: Macmillan of Canada, Maclean-Hunter Press, 1976),
p. 36.

 

6See, for example, Peter K. Manning, Police Work;
Egon Bittner, The Function of the Police in Modern Society
(Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1970);
H. Goldstein, Policing a Free Society (Cambridge, Mass.:
Ballinger Publishing Company, 1977); John Webster, Th2
Realities of Police Work (Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall and Hunt,
1973); B. Chapman, Police State (London: Macmillan, 1970);
J. J. Tobias, "Police and Public in the United Kingdom,"
Journal of Contemporary History 7 (January/April 1972); David
Bayley, "The Police and Political DevelOpment in Europe" and
"Police Function, Structure, and Control in Western Europe
and North America: Comparative and Historical Studies";
T. A. Critchley, A History of Police in England and Wales,
2nd ed. (Montclair, New Jersey: Patterson Smith, 1971);
David Bordua, "The Police"; and J. Q. Wilson, Varieties of
Policeagahavior (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard UniverSity Press,
1968). Each of these writers, like many others, has advanced
one or more definitions of the police and their function.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

7Bayley, "Police Function, Structure, and Control in
Western EurOpe and North America: Comparative and Historical
Studies," p. 113.

190

8Bayley, "The Police and Political Development in
p. 328.

EurOpe,

9Manning, Police Work, p. 40.

 

10Maureen Cain, Society and the Policeman's Role
(London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1973).

 

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APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

THE QUESTIONNAIRE (English Version)

APPENDIX A
THE QUESTIONNAIRE (English Version)

Questionnaire for Police Officers (Commissioned)
in the Riyadh Police Department

Dear Fellow Officers:

The purpose of this questionnaire is to obtain your
opinions regarding (a) the development of the police depart-
ment in Riyadh, specifically, and in Saudi Arabia in general,
and (b) the impact of social, economic, and other related
social factors on this development. The questionnaire res-
ponses will be used for my Ph.D. research regarding the
effect of these factors.

Your cooperation will be greatly appreciated. Please
put an X in front of the answer that you consider to be the
most appropriate for each question. You do not need to give
your name or job assignment.

Thank you all,

Lt. Col. Mohammad O. Rajehi

 

 

2. Number of years of police service:

 

3. Do you agree that population growth°(for example, in
Riyadh City) requires an increased number of policemen?

a. yes, definitely d. no, definitely not
b. yes e. do not know
c. no

4. Do you agree with the notion that greatly increasing a
country's national income and budget, as in Saudi Arabia,
requires increasing the number of policemen and providing
the best training facilities and materials for them?

a. yes, definitely d. no, definitely not
b. yes e. do not know
c. no

5. Do you believe that increasing crime rates (e.g. honncide,
‘burglary, theft, rape, and traffic accidents) require
increased numbers of policemen to meet these social
problems?

200

201

a. yes, definitely d. no, definitely not
b. yes e. do not know
c. no

According to your own practical experience in police work
which of the following periods give the best indication
of the social problems mentioned in Question 5?

a. the period from 1939-1949
b. the period from 1949-1959
c. both periods

d.

there were no serious social problems during these
periods

e. do not know

Regarding Question 6, what was the source of these social
problems?
a. there were no serious problems as indicated above

natives were the main source of the problems

b.
c. foreigners were the main source of the problems
d.

both foreigners and natives were sources of the
problems, but natives committed more crimes

e. both foreigners and natives were sources of the
problems, but foreigners committed more crimes

f. the percentages of foreigners and natives who
committed crimes during that period are equal

According to your practical experience and personal
information, which of the following periods give the
best indication of the social problems mentioned above?

the period from 1959 to 1969
the period from 1969 to 1979
both periods

there were no serious social problems during these
periods

0400‘!”

e. do not know

Regarding Question 8, what was the source of these social
problems?

a. there were no serious problems as indicated above
b. natives were the main source of the problems
c. foreigners were the main source of the problems

10.

11.

12.

13.

202

. both foreigners and natives were sources of the

problems, but natives committed more crimes

. both foreigners and natives were sources of the

problems but foreigners committed more crimes

the percentages of foreigners and natives who
committed crimes during that period are equal

According to your practical experience, do you think
that the increased number of foreigners coming into
Saudi Arabia has a direct effect on the increase of

crimes

In the

.no

in general?
. yes, definitely d. no, definitely not
. yes e. do not know
past ten years (1969-1979), what crime has occurred

most frequently because of the increased number of

foreigners?
___ a. homocide ‘___ e. rape and drugs
___ b. burglary and armed ____f. all of these crimes
robbery clearly increased
___ c. arson .___ g. all of these crimes
d. picking pockets happened but not to

and snatching a great extent

purses h. there are no such
crimes

What problems that were not criminally-related were caused
by foreigners and preoccupied the police during the
same period?

(b

traffic accidents d. all of these problems
laborers who have e. there were no such
escaped from their problems

employers

laborers' disputes
among themselves or
between themselves
and their employers

Do you think that it is a good idea for Saudi Arabia
to stop importing foreign laborers?

. yes, definitely d. no, definitely
. yes, except when e. do not know
essential

.no

14.

15.

I‘L

203 [,- I": A,.

”723%;

Do you think that stopping the importation of foreign
laborers would lead to: 53~~

5‘ “3

a. a decrease in the crime rate and in social problems

b. an increase in the crime rate and in social prob-
lems

c. no change in the crime rate or social problems

d. do not know
Do you think that widespread education can have a direct
effect on police performance (administratively, technically,
and quantitatively——i.e. increasing the number of police-
men)?

a. yes, definitely d. no, definitely not
b. yes e. do not know
c. no

Thank you for your contribution to this study.

APPENDIX B

THE QUESTIONNAIRE (Arabic Version)

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MOHAMMAD O.RAJEHI
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
SOCIOLOGY DEPT.

1980/1981