V w
""‘-. — — — — — —- — — —

THE NIGER‘NTGERIA BORDERLANDS:
A POLITTCO-GEOGRAPHTCAL ANALYSIS OF
BOUNDARY INFLUENCE UPON THE HAUSA

Thesis for the Degree of Ph. D.
MICHIGAN STAT-.E UNIVERSITY
DERRICK J. THOM
1970

’ u Tum; Illzflfljlflllll T T TI Tull 1113111, TM I

  
     

  

L I B R A R Y
Michigan State
' University

U
‘ l
I ~-§.-

   

This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

THE NIGER-NIGERIA BORDERLANDS:
A POLITICO-GEOGRAPHICAL ANALYSIS
OF BOUNDARY INFLUENCE UPON THE HAUSA

presented by

Derrick James Thom

has been accepted towards fulfillment
oi the requirements for

Ph.D. degree in Geograghy

Cf: KW]; A 9/2fo
W

/

1

use £8671.» s12 ,1 n! M?

 

0-169

 

'17: t" ‘1'; _
A... .‘._'~_

bifi'w'f‘
‘ .‘.‘.‘.~s-

"‘- .- -.,. .
“I " a... I ‘
d'~OL¢-n.\.

 

 

 

'. I
"c. .,, , .
.a..e :‘le kt: :£l... I

‘vs "a
~s.‘ T‘s-n. d _" . _
o.. ~0an e‘.l:i “L. -
st.
3:4‘:o ' .
.1...:. «a... .. ' _
‘ “:-. ‘ A
b .Za~.:“\ C:
j»... A" .
‘ u. i H... u n
. e...‘.¥a. ‘

“V‘:3QC‘C:;02 to k

. 'A 30.30.3129 de“- ‘_
“and. a?

prOpQSE_

‘ :‘9.-
v‘.:l 3'1"
‘
e Lherr's '~~
.‘ htr‘
..~_ _
3‘: m‘
n
~te intr
I‘u ‘Cc‘r‘
“.‘E :-~._
-.

ABSTRACT

THE NIGER-NIGERIA BORDERLANDS:
A POLITICO-GEOGRAPHICAL ANALYSIS OF
BOUNDARY INFLUENCE UPON THE HAUSA

BY

Derrick James Thom

TIhere have been few case studies of boundaries in Africa and
virtually none dealing with the impact of a superimposed boundary upon
the spatial organization of an indigenous population. The thesis, a
study in Political Geography, considers the problem of the influence
of the Niger-Nigeria boundary upon the Hausa population inhabiting the
borderland region where the indigenous peoples have apparently been
divided by the imposed territorial framework.

The work is divided into seven chapters. Chapter One presents
a brief introduction to boundary studies in political geography and a
survey of boundary definition in Africa. The second chapter is largely
theoretical and proposes a paradigm for the analysis of superimposed
and colonial boundaries. This paradigm demonstrates a time-space
relationship. By proceeding through time the political processes
operating during a specific time period produce certain spatial patterns.
frhree time periods are recognized: the pre-colonial period, when
traditional patterns were prevalent; the colonial period, when imposed
patterns were introduced; and the post-colonial period, when contemporary

patterns emerged. By analyzing the evolution of patterns through time

 

:c bounds: ' L"

H. a
p
..
,; .. ....£..
.

 

. - ' o- _
... .-- u ‘0 Al -\
:1..:..'-a::.o: U. a :Urkptu

n ~ I C
:u an... aq‘ "v.~...
..:....:..... 6..» 56Ls.t.- Us
' v
" "“ ' A? 09-.” on‘
:‘.;..:..: .. *.t.x..t 5....
’ -fi 0
M”
.-:,.:T ....t€ lS

-...'._;_ t

..:..'....: LU! canszcera:

_ t u .
O... '
, “ -.yo‘~ vo'k‘
cg '
- m..b.s.:5 ‘tsenonl :-
T '
..
- Yg-‘\aun§ A’k- -
.... «5.4...5..§ u..-:D.t'.'
|
..' n
._- ‘ V --
»,.... “Lei-“:1 PUP“.
u—\
'-A

 

”HA-
‘A.bqr~'. ‘0-
'-’- . A-
‘ -. ‘
I I.
\_ A, .
~v n
a *t.
seer I
tn 5r: . .
\ ‘ - ‘ ’
Ef:;‘_ ~d‘_
-::.-‘d
‘ -
n‘ a‘d
“ da1.,_.
5‘ ‘ ‘
.k s...,-‘ed
“.z.‘ ‘. .
§~h ‘

Derrick James Thom

the adjustment to boundary imposition can be determined. Adjustment to

the introduction of a European boundary produced a spatial reorganization
of population and settlement patterns and brought about the emergence of

new patterns of movement and circulation.

Chapter Three is largely factual and delimits the area of the

borderlands under consideration. This chapter also discusses the

physical geography of the borderlands and sets the stage for the study

of man's activities within the area.

The remaining chapters are devoted to the application of the

conceptual framework proposed in Chapter Two, to the Niger-Nigeria

borderlands. Chapter Four deals with the historical background and

reconstructs the pre-colonial traditional patterns. Special attention

is focused upon the distribution of Hausa groups, the political areal

functional organization, and the traditional patterns of trade and

circulation. It was discovered from this analysis that as a result of

inter-State wars a depopulated frontier of separation between opposing

States was created. This frontier of separation later played a signi-

ficant role in the final boundary negotiations between Britain and France

at the beginning of the 20th Century.
The fifth chapter is devoted to the events leading to European
domination of the borderlands, an analysis of the evolution of the

boundary, and an analysis of the resulting spatial reorganization

necessitated by boundary imposition. Following 16 years of boundary

negotiation between Britain and France, during which time three boundaries
were defined and delimited, the Niger-Nigeria boundary evolved from a

straight line geometric boundary to an anthropogeographic boundary which

took into consideration the cultural landscape. The boundary finally

a ; ‘-
D 0' - '
;.~~« '5; guy-ed :ae .r».

u
5...-

miezz :azlter that. a 5:9.

,1

V F.. 1:,
125.1: of :-rsp _

'5.

a v-
.t..- I..." ad
3......6. 3&..L‘n.5 an t 5- ‘-
.

v

u- ....-n'o~-

~I'~»:. .:.. L‘s-o‘c
a

. -
:n- e: .‘ .andt‘p -!~’..‘
4“ -. Duh-gas.~lc ‘oLaauon
. . .—
“t- --~-'~¢ .g' ...‘ o:~. -.
.
“““‘--~-' bor‘..a..\u d

‘ V -- o ,-
lbu» pbe:t:s -M

"p»- ‘ ’ e .
.' N‘ . 1. " " “Os-q .
W .~'.“ “ - U.‘s.\..

:2 «JJo-q...‘ . I a; .

‘ I .oabcs‘v I“. (Kstr
E..:-~0::"""‘ '7'; . ‘
""~- .n.‘dau 5539c CSC.

 

:~ ~-
K. :L=.: .‘d' .5 A -..
5- av .\&M p:
“. -‘ I .
,I 0. fl- ,
. .. “.8 “ETCEZLW - :
s... V ‘

f: “wet-Erna re _“. ’ ‘

3.31.... and xehicles I

1‘ period have 12'

3 ....a1 1a: scape

“a: halyzed in th"

Eitiizgs “.d contT 33.1.3?
The I?

«E: .
“L9-
. -I F.
.ae -"
‘r:EV-
II:' n
< .

Derrick James Thom

agreed Upon followed the frontier of separation and was in fact an

antecedent rather than a superimposed boundary.

The result of European expansion into Hausaland modified the

traditional patterns and produced imposed patterns that necessitated a

spatial reorganization. This spatial reorganization is discussed in

terms of population migration, settlement, political areal functional

organization, circulation, and trade. From this analysis it was

concluded that the present-day appearance of boundary superimposition

is the result of population migration following the demarcation of the

boundary. Traditional external trade was reoriented to the south and

the trans-Saharan trade declined. By contrast the establishment of new

border markets produced patterns of local trade that had not existed

prior to the demarcation of the boundary.

Chapter Six focuses upon the contemporary patterns within the

Maradi-Zinder-Katsina region. The present-day cross-boundary movement

of population and vehicles reveals that the patterns established during

the colonial period have intensified and become more firmly entrenched

in the cultural landscape. The problems of Niger as a landlocked State

are also analyzed in this chapter. The final chapter briefly sun'marizes

the findings and conclusions of the research undertaken.

The Niger-Nigeria boundary has been established for over 60 years

and has produced no conflict. It is a boundary that can be considered

"stable" as a result of its historical antecedents.[‘The freedom of
movement at the local level has meant that the boundary has not

functioned as a barrier?! The stability of the borderlands, however,

is tied to the maintenance of the status guo. Any attempt to inhibit

 

local comercial activity will in all probability create considerable

. t
”n.1, .n'r'n-a '

. 0".
'3...3..-- Use..." 5:! 3‘15“!
. ‘ ' '_ Q... .IC

22:3; >:r:::.¢..ds. .ne :.
. .'..:.' ,: ' ‘ . .2.
2;...”5. ‘36s.3c “‘5 PT...

- o s ' v q -
'vua’A-v up. -‘ 9 .‘
J....:..‘..bSu :LL‘4\ E

2:: zap: attezgt to 17:...

 

 

 

 

Derrick James Thom
dislocation within the Niger borderlands and a loss of revenue to the
Nigerian borderlands. The migration of population from Niger during
the colonial period has produced a fairly homogenous population within
the borderlands. Family ties across the boundary still remain strong

and any major attempt to inhibit the freedom of movement could only

have serious repercussions .

'.~O-
71!? \ _~..‘
and- s.-....
W'”. A
A . i C -
‘\h .s ..

r " ' 0*» at. 9
. 5“" Au!
k

'0 we. ll- . .

 

 

vale"
U 5|
t ~lcni
a“ . .
“ partial :..
‘n

C 1

(2'
'U
m

THE NIGER-NIGERIA BORDERLANDS:
A POLITICO-GEOGRAPHICAL ANALYSIS
OF BOUNDARY INFLUENCE UPON THE HAUSA

BY

Derrick James Thom

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Geography

1970

9‘ Copyright by
DERRICK JAMES THOM
1971

 

F I. ; ‘ A. v-Mv‘ -¢‘
O a u-
Co:~t.b. a5 A.\.'.C—

~. ‘ . , u -
"yes-A, \S.‘F..‘ I “d ‘
en'svth ouovfi-‘5.J“ a“ b

:351‘5 115515. The 1""?

a 53st

 

7.1.2231? Dee: 1213:1817,“ ’

9 . g .
IEIILCULQI 3111?:

k.‘

imaged and inspir-

2 :n ’L_" .
dwarfed: o: the S;

~-C.:'.zed and offered :5

'n t
(1“nc
o

, ”I
‘buy‘. '1‘

ms help is

<Eo: :fi
Emcee ha.'e Ti
§
\ -_
\_~a~

~:‘ in
5 “d p‘eParim
CE 7.: ..
rung;

* D ‘ ...
“ES - V's? the U '
r-- “‘lona‘

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Grateful acknowledgment is made to the many people who have
provided information and assistance in the preparation and completion
of this thesis. The author is especially appreciative of the
cooperation of public officials in Nigeria and Niger, for their
assistance in allowing the author access to material that otherwise
would have been unobtainable.

Particular mention should be made of Dr. Harm J. deBlij, who
has encouraged and inspired the author to undertake this Study.

He, as Chairman of the Supervisory Committee, has supervised,
criticized and offered many helpful suggestions which have aided

the author. His help is duly acknowledged and appreciated. Dr. John
Hunter, Dr. Daniel Jacobson and Dr. James Hooker, all members of the
thesis committee have likewise offered suggestions and criticisms
that have been appreciated.

Of all persons who have given their support the author is
most deeply indebted to his wife, Elizabeth, whose untiring efforts
in typing and preparing the various drafts and the final manuscript,
are greatly appreciated. Without her cooperation and support this

study could not have been completed.

 

This study was supported by the Foreign Field Research Program,
administered by the Division of Earth Sciences, National Academy of
Sciences - National Research Council, and sponsored by the Geography
Branch, Office of Naval Research Contract Nonr. 2300(09), NR 389-105,
Report No. 96.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

mmmmms O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

LIST OF
LIST OF
Chapter

I.

II.

III.

TABIE S C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O I

F IGURES O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

INT Rm UCT ION O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
African Boundaries . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Statement of Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Method of Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Organization of the Study . . . . . . . . . .

A PARADIGM FOR THE ANALYSIS OF SUPERIMPOSED
BOUImARIE S O O O O C O O O O O O O O C O O O O O O 0

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Pre-Colonial Period: Traditional Patterns . . .
Unit of Organization . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Patterns of Circulation . . . . . . . . . . .
Colonial Period: Imposed Patterns . . . . . . .
DecisionéMaking Environment. . . . . . . . . .
Nature of the Boundary ... . . . . . . . .
Development of the Boundary . . . . . . . .
Boundary Functions . . . . . . . . . . . .

The Stress Continuum of Boundary Imposition
Resolution of Stress . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Spatial Reorganization . . . . . . . . . . . .
Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Settlement Patterns . . . . . . . . . . . .
Economic Reorganization . . . . . . . . . .
Political Reorganization . . . . . . . . .
Emergence=of Colonial Patterns . . . . . . . .
Post-Colonial Period: Contemporary Patterns . .

TIE NIGER-NIGERIA BORDERIANDS o o o o o o o o o o 0
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Delimitation of the Borderlands . . . . . . .
Physical Landscape . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

iv

Page
iii
vii

ix

10
11
12

14

14
15
16
18
19
21
21
22
23
24
26
28
28
29
29
'30
31
31

35
35

35
38

DUUI OF

I

The Regid
The S:k:t
The Piai:
The Grani
The Chat
Cltzte . .
.7. FEE-332053.: PEP. I ..
Eis::rical 55:?
Early Bevel

Fulani Con;
Distribzti;
Frcaziers c

33:53 Organize
Pcl'tical A

Areal O:

The E:i:

:czazic C'

Cirtu‘

no;
5
«Qacwn

Migratzo:
Intercepe:

.

‘1 Cr... Alr‘
v

“JAI- Emil:

C..\

Prelude to 5~

Early Eur.
British

V'volu

a!
ties of
The Anglo

Anglo-Fre

'4
g) L”
'1
a)

01! 5"
{p m
U
'1 'V

@3

'_J ,a.

57
(3
n)

TABLE 0]? CONTENTS (Continued)

Chapter

The Region of the Dallols . . . . . . . . .

The Sokoto Basin . . . .

The Plains of Gobir and Maradi

The Granite Plains of Katsina and Damagarim

The Chad Basin . . . . .
Climate I O O I O O O O O 0

IV. FEE-COLONIAL PERIOD: TRADITIONAL PATTERNS

Historical Background . . . . . . . . .
Early Development. . . . . . . . . .
Fulani Conquest of Hausaland . . . .

Distribution of Indigenous Hausa Groups

Frontiers of Separation . . . . .
Hausa Organization. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Political Areal Functional Organization . . .
City-State . . .

Areal Organization of the
The Emirate System . . .
Economic Organization . . .
Circulation . . . . . . . . . .
Trans-Saharan Trade .
Local Trade. . . . . .
Migration . . . . . . . . .
Interdependence. . . .

V. COLONIAL PERIOD: IMPOSED PATTERNS

Prelude to European Domination.
‘ Early European Penetration .

British and French Competition
Evolution of the Boundary . . . . . . . .
The Anglo-French Treaty 1890 . . . . .
Anglo-French Treaty 1898 . . . . . . .

The Anglo-French Treaties of 1904-1906

Demarcation . . . . . . . .
Areas of Superimposition . .

in West

Effects of the Boundary Arrangement .

Political Reorganization . .
British Indirect Rule . .
French Administration . .

Spatial Reorganization . . .
Migration . . . . . . . .

Reorganization of Settlement Patterns . . .
Reorientation of Trans-Saharan Trade. . . .

-Loca1 Trade . . . . . . .
Communications . . . . .
Economic Reorganization .
Boundary Function . . . . .

Page

38
43
44
45
46
47

53

53
53
58
64
67
70
71
71
73
77
78
78
81
83
83

85

85

85

85

91

91

99
111
114
120
121
122
123
129
134
134
142
144
146
148
151
158

‘‘‘‘‘‘‘

3
[5332135 .::;:-
Establis'zk:

Borderland Cr:

 

 

:Ifectiveze
Surrey 3f C'
Vehic;:a+

‘ ‘
aa:_3: Q

 

~«.tue::e c

3113?? Cf U

.he 3C”~i-

~«uarv a
Nl*e ' L
«5 I S :C\
GIC::CT.
PICULEr
an“ ‘ ..
5~5Er1an

Dah

~
O
u .

\
NI ‘
choog‘qy Arm
, CA‘ ,
Pref“ Dr
. o
COlC :
Po n‘al
5t .
1"\ ‘Cvlz
"l. -C
‘.:“l.?~
“A
C . .
£325». . .
a}:J-A
7 ' ~ .
.,\ “B . o .
I‘D? ' o .
”u. a
li-EET‘. C a . ‘ O
.xxJ-D ‘ ' .
.':':.7 h a . o
I:.'t‘\:: L n . . 0
:2.\‘:~l. F . . o
'4; 3! h . 0
~ 0
. L! . . .
O
. C
Q

TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)

Chapter

Barrier to Trade. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Significance of Dislocation . . . . . . .

VI. KATSINA-MARADI-ZINDER BORDERLANDS : CONTEMPORARY
PATrERNS O O O O O O O I O O O O O O O O O O I O O 0

Changing Function of the Boundary . . . . . . . . .
Establishment of Customs Control . . . . . . . .
Effectiveness of Boundary Control. . . . . . . .
Survey of Cross-Boundary Movement. . . . . . . .

Vehicular Movement . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Random Survey of Cross-Boundary Movement. . .

Borderland Commercial Activity. . . . . . . . . . .

Form and Function of Hausa Markets . . . . . .
Markets of the First Order (City'Markets). .
Markets of the Second Order (Border Markets).
Markets of the Third Order (Route Markets).

Markets of the Fourth Order (Bustharkets). .
Influence of the Boundary. . . . . . . . . . . .
Survey of Market-Day Movement. . . . . . . . . .
The Boundary and Its Effects Upon Niger . . . . . .
Niger's Economic Core . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Groundnut Production . . . . . . . . . . . .
Problems of a Landlocked State . . . . . . . . .
Problem of Access . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Nigerian Transit Route . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Dahomean Transit Route . . . . . . . . . . . .
Operation Hirondelle. . . . . . . . . . . .
Organisation Commune Dahomey-Niger. . . . . .

VII. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Pre-Colonial Period. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Colonial Period. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Post-Colonial Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

BIBLImmmY . O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O O O O O O O 0 0

APPENDIX A . .
APPENDIX B . . -
AJTENDIX C . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
ATTENDIX D . .
APHHEHXLE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
APHHEHX F . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
AFHWDIX G . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

vi

Page

159
163

165

165
165
167
169
171
184
188
188
193
194
195
196
196
201
204
205
207
211
214
217
225
225
229

233

234
235
240

243

263
265
274
278
284
302
317

 

n I

1:;erzscn 3f 5:1.
\

Iii-€— .

......Sttatian, .

. Yaw.

n u _
“I\.\
utfiqe Heaven“.
.l‘ .
Riv-u"l ‘
‘
Ith§:‘e UN‘

us. 5 8“." :t
.

|E:1:‘le He‘b.ex't

.I, ..
”Pera‘i ‘3':
“Ca 1:.
cg‘r:
P
“

r‘ .
l::l~u
s‘e v”.
.‘V [...-....
A;-

.
sE
- I t0 “...;
5»!
a,
‘~"~'la to \-
. I ‘0 ‘1'.,
‘ser
1'
.l u

Table

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

LIST OF TABLES

Kano Province 1921 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Comparison of British and French Colonial
Administration. 0 O O O O O O O I O O O O O O O

Emigrants from.French Territory 1920-25
Kat81na D1v1810n O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Vehicle Movement, Nigeria to Niger July 1967. .
Vehicle Movement, Niger to Nigeria July 1967. .
Vehicle Movement, Niger to Nigeria January 1968
Vehicle Movement, Nigeria to Niger January 1968
Niger Annual Groundnut Production . . . . . . .
Destination of Niger's Groundnut Production . .
Niger Imports-Exports . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Comparison of Total Tonnages of Produce Loaded.
in 1964-65, 1965-66, 1966-67 Seasons. . . . . .

Groundnut Exports and Merchandise Imports Under
"Operation Hirondelle" 1956-61 . . . . . . . .

Groundnut Exports from Niger Organisation Commune

Dahomey-Niger 1962-1967 . . . . . . . . . . . .
Vehicle Movement, Monthly Summary 1967. . . . .
Niger to Nigeria, Kongolom . . . . . . . . . .
Nigeria to Niger, Kongolom . . . . . . . . . .
Niger to Nigeria, Zango . . . . . . . . . . . .

Nigeria to Niger, Zango . . . . . . . . . . . .

vii

Page

124

125

141
173
175
177
179
208
210

217

222

228

228
302
305
307
308

314

F
' "Hv- r... ,
UL... ...; D

 

 

 

Grcuzdnut 9:

 

LIST OF TABLES (Continued)

Tab 1e , Page
19 Niger Groundnut Production - East Niger 1962-67 . . . . 317
20 Niger Groundnut Production - Central Niger 1962-67. . . 318

21 Niger Groundnut Production - West Niger 1962-67 . . . . 321

viii

u.
3st

.fd

l ...;

. U I O .

.rsa.1errt:erzes
I Q

sututza ' 3.:-

 

 

$255

(3
1
v

n a;

otv‘u \. .

xsertstsztrcr .
D'v-p'.

'“‘--§= for the 1

oh; V;‘_ ',
«his ‘ ‘étr.\

., V l .
‘Vh‘ '- I
. ‘c.s a d at:
3.. .
“IL-eye .
I

I
I‘
m
"1
H
1

“\3532
r.
. I‘Er‘V: '\
‘eserza 3
2.
._‘ ‘
«'za :rO‘ , v
4a~ler :
e
T“‘Q‘
t‘tq‘

::
“-1er :.
.' A C
.' |o\u
~ ‘
Eco-b
ertnch Tr:
I AI“.
Ede

Figure

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17

18

19

20

LIST OF FIGURES

Tribal Territories of Nigeria Divided by
International Boundaries (after Murdock) . . . . . .

Pre-Colonial Patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Relationship Between Traditional and Imposed Patterns
Stress Continuum of Boundary Superimposition . . . .

The Resolution of Stress Resulting from Boundary
Superimposition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Paradigm for the Analysis of Superimposed Boundaries
Enforcement of Boundary Functions . . . . . . . . . .
The Niger-Nigeria Borderlands a a o o o o o a o a o o

Districts and Arrondisements Adjacent to Katsina
Provj'nce C O O O I O I I O O O O O O O I I O I O O O

Niger-Nigeria Borderlands Physiographic Regions . . .
Niger-Nigeria Borderlands Geology . . . . . . . . . .
Niger-Nigeria Borderlands Drainage Patterns . . . . .

Niger-Nigeria Borderlands Annual Rainfall . . . . . .

Fulani Conquest of the Borderland Hausa States 1804-1807

Niger-Nigeria Borderlands Indigenous Ethnic Groups. .
Hausa Frontier States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Ideal Hausa State I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O 0

Expansion of British and French Influence in West . .
Africa (After Fage) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Anglo-French Treaty 1890, Say-Barruwa Line . . . . .

Anglo-FrenCh Treaty 1898 C O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

ix

Page

15
20

25

27
32
33

36

39
40
42
48
49
59
66
69

71

88
93

103

(-7

'1

 

tab-French Treat

Ana.

 

1:2: Bindery 9‘- ' '

"u‘ 0" 'AA U... .
his» km .3»: A?

Tro-

.-......a Presume

:I;uA'h v

v v
0 ‘0
stbubso “A

fl
5.53:1“ L:

nger: Cercles a:
1: .utszna PYC‘.".!'.;

: v ' - '
$.ger-.:ger1a Bx:

 

 

Q
‘8

Ceetzed Inspect

>- . '

"E:;\ v ‘

v. ‘ ‘Lar PAC“ \v

'EF‘. a 9
“fl

0
F..
“‘tr‘\‘fi I
T ‘ eKEf‘a -
v a d
U.
Fire: I:
. ucrdEI-layr
:
.r~‘|_F‘.
“‘bq ‘v
r DE::&";~_
a‘q
“vh. r
"t:“ .

Figure

21
22

23

24

25

26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33

34

35

36
37
38
39
40
41

42

LIST OF FIGURES (Continued)

Anglo-French Treaty 1904-1906 . . . . . . . . . . .
Iron Boundary Pillar Near Zango . . . . . . . . . .

Kano Province 1910, Kano and Zaria Provinces 1926,
Katsina Province 1934 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

French.Military Organization Niger 1910 . . . . . .

Niger: Cercles and Subdivisions 1959 (Adjacent
to Katsina Province). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Niger-Nigeria Borderlands Communications . . . .

Gazetted Inspection Station Katsina . . . . . . . .
Borderland Customs - Niger. . . . . . . . . . . . .
Sasounbouroum Customs Station . . . . . . . . . . .
Kongolom.Customs Station . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Boundary Barricade at Kongolom . . . . . . . . . .
Borderland Customs - Nigeria. . . . . . . . . . . .
Fulani Passing From Niger into Nigeria . . . . . .

Vehicular Flow Niger to Nigeria January 1968
Vehicular Flow Nigeria to Niger January 1968. . . .

Vehicular Flow Niger to Nigeria July 1967
Vehicular Flow Nigeria to Niger July 1967 . . . . .

Groundnut Movement from Niger . . . . . . . . . . .
Jibiya Market . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Niger-Nigeria Borderlands: Important Markets . . .
Niger Borderlands: Influence of Nigerian Currency.
Boundary Demarcated by Trees . . . . . . . . . . .
Cross-Boundary Movement Jibiya Market Day . . . .

Jibiya Customs Control . . . . . . . . . . . .

Page
115

118

128

132

135
150
156
161
162
166
166
168

170

182

183
185
190
192
198
200
202

202

 

LIST

rp
...

 

 

 

.
’.....\é..,t 3.~\~QA~ N
‘3‘“..- u‘ U "‘k "
. ...

:. l 9 .. ; :
her 5 :r...s.: ..

Siger: Expsrts 1e
Niger: Groun nut

v .- A ..
.13.33.2.[S V

...“.IO'JIE

 

IK‘H -

«.5.~':Ie.:Ch Bt' ”.C
O

.. r“-

LIST OF FIGURES (Continued)

Figure Page
43 "Le Niger Utile" Niger's Economic Core . . . . . . . . 206
44 ‘Maradi Siconiger Oil Mill . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 212
45 Magaria SONARA Groundnut Stock Yards . . . . . . . . . 212
46 Groundnut Buying Markets East and Central Niger . . . . 213
47 Niger's Transit Routes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216
48 Niger? Exports 1960, Niger: Imports 1960 . . . . . . 218
49 Niger: Groundnut Exports 1966-67 . . . . . . . . . . . 219
50 Groundnuts Enroute from Niger . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224
51 TRANSCAP Groundnut Stock Yards-Kano . . . . . . . . . . 224

52 Existing Facilities for Transit via Dahomey,
Proposed Transportation Developments - 0CDN . . . . . . 226

53 Anglo-French Boundary 1898 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273

54 Convention Between Britain and France of May 29, 1906 . 283

xi'

 

afl.‘
3‘.‘

l:

|l|l
a C. c
. 1.1a r. .u a
V. d .... S . .
VA 3.5 a an own
a .... .I s .C PA
9 s D a c .o . OIL
:95 a‘.‘ us a E .\~
VI. 1. 6 \HU Va .1.
.. a C ... ...
On P u! 1. Du“. u“
s u
E AU .4 a .n
-Hu a“ 9,. .6
O s .43 .o s .. a
c . .
.95 .\- .~ a. ”on.
«.v nu o . _
sd‘ .u t u an.“
mm wm mu .uu .nu
.... .. ... u...
.~ ...os .... .. ..

‘ I
a a .G ... . fl! 8 D s 3‘ .A .
a a . s a o .3 My ... u C .3
0.5 .n c . .k\ .t \ku .t #5 .\L Q;
.. . C a .C .. a .t L .. .1;
a n .1 a as a .s a A.“ \. .kJ P; h. rt
:1 o o s o a .. u'. E -
.. r e c .. s t a
.1» a r a S p a e . .5 n u
p p x Fe .4 h a .1 .b
.5. r p W. “M. 1a.. r v}. Md
,0 § .t
and. 3 .3: J. U. .. u C 11 E .D
A I! u «t Q a
is ..‘a n4.“ S .uu ‘K. a“ h“ Vii. “we
an .5 .u .: ... t s o. ..wc a:
...u o... ... . 33 .6 NH. $5.. ..- .3
O o .P. w... v- n . a .4; , uh. . b
. . . . .. . . . Q ... ...
..... .... ... ex ... .... .. . t ...
n. at .\ . .x me xx .. um

 

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

An active interest in boundary studies has been shown by jurists,
members of the military and statesmen, as well as by geographers,
historians and political scientists. For the lawyer a boundary marks
the limit of a judicial system, while for the soldier it is the ultimate
line of military defense, and for the politician it represents the limit
of national administration.1 Research in this area by geographers,
historians and political scientists has generally been either
theoretical or particularistic. Such contributions have aided in
understanding more fully the nature and functions of political
boundaries in practice.2

Boundary studies have long been a feature of research in
political geography, but while geographers have studied boundaries
their approach has been quite general, emphasizing the morphological
and empirical rather than the genetic and the functional. Some studies
do, however, exist which deal with the genetic and functional charac-

teristics of boundaries. Ldsch, for example, analyzed the influence

 

1For a review of the contributions made to the study of boundary
problems see: J. R. V. Prescott, The Geography of Frontiers and
Boundaries (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1965).

2One practical study undertaken by a geographer that has been
widely used in the search for solutions to the wide variety of boundary
problems which exist is: Stephen B. Jones, Boundary Making: A Handbook
_§y:Statesmen, Treaty Editors and Boundary Commissioners (Washington, D.C.:
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1945).

1

 

. ‘ . ‘- .
..,...~o'..,. D‘HFC "

l ' l

.. ».:c:nso~u‘s C9“ 6...

. ..

10- '—.-' U:A st ' G‘.

I... .I (“:5 ..Ib.‘\a‘ an
. o

 

o . a .
r.~-~;~: awe-c rt . A‘-
s. ...ovcuc. n... AA 3 U -

1
“......H. V

u‘».CIC.

 

2.3.3.3365 Id'Jt a '

 

 

 

 

2

of international boundaries on the flow of commodities.3 In another
study, J. Ross MacKay measured the barrier effect of international
and internal boundaries of human interaction in eastern Canada.4 Such

studies as these, however, have been the exception rather than the rule.

Background

 

Boundaries have a variety of functions, some obvious, others
hidden and indirect; and a number of approaches have been employed by
geographers to identify and categorize their effects. Studies of
boundaries initially were greatly influenced by the school of natural
law and its adversaries. Curzon,5 Holdich,6 and Fawcett,7 among others,
express the general attitudes of their generation on the nature and
function of boundaries. "Good" boundaries were those that acted as
barriers against foreign invasion; thus "natural" or physiographic
boundaries were deemed the most desirable. In opposition to these
ideas were those of Lyde, who viewed boundaries as salutary zones of
contact, where people met and mingled.8 This debate, with its rather

subjective foundations, permeated boundary studies until the 1930's

 

3August Lbsch, The Economics of Location (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1954).

 

4J. Ross'MacKay, "The Interactance Hypothesis and Boundaries
in Canada," Canadian Geographer, 11 (1958), p. 1-8.

 

5Lord Curzon of Keddleston, Frontiers, The Roman Lectures,
Oxford, 1907.

6T. H. Holdich, Political Frontiers and Boundary Making,
(London, 1916).

7C. B. Fawcett, Frontiers. A Study in Political Geography,
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1918).

8L.‘W. Lyde, Some Frontiers of Tomorrow: An Aspiration for
Europe (London: A and C Black, 1915).

. ., .

- -.-

,0 ,,...'...:s u m, f“

'.......::........iv t.-. .
.

 

...... ..-.a
C

-~:u..':.v‘a 52¢ a EET-tt:

. v

. .....,.- g'\ ....

«a. ....Z.. UavC-k’gd S
I

.
-
.¢.I~ :

 

’f‘;o:n 5' .s .
nan-..hab .. r: ‘
- as

~: ...
[Leos

 

 

 

3

and unquestionably oversimplified and restricted the development of
a methodology.

Attempts by geographers to classify boundaries resulted in a
morphological and a genetic approach. An ordering based on morpholo-

gical criteria produced such groups as physiographic boundaries

 

(i.e., a boundary following mountains, rivers, deserts, etc.),

anthropogeographic boundaries (i.e., a boundary following ethnic,

 

linguistic or religious lines), and geometric boundaries (i.e., straight

 

line or arcuate boundaries). In 1936, Hartshorne proposed a genetic
approach, based upon the degree of development of the cultural landscape

at the time the boundary was established.9 Thus, an antecedent boundary

 

is a boundary that has preceded the development of most of the features

of the cultural landscape; whereas a subsequent boundary is established

 

following the occupation and settlement of a region. A superimposed

 

boundary is one imposed upon an existing cultural landscape, and a
reli£_boundary is one that no longer exists but whose effects can still
be recognized in certain elements of the cultural landscape.

In 1945, Stephen B. Jones published a significant work dealing
with the techniques of boundary making.10 This work stressed the
unique character of every boundary and prescribed separate and
individual study for each case. A recent survey of case studies
undertaken shows that these have focused upon the developed world,

almost to the exclusion of the emerging states such as those of

 

9Richard Hartshorne, "Suggestions on the Terminology of
Political Boundaries," Abstract, Annals, Association of American
(flgraphers, Vol. 26 (March, 1936), p. 56.

10

 

Jones, _p, cit.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

, . . T
..I . a 05
a. o . . A .\..
.N. In» .... II . a ..c
. t 9. t
H.- ..A Mun“ r. - pl 0 ...A
w— o a I we
no a d .L .L «a . he a»
0 ‘IA 5 a . v; ..u . .
r. 7. . .3 .0. a» a“ on
p.‘ \s .Pm a: O a .t .n a . ..
a» "I -mv. ... a“ u. a .re a. ”H
.6 l .... V . .C .C J» ... C
tl. W V. ... .u . v. A. ..: .5
ah wh. .: «u. 3o . a 9
1C ... v. .3 .. a
..: I. a . .. z . ... ...
a n o «I. :u .h. .. . y
.r. .u« . a.
s s "v v . .u . .... ... “‘3.
- .. .2 u" . . .. .. .. .
...” o . y a . . (Lu .... ....
.. ..n . u , ... a ..
...m . . an . .. , .w 4.

 

 

r“.
‘.

 

 

.\

.sa
AI.-

 

t 5 .AV .0.
.s . .s a C .
C C P4
.5 S .3
-t .t .4
I‘L a‘:‘ 0‘ ‘ ¢\ §
4:» d A» d
.. u .. . .... .
o u o x a a o h
\u ah. ~\u n\v
\) \I/ \ll/ 1|)
in .s a
( .

 

4

Africa.11 The lack of work done on political boundaries in the
"underdeveloped" world is also noted by Jones who makes an appeal to

political geographers to do field work in these areas.12

African Boundaries

 

The present boundaries of Africa are almost entirely the product
of European spheres of influence and administration. Prior to European
intrusion an area framework was developing in Africa among the indigenous
populations. African tribes and empires were not politically unsophis-
ticated. While much of the tribal territories were unoccupied the
frontiers of territories were guarded against intrusion; thus these
territories were defined and recognized by the indigenes, if not by the
Europeans. The impact of the European and the European boundary
framework often ran counter to what was developing indigenously, thereby
causing friction and opposition. At the time the European powers

divided Africa little attention was paid to tribal frontiers.13

 

11Julian V. Minghi, "Boundary Studies in Political Geography,"
Annals, Association of American Geographers, Vol. 53 (1963), pp. 407-428.

The cases undertaken have been classified into one of the
following categories:

(a) Studies of disputed areas.

(b) Studies of the effect of boundary change.

(c) Studies of the evolution of boundaries.

(d) Studies of boundary delimitation and demarcation.

(e) Studies of exclaves and tiny states.

(f) Studies of off-shore boundaries

(g) Studies of boundaries in disputes over natural resources.

(h) Studies of internal boundaries.

 

12Stephen B. Jones, "Boundary Concepts in the Setting of Place
and Time," Annals, Association of American Geographers Vol. 49
(Sept. 1959), p. 243.

 

13Political geographers have attempted to distinguish between
fnxfliers and boundaries. While in the past these words have been used
Synonomously, they now have taken on a more precise and different
meaning. The boundary represents "a line or rather a vertical plane

. . Io 'A‘ l.

c ..
Q». .n. 'Il'v' S
dun-uh aubal abut“ .

u . 1 . -
.. ...; q..,.‘:"ea
I.-4'o~.;u - unveivit .

:u l ...:"1

“"no

 

~~ 34:33.?Zic 5c '——' ..

any...

...

 

" n. .-’ -1 ..
--...— 3223:. :.
-' «... A“ .

Nuns: «at: DEL“: ac.:."‘-
“ s»-
v.,:;:‘ :12..':"'~ 1;“ -
bou‘ Lent).
...a." V.
..N‘:." :t:'. 5‘ :~-‘ ‘- '
...A “t‘ith‘
'2 A. .
“ . v».
'-\““A\ “o.. ‘u ‘
" '-
- s. c. 5 T-
as..“
".I A
-Q _'
‘N.’ u 0’ -
» s... ‘d‘ug’; 1..
3:4...
\g.‘ . - _ .
5.6.. 0; {Men _
a. ‘ 3 Q'
a?‘ u;~ a .
a‘ V
S-LC“ v1 0‘ r-..
.6
"V. to ‘
~« p T
C‘A ‘ “'1 ...;
' a
.‘n‘. .
.- azi‘r a. .
k
a Arlcafi . ‘-
§
1“.
l ‘l.
"s‘ . .
.. ‘ .
.. p. -
kbcr 0’ ...“
-'.1
y
.‘ ...
‘7'”. “no
-. Mu id
5‘ 92! 1
an. .
E 1
..

0
..~.

 

Because of the desire for prestige and power, through the effort of
patriotic individuals and most certainly through the lack of geographic
knowledge, boundaries between European spheres of influence were defined
and delimited as geometric, or elsewhere, following known physiographic
lines. Only in rare instances were ethnic transition zones adopted as
boundaries by the European powers in delimiting their colonial acquisitions.
The physical environment of Africa is not conducive to establishing
physiographic boundaries since there are few linear mountain ranges.
However, other physical features such as rivers and drainage area
divides have been adopted. Streams and rivers were commonly used as
colonial dividing lines. For instance;, the Senegal River forms the
boundary between Senegal and Mauritania, and the Zambezi River forms
the boundary between Rhodesia and Zambia. Other rivers such as the
Ruvuma, Cunene, Orange and Congo have been used, in part, as boundaries.
The adoption of rivers as boundaries create many problems, among which
is the regulation of navigation, irrigation, fisheries, dams, power,
and water pollution. The desire on the part of European powers to
extend their African territories to acquire access to a river has
produced a number of States with proruptions and peculiar shapes.
The most noted example is the Caprivi Strip proruption of South West
Africa where Germany demanded access to the Zambezi River.14 The
southward extension of Malawi is the result of the British claims to

territory along the lower reaches of the Shire River in order to have

 

that cuts through the air-space, soil and subsoil of adjacent states."
A.frontier, however, is a zone with spatial characteristics extending
immizontally. See Harm J. deBlij, Systematic Political Geography (New
YOHs: John Wiley and Sons, 1967). Also L.K.D. Kristoff, "The Nature

OfFrontiers and Boundaries," Annals, Association of American Geographers,
Vol. 49 (1959), p. 269.

14deBlij, 1967 Ibid., p. 362.

A- DF'1
.12.": 1.52““.
... -"

 

- I
1....LH‘H‘5‘D'Ed L: A
L.:-:..:.‘ 4“". ‘
.

' A

.- H I

...» 'V"" B A “
K“;...:. Q‘:‘:Q ~uk.u

 

.
‘ ...“
g 3:3 a' “
1...“... .. ‘ LN' R ““: ’
.....:.: CnC «ch- “:5
.2. .. .oo:—- ""
K“. :: C'bo“ l ‘5'“ h l
9' . - I '
5‘ - 5..t '\ N"
.«t QVDAslvN r '
:-;. ..'_ g '
‘ . ‘ - «Rib .
“ b‘...:h r:\§er:‘~s 0‘
-....'
«it: "' n vb ' .“""
k ... dual?) 1..:.:
‘u .'.“- I
.N

.i
,
W» ::e passi~~ 0"
0 §
ELF-4.. ~
e a .ne CL-‘ura'
.
\.
\.

“‘::l:s tn
‘ 0
1' U varyini
f‘x .- '
.,\ .... .
.‘a. sun;
‘H QAXSZEC
AIL: :.
- u
CO‘ I ‘
10 -
313 3:5
‘-
\
\J:A,
A
."~, “Udert D e: ‘
3‘: V\ I . ~A
~ vs.

6

access to the Zambezi River.15 Where drainage area divides have been
adopted, difficulties have been created in some areas where the divide

is located in a region of low relief, as for example, the boundary
between the Central African Republic and the Sudan which is based
primarily on the divide between the Congo (Ubangi) and Nile river systems.

A geometric boundary is another type of boundary that has been
extensively adopted in Africa. ‘Many of these boundaries pass through
uninhabited areas, such as deserts and lakes, as in the straight line
boundary between Niger and Algeria located in the Sahara. Occasionally
a geometric boundary passes through a populated area such as the
boundary between Togo and Dahomey. The apparent disregard for tribal
frontiers and boundaries is well illustrated in Figure l, which shows
boundaries cutting through major ethnic groups of Nigeria.

The imposition by Europeans of a territorial framework upon
established patterns of occupation, whether sedentary or shifting,
created in certain instances cultural dislocation and social change.
With this imposition a new pattern of life was etched on the landscape
and with the passing of time the boundaries have entrenched themselves
deeply into the cultural landscape. Because political boundaries were
imposed upon existing patterns of occupation spatial reorganization
occurred.

Experience and education under the colonial powers prepared the
territories, to varying degrees, for a different kind of independence
from that which existed prior to the European invasion. The rapid

change from colonial status to independence over the last decade has

15Robert D. Hodgson and E. A. Stoneman, The Changing Map of
Africa (Princeton: Van Nostrand, 1964), p. 68.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

W

Aullimindon Ashen

 

 

SI'Iuwa

.I
Wukura %°
Mo'akam ‘I am
Kbpflki .
Guda

Vfl.b'd./
Chum.”
E R | A

Wmaf' Fum Adamow.
Q '- olti

Ekoi
Ododop' CAMERoom

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

. TRIBAL TERRITORIES OI NIGERIA
DIVIDED by INTERNATIONAL BOUNDARIES
(AIIor Murdock)

Figure 1

 

n

on.“

.9

d ,

D
a

. .,.-9
.~ 5.-&

.-

y

, L. -‘
...-0 NH“

31.:

81'

‘
.S‘

?

Ixrk t:

..:- -n~

’
... .t-I ‘-

..I ..-o
. a u‘

.

40‘. - '-
l f.‘ "v,“
lA-n. I~b‘

S 3:26“’

.-
Is: '3" M
u Luv“

5
‘n
‘5

—“§
huL

 

8

reshaped the political map of Africa. Boundaries established and held
in place by the European powers have attained a permanence that has
persisted even after the expulsion of the colonial powers. Thus,
Hmsarea framework imposed upon the indigenous tribal societies has
changed very little since the advent of independence.16

The dynamic nature of Africa's political climate has produced

Eiset of entirely new circumstances among which is the introduction of
rmw stresses on the familiar boundary framework of the continent.
huense nationalism leads to a jealous guarding of national territories.
The potential for boundary friction and disputes will increase as some
of the new nations attempt to demarcate their boundaries. Landlocked
States desiring an access to the sea will possibly create considerable
stress upon the present boundary framework.

Present-day Africa is in some respects analogous to Latin
America shortly after 1820. Colonial domination in Latin America
created administrative units that were ill-defined; some were land-
locked. The consolidation of national territories, and the search for
secure access to the oceans led to struggles over frontier areas and
intermittent armed hostilities. Friction between Brazil and Argentine

over the La Plata region spawned Uruguay and Paraguay as buffer States.

 

16in only a few instances has there been a transfer of territory
and redrawing of political boundaries. British Togoland and the southern
part of the British Cameroons, by plebiscite voted to join Ghana and
Cameroun, respectively. The British-Italian Somaliland union and the
Tanganyika-Zanzibar union are two other cases. With these few exceptions
all the emerging States of Africa bear the imprint of their colonial
status in their size, shape, and political institutions. Attempts to
establish new nations by fragmenting the colonial framework have been
met with armed resistance and civil war; for example, the ill-fated
Biafra that attempted to secede from Nigeria.

 

L::e:ise iezzzztxan or L

‘ ‘ I |
£2113 DISCLCrC VETS I
. .

r :Q I “ Q‘ :
iififél .2..E 336 DC: 'v'...

 

 

' ' l
...,...... .. .. 1 . ..
:.......:u .b' sn'e 0:5 L .
f.,.:.‘.'.. l;r:,.-
.E‘.¢....' c sank“

i..=:.:ss. K: other cw

k....

. . . .
.- ... -—fi.— . -¢
.uu: ....Z‘u..\.t.4ce dt:> '-
|

.l ’
.1; -’ “M .... P‘h-
...- ....5. we: ...t :3

1:: 53:: ;.

.
9'- "...,l _
.a. on 3.16 M.GT.LI

 

.... .
..

..:, ... u».
....

...e intensified
it: ""‘""

. - 394i.‘.t:'~'3
2‘";:--3 '
‘hs ._: A ‘.

~ u 3 CtPCD-.aC:e
~-5 -I is “nae-“V

k.V~3a-.C I

u. .
.. N. v
a . H ...
-. a in i _
sM ‘5‘.l 5.:uxr§
A ‘.
\. ‘
“m. a"? is“
~«u ‘

;:S| .I
~= res”: o. .
“313 v.
.. ..e 6:17:14: M.
".4-'&
.....iz‘h .
I“ :05? b‘a‘
‘ t
Nail-3:1 ;
‘n Attica
Q

9
Inmrecise definition or contradictory definition between Chile and
Argentine produced wars that lasted into the 20th Century.17 Friction
lmtween Chile and Bolivia throughout the 19th Century was in part
attributed to the loss of Bolivia's access to the Pacific.

Certainly Africa has the potential for boundary conflicts and
<fisputes. No other continent has a greater number of landlocked States.
Befine independence disputes arose between Northern Rhodesia and the
Belgian Congo over the nature of boundary definition through mineral
rich areas in the Katanga region. Since independence some boundary
disputes have intensified to the point where open conflict occurs; for
example the Somali-Kenya boundary dispute presently being negotiated
has created a depopulated borderland due to the armed hostilities.

While it is impossible to predict accurately Africa's future, the

analogy'With Latin America is striking. However there are some important

differences. Latin America had been under European control for a

period of almost three centuries and the boundaries resulted from the

fragmentation of the Vice-Royalties, the main colonial administrative

units. The result of three centuries of European occupation drastically
~~i/r

changed the ethnic make-up of Latin America such that the indigenous

population in most States form.a minority group. These conditions do

not prevail in Africa, for no State has a European or mixed majority.

A period of approximately 60 years colonial domination has not diminished

significantly the indigenous tribal affiliations and loyalties. Finally

the situation in Africa is further aggravated by international

boundaries dividing indigenous groups, thereby creating a threat of

irredentism--a threat that was largely absent in Latin America.

17A. R. Hinks, "Notes on the Techniques of Boundary Delimitation,"
Geographical Journal, Vol. 58, pp. 417-43.

\

8

 

' I
a... y .K‘
.:e :‘vae 0. Unit

I O I I I
... Adopt 1n MD, 6n‘
..-:.v:u:¥ bu stout-nun.” -

 

£35152 3! 'u'ZEICéT fléb’ :

u o ' .
:3. "‘"cd WW1 '
‘< I obhdu b‘sl.‘
.

s

:12: rare: dzzzerxr

";I :~' .1: 0‘ - ‘I :n‘
......z .. .3: 5:332ch

‘

 

~..

“*1. a‘fib'... .

......cf 15 153'-
Anh“

..
i
F».
E ‘ D
. » Its: A‘r-‘,..
‘.§‘ 4
~xv...
“
s.
A I
s“ &‘
E . ‘r0.AAS: ... ‘
\
£5 :3..'.
"a V
..“!:‘I

a- . ,. .
”Hafir'} \;:
' s
‘1‘...
"it" '
‘ l
- 5 E‘s
L13; ‘
.c 5:0
\I -.
‘ F‘-
8‘ 5
\TJ. la‘ M.._ 1..
1‘ die. 1‘
3;
a“:

 

10
The nature of the borderlands is one of many variables to be
considered in determining whether the existing area framework will
persist or whether new boundaries will be prescribed. Since the
hmundary located within the borderlands is theoretically the point of
unnect between differing judicial, economic and social systems, an

analysis of the spatial interaction within the borderlands will reveal

tflm stability of the boundary.
STATEMENT OF PROBLEM

Although the peoples of Africa speak hundreds of languages and
language is one of the keystones of national existence, there are some
languages of regional significance in Africa which have historical and
national strength. One of these is Swahili that is important in East
Africa, another is Hausa in West Africa. Hausa is one of the major
languages of West Africa and is classified as a member of the Chadic
group of the Afro-Asiatic family of languages.18 The majority of
Hausa speaking peoples (numbering over six million) reside in Northern
Nigeria and southern Niger. (See Figure l.) The Hausa peoples are not
a homogenous ethnic group but rather a diverse population united only
in a common language.19 In the past the Hausa exerted considerable
influence over much of West Africa as itinerant traders and merchants.
This influence is reflected in the fact that the Hausa language is often
regarded as a lingua franca of the Sudan region of West Africa and is

spoken as a second language by as many as ten million people.

 

18J. H. Greenberg, The Languages of Africa (Bloomington: ‘\‘
Indiana University, 1963).

19S. J. Hogben and A. H. M. Kirk-Greene, The Emirates of
IErthern Nigeria (London: Oxford University Press, 1966), p. 82.

 

The ccre area of '.
E:ira:es cf Ketch-c:
.17: with ::e ancther,
15:: 25:33:, tin-ere were
Sikgi. I5 Ea;sa St
run;:;slocaticn a:
Iiirished in the p:
:zs::.c31"

.uial {tie

“Mince c: the Fa

a no

he facus of t‘“

.
u.

 

.. ~. .7 ‘
\‘.
lat as H
H.
(..: . .
..Jpg "'8 ‘
n 5663 u

 

11

The core area of the Hausa speaking peoples is made up of the
smven.Emirates of Northern Nigeria.20 ‘While these States frequently
vmrred with one another, even after the Fulani conquest in the early
19th.Century, there were established patterns of trade that had
developed. The Hausa States gained early prominence due to their
advantageous location at the terminus of the trans-Saharan trade route
that flourished in the pre-European era. The result of European
humusion, colonial rule and differential modernization has diminished
the influence of the Hausa and apparently divided them.

The focus of this study is upon the Niger-Nigeria borderlands
and the effect that the boundary has had upon the spatial organization
of the Hausa. It is the purpose of this study to develop a paradigm
for the analysis of superimposed and colonial boundaries and the effect
they have had upon the indigenous populations. Utilizing the suggested

paradigm a study of the Niger-Nigeria borderlands is undertaken.

METHOD OF APPROACH

Boundary studies presently available reveal a limited methodo-
logical orientation, and a methodology of boundary research cannot be
said to exist as such. All of the methods of data acquisition hither
to developed have been used; the research commenced with a period of
intensive library research. This research for primary data was

conducted first in the Public Records Office, Commonwealth Library,

 

20The seven original Emirates of Northern Nigeria (or Hausa
Bakwai) are the Emirates of Daura, Katsina, Gobir, Kano, Rano and
Zaria. There is some conjecture about the seventh Emirate, however,
the Emirate of Biram is most frequently referred to as one of the
original‘Hausa States. Ibid.

""5? $551: Library a:-

 

' ‘0 ‘- . ’na ' : ‘
l::.'l:. {ILL _. {38 .C.
.' Aau- 'n ' T ’_
;..'.'..'C.'_:..c 5am”, _

\

.. .
.: ..o‘p; 'ivIa-u v ».
..:..3..:S ...6..L€.ES'.

I
.' a. - r-.‘
1.4.1:: if is twice

...... .
_'v no§~ .
“4.1., :E..:~.¢1, Ca: .

a LE: :22 Samurai Ar.

 

 

 

 

...
u.

‘4‘ :“‘--.. ' ‘
r‘uus-:‘ Dy"!

. .
..:. ‘dr'y' "
'

-.-.,'.es used incledec‘

 

 

 

12
Foreign Office Library and the British.Museum.in London, England.
In Paris, France, the following repositories were visited: The
Ifibliotheque Nationale, Bibliotthue Africaine et Malagache, MinistEre
(he Affaires EtrangEres-Service des Archives et de la Documentation,
lfinistére de la France D'Outre Mer, and the Ministére de la Co-operation.
Zthakar, Senegal, data were gathered at the Archives Nationales,
and also the National Archives in Ibadan and Kaduna, Nigeria, were
researched. Finally, the Centre d'Etudes Nigerienne in Niamey, Niger,
was visited.

Field research for the study was limited primarily to the
international boundary bordering Katsina Province, Nigeria. The
techniques used included direct Observation, interviewing and surveys.
In addition large-scale maps were used to record present-day patterns
of trade and migration, the involvement of cross-boundary villages and
towns in the system of periodic markets, observable traffic goods flow
across the border and other features of the boundary region. Nigerian
customs records showing the movement of traffic were also used to

determine the magnitude and reasons for cross-boundary movement.

Organization of the Study

The primary objective of this thesis is an analysis of the
Niger-Nigeria borderlands and the influence the boundary has had upon
the indigenous population within the frontier zone. The study is
divided into seven chapters. The first chapter is a brief introduction
to boundary studies in political geography, a summary statement on
African boundaries and the statement of problem. Chapter Two will
introduce a model for the analysis of colonial and superimposed

boundaries. The third chapter will focus on an introduction to the

.
. U ' . .
.133, ml; anlbc
....» .

.'{':;:ié crderland

...-.-

V
l I ~-
.:..._::;;. 23E pre-csx

. ‘
1122.5? 3" ’ "
.

v- sue dist:

' Q a G
-..u. - ‘ng‘ ‘01 R
.-......:. 3T; -.Zd. .0

211.3131. Cnapter :

s
.w...._
--

r I '
av-q->\ . "
«\uvA.‘ .v—eaodb tan 0 A L

-F'Ouc

3......) will be '

.\.
5
- w»

 

 

 

..‘;_“. _ v ‘
-: :2: dc;

_:ee of

...._:2 spatial rec

v-~'
ALC

'-u.
- 'v I
I"“'.' w ‘a .. '
.sn set LUCgS ‘upav‘
42. . .
'x.‘-‘.. ‘ .
—. N‘ “
....a res~ ..
.‘, a
«as ~~".‘.
§§‘

 

 

13
Inger-Nigeria borderlands and will delimit the area under consideration.
inns chapter will include a discussion of the physical geography of the
tmrderlands and will set the stage for a study of man's activities within
the area. Chapter Four will deal with the historical background and
reconstruct the pre-colonial traditional patterns. Special emphasis will
he focused upon the distribution of ethnic groups, the political areal
finmxional organization and the traditional patterns of trade and
(firculation. Chapter Five wilI’deal with the events leading to the
lhuopean domination of the borderlands. An analysis of the evolution
cfifthe boundary will be made in order to assess the nature of the
boundary and degree of stress upon the borderland inhabitants. The
resulting spatial reorganization caused by the boundary and differing
colonial administrations will be discussed in terms of population
migration, settlement patterns, circulation and trade. The sixth
chapter will focus upon the contemporary patterns within the Maradi-
Zinder-Katsina region. The cross-boundary movement of population and
vehicles will be surveyed and interpreted. The problem of access to the
ocean in relationship to Niger will also be discussed in this chapter.

Finally, Chapter Seven summarizes the findings and conclusions of the

research undertaken.

 

:1-

1'.

a.

 

U"

 

4. .. ens. apply 91‘

- as '21 the (level;
.1esretical fracas:
"..etée'mhped“ vet}
“am-n oi 02’"

CHAPTER II

A PARADIGM FOR THE ANALYSIS

OF SUPERIMPOSED BOUNDARIES

INTRODUCTION

A general lack of theory in boundary studies exists. Theories
that do exist apply principally to the industrially developed areas
of the world where most case studies have been done. It is not at
all certain that the existing stresses or the solutions to boundary
problems in the developed world are relevant in the developing world.
A theoretical framework is needed for the study of nations in the
"underdeveloped" world where boundaries have been superimposed or are
the product of outside influences. What is undertaken in this study
is the development of a paradigm for the analysis of superimposed
boundaries, a paradigm that takes into consideration variables
peculiar to former colonial countries where the European concepts of
territoriality have been imposed upon alien indigenous populations.

The suggested paradigm demonstrates a time-space relationship.
By proceeding through time the political processes at play during a
specific period produce certain spatial patterns. Three time periods
are recognized: the traditional or pre-colonial period, the period of
colonial domination, and the post-colonial period.‘ Colonial policies
and boundary imposition created conflicts involving social change and

<nfltura1 dislocation.f The resolution of such conflicts lay in a spatial

14

2325:3302 producn.

  
  
 

4 . I
35233332 32C 8C0: "

u...

"0 -o- no"

.‘...-: ‘5 K82 IaCEd '

‘u ‘1'. .
;. ......:5 {18211021 '3

I: 7" 'Y "
A... \~4.1.\ “I...

 

a :‘ :.~.
‘ct. . ‘5-
' “ “C 5:235 9‘?“
x .‘
‘5.
.'~TҤ:
I“ \ “a ..
......5 pd‘ternc
..-.
r .. M. .
u
"‘ “3 {36 2'.“ c
c.‘ \
5e
.
...“ ‘ 9”,.
"A “"8 ;
a C I
A
‘-
K

t i':-- .
.. .
.‘i‘3“} .

 

- w e~
. .- ~ ,
O
‘1‘\ -. C \
.h ~131-
.I.‘

v
a‘ ‘ Its -
'~ I. h
‘\~I I‘- A

 

15
reorganization producing new patterns of circulation, political
organization and economic ties. Since the post-colonial period began the
nations have been faced with internal problems.1 Once internal problems
are resolved attention might possibly be turned to the borderlands

:flmre boundary redemarcation will be undertaken with the potentiality

for boundary disputes .
PRE-COLONIAL PERIOD: TRADITIONAL PATTERNS

In order to determine the influence of a superimposed boundary
tmon an indigenous population it is necessary to reconstruct the
pre-existing patterns. The traditional patterns are viewed as a
product of the unit of organization (i.e., the social, political and
economic structure of the traditional society) and the pattern of

circulation (i.e., the flow of goods, people, ideas and their spatial

interaction).

Pre-Colonial Period
[Traditional Patternsl

 

Unit of

Patterns of»
Organization

Circulation

 

 

 

 

Figure 2

PRE -COLONIAL PATTERNS

 

1The problem of redrawing internal boundaries has in some
instances proven to be a much greater threat to peace and stability
than the problem of international boundaries. Nigeria's search for a
more equitable solution to its problems of unification resulted in the
redrawing of its internal boundaries. The dividing of the Eastern
region into three states in effect precipitated Nigeria's civil war.

 

‘..' ' v" ..:,npq' _
...: .‘f .726...Ld-..O?1
——_—

 

Screams m (m
:23'.:er lizits of a S:

::;e_:: 2: 12:11:33.1:

...:z...‘.: mixes Hit:
....1

Due... ‘

.........:.. SOCLEtLCS C'.

n- cl;--,..5 .
..: than: of e):

at:
22* 3"" "“ '
,2 ...r..-3..n:..-.‘.Tl anc-
s::'--~ -
. ..., c..C Cartograa"
\- A

 

if? -
...‘_ area 0; .
*h
e 5H6 e‘v-c
d‘ ‘
EF- .
use all are P
.. d J

_ C
‘1“:
..::«Iz. n.
-. vac. _ .
“~Paaszr

 

16

Unit of Organization

 

Boundaries in the European concept of territoriality represent
the outer limits of a State's sovereignty.2 Yet frequently the European
concept of territoriality was in conflict with traditional ideas of the
indigenous cultures where the European had intruded. In many cases
traditional societies did not establish precise boundaries. In fact,
the demarcation of exact boundaries, with a few exceptions, is a
European phenomenon and was not possible until the sciences of geodosey,
surveying and cartography had developed sufficiently to demarcate such
boundaries on the landscape. For boundaries to be precisely fixed,
the adjacent countries were technically limiting the extent of their
sovereignty and reciprocally agreed to the recognition of the other
country's authority within the limits of their defined territory.

In the European concept of territoriality, the territory is a well
defined area of the earth's surface with specific boundaries.

While all groups of people recognize a portion of the earth's
surface as belonging to their particular group and consequently guard
it against trespassing, not all territory is so well defined and
demarcated as it is in the European sphere.3 The most common form of
territorial expression has been where the two opposing groups or
States have been separated by a zone or frontier. This form was quite

common in Africa and with the spread of colonialism these indigenous

 

2A. O. Cukwurah, The Settlement of Boundary Disputes in
International Law (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1967).

 

3For discussion on the territorial imperative see Robert Ardrey,
The Territorial Imperative (New York: Dell Publishing Co., 1966).

  
  

'Wiers are way to c;

":.'...‘p. c

I
I ‘.
.....AM .3 {er 5 ..

I I
1“

:::.a..'s er zones of e

. .
222:: :1 areas, .... '.

‘ UH

u. ....
a - u

5. I ' L
~— ....C...a...33 O: t.-'—

"‘;:I;\q-‘ ~‘g: . V
sumac. poutrcal C.

 

. . . c
“"‘5- ‘h‘fi “ "
. ~«:..~.as ‘uebh :6:

.
u .
:-\
'.
‘\‘> "8

SALE Eff
we “hie “ordfirl
““5 leads tr
- :re Jariabs 9

g .
5“ :KAK‘. r: H. ‘
“$3.2; Uepartr-J
5“ 3 er

17
frontiers gave way to colonial boundaries.

Within the territory, whether bounded by precisely determined
boundaries or zones of separation, each society carries out the
functions of government. The study of traditional political activities
in terms of areas, functions and organizations,4 becomes important in
the determination of the influence of colonial boundaries upon
traditional political organization within borderland areas. Depending
upon the size of the territory there is usually a hierarchy of political
organizations which has jurisdiction over certain areas of the territory
and delegated powers from the central government.

Quite often the traditional political areal functional organiza-
tion remained intact and was adopted by the colonial power to control
colonial acquisitions. Such was the case in Northern Nigeria with the
adoption of "indirect rule" by the British. Even the French adopted a
similar policy in southern Niger although the impress of colonial
authority was more clearly evident in French territories.

The economic organization of the traditional society is also a
vital part of the unit of organization. How the society is organized
in terms of land, labor and production are important considerations in
determining the effects of a superimposed boundary upon the economic
life of the borderland inhabitants. Discussion of such economic
activities leads to a consideration of traditional markets and trade,

«finch are variables of significance in the patterns of circulation.

 

4Robert H. Brown, Political Areal Functional Organization
(Chicago: Department of Geography, University of Chicago, 1957) ,
Research Paper #51, p. 1.

 

. .. , .
'EZZETTS 3: Cinnamon

The mean of ;

~ 1 I C
:: Iguana an be

 

: 2.2:: 211221 tracer 1

".a'aei i: 12:25 of vol:

  
 

"I-v-

.: mean: of peep.

a. ...». I .
' ‘yc. ‘ .
" l--:-:oo§bcrlaA '

.‘v
3'.
.

-.
,.... «a . I ‘
“ ..S ...:OLE.‘ s a
u
.:""t. I
5.... ‘3‘ ‘9‘ In» .
. h N: no. 5 .
.n NC
a k i
2:

.3 _.
x; ‘;.-_
‘.
~t kt“ee’fi P use
‘ l
....
3.. -.
..:“:‘k‘u I;
In '
1: .'
~. n
“‘ ~-....‘0'1s
s | '
a 1:
§
C
... '-;
\ \‘t

 

18
Patterns of Circulation

The movement of people and goods within the traditional unit
of organization must be considered since the imposition of a boundary
can quite often hinder this movement. The movement of people can be
viewed in terms of voluntary or forced movement. Voluntary movement
is the movement of people engaged in economic activity either locally
or extraterritorially, or perhaps the migration of indigenous nomadic
groups. Forced movement of people is the captivity and relocation of
populations through slave-raiding. Since slavery was an important
institution in many societies, the expansion of colonial rule brought
a halt to this activity and quite often had serious repercussions.

The construction of trade patterns and the goods exchanged must
be attempted in order to ascertain how colonial boundaries and colonial
domination interrupted these patterns, if at all. There is an inter-
dependence between the unit of organization and the patterns of
circulation. The unit of organization, through the political and
economic functions, influences the patterns of circulation. Likewise

the patterns of circulation or movement can have an influence upon

the unit of organization.5 Since very few, if any, societies are

 

5The concept of circulation or the movement factor in relationship
to its influence upon the political partitioning of the world was first
suggested by Jean Gottman. The French world circulation involves much
more than the simple movement of goods and people but also the movement
over space of ideas, innovations, capital, messages, etc., that can
bring about either change or stability within the State. See Jean
Gottman, La Politique des Etats et Leur Geographie (Paris: Armand
Colin, 1952), Chapter 8.

See also Jean Gottman, "Political Partitioning of Our World:
An.Attempt at Analysis," World Politics, Vol. IV (1952), pp. 512-519.

In another work that sought to establish a systematic basis for
political geography, Stephen B. Jones identified movement as one of the
hay factors in any political decision. See Stephen B. Jones, "A Unified
Fhfld.Theory of Political Geography," Annals, Association of American
Geographers, Vol. XLIV (1954), pp. 111-123.

 

 

C3103; I}. I.

 

fze 4251333932?

wt’b \: OL
.22... v. ...‘3

~ .*...1 -
EIQCAL ‘

2:12:26 precise 5cm

..
u
N

.

~e-t a. .- o

-—.:. ..EJEZJ‘I‘ SE
. .

“ .'__ .U . . l ‘ -
...a:.:.pea:: Vltf‘. r.

c
L

 

n. fig; 5‘- ‘A . n
u. ‘ "I"!
u.» Utjt yas-UM

O:
3.4.?“ ‘ ' ‘
~ ‘ 'k.-..O. O: l-
4: 3d ‘H vs '
..e t.adrtzor.a
'n. ‘
b ‘_-- n
M ~-.§::3-S fr3“‘1 .Y
A s
"was. I 3 d
“gee SC‘
I.“ .
:..;\_:

”8":IIN
~A%'\Al5 thro;i‘:
"ALIS. t ~,_, -
o a 1L ‘ec

m
1
(n
H-
:J
O.
(f.
D ’I

e‘ 4“,
e ken CONS :
'|:~ Dr “I
u...(n0"~:
‘J 3:.
‘n.
"E E‘kuf
5“- c
gro- ~
C
I"
.I‘ W J. R.

19

completely isolated, culture contacts can produce changes in the unit

of organization.
COLONIAL PERIOD: TMPOSED PATTERNS

The establishment of the traditional spatial patterns was the
result of the gradual evolution over centuries of time. As already
mentioned, precise boundaries were not the most common form of ter-
ritorial demarcations. Instead, traditional units of organization
were most frequently separated by indigenous frontiers. The arrival
of the European with his concepts of territoriality and the necessity
for the demarcation of boundaries produced an unconformity in the
gradual evolution of indigenous frontiers.6 It is possible to assume
that had the traditional units of organization been permitted to evolve,
the indigenous frontiers may have given way to the establishment of
boundaries. Indeed several of the African States were moving in this
direction prior to the European intrusion.

Moving through time to the colonial period, the pre-existing
patterns, to a limited degree, influenced the decision-making of the
colonial powers in defining a boundary. Decisions were made in regard
to the nature, rate of development, and functions of the boundary.
(See Figure 3.) Ideally in order to establish the "best" boundary,
political, economic, social and ethnic interests of the indigenes
should have been considered; but in many instances these factors were
ignored or unknown, and the colonial powers were obliged to integrate

diverse ethnic groups into a territorial framework of their own design.

6J. R. V. Prescott, The Evolution of Nigeria's Boundaries,
1nmub1ished Ph.D. Thesis, University of London, London, 1961, p. 26.

i. s: -22
u\ .

\,

. 1...!!! \

7.2L; ~ aux; -..:..~ ~ -:~.~.~.

II \‘C .........~..L

K :C—IuULC 4

 

 

~2...~.-. ...?— ......3..:.~\

   

an..-h.o.- ate—......‘uv .1... -.-.~ ~9\!-.-§.vuvl.v,~.~

 

mZMMBHflm ammomZH az<.A<ZOHHHn<MH 2mm3hmm mHmmZOHeagmm

m 9.53m

 

 

mcowuocam Ir. mauouuwm Hmcowuacmua_
huwocsom _

\ ,

 

 

 

 

 

xuosoamum
Hmwnouwuuoe

 

20

 

anacoHoo
hunvaaom «o w coca huwvcsom
unnamoHo>oo cofiuwuwoucH mo ouaumz

 

 

 

 

 

.fil.

 

 

 

 

 

/ A, scanning: o cow udwficnwuo

coqmwoon ATI. mo mauouumm mo nan:
>

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

_mcuouumm vomonaH mauouumm Hmaowuacmua

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

wowuom wacoHoo oofiuom HmfisoHOUuoum

... \
-.-. ....
-~ r \ r
u..l-..--.~

v
V v

.Lu

'vmu

«MI,

~: ’9 05;. . .‘
It. .. .:._(6 $9

 

d. are izpsr'.

.36 305'. C'.

 

21

DecisionéMaking Environment

 

An analysis of the reasons that led to the establishment of
colonial boundaries, and the conditions under which each boundary was
established, are important in understanding the present-day territorial
framework. The most obvious reason for the establishment of boundaries
was to reduce the threat of conflict. Diplomatic correspondence,
boundary proposals and counter-proposals reveal the keen competition
between the European powers in attempting to acquire as much territory

as possible at the expense of their rival.

Nature of the boundary. Decisions between colonial powers were

 

reached in regard to the nature of the boundary to be adopted. By
nature of the boundary is meant the criteria to be used in defining the
boundary. Thus colonial powers had to decide on whether to define the
boundary in terms of physiographic, anthropogeographic or geometric
factors. In many instances these decisions were made at conference
tables in metropolitan capitals far removed from the areas involved
and all too often with very little information on the local conditions.
Quite often the initial allocation of territory was decided in terms
of geometric lines in which rival European powers had a sphere of
influence on their side of the boundary.

The geometric nature of these primary boundaries reflected the
desire of the European powers to reach a speedy settlement. Until
States had secured firm title to lands it was difficult to encourage

the metropolitan governments or traders to invest in the exploitation

of the resources of the colony.7 As additional information became

 

71bid., p. 15.

 

x.

1"
-.

   
 

A. Q I I R o
5':..:I.E girl; 1C aC‘

\-
o

i...1 terri:

- r
'A' O
o

.,

1""‘ ~~o.‘

§_ :, ‘ .,. In _
.~‘-‘...‘.. ‘ht

.:‘:- I1. ~ .
'o.p in
fihn.
..e “gr”,

 

.... . ‘ a
.: *1: b . _‘_
'2'- ' _
h‘. as ‘lfl‘7

. avga. 1
‘.-
nae L223,

; ct \ S‘Vrr:
Wu; K». ‘

4.,“
at- "Sr.
ICE-8 :'
i
."arlj .
”cu. ' CED
«J

5‘:
D
U
’0 ‘1
‘ l‘l 'F-v-u
5a,;

22

available periodic adjustments and transfer of territory occurred

before the final territorial framework was established.

Development of the boundary. The development of the boundary

 

refers to its evolution through the stages of definition, delimitation
and demarcation. The initial stage of boundary development is to
describe and define it verbally by treaty. Following the definition
by treaty the boundary is then delimited on a map of the largest scale
available.8 The haphazard way of defining and delimiting the initial
boundaries in Africa is well illustrated in the following remarks by
Sir Claude MacDonald on the delimitation of the Anglo-German boundary
between Nigeria and Cameroun:

In those days we just took a blue pencil and a rule,
and we put it down at Old Calabar, and drew that blue line
up at Yola. . . . This was in 1889, and the same year I
was sent by my old chief, the late Lord Salisbury . . . as
far as Yola. I recollect thinking, when I was sitting with
the Emir, surrounded by his tribe, that it was a very good
thing that he did not know that I, with a blue pencil had
drawn a line through his territory. The following year I
was sent to Berlin to endeavour to get from the German
authorities some sort of modification or rectification of
the blue line . . . the instructions I received was to grab
as much as I could. I was also provided . . . with the only
map . . . a navalichart! It had all the soundings of the
sea very carefully marked out, but the whole of the sheet
was white! There was certainly one thing there and that
was a beautiful river called the Akpayaff which started near
the Calabar River and meandered for about 800 miles on the
map. It was about the size of the Amazon, and the idea was
that that was to be the boundary. . . . When we came to
close quarters with the Akpayaff river we found there was no
such river. There was a river, but so far from being 700
miles long it was only about 3 1/2.9

 

8Harm J. deBlij, Systematic Political Geography (New York:
John.Wiley and Sons, 1967), p. 203.

9W. V. Nugent, "Geographical Results of the Nigeria-Kamerun
Boundary Demarcation Commission of 1912-1913," Geographical Journal,
Vol. 43, 1914, p. 649.

 

. .
-: ...: ~".":.lO: 50 m
__ .-.. n» -"

.

 

IF:

I. Q. ‘~ .
21::2..'-‘ nectqeate ti.

. ...-.IO:Q- a“ \"

~:.—-o.:.se-o . Itntar-H

o a .'

j; I ‘ pv-u We N s

n.. .- :..\t‘ be b»u
.

......‘..:.,N . ' .
:2...:.....S .0 3t 81:?

...,2 - - .
“..:.“ a 6:5 ripzz

“1,. .. . n-

22.: .: .229..td. A
.I".'"'-'

‘ FDA

i )‘--l‘:vv q.‘
”-..... 3...:3535 ;

 

cue to rapid c'

us_’;‘.
I a ‘ c
. . RV
... :.._:a 5 ~ .L.
‘ d‘ u bt
s

It.
a..
N." ‘nn

:~_.‘= 3“?“ ‘

 

...
I. E.
x .;:e A: ...
, ..
‘. :‘De'fiuv. a
s A t. A
a?» :1
l."
u: “:o
‘K‘.

‘v
i.
.' re”
‘3’... “Eat Cn-"‘
. ‘4‘: Id? r
h‘ ' l
”'35 :C': A as ‘
'5. ‘ -:CE"‘ 5 ‘
..\.I :o I “5 to ‘.
“Hit: . “AL"
2- ' . .W'e
\‘ .. “'v '
\._::G he "Er

~ “\‘3‘ «Sgt.
"i. “a1 3... .

23
As this quotation so well illustrates cartographic representation was
generally inadequate to allow governments to agree on clear boundary
delimitations. Invariably when the boundary commission arrived in the
area to survey the boundary and establish boundary monuments imaginary
features proved to be non-existent and caused subsequent boundary
negotiations to be extremely complicated. When boundaries are
demarcated a description of the precise location of the boundary
markers is compiled. A necessary part of demarcation is the provision

10 The maintenance

for periodic boundary inspection and maintenance.
of boundary monuments in Africa has proven to be extremely difficult
not only due to rapid deterioration by climate but also by destruction

by wild animals and the general disregard for boundary markers by the

indigenous population.11

Boundary functions. All international boundaries serve at
least one function--to mark the extent of a State's sovereignty. In
the case of superimposed boundaries in Africa, these boundaries served

to delimit the extent of colonial jurisdiction. Initially boundaries

 

10For an example see Appendix E which gives a precise description
of the location of every boundary monument of the Niger-Nigerian boundary
and also provides for periodic inspection.

11A recent compilation of boundary demarcation in Africa
indicates that as a general rule those states that had rival colonial
powers adjacent to them have at one time had their boundaries
demarcated. However, where a boundary was established simply to
facilitate colonial administration by a single colonial power, boundary
demarcation was not thought necessary and such boundaries have only
been delimited. For example, all the new States of Former French West
Africa, where their countries are adjacent to each other boundaries are
delimited (e.g., NigeréMali). See Anthony S. Reyner, ”Length and Status
of International Boundaries in Africa," African Studies Bulletin,
Vol. X, 1967, p. 6.

 

 

 

'
IT' I E . ’-
..... .... N .‘
6:: :2.:....‘..C d} t.
' A' « vL-o e'e c
~ '0: ‘-
...: .1..h 3. suds Lu .

::::.: :hé threat of

..

. , ,
...1- n- Qat
-

Q I i .
vol-u ‘ifivtlfiai‘ DC;T-Car -

'

uo-QO R. AA1 1 “i

. f -
I-.Z... no EL. '...6.

”12.52:. areas. AS '.

 

 

ll'ZYt ~-
eto ARE na:'_re a
L
an;
‘~ .2»... 5r“. t!
. ..e C
"; .'
'x :!-_‘j u
“fineness os ....
£ \hl
;-'
“11.31.
A-a -
Lent)“ ..M . ‘ ‘
. 1“
‘0.
“. 3.:er
“‘g‘Dn-fl .
. “Ritlr. .
vn C:
35 ..
'\. 'hs
-\.:‘ gm“; I
‘ WWllCt Hm.

.,_ ,
‘J‘-.c:¥..
',‘. “e .
i“. -
A ‘ '
\' do. .
‘d Pro
3?; -. ‘
"C: drast'
~ 1C COHSL
.; \

24
were established by the colonial powers to lay claim to firm title of
the land so that the colonial power could trade and control the area
without the threat of competition from other European powers. Quite
often colonial boundaries served only a single function--to designate
the extent of colonial jurisdiction and thus to separate colonial
powers. ‘When the boundary served only this one function there was
usually very little interference in the lives of the people in the
borderland areas. As the boundary took on additional functions such
as defense and commercial functions, a barrier effect was established.
Different laws relating to tariffs, land ownership and taxation could
cause considerable stress to the borderland inhabitants way of life

and bring about social change and cultural dislocation.

The stress continuum of boundary imposition. The degree of
stress upon the traditional patterns is dependent upon four main
factors. The nature of the boundary, the number of functions applied
at the boundary, the colonial policies adopted in the borderlands and
the cohesiveness of the ethnic group through which the boundary has
been drawn.

A continuum illustrating the degree of stress resulting from
the superimposition of a boundary can be constructed. Maximum stress
producing conflict would be where the tribal territory was divided by
a colonial boundary and where multi-boundary functions were enforced
by the colonial powers. (See Figure 4.)

Such a boundary, established without regard for traditional
patterns would produce severe dislocation. A boundary that would not
have such drastic consequences would involve a colonial boundary

dividing a tribal group and functioning solely in an administrative

ry)

a
a o

..\ .._n‘
...-““4

ob
..-.§

I.

9
A"'"
‘1
o

a" uuba

i-w

:2eren ‘
t C‘IiC.’

I
N\
‘c

25

- ~'“‘-/' 3.31. ./ L.~' '
Vi/ AK) \H‘ 7 r' I 7

.1, . ,
.//‘.’&“~ lo‘é/ .//‘ .’\~——-/
/\

 

/ /
MAXIMUM STRESS “‘— >"MINIMUM STRESS
(Closed Boundary) (Open Boundary)
Boundary -— - -- ° ‘—

Boundary Functions \\

Tribal Territory <::j

Figure 4

STRESS CONTINUUM 0F BOUNDARY SUPERIMPOSITION

manner to separate colonial powers. The division of a tribal group
by two different colonial powers would produce considerable stress
despite the boundary's single function. In this instance the differing
colonial policies adopted within the borderlands and the cohesiveness
of the group are vital factors in determining the degree of stress and
threat of conflict. Sometimes differences in colonial labor practices,
taxes and tariffs can encourage the movement of people and goods from
one side of the boundary to the other, leading the territory from
which the flight is occuring to apply measures to arrest the depopu-
lation of its borderlands. By policing the boundary and establishing
customs points the boundary takes on additional functions producing a
situation of maximum stress.

In both these instances a geometric boundary would have the

most severe consequences since a boundary of this type has less chance

      

V

...":‘~l:£ :0 :ra ;
"' ::':er sand .
:"as a river or a .-

's':;:::': exttrttd ac:

...-....'.. "N ,p
-~:.nuo...«

1

.‘D ’ V ~e
w. neQBs g 3A \eArA5
‘2‘." ‘E‘ u -.- ~r o
" “' n‘ttu a: Astana

.,

'01‘ev.
--

. 'naoJ ,. ...-.-
.utt auugg.\'4'.s ~

“...

..., F ,
'4 «..:: 3.: r

... -”' ' - a u
“Rt-:fil titre a“\?; C
:L': «I ‘5‘? a -

x ......1‘3. “a: to
i: :.:C"‘:

 

.fig .
tiuys‘son‘ CO‘ 0'-
§
:‘..~
..‘::S

"5W";
.‘IU“
"l ‘J
‘b‘g
a‘s SD-z“. .-
t “a‘ql I
V
.2.
\ u

‘ “3C13.:

. ’5‘. 5‘0!
- N. -L
.N ‘ A

v"ta- -

~, - ‘H 'fl" “

.. 5" \~..1 .-
’t_:‘ (u ‘

~‘ PH‘
1“.

26

of conforming to traditional patterns of movement and circulation.
If on the other hand the boundary were to follow physical features
such as a river or a mountain range (assuming that the tribal
territory extended across the river or mountain) the interruption
would not be quite so severe since these features can form an
interruption to the patterns of circulation.

Where the colonial powers have taken into consideration indigenous
frontiers and boundaries, and established a boundary to conform with
the traditional territorial limits, the resulting stress and dislocation
has not been as great. More problems are created where the boundary
has more functions than where the boundary has fewer functions.
In the case of the latter, a situation of minimum stress is created.
However, here again differing colonial policies can create problems and
each boundary has to be viewed in terms of its own unique characteristics

and circumstances.

Resolution of Stress

 

The superimposition of a boundary creates varying degrees of
stress. The degree of stress is dependent upon the combination of
the various factors already discussed, the nature of the boundary,
its function, colonial policies and group cohesiveness. The resolution
of stress lies in a spatial reorganization and sociation.12 (See
Figure 5.) Without a change in the attitudes and the acceptance of

new ideas spatial reorganization would not have been possible.

 

12Sociation is the amalgamation of new ideas and beliefs which
are combined with the older ones. (See Fred G. Burke, Africa's Quest
for Order (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1964), p. 1-7.

 

 

..'1 1r
A...st\"

, .
...?
...;IO

U,

 

 

27

\. /

[Boundary Function]

/ \

Multi-Function [Single Function)

~\\\\‘&~
S T R E S S
N
de jure l

 

Development
of Boundary

Nature of
Boundary

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

      
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Social vs . Cultural
Change de facto Dislocation
fBoundaries *
V
R E S O L U T I O N
Spatial
Reorganization Sociation

Adjustment to
Territorial
Framework

 

Figure 5

THE RESOLUTION OF STRESS
RESULTING FROM BOUNDARY SUPERIMPOSITION

 

’ <
. V
(V

"
fl}
1 V
’3‘
in
fl
'1

('p

12:25:13 IS 'JSL'.a..

 

.. ”Kn-1

..: QC'REIS at.

-
"-I~o-u|

 

 

:-A ...
.2». “34.35 . E: 53;.

- u
T’.
...; r-av\.'; ‘ .
s Lt.LLC .‘Zat; -.
- a
..‘"\ |
N...: ‘
v

i-“H- ' .
“Nation or n.
II‘
V: ‘w .
.L . ‘$
.21 z. ‘3...___.
H K ‘ I
“M-Cdrv 13 6
Nu“ Vir'c. I-«;
d “
I. C"‘.~ :
....5 atom me
:3 fazil . 0r
I
..‘é:.;.‘
..p

. l
‘4-
‘M
"‘5 a: .
. V t
e 1.. .
S
‘
.IC-,
‘3‘.“
‘tv'hs .
:“~ De
3 ~.
I.“ 'v
2...
e'.
I x z.:
‘

28
Where the stress has been so great that open conflict develops,
the conflict is usually resolved through agreement or compromise between
the colonial powers and the borderland inhabitants or through subordi-
nation. Compromise or agreement represents an adjustment of the
boundary and a coordinated effort to find an equitable boundary
solution. More often, opposition to colonial boundaries was met with

force and total subordination of the indigenous borderland inhabitants.

Spatial Reorganization

In order to adjust to the stress of colonial domination the
indigenous populations were compelled to reorganize spatially. This
was, and remains, especially true in the borderland areas where the
boundary created additional stress to an already difficult situation.
Spatial reorganization in the borderlands is expressed in various ways,
through migration, reorganization of settlement and agricultural
patterns, reorientation of trade and circulation patterns and

reorganization of the political structure.

Migration. The movement of peoples is a common occurrence
when a boundary is demarcated on the landscape. The reasons for
migrating vary. Initially when a boundary is superimposed the reason
for moving from one side of the boundary to the other may be because
of strong family or group ties. Should inequities occur in the
borderland area as a result of differing colonial policies, people
will move to the side where conditions are most favorable. With the
passage of time should one side of the boundary develop economically
there might be a movement in search of employment, thus differential

umdernization can play a role in the decision to migrate.

.
b - en» «no a“.
3:. ..: 1:. (CID-4.;

.

;:.::;a. wars :a t

a

-- a .. .... I
. . . A" 'I“
I‘.‘ 5-u-.( VIA ‘OIQC

 

 

L" .
...:

: a: c T6511:

‘U
02':

‘31:}? .. ~ -
‘ P‘sitr..S.

‘N .gg “9~p'
“Lea~‘fip ~\
g ‘vk. yr
._.
N. N

U a V‘.
d_:Cent [a
..:S 9
s3,
‘*‘°1 Pei-
:‘n
“airy-4
mfg
l :53‘1'; a“
l k: '
11‘ .
.‘:ls‘r
4 5‘; 6‘
..:. “vs-x.“
“mile .
r the

\
"Jt
. I.
~v-
\ :.
.F'.
%s.;'.
uni: .-
.._
It: _ J
l“
a“.

 

29

Regardless of the reasons for migrating, optional transfer has
been the most common form of cross boundary migration. Usually
colonial powers made provisions in boundary treaties and agreements that
individuals finding themselves in the immediate vicinity of the boundary
could choose on which side of the boundary they wished to live. Only
in rare instances did colonial powers resort to compulsory transfer.

(See Appendix D.)

Settlement patterns. The migration of peoples in borderland
areas as a result of boundary superimposition resulted in changes in
settlement patterns. Whether a State's frontier was depopulated
through migration or gained in population by immigration, reorganiza-
tion of settlement patterns resulted. Changes in settlement patterns
were also brought about by the abolition of slave raiding and ethnic

conflict due to an imposed Pax Coloniale.

 

Urban areas within the borderlands began to take on additional
functions. Where cities and towns were located on major routes that
led into adjacent territory, colonial powers frequently established

customs control points in the urban areas lying close to the boundary.

Economic reorganization. As the colonial powers gained control
of their newly acquired possessions they tended to favor an area of
the territory by establishing an administrative center within that
area. ‘Whether the colonial power created a new administrative center
or adopted an existing traditional city as its headquarters, the result
was the same--the administrative center became a nucleus for a core
area and a focus for economic activity.

Traditional economic activities were disrupted by the introduction

. ..: . ,
:: ;::e:s::.ca:1o:1 3.
:ss;.:': . .ne grs'.‘
..

.
-":~: v
"to...“ u.

 

22:: i2: re:rre::a:.

Tn404.“

bk-‘suoa‘.y C: .2-

"! ;v. .. . _ .
&.L.: and .b» u r;

 

iv A ‘
v -'.- .
~Au. 'as :XCALCG s:
... ....“ Q
v I T “.l
N ~ohuta ... I ..

.n.:.. l ’
“urn-s F~>...‘.
. V
.96...;~¢‘.‘
‘c.
-
'I~

;-' ., 0‘.
K. .-
" “‘5 53kt?— .
~§na5
..o .
N: "A. v
"“CYiard

h.
'k ‘1‘
"Est;
"u“:i
““A Sea
L .‘
"e b
N: 'f;
5“\

30

or intensification of a money economy: the need for money to pay taxes
resulted in the growing of cash crops, thereby modifying the traditional
patterns of agriculture. The eventual result was an economic reorgani-
zation and reorientation of activities toward the colonial core areas.

Initially colonies were regarded by their owners as potential
markets and the various commercial houses of the colonial Powers were
active in exploiting colonial subjects. It was not long after European
control was exerted that European manufactured goods were in demand in
the traditional markets. The development of modern transportatiOn
networks--specifically rail and road communications-—further disrupted
the traditional patterns and brought about changes in economic organi-
zation. These developments enabled the outlying borderlands to become
tied to the emerging colonial core areas and assisted in integrating

the borderlands into the new colonial framework.

Political reorganization. The imposition of colonial rule

 

resulted in changes in the traditional political structure. The degree
of change was dependent upon the colonial policy adopted. The most
common form adopted by the British government is referred to as
"indirect rule" whereby the British ruled through the existing local
institutions and forms of government. Such a system of government
produced very little disruption in the traditional political areal
functional organization.

By contrast the French colonial policies of assimilation and

 

association were quite often intolerant of local institutions.
Traditional States were often purposefully divided by the French and

the traditional rulers became an extension of colonial organization.

i a I. . .1 .
n’ a I fv‘fi O fiv-
.,:.k L.:ulrltua .

 

y.'7 V
.....un .. '

n-n V?
......:\- .L a Just ‘3'
3

”...-Jun: '
' .. A 9
....:on§&:-o\.1l to 5:1.

. .
D - I-g ‘ I ‘
. .. ~~tfir§ \
ul w...
.. tab “will. u’y -

1;:izted 39:: H" 1

be!

;-_- S:.'.'.,;,_ a
a “..:...g calcnwa’
‘ O

I Q

In"

 

 

 

... ' I
.u“: ~"-r—~ .‘
. ‘ l-».CA.A3 .‘

:‘i::.;‘. ‘
‘\t-o~ua‘ Pa::er:q a

7.‘.;. .1 .
0...- 5 ‘ ‘1'
Mi CLlCu.al '(

5

DAB- '- «I

‘ ‘D‘NVK‘L‘K‘;-
.‘
an: pCStQCC' ‘F:

A A
utE‘:
a.
.‘.\:_ ,
“\.dt‘ ‘
S“ f '
e .ern:
"v‘. r

rev-«a
‘5“ Cir
.95
\I :o
““"us ”4 ‘0
s a t
.__ '
w, :C~',E‘
K

.‘;:i:~ ~
Dottda '
165
3».
\,- s_'
“Adan
“ 03 add:
‘
K
.‘

. -. til
1.. “=7-Ce ' CC:
“3.“. 0V t -

. v I 4 he
\. ‘A. rt
\113

‘W 5C) " e Or".
::. LQe 5

“‘31
A

31
Thus the traditional political areal functional organization was

modified to a much greater extent in the former French colonies.

Emergence of Colonial Patterns

As a result of the adjustment, through sociation and spatial
reorganization, to the stress created by the imposition of colonial
rule and colonial boundaries; distinctive colonial patterns began to
be imprinted upon the landscape. The overall effect of the decision
and differing colonial policies within the borderlands created new
spatial patterns that tended to diminish the significance of the
traditional patterns and form the basis for the contemporary patterns

within the colonial territorial framework. (See Figure 6.)
POST-COLONIAL PERIOD: CONTEMPORARY PATTERNS

The post-colonial period has been marked by the increasing pressure
of the political force of nationalism. Nationalism acts as a centripetal
force that integrates the diverse ethnic groups. The lack of a spirit of
nationalism produces centrifugal forces, usually tribal affiliations, that
undermine the territorial framework left by the colonial powers. (See
Figure 6.) Colonial decisions as to the location of boundaries have been
accepted through consensus both internally and externally, presenting the
new nations with a territorial framework within which to develop.13 ‘With
the advent of independence the boundaries have become more meaningful,
colonial boundaries must now function as international boundaries and
have taken on additional functions.

Through the enforcement of boundary functions the impact upon

13External consensus is the recognition of other nations of the
inheritance by the newly independent nations of the colonial territorial
framework. The Organization of African Unity (O.A.U.) for example,

agreed to the acceptance of boundaries in Africa as defined by the
colonial powers.

 

-Iul.0l I

:

I'lu

 

32

 

maz<950m amwomammmbm ho mHmVA<z<
BE. mow Zngtd

 

 

  
            

     
    

     

 
 

    

 

   
      

   

 

       

      
  
 

 

 

   

 

   
  
  
   

  

   
   
  
 
  

 

  

@ muawwh
I . _ 9503mm vomomEH _ V_ monouuam
c0325..” III L . 3:03:55.
xuwnczom In]
coauocsm
wfiwcam
xuosmewum
msmcumcoo gauging. mnmcmmcoo wagon—Sm mcuwuuwm
Hmcuwuxm 11.3300 we Hanson—Q .Cmvcaom JVI Hmcofiwowua
mucmumwuoaa » r
xuozoamum |l
gauging.
a umuczom mo Hmwcgoo nap—Son
uCoEmonRwo m our; we upaumz
coaumuwmunH
I segugnufio newumuwcwmuo
EmZmonuwz «o maumuumm mo 3::
E \
manooumm mcnwuuwm .....mcuwuumm
zumuomfiuucoo vwmomEH Hmcojavmuh
l I

 

 

v35» Hmwcoaoudmom coauwm 13:30.0 “5.73m Hum—530:3.“

| L

 

 

   

::::erla: 8.5 can .

i... .:.ez:ate me 51.",

I A..." '7 -n>‘-—
'-CO....L; to EC: . K

1" I. ' d"?"ns 9..
N'~¢;:.es I I.

l
"‘hla

'“ I‘M“ Pat-1e:

 

 

:‘W.’
‘-—.\f‘
‘3'.
.“e
przana, .
. Vatc
.‘t 3f
SN ,
up}.
.
. is:
“s‘.fi\

. “‘3: ‘-
~ *A - .
.1 .kjdu :n
\‘ '
‘2c. "‘
I2, ,1
‘
putre
\- .‘
my“
5 tr».

33
the borderlands can be either positive or negative. Positively it
will integrate the state with the potential for becoming a Nation-
State. The negative aspect would be the alienation of the borderlands
producing irredentism. (See Figure I.) The sum total of decisions
and policies during the post-colonial period has produced new patterns

that tend to diminish the earlier colonial patterns and further erase

the traditional patterns.

 

[Boundary Functions]

 

 

‘T
Enforcement of
Boundary Functions

/ \

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Integration Disintegration
of Borderlands of Borderlands
i
iNation-State I [pIrredentism 1
l
[Fragmentation;]
Figure 7

ENFORCEMENT OF BOUNDARY FUNCTIONS

The proposed theoretical framework is an attempt to analyze the
influence of a superimposed or colonial boundary upon an indigenous
population. An attempt has been made to show the most significant
variables in modifying the traditional patterns during the colonial
period when patterns were imposed. These variables include the decision-

making environment when the nature, rate of development and functions

55:1: bczadarv are

.... .‘.. ..:I'A
m- ...:e..:..1cd. or

The focus of '

 

 

firmer. the prepsse ;

1: SIZE: “835 V382?

--- :.. . .
3‘ \ " aY.‘AI~‘
"" " “ sssk-..
‘

.:... g... . -
«...»: ...e been drs

 

 

34
of the boundary were determined. The imposed patterns have in turn
been intensified, or perhaps modified, as a result of independence.

The focus of this study is upon the Niger-Nigeria borderlands;
however, the proposed paradigm has some universality and can be applied
to other areas where superimposed boundaries exist. While each boundary
has its own particular characteristics, the similarities and generali-

zations have been drawn together to formulate the proposed paradigm.

CHAPTER III
THE NIGER-NIGERIA BORDERLANDS
INTRODUCTION

Delimitation of the Borderlands

The Niger-Nigeria boundary is approximately 1,036 miles long,
and extends from the Niger River at Dole in the west, to Lake Chad
in the east. (See Figure 8.) The boundary line between Niger and
Nigeria commences at the left bank of the Niger River and strikes
north for approximately 60 miles and then turns in a northeasterly
direction for 75 miles before turning due east at 13° 13' north
latitude.1 The line then continues in an easterly direction between
the 13th and 14th parallels, until it reaches a point 140 miles
upstream on the Komadougou Yobe River. The boundary then follows
the river to Bosso on the shore of Lake Chad, and extends 21 miles
due east into the Lake to Binger Island.2 The boundary lies
approximately 46 miles north of Sokoto, 4 miles south of Birni n'Konni,

15 miles north of Katsina, and 27 miles south of Maradi. Zinder is

 

1Sir E. Hertslet, The Map of Africa by Treaty (London: His
Majesty's Stationery Office, 1908). For a precise description of the
boundary see Appendix E..

2Historical Section of the Foreign Office, Partition of Africa:
British Possessions (London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1920),
Vol. xv, #94, p. 1.

Naval Intelligence Handbook, French West Africa (London:
His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1944), p. 348.

 

 

35

36

 

._
\
.\.

_
.m
a

 

 

Q}:

m spam;

 

3:33: 7:5
.0
.

m02<..¢wd¢0¢
<.¢m0.2 .. ¢m0_2 w...»

1 C 90 ' Con

   
  

 

35E:

.\
mm0.z \

 

\ /o. . \ o)
. / . \.. ./
2.9.32. . I . [0.97%- . .
a0.2:No

a:

 

  
 

,455517185 “Cr:

V;-
+5130 at Kaura 3"

 

.-~~.- academi-
\ ‘fi we
Q '0 :es. the p\' .
1. .- ‘
::.s:.re 15 appmrd 1

. ' - 1
grant. ixzer s
'v .1 &. -
“3.95:. V. \utre
:v;- -' q“ ‘ _' A
“a :la‘aL' bth

...; .
4:‘ will? tuls par.

37

located 65 miles north of the boundary. The railheads of the Nigerian
railroad at Kaura Namoda and Nguru are located 40 miles south and
27 miles south of Niger, respectively.

The borderlands, as defined by this study, are limited to those
areas adjacent to the boundary within the KatsinaéMagaria-ZinderéMaradi
quadrangle. The reasons for limiting the study to this portion of the
boundary are several. First, the area along the frontier has the
densest population. In the borderland areas of Sokoto and Bornu
Provinces, the population is relatively sparse; consequently, less
pressure is applied at the boundary in these areas. Second, this area
is important for agricultural Production, especially the‘Maradi-Zinder
area which produces a large portion of Niger's only export crop--
groundnuts. Niger's primary access to the ocean is through Nigeria;
consequently, there is considerable cross-boundary movement in this
area. Finally because of the population density and export of Niger's
cash crop this portion of the boundary is the most closely controlled.
Only two customs control points, Kamba and Illela, are located along
the international boundary of Sokoto Province, a distance of approxi-
mately 360 miles. Along the international boundary of Katsina Province,
the three customs control points which have been established within a
distance of 110 miles are Jibya, Kongolom and Zango. For the remaining
660 miles, Nigeria has established only one other customs station,
Babban Mutum in Kano Province, located 37 miles east of Zango.

Fieldwork in Nigeria focused on the northern districts of
Katsina Province, the districts of Jibiya, Kaita, Mashi,‘Maiaduwa,

Zango, Baure, Daura and Magajin Gari. In Niger the arrondisements of

 

Maradi and Tessaoua of the department of Maradi and the arrondisements

 

5:35:22)? and Mags;

 

”up"...

"mu-.103. (See .‘I
'9' I I
.:;1 field:

‘L- Lara-v” '- '
u: vuséclsauds' 1t

.Q: -o A
. ‘ " v‘
.\y ..‘y‘ . k“ 1'
. u..l ‘er '
q‘. . u .
:2 33"."

 

 

ll!

38
of Matemeye and Magaria of the department of Zinder came under close
observation. (See Figure 9.)

While fieldwork was conducted primarily in this one area of
the borderlands, it is difficult to discuss this area in isolation
from adjacent areas. The area of concentration will be placed in the
context of the entire Niger-Nigeria boundary; the central concern of
the study, however, will be the impact of the boundary upon the Hausa

peoples living in the areas adjacent to Katsina Province.

Physical Landscape

The area through which the Niger-Nigeria boundary runs in the
Sudan of West Africa is noted for the uniformity of its physical
landscape and climate. Despite this uniformity, an analysis of the
borderlands in the microcosm reveals a series of regions, differing
in minor aspects. The Niger-Nigeria borderlands can be divided into
the following regions from west to east:

1. The Region of the Dallols.

2. The Sokoto Plains.

3. The Plains of Gobir and‘Maradi.

4. The Granite Plains of Katsina and Damagerim.

5. The Chad Basin. (See Figure 10.)

The Region of the Dallols. This region is located mainly in

 

Niger, just east of the Niger River and was of significance in the
early negotiations for the establishment of a boundary between the
French and the British. .A dallol is a relic dry river valley that has

ant into the level plains, and was, during earlier Quaternary times,

 

 

 

\.
\ mozSOam (2.23.. o. azmo<sox
maZwS‘mmanuZOmmc‘ pro mtutkaman

 

I“

39

m muawwm

E.

 

 

 

\.
/ {.\.Ioll o Y _Im<£ 4% o ol\o
/ \1 .... x/so 4c.\
ill I! Y\ \a
4 \z \ o/Yun‘ . /
x \ , \ . .\ I)
x \ , \ . x
a (H.825. \ \ 3:52
I \ \ . \f L .
\il...\\\ ...\..\ _ \\ 311‘]!
x \ \ 4:933? \\ I l. 1
\ \ \ 45% 01' ON W— 04— m Nu
— \x \\ a is:
a «32;. x \ .. .fiaomhvcaooeflumm (1“...
~ \ \ 2 33.550 .ocozquE. .lu.lv
‘ \I II. \\
I x , \  
/ \\ // s mUZ_>O¢m <Z_mh<¥o. thU<HO<
III I la :zmzmmazofi: .25 33¢me
\
(

 

11.1,

40

oH ouswwm

2:858 «as. a .
mzo_0w¢ U_Im<¢oo_m>In_ Ewan .ouEuE agent“

vo _Eo ...
mozfamoaom 5392.392 6 famine.”

r it. “Ea—n.
v:4n;~1|<4<v<

)<>rA4vA
44,

10:00 2:
.0 c0503

 

t 35:13:: than:

.

  
 

.-.:".‘ L“:
g .
......Ca

..:211 V3...

. . . . .
71:119. 1?. 1:18 \‘ltl

 

 

41

an impprtant tributary of the Niger River.3 There are two important
dallols in this region, the Dallol Maouri and Dallol Foga, which are
parallel fossil valleys running in a general north-south direction and
joining in the vicinity of the village of Gajita, approximately 30
miles (48 kilometres) before entering the Niger River.4 A third
dallol, the Dallol Bosso, is located outside the borderland area.

The Dallol Maouri is the longer of the two dallols, rising in
the desert at Azaoua, 160 miles (250 kilometres) north of Dogondoutchi
and‘Mantakari. While the Dallol Foga is much shorter (about 115 miles)
it conserves water in a string of salt pools long after the rainy
season when there is not a trace of water in the Dallol Maouri
after October.5

These dallols descending from Afr and Adar des Iforas, cut the
plateau of early Tertiary sedimentary rock (referred to as continental
terminal) into numerous scablands of latosolic soils.6 (See Figure 11.)

To the east and west of the dallols minor tributary valleys further

 

3R. J. Harrison Church, West Africa (London: Longman's,
Green and Co., Ltd., 1961), p. 266.

 

4Archives Nationales, Dakar: Government General de l'Afrique
Occidentale Fran aise (3.F.13.) Delimitation de la NigeriaéMission
Tilho 1907-1908, #21, Rapport #3 du Capitaine Tilho A‘M. le'Ministre
des Colonies, p. 25.

51b1d., p. 25.

6Pierre Donaint, Le Niger (Niamey: Ministére de l'Education
Nationale, 1965), p. 15.

The Continental Terminal is defined by Raymond Furon, The_
9eglogy of Africa (New York: Hafner Publishing Co., 1963), p. 201, as
"continental beds deposited after the retreat of the phosphate rich
sea (and) have a maximum.thickness of about 50 metres. They include
argilites, ferruginous oolites, sandstones and sands covered with a
ferruginous duricrust."

.-.-7

.
W!‘ ”.L
"“ 1';

42

£9?
3? . ..
\ I'A\
. ..
\‘7

”
avmr\
.mnw
VNEE
.mflg

.15: .

-r

.

1'va \w“

.L

7r} V
.

In
O
z
‘4
d
a
w
G
a
C)
m
‘<
I!
u:
(5
Z
I
a
w
(9
Z:

Pie-Cambrian
Basement Complex

Chad

E]

Continental
Terminal

B
a

GEOLOGY

Quaternary

Cretateous
Sedimentary

 

 

Figure 11

 

issc: the terrai-

iezuzilized for i’

av... \
O ‘ I
..“ k“ ‘n
‘ a¢ CECE:-
l I.
I"; g
.
u. . n
““3‘ ..ree {3
“ye.

 

 

 

\
‘ . ~~,'
‘n... .VR~ '
salu‘ Dcr - ,
.. tr
‘
b.
I \.
.5

-Otcr
3,.
:‘g .
‘5 .
a Dasl a-
“ L:
;-

“5::
54‘ a‘d 1
Csax.‘ 1
7
Iv.
“15:4
Q
‘1. "-
"“u‘n v ... B ‘h'
' I‘,~ . “g!
k‘al‘ng
.\rSil
p
l. L.‘
:1 '

43

dissect the terrain. These secondary valleys are fertile and have
been utilized for indigenous agriculture.

The width downstream from Gajita is two to three miles (three
to five kilometres); upstream the Dallol Foga narrows rapidly to barely
300 yards (400 metres) at Tessa; beyond Tessa the Dallol Foga continues
to narrow and differs little from the small valleys that meander
across the landscape. The Dallol Maouri on the other hand maintains
a width of three to four miles (five to six kilometres) until it is
north of Mantakari and then gradually narrows to its source in the
region of Afr.7

In Nigeria the lower valley and tributary valleys of the Sokoto
River produce a similar type of landscape that is found in the
neighboring borderland region of Niger. Wide flood plains bounded

by steep aides 100 to 200 feet high produce a typical dallol landscape.8

The Sokoto Basin. To the east of the region of the dallols is

 

located the monotonously flat plains of the Sokoto Basin. This entire
area is a basin of sedimentation and is part of the much larger

Chad Basin.9 These sedimentary rocks are made up of early Cretaceous
deposits of limestone, shales and sandstones, and Tertiary deposits

of sand and clay.10

 

7Mission Tilho, _p_. cit., p. 27.

 

8L.'M. Buchanan and J. C. Pugh, Land and People in Nigeria
(Ixondon: University of London Press, Ltd.,), p. 20.

9HarmJ. deBlij, A Geography of Sub-Saharan Africa (Chicago:
Rand McNally, 1964), p. 5.

10Buchanan and Pugh, _p. cit., p. 3, 8.

.
..b

o

...-H"
U

A?""
xncsv'u‘

9'...
“a:
..: ~01“

p

 

yufil

p

.
‘i....u.~

9

,.-.-

xi

5-

. t
v... b
can

, ..
"......”

n
.

i

.35

  

’fl'tn».
Vau‘
v

hyao

 

44

The monotony of this flat plain is broken north of the
international boundary where a hilly region, north of Birni n'Konni is
located. In this area the landscape is dotted with small ranges and
peaks with the local relief rarely exceeding 240 to 300 feet (70 to
100 metres). In altitude the entire region is relatively uniform,
being inclined in a northerly direction. The altitude at Sokoto is
1,000 feet (300 metres), Birni n'Konni is approximately 900 feet
(270 metres), Illela is 1,032 feet (313 metres), and Tahoua is
1,250 feet (380 metres). iMost of the streams and their tributaries,
including the Sokoto River north of Sokoto, are intermittent with
11

water flowing in their valleys for three months in the year.

During the rainy season playa lakes are formed at such places at Kalmalo,

Sokkoey, Kourfea, Dossey andiKaffee.12

The Plains of Gobir and.Maradi. To the east of the region of
the Sokoto Plains, east of Madaoua extending as far as Tessaoua, there
is an extensive sandy plain.13 The plains are; for the most part,
uninhabited except for the population concentrations located in the
‘valleys or goulbis.14 Within the region of the borderlands the
topography, consisting primarily of upper Cretaceous sediments, has
been cut by many wide valleys, the most prominent of which are the

Goulbi n'Maradi and Goulbi n'Kaba.

 

11Ibid., p. 20.
”Mission Tilho, _p_. g9, p. 30.
13Harrison Church, 92. cit., p. 266-267.

14A goulbi is the local name for seasonal rivers that cut into
the plains of Gobir and Maradi. The word g’oulbi has gained acceptance
in French geographical literature dealing with this area and will be
used in this study.

nun-v

 

 

‘ n
I. us“~ .h’ h
..-.& 4...: kn:
.
I
\ ”‘5. .P‘ “‘
hut“ that \J‘.‘-‘_.
.F“ x; 9".
.

":H¢A:Ci a:d

.H
. l"'D-,‘-‘
‘-~.-‘: ’1.
v‘ ‘ ‘
I. .Hq " A
..53 \nAt t...\

-I
4?: r..,.
.~ ' “ ‘v:
.
.,'.
.

\ .-
\ r' I
.45 atglC?‘ 0:
§
:a‘ F
I
.4 gate. in ..
. p \

.‘._ q
R: 3;:c.‘
‘ -int CW”...
5.:-
\ n~ ‘
J’s-
“‘trln
“Eds I
'7“ .
“I
\~‘ 8 a“
‘ a
1Z§ _.‘
\
‘::‘a_d q -
v: E
.\. K
:‘:.‘e

45

The Goulbi ndMaradi rises in Nigeria southwest of Katsina and
flows north into Niger. North of the town of'Maradi, the goulbi
turns in an arc and recrosses the boundary just northeast of Sabon-
Birni. North of Sabon-Birni the Goulbi nTMaradi joins Goulbi n'Bunsuru
of Nigeria and forms the Rima River.15 Further downstream the Goulbi
n'Kaba joins the Rima River after rising in the region north of Tessaoua,
Niger. The Goulbi n'Kaba flows in an arc (50 kilometres) north of the
town of'Maradi and crosses the international boundary in the vicinity
of Kourauma.

With the exception of the goulbis and their tributaries which
dissect the plains, the Plains of Gobir and Maradi are monotonously
flat with a gentle incline from the northeast to the southwest. 'Maradi
is at an elevation of 1,220 feet (370 metres) and Tessaoua 1,320 feet

(400 metres), indicating this gentle incline.

The Granite Plains of Katsina and Damagarim. The southern

 

limit of the plains of Maradi and Gobir is the granitic outcroppings
in the region of Katsina. These outcroppings extend north to Zinder
and Gouré, in the region known as Damagarim. These outcroppings of
the Basement Complex are the first and only outcropping to occur in
the borderlands region.

This area represents a northern extension of the High Plains
of Hausaland of Nigeria, and is an area of uplift consisting of

granites, schists, gneiss and‘quartzite.16

 

15Donaint, op, cit., p. 42.

16Buchanan and Pugh, 22, cit., p. 18.

Furon, _p, cit., p. 205.

it: Bezeath the (In

I\- nv‘u:> a
AU: ‘53....
v

.3ae
but? g,
-_ m.
‘cat‘re.
15"

- ... :3‘.vared b
~15: .
‘\
and dqu

033i.
2 ‘
Jb'
U Jeni-1“
Dr;— '

 

 

46

The surface is generally flat with crystalline rocks being exposed
from beneath the Cretaceous sediments and sands.17

The granite plateau is cut by numerous valleys many of them
without water even during the wet season. The altitude of these
granite plains is 1,420 to 1,580 feet (430 to 480 metres) and is higher
than the surrounding regions. These granite plains form a water divide
between the Niger River system and the inland drainage basin of Lake
Chad. To the west of a line drawn just east of Tessaoua, Niger, to
Mashi, Nigeria, the waters of the rivers ultimately drain into the
Niger River. East of the line, rivers such as the Hadejia, form
tributaries to the Komadougou Yobe River which eventually drains into

Lake Chad. 18

The Chad Basin. East of the Granite Plains of Katsina and

 

Damagarim is an extensive lowland plains area that forms part of the
inland drainage area of Lake Chad. This depressed basin consists of
a vast featureless plain composed primarily of Quaternary lacustrine
deposits.19 Moving north from Nigeria into Niger this featureless
plain is broken by a series of sand dunes in the region of Hadejia,

Nigeria, and Manga, Niger.20

The formations of lacustrine origin have
been covered by these sand dunes which have become fixed by vegetation.
These sand dunes are long narrow ridges, 40 to 100 feet high (12 to

30 metres) 300 to 400 yards wide (280 to 370 metres) and vary in

 

17Donaint, _p, cit., p. 15.

18Mission Tilho, _p, cit., p. 31.

 

19Donaint,.Jp. cit., p. 18.

20Buchanan and Pugh, op, cit., p. 20.
Donaint, op. cit., p. 16.

   
  

'Ww‘. :rfi‘t “e-fla-
.5 '

~‘ ‘1- VA}
......

I \
..bv~ --.q a Vv‘fi?
...-u"... a ..Es‘5afi
.
I ‘ “93' O
In”. ~g
--':a “5.. e-anaS ~

0 V
.....- “\"1 3......
‘ ‘
.-.1...35._uu¢ V‘-

.u

-.:-3
...-....
a“. -: a.
- ‘ - C
LA: CLau at
~--"D-Q-A- '
t ‘ A '—
"..:“:~~BDQ L:

:v where D:
2:. -* "

.....n frlnzes
.H

" a ‘

. -.rtn and ‘ ,.

t
’ V

1
‘1‘: 4

 

47
length from one-half mile to eight miles (1 to 13 kilometres).21
The principal rivers of the area are the Hadejia and Katagum
which rise in southern Katsina and southern Kano Province, respectively.
(See Figure 12.) Beyond the town of Hadejia, the Hadejia River flows
through a network of swamps and is joined by the Katagum River. The
river then enters the Komadougou Yobe River which forms part of the

international boundary.22

Climate

The climate, even more than the physiography of the Niger-Nigeria
borderlands, is monotonously uniform. The borderlands lie within the
same latitudes extending in an east-west, rather than a north-south
direction; consequently, the region is homogenous in terms of tem-
perature and precipitation. Slight differences occur north of the
boundary where temperatures are higher and rainfall decreases as the
southern fringes of the Sahara are approached. Located between
130 north and 140 north latitude the borderlands climate is tropical
and is characterized by high temperatures with little annual range.
The region is also characterized by a long dry season lasting seven
to eight months with only a brief rainy season.

The rainy season lasts from June to September with a maximum

of rain occurring during the month of August. (See Figure 13.)

 

21Ibid., p. 8.
Naval Intelligence Division Handbook, _p, cit., p. 350.

 

22W. F. Gowers, Provincial Gazeteers 1920-21, Nigerian Northern
Provinces: Kano Province (London: Waterlow and Sons, Ltd., 1921), p. 1.

 

48

 

53$.

 

NH shaman

 

[

on. o9 .o.... m

mmehh<m w0<z_<~_o

 

 

0220 0005.20 \\
4 32333.2. 5:92-392 \
. .~
5 .
a 0010+ 040 ~
20 a
.533: 5.33.
.nuaapuo. .
3 2502. .\45405» .I . .
09040.2. I-lc‘o‘lo\ ’0‘
... e 552
a
m, «32:. «aofiwfl.
‘
o. ..u. .o .v L
o P F -

 

 

 

49

Ma shaman

   

 

o _ Om
..:—Gnu or; 00— Om o

       

44<u2_<~_ ._<DZZ<
z moz<dmwou0m <.¢w0.2-~_w0_2

 

   

 

38.52
.LIEOO 2.30:. W33. \ =
. maze. III . \/ 20 o o
\ . ._ m _ -
$0.02. / .III . .3060
/ .

      
 

233.... _:.._m
[OD—uni.

o_u: i.

/Ill!lv .Hlltx - [11435912,

51:; 039. a».

 

 

 

3:512; :he hizh 51;:

 

151.155 a mesh

... “.1"

g... .., E:;"‘ :-
nuhsu ‘.tgt L:

3.. " '
P-1~.

t. . pressure .;

 

4:“
...“~ES . ; 2
a“ the \‘a

...
«‘5 n‘ ‘
‘\E ‘0 a U.-
“Q?"
~"s:
'-“:‘ “‘\e
a s“ I.“ .
Q‘.“
.t
.I

‘1‘ —
a‘ad ~:
3*"
2‘-.‘
'- :nh‘
-‘~‘: ~
“‘5 a.
. s-
.‘Q._
«(‘5 O-'
S La-
‘1.“
~

50
During the high sun period a low pressure system is created in the
Sahara as a result of the heating of the interior of the continent.
A monsoon effect is created by the importation of air masses from
the high pressure cell lying in the Atlantic Ocean to the south.
The zone of convergence between the two differing air masses (mari-
time tropical from the south and continental tropical from the
north) results in the Inter-Tropical Front.23 The forced rising
of the moist maritime air causes rainfall during the high sun period.
For the remainder of the year the borderlands is influenced by the
Harmattan, dry winds which blow in a north-easterly direction from
the Sahara and are most intense during the dry season.

The Niger-Nigeria borderlands, located on the southern
fringes of the Sahara Desert, lies just south of one of the hottest
regions on the earth. The temperatures of the borderlands are
characterized by a double maximum. The minimum monthly temperatures
are reached during the monthsoof December and January, gradually
rising to a maximum in April and May just prior to the summer rains.
During the rainy season temperatures drop slightly and rise again
to another high in October following the rains.

Typically for this part of the world, the average monthly
temperatures do not exhibit extremes in annual range between the
maximum and minimum. The average monthly maximum temperature for the
borderlands during the dry season is between 80°F and 85°F, while

during the wet season when temperatures are at a minimum the average

 

23deBlij, 1964, 22. 313., p. 38.

33:15: :ezperatur.

a

  
 

n
n u

:12ga .= :cre exam

‘5.
Li.
L.)
<2
5'
.7 -v
I

the region

... “:—¢\.: . I
-~ ..--4...: rcz‘

"r
‘3.

2.31:5 and 13° v;

 

.O:::=

u._.::“ E --
‘ u a ace
5

. . 2) u ,.

.'h .

..: )5 fi‘ .
"“11 Sane

“‘ . fl: ,

‘ ‘9533‘. L: a

.‘ilc‘cd
by de
““‘q:ds tLa
315:5
“Grit
E::: .-
‘N O: as
u:‘ c1
‘L l
33:5, \"
d Eer'

51
monthly temperature is between 75°F and 80°F. The annual temperature
range is only 5°F 'to 10°F. By contrast the diurnal temperature
range is more extreme, between 40°F and 50°F in the dry season and
20°F and 30°F in the wet season.
The region of the borderlands is classified as lying within
the climatic region known as the Southern Sahel which lies between

24 The northern limit of the Southern

12° north and 15° north latitude.
Sahel is the 15 inch (350 mm) isohyet. North of this line lies the
zone of the Northern Sahel, a region where pastoralism is the
dominant human activity. This zone begins approximately 110 miles
(175 km) north of the Niger-Nigeria boundary. The southern limit of
the Southern Sahel is the 30 inch (750 mm) isohyet. (See Figure 13.)
This region is a zone of sedentary cultivation where the majority

25

of Niger's population is located. It also represents the northern

zone where agriculture is possible without irrigation or use of
groundwater.26
The rapid decrease in rainfall north of the Niger-Nigeria
boundary restricts settlement. Consequently, Niger is a country
dominated by desert conditions and it is within the southern
borderlands that the main concentration of Niger's population is
located. North of the Southern Sahel zone there are only isolated

oases of settlement. As a result of its location bordering the

Sahara, Niger's southern borderlands is in effect the "core" area

 

24Harrison Church, op. cit., p. 58.
25Donaint, 92. 355., p. 50.
26

Harrison Church, loc. cit.

  
  

.... ...y-Man T"
vs—L ...A 5““. “

n ’1 b .‘ '
....» A n“
3...“ 1.: nae 5‘“ ‘

..,':.,.:'..'... § .
a. .c......} 0 t

b

.1321 PINECHVE ‘2'

 

 

 

52
of Niger, dominating the country in terms of economic and population
concentration. This zone for Niger is its core area, however conditions
south of the boundary are better in terms of availability of water
and fertility of soil yet the Sahel zone of Nigeria is one of the

least productive regions of that State.

 

Av-
Pm

 

..:-r s; have‘

A“ a.
0 VV., ..‘

\R
In the 9...:

‘eofi ‘ I ' .
“-17.6 ClvlllZa

4:5E : .
‘.De . -
agln!
v.
3.3:

"N h .,
01’
Kith ‘

CHAPTER IV

PRE-COLONIAL PERIOD: TRADITIONAL PATTERNS

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Early;Development

 

In the evolution of the peoples of the Western Sudan several
notable civilizations and empires have risen and fallen. A succession
of ethnic groups gained ascendancy over their neighbors only to be
overthrown after a few years of dominance. Economic factors resulting
from the establishment of contact with North Africa through the trans-
Saharan trade routes contributed to the emergence of the Sudanic
Empires. In order to maintain the trade routes military power was
a necessity.

The first great kingdom to develop based upon trans-Saharan
trade and military power was the Ghana Empire which began to emerge
in the 3rd Century A.D. The nucleus of the Ghana Empire was the
Maude-speaking Soninke who inhabited the region between the upper
Niger and Senegal Rivers in the southeast of present-day Mauritania.
The power of the Ghana Empire lasted until the 12th Century when it
'began to disintegrate as a result of persistant Almoravid jihads, or
lioslem holy wars, that attempted to bring Islam to the pagan empire.

With the decline of the Ghana Empire, the principal trade routes

strifted to the east and the Mandingo Empire of Mali emerged. After

'tvna centuries of domination, the Mali Empire began to break up and

53

 

 

me: 521:: to 1

.. "- " ‘
.zf’ctf. .h“ ..h :-"

Sazgzaz, located

 

we
:22 savma and «:3
Sleutished as 1:?
2: feasting a ten:
:15: became a cent

The expans‘

b

 

13 2'» V” ~'~~
a: ..a..d...5085

..:.. ~__ ‘1. 0
Nu 3.25.31 cont

..-.ac: 'iith the F

:2 Of the 33.101
.35 ~35 the Ghacv’fl
iliiatsina. Thi
<2Ltural e1 1

ae ongi:

54
another shift to the east of the major trade routes resulted when the
Songhai, located astride the Middle Niger, emerged as the dominant
power. Through military force a semblance of peace was restored to
the savanna and the trans-Saharan trade, centered on Timbuctu and Gao,
flourished as important termini of the Taodeni Trail.1 In addition
to becoming a center of commercial and strategic importance, Timbuctu
also became a center for Islamic learning.

The expansion of the Songhai brought such diverse ethnic groups
as the‘Mandingoes and Fulani in the west, and the Barbers in the north,
under Songhai control. Expansion to the east brought the Songhai in
contact with the Hausa speaking peoples who were forced to pay tribute.
By the 16th Century the Songhai had overextended their ability to
control the Empire. Revolts in various outposts and a Moroccan
invasion disrupted the trans-Saharan trade resulting in the decline
of military and economic power of the Songhai. The appearance of
Europeans along the Guinea Coast at about the same time accelerated
the decline of the economic power of the Songhai and diminished the
significance of the Saharan trade.

With the decline of the Songhai Empire, a further shift to the
east of the major trans-Saharan trade route resulted in the increasing
use of the Ghadames Trail from Tripoli to the Hausa cities of Kano
and Katsina. This shift in trade routes to Hausaland brought prosperity
and cultural enrichment to the Hausa.

The origin of the Hausa speaking peoples is unknown, but it is

generally believed to relate to the migration of various groups into

1George Peter Murdock, Africa: Its People and Their Culture
IMstory (New York: 'MacGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., 1959), p. 129.

It.

 

  
  
   
   
 

:52 area and their
11:55 area now 0;

is near as

. V
lea

.2. f‘. .. n
no: u».'. btnsur‘ A.

“n; napok
A

...» >1»; 5. aT-d eas:

iIigrazts entere:

\
~ "
1'}: 5e {15:52
DiceSLC-s d‘ d 1
n "\ «
~ LL»
«3:7. L w

iliérvu
"‘“E wars a
.::.ce poke?

 

55

the area and their subsequent assimilation with the original inhabitants
in the area now occupied by the Hausa.2

As near as can be ascertained the Hausa people originated about
the 8th Century A.D., through the fusion of immigrants coming from
the north and east and the local sedentary population. These
immigrants entered Hausaland from.Air and Bornu and appear to have
been of Semitic origin. They became a ruling class whose identity was
rapidly lost through the assimilation by marriage and integration of
the local customs. The intrusion of these immigrants resulted in
the formation of the Hausa States.

These Hausa States were at no time unified and only on rare
occasions did loose confederations emerge in response to a common
enemy. For the most part the history of the Hausa is one of continual
interstate wars and feuds resulting in the frequent domination of

outside powers, as for example the Songhai and Bornu.

Prior to the 16th Century the history of the Hausa States is

 

2In an attempt to attribute the Hausa to a common origin local
tradition relates the legendary slaying of the snake at the well of
Daura by Bayajidda, an immigrant from Baghdad. As a reward for the
stranger's heroism, Bayajidda married the Queen of Daura and from this
marriage seven sons were born; each soncfounding a dynasty from whence
sprang the Hausa Bakwai or the Seven Original Hausa States: Daura,
Biram, Katsina, Zaria, Kano, Rano and Gobir. In an attempt to explain
the diffusion of the Hausa language and institutions the Banza Bakwai
or Illegitimate Seven are recognized in the States of Zamfara, Kebbi,
Gwari, Nupe, Yoruba (Ilorin) and Kwararafa (Junkun).

See S. J. Hogben and A. H. M. Kirk-Greene, The Emirates of
Northern Nigeria (London: Oxford University Press, 1966), pp. 145-146.

Also see Tc‘L.c1;-.1,femsia, "States of the Central Sudan," (1) Kanem
and Bornu (ii) The Hausa States," in J. F. Ade Ajayi and Ian Espie,
A Thousand Years of West African History (London: Ibadan University
Press and Nelson, 1965), pp. 90-93.

 

 

 

1 ‘ 1‘ In. F
30: “A ad“) “

. . 1
5:21:25. Gcbrr e

1 O
:2:::re::1:ed 1?.
‘k:-.-..« I‘d "a.
.c..:.a-a r... [\a. ~

fine {on c :

:ese to prozznense

 

?:~ ‘

~~ ....5125 as a

N.
La
v

1..

.
~+:::an: ractcrs
t“... .' -

...). ~26 51:

eoi

361: drainage ar

\‘~
4.5

3‘5:- the loca:

5" Msina a <
... I

‘ 5
513-.

a
\‘a

lna
“a: trade.
. €51ine O: t

 

56

not well known; however, by this time the States had emerged as separate
entities. Gobir developed between the 8th and 12th Centuries when an
alien aristocracy under pressure from desert Tuareg migrated from
Bilma and Asben. Continued pressures from the nomadic tribes to the
north resulted in the intrusion into territory occupied by indigenous
Zamfarawa and Katsinawa (i.e., people of Zamfara and Katsina.)3

The town of Katsina was founded in the 12th Century and gradually
rose to prominence as a great entrepfit between 1600 and 1800. The rise
of Katsina as a great commercial center can be attributed to two
important factors relating to the site and situation of the city.
First the site of the city on the divide between the Niger and Chad
Basin drainage areas provided ease of access during the wet season.4
Second, the location of Katsina within the zone of exchange between
the forest lands to the south and the Mediterranean lands to the north
gave Katsina a position of nodality on the trans-Saharan trade routes.
The rise of Katsina as a commercial center did not come about without
a considerable struggle. During the 14th and 15th Centuries the Hausa
States were perpetually at war with one another. These interstate wars
continued into the 16th Century, the bitterest struggle being between
Kano and Katsina over control of the terminal points of the trans-
Saharan trade. The war between Kano and Katsina reached a peak with

the decline of the Songhai Empire when trade was diverted from Timbuctu

to the Ghadames Trail which ended at KAtsina and Kano.

 

3Ifemsia, _p. cit., p. 94.

4A. T. Grove, Land and Population in Katsina Province with
Special Reference to Bundawa Village in Dan Yusufu District (Kaduna:
Government Printer) , p. 4. ‘

    

. ~ ‘3'."
purine ~
U."
, F ‘ »-'
eu;tar} pkger
.. erg-
"r 132-DU: K“
J.'

‘ -r
-v. o w“.
“e :t‘t‘eCL w c‘
.5- ' a

eigensthroth
Exararafa COMET.
Esra becaze .
1: a y for its
iezilzties. It
:fiecfits pore
t we“ a1

(:95
-...L 31.01.98 ‘ E
:53; c .

0* true cc
..,~

57

During the 16th Century the State of Kebbi accrued sufficient
military power under the leadership of Kanta to gain ascendancy over
Afr, Gobir, Katsina, Kano, Daura and Zaria. Through "indirect rule"
the subject rulers were permitted to remain in their positions. For
a period of almost 50 years under the strong direction of the ruler
of Kebbi, Hausaland was relatively free from interstate wars. Following
the death of Kanta, the power of Kebbi began to decline and the other
Hausa States began to reassert their independence.5

In the 17th Century, Bornu, located to the east of the Hausa
States, became the most powerful State in the Western Sudan and exacted
tribute from the Hausa States. At this time invasions from the south
by the Kwararafa caused a weakening of Kano. Katsina avoided these
invasions through the protection of Bornu and thereby remained free of
Kwararafa domination. Perhaps as a result of Kano's subjugation,
Katsina became one of the leading cities of the Western Sudan renowned
not only for its commercial activities but also for its educational
facilities. It was during the 18th Century that Katsina rose to the
peak of its power.

It was also during the 18th Century that Gobir rose to prominence
as a dominant Hausa State. For a long time Gobir, located on the
fringes of the Sahara, had acted as a buffer between hostile nomadic
desert groups, such as the Tuareg, and the other Hausa States. As a
result of the constant attacks and pressures from the north the

Gobirawa developed an efficient military power.. Toward the end of

 

5Hogben and Kirk-Greene, _p. cit., pp. 238-253.

Also see Ifemsia, _p. cit., p. 101.

'E 15L FE"'”'V 1

. “mu 9 "LEA.
I

.
'3.
n3; venfi1bs 1r , ‘
a.“ a "Q. .a ~4-

Fizre 15..)

 

.-::z'e areas E:

.‘::n5 ,AW
' e .4 u I
" x.
T? ”_
c5 ‘4: "lr.
“h .
“1..

..fi ::
:‘;.: and
N W
CL““£:C
iélhhsr
‘Cl&‘ 1;
Q .&
.# ~ 3‘
e Beu‘
“Le. x v
I] that
.he “Est rL
:35 ‘ ‘
.h CEntur“
.i
§‘ Eng .

58

the 18th Century the power of Gobir began to decline as a result of
the revolts in Zamfara and the constant raiding of Katsina.° (See
Figure 14.)

For a long time the Hausa States had been dominated by outside
powers that exacted tribute. During the 18th Century the Hausa States
progressively released themselves from these outside influences. Their
capitals, especially Katsina and Kano, were in constant contact with
the Arab Mediterranean ports. As a result of the trans-Saharan traffic
great commercial cities of several thousand inhabitants dominating

extensive areas began to assert themselves.

Fulani Conquest of Hausaland

It was through peaceful penetration along the trade routes
that Islam came to the Sudan. At first it was a religion of the ruling
elite and commercial class resulting in the strengthening of cultural
and commercial links across the Sahara. It was not until the
14th Century that Islam was accepted by the Hausa rulers, penetrating

7

from the west through contact with the Songhai Empire. As late as

the 17th Century the majority of the Hausa were not Muslim and as

Trimmingham points out that

. . . Islam adopted parallel to the city, dynastic and
local cults. Islam's influence was negligible outside
the heterogeneous commercial communities. 0n the other
hand its cultural and especially linguistic influence
was considerable.8

 

6Boubou Hama, Histoire du Gobir et de Sokoto, (Paris: Présence
Africaine, 1967), p. 12.

7J. Spencer Trimmingham, A History of Islam in.West Africa
(London: Oxford University Press, 1962), p. 32.

81bid., p. 107.

 

 

 

 

 

 

\

\. .
n 1. 1.233.“.
r nII \ ’

 

 

59

«H ouswam

 

 

    

ja
non—-VOQ— 53....” on... 3.3.1
C ‘I‘ ‘ J
mmh<hm <m3<z .28“ oo— o... a
oz<2ma¢0m 5: ..o 4
hmmDOZOU _Z<._Dm
.‘0‘ u
..o .
I .x
. fir
. .t.
_ f.
znxzaq " uaaz .e
a
r \\
ll!"|l'l \\
:1 I .1 \xx .. I; :55
I ll, \i'fl I
II..\ 6&3 (I...
I 025. a
’q"'
.lx <
DZmOm \
.anw .JFoo . .\ u
.\.I. .
\o\.lollo\ .\ I.Is<.°a~.)oo .\ \\
. fi“. — ~260— .\ \
UOJU \\ <2—Wh<¥\’ . I. \ \
040.— \\\ r‘\ I «I. II. \
\\\ ’I’\/’ \\
\\\ [Ia-I“
\o‘.
\\
\

 

 

 

 

I: was :22:

qt - o

'0. {.AgO-u t O ‘9

.1... LEW-or‘ 5na~
c

 

.:e grccess of 1;
bra.fiv I 1 -
..:..:.re\ the r:.

.n
..

.et jihad ‘

..ZC. it :36 C317:

 

33'- -‘
~~ ~3t 3:1 eba'
I
ou.:.ed ;— "- - .
1.. _gb:1

60

It was not until the end of the 18thLCentury and the early
19th Century that Islam penetrated all segments of Hausa society.
The process of Islamization was accelerated by the Fulani jihad that
overthrew the ruling Hausa (or H322) chiefs.9

The jihad was prompted by the conditions of Islam within Hausa-
land at the commencement of the 19th Century. Usman dan Fodio, a
Fulani religious leader from the region of Konni, had gained con-
siderable support for his orthodox views of Islam. In Gobir, Usman,
or the Shehu, and his followers were persecuted and forced to flee and
retreat to Konni. At Konni, Usman dan Fodio, a Torokawa Fulani, united
with the Sullebawa Fulani, another important sedentary Fulani group
located in Kebbi.10 From this union the Shehu proclaimed a jihad
against the corrupt Muslim States of Hausaland.

By 1804 the Fulani forces,.supported by many Hausa, moved on
the capital of Gobir at Alkalawa; however, the Gobirawa supported by
the Tuareg, repelled this initial thrust and forced the Shehu to retreat
to Zamfara. From Sabon Birni in Zamfara, the Fulani forces successfully
carried out a campaign against Kebbi and Gwandu.11

In 1805, another expedition was launched against Gobir. This
time the Fulani were successful and this event became a turning point

in the military history of the jihad. An alliance between Kano,

 

9Hogben and Kirke-Greene, op, cit., p. 141.

10The Torokawa Fulani is a sedentary branch of the Fulani located
ix: the region of Konni. The Torokawa reputedly have a high proportion of
Arab blood. The Sullebawa of Kebbi, another sedentary Fulani group,
has a mixture of Mandingo blood.

11.1. 0. Junwick, "The Nineteenth Century Jihads," in F. F. Ade
Ajayi and Ian Espie, A Thousand Years of West African History (London:
[naiarersity of Ibadan and Nelson, 1965), p. 269.

   

fazsiaa and Dear;

.0

defiaed an army

c
!

LE

1
o.
s

:at Kano rapi:

:12: the heir of

ear. the decline

.
in ‘
'w :1“

.’ vs.
‘ '2' ..ed EC

 

It FV ‘
I v a
‘
lit-1
neg-d
‘0
4. ‘ I“
‘0
M
o\

 

61

Katsina and Daura seeking support from Bornu failed when the Fulani
defeated an army sent from Bornu to aid the Hausa States. With this
defeat Kano rapidly succumbed to the Fulani army. It has been postulated
that the lack of resistance on the part of Kano was in order to preserve
its position and maintain stability of the trade route. The violent
opposition on the part of the Katsinawa certainly did much to bring
about the decline of Katsina as an important trade center as the trade
was diverted to Kano by way of Zinder.12

By 1810 the military compaigns were successful in conquering
all of Hausaland, and the Fulani Empire stretched from Libtako in the
west, to Adamawa in the east, and south to the confluence of the
Niger-Benue Rivers. Expansion to the east was arrested by the Bornu
Empire. The success of the Fulani conquest was in part attributed to
the support of many Hausa who joined in the war of liberation to
overthrow the corrupt Hausa administration.13

The Fulani jihad had profound effects upon the conditions of
Hausaland. In addition to the replacement of indigenous Habe leaders
by a Fulani ruling elite there was also a significant displacement
of Hausa population. The Habe leaders of Gobir, Katsina, and Daura,
rather than face total defeat at the hands of the Fulani, migrated

north with a significant number of followers and established themselves

 

12A. F. Mockler-Ferryman, British Nigeria (London: Cassell
& Co., Ltd., 1902), p. 172.

Also see Burdon, "Fulani Emirates of Northern Nigeria,"
Geography Journal, 1904, p. 636.

 

13Samuel N. Nwabara, "The Fulani Conquest and Rule of the Hausa
Kingdom of Northern Nigeria (1804-1900)" Journal de la Société des
Africanistes Vol. 33, 1963, p. 235.

 

 
    

‘9

a ' ' ‘l
oe:.~.de man 3.
25:3. these lea:
as: :C2sen'e me;

Daria. rt;

0"

.:e descendants

 

C

. ”Cu ..: F ‘—
.¢.1«a dehana 5 ‘ L n
. h -

" “3.51; t“

a
~. Ҥ \Ԥ .
. a‘ “lilt‘
F. I
Nice»: les A
.
.V.~

\‘“
"J‘A '* I
V“ptd 1%..
~
Q.
‘~ I“ "a b '
Pa 1 1
:u.
.‘skg’
5% eSm.bl‘_
L
‘3! a1»
M
‘ \‘n‘
r.“ U ‘9‘ \
.-“.\:“‘ u ‘
r \l. ‘
1e ‘r 3° 985
‘ s .
“«r‘: .,
3,} ‘qee \
. 5J. .

62

outside Fulani jurisdiction. From centers in Tsibiri, Maradi, and
Zango, these leaders attempted to reconquer their lost territories
and conserve their control of the caravan routes.

During this period, life in the Hausa States was very unsettled.
The descendants of the Habe leader of Katsina continued to harass the
Fulani, first from Dankama and later from Maradi. Initially the region
of the Goulbi niMaradi was overrun by the Fulani. An uprising overthrew
Fulani domination and the Habe leaders of Katsina and Gobir were called
to install themselves with their followers in.Maradi. Shortly after,
the Gobirawa moved out of Maradi and established a new capital of
Tsibiri, a short distance from'Maradi.14

The establishment of the Hausa in.Maradi and Tsibiri resulted
in a greater concentration of population as loyal Katsinawa and Gobirawa
migrated into the region. The towns of'Maradi and Tsibiri became
important military bases and a stepping stone for the conquest of 10st
territories. Assisted by neighboring Tuareg and Fulani from the north,
the region north of Katsina became a war zone for almost a century.

Despite a common enemy, the Katsinawa and Gobirawa in exile
developed internal problems and produced a further fragmentation as a
Katsinawa prince established a base of power at Tessaoua and a Gobirawa
prince established another capital at Sabon Birni.15

For almost a century the struggle between Fulani-dominated

 

14Guy'Mainet and Guy Nicolas, La Vallee du Goulbi de Maradi,
Documents des Etudes Nigeriennes #16 (Bordeaux: Institut Fondamental
de 1 'Afrique Noire, Centre Nigerian de Recherche Scientifique, 1964),
p. 20.

15Ib1d., p. 21.

O
(I)
f!
vu
rv
c

' 1
r1
‘1,
r»
I
(D
a.

 

0‘

‘ h
' . |
n... V: ”Cr". ‘ v
,.

r. .

wllcvme
:‘o.
.2

"I
....eeast of 3a.
‘
L15"
.. 3"“ '\a_
.' IQ3 S ‘.~
mg!
' '9».
”hi1. the c.
. AL
HS. V v 1
§\E~a3‘)v ‘-
‘ ‘-
x n
.32 Fan‘gia“

b“.
.9 -.
\ \Du.‘

v

5‘ y“
H aa‘d 1

n
.
.d‘fl.‘.‘l

:ma‘

‘ rE".
\
.
1“"Va

.“ ‘
' :-C 9'
the er‘c‘
\
ot“‘.
.“ Z
anzo a
V A
q.
‘45; .

 

63

Katsina and Gobir against the descendants of the traditional Habe
rulers persisted, bringing devastation and depopulation to the area.
These protracted wars interrupted commerce and the functions of Katsina
more and more were assumed by Kano. In 1835, dan Mari a descendant
of the Habe leaders of Maradi, attempted to regain Katsina. He entered
from the west and received considerable aid from the people of Ruma;
however, when the attack was finally repelled by the Fulani, drastic
measures were taken against the Rumawa, The entire region was
purposely depopulated and remained so for the remainder of the
19th Century.16

Following the Fulani conquest of Daura, the State was divided
into three, centered on the towns of Daura, Baure (located 36 miles
southeast of Daura) and Zango (12 miles east of Daura). The Habe
dynasty was successful in re-establishing itself in Daura Zango.
However, the fragmentation of the State of Daura had weakened Daura
considerably and these small fragmented States found themselves located
in the unenviable position as buffer states between Kano Emirate to
the south and Damagarim to the north. During the 19th Century,
Damagarim remained a vassal of Bornu. With assistance from Bornu,
Daura Zango and Daura Baure fell under the hegemony of Damagarim.
Toward the end of the 19th Century the Hausa succeeded in freeing
Daura Zango and Daura Baure from.Damagarim and united themselves

under the Sarkin (chief) Zango.17 Despite the reassertion of the Habe

 

16W. F. Gowers, Provincial Gazeteers 1920-21, Nigerian Northern
Provinces: Kano Province (London: Waterlow and Sons, Ltd., 1921), p. 19.

 

 

17Government of the Federation of Nigeria-National Archives,
Kaduna, Anglo-French Boundaries, File #1655, Vol. II, June 9, 1907,
H. R. Palmer to Major O'Shee.

 

 

remixed under :

:u - 1
SI..L 1?. COSTCO.

  
 

The entire

1". the area

(grud. ‘
Nccqg the 19th (

64

dynasty at Zango almost two thirds of the former State of Daura
remained under the hegemony of Damagarim and the Fulani dynasty was
still in control of Daura and its environs.
The entire area during this period was in a state of flux and
the political upheaval prepared the area for the relatively easy
conquest by the European at the end of the 19th Century. The instability
of the area, the frequent forced movement and migration of population
during the 19th Century resulted in the fragmentation and redistribution

of Hausa groups.

Distribution of Indigenous Hausa Groups

The vast territory conquered by the Fulani was made up of a
great number of indigenous Hausa groups. The Fulani jihad resulted
in a redistribution and relocation of peoples within the borderlands
under consideration in this study. Fragmentation of the Northern Hausa
States of Daura, Katsina, and Gobir resulted when Habe leaders fled
north and continued their struggle against the Fulani. Despite
resistance in the north, the jihad was largely successful in bringing
Islam to the peoples that fell under the hegemony of Sokoto.

In 1812, Usman dan Fodio divided the Empire between his son
Muhammed Bella and his brother Abdullah. The capitals of these two
divisions were located at Sokoto and Gando.

The Emir of Sokoto received the hereditary title of Sarkin
hiusulimi and assumed the responsibility of religious supremacy over the
\Last territory conquered by Usman dan Fodio. From a political point

cxf view the Emir of Gando was independent of Sokoto yet was under the

jtrrisdiction of the Emir of Sokoto in terms of religion. The only

pciitical bond ':

defense or expa:
The Ezir

.: Sekc‘te River

are subjett to

 

-‘~‘&-a were add:

trained under 3'

“."6 .
"MC dazz-

«atio

 

65

political bond between Sokoto and Gando was for the purpose of mutual
defense or expansion of the Empire.18

The Emir of Sokoto gained jurisdiction over the territory between
the Sokoto River and Bornu, south to the Benue River. The States that
were subject to Sokoto were Kebbi (that is, that portion of Kebbi
surrounding Sokoto), Zamfara, Konni, Maradi, Gobir, Katsina, Kazaure,
Daura, Kano, Hadejia, Katagum,‘Messaou, Djermare, Bauchi and Gombe.
(See Figure 15.) Later, through the conquest of pagans, Muri and
Adamawa were added. Among these States, Gobir and Maradi never
remained undepeFulani domination, and the State of Kebbi also resisted
Sokoto domination and remained independent until 1892.19

The Emir of Gando received the territories of Yaouri, Nupe,
Illorin, Maouri (Arewa) and Djerma. 0n the right bank of the Niger
River, Gando's influence extended to Say and Libtako. Among the
territories that fell under the hegemony of Gando, Djerma and Maouri
'would never recognize the domination of the Emir of Gando and through
an alliance with Kebbi, centered on Argungu, they opposed Fulani rule
until the fall of Kebbi in 1892.20

The principal Hausa groups lying within the borderlands of

present-day Niger-Nigeria at the time of European penetration from

‘west to east, were the Kiengwa with the Sarkin (or chief) residing at

 

18Mémoires et Documents, Afrique Possessions Anglaises de la
Cate Occidentale, -8, 1893-1894, Tome l3l le 3 Mai 1893, la Commandant
Monteil a Monsieur le Sous Secrétaire d'Etat aux Colonies (Rapport
sun: 1e tracé de la ligne d'influence Franco-Anglaise), p. 84.

 

19Ibid., p. 83.

201bid., p. 85.

66

ma «Human

 

 

 

 

 

 

cm. on .
d d I J
on. 3. 8 a
«$3080 U_Z_.:.w m302m0—OZ.
4 moz<zma¢0o 1:923:92
m m t .
d w 1 -
. v
. .... (342: $0
. . av
_ e.
:52: < ,. , ..N. , 53232: w (358:
.3542 . . a: N .0523. F6. \.
. vp \o .00.. DO 0’ m. 29.0% o (Sum—.0
o I o o o c 1 0503
\ . I . II ...I . as. ..:«o 1| . I ..: _. 33
. . 325mg“ . .592
0‘ .22
. . 3252 $3.3
x
331.3: (2253
- HQF .WF Cw

 

 

A
a .

 

  
 

Kiesgakoe, and :

 

- JC'S :a'sa St:
I!

"-3 .
..:.L-Y

‘ "0 Chiefs

. Q
““53 of th :15

:::ee groups , t1

-. . -
'h‘ o
....“ ‘a

CtiOQs C

33951333“. disc

...Ers O; C
‘H .
1... In:

 

67
Kiengakoe, and the Maouri (or Arewa) divided into four groups with
chiefs residing at Karakara, Beibei, Daumega and‘Matankari. These
two groups, as previously mentioned, recognized the suzerainty of the
Emir of Argungu. (See Figure 15.)

The Aderawa were centered on Illela and Tahoua and the Konnawa
on Birni n'Konni. The Gobirawa were divided into three groups at
Tsibiri, Sabon Birni, and Tiara. By the end of the 19th Century
the Gobirawa stronghold of Tiara was eliminated by attacks from the
Kelgress Tuaregs from the north. South of Gobir, the Zamfarawa were
under two chiefs located at Sansanne Issa and Zourmi. Following the
flight of the Habe leaders of Katsina, the Katsinawa were divided into
three groups, those in Katsina dominated by a Fulani elite, and two
Habe factions centered on Maradi and Tessaoua. The Daurawa, as
previously discussed, were fragmented into three groups, centered
around Daura, Zango and Baure. Finally located to the north of Daura
the Zinderawa under the jurisdiction of the Emir of Zinder. Because
of the high proportion of Beriberi (Kanuri) in Damagarim this territory
was a vassal of the Bornu Empire.21

After centuries of strife and turmoil this was approximately
the distribution of Hausa groups and kingdoms at the end of the

19th Century when European penetration commenced.

Frontiers of Separation

 

The interstate wars that had plagued Hausaland for centuries

aibated in the 19th Century as a result of Fulani domination. Peace,

 

21Archives Nationales, Dakar (3Fl3) Delimitation de la Nigeria -
Mission Tilho 1907-08, #21, Rapport #3 du Capitaine Tilho a Monsieur 1e
Ministre des Colonies, pp. 32-33

 

#1

2:12 r, was fa:

. . . F
2:: alegzence c

 

ieze fcrced to 6
attacks and int:
segaratier energ

11 was in

Side resistance

 

 

«‘_ ‘0: E
\-‘--‘
"We: I».
a. .’ y i:
“d. I." .
\LLESlS

68
however, was far from achieved, due to the fact that once consolidation
and allegience of the Fulani Emirs had been obtained, Sokoto and Gando
were forced to defend the frontiers of the Empire against outside
attacks and intrusions. As a result of these attacks, frontiers of

(1.22 (See Figure 16.)

separation emerge
It was in the borderlands presently under consideration that

Habe resistance to the Fulani continued. The westernmost Habe State

of Kebbi resisted domination of Gando and an unstable frontier remained

until 1892 when Kebbi was finally subdued.23 Along with the fall of

Kebbi, Djerma and Maouri allies of Kebbi fell under the hegemony of

Sokoto. For a time the Dallol Maouri served as a frontier between the

Maouri and Djerma to the west and the Sokoto Emirate to the east.24
East of Kebbi, the Habe States of Gobir and Maradi continued

the struggle to regain lost territory. The Fulani devastated a zone

between Katsina and Sokoto by destroying such towns as Junkuki, Dankama,

and'Madawa, creating an effective frontier of separation.25 Fragmen-

tation of Daura and the sparseness of population along the northern

frontier of Kano and the former weaker vassal states of Bornu, such as

Hadejia and Katagum, also resulted in a deserted frontier of separation

‘between these weak States and Damagarim.2°

 

22For a comprehensive study of all these frontiers see J. R. V.
Prescott, "The Evolution of Nigeria's Political Boundaries," (Unpublished
Ifl1.D. thesis, The University of London, London, 1961), p. 102-105.

23Ibid., p. 102.
Also see Monteil Report, op. cit., p. 86.

24Tilho Report, _p, cit., p. 27.
25Prescott, _p. cit., p. 102.

26Ibid., p. 103.

69

ea ppswaa

 

 

 

#31 e a 1. ...... ......aE
5.0a? 9: cm. ow. m co_.u.oao$o.o_.comE
‘ 3:; 3:20: <21: ......r..._...§
Z . 8.03 one: u
a . on
r A. . . . ... n
, anwno.dww“\ a pa .np .
m .6. \ gm.
9 l
. I31] .\ . MN. «233 ..:
., . 74 o .
\ JJ 4 .\..L/ 3J0 §§m\\ Nu,
2_x<0<2<0 // (pf/feli/ k : :2 :3... 3\: 530‘:
I o. . . /. ,. a / (vary 9. _
«/.////./I E o
cm .0? .

 

 

 

  

.he Hand
33% defe:
iidépeide
10 the E;
the {hire

 

ddazava a
Pagans a1
The C02:
'10 Born;
33311213

70

The zone of separation between Sokoto and Bornu is best

summarized by Prescott:

The frontier of separation dividing Bornu from Sokoto
can be divided into three parts. North of the River Gana
lived Bedde pagans, protected by a forested swampy environ-
ment. Armies from both Sokoto and Bornu conducted slave
raids against these peoples. Between the River Gana and
the Mandara'Mountains the forested frontier of separation
was defanded on the Bornu side by a series of quasi
independent marches, which had a long history of resistance
to the Fulani. The Mandara Mountains themselves formed
the third section of the frontier of separation, between
Adamawa and Bornu. This area was occupied by the Marghe
pagans against whom the Fulani exerted intermittent pressure.
The continued independence of the Marghi was advantageous
to Bornu since it prevented possible collision with
Adamawa Fulani and discouraged slaves from escaping southward.27

Such, then, were the conditions in the borderland regions on
the eve of European entrance into the area. This state of affairs
persisted down to the time of boundary negotiations between France
and Britain and played an important role in the final boundary

settlement.

HAUSA ORGANIZATION

The Fulani conquest of the Hausa brought little change in the
political and economic organization of the Hausa States. With the
exception of the replacement of a Hausa ruling elite, a further
expansion of Islam, and fragmentation of the northernmost Emirates,
conditions remained much the same as during pre-Fulani times. ‘For
the nmet part the Fulani adopted Hausa traditional political and

economic institutions .

 

27Ibid.

    
  

1
3' ' A‘ 9A 1

DA spear“ ca.

...s-ayn. . A

22:22:. entrcl .

0-
6..

it emerged, e-_

1:- » ‘- .-'
,»o‘.. O

 

71

Political Areal Functional Organization

 

Areal organization of the city-state. Early in the history of

 

the Hausa the concept of a city-state arose in which a city's rulers
gained control over the population of a territory. The city-states
that emerged, even prior to the introduction of Islam, produced a ruling
elite, a strong administration and formed the nucleus of the Emirates.
The city was the nodal point of the State, and the States name and
people more often than not adopted the name of the principal city
(e.g., Katsina and Katsinawa).

The form and function of most of the Hausa States is very much
the same and the ideal Hausa State can be viewed theoretically as a
series of concentric zones radiating from the central walled city or
23521, (See Figure 17.) This walled city, as a central place was a
commercial, religious, and administrative center. Within the city
walls as much as two-thirds of the land was devoted to agriculture;
the remainder being devoted to normal uses of a city, such as
commercial, residential, and administrative quarters. A significant
function of the bizni_was for defense against attacks from neighbors
in which the vast expanse of agricultural land enclosed within the city
walls made laying siege to the city extremely difficult.

O Birni

Q Zone of intensive
cultivation

‘2: Zone of birni dominance

48/ Zone of governors domain

 

Prj Frontier of separation

Figure 17

IDEAL HAUSA STATE

 

 

  
   

Irma:
tzezszve agra:

a q

""1
"-5.

'3

this 2:

3: JOKE {22511 If.

.
I I

0.1! ... ‘ . ‘, ‘

...:E [40 C"|._.

..__‘“‘ ‘

" 6

““22“ 3“ 1?.

UH
V

their fans (1;:

 

3" 1 .
h ‘ t
‘. ..‘ie ’ - ‘1
1.1. :13 ‘1
C
A ‘03rvL,
l.‘ .,

72

Immediately surrounding the walls of the city was a zone of
intensive agriculture. From this land the city's produce was drawn.
Usually this zone of intensive agriculture extended for a distance of
no more than three or four miles beyond the city walls. Quite often
those who cultivated this land resided in the city, and those
farming on the periphery of this zone might reside temporarily on
their farms during the growing season.

Lying beyond the zone of intensive cultivation, extending for
an indeterminate distance, depending upon the strength of the State,
was a zone controlled by the city. The peoples living in this zone
resided in hamlets, villages, and small walled towns producing agri-
cultural products and crafts for the city and to which products of the
city percolated. The control of this zone was directly from the birni
with the inhabitants being subject to direct taxation from the Emir.

A fourth zone, again of indeterminate distance, was one whose
population was only loosely bound to the city. This was a zone over
which the Emir had gained control through conquest and peoples residing
in this region were required to pay tribute. Control of this zone
was in the hands of governors appointed by the Emir but who resided
within the 21321 forming part of the Emirs elaborate court. The
responsibilities of the Governor lay in collecting the assessed tribute
and protecting and safeguarding the trade routes that passed through
their territory. The settlements within this zone ranged from hamlets
to small walled cities that formed protection from the periodic invasions
that this zone experienced.

Finally beyond the zone of the governor's domain lay the

frontier of separation, a zone that separated one Hausa State from

1“,. v-

, . 2:19 “as :1

' .
-;.'. center? t“

 

 

. .2:

35:31:; the s
The 10’“):

a. A. ‘

1' .ctS ZleaRC 3
:he itspersal Of
1.: the core 0:
3“; 2.- the wall:
3‘4th the wall:
Effie.

;.:e"-.ts and 1361
e actinistrati
nit-ed from at-
Pillage head

The secor

73
the other. This zone was regarded as "no man's land" and was quite
often inhabited by pagan (i.e., non-Islamic) Hausa or other groups.
This zone was the source region for the States slaves, and during the
19th Century this frontier took on an ideological as well as economic
significance, since as pagans they were either to be converted by
force or enslaved. It is then little wonder that many of these

frontiers of separation were depopulated during the 19th Century.

The Emirate system. The hierarchy of government administration

 

in the Hausa States that emerged after the Fulani conquest was
basically the same as that which had evolved over the centuries.

The lowest level and smallest territorial unit was the finguwa
or hamlet. The hamlet consisted of isolated compounds or group
compounds scattered among the farmlands. The isolated nature of
hamlets meant that they were subject to frequent attacks; consequently,
the dispersal of hamlets over the landscape diminished with distance
from the core of the State. In some instances hamlets were located
within the walls of the city. The vast expanse of agricultural lands
within the walls resulted in the establishment of these agricultural
settlements in order to conserve time and effort.

The basic function of the hamlet was to produce agricultural
products and perhaps some crafts for the nearest ggri or village.

The administration of the hamlet affairs was through an official
elected from among the local elders and who was responsible to the
village head.

The second level of political areal functional organization was

the gari or village. Quite often a gari consisted of no more than a

:cllection of 11
aiditi :al fun;
:err':cry over

the average 51;

t- '_‘ q
"‘5 13 Caese P

‘5- .
9.. l
.. ‘.thn K8.

  
 

were to bq

it: 170 Va}

 

 

 

 

74

collection of hamlets from among which one hamlet was chosen to perform
additional functions, essentially becoming a central place. The
territory over which the g§£i_had control was known as the village area,
the average size being about 29 square miles with a population of
about 2,700.28 The continual interstate warfare that persisted in
Hausaland determined the pattern of densely occupied walled settlements
that ringed the principal administrative centers of the Hausa States.
Because of the necessity of protection hamlets and small villages
were in close proximity to walled settlements and a considerable amount
of land was unoccupied. As an indication to the number of walled
towns within Kano Province an early report showed that some 40 walled
towns were to be found within a radius of 30 miles of Kano. In Kano
district 170 walled towns and about 450 walled villages were reported.29

The third level of political areal functional organization was
the district, which was made up of a number of villages and hamlets
controlled by a district head who was chosen by, and directly responsible
to the Emir. All too often these districts were not contiguous
territorial entities. Essentially a district was a personal fief of
the district head and was awarded as a reward for services performed;
consequently, one district head may control areas far removed from

each other.30 The district head was essentially an absentee landlord

 

28Gowers, 22, cit., p. 18.

2981r F. D. Lugard, Colonial Reports - Annual #476, Northern
Nigeria 1904 (London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1905), p. 32.

 

30Sir'William'Wallace, Colonial Reports - Annual #594, Northern
Nigeria 1907-1908 (London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1909),
p. 34. ‘

 

'32: resided in
rs delegated ‘:
at: were re 5937.
1

1.0 the cetlec:

The nu: ‘

'Q-. ‘:o. '
:1::p.,_:;ed 1:1

 

 

 

 

 

75
who resided in the birni and formed part of the Emir's court. Power
was delegated by the district head to the village and hamlet heads

who were responsible for the maintenance of internal peace and order

and the collection of revenue from the village area.31

The non-contiguity of districtsaand the reasons for it is
exemplified in the following quotation:

In many cases a village will be found situated in the
territory of another district yet independent, especially
if the district is Habe and the village Fulani. In other
cases the farm lands of a town or village are in another
district, in other communities owing allegiance to Gando
are to be found in the midst of Sokoto territory. As
there is an endless variety in the geographical distribu-
tion of these communities so is there also in their tenure
and vassalage . . . ascribes this confusion to the fact
that two separate races Habe and Fulani, occupy the same
country, to former wars by which communities were driven
from their houses, but preserved some measure of autonomy,
to gifts to favourites by Emirs of one or more communities
instead of specified territorial area and to the system of
absentee landlordism by which local chiefs acquired more
power than their master.32

During the Fulani administration taxation was extremely heavy,
being based on the Koranic model. Every aspect of Hausa life was
taxed and became burdensome to the peasant farmer and trader. The
collection of these taxes was in the hands of the subordinate chiefs

and led to a tradition of corruption.33

 

32Lord F. D. Lugard, Colonial Reports - Annual #516, Northern
Nigeria 1905-1906 (London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1907),
p. 9.

 

Also see Colonial Reports #594, loc. cit.

33The variety and forms and taxation is best illustrated in the
following quotation from an early colonial report:

a. Zakka - the tithe on corn.

b. Kurdin Kasa - land tax, theoretically the tribute of
conquered pagans.

c. Plantation tax - levied on all crops except those under
Zakka. V

d. Jangali - cattle tax.

e. Sokoto Gaisu - a varying sum paid by all other emirates to

The fc;
as the Provir
States that fe

States that (12

level of Great

U

fascrttes, mi;
a:i:isrra:1.y.t
35 PYEViOts 1~.~

ctty and was t

the b‘rn' .-
Qi O‘viec

 

 

76

The fourth order of Hausa political areal functional organization
was the Province, or the Emirate, which was essentially the Hausa
States that fell under the hegemony of the Fulani conquest. In those
States that did not fall subject to Sokoto or Gando this was the highest
level of organization. The Emir and his court, comprised of relatives,
favorites, military personnel, judges, and religious leaders, was the
administrative, legislative, and judicial power of the Province.
As previously mentioned the Emirate centered on the bigni_or walled
city and was the focal point of administration, trade, and industry.
The birni owed its importance and significance to the subjugation and
absorption of outlying territory with population and power accruing
to it. As the influence of the birni expanded under the direction of
a competent leader the complex hierarchical court and system of
administration developed.

With the Fulani conquest and the organization of the Empire,
Sokoto and Gando gained ascendancy over the various States which became
Provinces of the Empire. This dominance by Sokoto and Gando was short
lived and while the various Emirates paid tribute to Sokoto or Gando,
neither the Emir of Sokoto nor Gando retained political control over

the Provinces.34 However, the religious influence of the Emir of

 

Sokoto and Gando; its origin was probably religious and
conéisted of a share of the Zakka or Kurdin Kasa; in practice
it was a levy made by the Emir upon all subordinate chiefs -
paid chiefly in horses and slaves.

f. Kurdin Sarauba - accession duty paid by every chief or
office holder, amounted to the selling of offices.

3. Every form of handicraft was taxed.

h. Vendors, merchants and traders were taxed.

1. Death duties - Gado.

Also see Colonial Reports #476, 92, cit., p. 11.

34It should be pointed out that the various Provinces continued to
pay tribute to Sokoto until almost the end of the 19th Century. Katsina
was required to pay 100 slaves annually and Adamawa 10,000 slaves.

Also see J. C. Anene, "The International Boundaries of Nigeria
1842-19149 (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, The University of London, 1959),p.351.

Sakcto from 35

, v
reared dam ~

 

 

sf a definite L
:ral SEItlEZET‘.

.5..-
Male

quentlv. :

 

 

77
Sokoto persisted. The confirmation of every new ruler by the Emir of
Sokoto from as far north as Agades and as far west as Timbuctoo was

required down to the beginning of the 20th Century.35

Economic Organization

 

The pattern of Hausa economic organization was basically
agrarian and despite the densely populated bi£§i_with the appearance
of a definite urban character, the cities were essentially large walled
rural settlements. The traditional Hausa society was basically feudal;
consequently, the land was regarded as belonging to the community
with the right of occupance vested in the Emir. It was, however,
recognized that an individual had hereditary rights to farm and occupy
the land so long as he conformed to local laws and customs.36

While the majority of the population was engaged in agriculture,
many became traders during the dry season, travelling extensively
throughout West Africa creating an image of the Hausa as an itinerant
trader-~an image that persists to the present time.

The prosperity of Hausaland was largely the result of commerce,
This prosperity would not have been possible, however, had it not been
for the location of Hausaland and the development of important local
crafts and industries. Hausa textile industry was of importance and
was located in the significant commercial centers. Kano was by far the

leader in the production of cloth and one early report estimated that

 

35Sir F. D. Lugard, Colonial Reports - Annual #409J Northern
Nigeria 1902 (London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1903), p. 77.

 

36Historical Section of the Foreign Office, Partition of Africa:
British Possessions (London: His Majesty's StationeryOffice, 1920),
vol. XV #94, p. 55. A

 

iano clothed t'.
Sahara, and ea.
l
tscrtance and

and a trade d:

as anztner 1:;

 

 

..- ' ; \
g..::1:.es to .

kroccan leafl-

78

Kano clothed two-thirds of the Western Sudan, almost all of the Central
sahara, and east into Bornu.37 Dyeing, especially indigo, was of great
importance and all the major Hausa centers established dye pits,
and a trade developed that has persisted down to the present. Leather
was another important product of Hausaland and was exported in great
quantities to North Africa where it became known in Europe as
Moroccan leather.

The commercial aspect of Hausa economic organization resulted

in the establishment of patterns of movement and circulation.
CIRCULATION

The traditional patterns of movement and circulation in
Hausaland were directly related to the commercial activities. The
people of Hausaland have never been uniquely engaged in subsistence
activities but have been involved for centuries in commercial

activities of a local, regional and extraterritorial nature.

Trans-Saharan Trade

 

As previously mentioned, the Hausa prospered for centuries
because of their advantageous location at the terminus of important
trade routes. Complementarity of trade resulted in the important
urban centers of Hausaland emerging as entrepSts for the exchange of
goods coming from the forest regions of the south and the Mediterranean
region of the north. As a result of this interchange the Hausa

prospered economically and culturally, yet at the same time competition

 

37‘Monteil Report, _p. cit., p. 87.

fsr docinance
:ct infrequent
rates and par
By the ~
Karadi to Fula-
find“.

U.‘:sn‘..La:ce C 4

a“.
5.. fl 1?
c sauhern ::

 

alfswd
~~~=~ the re

‘-a v

“'3‘ -
lenapt

-: a 1

2" r
s U‘ac‘ ‘-
K A‘ric
t:‘Ifiaa
SJCh a
hifiraa
‘trail.
-1: .virt

'l
fl
(‘7 ' 'J
: n?
I
.4
3.

1
(.4)
\L)
‘(
'U
.H

m
rr
I '-
n)
H
u) U)
(.7 H-
0 r1

79

for dominance of the trade routes was so keen that interstate wars were
not infrequent. These war conditions periodically disrupted trade
routes and paralyzed the trade centers.
By the end of the 19th‘Century the resistance of the Habe in
Maradi to Fulani domination in Katsina had greatly diminished the
significance of Katsina as a trade center. Katsina, once located at
the southern terminus of the Ghadames Trail, was the chief market center
of Hausaland. Following the Fulani jihad, Kano replaced Katsina as the
center of commercial activities, with the route extending to Kano
via Zinder by passing Katsina.38
At the time the first representatives of the European governments
entered the region, Kano was the singularly dominant center of commercial
activity in the Western Sudan and was reported to be the "greatest
commercial emporium of Africa."39 While Kano was unquestionably the
most dominant commercial center for trans-Saharan trade, other centers
of a lower order of commercial activity such as Katsina, Daura, and
Zinder continued to prosper by virtue of their location as front ports
of Black Africa. These cities were tied to the ports of the Mediter-
ranean such as Algiers, Tunis, and especially Tripoli by the trans-
Saharan trails that passed through Agades, Rhat, and Tamanrasset.
By virtue of its location Katsina was still able to retain a portion
of this lucrative trade although relegated to a lower order than Kano.

The products exchanged at Kano and the other secondary centers

 

38E. W. Bovill, The Golden Trade of the'Moors (London: Oxford
University Press, 1958), p. 238.

 

39Sir F. D. Lugard, Colonial Reports - Annual #346, Northern
Nigeria 1900 (London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1902), p. 18.

 

 

 

 

 

I\
O

b
H

H /('J

(7‘ 47

J‘-
N

A? /

I.
J
N
I
.1
L4

80

of commerce were diverse. The imports were chiefly salt from Asben,
Manga and Foga, natron from‘Damagarim, cattle and horses from Sokoto

40 The important commercial

and Bornu, and Kola nuts from the south.
centers of Hausaland thus were collecting points for slaves, ivory,
ostrich feathers, gold, cloth and leather, articles of value to the
Arab trader for which there was a demand in the North African countries.
In exchange, Arab traders brought a variety of small wares such as
perfume, mirrors, needles, thread, sugar, spices, European cotton
textiles, metal and arms.41
As a result of this trade the important trade centers were
points of culture contact where alien traders met. Early colonial
reports identified the predominance of four classes of traders that
frequented Hausaland. From the north, white Arab traders principally
from.Tripoli, and Tuareg traders fromAsben.42 The Tuareg were actively
engaged in the movement of salt from Bilma to Hausaland although the
mines were controlled by the negroid Tibu of Tibesti.43 From the
southwest, Salaga traders from the hinterland of Ghana and Togo brought
kola nuts and a variety of European goods that came from the coastal
regions. Finally, the Hausa traders were responsible for the redis-

tribution of goods to local markets and also the exporting of local

Hausa crafts and products that were in demand throughout the Western

 

4OColonial Report #476, 22, cit}, p. 89.

 

411b1d.
42Colonial Report #409, op, cit., p. 61.
43.1. C. Anene, "The International Boundaries of Nigeria,

1842-1914," (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of London, London,
1959), p. 348.

 

 

Etiarr and in t:

The pri'
:as by camel c.
Easaland and '

:‘ne aajsr ad:.i:

 

 

81

Sudan and in the south.44

The principal means of transportation for the movement of goods
was by camel caravan across the Sahara and donkey caravans throughout
Hausaland and to the south. As a result of commercial activities
the major administrative centers were connected by a network of routes.
The movement of traders through the various territories afforded an
additional source of revenue to the chief who required the payment
of a toll in order to maintain open access to the trade routes.
Frequently trade was hampered by excessive tolls.45

Another deterrent and hazard to traders moving to and fro from
the south was the belt of pagan tribes located to the south of Hausaland.
As a major source of slaves for the Hausa these tribes retaliated by
attacking the caravans moving through their territory.46 Despite the
many hazards trans-Saharan and extraterritorial trade flourished such

that by the end of the 19th Century, Hasualand contained the principal

commercial center of the Western Sudan.

Local Trade

 

While extraterritorial trade brought prosperity to Hausaland,
local trade likewise flourished in a system of periodic markets.
‘Many of the products available in the large commercial centers filtered

down to the small local markets with limited tributary areas. Local

 

44An example of the redistribution of goods, especially kila
nuts, by the Hausa was the exportation of kola nuts from Kano to
points as far east as Khartoum.

See Monteil Report, op, cit., p. 88.

45Colonial Report #346, _p, cit., p. 18.

 

451b1d.

e1;
manure.

5's.

q
a

On
...:

....~>’\
we."
a:-“*“
.
F'h‘ .. “
-§ .
.
.-..

0
i?
d

 

O\ a vau e
a .. . . D C S E d l D.
.L .t .l .l 7. D. ,0. E
F; ......» be» u e a vmxw O a. a vk
C are .ra a ‘h. r. h .. a {a .Q
P. O t t 7. .a I a .h at
0 0. C. D. h.» v D.
s 3 an .. a p
a.“ S s .a e L. t a an r “we .\..» ...
u .6 at a u... 3 . \ a...
‘l D 3: Q.» ...“ t N . .\.J. a e x.‘ . a
.u .\.e u.» . I. are a} .e a .i a). a s u .
.w a. S» .. a .6. a e a... . c ‘
uh ~ by. .5“ n . .5 c.
a k .L

82

produce such as millet, skins, and local cloth were exchanged for
salt, animals and other products.

These local markets also functioned as Points of contact
between the local sedentary Hausa population and the pastoral nomadic
Fulani groups that migrated back and forth between winter and summer
pastures. These Fulani exchanged animal products on the local Hausa
markets for grain, tools and a variety of other products. Also as
many of the Fulani passed through an area with their herds they were
permitted to graze farmland not under cultivation in exchange for the
cattle manure. While for the most part there was a peaceful
coexistence between the sedentary Hausa and the nomadic cow‘Fulani’
this was not always the case and some communities resented the periodic
trespass of the Fulani. However, the location of Hausaland on the
fringes of the Sahara and the zone of nomadism resulted in the local
markets taking on a particular importance as places for exchange
between the cultivators and the pastoralists, a function that persists
down to this time.47

The even distribution of local markets evident throughout most
of Hausaland was greatly interrupted in the borderlands area. The 2
major problem being that this was a depopulated frontier of separation
between opposing factions. The Fulani eradicated settlements and market
towns within the frontier and consequently the pattern of local markets

disappeared within the borderlands.

 

47Nicole Echard, Etude Socio-Economique dans les Vallees de
l'Ader Doutchi Majya, Documents des Etudes Nigeriennes #15, (Bordeaux:
Institut Fondamental de l'Afrique Noire, Centre Nigerienne de
Recherche Scientifique, 1964), p. 16.

 

 

 

 

111' :m-I «n

“E l

3‘
u

‘h- I .

‘ "."\-\ ’\
-.ua~.h‘ ler
V -

'5‘. .

,_ r ,. ‘h"
“ t‘ ~
eH‘IL v ::L£~._.

m
C)
>§'

.
' ' --

 

 

83

Migration

 

In addition to the patterns of trade and circulation that had
evolved over the centuries within Hausaland there were also significant
migrations of population. Voluntary movement in the form of a
pilgrimage to Mecca, while temporary, was considerable. The journey
during the pre-Colonial era took from three to seven years and followed
a route from Kano to Maidugari to Fort Lamy and across the Sudan to
Khartoum.48 This route was also followed by pilgrims from Zinder and
other points in present-day Niger.49 Kano thus became an important
starting point for Moslems filling this obligation. Early colonial
reports estimated that 5,000 pilgrims annually crossed into Bornu, and
while this number may have fluctuated, depending upon the stability
and relationship between Bornu and the Hausa states, it does give
some idea of the significance of the pilgrimage movement.50

Involuntary movement was also evident within the borderlands
as peoples were forced to relocate due to frequent incursions and
frequent attacks from opposing forces on either side of the frontier

of separation. In addition peoples were carried off into slavery

further disrupting and depopulating the frontier zone.

Interdependence

 

As a result of its historical antecedents there existed a great

deal of interdependence between Hausa organization and the patterns of

 

48Colonial Report #594, _p. cit., p. 6.

 

49Archives, Ministére de la France d'Outre Mer, Affaires
Politiques, Afrique Occidentale Frangaise, Carton 910, Dossier 1.

50

 

Colonial Report #594, loc. cit.

 

rand;

fl

1‘1‘636

 

v
I

cite

A

:5-

Zl'h'e C

q
‘

’v
.5

 

. rem-n.-

v1"
...»

‘c&“f.. -
awe one

84

movement and circulation. Hausa organization, development and pros-
perity was based upon trade and the role that the principal adminis-
trative centers played as entrep3ts and front ports of Black Africa,
inextricably tied Hausa organization with the patterns of circulation
and movement. The prosperity of the Hausa States was dependent on
open trade routes and every attempt was made to keep the trans-
Saharan trade flowing. While periodically interstate jealousies and
quarrels disrupted trade it was never entirely stopped. During the
19th Century trade became a little more difficult primarily due to
the division between the Fulani Hausa States and the Habe States yet
even during that time Kano and other commercial centers flourished.

By the end of the 19th Century just prior to the European
penetration, the frontier of separation was undergoing a period of
relative quiet. The stage was thus set for the rapid, yet rather
peaceful, European penetration along two fronts, the British from the
south and the French from the west along the open country of the

Western Sudan.

CHAPTER V

COLONIAL PERIOD: IMPOSED PATTERNS

PRELUDE TO EUROPEAN DOMINATION

Early European Penetration

 

For most of the 19th Century the Western Sudan was free from
European encroachment and domination. Prior to 1890 the borderlands
under consideration and the Western Sudan were explored by only a
few’European travellers most of whom were either British or German in
the employ of Great Britain. From 1822-24 Denham, Oudney, and Clappertnn
journeyed in the Western Sudan. From 1855-57 Barth and Ouerweg, both
Germans in the service of Great Britain, made explorative investiga-
tions of Hausaland. It was not until 1891 that another exploration of
the area was undertaken, this time by a Frenchman named Monteil.

By this time competition and conflict had arisen between the various
colonial powers in various parts of West Africa.

The activities of the Europeans in the Western Sudan in the
latter half of the 19th Century and especially after the Berlin
Conference, 1885, marked a period of persistent acquisition of
territory. Lake Chad became a focal point for expansion into the
interior by the British, French, and Germans, from footholds on the

Guinea and Atlantic coasts.

British and French Competition in West Africa

The French gradually pushed through the open Sudan from Senegal,

85

:eermg cons LC

bare-4e one of

“‘t so~tnfim '.

:~ a.
‘3 the h

 

:5»! Jo p
v sar: .
3:1,” ‘es 1:

86
meeting considerable resistance in the process. The French penetration
became one of military conquest as the French encountered resistance
from the Tuaregs in the Sudan and the Dahomean Kingdom in Dahomey.
These military expeditions had to overcome the greatest difficulties
that any colonial power encountered in Africa in the way of armed
resistence, transporting supplies and keeping open their lines of
communication. The French policy was to expand throughout the Sudan
and connect its acquisitions with Equatorial Africa, and to protect
the southern borders of Algeria and other North African possessions.1
The French thus feared British encroachments and their objectives
were to thwart British advances into Air from the south.

By contrast, the British penetration met with relatively little
resistance, perhaps due to the fact that the initial interest was the
establishment of trade agreements. The results of the Treaty of
Berlin proved fortunate for Great Britain. By the terms of the Treaty,
Britain gained sole trading rights in the Niger delta and along the
Niger River, providing an excellent means of transportation into the
interior. The success of Great Britain in gaining the exclusion of
other European powers from the Niger is attributable to the activities
of Sir George Taubman Goldie. As early as 1877, Goldie recognized
the importance of trade in the Niger delta for Great Britain and
formed the United Africa Company. Through Goldie the Company expanded
into the National Africa Company, the forerunner of the Royal Niger

Company which in 1886 received a Royal Charter with wide powers

 

1J. R. V. Prescott, "The Evolution of Nigeria's Political
Boundaries," (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, The University of London,
London, 1961), p. 106.

:‘2::tgh I re a

‘c-n -

 

 

 

 

87

of government.2

With trade guaranteed on the Niger, the Royal Niger Company
pushed leisurely up the Niger expanding its trade and administration
through treaties and agreements with the local chiefs. In many
instances the representatives of the Royal Niger Company signed
agreements beyond the effective administration of the Company and
little was accomplished through these initial agreements. The
signing of an agreement with the Emir of Sokoto and the King of
Boussa by 1888, were two such instances, the prime motive being to
thwart French penetration on the navigable Niger. (See Figure 18.)
By signing these treaties, Goldie was convinced that Britain had
accomplished one of its major aims. A later treaty signed in 1894
by Lord Lugard with Borgu, an indigenous State centered on Nikki west
of the Niger River, essentiallyucut off French penetration through
Dahomey to the navigable portion of the Niger River. The treaty with
Sokoto, it was believed, guaranteed British rights to within 100 miles
of Timbuctoo.3

The treaty between the British and Borgu was a safety measure
and was specifically intended to arrest French expansion through
Dahomey to the navigable Niger. Borgu fell under the hegemony of the

Gandu Empire with which the Royal Niger Company already had agreements.4

 

2Historical Section of the Foreign Office, Partition of Africa:
British Possessions. (London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1920),
Vol. XV, #94, p. 16.

 

 

3Foreign Office Confidential Prints, Confidential #5610
Part I, Correspondence Regpecting the pral Niger Company, #22
Royal Niger Company to Paunceforte,January 11, 1887, p. 83.

 

4Foreign Office Confidential Prints, Confidential #5945, Further
Correspondence Respecting the Royal Niger Company 1889, Part III, #175,
Royal Niger Company to Foreign Office, June 17, 1889, p. 137.

ma munwaa

 

88

 

1a.... .23
3...: 325 z. 8.2.2..” 3.34....

532593 5:2“. f

mUZmDamZ. 12,38“. 1:0 12.—En
no 2032(me

 

 

....on om.” am 2%. Jo
«‘VV
\. 9
v , z
82 r
82.. \\~
...k «coo.

sII ‘

moo—\ I . 5.22

Vs a Comp 60.8Q— pour
DION... 03’. a
63* 32‘ 3.: o
I .I \ aooaopomg/
mac—A 29.3 000— 0 \
v26 fl 0 . . /. so}. ,

.43 000— ...ch N 03p Mgp /
000 '00—
...Suc.) 225...:
cop 00 an:

L .

 

 

89

Because of the company's limited resources effective occupation and
administration was not extended over Borgu or Sokoto. As a profit
making organization, the Royal Niger Company was responsible to its
shareholders and the heavy cost of administration inhibited rapid
expansion. The Royal Niger Company absorbed 67 percent of the costs
of administration and could not overextend its administration beyond
receiving adequate profits. Furthermore, the company was explicit in
deferring expansion until other powers, specifically France, should
endanger British interests.5

The British policy in West Africa, and especially in Nigeria,
was quite evident and well expressed by Lord Salisbury, the British
Prime Minister, who stated:

To the French the Sahara and the northern caravan

routes the sand and the bush and the waterless wastes;

to the English Sokoto, Bornu and the spendid route of

the navigable Niger and the fertile Benue Valley.6

The competition between France and Britain within this area
was intense yet by 1888 the British felt their aims in thwarting French
expansion in the Sudan had been accomplished. Despite the fact that
neither Sokoto nor Borgu were effectively occupied, the signing of
the treaties was sufficient and Britain became very complacent in
their attitude toward French expansion. Goldie reported to the British

Foreign Office that there was no danger of French competition on the

Niger because French expansion was halted by the Tuaregs and also by

 

5Confidentia1 #5945, Ibid., #176, Royal Niger Company to Foreign
Office, June 18, 1889, p. 137.

6Herbert Adams Gibbons, The New'Map of Africa (1900-1916)
A History of European Colonial Expansion and Colonial Diplomacy (New
York: Century Company, 1916), p. 327.

n-o

in.

...

a
b

 

-.~‘

'n

9‘

 

 

 

 

 

‘
.r
\'.I
\
q
."I '
'

 

 

 

90

cataracts upstream . . .

. . . which will make it impossible for European influence

to extend anywhere between Timbuctoo and the Northern

frontier of the Company . . . the position is very satis-

factory to the company as it confirms the long held views

that generations must elapse before there can be any fear

of international complications arising from British and

French possessions on the Niger having a common frontier.7

Within two years of this statement, France had broken the
Tuareg resistance west of Timbuctoo and extended its influence rapidly
east, forcing Britain to the conference table in 1890 in order to
delimit the two power's sphere of influence. Conflict between the
two powers arose chiefly over the western extent of the Sokoto Empire
which Britain claimed to be within 100 miles of Timbuctoo. British
authorities erroneously ascribed political significance to the
religious significance of the Sokoto Empire. For while the Emir of
Sokoto was recognized by Timbuctoo as a great religious leader his
political influence extended only to the Niger.8 The French, realizing
this, pushed beyond Timbuctoo and threatened the security of Britain
‘within the area.

Furthermore, the French finally subdued the Dahomey Kingdom
and began extending its influence into Borgu. All these events occurred
‘within one year of Goldie's statement that generations would elapse

before there would be a direct confrontation between the two powers.

'The encroachments of the French into what the British regarded as their

 

7Foreign Office Confidential Prints, Confidential #5753,
Part II, Further Correspondence Respectipg the Royal Niger Company
1888, #28, Royal Niger Company to Foreign Office, February 10, 1888,

#

p. 48.

8J. C. Anene, "The International Boundaries of Nigeria,
1842-1914" (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, The University of London,
London, 1959), p. 364.

 

 

       

 

 

 

.
.~
‘A

 

 

 

 

. a
u “
'5
‘
Ԥ
a‘ ,
.

-
~~
“-\h

a
I“

 

91
sphere of influence caused much consternation. With the contact
between two powers they were forced to delimit their respective
sphere of influence in an ambiance of keen competition, jealousy,
and a desire for each to retain the greatest advantage. These
decisions were reached in the French capital in 1890 with little
knowledge of the natural, social, and political environments through

which they were defining the initial boundary.

EVOLUTION OF THE BOUNDARY

The acquisition of territory by Great Britain and France
brought these two powers in direct contact and resulted in the
establishment of boundaries delimiting the sphere of influence of
each power, thereby reducing conflict between the two. Four treaties
and agreements were necessary in 1890, 1898, 1904, and 1906, before
the boundary was eventually demarcated in 1908. An analysis of these
agreements reveals the changing attitudes of the colonial powers with
the evolution of the boundary from a straight line geometric boundary

to one that considered the indigenous political patterns.

The Anglo-French Treaty 1890

The rapidity with which the negotiation and settlement by the
British and French of the 1890 Agreement indicates an ignorance of the
activities of each other within the area and an anxiety to define a
primary boundary. (See Appendix A.) The Agreement which defined
a straight line boundary appeared to achieve the aims of both powers,
providing a sphere of influence excluding the other from further
encroachment. By this treaty, France protected her possessions in

iNorth Africa and extended its territories to Lake Chad, thereby

a-v

5.

I...

ah.

-.

a.‘

t.‘

 

 

a"

 

..
_‘
‘~

 

 

 

 

92
connecting France with her Equatorial possessions. The British had
achieved their aims by excluding France from the navigable portion
of the Niger River and securing trading rights with the northern
Emirates.
The Agreement of 1890 stated:

That the Government of Her Britannic Majesty recognizes
the sphere of influence of France to the south of her
Mediterranean possessions up to a line from Say on the Niger
to Barruwa on Lake Chad, drawn in such a way as to comprise
in the sphere of action of the Niger Company all that fairly
belongs to the Kingdom of Sokoto: the line to be determined
by Commissioners appointed.9
The negotiations were neither lengthy nor the results precise

for the establishment of a boundary and what resulted was a simple
indication of each powers sphere of influence rather than a precise
boundary.10 Neither the British nor the French had penetrated the
territory to any great extent prior to the Agreement of 1890 and

both were willing to sign the Treaty providing time to consolidate
their gains. Britain, by this Agreement, inhibited French expansion
and essentially achieved the aim of pushing France into the fringes

of the Sahara while guaranteeing the more fertile and populated regions

for British domination.11 (See Figure 19.)

Following the signing of the Treaty, the French sent an

 

981r E. Hertslet, The Map of Africa by Treaty, (London:
Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1896), Vol. 3, p. 571.

10Commandant Rivet, Notice Illustrée sur 1e Territoire Militaire
du Nige; et le Bataillon de Tirailleurs de Zinder (Paris: TLavauzelle,
1912), p. 38.

11K. Vignes, "La Rivalite d' Influence entre les Puissances
Europeenes en Afrique Equatoriale et Occidentale depuis l'Acte
General de Berlin jusqu' au Seuil de XXe Siecle," Revue‘Francaise
d' Histoire d'Outre Mer, 1961, p. 49.

93

ma magmas
.3

«.87
.58. cm. on

5&3 on. om. . 0.3“ 82

 

 

 

 

. ~23 <2=:<Q-»<m
2
can. >h<wzb IUZuku . OqGZd.
......s...
f .....
OJDXO . . . 053000 009:303
.ll.|...uo..uio
....IIIIIIIII. 33038
too.|| .I Lorin

 

45.8.... “53

 

 

94
expedition, led by Monteil, by Say on the Niger with the express
purpose of exploring the prevailing conditions along the Say-Barruwa
line. The resulting data collected by Monteil, who travelled from
Say to Kuka in Bornu passing through Argungu, Sokoto and Kano enroute,
illustrated the hastiness with which France had signed the 1890
Agreement. While Britain had signed a treaty with Sokoto in 1884
there had been no effective occupation. The treaty with Sokoto was
essentially a trade agreement by Britain providing for expansion of
trade into the southern provinces of the Fulani Empire.12 The lack
of influence in Sokoto, and the fact that Great Britain had concluded
no agreement with Bornu, demonstrated that France had overestimated
British control in the area.13 The expedition of Monteil south of
the Say-Barruwa line brought criticism from Great Britain, especially
when it was reported that Monteil had signed treaties with Sokoto
and Bornu. The overall effect of the Monteil expedition was to produce
French disatisfaction with the Treaty of 1890 and Monteil himself
advocated the reopening of negotiations to arrive at a more equitable
boundary that would take into consideration the traditional political
patterns and commercial routes.14 Reports of other French expeditions

into the area prompted Great Britain into requesting the resumption

 

12Foreign Office Confidential Prints, Confidential #6164,
Further CorrespondenceRespedfing the Royal Niger Company 1891, Part V,
#51, Royal Niger Company to Salisbury, p. 32.

13Memoires et Documents, Afrique Possessions Apglaises de la
Cote Occidentale -8, 1893- -1894, Tome 131 le 3 Mai 1893,1e Commandant
Monteila Monsieur 1e Sous Secretaire d' Etat aux Colonies (Rapport sur
le trace de la ligne d'influence Franco-Anglaise), p. 84.

 

 

14Ib1d.

95

of the Niger-Lake Chad Boundary Commission.15

The period from 1892 to 1898 was one of intensive negotiations
between the boundary commissioners of Great Britain and France.
Proposals and counter-proposals were offered by both powers in a
search for a more satisfactory boundary.16

In addition to the discoveries of the Monteil expedition,
French dissatisfaction with the Agreement of 1890 was prompted by
the wording of the Treaty itself. Since the boundary was to be
deflected so as to include "all that fairly belonged to the Kingdom
of Sokoto," much of the ensuing debate centered upon the discussions
over the extent of Sokoto Empire. The only published views on this
subject were those of Barth, who indicated that the northern provinces
of the Sokoto Empire included Kebbi, Adar, Gobir, Maradi, Tessaoua,
and Kazaure.17 The British negotiators extended the northern provinces
to include Air or Asben, Agades and Damergou.18 By claiming these
northern provinces, Britain was literally pushing the French into the

wastelands of the Sahara. The British argued that to accept a straight

line boundary these northern provinces would be cut off from Sokoto

 

15Foreign Office Confidential Prints, Confidential #6364, Papers
Relating to West African Negotiations 1889-92, #98, Dufferin to
Salisbury, April 8, 1892.

 

16For an excellent summary of the various proposals and counter-
proposals, the concessions and disputes that arose between Great
Britain and France in attempting to redefine the boundary, see
Prescott, 1961, pp, gi£., pp. 108-115.

17H. Barth, Travels in Nigeria 1850-1855 (London: Oxford
University Press), II, p. 156.

 

18Confidential #6164, 122, gig.
Also see Foreign Office Confidential Prints, Confidential #6471,
Correspondence Respecting the Niger Territories, 1893, #184, Royal
Niger Company to Foreign Office, August 2, 1893, p. 152.

 

96

and this could only have serious political repercussions.

While the Monteil expedition discredited British claims by

emphasizing that Sokoto's influence over these northern provinces

was religious and not political, the British obviously did not accept

the Monteil report but continued to rely on Barth to support their

claims. As a result of the Monteil report the view was expressed by

the French that the actual political authority of Sokoto lay south

of the Say-Barruwa line and consequently the boundary should be

deflected south and not north of the line.19

A second factor that caused French dissatisfaction with the
1890 Agreement was the realization that she had apparently ceded all
rights to Bornu, an area in which Great Britain had no treaty
agl’l‘eement.20 Since the treaty was not explicit, either in terms of
the extent of the Sokoto Empire or in terms of territories where

hej—‘Zl‘ner power had agreements beyond Sokoto, the French developed their

0"“ interpretation of the Say-Barruwa line. The French viewed the

Say ~Barruwa line as barring British expansion northward and French

e){Pa-nsion southward; however, it did not specifically disbar French

e
xpansion from any other direction and acquiring territory not belonging
s signed between

‘I:
o Sokoto.21 With this interpretation the treatie
\
Co 19Foreign Office Confidential Prints, Confidential #6837, Further
Wspondence Respecting the Niger Territories 1896, Part V, #34,
sbury to Dufferin, February 7, 1896, p. 47.
20Foreign Office Confidential Prints, Confidential #6476, Further

Co
mspondence Respecting the Niger Territories 1894, #36, Rosebery to
fem, March 9, 1894, p. 36.

 

21Archives, Ministére d'Outre Mer, Afrique VI dossier 142,
caises et Anglaises

co
mssion de la Delimitation des Possessions Fran

an f
Rla Region du Ni er, lére Séance 1e 29 Octobre 1897, p. 13.
Also see Confidential #6837, pp. cit., Dufferin to Salisbury,

Fe
bruary 15, 1896, p. 88.

 

97

Monteil and Bornu were given legitimacy. Other expeditions, such as
that of Lieutenant Mizon, who took advantage of the Niger Navigation
Act 1885, which guaranteed freedom of transit and proceeded up the
Benue River signing treaties with local chiefs, were also recognized
by France. Such activities by the French brought scathing denunciations
from Great Britain who claimed violation of their sphere of influence.22

The French unilateral interpretation of the Treaty of 1890
caused considerable consternation in Great Britain and is admirably
expressed in the following quotation by the Earlyof Rosebery:

It is absurd to suppose that Great Britain would have
denied France access to the British sphere by a toilsome
march across the desert and left her free access to it by
a navigable waterway. Common sense excludes such an
interpretation. The Agreement in plain terms draws a line
of demarcation between the spheres of activity of the two
countries. Political action on the part of Great Britain
to the north, or France south of the line would be a
violation of the formal understanding between the two
powers.23
Despite British protestations, France continued to interpret

the Treaty of 1890 unilaterally, not so much from the point of view
that France had legitimate claims, but more as a diplomatic ploy to
acquire concessions from Great Britain for the establishment of a
more equitable boundary. For a time Britain considered turning;

Gambia over to France in order that France take a more reasonable

View toward the Say-Barruwa line.24

ZZConfidential #6164, io_e. c_i£.

23Foreign Office Confidential Prints, Confidential #6572,
EEEEIEher Correspondence Respecting the Niger Territories 1894, #36,
Osebery to Dufferin, March 9, 1894, p. 34.

() 24Confident1a1 #6364: 223 £33,, #190 Phipps to Anderson,
°t0ber 23, 1892, pp. 203-204.

“J _ ’5‘ fi'mriy A .

 

 

u
'u.
\

..-

 

1
age
5k.

 

3-

 

 

 

III

 

98

In addition to contesting the extent of the Sokoto Empire and
the right of Great Britain in Bornu where no local treaty had been
signed, the French also contested the British views of Borgu. The
subjugation of the Dahomean Kingdom resulted in France pushing into
Borgu where French representatives signed treaties with the local
chiefs. During this period the French became exceedingly ambitious
and pushed not only for Borgu in its entirety but also for a position
on the navigable Niger below the Bussa Falls. The activities of the
French in Borgu and especially the establishment of army posts resulted
in strained relations between France and Britain. It was at this
time that Britain organized the West African Frontier Force under
Lugard and a confrontation between the two powers resulted.25

While the Borgu situation was not concerned with the Say-Barruwa
line, the activities of both the French and British in this area had
repercussions in the rectification of the Say-Barruwa line. France,
bargaining from a position of strength on the basis of treaties signed
by local chiefs in Borgu (although Britain had treaties with both
Gando and the King of Borgu at Nikki) and the threatened recognition
by France of a treaty between Gando and Germany, forced Great Britain
into concessions in West Borgu.26

The dangerous situation that was created in Borgu between
Britain and France eventually resulted in a compromise and the
Signing of a new treaty for the establishment of a boundary between

the territories of the European powers in West Africa.

25A. F. MockleréFerryman, British Nigeria (London: Cassell and
‘30- , Ltd., 1902), p. 207.

26Prescott 1961, pp, cit., p. 115.

99

ApgloéFrench Treaty 1898

 

By 1898 the British were coming to a realization of the weakness
of their claims in regard to the northern extent of the Sokoto Empire.
They found that they were unable to prove Sokoto's political hegemony
over Gando. While Barth had claimed that Gobir belonged to Sokoto
the British discovered the only claim they had was that Usman dan
Fodio had resided in this area.27 Likewise, Sokoto's claim to Asben
was negligible and was not even included within the hegemony of Sokoto
by Barth. All that Britain had to back up their claim was a treaty
of 1894 between the Emir of Sokoto and Goldie in which the Emir
himself claimed jurisdiction over Asben. Such "proof" was hardly
acceptable for a basis of British claims. In addition, no proof was
available that Maradi, Tessaoua, or Damergou could fairly be included
within the territory of Sokoto.28 Britain was just becoming aware
of conditions within the area, conditions that Monteil had reported
on as early as 1892.

While Britain found itself in a very weak bargaining position
in respect to the boundary between the Niger River and Lake Chad, it
was the prevailing conditions in Borgu that generated the necessity
for negotiation on the boundary between Dahomey and Nigeria and,
subsequently between the Niger River and Lake Chad. The British
feared French intervention in Bornu, south of the Say-Barruwa line on

a Scale that had occurred in Borgu. In order to alleviate this threat,

 

 

27Foreign Office Confidential Prints, Confidential #7297
‘gflislflher Correspondence Respecting the Niger Territories 1898, Part XI,
#95: Monson to Salisbury, May 16, 1898, p. 132.

28Ibid.

 

 

 

.nru

 

‘1

.\
x...

 

100

Britain recognized French claims to the northern and eastern shores of
Lake Chad, if in turn, France recognized the Anglo-German boundary
south of Lake Chad.29

The Borgu question was finally settled by extending the Dahomean
boundary north to 110 on the Niger. This pushed France above the Bussa
Falls and also gave Britain possession of 110, an important starting
point of the trade route to Gando, Argungu, and Sokoto.30 From 110
the boundary followed the median line of the river to the point where
the Dallol Maouri entered the Niger River.31 By this agreement,
Great Britain conceded much of western Borgu and gave France two
enclaves on the Niger River; one in the delta region at the mouth of
the Focados River, and the other upstream at Badjibo, north of Jebba.32

Following these concessions Great Britain and France undertook
two months of intensive negotiations over the boundary to be established
between the Niger River and Lake Chad. Despite bargaining from a
position of weakness the final result was assuredly in favor of
Great Britain.

The acceptance of a straight line boundary between Say and
Barruwa was unacceptable to Great Britain, for such a boundary would
pass too close to Sokoto and Wurmu (the capital of the Sokoto Empire).

The close proximity of the French to Sokoto brought fears of a

291bid., p. 131.

3oIbid., #160, Colonial Office to Foreign Office, June 4:
1898, p. 208.

31Sir Edward Hertslet, The Map of Afpica by Treaty (London:
His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1909), p. 787.

 

3ZIbid., p. 791, 812-815.

101
conspiracy between the French and Sokoto, thus it was suggested by
Goldie that the boundary should be kept at a radius of at least
50 miles, and possibly 100 miles,,from Sokoto.33

It was upon the basis of a proposal made by Great Britain that
the final agreement was reached. The initial proposal by Britain
suggested following the Dallol Maouri to a point where it intersected
the arc of a circle, a radius of 100 miles from the town of Sokoto.
Following the arc from north to east until it met the northern boundary
of Gobir, this boundary was to be followed eastward to its inter-
section with 14° north latitude, then along the 14th parallel to
Barruwa.34 Had France accepted this proposal, Britain would have
retained Mauri, Adar, Gobir, Maradi, Tessaoua and even Zinder to which
Britain hid no claim.35 Britain realized that its claims were weak
to most of these areas but nevertheless the proposal was made.

Several counter proposals were made by France; however, the
British proved themselves very adept at negotiating. By persistently
laying claim to Asben, Britain was able to acquire considerable
concession from.France in return for giving up their "claims" in Asben.36

The final Agreement between Britain and France was signed on

June 14, 1898 in Paris. Britain received the arc, a radius of 100

miles from Sokoto, that they initially proposed. (See Appendix B.)

33Confidential #7297, pp, pi£,, #95, Monson to Salisbury,
May 16, 1898.

342232,, #98, Monson to Salisbury, May 17, 1898, p. 136.
35Prescott, 1961, pp, cit., p.119.

M 3ij’g'pfi, Confidential #7297, #121 Gosselin and Everett to
onSon, May 19, 1898, p. 156.

~ 1

..-
an.

 

102

The boundary followed the arc until it intersected the 14th parallel,
then it struck east along the parallel for 70 miles, from which point
the boundary followed south until it intersected the 130 20' parallel.
This parallel formed the boundary for 250 miles then it struck north
to the 14th parallel. From the 14th parallel eastward to the inter-
section with "the median passing 35' east of the centre of the town of
Kuka, and thence southward until its intersection with the southern
shore of Lake Chad." (See Figure 20.)

The French were willing to sign the agreement since it
guaranteed that the northern extension of Sokoto was 100 miles from
Sokoto and Britain could no longer claim Asben.37 Although Britain
was bargaining from a position of weakness, she gained considerably
from the Agreement. All the major border towns of present day Niger,
with the exception of Zinder, fell within the British sphere of
influence.

Such a geometric boundary that was defined and delimited by
the Agreement of 1898 could hardly conform to the indigenous political‘
organization. Local conditions were given no consideration; consequently,
the are cut deep into Adar, separated Gobir and Tessaoua, and placed
Maradi within the British sphere of influence. Finally Damagarim was
divided between the two European powers with Zinder being located
Within the French sphere.

While Britain was negotiating from a point of weakness in

telnns of treaty claims, the French were also negotiating from a point

I) 37MinistEre des Affaires Etrangéres - Service des Archives
Fiplomatique et de la Documentation, Papiers Delcasse’, Angleterre I
\achoda 1898, Vol. 13, Hanotaux to Delcasse, Paris, 1e 21 Juin 1898.

-20.... ~/ ‘-

 

 

103

om enemas

 

 

 

moa— >h<u¢h 102mm“- OdGZ<

0.0 o
00

 

 

 

 

Q—JOumquat ’88! .I II

31:36 833.11 ...I

«on. Ego sue...“— - 0.93 III.
3:35.00 Soc-0%... . .

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

104

of weakness in terms of geographic ignorance. While the Monteil
expedition had revealed information on the traditional political
organization, geographic information was lacking. The ill-fated
expedition led by Captain Cazemajou 1897-98, was in progress gathering
data during the boundary negotiations. When Cazemajou was assassinated
by the Emir of Zinder his reports did not reach Paris until after the
closure of the Paris negotiations.38

At the signing of the 1898 Agreement, France regarded the
boundary as an equitable solution; however, it soon became apparent
that the Treaty of 1898 pushed the French north of Dogondoutchi and
Mantakari into the desert zone of Azaouak. The main aim of French
expansion through the West Sudan was to establish an effective
liaison between its North African possessions and its Equatorial
possessions. By the 1898 Agreement, while contiguity of territory
was achieved, it proved valueless since there was no effective
communication between Say and Zinder.39 The Sokoto arc forced the
French into the desert areas where a watered route between Say and
Zinder was not available. (See Figure 20.)

Following the 1898 Agreement the French territory became the
IppisiEme Territoire Militaire du Nigpr with headquarters at Zinder.
It thus became imperative for communications to be established between

Zinder and the Niger River if Zinder were to become the emerging core

38Rivet, _p, p15,, p. 38.

39Archives Nationales Dakar, Gouvernement Général d'Afrique
0ccidentale Frangaise (3F10) Dalimitation de la Nigeria: Mission
EEEJJI 1901-03, Commandant Superieur des Troupes de l'Afrique Occidentale
ransaise, le 21 Décembre 1901.

 

 

105

area of Niger. Two routes were open to French convoys from the Niger
to Zinder. One was located within the boundaries of French territory
and passed to the north of the are through Filingue, Tahoua, Tamaské,
Tessaoua to Zinder. This was a circuitous and waterless route and
was referred to as the route désertique. The most difficult stretch
was located between Filingue and Tahoua, a distance of over 150 miles
(250 kilometres), an uninhabited waterless wasteland where several
convoys met with disaster.‘*0

The second route, that had been available to France prior to
the 1898 Convention was the route practicable, the well watered route
that passed from Say via Mantakari, Birni n'Konni, Maradi, and Tessaoua
to Zinder. By the 1898 Agreement, Mantakari, Birni n'Konni and Maradi
all fell under British jurisdiction. In order for France to maintain
contact with and revictual Zinder it meant relying upon a transit route
through British Territory. The French found their reliance on the
British irritating, especially the stringent regulations that the
British imposed upon French convoys.

While permission was granted to France to pass through British
territory, they had to be escorted by a British officer. Furthermore,
Britain would only grant permission for a few months of each year,
from August to November. Such a short period was insufficient time
to revictual Zinder and other posts east of Tahaoua.41 Periodic
reQuests to lengthen the duration of transit rights were rejected by

\_

40Archives Nationales, Dakar, Gouvernement General d'Afrique
o“(tridental Frangaise (3Fl) Relations avec la Nigeria #46, "Rapport sur
e8 relations avec les autorities Anglaises (relativement du passage de
n°3 convois en Territoire Britannique)" 1e 23 Décembre 1902.

4lipid.

106

the British as being too costly to provide escorts and that the British
officers were needed elsewhere.42 Additional restrictions such as

the disarming of French convoys upon entering British territory and
adequate advance warning when the French wished to move through

British territory created extremely strained relations between the

two powers.43

It cecame apparent to theFrench that the situation was
intolerable and a movement was soon underway to effect a rectification
of the 1898 boundary. The only alternative open to France was to rely
upon the British for p£p1£.pp' assa e, abandon their posts for two-

'thirds of the year which was an unthinkable alternative, or violate

Britain's territoriality.

The dilemma of France is adequately summarized in a report
(sf Colonel Peroz, one of the early administrators of Niger:

Unfortunately it is quite impossible for me to follow
the advice which you tender referring to that of not
holding or crossing the territories adjoining our mutual
boundary. Perhaps you do not fully take into consideration
that in such places as the delimitation of 1898 extends
northwards (to British advantage as far as all the country
north of the Sokoto and Bornu is concerned), such delimi-
tation forces French territory back onto sterile country,
where we cannot mark out to our satisfaction a direction
(lit. road) which might suit us. Our stores are bound to
follow a line passing from one water supply to the next,
which is the method of reaching, with the least difficulty
portions most favored by nature of the district under my
command. Since this route is fairly close to our mutual
undefined frontier it is not feasible for us to alter it.
For the latter case would mean that we should have to retire

 

42Federation of Nigeria, National Archives, Ibadan, Chief

1§553£3tary's Office 1/27/2 Governor of Northern Nigeria to Colonial

ffice, October 7, 1902.

1 43Archives Nationales, Dakar, Relations avec la Nigeria #46:
£0 Cit. .

107

farther north into the desert, where especially in the
dry season, we should find neither water nor other

necessities.44

Boundary violations on the part of France were frequent,
not only in the area of the arc, but along the entire length of the
boundary. Since the boundary had not been demarcated it was difficult
to determine the precise location. The British frequently accused
the French of occupying towns and establishing posts within British
territory. The establishment of a French post at Guidambado caused"
the British considerable consternation. Tahaoua was yet another
town claimed by both the British and the French. ‘When it was
discovered that a French post had been established at Tahaoua, a
IBritish officer was sent to reside in the town.45 The aim of the

liritish in claiming Tahaoua was to further dislocate French communi-

cations. Had Britain retained Tahaoua the route from Filingue to Zinder

vuould have been an impossible undertaking.46

The most flagrant violation by the French was in Bornu, where
the British had no effective control. On several occasions the French
entered Bornu, deposed local chiefs and levied taxes. On one occasion
the French penetrated 150 miles into British territory after one

Fad e1 'Allah, a brigand that had been raiding French territory.

 

 

44Federation of Nigeria, National Archives, Ibadan, Chief
.§Sfl§59tary's Office 1/27/2 Governor of Northern Nigeria to Colonial

Office, April 8, 1902.

10* Cit.
Federation of Nigeria, National Archives, Ibadan, Chief

§Efl§5§tary's Office 1/27/2 Governor of Northern Nigeria to Colonial

office, September 16, 1902.

46lbid.

108

The French successfully eliminated Fad el Allah and his band then
proceeded to levy indemnity and concessions against the people of
Bornu.47

In 1900 Northern Nigeria became a British Protectorate and the
Charter of the Royal Niger Company was revoked. The administration
of the Protectorate was thus under the direct supervision of the
British government. In 1900 British influence in the northern Emirates
was negligible and the British had to undertake a series of campaigns
in order to pacify the area. This show of force on the part of the
British, especially in the northwest, was to restore confidence in
'the British since French violation of British territory in the region
<>f the arc had undermined British influence within the area.48

The persistent violation of British territoriality tended to
tindermine British authority over the Hausa and prompted the British
to»undertake pacification in Sokoto, Kano, Katsina and Bornu. This
was accomplished because:

The French point of view apparently is, that so long

as the British had taken no effective control in their

sphere they were free to enter into what relations they

please with the local chiefs and to come to their assistance

with armed forces provided they made it appear that they
had done so at their invitation.49

 

 

47Sir F. D. Lugard, Colonial Reports - Annual #377 Northern
.._Jsgria, Report for 1901 (London: His Majestys Stationery Office,
1903) y P0 9°

48Sir F. D. Lugard, Colonial Reports - Annual #346 Northern
-I§{§_ria, Report for 1900 (London: His'Majesty' s Stationery Office,
2), p. 27.

S 49Federation of Nigeria, National Archives, Ibadan, Chief
eiflsggtary' 8 Office 1/27/2, Governor of Northern Nigeria to Colonial
ffice, May 17,1902.

109

Because of these frequent violations Britain called for the
fulfillment of the 1898 Convention that declared a boundary commission
was to be provided and the boundary to be demarcated within two years
of the ratification of the treaty.50 This Commission was appointed
and was led by Colonel Elliot of Great Britain and Captain'Moll of
France who carried out the task of demarcating the boundary in 1903.
The French took the opportunity to do more than just demarcate the
boundary and collected pertinent data of conditions within the
borderlands.51

The frequent confrontation between Britain and France within
the area was certainly enhanced by the British attitude toward a route
§_e_ passage for French convoys. The British were very much aware of
lirance's dilemma and two points of view were evident. The local
administration viewed the situation more from the point of view of
security and were against making concessions to the French. Lugard
reported his views in the following statement:

. . . that the British government should view this question

rather from the standpoint of absolutely vital necessity to

France obtaining a route which would connect her Senegal

Empire with that of Tchad and Congo, than from the standpoint

as to whether the key which we fortunately hold in our hands

is of much or little value to ourselves. I added that if

(as the French papers seem to indicate) Zinder itself would

have to be abandoned if such a route was not obtained the

importance of the question far transcends what it first

seemed to be, a mere rectification of the frontier for

which the abandonment of the enclaves might be adequate
compensation. I further emphasized the enormous advantage

50Hertslet, 1909, loc.:p£p.

51Archives Nationales, Dakar. Gouvernement General d'Afrique

Decidental Franoaise "Moll Report" (3F11) Delimitation de la Nigeria:

~£L§§gon Moll 1903-04, Capitaine M011 5 Monsieur 1e Gouverneur Général
e l'Afrique Occidentale Frangaise.

110

it would be to Great Britain to get rid of French occupation

of Zinder if such a result should prove to be in our power

(a) commercially, so as to prevent the French from forming

a cordon around Northern Nigeria and cutting off all trade

from the north, (b) politically since the occupation of

Zinder by a powerful force is a strong strategic position

threatening Kano and Katsena.52
The local administration hoped to force the French out of Zinder and
retain the boundary of 1898. This view was in direct contrast to the
view of the British Foreign Office that saw in this situation an
opportunity to force France into a number of concessions in various
other parts of the world.

On several occasions negotiations were opened between Britain
and France to try to resolve the problems of a route practicable for
I?rance in exchange for various concessions. Initially Britain was
Iaargaining from a position of great strength until the French
zinnounced that a series of wells had been established around the
Sokoto arc thereby facilitating the movement of French convoys through
lirench territory.53 With this announcement Britain's bargaining
[Masition was weakened, but the French were nevertheless interested
131 obtaining more fertile and habitable territory. With the comp

Plxation of the demarcation of the boundary in 1903 and the data

<=011ected by Captain.Moll, the French proposed redefining the boundary

52Federation of Nigeria, National Archives, Ibadan, Chief
§Efl§§etary's Office 1/27/2, Governor of Northern Nigeria to Colonial
Office, March 1, 1902.

 

53Archives Nationales, Dakar, Gouvernement General d'Afrique
ocCidental Fran aise (3Fll) Délimitation de la Nigeria: Convention
1‘3 o-Anglaise le 8 Avril 1904 #79, Colonel Aymerich E Monsieur 1e

\rig
(“Iverneur Général delTAfrique Occidental Frangaise 1e 6 Juin 1904.

111

to coincide with the local political frontiers. Thus for the first
time in the negotiations thought was being given to the local conditions.
Obviously France saw a great advantage in making this suggestion,
since France could claim considerable territory to the south of the
1898 boundary, ensuring for itself a route practicable. Initially
France was interested in acquiring Maradi and Tessaoua with whom the
French had Signed treaties 1n.1900.-54

Britain refused to entertain the suggestion that if tribal
considerations were observed in one portion of the boundary the whole
of the boundary should be drawn based on the same criteria. France
then proposed using the Sokoto and Rima River to form the boundary,
then to follow the boundary of Maradi and Tessaoua.

This suggestion was rejected by Britain but a counter proposal
[troposed that the boundary should pass 20 kilometres south of Dosso
and 15 kilometres north of Birni n'I(onni.55 Subsequent concessions

by both Great Britain and France led to the signing of an Agreement

in London on April 8, 1904.

1118 Anglo-French Treaties of 1904 and 1906.

The signing of the 1904 Agreement was part of a package deal
thalt included concessions from various parts of the world. (See
APPendix C.) The aims of both Great Britain and France were met in
the redefining of the boundary between the Niger River and Lake Chad.

BrIl-tain secured the repeal of the Newfoundland Treaty Shore rights,

\

54Prescott, 1961, _2. SEE.” p. 131.

F 55Foreing Office Confidential Prints #3686, Foreign Office,
we (Africa) Lansdowne to Cambon, February 5, 1904, p. 295-296.

112

where French fishermen had fishing privilages in Newfoundland. In
addition, the abolishment by France of the Niger enclaves was secured.
In return Britain conceded a portion of the Sokoto arc, giving France
a route practicable and control of Maradi, Tessaoua and Zinder.56

Guidelines for the final demarcation were laid down by the
Agreement whereby consideration of trade routes, political organization
especially in the region of Maradi, Tessaoua and Zinder proved favorable
to France. For the most part the boundary, especially through the
Hausa speaking area, was defined in anthropogeographic terms; however,
to the east through Bornu, the boundary followed the Komadougou Yobe
River to where it debauched into Lake Chad and within Lake Chad the
'boundary was defined in geometric terms.57

For the first time in the evolution of the boundary between
iihe Niger and Lake Chad was defined in terms of local cultural features.
l)espite the attempt to follow the local political frontiers along part
(of the boundary, the Agreement was very imprecise. For the next two
jyears representatives from Britain and France studied the data that
luad accumulated from.the various expeditions and surveys that had been
'undertaken within the borderlands. ‘With these data a more precise
1mundary was defined and delineated, again quite advantageous to the
French.

The Agreement of 1906 formed the basis of the boundary that
exists today. In the west the boundary was shifted east beyond the
Da1101 Maouri into the uninhabited zone between Kebbi in the east

\

56Foreign Office, France (Diplomatic) #3616, 1903, Landsowne

t0 Monson, July 2, 1903.
Hertslet, 22, cit., p. 818.

57Prescott, 1961, _p, git}, p. 133.

113

and Djerma Dendi and Maouri in the west. This decision and concession
by Great Britain was in compliance with a desire not to disrupt the
local trade routes and settlement patterns in addition to keeping the
towns and villages in the Dallol Maouri under their traditional rulers.58
North of Sokoto the boundary was shifted south of Birni n'Konni
to within 60 miles of Sokoto. This action reunited Birni n'Konni with
Gobir which for the most part had been placed under French jurisdiction
by the 1904 Agreement. Farther east the boundary of Maradi was shifted
Sonth into the depopulated frontier of separation between the Maradawa
and Katsinawa. In the region of Damagarim the boundary placed Daura
and Zango within British territory. Although Daura lost a considerable
amount of its traditional lands to the French, the events of the
19th Century had greatly reduced Daura's territory and it was upon
the basis of the contemporary scene that the boundary commissioners
delimited the boundary. Further rectification was made in Lake Chad
and along the Komadougou Yobe whereby the indigenous population along
bOth banks of the river was given fishing rights in both the Lake and
the river.59 The boundary delimited by the 1906 Agreement was defined
in very precise terms referencing towns, villages and pathways.
(See Appendix D.)
Realizing the difficulty of defining a boundary by treaty,
the Commissioners in an annex to the Agreement empowered the demarcation
committee to deflect the boundary whenever necessary so as not to

disrupt the local communities. Any major deflection, however, was

\__
Ib 1d.

\

59
Ibid., p. 8'19).

114

to be submitted to the boundary commissioners for ratification.60

Further consideration was given to the indigenous population whose
territory was being transferred from one power to another. Those

that desired to remain under the jurisdiction of the power that then

dominated them were free to transfer across the boundary within one

year of the demarcation.61

It was only after careful consideration of the local cultural

landscape that the final Agreement of 1906 was delineated and ratified

by both European governments. Over a period of 16 years the boundary

between the Niger River and Lake Chad had evolved from a geometric
boundary to an anthropogeographic boundary whereby consideration was
given to the indigenous political organizations. (See Figure 21.)
In the Hausa dominated area of the borderlands the boundary has not
been superimposed but instead it is an antecedent boundary passing
through the uninhabited area of the frontier of separation. To the
north of the boundary under French rule were the Hausa States that

S‘Mf—cessfully resisted domination by the Fulani jihad, whereas south

of the boundary lay all those Hausa States that were subdued by Sokoto.

W

In accordance with the terms of the 1906 Agreement, a Boundary
Demarcation Commission was chosen with representatives from both Great
Britlilin and France. Major O'Shee led the British contigency and

Captain Tilho led the French demarcation commission which surveyed

\
601bid., p. 586.

611b1d.

 

115

 

HN enemas

 

 

 

 

 

”5‘0 _gm— 8w Ohm {I150- 3533300 XX‘X
b p p e ,
.1 n J. I a a 92.9.01.
2.32 a. s o coo—32 :3: .323: osoz< ...... ....
- {- viii: .o'
2
M u d? u
n. o p on o .
C o
2.55: .s
0 230°. “Cums! \
\o‘o’ ./ o
.\. 0.5302. o/ . o\ o )0 O~OJ0mo ~
I o\ III. I o u
0‘: macs. / o, o, ‘I ‘u o\
{_No 0303.». 73.08.: “chm.

 

116
and demarcated the boundary upon the landscape during the period
between 1906-1908.
The French viewed the demarcation of the boundary as an occasion
to do more than merely survey and establish boundary pillars, but as
an opportunity also to gather additional data about their newly acquired

territories. Tilho received instructions to report on the anthropology,

history and languages within the borderlands of French territory.
In addition, information concerning Lake Chad, geology, meteorology,
astronomy, and the health and diseases of the indigenous population
was also recorded.62 Among the commissioners sent to demarcate the
boundary were French specialists that collected a considerable amount
0f data. Because of the thoroughness of the French survey the actual
demarcation of the boundary was periodically held up and this delay
was regarded with impatience by the British demarcation commissioners
whose sole purpose was to survey and demarcate the boundary.

The actual demarcation of the boundary was accomplished between
1906 and 1908 with 148 beacons demarcating the precise location of

the boundary. These beacons as identified in the Treaty Series

Nulnber 1, were of five types:

Class A A group of four palm-tree posts disposed around a
fifth central post which carries a tri-colour
enamelled iron plaque, 8 inches by 6 inches, with

the inscription:

Delimitation 1907
Borne No

\

0 62Archives Nationales, Dakar, Gouvernement GEnEral d'Afrique

Ticidentale Fran aise. (3Fl4) Delimitation de la Nigeria - Mission

$1906-1908njf38, Capitaine Tilho a Monsieur 1e Ministére des
Onies le 7 Aout 1907.

 

117

Class B A conical pillar built of dry stone, cemented on
top except where stated, to which is fixed the
number plaque above mentioned.

Class C The upper length of an iron telegraph pole of Northern
Nigeria pattern, 15 feet long, fixed in the ground
at a depth of 4 feet to 5 feet, carrying at the top
the numbered plaque above mentioned and generally
cemented at the base.

Class D The cast iron base socket, 5 feet long, of an iron
telegraph pole, fixed point uppermost in the ground,

at a depth of 3 feet. The numbered plaque is fixed
to a tree close by.

Class E A tree, stripped of all except the upper branches,
to which the numbered plaque is fastened at a height
of 10 feet to 15 feet above the round. A clearing
has been formed around the tree.6
ffhe tnajority of pillars used in the demarcation of the boundary were
of (Elass B and C, although today little evidence of these pillars
exist.64
In a total of nine places the boundary was deflected in order
to preserve the indigenous political structure or to prevent the boundary
from running directly through a town or village. 65 In special cases

the request of leaders such as the Emir of Sokoto to have Sabon Birni

refluiiJn under his hegemony, or the Emir of Daura at Zango desire to

 

 

63Treaty Series, 1912 (pamphlet) Number 1 - Agreement between
££EE_Lflgited Kingdom and France Respecting the Delimitation East of the

ESEE- London, February 12, 1910 (London: His MajestyTs Stationery
Office, 1912).

64Despite several days spent in attempting to locate evidence
(3f ENJUndary markers the author was unsuccessful. Even with the assistance
°f customs officials and village chiefs within the itmnediate vicinity of
the boundary no markers were found. Only one pillar made of iron within
e ‘Iicinity of the boundary north of Zango was pointed out to be a
Oundary pillar. (See Figure 22.) However, no inscription could be
round to identify it as such, although the local customs officials
egarded it as a boundary marker.

65Prescott, 1961, op. 315., p. 135.

118

 

Figure 22

IRON BOUNDARY PILLAR NEAR ZANGO

Although the above marker was identified by customs officials
as a boundary marker, no identifying inscription was found. The
height and general appearance of this marker closely fits the des-
criPtion of the Class C pillar used in the demarcation of the boundary
1906~1908.

119

remain within British territory were considered and respected by the
Boundary Commission.66

Following the completion of the demarcation, provision was made
for the maintenance of the boundary markers. It was the responsibility
of France to maintain the markers from 1 to 74, and the remainder to
be maintained by Great Britain.67 However, the periodic resurveys and
replacement of boundary markers was not undertaken as often as was
essential. The rapid deterioration and the apparent disregard for
the pillars by the indigenous population did much to destroy the
careful work of the Commission. It was reported that the plaques
were often stolen by the indigenes and sold to the local blacksmiths.68

A further attempt to clearly demarcate the boundary was under-
taken along the northern boundary of Katsina Province. For a distance
of 208.5 miles, from beacon 64 to 117, the British, utilizing indigenous
1fiber, dug a trench to further differentiate British from French
coIonial acquisitions.69 Despite these efforts, within four years
a I‘eport on the condition of the boundary pillars showed not only the

State of disrepair of the pillars but also that the trench was ill

S 66Federation of Nigeria, National Archives, Ibadan, Chief
Wrylgogffice 1/27/14, Resident of Sokoto to High Commissioner

, .
Bou Federation of Nigeria, National Archives, Kaduna, Anglo-French
wy File 1655, Vol. II, Palmer to O'Shee, June 9, 1907.

 

 

 

0 67Archives Nationales, Dakar, Gouvernement Générale de l'Afrique

cciidentale Frangaise, (3F18) Delimitation de la Nigeria: Reparations

Wes Frontiers 1910-1918, #6, Col. Venal a Monsieur 1e Gouvernor
néral 1e 20 Ffiiet 1915.

681bid.

 

V 69Federation of Nigeria, National Archives, Kaduna. File 1655,
01- I , Rgport on the Anjlo-French Boundary, Jan-May, 1910.

120

defined and in most places indistinguishable.7O Again in 1927 the
boundary was cleared and retrenched by the French. Within one year
the trench had been obliterated by cultivation and the indigenous
inhabitants were informed that no cultivation would be permitted
within 50 yards of the boundary.71

Despite initial efforts, the maintenance of the boundary was
essentially abandoned and no reference to it is made from 1914 until
1950, at which time the British wished to resurvey a portion of the
boundary, and it was only with great difficulty that the old boundary

markers were found.72

Areas of Superimposition

 

Although the guidelines of the Treaty of May 29, 1906, stressed
the importance of following indigenous political frontiers of separation
and the desire to preserve existing trade routes, the boundary did not
respect all of the traditional frontiers. In some instances the
concession by the colonial power would have been too great; however,
where the boundary did bisect the traditional states sufficient
territory was ceded to make the trade route continuous.73

The states left intact by the Agreement of 1906 were Mantakari,

Adar, Gobir and'Maradi all falling under the hegemony of France. To

 

70Ibid., Anglo-French Boundary: Katsina Provincial Office,
p. 19. -

71Federation of Nigeria, National Archives File #1655, Vol. III,
Apglo-French Boundary, 1927.

72Federation of Nigeria, Survey Office, Kaduna, File 701/1,
Bedemarcation, p. 269.

73Prescott, 1961, _p.‘gi£., p. 236.

121
Great Britain went all of Sokoto, Zamfara and Katsina. The remaining
States of Maouri, Konni, Gobir Toudou and Damagarim were more or less
seriously cut by the boundary.74 It was France that received most of
the territory of each one of these States; consequently, in these areas
Britain ceded only sufficient territory to give France a £2322

practicable and retained the southern portion of each state.

 

To the east of the Hausa States the boundary followed without
any serious superimposition the frontier between the Bornu and the
Manga. By the time the boundary was demarcated the influence of Bornu,
north of the Komadougou Yobe had declined and the river formed a

convenient northern boundary of Bornu.75
EFFECTS OF THE BOUNDARY ARRANGEMENT

The negotiation and evolution of the Niger-Nigeria boundary
indicates that the boundary that was eventually established took
careful consideration of the indigenous political situation. The
colonial powers have often been condemned for the rapidity with which
boundaries were established in Africa and though the northern boundary
of Nigeria is an exception to the general rule of boundary superim-
position, it illustrates at least one instance where the local
cultural landscape was considered in the delimitation of a colonial
boundary.

The boundary separating British and French colonial powers in
Hausaland was antecedent in that it followed the frontier of separation

between rival Hausa States. A cursory glance at a map would indicate

"Mission Tilho, _p_. cit., p. 36.

75Prescott, 1961, o . cit., p. 237.

122
the Niger-Nigeria boundary was a superimposed boundary; however, a
closer examination reveals that the ancient Hausa States have been
preserved. North of the boundary are those Hausa States that remained
independent from the Fulani Sokoto Empire, whereas south of the
boundary are the States that succumbed to the Fulani jihad.

Despite the fact that the boundary as initially demarcated can
be classified as an antecedent boundary, it nevertheless created
stress upon the indigenous population resulting in a spatial reorgani-
zation and an adjustment to the colonial powers concept of territoriality.
The creation of a boundary and imposition of colonial authority
necessitated a reorganization of the political, economic, and social
conditions in order to adjust to the pressures brought to bear in the

borderlands.

Political Reorganization

 

As the respective colonial spheres of influence became clearly
defined through the demarcation of the Niger-Nigeria boundary, the
influence of colonial administration was extended to incorporate all
territory and population under the colonial powers jurisdiction.

Despite the differences in colonial administrative policies neither

the British nor the French completely ignored the indigenous system

of political areal functional organization. Certainly the British
through their policy of indirect rule made greater use of the indigenous
system of administration than the French military rule and the policies

of assimilation and association. While the French military occupation

 

initially attempted to break down the indigenous system, it eventually

became necessary for the French to work within the traditional system.

123

British indirect rule. The case of Northern Nigeria is often

 

cited as the classic example of Britain's approach to colonial
administration through the policy of "indirect rule." Indirect rule
neither originated with the British nor was Northern Nigeria the

first instance of Britain adopting this form of colonial adminis-
tration.76 However, the hierarchy of the traditional Hausa Emirate
system of political organization lent itself very well to the adoption
of indirect rule.

The traditional system had been greatly abused prior to British
domination; however, the British realized that with some modification
the system could be an efficient means of colonial administration.

The people were familiar with the system of government and it could

be run with a minimum of British staff to act as advisors. Thus the
Emir was given a letter of appointment and although he was a dependent
subject ruler, he maintained and exercised a considerable amount of
authority. 4

In order to facilitate colonial administration,the British
divided Northern Nigeria into Provinces and Divisions based on
political history or ethnic relationship.77 The Divisions consisted
of a number of Emirates and each was headed by a District Officer,
whereas the Province comprised a number of Divisions and was directed
by a Resident. For example, Kano Province, as originally conceived,

‘was divided into four divisions: Kano Division comprising Kano Emirate;

76Sir Charles Orr, The Making of Northern Nigeria (London:
Frank Cass & Co., Ltd., 1965), p. 219.

 

77C. K. Meek, Northern Nigeria (London: Oxford University
Press, 1925), p. 4.

 

124
Katsina Division comprising Katsina, Daura and Kazaure Emirates;
Hadejia Division comprising Hadejia and Gumel Emirates; and Katagum
Division comprising Katagum, Messau and Jemaari Emirates. Each
Emirate was further subdivided into district, village areas and
hamlets, as previously discussed, and these divisions were recognized

and adopted by the British. (See Table l.)

' Table 1

KANO PROVINCE 1921

 

 

 

Average
Area Average
Number Per Population
of District Per

Division Emirate Districts (sngiles) District
Kano Kano 25 483 70,404
Katsina Katsina 22 368 . 21,825
Daura 7 133 6,834

Kazaure 6 77 7,165

Hadejia Hadejia 9 307 13,210
Gumel 4 275 4,952

Katagum Katagum 11 318 5 17,521
Messau 5 142 5 13,520

Jemaari 1 160 18,622

 

 

Source: W. F. Gowers, Northern Provinces - Provincial Gazeteers,
(London: Waterlow and Sons Ltd., 1921), p. 7.

The Emirates formed the basic Native Administration and it was
through this administration that the functions of government were
performed, taxes collected, and maximmm use made of local institutions
for local services. Thus the legislative and judicial functions of
government were almost entirely performed by the local hierarchy of
chiefs under advice and direction of the Resident and a small staff.

(See Table 2.)

125

Table 2

COMPARISON OF BRITISH.AND FRENCH
COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION

 

 

British Administration

French Administration

 

Northern Nigeria
(Governor)*

Provinces
(Resident)*

Divisions
(District Officer)*

Emirates
(Emir)

Districts
(District Head)

Village Areas
(Village Head)

Hamlets
(Hamlet Head)

Federation of French West Africa
(Federation Afrique Occidentale
Frangaise)

Governor - General
(Gouverneur - General Residing
in Dakar)

Colonies
Niger - Governor

Provinces - Provincial Commissioner
(Cercles) - (Commandant du Cercle)

Conseil des Notables

Subdivision - Administrative Officer
(Chef de Subdivision)

Canton - Native Chief
(Chef Indigéne)

Village

 

 

*Staffed by British Officials

126

One of the initial problems the British faced was the redrawing
of district boundaries and substituting coaduate districts for scattered
dependencies. As previously mentioned the discontiguity of districts
posed a vexing problem for efficient administration and was solved
by the following means:

He (the Resident) found fief holders owned towns
vicariously scattered over the whole province. Taking

the principle town of each fief holder he grouped around

it one homolgous district a sufficient number of towns

to yield a revenue equivalent to the former revenue of

the fief holder and appointed him "District Head" of this

self contained district. He even succeeded in giving the

most important chiefs the districts farthest from the

capital where their responsibility would be greater. . . .78

Not all Emirates were plagued by discontiguity of districts
and absentee District Heads. For example, Katsina Emirate posed fewer
difficulties and most of the District Heads resided within their
district. However due to the populating of the frontier of separation,
new districts had to be organized and new District Heads appointed.
Several of those appointed were Habe and immigrants from French
territory.

Most of the districts in Katsina and Daura are derived from
earlier administrative divisions with the exception of several
immediately adjacent to the boundary. Some confusion in the naming
of districts occurred during the early period of colonial administration
since the districts were sometimes named after the District Head.

This arrangement obviously caused some confusion since the name of

the district was changed with the appointment of every new District

Head. This situation was remedied by the abolition of this practice

78Sir F. D. Lugard, Colonial Reports - Annual #516 Northern
‘Ejggria 1905-06 (London: HisiMajesty‘s Stationery Office, 1905), p. 24.

 

127
and the adoption of the name of the principal village in the district.

During the period of colonial administration the Provincial
boundaries periodically shifted. In the borderlands Katsina and Daura
were frequently transferred from one Province to another. In 1910
Katsina Emirate along with Daura and Kazaure Emirates formed Katsina
Division of Kano Province. In 1926 Kano Province was reorganized and
Katsina Emirate was removed and added to Zaria Province while Daura
and Kazaure Emirates became part of the Northern Division of Kano
Province. Finally in 1934 Katsina Province was organized by the removal
of Katsina Emirate from Zaria Province and the addition of Daura
Emirate. (See Figure 23.)

With the establishment of Katsina Province the well populated
districts adjacent to French territory were brought under closer
colonial administrative control. The districts fronting French
territory from west to east are Jibya, Kaita, Mashi,‘Maiaduwa, Zango
and Baure. The size of these districts and number of villages in each
varies considerably. Each district, however, submitted to the
jurisdiction of the Emir of Katsina or Daura and ultimately to the
Colonial administration. As recently as 1935 it was reported that
the more remote districts, especially where communications were
lacking, had not been fully integrated into the colonial system although
taxes were paid annually.79

Through the British system of indirect rule a great deal of

autonomy was given to the traditional leaders so long as their

 

79Federation of Nigeria, National Archives, Kaduna File Acc #1299,
Kgita District - Assessment Report, 1935.

128

 

\"-///’7//%'/ m ff"-
'/ ‘Dcwvo’

//2/{¢onnna

l’EEOUI. .T-
Gumel
////
Kano
/,~ '7 /
////,//'
// ,/l

7 Katsina
”Division

KANO PROVINCEWIO

 

 

      

/

//iff; ///

   

<4
2%??;

xfééégééf

KANO and ZARIA PROVINCE$1926

 

 

 

    
 

KATSINA PROVINCEI934

 

Figure 23

 

129
decisions did not conflict with the British concept of right and
justice. Thus the traditional system was only slightly altered by
the British, a fact that the French viewed rather critically:

Les avantages d'un pareil systEme sautent aux yieux:
les chefs acquirerent une autorite et un prestige considerables
par suite des gros revenue qui leur sont assurés, et de la
force que procure a leurs agents l'escorte des policemen mis
a leur disposition pour ces operation; 11 se dévouent tout
entiers a une Administration qui assure ainsi leur bien atre,
tandis que humbles "tallakas," taillables et courveables a
merci, habitués depuis toujours a courber 1e dos sous les
coups a subir vexations et exactions, paient ce qu'on leur
demandent et remercient Allah qu'on ne leur ait tout pris. . . .

Le systeme Frangais est a notre idéal national utilisation
et glorification de l'élite intellectuelle avant pour corollaire
la protections des humbles et l'adoucessement de leurs
souffrances; le systéme britannique se rapproche au contraire
de l'orgueilleux esprit qu'un des prophétes contemporains de
l'Angleterre se hardiment développe ces derniers années
l'exaltation de l'élite au detriment des masses populaires
qu'il traite dedaigneussement de'"contigent de l'Abime."80

French administration. While the French were critical of the

 

British system of colonial administration on the grounds that it

favored the traditional elite and ignored the masses, the aim of the
French administration was to create an indigenous elite imbued with
the ideals and superiority of French culture. Initially the French

Policy of assimilation was aimed at breaking down the traditional

 

Society and replacing it with French culture and civilization.

In order to accomplish its aims, French colonial administration
can best be described in terms of centralization, subordination and
uniformity. Through a highly centralized organization the Paris
government had greater control over its colonies than did the British

government. Resistance of many colonies to the policy of assimilation

 

80Tilho Report, 22. g” p. 37, 40.

130

which aimed at destroying the indigenous institutions resulted in the

adoption of a policy of association. Through association the aim was

 

to preserve indigenous insitutions and ideally to use the indigenous
institutions to introduce French civilizatiOn.

The expansion of French administration east of the Niger River
resulted in the creation of Le Troisieme Territoire Militaire in 1900.
The resistance to French domination, especially from the Tuareg,
necessitated the organization along military lines and differs con-
siderably from Britain's more peaceful conquest of Northern Nigeria.
For several months the headquarters of the new military territory was
at Sansanne-Haoussa; then in 1901 it shifted to Sorbo-Haoussa. In
1903 the headquarters were transferred to Niamey although the main
portion of troops were garrisoned at Zinder.81

The name of the territory was changed in 1905 to Le Territoire

 

Militaire de Niger and the headquarters remained in Niamey until 1911
when Zinder became the capital. Zinder, with its more central position,
was regarded as the logical location for accapital since at that time
Niger's western boundary was the Niger River. Finally in 1922, the

military territory became Le Colonie du Niger and the change from

 

military to civilian administration was effected. In 1926, with the
disolution of Haute-Volta, Niger acquired territory to the west of the
Niger River and the decision to relocate the capital from Zinder,
located within the southern borderlands, to Niamey was agreed upon.
With the re-emergence of Haute-Volta just prior to World War II,

Niger retained a portion of territory lying west of the Niger River

 

81Rivet, _p, cit., p. 41.

131

in the interest of maintaining ethnic homogeneity. (See Figure 24.)

Along with the periodic shifts in capitals and boundaries the
territorial organization has likewise been relatively unstable,
frequently being reorganized in the search for a more efficient means
of territorial organization. Basically the colony was divided into
Cercles (Provinces), the number fluctuating from seven to sixteen.
Just prior to independence Niger was divided into nine Cercles.82
The Cercles were subdivided into smaller territorial units referred

to as subdivisions or circonscriptions. Usually these subdivisions

 

 

closely followed the territorial limits of the traditional societies
and ethnic groups.83 The subdivisions were further divided into
cantons which was a group of villages supervised by a canton chief.
The smallest unit of political areal functional organization was

the village.

This system, as it evolved in Niger, was the closest to the
principle of indirect rule within the French Empire. Initially in
Niger, the French adopted a "divide and rule" policy. Some of the
larger traditional Emirates in the borderlands were divided and
administered separately. Both Gobir (1916) and Maradi (1922) were
each divided into two separate administrative units. ‘Maradi was
divided so that headquarters were at‘Maradi and Madarunfa. Opposition
to dividing these two Emirates resulted in their reunification. The

French further blundered by appointing a Fulani to become chief of

 

82Edmond Séré de Riviére, Le Niger (Paris: Sociéte d'Editions
Geographiques Maritimes et Coloniale, 1952), p. 47.

83Edmond séré de RiviEre, Histoire de Niger (Paris: Berger,
Levrault, 1965), p. 238. '

132

«a enemas

        
         

.208 o

0.0..ou 0.0.0U . .

0.0. ~30. Z _0_co_ou ...ucocul...‘

zo:<~_z<o¢o 55:2 52:: 33:65:51}
310.1. s. .0100

.0103...»

      

[0‘0

 

             

Z ..
e
.\u ..l. \...\../ .. 03%0
\l. ..\ 0000.31... 0/ .mt.001:0.000 <0
> 06
.mwmh .525 ”626:. serum... in“? ...
. 20000 0.00010 ... tom—NEW . . . owes.
chZ.N 1. 3230. 0 .. .
n0..0.<0 .. 000:0h _ ....

        
     

420342 0

3030.2 .. cc 02.3 .. cause-3o
... .... 58.4
3030. H .
.. H .. o<o

    
    

.. . 63050
.. 2...... . muo<0<c wauauo

.. H . .\..l. 6.533
a. u. .\ ,.

(.53 H .\ .l. .
o1 Summon

 

133
Maradi; however, the Habe Maradawa refused to submit to the domination
of a Fulani and this resulted in the French reappointing a member of
the Habe dynasty as Emir of Maradi. With this decision the French
returned to the organization that had initially been adopted in 1907
with Cercle headquarters at Maradi divided into three subdivisions:
Maradi, Gobir and Kornaka.84

The region of Maradi immediately adjacent to the boundary has
frequently been reorganized. From 1907 to 1921 Maradi formed a
subdivision of the Cercle de Madaoua, then later from 1921 to 1926
was a subdivision of the Cercle de Tessaoua. In 1926, having been
subordinate to Tessaoua, Maradi was chosen as the headquarters of a
newly created Cercle, the Cercle de Maradi. After several attempts
to break down the traditional organization, the French colonial
administrative organization began to follow a more logical evolution
in recognizing the value of the indigenous system and adjusting the
colonial system to it.

While the basic territorial organization was maintained within
the borderlands it was the French administrators who directed the
affairs within a system where all power was highly centralized and
concentrated. In 1919, however, a Conseils des Notables was established
where the Emirs and Canton Chiefs acted in an advisory capacity. This
council also formed an avenue for the implementation of directives
from the central government.

Since 1926 the subdivisions immediately adjacent to Katsina

Province have been relatively stable. From west to east they comprise

 

84Phillippe David, Maradi l'Ancien Etat et l'Ancienne Ville
(Documents des Etudes Nigeriennes #18 IFAN-CNRS), p. 120.

134
the subdivisions of Maradi and Tessaoua in the Cercle de Maradi and
the subdivisions of Matameye and Magaria in the Cercle de Zinder.
(See Figure 25.)

Each of these territorial units are based on traditional patterns
with a southern expansion of territory to incorporate the uninhabited
zone of the frontier of separation lying within French territory.

Thus the French, in order to facilitate colonial administration, found
it convenient to utilize the traditional system of political areal

functional organization.

Spatial Reorganization

 

Migration. One of the consequences of the establishment of

 

boundaries is the movement of population from one side of the boundary
to the other. This displacement of population was not uncommon within
the Niger-Nigeria borderlands during the period of boundary evolution
and demarcation, More often the pattern of migration within the
Borderlands was from north to south, that is, from French into British
territory. Certainly the British administrators did much to encourage
this migration, for as Lord Lugard reported following the resettlement
of 2,000 to 3,000 Tuareg in Northern Sokoto:

I shall of course do my best to encourage this immigration
for this Protectorate has been terribly desolated and its
population decimated in recent years by internal wars and the
slave raids of the Fulani etc. The advent of fresh inhabitants

possessed of flocks and herds will mean an added source of
wealth to the British territory and impoverish the French.85

 

85Federation of Nigeria, National Archives, Ibadan, Chief
Secretary's Office, 1/19/3, Governor of Northern Nigeria to Colonial
Office, January 2, 1903.

 

135

mu manage

 

2.0

059
£005.“..00W112

 

00000 00/0H00 /
/.. . ....... 00.14.10
m [0.10 0 ~
. .. _
u o . u
501:0» .r _
m ./
.. _
m ..\ ll ...... In ..I ..l
" ...\.
m ..\\
0 00\
m..\

.\

O8N :00: :0. 3020001001 0 j
DOOM . n :30» 0
80¢ - n :30— 9
0000. .v 03.: .

89 00.0 crab .
5:21.8182333 in”

..:...3: a I
.\..0...\o../
§./.s0ll\...:00001§0 /

.. 00900. euros"! ..oeom. .0
..:. ...N 0000000» n.. El.
0 v 0 ......

>:1§DCO>:13m ..
E01500. on. 0U l|:.ll.ll
0.01.500 15.08.0003. lu.l...lu ,

 

A0339... 050.3. 0. 23915
one. mZO_m_>_0o:m mmduumu
"a mmv_,.

1:0

 

136

Several of the early reports indicate that this migration
southward was underway before the final demarcation of the boundary
and was not localized to only small areas of the borderlands, but
occurred along the entirety of the boundary. As a result, the population
of Sokoto, Katsina, Daura, and Bornu increased by several thousands.

French reports as early as 1901 demonstrate that this movement
was underway into Sokoto Province from adjacent borderlands. The
French reported a small group that moved into Sokoto Province and
formed a nucleus for the gathering and attracting of other groups.86
British reports further substantiated this movement when during 1902
a considerable number of Tessawa were reported to have moved from
French territory and resettled in Dankama. Further west Maradawa
settled in Zandam and Jibiya.87 To the east the Resident also reported
migration into Bornu from the North.88

In some instances this cross boundary movement was encouraged
through force used by the local chiefs. Along the borderlands between
British and French Gobir, the indigenous population residing in French

territory were intimidated by the Sarki n'Gobir, who resided in British

 

territory. This particular chief terrorized the villages situated

in French territory, coercing individuals to migrate into Northern

 

86Archives, Ministere de la France d'Outre Mer, Afrique
Orientale Frangaise XVI dossiergl3. Rapport sur la Situation Politique
de 3Eme Territoire Militaire, 3eme Trimestre, 1903.

 

 

87Sir F. D. Lugard, Colonial Repprts - Annual #476 Northern
Nigeria Report for 1904 (London: His MajestyTs Stationery Office,
1904), p. 34.

 

 

88Colonial Report #409, _p, 915,, p. 79.

 

137

Nigeria. The actions of this chief can be explained by the fact that
part of his traditional territory had been cut by the boundary. The
French reaction to these incidents was to accuse the British of
encouraging the attacks, or at least ignoring the actions of the Sggki.89

Further actions on the part of the British to encourage this
migration was to appoint Habe district heads in the districts
immediately adjacent to the boundary of Katsina Province. Since the
population north of Katsina had so long resisted Fulani domination,
the placing of the Habe leaders within the borderlands attracted
immigrants from the north.90

While British policy was to encourage this migration, several
reasons have been proposed as to why this migration took place.
Considering that great care had been taken by the colonial powers
to establish the boundary within the uninhabited zone of separation,
it is rather difficult to understand why this southern migration was
so extensive. Today, as a result of this population spillover,
ethnic boundaries no longer conform with the international boundary.
Most of this permanent migratory movement was completed shortly after
boundary'demarcation.

Certainly one factor that might have encouraged this cross
boundary movement was the inequities of French and British colonial

administration. The slowness with which British authority was extended

 

89Archives, Ministére de la France d' Outre Mer Afrique Orientale
Fran aise XVI dossier 13, Rapport sur la Situation Politigyeede acme
Terr toire Militaire, Mai-Aoflt, 1903.

90Federation of Nigeria, National Archives, Kaduna, Katsena,
Resident of Katsena to High Commissioner, July 8, 1907.

138
to the borderlands and the rapidity with which the French imposed their
administration certainly caused inequities within the borderlands. French
administrators became very much aware and concerned over the migration
of population into Nigeria and at least one attributed this flight to
the "heavy burden of the French occupation." The concern of this
movement is expressed in the following correspondence by Commandant
N031, an early French administrator:

It has come to my notice that there is a clearly marked
current of emmigration towards the districts of Sokoto, it
would be a real calamity for a country where the population
is already thinned if the principle force we require, strong
active men continued to go to a foreign country even if only
temporarily. . . .

This current immigration is considerable enough, since
if we only consider the region of eastern Niger (Djermas) the
population that has immigrated in less than one year could be
estimated at at least 10,000 . . . Restrictive laws even if most
severe would be useless and might even result in accentuating
instead of retarding the movement.

The burden of our occupation and chiefly the supplying of
rations weigh very heavily on certain population, (sic) and
the district of Tahoua in particular has a burden which is not
in proportion to the restricted number of its inhabitants. . . .

If one takes into consideration on the other hand the actual
manner of colonization at Sokoto, where I am told there are no
taxes or compulsory labour, one will see that the comparison is
not to the advantage of our territory. The life in Sokoto is
easier, the soil is richer and these are already sufficient
reasons for the current of immigration to establish itself
spontaneously by force of circumstances without scarcity or
poverty entering into the argument. Immigrants after hard
sacrifice of the departure for exile find from many points of
view a fruitful compensation for the voluntary quittal of their
birthplace in this more priviliged country.91

The flight of population initially prompted the French to adopt
severe restrictive measures despite Noel's warning. Since the population
was regarded as the territory's most valuable resource, and the develop-

‘ment of Niger was dependent upon this resource, restrictions were often

 

91Federation of Nigeria, National Archives, Ibadan, Chief
Secretary's Office, 1/27/3 High Commissioner to Colonial Office,
January 2, 1903 - Translation of N3el's correspondence.

 

extreme, even 1
migration nortl
migration to B1
borderlands, e:
of money to be
even to the no:
French territo:
behind.93
Despite
and eventually
Pulsory labor,
boundary Ware

The French tr 1'.

92F
9 eder
iecr
1903:star '3 Of
93
I .
M.
Kan 94-Feder
N:
Th1
s. . 3 Of
r?‘ 1ndiv

139

extreme, even for nomadic populations that had followed a seasonal
migration north and south for generations. In order to restrict
migration to British territory the French attempted to police the
borderlands, exacting restrictions in the form of hostages or deposits
of money to be left in French territory.92 These restrictions applied
even to the nomadic Fulani, for when they were discovered leaving
French territory they were required to leave part of their herd
behind.93

Despite the restrictive measures the flow of migrants continued
and eventually resulted in France reducing taxes and abandoning com-
pulsory labor. With these decisions the inequities on one side of the
boundary were reduced, but the flow of migrants did not stop immediately.
The French tried to attract population back into Niger by offers such
as one made to the Emir of Zango. The French offered to construct
a new town and farmlands if the Emir and his followers would return
to French territory.94

According to estimates of colonial administrators these formative

years were the years of great migration and it would appear that French

 

92Federation of Nigeria, National Archives, Ibadan, Chief
Secretary's Office, High Commissioner to Colonial Office, January 29,
1903.

 

93Ibid.

94Federation of Nigeria, National Archives, Kaduna, Dauraz
Kano Province, Telegram Resident of Kano to High Commissioner, Apfil 8,
1907.

 

This offer was turned down by the Habe Emir of Zango and this
same individual later was appointed Emir of Daura to replace the
Fulani dynasty. Today Daura is the only Emirate in Nigeria to have
the descendants of the original Habe dynasty at its head.

policies withii
Yet this migra‘
common occuren.
domination.
The abo
in the occupat
of SeParation.
POtentially go
and gradually
Villages to OC
out Hausaland

frontier of Se

Agricultural 1
zone of Separa
to move SOUth
This fact Plus

p1.lnciPal caus

140
policies within the borderlands were a factor that encouraged migration.
Yet this migratory pattern of resettlement appears to have been a
common occurence throughout Hausaland with the advent of colonial
domination.

The abolition of slavery and the establishment of peace resulted
in the occupation of the potentially productive uninhabited frontiers
of separation. This trend persisted within Northern Nigeria where
potentially good agricultural land had been uninhabited for decades
and gradually the population shifted from the fortified towns and
villages to occupy this land. Since this was a general trend through-
out Hausaland it can be assumed that the repopulation of the northern
frontier of separation was the outcome of this general pattern.
Agricultural land and the availability of water were better in the
zone of separation and the attraction for the sedentary agriculturalists
to move south and occupy these areas would have been quite strong.

This fact plus the pressures of French occupation certainly were the
principal causes for the migration southward.

In the years prior to boundary demarcation observers were
reporting thousands of migrants moving into British territory.‘ Although
no accurate number was recorded, by the 1920's this trend had decreased—
dramatically. Statistics taken for six districts in Katsina Emirate
over a five year period indicates the number of people coming from
Niger was negligible.

The migration of population has essentially been from Niger

into Nigeria and has fluctuated from year to year.95 Periodically

 

95Federation of Nigeria, National Archives, Kaduna File #1285,
IMlgration of Labour, November 19, 1925, District Officer Katsina
Division to Senior Resident, Kano Province.

 

migration from N
crop failure. S
prevelent and pr
into British ter
temporary nature
French territorj

a significant w,

141
migration from Niger has been enhanced during periods of drought and
crop failure. Such a year was 1914 when scarcity of food became
prevalent and prompted large numbers of starving refugees to migrate
into British territory.96 Later mass migrations were usually of a
temporary nature, and as a later study indicates, migrations from
French territory in search of work and food was then, as it is now,

a significant way of life during the dry season.97

Table 3

EMIGRANTS FROM FRENCH TERRITORY
1920-25 Katsina Division

 

 

 

District ‘Male Female Children Total
Runs 53 78 81 212
Sarkin Gabas 31 46 63 140
Yarima 18 34 41 93
Gatari (Zandam) 15 19 25 59
Sullubana 67 94 116 277
Dankama A _1_9. .21. _e. _99
203 298 370 871

 

 

Source: Federation of Nigeria, National Archives, Kaduna File
#1285, Migration of Labour, May 16, 1925, District Officer
of Katsina Division to Resident Kano Province.

 

The shift of population inevitably resulted in the establishment

of new towns and villages bringing about a reorganization of the

 

96Federation of Nigeria, National Archives, Ibadan, Report on
the Blue Book 1914 (Lagos, Nigeria 1915), p. 35.

 

 

97Federation of Nigeria, National Archives, Kaduna, File #4025/51,
Sokoto Province - Survey and Report on Labour'Migration, May 1954.

In this study it was reported that 22 per cent of the sample
of migrants moving in Sokoto Province originated in Niger and were
destined overwhelmingly for the Middle Zone and'Western Region of
Nigeria. These figures, however, might be inaccurate since no count
was made at the boundary crossing and many questioned within Nigeria
may have been reluctant to admit entering from Niger.

 

 

settlement pat
the population
adjacent to th

in their home

Reorgay
effects of the
was the mOVEC‘rE
into the Unocc
from the Far C

\ -
the interstate
north of the l

The Pat

dispersed set:

142

settlement patterns in order to accommodate the immigrants. Most of
the population relocated themselves within the borderlands immediately
adjacent to the boundary and remained in close contact with kinsmen

in their home villages.

Reorganization of settlement patterns. One of the earliest

 

effects of the extension of European control within the borderlands
was the movement of population out of the fortified towns and villages
into the unoccupied frontiers of separation. This trend resulted

from the Pax Coloniale imposed by the British and French who terminated

 

the interstate conflicts between the Fulani Empire and the Habe States
north of the boundary.

The pattern of settlement, shifting from a nucleated to a
dispersed settlement, became especially evident in the borderlands
as the population moved out of the fortified birnis and towns. This
early depopulation of the towns was reported by Tilho in 1907:

Quant a la diminuation du nombre des habitants dans les
grandee cités, il est amplement compensé par la movement
inverse qui en résulte, 1e peuplement des compagnes et la
disparation progressive des "zones inhabitées;" les indigénes
en effet, n 'avaient d'autre intéret de se rassembler en cités
'populeuses que pour etre a meme de mieux se défendre contre
leurs voisins toujours en quete de pillage et de chasses aux
esclaves. Depuis que 1' occupation frangaise et anglaise a
supprimer les guerres de tribe a tribu et ramene 1a securite
dans le pays, les indigénes n 'ont plus aucune raison de rester
entasses en des villages malpropres et insalubres ou les
épidémies ont beau jeu a l'occasion; il preférent 1a liberté
des champs on 113 vivent sans souci au centres de leurs
cultures. . . .98

New settlements were established within the frontier of

separation between Katsina-Baure, and MaradiJTessaoua-Damagarim as a

 

98Mission Tilho, op, cit., p. 33-34.

result of the 5
located within
Maradawa and Te
as Jibiya and Z
migrants from h‘
Further east ir.
encouraged the
of towns and vi
The case
of a town by t}
by persons from
in 1907, Jibiya
boundary withir
the Villagers c

decided to re 1c

Katsina: the t(

I

143

result of the southward migration.99 Many of the towns and villages
located within the frontier of separation were established by the
Maradawa and Tessawa from Niger. Today important border towns, such
as Jibiya and Zandam, were initially re-established by Maradawa
migrants from.Niger, whereas Dankama was re-established by‘Tessa‘wa.100
Further east in Daura, the re-establishment of the Habe dynasty
encouraged the return of Daurawa from.Damagarim.and the establishment
of towns and villages throughout Daura Emirate.

The case of Jibiya illustrates the migration and settlement
of a town by the Maradawa. In 1903, Jibiya Maje was first settled
by persons from Maradi. Following the demarcation of the boundary
in 1907, Jibiya was found to be located within a few yards of the
boundary within British Territory. Following several days discussion
the villagers decided to stay in British territory. The chief also
decided to relocate the village, and with the consent of the Emir of
Katsina, the town of Jibiya was situated approximately two miles
further south on.the banks of the Goulbi n'Maradi.101 The relocation
of Jibiya brought further prosperity and eventually the Maradawa
Chief was appointed District Head of the District of Jibiya and became
a point of attraction for others migrating from Niger.

The prosperity of Jibiya came as a result of its establishment

as a borderland market town which functions within a system of periodic

 

‘99Sir William Wallace, Colonial Reports - Annual #594 Northern
Nigeria 1907-1908 (London: His‘Majestyjs Stationery Office, 1912), p. 37.

 

100Colonial Report #476, pp, gi£., p. 34.

 

101Federation of Nigeria, National Archives, Kaduna, Jibiya
District (no date or file number).

markets. The t
boundary and re
movement on mar}

A simila-
border market t.
Maiaduwa and 0t]
and Daura have a
during the earl}

With the
establishment o!

reorientat 10“ of

Reorie
\nta
colonial territc

throughout Hausa

comma. It wa

trade from Briti

 

 

144

markets. The tributary area of Jibiya extends well beyond Nigeria's
boundary and results in a considerable amount of cross-boundary
movement on market days. (See Chapter VI.)

A similar situation occurred in Dankama, another important
border market town that was resettled by Tessawa from Niger.
Maiaduwa and other important market towns in the borderlands of Katsina
and Daura have also been greatly influenced by the influx of immigrants
during the early period of boundary arrangement.

With the reorganization of settlement patterns and the
establishment of new market towns, there inevitably resulted a

reorientation of the patterns of trade and circulation.

Reorientation of trans-Saharan trade. The demarcation of

 

colonial territory and the extension of European political control
throughout Hausaland and into the borderlands upset the traditional
commerce. It was the policy of France to divert trans-Saharan
trade from British territory and establish Zinder and Gaya as the
terminal points for this important trade. As early as 1902, Britain
was aware of these French designs and realizing the large internal
market and the great potential for the expansion of commercial interests,
it was suggested that the external trade could be reoriented to the
coast by establishing cheap transportation.102

Although France desired to acquire control of the trans-Saharan
trade, Kano remained the most significant entrepfit in the Western

Sudan. For a brief period the trans-Saharan trade flourished as a

 

102Colonial Report #409, _p, gi£., pp.63-65-

 

result of Britis

\
TO the north the

consequently the
by the marauderi
routes the Briti
through BritiSh
collecting point
merchants, it we
frequent payment

As a resx
especially the a
0f the mainstay
of trans

-Sahara-

decline. 104 Th

traditional fro

Zinder be ing re

145

result of British protection of the trade routes from the south.
To the north the French were unable to pacify the Tuaregs and
consequently the northern routes were frequently pillaged and menaced
by the maraudering Tuaregs. In return for protection of the trade
routes the British proceeded to levy a toll on all caravans passing
through British territory. Katsina and Kano were the two major
collecting points, and while the toll was regarded high by a few
merchants, it was welcomed by the majority since it eliminated the
frequent payments to chiefs whose territory was traversed.103

As a result of the expansion of communication networks, and
especially the abolition of slavery, which for centuries had been one
of the mainstays of the indigenous economy, the shortlived prosperity
of trans-Saharan trade during the early colonial period began to
decline.104 The decline of the trans-Saharan trade resulted in the
traditional front ports of Black Africa such as Kano, Katsina, and
Zinder being relegated to a hinterland rather than a nodal region for
commercial activities. As the projected railroad from Lagos neared
Kano the Tripoli trade began to decline. When the railroad finally
reached Kano in 1911 the position of this traditional commercial city
was greatly strengthened and the function of Kano as a node of trans-
portation and commercial activities was guaranteed.

Kano's trade was reoriented to the south with its tributary

area extending into the borderlands of Niger. Primary products were

 

1°3Colon1a1 Report #476, _P_- c_i£., p. 96.

 

104E. W. Bovill, The Golden Trade of the Moors (London: Oxford
University Press, 1958), p. 246.

 

 

produced and sen
distributing cen
coming from the
important positi

The conse
of the tradition
tinues down to t
The traditional

and the new eme

tat ion and t he

 

 

146

produced and sent to Kano for exportation. Likewise Kano became a
distributing center for European manufactured goods and other goods
coming from the south. In the borderlands Katsina maintained an
important position through the extension of motor roads from Kano.

The consequence of European intrusion resulted in the decline
of the traditional trans-Saharan trade and although this trade con-
tinues down to the present its importance has greatly diminished.
The traditional pattern of external trade was reoriented to the south
and the new emerging pattern was greatly enhanced by cheap transpor-

tation and the production of goods that found a ready market in Europe.

Local trade. In addition to a reorientation of the traditional

 

external trans-Saharan trade, local trade within the borderlands was
also affected. The establishment of European;commercia1 firms in the
major cities and towns of the borderlands did much to integrate the
frontier zone into the colonial economic system. In some instances
towns of long standing in the traditional system of periodic markets
declined and others began to develop aided in some cases by the
colonial Power.

One example of such a development occurred in the valley of
the Goulbi nTMaradi. Traditionally the market functions of Maradi
were carried out in the town of Tarné located just south of‘Maradi.
While Maradi was the larger of the two towns, the pillaging and
banditry of the Emir of Maradi discouraged merchants and caravans
from trading at the 23521, As a result, Tarné prospered until the
arrival of the French. However, the French eventually insisted on the

establishment of a market at Maradi on Sunday. With the establishment

of a modern ec
commercial hou
A Thursday mar‘.
Maradi developt
From that time

While t]
demise of two r
influence of El
“ms in which

of the establig

connercial Esta

it often brOUgh

MatemeYe is

 

147

of a modern economic infrastructure and the appearance of European
commercial houses in.Maradi, the importance of Tarné began to decline.
A Thursday market day continued functioning at Tarné until 1939 when
Maradi developed a two day a week market cycle on Fridays and Mondays.
From that time Tarné has no longer held a market.105

While this was a rather distinctive case of the growth and
demise of two market towns in the borderlands it does illustrate the
influence of European commercial houses upon the propperity of the
towns in which they were established. Maradi prospered as the result
of the establishment of the Société Commerciale de l'Ouest Africain
(SCOA), Compagnie du Niger Frangais (CNF) and a number of British
commercial establishments from Kano.

As towns began to take on colonial administrative functions
it often brought a change in the role it played in the market system.
Matemeye is a case in point where the market in this town had tradi-
tionally been overshadowed by the market at Kantché to the north.
With the development of administrative functions, the extension of
better communication facilities, and the rising importance of ground-
nuts (peanuts), the importance of Kantche began to diminish at the
expense of'Matemeye.106 South of Matemeye the villages located
adjacent to the boundary lie within the tributary area of Maiaduwa

and Daura and consequently most of the villagers in this area frequent

 

105Phiiiipe David, Maradi, L'Ancien Etat et L'Ancienne Ville
(Bordeaux: Documents des Etudes Nigeriennes #18, 1964), p. 130.

 

106Guy Nicolas, ProbIEmes Agraires en Pay§_Haoussa - Canton de
Kantche (Paris: Rapport Provisoire, Recherche du Centre National de
la Recherche Scientifique, Ministere de la Cooperation, 1962), p. 69.

 

these Nigerian

During
the boundary a
lands, there 1
distribution -
Within the fr
the boundary
and Maiaduwa
Within the be
into the 50m
boundary mom
39M and the
became an in
will be disc

The d
favOred the
were establi
and Still 0t

deVQIOped me

148

these Nigerian market towns.

During the colonial period, commencing with the demarcation of
the boundary and the extension of European control into the border-
lands, there began to emerge significant changes in the patterns and
distribution of markets. With the development of new towns and villages
within the frontier of separation new market towns emerged. Along
the boundary in Nigeria important market towns such as Jibiya, Dankama
and Maiaduwa rose to prominence performing an essential market function
within the borderlands. The tributary areas of these markets extended’
into the southern cantons of Niger producing a considerable cross-
boundary movement on market days. As a result of differential develop-
ment and the availability of goods in Nigeria the border markets
became an integral part in the weekly cycle of periodic markets which
will be discussed more fully in Chapter VI.

The dispersal of population into newly cultivated territory
favored the multiplication of market towns, thus new market towns
were established resulting in others diminishing in size and importance
and still other disappearing when they became isolated from the newly

developed network of communications.

Communications. One significant effect of the colonial period

 

has been the development of an infrastructure of transportation
networks. The railroad reached Kano at a very early date (1911) and
although it has never been extended into the borderlands, extension
lines to Kaura Namoda and Nguru brought the railroad to within 40 miles
of the boundary. The establishment of the boundary dictated that Niger

be a landlocked colony of France dependent upon its neighbors for

right of trans
tried to avoid
short while fc
Zinder came fr
River to Niame
Once the rail:
cheaper means
NiEeria for ac

Niger I
colonial Peric
Saharan railw;
theSe Plans m

infrastructum

149

right of transit for all imports and exports. Initially the French
tried to avoid using Nigeria as a transit route for supplies. For a
short while following the demarcation of the boundary, supplies for
Zinder came from the west via the Bamako railroad then down the Niger
River to Niamey. From Niamey supplies then moved by road to Zinder.107
Once the railroad to Kano was completed, the French depended upon this
cheaper means of transportation and became very much dependent upon
Nigeria for access to the sea.

Niger never developed a railroad system, although during the
colonial period elaborate and ambitious plans to develop a trans-
Saharan railway from.A1geria through Niger were frequently discussed,
these plans never did materialize. Thus the French established an
infrastructure that linked the major towns of Niger. The major
system parallels the boundary and links all the major towns within
the borderlands. This east-west axis joins Niamey, Birni n'Konni,
Madaoua, Maradi, Tessaoua, Zinder, and N'Guigmi on Lake Chad.

(See Figure 26.) Very little of this east-west axis has been paved
and is comprised principally of laterite which during the summer rains
falls into disrepair making upkeep an annual and costly job. A
secondary network connects the east-west axis with the major routes of
exportation into Nigeria.

It was not until the 1920's that motor routes, comprised of
hardpan laterite, were established in the northern districts of the
borderlands of Nigeria. However easy access from Katsina to Kano,

and Daura to Kano had been established shortly after the arrival of

 

107Colonial Report #516, pp, gig}, p. 88.

 

150

cm ouswfim

 

 

 

     

.6 m. 02 on ‘00
p p p a i. 5:08:45.
seal ”a. a . mzo:<u_z=220u ......3 “Huh---
2 maz<a¢w0800 (.8m0_2n¢w0-Z mammogram“
I t
3.46:
a . .
5.80 32\
23.30.!!!
53-1”;

o.=0e\\.\\ur./// .ll .\ .

res. ... .53

ll

\§ ”
a s I
’

 

 

 

 

the railroa
diligent in
These paved
Daura, Kats
that paved l
Maradi, and
Matemeye anc

In ac“
and trails t
generally co
eventually 1
these trails
on market da:

with 1
opened Up to
The expanSiOr
0 integrate

an econOmiC

151

the railroad in Kano. As rapid transport increased the British were
diligent in extending paved roadways to Katsina and Daura from Kano.
These paved highways were extended to parallel the boundary joining
Daura, Katsina and Jibiya. It was only with approaching independence
that paved highways were extended into Niger connecting Jibiya and
Maradi, and shortly after independence another extension connecting
Matemeye and Daura was~comp1eted.

In addition to the motor roads there are many rough tracks
and trails that cross the boundary at many points. These pathways
generally connect the villages on either side of the boundary and
eventually lead to the market towns of the borderlands. It is along
these trails that a considerable cross boundary movement is evident
on market days.

With the creation of a network of roads the borderlands were
opened uptto the circulation of goods and money from the south.
The expansion of improved transportation networks did a great deal
to integrate the borderlands into the colonial economy and bring about

an economic reorganization.

Economic reorganization. Initially the economic reorganization

 

drastically devaluated the local medium of exchange and replaced it

with the franc and pound sterling. To acquire this indispensable money
for taxes and commerce it became necessary for the borderland inhabitants
to produce products of interest to international trade. The traditional
means of acquiring foreign exchange was discouraged. Slavery, which

was once the source of greatest profits, was abolished by the colonial
powers; ostrich feathers lost their value; ivory became a rare

commodity; and even the local weavers could not compete with the

infiltratior

Desp:
colonial ad:
within the '
eventually .
British and
Operated p1
among the a
seeds and p

The
and grOUndr
important C
and adequat
at an Earl;
indigenOuS
for grOUnd;
Ethel-eh}, Oi
extension .

portation

bECame the

152
infiltration of cheap European manufactured goods.

Despite the general decline of the local economy the early
colonial administrators attempted to create new forms of production
within the borderlands. The most significant source of income was
eventually derived from cash crops that were introduced. Both the
British and French discouraged the development of large European
operated plantations but encouraged the introduction of cash crops
among the agricultural villages even to the point of distributing
seeds and plants.108

The crops found most adaptable to the borderlands were cotton
and groundnuts (peanuts). Groundnuts eventually became the most
important cash crop with ideal physical conditions of sandy soils
and adequate precipitation. They had been introduced into West Africa
at an earlier date by the Portuguese and was a crop grown by the
indigenous farmer even prior to European domination. The great demand
for groundnuts in Europe came as a result of the hydrogenation process

109 The

whereby oil was extracted and used in the food industries.
extension of the railroad into Kano provided a cheap means of trans-
portation for the evacuation of groundnuts and the crop eventually
became the most important cash crop in the borderlands.

From 1911 the production of groundnuts rapidly increased on
both sides of the boundary and eventually became the mainstay of the

colonial economy of Northern Nigeria and the leading producer of

foreign exchange for all of Niger. Kano assumed an important role as

 

108Colonial Repprt #409, pp, 335;, P- 60-

 

109K.'M. Buchanan and J. C. Pugh, Land and People in Nigeria
(London: University of London Press, 1961), p. 135.

 

a center for t
Northern Provi
The cor
cash crops dic
income. Duri1
Purchased by
Africa Compan
In Niger Such
evacuation Oi
prompt“ the
of rains delg

were ngaI'aI-It£

153

a center for the evacuation of groundnuts from Central Niger and the
Northern Provinces of Nigeria.

The constant fluctuation and variation of prices paid for the
cash crops did not provide the farmer with a reliable source of
income. During this period the bulk of Nigerian groundnuts were
purchased by large European commercial houses such as the United
Africa Company or smaller buying agencies often dominated by Syrians.110
In Niger such companies as SCOA and CNF controlled the marketing andh
evacuation of groundnuts. The vagaries of prices paid to the farmer
prompted the producer to guarantee a successful food crop. Late onset
of rains delayed the planting of export crops until the food crops
were guaranteed. In many areas the margin of time left for the ground-
nuts to come to maturity was insufficient causing a shortage of export
crops. Since the local population was supported by locally grown
foodstuffs and depended only upon income received from groundnuts to
pay taxes and purchase imported articles of clothing and housewares,
it is understandable that primary concern was with the production of
food. At other times shortages were created when the price of
groundnuts fluctuated from the beginning to the end of the season.
When the season price was exceptionally high groundnuts preserved for
seed were often sold creating a shortage of seed for the following
season.111

Owing to the frequent fluctuation of prices paid for cash

crops from year to year, the growers in the borderlands were in an

 

110Government of Nigeria, Annual Report on the Northern Provinces
of Nigeria (Lagos: Government Printer, 1932), p. 28.

 

111Government of Nigeria, Annual Report on the Northern Provinces,
1935 (Lagos: Government Printer, 1936), p. 32.

 

 

advantageous
was higher;
became a com
borderlands
estimated th
boundary frc
reversed, at
20,000 mm
Niget'ian mar
The j

”as finally

154

advantageous position. Frequently the price paid in adjacent territory
was higher; thus when the price was low on the Nigerian market it
became a common practice to transport groundnuts from the Nigerian
borderlands into Niger in order to obtain a higher price.112 It was
estimated that in 1956-57, 12,000 tons of groundnuts moved across the
boundary from Katsina Province. The following season this trend was
reversed, and as a result of higher prices in Nigeria, an estimated
20,000 tons illegally crossed the boundary and were sold on the
Nigerian market.113

The instability and constant fluctuation of groundnut prices

was finally resolved by the government of both countries establishing

 

112Government of Nigeria, Annual Report on the Northern Provinces
1939, Lagos - Katsina Province (Lagos: Government Printer, 1940).

An attempt to ascertain the amount and persistance of this
movement by comparing the annual fluctuation of groundnuts sold in
the borderland districts proved futile. Statistics at the Provincial
level of the various districts had not been kept and more recent
statistics from the Groundnut Marketing Board were unobtainable.
As an indication of this movement the following information for the
District of Jibiya can be compared.

 

 

1947 1,885 tons of groundnuts for export
1948 1,752 tons of groundnuts for export
1950 279 tons of groundnuts for export

The low tonnage in 1950 was the result of high prices paid
in Niger, over £40 per ton compared with less than £20 per ton in
Nigeria. The flight of these groundnuts into Niger resulted in the
establishment of a police post to prevent the illicit trucking of
groundnuts into Niger. During the groundnut evacuation season two
Produce Inspection Officers were assigned to check on the movement
of groundnuts from Niger. Despite these precautions an attempt to
create a commercial barrier, this illicit movement persisted depending
upon the price differential on either side of the boundary. (See
Government of the Federation of Nigeria: National Archives, Kaduna

(no file number) ‘Jibiya Distric . )

113National Economic Council, Economic Survey of Nigeria 1959,
(Lagos: Federal Government Printer, 1959), p. 30.

 

a scheme t
to plantir
whereby 11'
government
differenti
POrtation
0f grOundr
farther SC

The
nuts into
Gazetted 1
in the NO:

lands. (c

h—

quality gr

155

a scheme that gnaranteed the farmer a fair price for his crop prior

to planting. In 1954, Nigeria established the Marketing Board,
whereby licensed buying agents were appointed and authorized by the
government to purchase cash crops at the guaranteed price, less a cost
differential based upon transportation costs. The fact that trans-
portation costs are deducted from the price meant that the growers

of groundnuts in the borderlands received less per ton than those
farther south.

The function of the Licensed Buying Agent is to bag the ground-
nuts into sacks weighing 175 pounds and transport them to the nearest
Gazetted Inspection Station. Kano is the largest Inspection Station
in the North, however, Katsina performs this function for the border-
lands. (See Figure 27.) The Gazetted Inspection Stations function
as a means of quality control to assure the overseas buyer that only
quality groundnuts will be exported.

This syStem has worked satisfactorily since its inception
despite certain irregularities and investigations into misplaced
funds. On years when the world price is above the price paid by the
Marketing Board the profits are divided between the government and
the Marketing Board. A fund is maintained by the Board and on years
when the world price slumps the farmer is still guaranteed the price
quoted by the Board at the beginning of the season through a subsidy
from the fund. The establishment of such a scheme has benefited the
farmer, maintained a high standard on produce being exported, and
eliminated the price differential between Nigeria and Niger. Shortly
after independence a similar organization was established in Niger.

In Niger, the Sociate Nigerienne de Commercialisation de l'Arachide

resp01-
ground

156

 

Figure 27

GAZETTED INSPECTION STATION KATSINA

Alraine Ltd. in Katsina functions as the inspection agent for
the Northern Nigerian Marketing Board. This agency is delegated the
responsibility of groundnut quality control and the storing of
groundnuts for transport to Kano.

 

(SONARA) was e
Marketing Boar
stabilized the
producers in l
SORWK since -
the major tow
Purchase of g
The result fC
COSts and an

Throu,
the borderla
of the Colon
features of
distribUtiOI
The establi:
the initial
to the pOPu

much C OnCe r

157

(SONARA) was established to achieve the same aims as the Nigerian
Marketing Board. The intervention of the State through SONARA
stabilized the price of groundnuts and guaranteed a fair price to
producers in Niger. In this scheme the old buyers were organized by
SONARA since they were experienced in the marketing procedures. All
the major towns within the bOrderlands became the focii for the
purchase of groundnuts where they were inspected prior to evacuation.
The result for Niger has been the reduction of marketing and export
costs and an increased price paid to the producer.

Throughout the period of colonial domination the economy of
the borderlands was gradually reorganized and became an integral part
of the colonial economy. Despite this economic reorganization many
features of the traditional economy remain, especially in the marketing,
distribution, and circulation of goods and money at the local level.
The establishment of cash crops in the borderlands did much to alleviate
the initial economic dislocation by bringing a source of cash income
to the population, although the majority of the people were still very
much concerned with the production of food crops for local consumption.

One of the principal effects of the European presence has been
the implementation of a new agriculture, particularly groundnuts, and
the creation of a marketing organization for exportation. European
cotton textiles ruined the traditional industry and to a degree brought
about the decline of the cultivation of cotton in the borderlands. The
extension of groundnuts has given the region the means to reorient
its economy.

The economic reorganization has also given renewed significance

to Katsina as a commercial center for the collection of groundnuts.

 

In Niger the
most success

emerged as t

From
emerEence of
boundary fUr
the extent c
function 8f]
numel‘OLls tr;
roads whEI‘e
been establj
by periodic
settlement,

sumrei 1 lance

lEVe 1 S :

the
At t}

boundary Wit

158
In Niger the borderland region between'Maradi-ZinderéMagaria has
most successfully adapted to the cultivation of groundnuts and has

emerged as the economic core area of the country.

Boundary Function

 

From the time of the demarcation of the boundary until the
emergence of Niger and Nigeria as independent States, the Niger-Nigeria
boundary functioned primarily in an administrative capacity to delimit
the extent of each powers colonial jurisdiction.‘ The boundary did not
function efficiently to inhibit the movement of peoples and goods since
numerous trails crossed the boundary. It was easy to avoid the main
roads where some control over the movement of goods and people had
been established. Despite early attempts to make the boundary functional
by periodic patrols that discouraged cross-boundary cultivation and
settlement, it proved to be an impossible task to provide constant
surveillance, and eventually the boundary came to function at two
levels: the local and the international level.

At the local level, people moved back and forth across the
boundary with little hindrance. This movement, especially on market
days, along the trails that led to the border market towns was
considerable. At the international level some control was exercised
over the mass movement of goods to and from.Niger. ‘The movement of
goods by truck was restricted to the highways that crossed the boundary
and consequently much easier to control by the local officials.

Despite a general lack of control during the colonial period
several attempts were made to make the boundary function as a barrier

to the movement of goods.

 

resulted in
in the most
customs head
Matemeye. T
duties on 31
Collecting a
leaving Nige
villages adj
Kandare, Tch
French to en
trails that
The c
The QOnSeqUe:
The Price of
in the rise ‘

the Vigilanc‘

plfictice to

159

Barrier to trade. The early prosperity of the borderlands

 

resulted in the decision by the French to establish a customs barrier
in the most populated region bordering Katsina Province. In 1913
customs headquarters were established in towns such as Maradi and
Matemeye. The customs officials were charged with the collection of
duties on all merchandise entering and leaving Niger. A network of
collecting and surveillance posts were established on the‘major roads
leaving Niger. Posts Were thus eStablished in small towns and
villages adjacent to the boundary such as Nielloua, Garin dan Sadao,
Kandare, Tchidoufaoua, and Garin Balarabe. It was forbidden by the
French to enter the subdivision of‘Maradi along any of the other minor
trails that crossed the boundary.114

The customs organized by the French proved to be premature.

The consequences and effects upon the local markets were disastrous.

The price of products augmented and surpassed those in Nigeria resulting
in the rise of the importance of Nigeria's borderland markets. Despite
the vigilance of customs, smuggling became a common and profitable
practice to the detriment of the honest merchants.

After five years of strict customs surveillance the French
abolished the policy, primarily because the cost of customs maintenance
was higher than the receipts from duties and tariffs. With the abolition
of this practice the traditional trade flow resumed and new patterns
of local trade emerged within the borderlands. The customs service
was later re-established by the French, however the surveillance was

not located at the boundary. Instead most of the important towns

 

114Dav1d, 92. gi_t., p. 123.

 

within the bc
of the town a
(See Figures
In con
to control th
government en
Checked by th
Stations Were
HOWever, in 1
erected at Ji
of gromdnuts
functioned to
to this time,

liQ‘uor, 138er

gOOdS smuggle.

 

160
within the borderlands established a customs office at the entrance
of the town and the flow of goods were controlled in this manner.
(See Figures 28 and 29.)

In contrast, the British did little during this early period
to control the flow of goods. ‘Most goods in transit from the French
government entered duty free and other imports and exports were
checked by the Native Authority at Katsina and Kano. No customs
stations were established on the boundary until after World War II.
However, in 1939 permanent buildings for Native Authority Police were
erected at Jibiya,‘Maiaduwa andejiwa to control the rising flight
of groundnuts due to price differentials.115 These-posts also
functioned to control the trade cattle moving from Niger. Prior
to this time, except for periodic checks at the markets for cigarettes,
liquor, perfume, cotton goods, and matches, which were the principle
goods smuggled in from Niger, there were very few cases of smuggling.
For example only nine cases of smuggling were reported in 1936 and
eleven cases in 1937.116 The few convictions of smuggling was indica-
tive of the open nature of the country and the difficulty of main-
taining surveillance.

It was not until after World War II that Nigeria took the ;
initiative and commenced to establishtéustoms stations on the major
roads at the point where they crossed the boundary. A customs station

was constructed on the JibiyaéMaradi road, at Kongolom on the Daura-

 

115Government of Nigeria, Annual Report on the Northern Provinces,
1940 (Katsina Province), (Lagos: Government Printer, 1940).

116Government of Nigeria, Annual Report on the Northern Provinces,
1936, 1937 (Katsina Province), (Lagos: Government Printer, 1936, 1937).

161

mu ouawwm

 

 

 

 

.29.. on“. awn
.5631 om. am. on o
4 30.2-2203: azfamoaou
a
.. 8.2...
\._ ......a...
9.0003... 0... 3. -.\.00.0.u0~
a...
oofiomfi ‘31."; 00. 0%0m :VIM.3V»010¢¢ 2
.\notao .30.. mats. _ 0:00.00. affine «20.1.0./ ..Ponll/ . . .\. ....— 8001:0000
\\ .0080 JE./OG.! etc-III... .320
...
r"

 

 

 

162

 

Figure 29

SASOUNBOUROUM CUSTOMS STATION

Customs control in Niger is located on the main roads at the
nearest town or village in Niger. Sasounbouroum is located approxi-
mately six miles from the actual boundary.

 

Matemeye-Zin
The establis
Province fac
from Niger,

flow after w
control, aCh
this cognate

not curtaile

the damarcat
nature of th
boundary by
between trad
France and B
negotiation
traditional

evolution t1:

163
Matemeye-Zinder road and a temporary station on the Zango-Zinder road.
The establishment of these control points along the boundary of Katsina
Province facilitated the flow of export products, primarily groundnuts
from Niger, in transit through Nigeria. The rapid expansion of this
flow after World War II necessitated a more efficient method. of
control, achieved through control points at the boundary. Despite
this commercial function of the boundary the local regional flow was

not curtailed to any great extent.

gignificance of dislocation. The degree of stress created by
the demarcation of the Niger-Nigeria boundary has been minimal. The
nature of the boundary, that is, the criteria used in defining the
boundary by the colonial powers, were the frontiers of separation
between traditional rivals. The final decision and demarcation by
France and Britain was arrived at following more than 14 years of
negotiation and the delimitation of two prior boundaries that divided
traditional territories. However, during this early period of boundary
evolution the European control of the borderlands was not complete.

The demarcation of the boundary in an uninhabited zone resulted
in the boundary being classified genetically as antecedent. The
present-day appearance of superimposition is the result of early
migrations from the north and the settling in the uninhabited borderlands.

The principal function of the boundary has been to separate
two colonial administrations and did little to inhibit spatial inter-
action at the local level. The resulting differential modernization
between Niger and Nigeria, with the greater availability of products
on the local market in Nigeria, has done much to encourage a movement

that did not exist prior to the demarcation of the boundary.

 

Since
function; and
boundary is t'
the boundary
the boundary
resulted with

The bo
Colonies and
development c
as the mOden
°°ntributed
has accepted
imPOSed Patt
p but met Obli
patterns hax

being deve 1‘

164

Since the boundary has had a single rather than a multiple
function; and since the homogeneity of population adjacent to the
boundary is the result of voluntary migrations, the demarcation of
the boundary has created a minimum of stress. Through adjustment to
the boundary the creation of new patterns of trade and circulation
resulted within the borderlands.

The borderlands have each been integrated into their respective
colonies and new colonial patterns emerged as the result of the
development of a colonial economy. The Niger borderlands have developed
as the modern economic core of Niger and the Katsina borderlands have
contributed significantly to the economy of Northern Nigeria. Each
has accepted its new focus and political allegiance developing new
imposed patterns of movement and circulation that have diminished,
but not obliterated, the traditional pre-colonial patterns. These
patterns have set the stage upon which the contemporary patterns are

being developed by the new emerging States of Nigeria and Niger.

 

The e;
reSuited in a
boundary and
recognition
the local 1e
daily liVes-
the Colonial
ficultieS t1-

development

CHAPTER VI

KATSINAéMARADI-ZINDER BORDERLANDS:

CONTEMPORARY PATTERNS

The emergence of Niger and Nigeria as independent States has
resulted in a functional change from a colonial to an international
boundary and the consensus, at least at the national level of the
recognition of the boundary demarcated by the colonial powers. At
the local level the boundary still exerts little influence in the
daily lives.of the inhabitants and the patterns that emerged during
the colonial period have become more firmly entrenched. The dif-
ficulties that arise for Niger as a landlocked state with the problem
of access to the sea have also become criticaluissues for the economic

development of Niger.

CHANGING FUNCTION OF THE BOUNDARY

Establishment of Customs Control

 

One of the important changes in Nigeria has been the transfer
of boundary surveillance and the maintenance of customs offices from
the Native Authority police to the Federal Customs Service. The
transfer of authority at Jibiya and Kongolom took place in 1960 and
the following year Zango and Babban Mutum (Kano Province) were staffed

by Federal Officials.1 (See Figures 30 and 31.)

 

1Government of Northern Nigeria, Provincial Annual Reports 1969,

 

(Kaduna: Government Printer, 1961), p. 89.

165

 

fin.
m

establ

 

166

 

Figure 30
KONGOLOM CUSTOMS STATION

Typical construction for the permanent customs stations
established at the boundary by Nigeria.

 

Figure 31

BOUNDARY BARRICADE AT KONGOLOM

Note warning to "Keep Left" upon entering Nigeria. This
warning is written in English, French and Hausa.

 

 

Except

   
   
  

customs statio
permanent cust
and Illela in
temporary cont

along the rem

from Nguru, ca

 

 

 

 

 

167

Except for these customs stations only Kamba had a permanent
customs station controlling the movement from Niger; however, in 1968
permanent customs stations were scheduled to be opened at Kaingwa
and Illela in Sokoto Province, and Maigatari in Kano Province where
temporary control points had been established. East of‘Maigatari
along the remainder of the boundary which passes through the relatively
sparsely populated region of Bornu, no permanent customs stations have
been established and only control points are maintained under the
jurisdiction of the Native Authority police that patrol the borderlands

from Nguru, Gashua, Geibam, Damasak and Y0. (See Figure 32.)

Effectiveness of Boundarngontrol

 

The establishment of a Federal Customs Service at the boundary
was intended to make the boundary function more effectively as a
barrier to the movement of goods and people. Attempts to create a
barrier have been greatly hindered by the open nature of the country
and despite a more efficient staff, the boundary still functions at
the two levels previously discussed. This condition will continue
until adequate staff is available to patrol the roads and trails that
cross the boundary.

In an attempt to reduce the clandestine trade from Niger the
customs staff frequently patrols the nearby markets and despite an
increased number of arrests for smuggling little change in the function
and enforcement of the boundary as a commercial barrier has occurred}
In fact, patterns that emerged during the colonial period have become
more firmly entrenched.

In contrast to Nigeria, Niger continues to control the boundary

168

an ousw.m

      

 

an E3. 8. o... ...}... ..:... . ..:... .....au 0
D P

L1 00.33.005.50. 10.002; 0
5.30.: $20.30 aziuwauOn ......tis...

 

.11 q a
..:—can amp 8w 0... o

 

 

 

g? 0 \
..0-00.0.2009:ka m 80\
\ ..l . is: \
\ 0 i.’ M. )o
.i\ z, e
.I 0.050 \

 

 

 

169

from towns closest to the boundary. No control point has been
established at the boundary and consequently customs control remains
inefficient and constitutes a considerable loss of revenue to a
country already impoverished by its physical conditions and landlocked
position. One report estimated that 50 per cent of the livestock
exported and 40 per cent of the Maradi goat skins exported to Nigeria
avoided payment of duty.2

The illicit movement of goods to Nigeria is not confined to
individuals and an investigation revealadtthat a large portion of the
smuggling has been undertaken by semi-administrative organizations
such as Copro-Niger, which in 1966 avoided payment of duty on 608 tons
of fresh meat destined for Nigeria, a loss of at least $5,000 to the
government.3

Since independence, despite attempts by both governments to
make the boundary more functional in the commercial sense, the amount
of clandestine trade shows the ineffectiveness of customs control.
In one way the control of Nigeria transit export- goods is closely and

efficiently controlled by Nigeria customs, however the local cross

boundary movement is largely uncontrollable and continues unhindered.

Survey of Cross-Boundary Movement

The most important cross-boundary movements that take place

 

2Bastien (Monsieur), Rapport sur le Fonctionnement de Service
des Douanes de la République du Niger 1967 (Paris: Secretariat dTEtat
aux Affaires YEtrangéres Charge de la Coopération, Centre de Documentation,
1967), p. 18.

The ease with which livestock on the hoof can be exported is
illustrated in Figure 33, showing the movement of a Fulani herd from
Niger to Nigeria at the precise location of the boundary.

 

31bid.

170

 

Figure 33

FULANI PASSING FROM NIGER INTO NIGERIA

This shows a Fulani herdsman crossing the international
boundary. The line of trees is the approximate location of the
boundary and were planted by villagers to demarcate the boundary.

 

represent t
internation
and confine
the major t
movement fr
railheads 1
t0 the boun
Since goods
contrOiled
A550
is a mOveme.
tmcks and 1
involved in
t0 toVns am

171
represent the two levels at which the boundary functions. At the
international level the vehicular movement is carefully controlled
and confined to the major roads that cross the boundary and connect
the major towns of the Niger borderlands with Kano. ‘Most of this
movement from Niger is focussed upon Kano despite the fact that
railheads in Nigeria at Kaura Namoda and Nguru are located much closer
to the boundary. The reason for this is primarily administrative
since goods in transit to and from Niger can be more efficiently
controlled in Kano.

Associated with the considerable amount of vehicular movement
is a movement of population that cross the boundary aboard the loaded
trucks and mammy wagons. Normally most of these people are not
involved in the local borderland commercial movement but are destined
to towns and cities within and beyond the borderlands for reasons
other than commerce.

‘" At the local level the weekly cross boundary movement of
individuals going to market by way of the numerous trails and roads
that cross the boundary represents the largest population movement
from one country to the other. This movement is uncontrolled and
involves thousands of people every week. These migrations were surveyed
and tabulated in order to assess the degree and magnitude of this
movement within the borderlands. Although the surveys have limitations
and represent only a small sample, they do reveal not only the magnitude
but also the salient reasons for the movement, and demonstrate the

close inter-relationship and spatial interaction of the borderlands.

Vehicular movement. A survey of vehicles passing the Nigerian

 

172
customs stations at Jibiya, Kongolom and Zango reveals the magnitude
and seasonal nature of the movement. The busiest period of vehicular
movement is from November to April when the exporting of groundnuts
from Niger is at a peak. At Zango, for example, approximately 98
per cent of the total truck movement during the month of January 1968
carried groundnuts. Similarly, 72 per cent of the truck movement at
Kongolom and 5 percent at Jibiya were carrying groundnuts for the
same period. The low percentage at Jibiya is explained in part by
the emphasis on the movement of groundnut oil and cake through Jibiya
and also by the fact that much of the groundnut production in the
Maradi region is exported west through Dahomey.

The vehicular movement for July 1967 and January 1968 is
summarized in Tables 4, 5, 6, and 7. The seasonal nature of the
movement is most representative in comparing the July and January
movement at Zango. In July 1967 only 10 vehicles were reported passing
Zango Customs Station, whereas in January 1968, 1,114 vehicles moved
from Niger into Nigeria. The reason for this difference is twofold;
first, the dependence on groundnuts for the maintenance of vehicular
flow, and second, the condition of the unpaved highway between Zango
and Daura which makes passage virtually impossible during the wet:
season.

At Kongolom the wet season vehicular movement does not decrease
as dramatically since the transportation of other products becomes
important. The principle goods transported in July 1967 from Niger
and passing Kongolom were beans that were being exported for consumption
on the local Nigerian market. The vehicular flow at Jibiya does not

significantly decrease since the year round production of groundnut

cm 00 MN 90 Honuo

173

 

 

 

 

u <2 a <2 u on muowaommmm
u u m o NN we Hawam
NH u 0 m m m uHom
NH H N NH N m adoHouuom
mm N we mm d o muoommm HmGOmuom
mm N d m N0 5 Nu human
- owuoo
on m Nm on so NH. «Humwaz
on m we mHH 0m Ho Hosz
coHumuumwwom oHoHno>
Be P em E e... ml. .38
on m mH mN 0H on you
n u oH mH N m commzw>aamz
NH H w «H m 0H 003006
mm N on mNH on ONH xoaua
mama 0HOH50>
0:00 mom moHoHno> 0:00 pom moHoH£0> usoo pom moHoH£0>
mo Honesz mo noneoz mo Honadz
owamN BoHomcoM MNHAHH

 

hem. s.:m
$qu 2. 3%.on
azmzmsoz_mgonm>

q mHQMH

174

.maoHu0uomEoo 0.Hosu:< "0ouaom

 

 

NH
om

mm

lNlMt—i
QNI
ON

N o
HwH Hm

OHHr-‘l

HNw—lI—lNI-i
...;

mmH

0fiu0w0z
afiousoeadom0m
0:00mm0H

H010HN

000H 009
0000002

H0000:

coau0sHum0a wo GBOH

won

ouoxom
000o0n0M
ae0n0n

00009

00Hmu0M

000M

000000009 mo 0309

 

0000 00m

mm.o.ea> sumo
mo 00:802

 

mwc0N

Mom

m0HoHS0> 0000 00m
mo u0nadz

 

mmHOHno>
mo nonaoz

 

BoHowsoM

Ac0=GHusooV 0 0HQOH

mm.n.n

175

 

 

 

 

 

 

. - - H N m 00000

I <2 n <2 n 05H 000000000m

u n H N I s 00H

om m NH mm NN mm 20080

oH H mm mm m m 0000000 H000000m

u . m0 «0 u n 00000

- - - - .N on 00o uaaeaaouo

u u u u 00 H0 0300 000000000

. u H N m n 0000000000
00000

n u I u u u 00000

- - mN mm 00 .OH 0.00002

ooH oH mm cmH on 00 00002
000000000002 0H0000>

00 :0 pol. 00 00 mm :5

0H H m mH m HH 000

I u MN m0 HH 0H 00003128802

oh N e m NN Hm 00x00a

0N N 00 omH No 50 2000H
0028 0H0000>

0000 00m 00H0000> 0000 00m 00H0000> 0000 00m 00H0000>
mo 000802 mo 000802 mo 000802
ow00N 80Hom002 020000
0ss0 0.90

<HMMUHZ OB MNUHZ
Bzmzw>oz MHUHmm>

m 0H£0H

 

.000000H00800 0.000000 "000000

 

 

176

I I I m I I 7 03000002
I I I I I H 0000002
00000
H0 0000000

00H 0H 00 How 00 NNH 0002
00000000000 00 0309

I
I
I
I
n 0'
\O

I I I I 8000000800000

0000002

00000009

000000

I 0 000002
H

0N
om

I
INN
II
NN
I I
II

on

Iln
O‘
O‘

IN
0
N

I
I

000H 000

I I I I mm 00H 000002“
000000000 00 0308

 

0:00 umm 00H00£0> 0000 00m 00H00£0> 0000 00m 00H0000>
00 000002 00 000002 0 00o 000002
.11 00H000om 0 000
owcmm

 

\ IIIII3003J/ n 949““.

177

 

 

 

 

 

 

n H N m n u umnuo
u ¢z n <2 n HHN muuwaommmm
. - a ma - H «anon
u n u u ¢N mu comm aouuoo
a u u s 0N «m age unavasouo
u u u n ma NN «Mao unavabouo
mm Hmoafl um um u n muaacnaouu
. a mm mm c m muommmm aquamuom
N «N NH mm ¢~ , mu mugam
owuuu
u u u u N m Hague
oq m¢¢ mH mm mq om mauowwz
om moo mm HRH me an nowfiz
nowuuuumwwmm maugnm>
o .2: q: J E Mpm BM MNIH H32...
m.H ma 5H mm hm mm umo
u n NH mm NH Hm aowmzimaamz.
m. o 0 Ha on «N uoxawh
3 30“ H 8 NE mm 3 x8:
mama usuasob
uaou Hum mmaowsm> J. uawo Hum mmaowno> ucmo Hum moaownm>
mo nonanz mo umnauz mo umaasz
[mMWdN aoHowaoM ahwnwh

 

 

mama huaaawn
<Hmmon oa_mmqu
92m2m>ozwmnonm>

.mcowuuHHgaoo m.uonua< "muuaom

 

 

178

 

 

 

 

a n n u N m Hmnuo
.. H u n .. u ommamumz
n H n u n a wnoucmu
u q u u u u Buousona:0mwm
u N u n u H manna
- .. - H - H £33
a u u a N m maHmumM
ma moHaH m.mm NON om mHH camM
GOHuGcHummn mo nabs
u H a u n u wsuuaqm
u N u u u u whosoumz
m. o n n u n owon
N NN n n n n wwwcsn
N mm a u u 1 mvcdm
hm ooH n .u u n cums awn
mH nHN n n u u uzmaw
mN HwN u n n 1 Edouaonabommm
mm own 1 a u n Manama:
m. m 00H mON u I HavaHN
u u u u u H hmaqu
- - - - mo HNH 33m:
ansuummmn mo £308
uflmo Hmm mmfiow£w> quU Hum mmHoH£o> uflmo HonH mOHOHHHmlw
a: mo Honanz m0 909852
MC Hmn *2 gflowd—OM “uhfinfiha
Hang

 

 

AwmscHusOUV o oHan

179

 

 

 

 

u u u u - N umnuo
u m u 1 n u «yawn
n m u u u H owaaN
.. H - - - H 935:.
u a u H m m waHmuqu
mm Nom mm omH mm NNH OGQM
wunuummoa we sang
H N NH ON mH mN pasuo
. ¢z u <z u #NN mumwcmwmwm
u H m «H u: H aanouumm
N nH N o o N unm
u H an Hm m m muommmm HuGOmuom
Nm wwm m¢ co mo Nm human
ownao
3 cam on .3 8 «m «HummHz
mm «mm 2 mHH S Hm .332
GOHuwuumemM mHoH£o>
F E E E E 5 33..
u m mH mN «N mm umo
- .. 2 mu 2 ON cowmséfiumz
. H mH 0N «H mH noxawa
mm mom Nm om oq No Josue
09%8 mHuHam>
acmo umm mmHoHno> ucmo umm mmHoHnm> ucmo Hum mmHoHnm> 4
mo umnasz mo “098:2 mo Honasz
owcmm aoHowcoM mNHnHH

 

womH zumaamh

mmez OH <Hmmon
92m2m>ozmeonm>

H mHnaH

.maOHudHHmaoo m.uonu=¢ "monsom

 

 

180

 

 

 

 

N mH n u u u mmwann
NH qHH n u n a mhmsm,
H HH .n n u u «wean
N wH u n n u cake awn
om NNN u a a u anomaon850mMm
Nm oN¢ u a n u «Hummus
n N ooH NmH u u nmvnHN
u u n u u H ummH can
- - - - - N Nun—«Hz
.. a .. n ma mmH Henna:
GOHuwfiHumon m0 :309
Juamo Ham mmHoH£o> ufioo Ham mmH0H5m> uaoo Hum mmHOHno>
m a: mo umnasz mo nonauz
mo u n z abHowcoM wthHn
owamN kll‘

 

 

AwoacHunoov N mHan

181

oil and cake at Maradi maintains the vehicular movement along the

all weather road to Kano.

Another relevant detail emerging from the data at Jibiya and
Kongolom is the predominantly two way departure-destination flow.
For example, of those vehicles passing Jibiya and entering Nigeria,
99 per cent departed from Maradi and 96 per cent were desinted for

Kano. This trend is reversed in the outward movement from Nigeria,

where 91 per cent departed from Kano and 99 per cent were destined

for Maradi. The figures are even more impressive through Kongolom

where the entire recorded movement is between Zinder and Kano.

By contrast, the movement through Zango is much more diversified.
The destination of the flow from Niger into Nigeria is 99 per cent
for Kano, however the points of departure are more dispersed.

Approximately 35 per cent left from Magaria, 25 per cent from Sasoum-

bouroum, and 19 per cent from Kwaya. On returning to Niger 52 per cent

were destined for Magaria and 30 per cent for Sasoumbouroum, whereas

the point of departure for 99 per cent of the vehicles was Kano.

(See Figures 34 and 35.)

An analysis of the flow from Nigeria into Niger reveals that

roughly 70 per cent of the trucks return empty, compared with 97 per

cent at Zango. There is a alight discrepancy at Kongolom where the

recording of personal effects is so high. This discrepancy is perhaps

used on the customs officials' interpretation of "personal effects"

rhere a truck may be returning empty with a few passengers who are

:arrying personal belongings. Such an interpretation would raise

,ven higher the percentage of trucks returning empty. This one way

low of goods certainly increases transportation costs and leaves

182

 

.Zinder

    
  
 

. Maradi

VEHICULAR FLOW

NIGER Io NIGERIA
JANUARY I968

‘Kano

 

 

 

   

H
'Zinder
.0
\ Dungass
._ A ,
IEHICULAR FLOW
5

“GE RIA Io NIGER 1:0
ANUARYN ‘968 ZOOVQhICIes

.
3 12 22 2 2 39"” DJT
_

 

Figure 34

 

183

Zinder

    

VEHICUI. AR FLOW

NIGER Io NIGERIA
JULY I967

 

 

    

 

VEHICULAR FLOW
NIGERIA Io NIGER

JULY I967

200Vehicles

  
    
   

0 IO 20 3O 40 50ml
l A l A l l I 4

   

 

Figure 35

184
Niger in a very unenviable position. The few transporters that do
return with goods usually carry salt or sugar and occasionally a
tanker is sent empty from Niger and returns with petroleum.

The movement of vehicles from.Magaria, Dungass and Dan Tyao
through Zango may be regarded as rather anomalous. Magaria is located
just 12 miles north of Babban Mutum, a Nigerian customs control station
on the boundary. Instead of moving directly south the majority of
truck movement from'Magaria and points east travel the more circuitous
route to Zango. While this route is 35 miles longer, oncecDaura is
reached the road to Kano is paved. By contrast, the road between
Magaria and Kano, by way of Babban Mutum, is entirely made of laterite

and is in poor condition.

Random survey of cross-boundary movement. One of the noticeable

 

features related to the vehicular movement is the number of passengers
that are carried by the transporters. Despite a full load of ground-
nuts or other products, nearly every truck that crosses the boundary
carries passengers. (See Figure 36.) However only the customs station
at Jibiya recorded the number of passengers. Obviously these passengers,
who move back and forth across the boundary by this means, are not part
of the local market movement that occurs on market days within the
borderlands. In order to ascertain the reason for (rather than the
magnitude) of this flow of people the author was able to solicit the
assistance of customs officials at Zango and Kongolom to undertake a
survey of people crossing the boundary on days other than local market
days. (For the results of this survey see Appendix F.)

Individuals passing the customs station either as passengers

185

 

Figure 36

GROUNDNUT MOVEMENT FROM NIGER

Along with the movement of goods, each truck usually carries
passengers. The above picture illustrates this point and was taken
at Zango Customs Station in Nigeria. Note the number of passengers
seated atop the groundnuts.

186
on the trucks or on foot were questioned as to where they were from,
where they were going, the reasons for leaving either Niger or Nigeria,
and the duration of their stay. While the sample was small and the
duration of the survey lasted only one month some interesting obser-
vations and conclusions can be drawn.

In the first place, a greater number of Nigeriennes visited
Nigeria than Nigerians visited Niger. The ratio was approximately
3 to l in favor of the Nigeriennes visiting Nigeria at both Kongolom
and Zango. The reasons for visiting either Niger or Nigeria were
basically the same, despite the greater flow from Niger.

Trading was the most important reason for cross-boundary
movement from Niger to Nigeria with 44 per cent of those interviewed'
at Kongolom indicating this as the principal reason, the majority
desinted for Kano. Similarly Nigerians visiting Niger responded
60 per cent as going to Niger, primarily Zinder, to trade.

By contrast? the station at Zango indicated that of those
passing from Niger into Nigeria, 45 per cent were planning to visit
relatives. Approximately 9 per cent were visiting Nigeria to attend
a relatives wedding and 2 per cent to attend a funeral.

At Zango, 28 per cent of the movement involved traders visiting
Nigerian markets, primarily Kano, to purchase foodstuffs or sell
livestock. (See Appendix F.) For those seeking work in Nigeria,

9 per cent passed through Zango compared to 11 per cent at Kongolom.

This movement is part of the masu cin rani, an annual migration that

 

takes place throughout Hausaland during the dry season. Undoubtedly
if the survey had been taken earlier in the dry season the movement

would have been considerably greater.

.187

Prior to the survey, it had been assumed that the dominant
reasons would have involved visiting relatives, trading or seeking
employment. Among the additional reasons cited for crossing the
boundary, were Nigerienne students attending Koranic school in Daura,
or other Nigerian towns, and Nigerian students attending Koranic
school in either Magaria or Sabuwa.

Another feature of the cross-boundary traffic was the number
of people who journeyed from Niger into Kano, Nigeria, in order to
repair radios, bicycles and other commodities. This gives some
indication of the importance of Kano as a service center whose hinter-
land extends beyond the boundary to perform functions and services
that cannot be obtained elsewhere.

One other movement that should be mentioned is the transit
movement between towns of Niger via the Nigerian borderlands. The
lack of communications and the poor conditions of the road has resulted
in a transit movement between Matemeye and Sasounbouroum or Magaria in
Niger, through Nigeria by way of Kongolom, Daura and Zango. This is
most certainly a more circuitous route; however, the condition of the
road facilitates travel and it is frequently used.

Although this cross boundary movement is considerable and is
accomplished with relatively little control, it is the local commercial
movement that is of the greatest magnitude. In order to ascertain how
much movement occurred on borderland market days a survey of the local
cross-boundary movement was undertaken. The magnitude and significance
of this movement isperhaps best understood by a consideration of the

system of Hausa periodic markets that prevail within the borderlands.

188

BORDERLAND COMMERCIAL ACTIVITY

The Hausa have gained a reputation as itinerant traders through-
out West Africa and this reputation can be traced to the system of
periodic markets that flourish throughout Hausaland. Trading is a
way of life and virtually all the rural population becomes involved
in the marketing system to such a degree that the market or kasuwa
has become an institution throughout Hausaland.

Within the system of markets that proliferate throughout the
region there is a definite hierarchy of market centers each similar
in form and performing similar functions within their tributary area.
The borderland markets perform a special function because of their
location on the fringe of differing monetary, economic, and adminis-
trative systems. The location of these markets, especially in Nigeria,
produces a considerable cross-boundary movement of population on
market days and consequently exerts considerable influence in the

southern cantons of Niger.

Form and Function of Hausa Markets

 

It is in the form and function of the market system that much
of traditional Hausa culture can be observed. Basically the form
and function of all Hausa markets are the same and have changed very
little despite the colonial experience. Usually the kasuwa is located
in an open area on the outskirts of the town or village. In some
instances in the larger traditional birnis such as Katsina, the kasuwa
is located within the city itself.

To the casual observer the market would appear to be disorganized

and chaotic; however, upon close examination a degree of order in the

189
arrangement of goods for sale is evident. Usually the center of the
kasuwa is made up of a number of mud-baked stalls (in some instances
these have been replaced with cement) covered by either straw matting
or corrugated iron for shade. Beyond the stalls other traders lay
their goods on straw mats. The order and arrangement is evident in
the fact that traders selling similar products congregate within a
specific area. Improvements in market facilities have been undertaken
by both the colonial and present-day government with the construction
of additional stalls, concrete slaughter houses, and the planting of
shade trees.4 (See Figure 37.)

The primary function of the kasuwa is obviously commerce, but
in most cases the market is not conducted every day. Throughout most
of Hausaland the market operates on a weekly cycle, thus for only one
or perhaps two days each week the market is open and functioning in a
commercial capacity. In some of the larger urban agglomerations a
small market functions daily selling primarily foodstuffs and is
known as a duriya.

Not every settlement has a kasuwa and consequently a market
organized in one village will attract buyers and sellers from a
tributary area that includes villages not functioning as central
places for commercial activities. The commercial transactions are
undertaken according to a weekly cycle such that the market day of each
village that does have a kasuwa will not conflict with its nearest
neighbor. ‘The object and purpose of this is twofold:' first, so that

the two neighbors will not be competing against each other; and

 

4Guy Nicolas, Etude de Marché en Pays Hausa, Documents
Ethnographique: (Republique de Niger), Mimeographed 1964, p. 21.

 

190

 

Figure 37

JIBIYA MARKET

One of the largest borderland markets, Jibiya attracts a
considerable number of people to its weekly market. The scene is
typical of the many Hausa markets that dot the landscape.

191
second, to allow the itinerant traders to move from one market to
another in an uninterrupted cycle. (Figure 38 shows the cycle and
market days of some of the more important markets within the borderlands.)

In the past the markets were more numerous. Better communications
and the establishment of new communication networks brought about the
demise of many of the smaller markets and the development and growth
in importance of others. ‘Most markets are spaced a distance of
approximately 8 miles (12 kilometres) from their neighbor, varying
according to the density of the population in the region.

Each market is a node or focal point for local commerce and
becomes a central place dominating a tributary area and providing a
place for farmers and merchants to gather to buy and sell their
products. In general the villages with a kasuwa are more important
and their significance is increased with the existance of a local
market. However, it cannot be assumed that inhabitants living within
the tributary area of one market will trade exclusively at that market.
In addition to the primary function of Hausa markets, the kasuwa
performs a secondary function and market day plays an important role
in the social life of the people. It is a day of rest from.everyday
labors and provides an opportunity to meet with relatives, to make new
acquaintances and in general is an important social occasion. Because
of the social function of the kasuwa many people prefer markets other
than the kasuwa in their own or neighboring towns. ‘Many people
undertake several days' journey in order to partake of this secondary
function.

Within the system of markets in Hausaland and specifically

within the borderlands there is a definite hierarchy of markets,

192

mm ousmHm

 

 

 

 

I‘
an 88. ‘
.50M 0.. 01». m« .... w
- 530:5; 230‘.
z :20 3.: 2.. .333! 0
7.2.5! .0303
...:o 1.8: 2.. 3.35! '
1.2.5: :5.
.....o E: 2: .o :35! ‘
away—«<2 ...z (5.0..2.
/. $de $oz<2uo¢0a 5.20.: -30.:
I ox
103.“. .
h 5w}! I ~ /
\ I I I (I c I Afmv o
Agata? ./oaco~. o 3.32; A3253 . \ .I .
A any... 33002" 301t$.l.hl.v a nanwshoflgu Angonrcv Aha-103v u>3_m\ /.
““30 nt Bag-onEROmx I . .23. Efiu . \ .. /.
.. IA lllllllll o / fi>01§mv . . \. , .. /.
f . 61:30:. o . . . .\ . . o . .. I
A tive. 193—V». Moi-{Mm gay ..aozox \ . \ . can .0 Q0135 ./
K a/ o I Aimhmv ... \ o ... is: a, o
H. / ..fl . .\ . “Wu! I
a. I” s\ > 2 gnu-Cw»
«>038?ch ,/ . mauflub “ .
090.. 32:... .Iann--- -------.,--..mmm.w§.
... .mfuuz. 8883 - .. - ..
I. ...
./ A>015mwxs .
$353.4. -..”..wfia.---------------w.25m.uH.
.35 I - \

 

193
defined in terms of the size of the market and extent of its tributary
area. In the borderlands four classes of markets can be observed:
those of the First Order (City Markets), Second Order (Border Markets),
Third Order (Route Markets), and markets of the Fourth Order (Bush

Markets).

Markets of the First Order (City Markets). Within and just

 

beyond the borderlands are a number of market cities whose tributary
area extends over a vast area. These cities form nodes for trans-
portation networks and function as important centers in the import
and export trade of both southern Niger and Northern Nigeria. In
these cities European commercial establishments are to be found
and stores or canteens provide a variety of European goods, especially
foodstuffs.
Most of these markets of the First Order are the traditional
caravan cities and political capitals that have adjusted to the
colonial economy and still continue to exert considerable influence.
Such cities as Kano, Katsina, Daura, Zinder and Maradi fall into this
category. Although Kano falls outside the.border1ands as defined in
this study, the influence of Kano upon the entire area places it
within a category by itself. Many traders from other First Order markets
go to Kano in order to purchase supplies, such as traders in Zinder who
rely upon Kano for many products. In addition, Kano forms a focal point
for exports from the borderland and redistribution center for imports.
The other city markets located in the borderlands perform
similar functions but on a smaller scale. Whereas Kano market operates
daily, the borderland city markets of Maradi, Katsina, and Zinder

operate on a two days a week cycle, however each has a small daily

194
duriya. In addition these markets also function as regional collecting
points for cash crops for export as well as centers for redistribution
of a variety of manufactured goods that percolate onto the local

markets.

Markets of the Second Order (Border Markets). The markets of

 

the Second Order are those markets that are located on the fringe of
the two opposing political and economic systems and exert an influence
such that they attract a considerable cross-boundary movement. Within
the area under investigation, the border markets of Nigeria exert a
greater attraction than those in Niger. Two border markets that have
risen to prominence on the basis of their location close to the
boundary are Jibiya and‘Maiaduwa; although Dankama performs a similar
function it is considerably smaller and does not attract as significant
a cross‘boundary movement.

The cattle routes from Niger converge at Jibiya and Maiaduwa
and these markets form points of attraction for those in Niger desiring
to sell cattle. As a result of this situation pastoralists purchase
supplies at the market where they sell their cattle thereby diminishing
the importance and significance of local Niger markets. To sell in
Niger means a loss in buying power since goods are more expensive.

At the same time this represents a considerable loss to the local
economy of an already impoverished Niger.

Both Jibiya and Maiaduwa have easy access to the larger city
markets and can be regarded as satellite markets. The influence of
these markets is considerable for they detract and diminish the
importance of larger market towns of southern Niger, especially

Maradi, Matemeye and even Zinder.

195

‘Markets of the Third Order (Route Markets). These markets are

 

located on the main highways between the city and border markets. They
are intermediary satellite markets of primary local significance.

The traders that frequent these markets get their supplies from the
city and border markets. These markets also provide an outlet for
local produce.

Many of these route markets can be identified. (See Figure 38.)
On the main highway between Katsina and Jibiya, Daddara is a market
that operates on a two day a week cycle, every Tuesday and Friday,
and specializes in the production of pottery. Between Jibiya and
'Maradi several route markets can be identified on the two roads that
cross the boundary. On the old unsurfaced road‘Maradarunfa meets on
Thursday and Jeratawa on Saturday; on the paved Dan Issa road market
convenes every Wednesday. It is along these highways that traders
pass on a weekly cycle travelling from one market to the next and
frequently, if not every week, crossing into Nigeria for Sunday
market day at Jibiya.

To the east between Maiaduwa and Zinder several route markets
such as‘Matemeye, Kantché and Takiéta can be identified along the
principal line of communication. Matemeye holds its market day on
Fridays and is the nearest competitor for the Nigerian border market
of Maiaduwa. Matemeye is located 22 miles (30 kilometres) from.the
boundary and its influence to the south of the canton of Kantché has
been greatly diminished by the presence of Maiaduwa. 'Matemeye is
also the closest customs control point in Niger on the Daura-Zinder

road.

196

Markets of the Fourth Order (Bush Markets). Located away from

 

the main transportation networks are the local bush markets, or markets
that function as an outlet for locally produced products within a
limited tributary area. The small village bush markets exert a great
deal of autonomy and are often situated in regions where certain
products are more abundant and less expensive. For this reason
traders are often attracted to these out of the way markets to buy ‘
the local produce for resale on the larger markets.

Despite the number of these bush markets the local people
nevertheless conduct minor commercial activities on the small local
markets and reserve the more important buying and selling for their

periodic visits to the larger markets.

Influence of the Boundary

 

The influence of the boundary on local commerce today, as
during the colonial period, is minimal. The demarcated boundary
represents the dg jugs territorial limits of two sovereign States and
it should also be the limit of two opposing economic systems, one
oriented to the franc zone and the other toward the sterling zone.
However, as has been mentioned, the local Nigerian border markets,
especially Jibiya and Maiaduwa, are prosperous and exert a considerable
influence beynnd the boundary attracting many merchants and buyers
from Niger.

The use of Nigerian currency extends beyond the dg.jgrg
territorial limits and diminishes gradually as one goes farther from
the boundary. The dg'faggg‘boundary based upon the use of Nigerian
currency extends well into the Niger borderlands. A line drawn just

south of‘Maradi, Gazaoua,‘Matemeye, and Magaria, indicates the region

197

of the borderlands where Nigerian currency exerts considerable, and
in some instances greater, influence than the franc CFA. (See Figure 39.)
Despite the illegality of carrying Nigerian currency beyond the
boundary, within the area immediately adjacent to the boundary
Nigerian currency is the principal medium of exchange. Even beyond
the line drawn Nigerian currency is accepted in the city and route
markets.

The reasons for the prevalence of Nigerian currency within this
zone are twofold. First, it is an indication of the attraction of
the Nigerian border markets. Since many Niger borderland inhabitants
journey to Jibiya and'Maiaduwa to buy provisions, frequently the rural
farmer traders will refuse to sell their produce for anything but
Nigerian currency. Second, the exchange rate is to the advantage
of Nigerian currency and anyone purchasing goods in the Nigerian border
markets with franc CFA takes a considerable loss, not only in the
exchange rate but also in the purchasing power. It is for this reason
that there is hesitancy to accept franc CFA even within the Niger
borderlands that are influenced by the Nigerian border markets. As
a result it is not uncommon for traders to refuse to sell for Niger
currency in Niger for fear of losing on the NigerianiMarket.5

Since much that is sold on the local markets of Niger comes
from.Nigeria, the price is augmented by additional middlemen costs and
payment of customs duties. Because customs officers in Niger are
located in the principal borderland market towns it is often difficult

for the trader to evade payment on dutiable items from Nigeria. These

 

5Ibid., p. 88.

198

an ouawHa

 

 

a 1
.58 CC on

 

ism

 

J a d

a 2 93:23 25:92 ..0 32312. ......3....:m

N.- 10.05330

- $953332. «no.2 53:...

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

052 . ..
\\ fiaaxx .294
a.)
.... wwwwwww Mama.
sagas _ .unnuunuunmuuuuunuunnuuuuunuWW6
.34.... .... . 33”.. u.u.n.n.n.u.u.u.u.u.u..
shuamufifia”am”. .33” u ..u..........--«"~w
\mmnwwwwwwwwwmuwwww... .m_.....anum"Mummmwwmmmmumrv
.:.H....._H_i.._.u ......a .Ammmmmmmmmwwmmmmmwwwm. v
.awa. ..mqanunfifiuWm”mfiwwwww. ....... nam.an"Human”.n..u.n...u.wWW

 

 

...... L

199

higher prices encourage the flight of borderland inhabitants to
frequent the border markets of Nigeria and encourages the use of
Nigerian currency adjacent to the boundary.

The creation of a customs barrier and the close supervision
of boundary surveillance has done little to inhibit local commercial
activity, thereby reinforcing the argument that at the local level
the boundary influence is minimal. This, however, does not mean that
the inhabitants are unaware of the location of the boundary. At the
village of Makada, located approximately one-half mile east of the
Goulbi nIMaradi, a dispute arose over the precise boundary location
between farmers of this village and the neighboring village of Rufawa,
located approximately one-half mile north of the boundary. This
dispute was resolved by planting a row of trees to demarcate the
boundary thereby permitting the villagers on either side of the
boundary to cultivate up to that point. .(See Figure 40.) Interestineg,
this row of trees was perceived by the inhabitants as a line separating
the French from the British rather than a line separating Niger from‘
Nigeria. Under normal circumstances relations between the two villages
were free and open with considerable interaction between the two.

Cross-boundary cultivation is a common occurrence along the
boundary although this is rarely admitted. Such practices have been
discouraged by both the colonial and independent governments but it
does persist. Usually through payment of a small "rental" fee to the
district head a farmer can obtain permission to cultivate land on the
other side of the boundary.

The movement of population along the many trails that cross

the boundary render the control of the boundary minimal. The cross

200

 

Figure 40

BOUNDARY DEMARCATED BY TREES

Village Chief showing the line of trees planted by villagers
to demarcate the boundary.

201
boundary population movement of the greatest magnitude is that which

occurs on market days within the borderlands.

Survey of Market-Day Movement

 

The market-day movement is the result of the colonial period
and has continued to the present. The movement from Niger to markets
in Nigeria, specifically Jibiya, Maiaduwa and Zango are greatest.
Some movement does occur from Nigeria to Niger on border market days
in Niger, however this movement is considerably less.

A survey to estimate the magnitude of this cross-boundary
movement was undertaken at Jibiya whose market day is on Sunday. On
the main unsurfaced road between Jibiya and‘Madarunfa 708 men and
486 women crossed from Niger destined for Jibiya market. (See Figure 41.)
This represents a total of 1,264 persons that moved from.Niger over a
12 hour period. Further west on a minor trail 324 people entered
Nigeria. All these people entered Nigeria unhindered, many carrying
goods and produce for sale at Jibiya. By far the majority of the
people travelled on foot some having walked three or four hours to
attend market. Other means of transportation noted on the Jibiya-
Madarunfa road were 44 donkeys, 30 camels, 20 horses and 5 bicycles
were counted on one Sunday.

In contrast to the movement on the unsurfaced roads there was
also a considerable movement along the paved highway between Jibiya
and Maradi. For twelve hours mammy-wagons shuttled back and forth
between Maradi and Jibiya. Those who rode the mammy-wagons were
subject to inspection at Dan Issa, Niger, and Jibiya customs stations.
(See Figure 42.) The number who passed Jibiya customs during the

same period numbered 330 men and 276 women, and represent a considerable

202

 

Figure 41
CROSS-BOUNDARY MOVEMENT JIBIYA MARKET DAY
A sample of the considerable movement from Niger that occurs
every Sunday. The white post on the right of the picture is a boundary
market and is located in the Jibiya-Madarunfa road.

 

Figure 42
JIBIYA CUSTOMS CONTROL
By contrast to the uncontrolled movement as shown in Figure 40,
those travelling to Jibiya via mammy-wagon are subject to customs control.

203
decrease in the number that passes the official customs control points.

The movement from Nigeria to markets in Niger involves con-
siderably fewer people. There are several reasons for this, the main
factor being distance. Most of the important markets of Niger are
located at least 15 miles from the boundary, consequently the areas
south of these markets fall within the tributary area of the important
Nigerian border markets. Accessibility is also a factor. Some of the
markets are located on the main unsurfaced roads and are generally
inaccessible by mammy-wagon except via a circuitous route. Finally
the higher prices on the market of Niger discourages the buyer from
frequenting these markets.

A survey to ascertain the amount of movement from Nigeria into
Niger revealed that only a total of 104 crossed the boundary one Friday
destined to the market at Madarunfa. This market town is located
15 miles north of the boundary on the main unsurfaced road between
Jibiya and Maradi. This road between Jibiya and‘Madarunfa is impassabIe
by mammy-wagon and makes it relatively inaccessible for many people.
By contrast Dan Issa's market day is on Wednesday and is located on
the main surfaced road between Jibiya and Maradi. This town located
6 miles from Jibiya, was within easy access by mammy-wagon and on
market day 176 persons passed the Jibiya customs station destined for
the market at Dan Issa.

At Maiaduwa, another important Nigerian border market, an
average of 122 people passed the customs station at Kongolom every
Sunday for the months February and March 1968. The reverse flow from
Nigeria to Matemeye on Fridays was considerably less with an average

of 71 people tabulated for the same period. All these people were

204

travelling by mammy-wagon. No survey was taken on the minor roads
and trails leading to Maiaduwa from Niger; however, a random survey
of people in the market indicated that one out of every three had
come from Niger.

This cross-boundary local commercial movement is seasonal in
nature and diminishes during the rainy season. It can be estimated
that at least 50,000 people cross the boundary every year to visit
the market at Jibiya. Such a large movement means a loss of revenue
and currency exchange for Niger and at the same time adds to the
importance and significance of the Nigerian border markets as suppliers
of goods for the southern borderlands of Niger. This local commercial
activity is largely uncontrolled and differs from.the bulk movement
of goods to and from Niger which is closely controlled. This contrdl
of bulk imports and exports due to the presence of the boundary exerts

many hardships for Niger and it is at this level that the boundary

functions as a commercial barrier and an international boundary.
THE BOUNDARY’AND ITS EFFECTS UPON NIGER

The creation of the Niger-Nigeria boundary has placed Niger
in the unenviable position of being a landlocked State. Very little
has been done to analyze the problem of landlocked States although
as a result of independence movements in Africa the number of land-

locked States in the world has more than doubled.6 A study of Niger

 

6Harm J. deBlij, Systematic Political Geography (New York: John
Wiley & Sons, 1967), pp. 341-368.

Two recent articles have dealt generally with the problem of
access to the ocean for Africa's landlocked States. See David Helling,
"Politics and Transportation: The Problems of West Africa's Land-Locked
States" in Essays in Political Geography,_Charles A. Fisher, (ed.)
(London: Methuen Co., Ltd., 1968), pp.253-271. Also see Edmund H. Dale
"Some Geographical Aspects of African Land-Locked States" Annals, Associa-
tion of American Geographers, Vol. 58, #3, September 1968, pp, 485-505.

 

 

205
reveals an attempt to overcome the basic problem of all landlocked
States, that is, the problem of access to the ocean.

The economic development of Niger is based upon access to
cheap ocean transportation since Niger is a country dependent upon
monoculture (i.e., groundnuts) as a.means to acquire foreign exchange.
It is through the bulk movement of this cash crop that the Niger-
Nigeria boundary functions at the international level with both the

exports and imports being closely controlled.

Niger's Economic Core

 

The majority of Niger's economic activity lies within the
sedentary zone of the southern borderlands. The economic core area
of Niger is referred to as lE.§ifiEE.HE$lEJ that is, the useable
part of the Niger.7

This economic core area is located primarily within the central
and western part of East Niger and extends into the eastern fringes
of West Niger adjacent to the Niger-Nigeria boundary. The small area
that makes up the economic core can be delimited by the arc of a circle
approximately 125 miles (200 kilometres) from Maradi. (See Figure 43.)
This are extends west to Birni n'Konni and east to Zinder and forms
the basis for Niger's economic activity. Within this small area
resides 60 per cent of Niger's population, 92 per cent of Niger's
groundnuts and 98 per cent of Niger's cotton is grown within this small
area. The area also dominates in the production of foodstuffs and

livestock.

 

7République Fran aise, Organisation Commune Dahomey-Niger (Paris;
Compagnie Generale d'Etudes et Recherches pour l'Afrique, 1960), p. 4.

206

3 «Hum;

 

     

 

..0
... .
IN—
0
. 58. o...
It'll—l
.~ 1.59 8. Or. a
...L 4
I. .\
p . .\
.l \ 0:5 .022 3a
_ \
H. .\ :00 6:20:03 23.:
. .\r \ .
\.\ .I.I I \. .33: 30.2 a...
.. Ir .

 

 

207

Groundnut production. The mainstay of Niger's foreign exchange

 

is its groundnut production which has risen steadily since independence.
(See Table 8.) The uncertainty of rainfall, the dependence upon a
single crop for foreign exchange, and Niger's landlocked position,
all make groundnut production a precarious base for economic develop-
ment. Because of its one crop economy, Niger is vulnerable to world
market prices, although until very recently Niger's groundnut pro-
duction was subsidized by France, who paid a higher price than the
world market price. The vulnerability of Niger is best illustrated
by the results of the 1966-67 groundnut season which recorded an all
time high in production, an increase of 24 per cent over the previous
season. Because of low world prices, the abolition of French pre-
ferential buying, and higher transportation costs, Niger's export
receipts dropped by 27 per cent over the previous year.8
Although groundnut exports account for over two-thirds of Niger's
foreign exchange, a great number of people in the borderlands are
involved in its production.‘While every farmer may cultivate a small
crop of groundnuts, the main concern for most of the population is
the production of foodstuffs. In the overall value of Niger's
agricultural production, groundnut production accounts for slightly
less than 10 per cent. When livestock is included this percentage

drops to approximately 6 per cent.9 In the circonscriptions adjacent

to the boundary that form the heart of Niger's groundnut zone, this

 

aMinistry of Information, Niger on the March (Paris: Jeune
.Afrique Editions, 1968), p. 19.

 

9République Fran aise, Commercialisation des Arachide-Niger
Situation Actuelle, Tome III (Paris: Compagnie Générale d'Etudes et
Recherches pour l'Afrique, 1961), p. AIV-5.

 

208

 

.ANomH nooaounom monamuwoaasz

GOHuuuuuHaHsv<.H so HHumcoo av uuommdm «oanoau<.H om GOHuumHHmHouoseoo on occoHuosz wuwHoom "oouaom

 

 

 

 

Nom.HmH Hmo.onH Hon.oOH onH.sHH osm.~a muH.mN Hauoa
«Nata HN~.~ ouqu nmN.H HNsHH oma ounce
aas.NH mHo.s~ ano.- NHw.n~ mnN.mH «z «Nuamuazi
nnm.oo mon.¢¢ nan.m« Hm~.os onN.Hm NN~.m~ sHummwz
Nam.oH nHm.HH smu.m maN.m ~mo.m ~¢0.N useaHN
nosz ummm
~N~.Hs neN.m~ nnH.nH osm.mH ~H©.HH on~.mH «sommmoa
no~.sm «an.m~ num.H~ Hmo.NHH ~m~.mH ooH.oH Heaps:
nNo.N nn~.s nNm.a mom.~ smH.~ ONH.~ «poses:
Hosz Hmuuaoo
«no.0H mos.N on.m «mo.n st.s omm.m numHz use:
Aucouv «Nacouv Amcouv Amcouv amsouvx (Immcouv
NsmH-ssaH osmH-nomH nsAH-somH soaH-HGAH msmH-~smH us-mHAH
ownuo>¢

 

 

ZOHHDDQOMA HDZQZDOMU Hdbzz< MmUHz

m mHnuH

209

percentage rises to at least one-third of the value of agricultural
production. In Maradi, for example, almost 40 per cent of the value
of agriculture is derived frdm groundnuts.10

The overall effect of the production of groundnuts is much
greater than these figures indicate. In a country where the majority
of the population survives at a subsistence level, the production of
groundnuts furnishes the local farmers with a modest cash income.
Because of the dependence upon groundnuts as a cash crop and the
necessity to export the harvest for foreign exchange, transportation
has become an important local industry. Groundnuts have also formed
the basis for other local industries such as the production of ground-
nut oil and cake.

The majority of Niger's groundnut production is for export.
(See Table 9.) France is the principal buyer, consuming approximately
90 per cent of the total exports. A small portion of the groundnuts
are diverted to the production of groundnut oil, one of the few'modest
industries found in Niger. Groundnut oil production is carried out at
three plants, two operated by Société Industriel et Commerciale du
Niger (SICONIGER) at'Maradi and Tessaoua (see Figure 44,) and a third
operated by Société des Huilieries du Niger (SHN) at Matemeye. The
production of groundnut oil is modest with no oil mill functioning at
capacity. On an average less than 8 per cent of the groundnut pro-
duction has been diverted to the production of oil.

The major groundnut producing zone is located in the circon-

scriptions of Magaria which produced 32 per cent of the 1966-67 harvest,

 

101bid., p. ATV-7.

210

Table 9

DESTINATION OF NIGER'S
GROUNDNUT PRODUCTION

 

 

Total Production 1966-1967
194,032 tons

/\

Seed \

Groundnuts'Marketed
191,307 tons

For Groundnut Oil ,A?’/////’A L

16,949 tons

1967
Exports
175,945'tons

SICONIGER SHN ,
13,857 tons 3,092 tons ’~\
* \
France Other Countries
151,360 tons 24,585 tons
!
Loss Loss
823 tons 281 tons
Total Total
150,537 tons 24,304 tons

\ /

Total Exports
174,841 tons

 

 

Source: Société Nigerienne de Commercialisation de l'Archide Rapport
du Conseil de l'Administration (Mimeographed September 1967).

 

211

Tessaoua which produced 26 per cent, and‘Maradi which produced approxi-
mately 17 per cent of the harvest. All these circonscriptions lie
adjacent to the boundary and are the major producers. 'Matemeye, which
also lies adjacent to the international boundary, produced an
additional 9 per cent of the 1966-67 harvest. From this central zone
of groundnut production, the amount of groundnuts cultivated decrease
east and west as well as to the north. Southward into Nigeria,
groundnut production increases because of more favorable physical
circumstances.

The organization responsible for marketing and exporting the
annual groundnut crop is the Société Nigerienne de Commercialisation
de l'Arachide (SONARA). This organization controls the price,
organizes the markets, and stores the groundnuts at specified locations
to await exportation. (See Figure 45 and Appendix G.) Figure 46
locates the principal groundnut buying markets in the Niger borderlands.

One of the major problems faced by SONARA is related to Niger's
landlocked position and how to gain access to port facilities for the
exportation of its annual crop. This is certainly not a new problem
for landlocked States; however, Niger has attempted to find a satis-
factory solution to this problem. Economic progress is dependent
upon Niger's ability to export its cash crop and has forced Niger to

pay a high price for its transit routes.

Problems of a Landlocked State

 

The most obvious problem of any landlocked State is one of
access to the ocean. It is essential to gain this access in order to
export products to gain foreign exchange and thereby import products

not produced within the country or in neighboring States. This problem

212

 

Figure 44

MARADI SICONIGER OIL MILL

 

Figure 45

MAGARIA SONARA GROUNDNUT STCXIK YARDS

213

we oustm

 

¢m0_z

 

 

 

 

o ‘ I ’ O
.\ cc:— 6000 I . I
0.06 0.00.

H<¢p2mu 1:0 Nm<u

mhm¥¢<5 02.>:n NDZOZDOumv

. \’

.LOJBO .

  

\ 35.?! g; / o ) o \ o \ I
USS-.02. a C G o \ Ola—O o
\ 8’50 E35383} I . \ . in 03.5 /.
a C I o E n ..:-.05.}. /
. \ _aaonN H.500». .
. \ . 33:00 . Uri-.013. o_au( H1901. / .
O O O /
31.309. 0000. 0:01-10 030-309 03030». {3; :caocno_o.3omo . AHDU." o
a 53.6 .
o .
3.6.130. o 3:»:- 1.1— . 9633—. 2.02 gout-noon
.raoEgzaa O ...o 0 3340—0 9
501:.No 2.0.0on88 O
O
2234 381.1.
OED—Obaq
go—Obox.
.03. £3. 0:010_<O

 

214

is compounded in Niger by the poverty of the country, the limited
transportation system, and the dependence upon monoculture as a
means of supplying foreign exchange and economic development.
Approximately two-thirds of the export value of Niger is derived from
groundnuts.11 The necessity of maintaining open access to the ocean
is also apparent when it is realized that Niger is dependent upon
the importation from overseas for 100 per cent of its petroleum
products, 84 per cent of its metal products, and 54 per cent of its
textiles.12

The economic development of Niger is very much dependent upon
selling its annual groundnut production on the world market. In
addition to the vagaries of world groundnut price fluctuations, Niger
is also faced with high transportation costs as well as the problem
of evacuating its annual production. Regardless of the access route,
Niger is dependent upon friendly relations with its neighbors.
Sometimes this is not sufficient since internal strife within neighboring
countries can disrupt the free flow of Niger's cash crop during the
short five or six month period of evacuation. Consequently, Niger
sometimes finds itself unable to control events that can have adverse

effects upon the prosperity of the country.

Problem of access. The location of the economic core of Niger,

 

 

11B. Courmo, "La Place Capitale de l'Arachide dans l'Economie
Monetaire," Europe, France, Outremer, November 1965, #430, pp. 25-28.

 

12République Francaise, Etude sur les Possibilitiés de Creation
de Petites Industries en République du Niger (Paris: Société d'Etudes
et de Réalisation MiniEres et Industrielles, 1963), p. 14.

 

 

215
lying primarily within the Central region of the borderlands, poses
an acute problem of access in order to evacuate Niger's cash crop.
Three alternate routes lie open as a means to secure access to the
ocean; however, all three are not economically viable.

The longest and least economical, at least for the exportation
of groundnuts is west to Ouagadougou in Upper Volta, then via rail to
port facilities at Abijan in Ivory Coast. (See Figure 47.) This
transit route has not been used as a means of exporting groundnuts,
however, it is used for the importation and exportation of goods to
and from the region of Niamey. The distance from Maradi to Ouagadougou
is 828 miles (1,325 kilometres) almost entirely of unsurfaced laterite
and consequently makes this route economically unfeasible for the
exportation of groundnuts. The distance from Ouagadougou to Abijan
by rail is an additional 728 miles (1,175 kilometres).

A shorter and more feasible route, at least for groundnuts
produced in West Niger is the transit route by way of Dahomey. The
distance from Maradi to Gaya is 331 miles (705 kilometres) and is
comprised entirely of unsurfaced laterite. Upon entering Dahomey a
surfaced route extends from Malanville a distance of 200 miles
(315 kilometres) to railhead facilities at Parakou;. The railroad
from Parakou to the port at Cotonou is 274 miles (438 kilometres).
This transit route served West Niger exclusively up to 1953 when the
decision was made to reroute produce from Central and East Niger,
regions that are best served by the most direct access route via
Nigeria.

The shortest and most economical transit route for the groundnut

producing zone is through Nigeria. Kano is the major break-in-bulk

216

Ne mustm

 

a...

 

(_uw0_2

uwmzz

    

$008 0350.0.— \l‘
83. went} u”

$02.3“ ’

nub-40¢ :m2<~: m.¢m0.2

 

 

217

point for transhipment via rail to port facilities at Lagos. The
principal collecting points for groundnuts such as'Maradi, Matemeye,
Zinder and Magaria all lie within 200 miles of Kano, and are connected
by roads that are for the most part surfaced. The distance from Kano
to Lagos is approximately 710 miles (1,126 kilometres) although
transportation costs, whether by railcnc road, are on a parity.

During the early years of Niger's independence, the average
movement of goods (both imports and exports) on the three4ahternate

transit routes are shown in Table 10.

Table 10

NIGER IMPORTS-EXPORTS

 

 

Country of Transit

 

 

Nigeria Dahomey Ivory Coast
(topg) pg (tons) 4(tons)
Exports 65,000 50,000 10,000
Imports 50,000 60,000 10,000

 

 

Source: République du Niger, Organisation Commune Dahomey-Niger
(Paris: Companie Géngrale d'Etudes et Recherches pour
l'Afrique, 1960), p. 8.

By far the majority of exports that exited via Cotonou and Lagos
was comprised of groundnuts. Approximately 35,000 tons of groundnuts

were shipped through Cotonou, and 55,000 tons of groundnuts passed

through Lagos. (See Figures 48 and 49.)

Nigerian Transit Route

 

The shortest and easiest route for the exportation of Niger's
cash crop is through Nigeria. The main groundnut producing zone of

Niger, theiMaradi-ZinderéMagaria triangle lies within easy access to

218

 

  
  

 

NIGER

“4‘:

a j?

.ZIIIIht
NI G E R I A ('A

 

 

NIGERHMPORTS 1960

Li

 

Figure 48

 

 

 

 

219

 

<

_uw0.2

.4zns

me ouame

No-30—
mN¢Oaxm Nazo230¢0
“mmm:.a

 

 

220

railhead facilities in Kano. The transportation of groundnuts to
the depots at Kano is made in part by Nigerian trucks and in part
by Niger trucks at a price close to $14.00 per ton (3,000 francs CFA)
a rather high cost due primarily to the absence of return freight.

From the 1930's when groundnuts first became an export
commodity for Niger until 1953, the evacuation route for virtually
all groundnuts was through Nigeria.13 It was during the 1952-53
groundnut season that the realization of Niger's dependency upon
Nigeria as its sole means of evacuation became a crucial issue.
During that season Niger produced over 63,000 tons of groundnuts for
export; however, the Nigerian Railways allotted only approximately
43,000 tons to Niger for transhipment from Kano to Lagos.14

Since the economic development of Niger is based in part upon
the foreign exchange derived from its cash crop production, it became
apparent from the inability of the Nigerian Railways to move the
totality of Niger's groundnuts, the future economic development would
have to be geared to Nigeria's ability to evacuate the cash crop.
Such a dependence upon a neighboring State was intolerable and forced
responsible authorities in Niger to seek a second outlet for its
expanding groundnut production.

The resolution of this issue lay in the diversion of part of

the annual cash crop production through Dahomey. Nigeria viewed this

 

13R'épublique Fran aise, Rapport sur l'Elaboration de Plan de
Transport de la République du Niger (Paris: {Ministére de la Coopération,
1963), p. 27.

 

 

14République Frangaise, Republique du Niger, Economic et Plan de
Développement, (Paris: Ministére de la CoopEration, 1962), p. 33.

 

221
decision as outside revenue being diverted away from Nigeria. Shortly
after the reorientation of part of the groundnut production from Central
Niger through.Dahomey rail facilities in Nigeria were expanded and
since that time the Nigerian Railways has been able to fulfill its
commitment to landlocked Niger and has subsequently moved an ever-
increasing amount of groundnuts for Niger. Today approximately two-
thirds of Niger's groundnuts passes via the Nigeria transit route.
The remaining one-third passes through Dahomey.

In 1966-67 Niger feared the closing of the Nigerian transit
route as a result of the Nigerian civil war. A study to investigate
this problem.resulted in assurance by Nigerian railroad officials
that priority would be given to the movement of Niger's groundnut
crop. Railroad officials guaranteed that Nigeria would be able to
evacuate between 70,000 to 80,000 tons during the 1966-67 season.15
Remarkably, despite severe internal difficulties Nigeria was able to
move an unprecedented amount of over 1(1),,000 tons of Niger groundnuts.
A comparison of recent statistics illustrates that Niger's transit
movement and even Nigeria's exports from the north were not readily
affected by Nigeria's internal difficulties. (See Table 11.)

The apprehension on the part of Niger was based on the fact that
the trains were operated by Southern Nigerians, primarily Yoruba and
Ibo, since not one Northerner had been trained as a train driver.16
When the initial atrocities against the Ibo occurred in the North,

there was considerable fear that the railroad would come to a standstill,

 

15R5publique Fran aise, L'Evacuation des Arachides du Niger
(Paris: ‘Ministére de la Cooperation, 1966), p. 9.

 

16Ibid.

.2122

.oumom wcHuomez cmHuosz cuonuuoz "wousom

 

 

 

mom.amo sew moa.NH omm.H~e Noa.wwa mm~.omH HHm.~s mmo.omm meo.Nme Nom.mo eHm.mH He~.mwm Hmuoe
NmH.e - - NmH.e mmN.m - - me.m Ham.e - - Ham.o HHo
Nao.m - - Nao.m «Hm.m - - «Hm.m omo.N om - omm.N oxmu
mmm.N - - aNm.N Nmm.q - - mmm.q mmm.m - - mmm.m swam can ucHH
«ms.sm - - smq.em qu.mm - - swm.mm mNs.Hm - - aNe.Hm moacecsoro ummHz
mmH.m «mm - aaw.q cem.e oom.o - - maH.a mmH.m - - somchcmm
mmm.m - - mmm.m Nqo.m Nqo.m - - «mm.m «NH.M - omH momma maom
omm.mH - - omm.mH oqm.oH mHm.m - mmo.m «mo.HH ems.o - eqm.q ucHH coauoo
emm.am - - emm.am am~.~m HHN.NH - som.mm amo.ms mHe.q~ - Nqa.o~ swam ecuuoo
NHm.Nq - - NHm.Ne mw~.we Hmm.mH - NQN.am omo.oe - - eme.eo HHo
Noe.mHH - - Noq.mHH mHN.sHH mmm.mH - owm.oa on.mN - - cao.mN mxmo
moN.ssm - aes.NH em~.N~m Nsa.©~e ANa.ma HHm.Nq Nm~.omm Nem.HHN NmN.em OHm.mH emm.HeH messengers eermez
Hausa unsoUHmm oumm mama< HmuOH upsooumm onmm mama< HmuOH upsoouwm oumm mamm< NunoEEoo

uuom OH ouom OH OH uuom OH OH

OH 0H 08

 

NoxNH\qH OH ma

omocmEEou wcHoMOH coca

oomNH\H 80mm

 

Ne-eemH

 

oo\HH\Om OH m:
moocmEEoo mcHomOH coax
moNHHNm Eoum
mosmmmfi

 

mo\HH\q OH m:

amoroEEoo wcHomOH cmnz

QQNHHNMN Soup

mouqcmflx

 

mzomamm No-oomH .eo-moaH .m®-qomH
zH menace moeooaa mo mmoezzoa HchH mo zomHaaazoo

HH memH

223

especially if the remaining Yoruba train drivers felt threatened.
The shortage of railroad personnel caused by the flight of the Ibo
was overcome by the employment of British and Pakistani train drivers
and a program.designed to train Northerners.17

Although the Nigerian Railways was able to fulfill its
commitment to Niger, it could not be done without a rise in trans-
portation costs from£7-15-0 ($22.00) to£8-8-0 ($24.00) per ton.
The rising transportation costs were attributed to the necessity of
employing armed guards for protection during the early stages of
the crisis.18

Much of the credit for the evacuation of Niger's groundnuts
through Nigeria can be attributed to Transcap, a company designated
by SONARA to evacuate the groundnuts from Kano. (See Figure 50.)
with facilities in Kano and Lagos, Transcap solicited the aid of both
the Nigerian Railway and Nigerian truckers to assure the evacuation
since transportation costs were about the same. (See Figure 51.)
Transportation costs via the Nigerian route are high. The total cost
involved for moving one ton of groundnuts from.Niger, including the
various port taxes, storage fees, and so forth, is approximately
$45.00. These high costs cut deep into the profits and with the
fluctuation of world groundnut prices economic development is a slow
process. Approximately 80,000 tons were transported via the Nigerian
Railways and 20,000 tons were trucked to Lagos during the 1966-67 season.

Under normal circumstances the amount of groundnuts that pass

through Nigeria in transit from Niger is a very small part of the

 

17Ibid.

18Ibid., p. 9.

224

 

Figure 50
GROUNDNUTS ENROUTE FROM NIGER
Groundnuts from Niger are trucked to storage facilities
in Kano.

 

Figure 51
TRANSCAP GROUNDNUT STOCK YARDS-KANO

Niger groundnuts awaiting rail transfer to port facilities
at Lagos.

225
railroad activity. ‘More than a million tons of groundnuts alone
utilize rail facilities, and while Niger groundnuts have never totaled
much over 100,000 tons, this access route is of vital importance

despite attempts to make the Dahomean route more viable.

Dahomean.Transit Route

The natural outlet for West Niger is through.Dahomey and until
1953 this transit route served the West almost exclusively. A small
proportion of Niger's groundnut production produced in the region of
Birni n'Konni had been evacuated by the Dahomey route, however the
total volume exported was limited. The failure of the Nigerian
Railways to absorb the whole groundnut production from.eentral and
East Niger in 1953 caused great concern.among colonial officials and
eventually led to the decision to secure a second transit route for
evacuation of its groundnuts. The solution to the problem lay in
the reorientation of a portion of the cash crop from.theiMaradi-Zinder

region through.Dahomey.

Operation Hirondelle. The reorientation of groundnuts from
Central Niger assumed the name of Operation Hirondelle. The rerouting
of groundnuts from Maradi via Dahomey increased the journey to port
facilities by over 600 miles (1,000 kilometres) and augmented trans-
portation costs by 40 per cent.19 (See Figure 52.) The theoretical
point where transportation costs were equal for the Nigerian or
Dahomean transit route was in the region of Malbaza just east of

Birni n'Konni.

 

19Orggnisation Commune Dahomey-Niger, _p, cit., p. 7.

 

226

   
    

“miles
(140m)

sxusnus Mommas
roa nuns” via DAHoMEY

...... Umrioced laterite
5‘: Paved Road
NW Railroad

(426k!!! I

 

 

 

 

PROPOSED T RANSPORT‘A‘I’ION

DEVE lOPMENTS-OCDN

H "090304 Paving
‘ M ”mad I.“ Elbmion

9 9° 22° 39° 4PM
DJ!

 

' U

T I I V—r
too :00 song»

 

Figure 52

227

The function of Operation Hirondelle was to charter truckers

 

in Central Niger with the express purpose of moving a portion of the
groundnuts to railhead facilities at Parakou. The higher transpor-
tation costs were absorbed by a groundnut stabilization fund which

was a special tax placed on groundnuts produced in Central and East

Niger.20 The viability.of Operation Hirondelle lay in the guarantee

 

to truckers that freight would be awaiting at Parakou for the return
trip. Whenever a truck returned empty, the transport company was paid
as though a full load were returned. This meant that whenever a truck
returned empty the actual cost of moving groundnuts was doubled.

Such added expense was paid by the government and encouraged officials
to make certain that return freight was available. (See Table 12.)

Operation Hirondelle was basically a temporary agreement between

 

Niger and Dahomey; however, this agreement was renewed annually from
1953 until 1959 even though the causes for its creation had largely
disappeared. Nigerian Railways soon ameliorated facilities for the
evacuation of Niger's groundnut production and has since been able to
absorb an increasing production.21 As independence approached Niger
sought a more permanent solution to the problem of access. The

success of Operation Hirondelle, despite its high cost of operation

 

eventually led to the signing of an agreement between Niger and.Dahomey
in 1959. Thus Operation Hirondelle was the forerunner of the present-

day Organisation Commune Dahomey-Niger (OCDN).

 

 

20Donaint, 22. cit., p. 131.
Etude sur les Possibilites de Création de Petites Industries
en REpublique du Niger, _p, cit., p. 18.

lebid.
See also Rapport sur l'Elaboration du Plan de Transport de
la Rapublique du Niger, pp, cit., p. 33.

 

 

228
Table 12

GROUNDNUT EXPORTS AND MERCHANDISE IMPORTS
UNDER "OPERATION HIRONDELLE" 1956-61

 

 

 

1956-57 1957-58 1958-59 1959-60 1960-61

Exports
West Niger 6,500 9,050 8,600 3,222 5,652
East Niger 20,200 10 600 17,500 17,500 19,318
Total 26,700 28,650 26,100 20,722 24,970

Imports
West Niger 14,000 11,800 8,400 13,605 15,018
East Niger 13 500 10,500 13,000 12,180 11 421
Total 27,500 22,300 21,400 25,785 26,439

 

 

Source: République Frangaise, Républiqge du Niger Economie et Plan
de Développement (Paris: iMinistére de le Cooperation,
1962), p. 33

Table 13

GROUNDNUT EXPORTS FROM NIGER
ORGANISATION COMMUNE DAHOMEY-NIGER
1962-1967

 

 

Country_of Transit

 

 

Dahomey Nigeria Total
Year (tong) (tons) (tons)
1962-63 25,972 57,751 83,723
1963-64 19,367 74,038 93,405
1964-65 16,075 69,817 85,892
1965-66 25,000 107,600 132,600
1966-67 75,752‘ 100,193 175,945

 

 

Source: Présidence de la République, Bulletin de Statistique
(Niamey: Commissariat Genéral au Plan, Service de la
Statistique.)

 

229

Organisation Commune Dahomey-Niger. The agreement between
Niger and Dahomey was signed with the intention of developing more
adequate transportation communications between the two countries.
0CDN was organized to function as a branch of the two signatory States
and is managed by an administrative council composed of interested
representatives, both public and private, from both countries. The
organization is regarded as an "établisement public 3 caractEre
industriel dote de la personalité civile et de l'autonamie financihre."22

With the emergence of OCDN the responsibilities of Operation

 

Hirondelle, that is, the chartering of transporters to reorient
groundnuts from.the‘Maradi-Zinder region, were taken over by the new
organization. The additional costs of transportation above the costs
via the Nigerian transit route are now paid equally by the governments
of Niger and Dahomey. In addition to assuming the function of
Qperation Hirondelle, OCDN is also charged with the management of the
wharf at Cotonou. 'With the expected increase in trade, the first
task of OCDN was to improve and expand port facilities at Cotonou.
This task was completed in 1964, and Cotonou is now a deep water port
with adequate facilities to meet the rising demand. (See Table 13.)
OCDN is also involved in the management of the Cotonou-Parakou
railroad to assure the free movement of goods. The realization of
inadequate transportation facilities has led 0CDN to undertake studies
in order to ameliorate the movement between Dahomey and Niger. These
proposals call for the improvement of port facilities at Cotonou
(already completed), the modernization of the railroad from Cotonou

to Parakou, the extension of the railroad from Parakou to Dosso in

 

221b1d., p. 26.

230
Niger, and the development of a surfaced road between Niamey and
Zinder.23 The total cost of these proposals was estimated at
16 billion francs CFA (approximately $65 million). Attempts to
find agencies to finance the entire proposal have proven unsuccessful
since its economic viability was questioned. The recent discovery
of uranium.in.West Niger may encourage investment in this ambitious
plan sometime in the future. At the present only the port facilities
at Cotonou have been improved and the Agency for International
Development is presently funding the surfacing of the road between
Zinder and‘Maradi. Beyond these developments communications remain
very much the same as at the time of independence.

Operation Hirondelle and OCDN have brought certain advantages
to Niger. First, is a reliable, though costly second access route.
Second, the increased activity along the main Niamey-Zinder axis has
brought a degree of prosperity to the west. Third, the increased
movement across the Niger River prompted the construction of a bridge
between Gaya in Niger and Malanville in Dahomey. Fourth, Niger has
also been able to conserve on foreign exchange since Dahomey is on
the same franc CFA monetary system. Finally, through this agreement
two former French colonies, have been brought together to work in
close cooperation as independent States. For a brief period in 1962,
Niger and Dahomey developed differences over a boundary dispute
concerning the possession of an island in the River Niger. These
differences were soon overcome and close cooperation has persisted

since that time.

 

23For a complete report on the various proposals see Republique
Fran aise, Organisation Commune Dahomey-Niger (Paris: Compagnie GEnéral
d'Etudes et Recherches pour l'Afrique, 1960).

231

The whole policy of redirecting a portion of the groundnuts
from the Maradi-Zinder region through Dahomey has proven extremely
costly for Niger. At the present time Niger is paying a high price
to maintain a second access route. Nevertheless it is a price that
Niger is willing to pay in order, as President Diori Hamani expressed,
"de respirer par deux poumons." In the 1966-67 season, partially as
a result of the Nigerian crisis, the amount of groundnuts passing
from Niger through Dahomey tripled over the previous season to a
total 75,752 tons. Of this total, 55,000 tons were mved with no
equalizing return freight and cost Niger 200 million francs CFA.24
The cost for moving 55,000 tons, instead of 7.60 francs CFA per ton/
kilometre which is the one way cost, the price doubled to 15.20 francs
CFA. This high price brought criticism within Niger and an attempt
has been made, to no avail, to reduce to one-third the cost of sub-
sidizing for Niger and the remaining two-thirds to be paid by Dahomey.
Some studies show that the reorientation via Dahomey would never be
profitable for Niger so long as Niger would have to pay part of the
transportation subsidy. The only way for Niger to make it a payable
proposition would be for Dahomey to pay Niger a fee to reorient trade
via Dahomey.25

Despite the high price, Niger continues to support OCDN thereby
guaranteeing a second outlet to the sea. The dilema of Niger's land-
locked position greatly hinders its economic development and its

attempts to maintain two access routes is very costly.

 

2480mm ’ 01. fl. , p O 6 I

25Rapport sur l'Elaboration du Plan de Transport, 22, cit., p.28.

232

As has been demonstrated Niger's problem is the product of the
decision-making of two colonial powers in the creation of a boundary
at the commencement of the 20th Century. The boundary has been held
in place for a period of sixty years and can be regarded as a stable
boundary along which no problems have or will occur, at least within
the forseeable future. Better communication facilities would greatly
alleviate Niger's problem of access since the right of free transit
through both.Dahomey and Nigeria is guaranteed. The expansion of
road and rail facilities is costly and Niger's meager resources have
not warranted investment by France or any international funding agency.
Only future mineral discoveries can guarantee Niger improvement in

communications since groundnuts will never justify the great cost.

CHAPTER VII
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

There have been few case studies of boundaries in Africa and
virtually none dealing with the impact of a superimposed boundary upon
the spatial organization of an indigenous population. In a few
instances where open conflict has arisen over the question of boundary
superimposition, as in the Ewe and Somali questions, these conflicts
have been documented. However, little attention has been focused upon
those boundaries in Africa where indigenous peoples have apparently
been divided by the imposed colonial territorial framework and where,
conflict has not arisen. This study has focused upon such a boundary,
the Niger-Nigeria boundary and the influence it has had upon the
Hausa-Speaking peoples in the borderlands region.

The approach to organizing the data is represented in the
proposed paradigm for the analysis of superimposed boundaries. This
paradigm demonstrates a time-space relationship. By proceeding through
time the political processes at play during a specific time period
produce certain spatial patterns. Three time periods are recognized:
the pre-colonial period when the traditional patterns were prevalent,
the colonial period when imposed patterns were introduced, and the
post-colonial period, when contemporary patterns emerged.

By analyzing the evolution of patterns through time the

adjustment to boundary imposition was determined. Adjustment to the

233

234
introduction of a European boundary produced a spatial reorganization
of population and settlement patterns and brought about emergence of
new patterns of movement and circulation. The application of this
paradigm to the Niger-Nigeria borderlands revealed several miscon-
ceptions concerning the evolution of boundaries in Africa and several

important conclusions were drawn.

Pre-Colonial Period

 

One of the common misconceptions concerns the homogeneity of the
Hausa population. Invariably the Hausa are portrayed as a homogenous
ethnic group (see Figure 1, based on Murdock's classification), yet the
traditional period reveals that the Hausa were, in fact, very much
divided. It is shown in this study that within Hausaland several
groups emerged, each centered upon a birni_which formed the nucleus of
the City-State system that developed prior to the European penetration.
An attempt has been made to show the territory occupied by each of
these groups within the borderlands.

For centuries the various States warred against each other
vying for control of the trade routes and the expansion of territory.
Even the Fulani jihad did not unite Hausaland, but produced further
fragmentation of important States. The flight of the traditional Habe
dynasties of Gobir, Katsina and Daura north into present-day Niger, and
the persistant opposition to the newly installed Fulani elite caused
conflict and turmoil throughout the 19th Century. In turn these
conflicts produced frontiers of separation, between the two opposing
factions. This depopulated frontier later played an important role

in the decision making process at the European boundary negotiations.

235

The constant regional dissension did much to weaken the Hausa
States and prepared the way for a relatively peaceful penetration of
Hausaland by France and Great Britain. Despite the turmoil the Hausa
States maintained the traditional hierarchical structure and political
areal functional organization. The economic prosperity of traditional
Hausa society was based upon the extraterritorial trade that resulted
from the latitudinal location of Hausaland within a region of comple-
mentarity between Mediterranean Africa and the lands to the south.
In addition the development of important local crafts resulted in the
commercial cities of Hausaland functioning as front ports of Black
Africa. During the 19th Century, Hausaland occupied a position of
nodality with the region to the south being a hinterland to the Hausa
core. Following the European intrusion, trans-Saharan trade declined
and the roles were reversed with the southern coastal regions emerging

in importance and Hausaland functioning as the hinterland.

Colonial Period

 

The result of European expansion into Hausaland modified the
traditional patterns and produced imposed patterns that necessitated
a spatial reorganization of the political, social, and economic patterns.
In terms of boundary imposition the Niger-Nigeria boundary did not cause
the dislocation and disruption of traditional patterns to the degree
that one might expect.

The colonial powers have frequently been condemned for the
rapidity and lack of geographic information of the continent of Africa
before they embarked upon the process of defining, delimiting and
demarcating boundaries. In some instances, as in the Niger-Nigeria

boundary, this condemnation is unwarranted. It should be pointed out

236
that this is the exception to the general rule of boundary superimposition,
but it does reveal that in some instances the colonial powers were aware
of the local political and indigenous circumstances before the final
boundary demarcation was undertaken.

The Niger-Nigeria boundary negotiations were continued for
16 years in an ambiance of keen competition between Great Britain and
France in which each power wished to acquire the most satisfactory
arrangement. From 1890 to 1906, four treaties were signed by Great
Britain and France defining, delimiting, and making provision for the
demarcation of the boundary.

The Treaty of 1890 reveals the rapidity of boundary decision-
making and lack of geographic knowledge by the two powers whose only
concern was in restricting the other and defining a sphere of influence.
This initial treaty established a primary, straight line geometric
boundary between the Niger River and Lake Chad. The treaty did provide
for a deflection of the line to incorporate within the British sphere
all that belonged to the Sokoto Empire.

It was on the basis of the disagreement between Britain and France
over the extent of the Sokoto Empire and the persistant intrusion of the
French into British territory that prompted a reopening of boundary
negotiations in order to find a more equitable solution. A treaty
signed in 1898 defined a second boundary in terms of arcs, straight
lines and lines of latitude. Although the powers had accumulated
considerable data on the political situation within the area, the
environmental conditions were not as well known. The French soon
realized the limitations of the new agreement when it was discovered

that the arc of a circle 100 miles from.Sokoto pushed the French into

237
the Sahara desert. Several attempts to make contact with French terri-
tory lying to the east of the are met with disaster and meant that
France had to rely upon Britain for the right of free transit through
British territory. The conditions laid down by Britain were regarded
as intolerable by the French who immediately sought to reopen boundary

negotiations in search for a route practicable, or watered route,

 

whereby France could connect her West and North.African territories
with her Equatorial territories.

The final treaties signed in 1904 and 1906 proved to be favorable
to France with the boundary being shifted south to incorporate additional

territory and thereby assuring France of a route practicable. The French

 

suggested that the boundary should follow the traditional political
frontiers. While the reasons for their suggestion were primarily
selfish, the British complied in order to get concessions from.France
in other parts of the world. By the agreements of 1904 and 1906 the
Niger-Nigeria boundary was eventually demarcated through the frontiers
of separation that had been created between the Habe and Fulani
dominated Hausa States.

In the evolution of the boundary from 1890 to 1906 the Niger-
Nigeria boundary evolved from a straight line geometric boundary to
an anthropogeographic boundary that considered the indigenous Hausa
political organization. To the north of the boundary under French
domination were the Hausa States that had successfully resisted Fulani
domination and maintained the traditional Habe ruling dynasty. South
of the boundary, under British jurisdiction lay all the Hausa States
that succumbed to the Fulani jihad and were dominated by Sokoto.

It can be concluded from an analysis of the evolution of the

238
boundary that since the boundary for the most part followed the depopu-
lated frontier of separation, the boundary was antecedent, according to
the genetic boundary classification, and not superimposed as previously
surmised. The present-day appearance of superimposition is the result
of migrations from Niger into Nigeria following the establishment of
the boundary. These migrations during the early period of colonial
domination changed the pattern of population distribution such that the
ethnic boundaries no longer conformed to the colonial boundary. The
reasons for these migrations are attributed to a combination of factors.

The imposed Pax Coloniale produced a movement from.the fortified towns

 

and birnis into the unpopulated zones. The movement from the north

into the depopulated frontiers of separation was in response not only

to the peaceful conditions but also to occupy the more fertile and
better watered lands to the south. In some instances the heavy burden
of French occupation may have caused a movement of population into
British territory; however, muCh of the migration took place just prior
to and immediately after demarcation during a period when French control
in the borderlands was minimal.

New settlement patterns emerged as the population moved out of
the fortified towns and a dispersed pattern of settlement became evident.
The settling of new border market towns in Nigeria resulted in these
towns becoming the focus of borderland trade and was certainly enhanced
by the differential modernization and the availability of goods in
Nigeria.

It can be concluded that as a result of the reorganization of
internal trade during the colonial period” there emerged patterns

of trade that had not existed during the pre-colonial period. Contrary

239
to the boundary functioning as a barrier to trade, the newly established
borderland markets in Nigeria became a magnet to the residents of the
southern cantons of Niger. The creation of these new'market towns
caused some dislocation and brought about the demise of many small
markets that functioned within the traditional system.but could no
longer compete with the growing border and route markets. In effect
the borderlands became a zone of salutory contact with little restriction
at the local level.

The traditional patterns of external trade were severely dis-
located by the European intrusion that brought about a reorientation
of trade to the south. This dislocation was partially alleviated by
the establishment of cash crops, primarily groundnuts, and the extension
of adequate transportation facilities. Throughout the period of colonial
domination the economy of the borderlands was gradually reorganized and
became an integral part of the colonial economy, laying the foundation
for the contemporary economic patterns.

As a result of the colonial experience, the borderlands were
integrated into their respective colonies and new patterns emerged as
the result of the development of a colonial economy. The Niger border-
lands have developed as the modern economic core of Niger and the
Katsina borderlands have contributed significantly to the economy of
Northern Nigeria. Each has accepted its new focus and political
allegiance developing new imposed patterns of movement and circulation
that have diminished, but not obliterated, the traditional pre-colonial
patterns. These events have set the stage upon which the contemporary
patterns are being developed by the new emerging States of Niger and

Nigeria.

240

Post-Colonial Period

 

The Niger-Nigeria boundary was established to function as a
colonial boundary separating two colonial powers. It was not foreseen
at the time of boundary negotiations that it would function as an
international boundary; however, with the emergence of Niger and Nigeria
as independent States the functional role of the boundary has changed.
As a result of this change the patterns established during the colonial
period have intensified and become more firmly entrenched in the
cultural landscape.

The boundary continues to operate at two levels, despite attempts
to make the boundary function more efficiently as a barrier to the
movement of goods and people. At the local level the boundary exerts
little influence, at least in the sense of a barrier effect, upon the
local inhabitants. The cross-boundary movement continues unhindered’
except on the major roads that cross the boundary. The patterns of
local commercial activity that developed during the colonial period
and focused upon the borderland markets of Nigeria continue to exert
a considerable attraction for the southern cantons of Niger. The local
cross-boundary movement was surveyed and it was concluded that the bulk
of the population going to the border markets avoided the main road and’
entered Nigeria by way of the numerous minor roads and trails that cross
the boundary. It was demonstrated that the tributary area of the
borderland markets of Nigeria extends beyond the Boundary and dominates
the southern cantons of Niger.

In addition to the local commercial population movement, vehicular
movement was also surveyed and tabulated. From the results of these

surveys it was shown that the boundary operates at an international

241
level, controlling the flow of goods to and from Niger. For the most
part the vehicular movement is seasonal and corresponds with the dry
season from November to April. In part the seasonality of vehicular
movement is related to that period of the year when the roads are open
since the poor condition of the roads during the wet season severely
restricts movement. iMore important, vehicular movement is tied to the
evacuation of Niger's groundnut harvest. An analysis of this movement
reveals a predominantly twoaway departure-destination flow focusing
upon Kano, Nigeria, and the major towns of Niger's borderlands.

For Niger the presence of the boundary 700 miles from the ocean
creates special problems. As a landlocked State, Niger is faced with
the problem of relying upon its neighbors for access to port facilities.
The development of Niger is dependent upon the exportation of primary
products, principally groundnuts. The various alternatives open to
Niger were discussed. The most direct route for the evacuation of
Niger's cash crop is through Nigeria, however, failure of Nigeria to
move part of Niger's groundnut crop one season prompted Niger to seek
an alternative route. This alternative route prompted the reorientation
of part of the groundnut crop through Dahomey. Despite the longer haul
and higher costs this reorientation had several positive conclusions
for Niger. The increased activity along the Maradi-Niamey axis has
brought additional revenue to the area. Niger has also been able to
conserve foreign exchange since both.Dahomey and Niger have the same
currency. It has also brought a great degree of cooperation between
two West African States of French expression. Finally the reorientation
away from.Nigeria, prompted Nigeria to ameliorate conditions on the
railroad and guarantee Niger that their annual harvest would be

evacuated.

242

The problem.of Niger's access to the ocean could be alleviated
by the improvement of transportation communications. .Attempts to fund
these improvements have not been forthcoming since Niger's resources
have not warranted this expansion. The recent discoveries of uranium
at Arlit in West Niger may alter this and future mineral discoveries
may result in an interest on the part of France to expand facilities.
For the moment, Niger remains an impoverished State, attempting to
progress but severely restricted by its limited resource base and
distance from port facilities.

The Niger-Nigeria boundary has been established for over 60 years
and has produced no conflict. It is a boundary that can be considered
"stable" as a result of its historical antecedents. The freedom of
movement at the local level has meant that the boundary has not
functioned as a barrier. The stability of the borderlands, however,
is tied to the maintenance of the status 322, Any attempt to inhibit
the local commercial activity will in all probability create considerable
- dislocation within the Niger borderlands and loss of revenue to the'
Nigerian borderlands. The migration of population from Niger during
the colonial period has produced a fairly homogenous population within
the borderlands. Family ties across the boundary still remain strong
and any large scale attempt to inhibit freedom of movement will have

serious repercussions.

B IBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. BOOKS

Abadie, Maurice. La Colonie du Niger. Paris: Société D'Editions
Geographiques, Maritimes et Coloniales, 1927.

 

Ade Ajayi, J. F. and Ian Espie (eds.). A Thousand Years of West African
History. Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1965.

 

Ardrey, Robert. The Territorial meerative. New York: Dell Publishing
Co., 1966.

 

Arnett, E. J. Gazeteer of Sokoto Province. London: 'Waterlow'& Sons
Ltd., 1920.

Barth, H. Travels in Nigeria 1850-1855. London: Oxford University
Press. if

Bonardi, Pierre. La Republique du Niger: Nafissance d'un Etat.
Paris: A. P. D., 1960.

 

Bovill, E. W. The Golden Trade of the Moors. London: Oxford
University Press, 1958.

 

Brown, Robert H. Political Areal Functional Organization. Department
of Geography, Research Paper #51, Chicago: University of
Chicago.

 

Buchanan, Angus. Exploration of Air: Out of the World North of
Nigeria. London: John Murray, 1921.

Buchanan, K. M. and J. C. Pugh. Land and People in Nigeria. London:
University of London Press, 1961.

 

Burke, Fred G. Africa’s Quest for Order. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice
Hall, Inc., 1964. '

 

Burns, Sir Alan.Cuthbert'Maxwell. The Nigeria Handbook 1919. Lagos:
Government Printer, 1919.

 

Burns, A. C. History of Nigeria. London: George Allen.& Unwin Ltd.,
1929.

Capet, Marcel. Traite D'Economie Tropicale - Les Economies d'Afrique
Orientale Frangaise. Paris: Pichon et Durand-Auzias, 1958.

243

244

Cukwurah, A. O. The Settlement of Boundary Disputes in International
Law. iManchester: ZManchester University Press, 1967.

Curzon, Lord. Frontiers. Oxford: The Roman Lectures, 1907.

 

deBlij, Harm J. A Geography of Sub-Saharan.Africa. Chicago: Rand
‘McNally, 1964.

deBlij, Harm J. Systematic Political Geography. New York: John
Wiley & Sons, 1967.

Delano, Isaac 0. Notes and Comments From Nigeria. London: United
Society for Christian Literature.

 

Delavignette, Robert. Freedom and Authority in French West Africa.
London: International African Institute, Oxford University
Press, 1950. -

Donaint, Pierre. Le Niger. Niamey: République du Niger - MinisEEre
de l'Education Nationale, 1965.

Dusé,Mohammed Ali and‘W. F. Hutchinson (eds.). The west African Directory
and Yearbook 1920-21. London: Africa and Orient Review, 1922.

 

Falconer, J. D. On Horseback Through Nigeria. London: Fisher Unwin,
1911.

Fawcett, C. B. Frontiers. A Study in Political Geography. Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1918.

Forde, Daryll and Richenda Scott. The Native Economies of Nigeria.
London: Faber & Faber Ltd., 1945.

 

Fraser, Douglas C. Impressions: Nigeria. London: Herbert Jenkins
Ltd., 1924.

 

Furon, Raymond. The Geology of Africa. New York: Hafner Publishing
Co., 1963.

Gibbons, Herbert Adams. The New Map of Africa (1900-1916): A History
of European Colonial Expansion and Colonial Diploma_y. New
York: Century Co., 1916.

Gibbs, James L. (ed.). Peoples of Africa. New York: Holt Rhinehart
& Winston, Inc., 1963.

Gottman, Jean. La Politique des Etats et Leur Geographie. Paris:
Armand Colin, 1952.

Gowers, W. F.’ Gazeteer of Kano Province. London: Waterlow & Sons
Ltd., 1921.

Gowers, W. F. Nigeria Northern Provinces - Provincial Gazeteer 1920-27.
London: Waterlow & Sons Ltd., 1921.

245

Greenberg, J. H. The Languages of Africa. Bloomington: Indiana
University, 1963.

 

Grove, A. T. Land and Population in Katsina Province with Special
Reference to Bundawa Village in Dan Yusufu District. Kaduna:
Government Printer, 1959.

Hailey, Lord. An African Survgy - A Study of Problems Arising in
Africa South of the Sahara. London: Oxford University Press,
1958.

 

Hama, Boubou. Histoire du Gobir et de Sokoto. Paris: Presence
Africaine, 1967.

 

Harrison Church, R. J. Environment and Policies in West Africa
Princeton, N. J.: D. Van Nostrand (Searchlight Series), 1963.

 

Hayford, Casely. The Truth About the'West.African Land Question.
London: C. M. Philips, 1913.

 

Herbertson, A. J. and O. J. R. Howard. The Oxfppd Survey of the
British Empire. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1914.

 

Herstslet, Sir Edward. The'Map,of Africa by Treaty (35volumes) London:
Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1896.

 

Hogben, S. J. and A. H. M. Kirk-Greene. The Emirates of Northern
Nigeria. London: Oxford University Press, 1966.

 

Hodgson, Robert D. and E. A. Stoneman. The Changing Map of Africa.
Princeton: Van Nostrand, 1964.

 

Holdich, Thomas H. Political Frontiers and Boundarijaking. London:
MaeMillan, 1916. '

 

Jones, Stephen B. BoundaryéMaking: A Handbook for Statesmen, Treapy.
Editors and Boundary Commissioners. New York: Columbia
University Press.

 

Lasch, August. The Economics of Location. New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1954.

 

Lyde, Lionel W. Some Frontiers of Tomorrow: An Inspiration for Eurppe.
London: A & 0 Black, 1913.

Maiden, R. L. B. Historical Sketches. Zaria: Gaskiya Corporation, 1955.

 

Meek, C. K. Northern Nigeria. London: Oxford University Press, 1925.

 

‘Meek, C. K., W. M.‘MCMi11an and E. R. J. Hussey. Eprope and West
Africa: Some Problems of Adjustment. London: Oxford University
Press, 1940.

 

246

‘Meek, C. K. Land Tenure and Land Administration in Nigeria and the
Cameroons. Colonial Office, Colonial Research Studies #22.
London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1957.

 

‘Mockler-Ferryman, A. F. British Nigeria. London: Cassell & Co.
Ltd., 1902.

 

Moodie, A. E. The Geography Behind Politics. London: Hutchinsons
University Library, 1957.

Muffett, D. J. M. Concerning Brave Captains. London: Andre Deutsch,
1964.

‘Murdock, George Peter. Africa Its People and Their Culture History.
New York: 'MacGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., 1959.

Neres, Philip. Frenchfi§peaking‘West Africa. London: Institute of
Race Relations, Oxford University Press, 1962.

Newbury, C. W. British Poligy Towards West Africa. Select Documents
Documents 1786-1874. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965.

Newland, H. Osman. West Africa: A Handbook of Practical,Commercial
and Political Information. London: Daniel O'Connor, 1922.

Niven, C. R. Nigeria: An Outline of a Colony. London: Thomas
Nelson & Sons Ltd., 1945.

Niven, C. R. How Nigeria is Governed. London: Longmans, Green
& Co., 1950. ‘

Niven, C. R. Laind and People of West Africa. London: Adam 5: Charles
Black, 1958.

Orr, C. W. J. The Making of Northern Nigeria. London: ‘MadMillan
& Co., Ltd., 1911.

 

Perham,'Margery. Native Administration in Nigeria. London: Oxford
University Press, 1937.

Petit, Edouard. Organisation des Colonies Francaises et Des Pays de
Protectorat. (2 volumes). Paris: Berger: Levrault et Cie, 1894.

Phillips, Claude S. The Development of Nigerian‘Foreign Policy.
Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1964.

Pouquet, Jean. L'Afrique Occientale Francaise. Paris: Presses
Universitaires de France, 1958. "

Prescott, J. R. V. The Geography of Frontiers and Boundaries. Chicago:
Aldine Publishing Co., 1965.

Raphael, John R. Through Unknown Nigeria. London: T. Werner Laurie
Ltd., 1914.

247

Rivet, Commandant. Note Illustrée sur le Territoire Militaire d9 Niger
et 1e Bataillon de Tirailleurs de Zinder. Paris: Lavauzelle,
1912.

 

 

Rouard de Card, E. Traites de Delimitation Concernant l'Afrique
Franeaise. Paris: A. Pedone, 1910.
O

 

 

Robinson, Charles Henry. Hausaland or 1,500 Miles Through the CentraI
Sudan. London: Sampson, Low, Marston 5: Co., 1896.

 

Robinson, Charles Henry. Nigeria Our Latest Protectorate. London:
Horace Marshall & Co., 1900.

 

Sere de Riviére, Edmond. Le Niger. Paris: Société d'Editions
Geographiques Maritimes et Coloniales, 1952.

36:6 de Riviere, Edmond. Histoire de Niger. Paris: Berger, Levrault,
1965.

 

Smith, M. G. The Economy_of Hausa Communities of Zaria. London:
Colonial Office, HerIMajestyrs Stationery Office, 1955.

 

Stapleton, G. Brian. The Wealth of Nigeria. London: Oxford Univeréity
Press, 1958.

 

Stenning, Derrick J. Savannah Nomads. London: Oxford University
Press, 1959.

 

Temple, C. L. Native Races and Rulers. London: Argus Printing and
Publishing Co., 1918.

 

Temple, 0. Notes on the Tribes, Provinces, Emirates and Statesyof the
Northern Provinces of Nigeria. London: Frank Cass & Co., Ltd.
1965.

 

Thompson, Virginia and Richard Adloff. French.West Africa. Stanford:
University Press, 1957.

 

Trimingham, J. Spencer. A History of Islam in West Africa. London:
Oxford University Press, 1962.

 

Urvoy, Y. Histoire des Populations du Sudan Central (Colonie du Niger).
Paris: Libraire Larose, 1936.

Watson, C. D. A Human Geography of Nigeria. London: Longmans, Green
& Co., Ltd., 1960.

 

Whittlesey, D. S. The Earth and State: A Study in Political Geography.
New York: Henry Holt, 1939.

 

248

B. PUBLICATIONS OF THE GOVERNMENT,
LEARNED SOCIETIES AND OTHER ORGANIZATIONS

Arnaud, M. et B. Spire. Urbanisme et Habitat-Republigue du Niger.
Paris: Secretariat des Missions d'Urbanisme et drHabitat, 1960.

Audert, Andre. La Rentabilité de l'Operation Hirondelle. Dakar:
Gouvernement Général de l'Afrique Occidentale Fran aise,
Direction Generale des Service Economiques et du P an, 1955.

Akomo, J. A. Quelques Aspects pour une Analyse de Conditions et
Perspectives Economique et Sociales de la Pepplation Sedentaire
et Nomade de Niger. Niamey: Nations Unies, Conseil Economique
et Social, 1964.

Commauté Economique Europenne. Etude Economique de Problémes de
Transports au Niger et au Dahomey. Paris: Soci€t€rd7Etudes
pour le Developpement Economique et Social, 1962.

 

David, Phillipe. Maradi L'Ancien Etat et l'Ancienne Ville: Site,
Population, Histoire. I.F.A.N.-C.N.R.S.: Documents des Etudes
Nigeriennes #18, 1964.

Echard, Nicole. Etude Socio-Economique dans les Vallées de L'Ader
DoutchiéMajya. Documents des Etudes Nigeriennes #15. Niamey:
I.F.A.NC-CONOROSO, 1964.

Foreign Office, Historical Section. Partition of Africa: British
Possessions. London: His Majesty‘s Stationery Office, 1920.
Vol. XV, #94.

 

 

Government of Nigeria. Report on the Blue Book 1914. Lagos: Government
Printer, 1915.

Government of the Federation of Nigeria. Provincial Annual Reports -
Northern Nigeria. Kaduna: The Government Printer.

 

 

Hama, Boubou. Developpement du Niger. Niamey: Colloque Eurafrique,
1963. ,

 

Lugard, Sir F. D. Colonial Reports - Annual #346 Northern Nigeria -
Report for the Period frog,lst January 1900 to Blst March 1901
London: His MajestyrsStationery Office, 1902.

Lugard, Sir F. D. Colonial Reperts Annual #377 Northern Nigeria -
Report for 1901. London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1903.

Lugard, Sir F. D. Colonial Reports - Annual #409 Northern Nigeria -
Report for 1902. London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1903.

Lugard, Sir F. D. Colonial Reports - Annual #437 Northern Nigeria -
Report for 1903. London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1904.

249

Lugard, Sir F. D. Colonial Reports - Annual #476 Northern Nigeria -
Report for 1904. London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1905.

 

Lugard, Sir F. D. Colonial Reports - Annual #516 Northern Nigeria -
Report for 1905-06. London: His Majesty's Stationery Office,
1907.

 

Mainet, Guy et Guy Nicolas. La Vallee du Gulbi de Maradi: Encpfite
Socio-Economique. Documents des Etudes Nigeriennes #16. Niamey:
I.F.A.NO-CCNOROS.’ 1964.

 

Ministry of Information. Niger on the March. Paris: Jeune Afrique
Editions, 1968.

 

National Economic Council. Economic Survey of Nigeria 1959. Lagos:
Federal Government Printer, 1959.

Nations Unies. Monographie de la Republique du Niger. Commission
Economique Pour l'Afrique - Bureau Sous-Regional Pour l'Afrique
de l'Quest, Nations Unies Conseil. Niamey: Economique et
Social, 1964.

Naval Intelligence Handbook. French West Africa. London: His
Majesty's Stationery Office, 1944.

 

Nicolas, Guy. Problémes Agraires en Peys Haoussa - Canton de KantchE.
(Rapport Provisoire). Recherches au Centre National de la
Recherche Scientifique. Paris: Ministére de la Cooperation,
1962.

Nicolas, Guy. Notes Ethnographigpes sur les Terroir, l'Agriculture
l'Elevage dans la Vallée de Maradi. Documents des Etudes
Nigeriennes #8. Niamey: I.F.A.N.-C.N.R.S., 1963.

Nigeria Federal Government. Population Census of the Northern Region
of Nigeria. Zaria: Regional Census Office, Gaskiya Corporation,
1952.

Raulin, H. Rapport Provisoire de la Mission d'Etudes des Regimes
Fonciers et de Structures Socio-Economique de la Reppblique

du Niger. Niamey: Republique du Niger, Ministere de lTEducation,
1961.

Raulin, Henri. Techniqpes et Bases Socio-Economiques des Seeietes
Rurales Nigeriennes. Documents des Etudes Nigeriennes #12.
Niamey: I.FOAONO -CONOR.SO’ 1963.

Raulin, Henri. Enqpete Socio-Economigee Rurale 1961-1963. Documents
des Etudes Nigeriennes #14. Niamey: I.F.A.N.-C.N.R.S., 1964.

République du Niger. Commercialisation des Arachides - Niger Situation
Actuelle (4 volumes) Paris: Compagnie Generale d'Etudes et
Recherches pour l'Afrique, 1961.

250

Republique du Niger. Comptes Economiqpes 1960. Paris: MinistEre
de la Cooperation, 1962.

 

République du Niger. Plan de D3veloppement Economigge et Sociale
1961-1963. Niamey: Presidence de la République., 1963.

 

 

REpublique du Niger. Banque de D6veloppement de la Républigue du
Niger. Niamey: Rapublique du Niger, 1963.

 

Republique du Niger. Bulletin Trimestriel de Statistique. Presidence
de la République, Commisariat Général au Plan. Niamey: Service
de la Statistique, 1963.

 

Republique Frangaise. Documents Scientifiqges de la Mission Tilho
(1906-1909). (2 volumes) Paris: ‘Ministére des Colonies,
Imprimerie Nationale, 1910.

 

 

Republique Fran aise. Annuaire du Gouvernement Gen6ra1 de l'Afrique
Occidentale Franqeise 1915-1916. Paris: Emile Larose, 1916.

 

 

Republique Fran aise. Organisation Commune Dahomey-Niger. Paris:
Compagnie Générale d'Etudes et Recherche pour l'Afrique, 1960.

 

Republique Frangaise. Republiqee du Niger, Economie et Plan de
Developpement. Paris: Ministere de la Cooperation, 1962.

 

 

Republique Fran aise. Etude sur les Possibilites de Creation de Petites

 

Industries en Republigpe du Niger. Paris: Société d'Etudes
et de Réalisations Ministéres et Industrielles, 1963.

 

 

République Frangaise. Problemes Economiques de la République du Niger.
Paris: Ministére de la‘Coopération - Direction des Affaires
Economiques et Financiéres, 1963.

Republique Frangaise. Les ProblEmes de Transports au Dahomey et au
Ni er. Paris: Groupe d'Etudes des Transports,‘Ministére de la
Cooeration, 1963.

 

REpublique Fran aise. Les Produits Vivriers au Niger-Production et
Commercialisation. (4 volumes) Paris: Ministere de la
Coopgration-Socigte d' Etudes Pour le Developpement Economique
et Social, 1963.

 

 

 

Republique Frangaise. (Rapport de M. Ternier). Rapport sur 1' Elabora-
tion du lan de Traneport de la Reppblique du Niger. Paris:
Ministere de la Cooperation, 1963.

 

Republique Frangaise. (Rapport de M. Chervel). Le Coat des Transports
Routiers au Niger. Société d'Etudes pour le Developpement et
Social. Paris: MinistEre de la Coopération, 1964.

 

 

Republique Fran aise. Projet de Developpement Rural dans la Region de
Dogon Doutchi. Paris: MinistEre de la CoopEra ation, Sociéte
d'Aide Technique et de CoofiEration, 1965.

 

 

251

Republique Fran aise. Project d'Irrigation de Birni n'Konni. Paris:
‘Ministere de la Cooperation - Direction des Affaires Economique
et Financiéres, 1965.

Republique Fran aise. (Rapport de M. Dumont). L'Evacuation des
Arachides du Niger pour la Campegne, 1967. Paris: 'Ministére
de la Coopération, 1966.

 

République Fran aise. (Rapport de M. Bastien). Rapport sur le
Fonctionnement du Service des Douanes de la Republique du Niger,
1967. Paris: Secretariat d'Etat aux Affaires Etrangéres
Charge de la Cooperation - Centre de Documentation, 1967.

 

Republique du Niger. Commerce Extérieur. Niamey: Service de la
Statistique et de 1a‘Mgcanographie, 1961.

 

République du Niger. Le Niger en Marche. Niamey: Le MinistEre de la
Defense, de l'Information et de la Jeunesse du Niger, 1963.

 

Treaty Series. (Pamphlet) Number 1. Agreement Between the United
Kingdom and France Respecting_the Delimination of the Frontier
Between the British and French Possessions East of the Niger.
His‘Majesty's Stationery Office, 1912.

Wallace, Sir William. Colonial Reports - Annual #594 Northern Nigeria
1907-1908. London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1909.

 

C. PERIODICALS

Badouin, Robert. "Structures Rurale et Deyeloppement Economique au
Niger," Droit Social, #12, December 1962, pp. 599-604.

 

Blanchard, Marcel. "Fran ais et Anglais au Niger (1890-1898)"
Le Monde, Décembre 1948, pp. 410-423.

Boggs, J. Whitmore. "Boundary Functions and the Principles of Boundary
'Making," Annals,eAssociation of American Geographers, Vol. 22,
(March 1932) .

"Border'Market," Nigeria Magazine, #60, 1959, pp. 76-88.

 

Brigham, A. P. "Principles in the Delimitation of Boundaries,"
Geographical Review, Vol. 7, 1919.

Buchanan, K. M. "The Northern Region of Nigeria: The Geographical
Background of its Political Duality," Geographical Review,
Vol. 43 (1953).

 

Burdon, __, "Fulani Emirates of Northern Nigeria," Geographical Journal,
Vol. 24, (1904).

 

252

Comte, Gilbert. "Le Niger un Pays Qui a Vocation CharniEre," Europe,
France, Outremer, #430, November 1965, pp. 10-12.

 

Courmo, B. "La Place Capitale de l'Arachide dans l'Economie‘MonEtaire,"
Europe, France, Outremer, #430, November 1965, pp. 25-28.

Dale, Edmund H. "Some Geographical Aspects of African Land-Locked
States," Annals, Association of American Geographers, Vol. 58,
September 1968.

Douglas, Wilson Johnson. "The Role of Political Boundaries,"
Geographical Review, Vol. 4, September 1917.

 

Elliot, G. S. "The AngloéFrench Niger-Chad Boundary Commission,"
Geographical Journal, Vol. 24, 1904, pp. 505-522.

 

Foulkes, C. H. “The Anglo-French Boundary Commission, Niger to Lake
Chad," Royal Engineers Journal, Vol. 73, December 1959, pp. 429-37 .

Goldie, Sir George Taubman. "The Hausa Association," Imperial and
Asiatic Quarteriy Review, April 1895, Vol. 9.

 

Gottman, Jean. "Political Partitioning of Our World: An Attempt at
Analysis." World Politics, Vol. IV, 1952.

 

Hamdan, G. "The Political Map of New Africa," Geographical Review,
Vol. 53, 1963.

Hartshorne, R. "Suggestions on the Terminology of Political Boundaries."
Annaie, Association of American Geographers, Vol. 26.

Hinks, A. R. "Notes on the Techniques of Boundary Delimitation,"
Geographical Journal, Vol. 58.

 

Holdich, Thomas H. "Political Boundaries," Scottish Geographical
Ma azine, Vol. 32, 1916.

 

Jones, S. B. "A Unified Field Theory of Political Geography," Annals,
Association of American Geogrephers, Vol. 44, 1954.

Jones, 8. B. "Boundary Concepts in the Setting of Place and Time,"
Annale, Association of American Geographers, Vol. 49,
September, 1959.

Kaziende, Leopold. "Une Tache Essentiele: Assurer l'Entretien des
Routes," Europe, France, Outremer, #430, November 1965, pp. 33-35.

Kingsbury, Robert C. "The Changing‘Map of Africa," Journal of Geogrephy,

 

Kristoff, L. K. D. "The Nature of Frontiers and Boundaries," Annals,
Association of American Geographers, Vol. 49, 1959.

253

My, J. Ross. "The Interactance Hypothesis and Boundaries in Canada,"
Canadian Geographer, 11, 1958.

Miller, R. "Katsina, Region of Hausaland," Scottish Geogrephical
Magazine, Vol. 54, 1938.

 

Miner, Horace. "Culture Change Under Pressure," Hman Organization,
Vol. 19, 1960.

 

Minghi, Julian. "Boundary Studies in Political Geography," Annals,
Association of American Geographers, Vol. 53, 1963.

Moughtin, J. C. "The Traditional Settlements of the Hausa People,"
The Town Planning Review, Vol. XXIV, #1, April 1964, pp. 21-34.

"Moving Groundnuts from the North," Nigeria Trade Journal, Vol. 2.,
#2, 1954, pp. 11-13.

Nicolas, Guy. "Un Village Haoussa de la République du Niger,"
Les Cahiers d'Outre Mer, #52, October-December 1960, pp. 421-450.

Nugent, W. V. "Geographical Results of the Nigeria-Kanerun Boundary
Demarcation Comission of 1912-1913," Geographical Journal,
Vol. 43, 1914.

Nwabara, Samuel N. "The Fulani Conquest and Rule of the Hausa Kingdom
of Northern Nigeria," Journal de la Societé des Africanistes,
V01. 33, 1963, pp. 231-241.

Peake, E. R. "Northern Rhodesia-Belgian Congo Boundary," Geographical
Journal, Vol. 83, (1934).

Prescott, J. R. V. "Nigeria's Regional Batmdary Problems," GeOJraphical
Review, Vol. 49, 1959.

 

Prescott, J. R. V. "Africa' 8 Major Boundary Problems," Australian
Qographer, Vol. 9, 1, March 1963.

 

Prescott, J. R. V. "The Evolution of the Anglo-French, Inter-Cameroons
Boundary," Nigerian Geographical Journal, Vol. 5.

Reyner, Anthony 8. "Length and Status of International Boundaries in
Africa," African Studies Bulletin, Vol. X, 1967.

Riou, M. "Le Niger Geographique et Ethnographique," Afrique Occidental
Franeeise, Mai 1954, pp. 4-12.
J

 

Secretariat General du Gouvernement. "La Republique du Niger ,"
La Documentation Franeaise, Notes et Etudes Documentaires,
February, 1960. f

"Ubiquitous Hausa Traders ," Nigeria Trade Journal, Vol. 6, #1 , 1958,
pp. 15-18.

\.

254

Vignes, K. "La Rivalite D'Influence entre les Puissances Europeenes
en Afrique Equatoriale et occidentale depius l'Acte Géheral de
Berlin jusqu' au Seuil du XXe Siecle," Revue Franeaise D'Histoire

d'Qgtre Her, 1961, pp. 5695.

Zartman, J. William. "The Politics of Boundaries in North and‘West
Africa," The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 3, #2,
1965, pp. 155-173.

 

D. ESSAYS AND ARTICLES IN COLLECTIONS

Barbour, K. M. "A Geographical Analysis of Boundaries in Inter-
Tropical Africa." Essays on African Population. K. M. Barbour
and R. M. Prothero, editors. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul,
1961.

Grove, A. T. "Population Densities and Agriculture in Northern Nigeria,"
Essays on African Population. K. M. Barbour and R. M. Prothero,
editors. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1961.

 

Hamilton, W. B. "The Evolution of British Policy Toward Nigeria,"
The Nigerian Political Scene, Robert O. Tilman and Taylor Cole,
editors. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1962.

 

Helling, David. "Politics and Transportation: The Problems of West
Africa's Land-Locked States," Essays in Political Geography, '
Charles A. Fisher, editor. London: Methuen Co., Ltd., 1968.

 

Ifemsia, C. C. "States of the Central Sudan," A Thousand Years of West
African History, J. F. Ade Ajayi and Ian Espie, editors. London:
Ibadan University Press & Nelson, 1965.

 

Junwick, J. O. "The Nineteenth Century Jihads," A Thousand Years of
West African History, J. F. Ade Ajayi and Ian Espie, editors.
London: University of Ibadan & Nelson, 1965.

 

Murdock, George P. ”The Traditional Socio-Political Systems of Nigeria:
An Introductory Survey," The Nigerian Political Scene, Robert O.
Tilman and Taylor Cole, editors. Durham, N. 0.: Duke University
Press, 1962. .

 

Smith, ‘M. G. ”The HausaeMarkets in a Peasant Economy," Markets in
Africa, Paul Bohannan and George Dalton, editors. Garden
City: Doubleday Anchor Book, 1965.

 

Vieillard, Gilbert. "Coutumier Haoussa et Peul-Cercle de‘Maradi,"
Coutumiers Juridiques de l'Afrique Occidentale Franeaise,
Tome II, Comité d'Etudes Historique et Scientifique’de l'Afrique
Occidentale Frangaise. Paris: Librarie Larose, 1939.

Vieillard, Gilbert.- "Coutoumier du Cercle de Zinder," Coutoumiers
Juridiqpes de l'Afriqee Occidentale Fran ngeise, Tome II, Comite
d' Etudes Historique et Scientifique de l Afrique Occidentale
Frangaise. Paris: Librarie Larose, 1939.

 

255

E. UNPUBLISHED MATERIAL

Anene, J. C. "The International Boundaries of Nigeria, 1842-1914,"
Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, The University of London, 1959.

Archives,‘MinistEre de la France d'Outre Mer. Affairs Politiques -
Afriqpe Occidentale Franeeise, Carton 517, Dossier 4.
"Tentatives des Piussances Etrangéres Africaines pour Empecher
l'Exode des Populations Frontiéres: Questions des Insoumis en
Gambia, Guinée Portugaise," #145 1e 19 Novembre 1918 - Hastains.

 

Archives, MinistEre de la France d'Outre Mer. Affairs Polieiques -
Afrique Occidentale Frangaise, Carton 910, Dossier l.

 

Archives, Ministere de la France d' Outre Mer. "Afrique VI, Dossier 142
(2)" Commission de Delimitation des Possessions Fran aises et
Anglaises dans la Region du Niger - lere Seance. 1e 9 Octobre
1897, pp. 13 .

Archives, Ministere de la France d'Outre Mer. "Afrique VI, Dossier
149 (6)." Convention 1e 14 Juin 1898.

Archives, MinistEre de la France d'Outre‘Mer. "Afrique Occidentale
Fran aise XVI - Dossier ll." Zinder-Rapport Annuel - 8e Partie
Poste de Zinder 1903.

Archives, Ministére de la France d'Outre Mer. "Afrique Occidentale
Francaise XVI." Dossier l3. Rapport sur la Situation Politique
du 3eme Territoire Militaire. Mais-Aout, 1903.

Archives, MinistEre de la France d' Outre Mer. "Afrique Occidentale
Fran aise IV." Dossier 5. "Situation Politique dans 1' Est. "
1e 3 Avril 1907. Lt. Gov. du Haut - Senegal et Niger a Monsieur
1e Gouverneur Géneral de l'Afrique Occidentale Francaise.

Archives Nationales, Dakar: Gouvernement General de l'Afrique Occidentale
Francaise (3F1). "Relations avec le Nigeria," Questions Generals
et de principe de l'Afrique Occidentale Francaise au Cabinet.

#43 1e 29 Novembre 1903 - 3eme Territoire Militaire 3 Gouverneur
Generala St. Louis.

#46 13 23 Decembre 1902 - Rapport sur le Relations avec les
Autorites Anglaises (relativement au passage de nos convois
en Territoire Britannique).

#70 1e 23 Mars 1912 - Commissaire du Gouverneur General au
Territoire du Niger.

#71 1e 13 Septembre 1912 - Commissaire du Gouvernement General
au Territoire du Niger a‘M. 1e Gouverneur General de 1'A.O. F.

#126 1e 15 Septembre. Commissaire du Gouvernement General au
Territoire Militaire du Niger par le Chef du Service des
Douanes du Territoire du Niger.

256

Archives Nationales, Dakar: Gouvernement General de l'Afrique Occidentale
Fran aise (3F10) "Delimitation de la Nigeria: ‘Mission Moll 1901-1903.
#1 1e 21 Decembre 1901 - Commandant Superieure des Troupes de 1'A. O. F.
#2 1e 25 Decembre 1901 - Gouverneur General de 1'A. O. F. a‘M. 1e
‘Ministre des Colonies.
#7 1e 9 Septembre 1902. 3émBTerritoire a Gouverneur General.
#16 1e 13 Novembre 1902. ‘MinistEre des Colonies a”M. 1e Capt. Moll.

Archives Nationales, Dakar: Gouvernement General de l'Afrique Occidentale
Frangaise. (3Fll). "Delimitation de la Nigeria: 'Mission Moll
1903-1904. " \

#56, 1904, Capt.‘Moll a‘M. 1e Gouverneur General de 1'A.O.F.
#57, 1904, Capt. Moll EHM. 1e Gouverneur GEnéral de 1'A.O.F.
#58, 1904, Capt. Moll a‘M. 1e Gouverneur General de 1'A.O.F.
#79, 1e 6 Juin 1904, Colonel Aymerich 31M. 1e Gouverneur General
de 1'A.O.F.

Archives Nationales, Dakar: Gouvernement General de l'Afrique Occidentale
Fran aise. (18G13)."De1imitation de Frontieres entre les
Colonies Frangais de l'Afrique Occidentale Fran aise 1908-1911.

#50, Note sur la Reorganisation du Territoire M litaire.

Archives Nationales, Dakar: Gouvernement General de l'Afrique Occidentale
Frangaise. (3F13). "Delimitation de la Nigeria - Mission.Tilho
1907-1908. " y
#21, Rapport #3 du Capt. Tilho a‘M. 1e Ministre des Colonies.

Archives Nationales, Dakar: Gouvernement GEneral de l'Afrique Occidentale
Frangaise. (3Fl4). "Delimitation de la NigEria - Mission Tilho
1906-1908. " "
#29 and #30, 1e 9 Mars 1907. Gouverneur au Ministere des Colonies.
#32,1e 25 Mai 1907. Ministere des Colonies aflM. 1e Gouverneur
de 1'A.O.F.

#33, 1e 11 Juin 1907. MinistEre des Colonies 31M. 1e Gouverneur
de 1'A.O.F.

#38, 1e 7 Aofit 1907, Capt. Tilho 3 M. 1e MinistEre des Colonies.

Archives Nationales, Dakar: Gouvernement General de l'Afrique Occidentale
Fran ngaise. (3Fl6). "Delimitation de la Nigeria - Mission Tilho
1907-1908. " \ \~
#5, 1e 22 Juin 1907. Ministere des Colonies aiM. 1e Gouverneur

GEnéral de 1'A.O.F. /
#3, Commission Franco-Anglaise de Delimitation de Territoires
Situés entre Niger et le lac Tchad - Procés verbal.

Archives Nationales, Dakar: Gouvernement General de l'Afrique Occidentale
Frangaise (3F18). "Delimitation de la Nigeria: Reparations des
Bornes Frontieres 1910-1918. "
#6,1e 20 Fevrier, 1915. Colonel Venal Commissaire du Gouvernement
General au Territoire'Militaire du Niger aflM. 1e Gouverneur
General de 1'A. O. F.

Archives Nationales, Dakar: Gouvernement General de l'Afrique Occidentale
Fran aise (3F6). "Ravitaillement du Tchad par la Nigeria 1912-1913."
#1, e 7 Avril 1913. Deputy Governor of Nigeria to the Governor
General of French West Africa.

Archives Nationales, Dakar:
Frangaise (3F19).
#35, 1e 22 Avril 1905.

257

Gouvernement Ganeral de l'Afrique Occidentale

aux Sujet d'une Reclamation Anglais de Kouka.

#51, 1e 29 AoGt 1905.

Le Gouverneur General de 1'A.O.F. a

"Incidents de Frontiéres 1903-1909."
Rapport de Lt. Col. Aymerich, Commandant

\

M. 1e General Commandant Superieur de Troupes de 1'A.O.F.

#78, 1e 23 Janvier 1906.

Le Chef de Bataillon Gadel, Commandant

de la Region de Zinder E‘M. 1e Lt. Col. Commandant de
Territoire.

de Zinder au Lt. Colonel Commandant du Territoire.

#9,

8 May 1912.

Le Chef de Bataillon Gadel, Commandant de la Region

Archives Nationales, Dakar:
Frangaise.

(3F20).

Gouvernement GEneral de l'Afrique Occidentale
"Incidents de FrontiEres 1911-1914."

General of French West Africa.
#28, Protocol 17, January 1914.

#31, 1e 24 Janvier 1914.

Archives Nationales, Dakar:
Francaise (3F21).
#90, May 25, 1920.

Rapport du Capt. Descormes.

Governor of Northern Nigeria to Governor

Gouvernement General de l'Afrique Occidentale

General of French West Africa.

Governor
Governor
Governor
Governor
Governor
Governor
Governor
Governor
Governor

of
of
of
of
of
of
of
of
of

Northern
Northern
Northern
Northern
Northern
Northern
Northern
Northern
Northern

Nigeria
Nigeria
Nigeria
Nigeria
Nigeria
Nigeria
Nigeria
Nigeria
Nigeria

t0
t0
t0
to
to
t0
t0
t0
to

Chief Secretarys Office 1/27/3.

High Commissioner to Colonial Office, January 2, 1903.

High Commissioner of Northern Nigeria to the Colonial Office,
January 9, 1903.

High Commissioner of Northern Nigeria to the Colonial Office,
January 29, 1903.

Government of the Federation of Nigeria:
Chief Secretary's Office 1/27/2.

the
the
the
the
the
the
the
the
the

Government of the Federation of Nigeria:

Government of the Federation of Nigeria:
Chief Secretary's Office 8/6/10.

"Incidents de FrontiEres."
Governor of Northern Nigeria to the Governor

Colonial
Colonial
Colonial
Colonial
Colonial
Colonial
Colonial
Colonial
Colonial

Office,
Office,
Office,
Office,
Office,
Office,
Office,
Office,
Office,

National Archives:

National Archives, Ibadan.

‘March 1, 1902.
April 8, 1902.
March 30, I902.
May 17, I902.
March 15 , 1902.
Sept. 8, 1902.
Sept. 16, 1902.
Oct. 7, 1902.
Nov. 4, 1902.

National Archives, Ibadan.

Ibadan.

C. L. Temple to the Governor General of French West Africa,
5 August 1912.
Resident of Gando to Resident of Sokoto, July 1, 1912.

Government of the Federation of Nigeria:

National Archives, Ibadan.

Chief Secretary's Office 8/6/10.
3532/1912, High Commissioner, Northern Nigeria to Governor of
Gold Coast Colony, August 30, 1912.

258

Government of the Federation of Nigeria: National Archives, Kaduna.
File - Kano Province, 1907.
Resident Kano to the High Commissioner, July 19, 1907.
Telegram, Resident Kano to High Commissioner, August 4, 1907.
Resident of Kano to High Commissioner, July 8, 1907.
Resident of Katsena to High Commissioner, July 8, 1907.

Government of the Federation of Nigeria: National Archives, Kaduna.
File 1655, Vol. 1, "Anglo-French Boundary: Katsina Provincial
Office."

Report on the Anglo-French Boundary Trench, JanuaryéMay 1910.

File 1655, Vol. 2, "Anglo-French Boundary: Katsina Provincial
Office."

H. R. Palmer to Major O'Shee, June 9, 1907.

File 1655, Vol. 3,'%nglo-French Boundary: Katsina Provincial
Office."

Government of the Federation of Nigeria: National Archives, Kaduna.
File H15/40, "Assessment Report onrMarusa 1920."

Government of the Federation of Nigeria: National Archives, Kaduna.
File A08 128, "Records of the Provincial Office, Katsina."
Reorganization of Villages in Katsina Emirate 1915-1920.

Government of the Federation of Nigeria: National Archives, Kaduna.
File A001286, "Records of the Provincial Office, Katsina,"
Dankama District - Reassessment 1921.

Government of the Federation of Nigeria: National Archives, Kaduna.
File #611, "Maiaduwa District, Daura Emirate, Reassessment 1925."

Government of the Federation of Nigeria: National Archives, Kaduna.
File AC01291, "Records of the Provincial Office, Katsina."
Baure District - Reassessment Report 1925.

Government of the Federation of Nigeria: National Archives, Kaduna.
File 1285, "Migration of Labour."
District Officer, Katsina Division to Senior Resident, Kano
Province, November 19, 1925.
District Officer, Katsina Division to Senior Resident, Kano
Province, May 16, 1925.

Government of the Federation of Nigeria: National Archives, Kaduna.
File 549 "Daura Emirate District and Village Organization."
#19(a) Resident of Kano to Secretary of Northern Provinces,

October 27, 1927.

Government of the Federation of Nigeria: National Archives, Kaduna.
File #165, "Veterinary Border Ports of Entry into Katsina
Emirate from‘French Territory."
The Veterinary Officer, Katsina to Chief Veterinary Officer,
March 9, 1932.

Government of the Federation of Nigeria: National Archives, Kaduna.
File ABC 1299, Kaita District - Assessment Report 1935.

259

Government of the Federation of Nigeria: National Archives, Kaduna.
File #35. "The Formation of Katsina Province 1933."

Government of the Federation of Nigeria: National Archives, Kaduna.
(no file number) "Jibiya District."
(no file number) "rsaskiya District."

Government of the Federation of Nigeria: National Archives, Kaduna.
File #954. "Visits of French Officials."
Resident Katsina Province to Resident Kano Province, April 10, 1943.
Assistant Chief Conservators Office, Kaduna to the Secretary,
Northern Provinces, Kaduna, July 8, 1947.

Government of the Federation of Nigeria: National Archives, Kaduna.
File #4025. "Katsina Province Survey 1949." Notes on the
Geology of Katsina Province.

Government of the Federation of Nigeria: National Archives, Kaduna.
File 701/1. Survey Office, Kaduna 1953.

Government of the Federation of Nigeria: National Archives, Kaduna.
File #4025/51. "Sokoto Province - Survey and Report on Labour
Migration, 1954."

MinistEre des Affaires EtrangEres - Service des Archives Diplomatique
et de la Documentation. "Memoires et Documents." Afrigue.
Possessions Anglaises de la Cate Occidentale. #8, 1893-1894.
Vol. 131, 1e 2 Mai 1893, pp. 81-93.

Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres - Service des Archives Diplomatique
et de la Documentation. "Memoires et Documents." Afrigue.
Possessions Anglaises de la CSte Occidentale. #6, 1890-1892.
Vol. 129, 1e 13 Janvier 1891, pp. 210-214.

MinistEre des Affaires EtrangEres - Service des Archives Diplomatique
et de la Documentation. "Memoires et Documents." Afrigue.
Possessions Anglaises de la C8te Occidentale. Vol. 128
(1888-1889), Vol. 129 (1890-1892), Vol. 130 (1892).

MinistEre des Affaires EtrangEres - Service des Archives Diplomatique
et de la Documentation. "Memoires et Documents." Afrigue.
Possessions Anglaises de la 06te Occidentale 1883-1888, Vol. 86.

Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres - Service des Archives Diplomatique
et de la Documentation. "Papiers Delcassei" Angleterre I, Fachoda
1898, Vol. 13. Hanataux to Delcasse, Paris 1e 21 Juin, 1898.

MinistEre des Affaires EtrangEres - Service des Archives Diplomatique
et de la Documentation, "Papiers Delcasse." Angleterre II,
1899-1905, Vol. 14. Delcasse, Paris 1e 15 Juin 1903, p. 67.

Nicolas,’Guy. "Budget Collectifs de Groupements Domestiques Hausa en
Republique du Niger, 1963. (Mimeographed.)

260

Nicolas, Guy. "Etude de Marche en Pays Hausa." REpublique du.Niger:

Documents Ethnographique, 1964. (Mimeographed.)

Prescott, John Robert Victor. "The Evolution of Nigeria's Political

Public

Public

Public

Public

Public

Public

Boundaries." Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, The University of
London, 1961. .

Records Office - London. "Further Correspondence Respecting
Affairs; in West Africa 1900, Part II." Foreign Office Confidential
Prints: Confidential #7654 (Foreign Office 1901) (F.O. 403 301),
#23 Monson to Salisbury, October 4, 1900.

Records Office - London. "Correspondence Respecting the Niger
Territories 1893." Foreign Office Confidential Print:

Confidential #6471 (Foreign Office 1894).

#184, Royal Niger Company to Foreign Office, August 2, 1893, p. 152.
#237, Rosebery to Phipps, August 26, 1893, p. 179.

#169, Foreign Office to Intelligence Division, July 19, 1893, p. 141.
#160, Phipps to Rosebery, July 13, 1893, p. 135.

Records Office - London. "Further Correspondence Respecting
the Niger Territories 1894." Foreign Office Confidential Prints:
Confidential #6572. '
#25, Colonial Office to Foreign Office, February 27,1894,
(PO 403 200)
#11, Dufferin to Rosebery, March 4, 1894.
#29, Dufferin to Rosebery, March 4, 1894.
#36, Rosebery to Dufferin.March 9, 1894, p. 34.
#120, Kimberly to Dufferin, August 14, 1894, p. 198-198A.

Records Office - London. "Further Correspondence Respecting the
Niger Territories." Foreign Office Confidential Prints:
Confidential #6697 (Foreign Office 1895)

#28, Royal Niger Company to Foreign Office, January 26,1895, p. 18.
#127, Gosselin to Kimberley, March 29, 1895, p. 97.

#160, Dufferin to Kimberley, April 15, 1895, p. 139.

#189, Royal Niger Company to Foreign Office, May 6, 1895, p. l61.
#190, Memorandum by Sir Clement Hill, May 1895, p. 161.

Records Office - London. "Further Correspondence Respecting the
Niger Territories 1896, Part V." Foreign Office Confidential
Prints: Confidential #6837 (Foreign Office 1896). (F0 403 233)
#34, Salisbury to Dufferin, February 7, 1896, p. 34. ‘

#13, Dufferin to Salisbury, February 15, 1896, p. 88.

#45, Salisbury to Dufferin, February 21, 1896, p. 94.

#107, Dufferin to Salisbury, May 8, 1896, p. 244.

#111, Salisbury to Dufferin,‘May 12, 1896, p. 247.

#116, Dufferin to Salisbury, May 23, 1896, p. 251.

Records Office - London. "Further Correspondence Respecting the
Niger Territories 1896, Part VI." Foreign Office Confidential _
Prints: Confidential #6894 (Foreign Office 1897). (F.O. 403 234).
#149, Intelligence Division to Foreign Office, Dedember 31, 1896.

Public

Public

Public

Public

Public

Public

Public

Public

261

Records Office - London, "Further Correspondence Respecting the
Niger Territories 1897, Part IX." Foreign Office Confidential
Prints: Confidential #7017 (Foreign Office 1898). (F.O. 403 25).
#143, Gosselin to Salisbury, November 11, 1897, p. 127.

#189, Memorandum by Farnall, November 23, 1897, p. 176.

Records Office - London. "Further Correspondence Respecting

Niger Territories 1898, Part X." Foreign Office Confidential

Prints: Confidential #7144 (Foreign Office 1899).

#173, Monson to Salisbury, February 20, 1898, p. 185.

#177, Royal Niger Company to Foreign Office, February 21, 1898,
p. 188.

Records Office - London. "Further Correspondence Respecting the
Niger Territories 1898, Part XI." Foreign Office Confidential
Prints: Confidential #7297 (Foreign Office 1900).

#92, Salisbury to Monson,‘May 16, 1898, p. 131.

#95, Monson to Salisbury, May 16, 1898, p. 132.

#98, Monson to Salisbury,‘May 17, 1898, p. 136.

#160, Colonial Office to Foreign Office, June 4, 1898, p. 208.

Records Office - London. "Further Correspondence Respecting the
Affairs of West Africa 1901, Part III." (F.O. 403 316). Foreign
Office Confidential Prints: Confidential #7976 (Foreign Office
1903).

#16, Colonial Office to Foreign Office, July 2, 1901, p. 78.

#20, Colonial Office to Foreign Office, August 6, 1901, p. 93.
#22, Monson to Lansdowne, August 30, 1901, p. 105.

Records Office - London. "Correspondence Respecting the Royal

Niger Company." Foreign Office Confidential Prints #5610,

Part 1. (F.O. 403 #75, 1885-1887).

#22, Royal Niger Company to Sir John Paunceforte, January 11,
1887, p. 83.

Records Office - London. "Further Correspondence Respecting the
Royal Niger Company 1888." Foreign Office Confidential Prints:
Confidential #5753, Part II. (F.O. 403 #76, 1888).

#28, Royal Niger Company to Foreign Office, February 10, 1888, p. 48.

Records Office - London. "Further Correspondence Respecting the
Royal Niger Company 1889." Foreign Office Confidential Prints:
Confidential #5945, Part III. (F.O. 403 #122, 1889).
#175, Royal Niger Company to Foreign Office, June 17, 1889,

p. 137.
#176, Royal Niger Company to Foreign Office, June 17, 1889, p. 137.
#319, Foreign Office to Royal Niger Company, December 9, 1889,

p. 2603.

Records Office - London. "Papers Relating to West African
Negotiations 1889-92." Foreign Office Confidential Prints:
Confidential #6364. (F.O. 403 167).

#77, Foreign Office to Colonial Office,‘March 24, 1892.
#190, Phipps to Anderson, October 23, 1892, p. 203-204.
#98, Dufferin to Salisbury, April 8, 1892.

#128, Report of Boundary Commission in Paris, p. 146-148.
#130, Phipps to Dufferin, May 15, 1892, p. 148-149.

262

Public Records Office - London: "Correspondence Respecting the Royal
Niger Company 1891." Foreign Office Confidential Prints:
Confidential #6164.

#51, Royal Niger Company to Salisbury, p. 32.

Public Records Office - London. Foreign Office, France (Diplomatic).
#3686, 1904. Lansdowne to Cambon, February 5, 1904, p. 17.

Public Records Office - London. Foreign Office, France (Diplomatic).
#3662, 1904.
Lansdowne to Monson, January 23, 1904, p. 65.
Lansdowne to Monson, January 13, 1904, p. 16-20,
'Lansdowne to Monson, March 1, 1904, p. 163.
Lansdowne to Monson, March 2, 1904, p. 164-167.

Public Records Office - London. Foreign Office, France (Diplomatic).
#3640, 1903.
Lansdowne to Monson, October 1, 1903.
Memorandum from Foreign Office to Cambon, January 5, 1904,
p. 181.
Monson to Lansdowne, March 11, 1904.

Public Records Office - London. Foreign Office (Diplomatic).
#3616, 1903.
Lansdowne to Monson, July 2, 1903, p. 136.
Lansdowne to Monson, July 7, 1903, p. 181.
Lansdowne to Monson, July 29, 1903, p. 223.

Public Records Office - London. Foreign Office, France (Africa).
#3335, Salisbury to Monson, April 15, 1897.
#3336, Salisbury to Gosselin.
#438, December 30, 1897.
#3416, Foreign Office, France (Africa).
#3414, March 26, 1898, Monson to Salisbury, June 9, 1898.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A
ANGLO-FRENCH TREATY 18901

Declaration between the British and French Governments,
respecting Madagascar and the French Sphere of Influence South of her
Mediterranean Possessions. Signed at London, 5th August, 1890.

The Undersigned, duly authorized by Her Britannic'Majesty's
Government, declares as follows:--

I. The Government of Her Britannic‘Majesty recognizes the
Protectorate of France over the Island of Madagascar, with its con-
sequences, especially as regards the exequaturs of British Consuls
and Agents, which must be applied for through the intermediary of
the French Resident General.

Missionaries. Religious Liberty,
Worship, and Teaching.

In Madagascar the missionaries of both countries shall enjoy
complete protection. Religious toleration, and liberty for all forms
of‘worShip.and religious teaching, shall be guaranteed.

British Rights, &c., not to be affected.

It is understood that the establishment of this Protectorate
will not affect any rights or immunities enjoyed by British subjects
in that island.

British Recognition of French Sphere of Influence
South of her Mediterranean Possessions.
Niger Company. Sokoto.

II. The Government of Her Britannic‘Majesty recognizes the
sphere of influence of France to the south of her Mediterranean

1Sir E. Hertslet, The Map of Africa by Treary (London: His
Majesty's Stationery Office, 1909).

 

263

264

Possessions, up to a line from Saye on the Niger, to Barruwa on Lake
Tchad, drawn in such mannérfas to comprise in the sphere of action,

of the Niger Company all that fairly belongs to the Kingdom of Sokoto;
the line to be determined by the Commissioners to be appointed.

Boundary Commissioners to be Appointed.

The Government of Her Britannic Majesty engages to appoint
immediately two Commissioners to meet at Paris with two Commissioners
appointed by the Government of the French Republic, in order to
settle the details of the above-mentioned line. But it is expressly
understood that even in case the labours of these Commissioners should
not result in a complete agreement upon all details of the line,
the Agreement between the two Governments as to the general delimi-
tation above set forth shall, nevertheless, remain binding.

The Commissioners will also be intrusted with the task of
determining the respective spheres of influences of the two countries
in the region which extends to the west and to the south of the
Middle and Upper Niger.

SALISBURY.
WADDINGTON.

London, 5th August, 1890.

APPENDIX B
ANGLO-FRENCH TREATY 18981

Convention between Great Britain and France for the Delimitation
of their respective Possessions to the West of the Niger, and of their
respective Possessions and Spheres of Influence to the East of that
River. Signed at Paris, 14th June, 1898.

[Ratifications exchanged at Paris, 13th June, 1899.]

The Government of Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom
of Great Britain and Ireland, Empress of India, and the Government of
the French Republic, having agreed, in a spirit of mutual goodwill,
to confirm the Protocol with its four Annexes prepared by their res-
pective Delegates for the delimitation of the British Colonies of the
Gold Coast, Lagos, and the other British possessions to the west of
the Niger, and of the French possessions of the Ivory Coast, Sudan,
and Dahomey, as well as for the delimitation of the British and French
possessions and the spheres of influence of the two countries to the
east of the Niger, the Undersigned, his Excellency the Right Honourable
Sir Edmund Monson, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Her
Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland,
Empress of India, accredited to the President of the French Republic;
and his Excellency'M. Gabriel Hanotaux, Minister for Foreign Affairs
of the French Republic; duly authorized to this effect, confirm the
Protocol with its Annexes, drawn up at Paris the 14th day of June,
1898, the text of which is as follows:--

Protocol.

The Undersigned, Martin Gosselin, Minister Plenipotentiary and"
Secretary of Her Britannic Majesty's Embassy at Paris; William Everett,
a Colonel in Her Britannic Majesty's land forces and an Assistant
Adjutant-General in the Intelligence Division of the War Office; Rene
Lecomte,'Minister Plenipotentiary, Assistant Sub-Director in the
Department of Political Affairs in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
Louis Gustave Binger, Colonial Governor, unattached, Director of African

 

1Sir E. Hertslet, Map of Africa by Treaty (London: His Majesty's
Stationery Office, 1909).

 

265

266

Affairs at the Ministry of the Colonies; delegated respectively by the
Government of Her Britannic Majesty and by the Government of the French
Republic in order to draw up, in conformity with the Declarations
exchanged at London on the 5th August, 1890, and the 15th January, 1896,
a draft of definitive delimitation between the British Colonies of the
Gold Coast, Lagos, and the other British possessions to the west of

the Niger, and the French possessions of the Ivory Coast, the Sudan,

and Dahomey, and between the British and French possessions and the
spheres of influence of the two countries to the east of the Niger, have
agreed to the following provisions, which they have resolved to submit
for the approval of their respective Governments:--

Frontier between Gold Coast Colony
and French Ivory Coast and Sudan.

Art. I.-4The frontier separating the British Colony of the Gold
Coast from the French Colonies of the Ivory Coast and Sudan shall start
from the northern terminal point of the frontier laid down in the
Anglo-French Agreement of the 12th July, 1893, viz., the intersection
of the thalweg of the Black Volta with the 9th degree of north latitude,
and shall follow the thalweg of this river northward up to its inter-
section with the llth degree of north latitude. From this point it
shall follow this parallel of latitude eastward as far as the river
shown on Map No. 1, annexed to the present Protocol, as passing -
immediately to the east of the villages of Zwaga (Soauga) and Zebilla
(Sebilla), and it shall then follow the thalweg of the western branch
of this river up stream to its intersection with the parallel of
latitude passing through the village of Sapeliga. From this point the
frontier shall follow the northern limits of the lands belonging to
Sapeliga as far as the River Nuhau (Nouhau), and shall then follow the
thalweg of this river up or down stream, as the case may be, to a point
situated 2 miles (3,219 metres) eastward of the road which leads from
Gambaga to Tenkrugu (Tingourkou), via Bawku (Baukou). Thence it shall
rejoin by a straight line the 11th degree of north latitude at the
intersection of this parallel with the road which is shown on Map No. 1
as leading from Sansanne-Mango to Pama, via Jebigu (Djebiga).

Frontier between Lagos and Dahomey
(West of Lower Niger).

Art.II.--The frontier between the British Colony of Lagos and’
the French Colony of Dahomey, which was delimited on the ground by the
Anglo-French Boundary Commission of 1895, and which is described in the
Report signed by the Commissioners of the two nations on the 12th
October, 1896, shall henceforward be recognised as the frontier separating
the British and French possessions from the sea to the 9th degree of
north latitude.

From the point of intersection of the River Ocpara with the 9th
degree of north latitude, as determined by the said Commissioners, the

267

frontier separating the British and French possessions shall proceed
in a northerly direction, and follow a line passing west of the lands
belonging to the following places, viz., Tabira, Okuta (Okouta), Boria,
Tere, Gbani, Ashigere (Yassikera), and Dekala.

From the most westerly point of the lands belonging to Dekala
the frontier shall be drawn in a northerly direction so as to coincide
as far as possible with the line indicated on.Map No. 1 annexed to the
present Protocol, and shall strike the right bank of the Niger at a
point situated 10 miles (16-093 metres) up-stream from the centre of
the town of Gere (Guiris) (the port of 110), measured as the crow flies.

Frontier on the River Niger.

Art. III.--From the point specified in Art. II, where the frontier
separating the British and French possessions strikes the Niger, viz.
a point situated on the right bank of that river, 10 miles (16-093 metres)
up-stream from the centre of the town of Gere (Guiris), (the port of
110), the frontier shall follow a straight line drawn therefrom at
right angles to the right bank as far as its intersection with the
median line of the river. It shall then follow the median line of the
river, up-stream, as far as its intersection with a line drawn perpen-
dicularly to the left bank from the median line of the mouth of the
depression or dry water-course, which, on'Map No. 2, annexed to the
present Protocol, is called the Dallul Mauri, and is shown thereon as
being situated at a distance of about 17 miles (27-359 metres), measured"
as the drow flies, from a point on the left bank opposite the above-
mentioned village of Gere (Guiris).

From this point of intersection the frontier shall follow this
perpendicular till it meets the left bank of the river.

Frontier East of the Niger.

Art. IV.-JTo the east of the Niger the frontier separating the
British and French possessions shall follow the line indicated on
Map No. 2, which is annexed to the present Protocol.

Starting from the point on the left bank of the Niger indicated
in the previous Article, viz., the median line of the Dallul'Mauri,
the frontier shall follow this median line until it meets the circum-
ference of a circle drawn from the centre of the town of Sokoto with a
radius of 100 miles (1609932 metres). From this point it shall follow
the northern arc of this circle as far as its second intersection with
the 14th parallel of north latitude. From this second point of inter-
section it shall follow this parallel eastward for a distance of 70 miles
(112-652 metres); then proceed due south until it reaches the parallel
of 13° 20' north latitude, then eastward along this parallel for a
distance of 250 miles (402o230 metres); then due north until it regains
the 14th parallel of north latitude; then eastwards along this parallel
as far as its intersection with the meridian passing 35' east of the
centre of the town of Kuka, and thence this meridian southward until

268

its intersection with the southern shore of Lake Chad.

The Government of the French Republic recognizes, as falling
within the British sphere, the territory to the east of the Niger,
comprised within the above-mentioned line, the Anglo-German frontier,
and the sea.

The Government of Her Britannic'Majesty recognizes, as falling
within the French sphere, the northern,eastern, and southern shores of
Lake Chad, which are comprised between the point of intersection of
the 14th degree of north latitude, with the westernnshore of the lake
and the point of incidence on the shore of the lake at the frontier
determined by the Franco-German Convention of the 15th March, 1894.

Art. V.--The frontiers set forth in the present Protocol are
indicated on the annexed Maps, which are marked 1 and 2 respectively.

The two Governments undertake to appoint within a year as
regards the frontiers west of the Niger, and within two years as regards
the frontier east of that river, to count in each case from the date
of the exchange of ratifications of the Convention which is to be
concluded between them for the purpose of confirming the present
Protocol, Commissioners who will be charged.with delimiting on the
spot the lines of demarcation between the British and French possessions,
in conformity and in accordance with the spirit of the stipulations of
the present Protocol.

With respect to the delimitation of the portion of the Niger in
the neighbourhood of 110 and the Dallul Mauri, referred to in Art. III,
the Boundary Commissioners shall, in determining on the spot the river
frontier, distribute equitably between the two Contracting Powers such
islands as may be found to interfere with the delimitation of the river
as defined in Art. 111.

It is understood between the two Contracting Powers that no
subsequent alteration in the position of the median line of the river
shall affect the ownership of the islands assigned to each of the two
Powers by the proces-verbal of the Commissioners, after being duly
approved by the two Governments.

Treatment of Native Chiefs.

Art. VI.-- The two Contracting Powers engage reciprocally to
treat with consideration ("bienveillance") the native Chiefs who, having
had Treaties with one of them, shall, in virtue of the present ProtocOl,
come under the sovereignty of the other.

Non-interference in Sphere of other Power.

Art. VlI.--Each of the two Contracting Powers undertakes not to
exercise any political action in the spheres of the other, as defined
by Arts. 1, II, III, and Iv of the present Protocol.

It is understood by this that each Power will not, in the spheres

269

of the other, make territorial acquisitions, conclude Treaties, accept
sovereign rights or Protectorates, nor hinder nor dispute the influence
of the other.

Lease of Land to French Government.

Art. VIII.--Her Britannic Majesty's Government will grant on
lease to the Government of the French Republic, for the objects, and'
on the conditions specified in the form of lease annexed to the present
Protocol, two pieces of ground to be selected by the Government of the
French Republic in conjunction with Her Britannic'Majesty's Government,
one of which will be situated in a suitable spot on the right bank of
the Niger between Leaba and the junction of the River Moussa (Mochi)
with the former river, and the other on one of the mouths of the Niger.
Each of these pieces of land shall have a river frontage not exceeding
400 metres in length, and shall form a block, the area of which shall
not be less than 10 nor more than 50 hectares in extent. The exact
boundaries of these pieces of land shall be shown on a plan annexed
to each of the leases.

The conditions upon which the transit of merchandize shall be
carried on on the Niger, its affluents, its branches and outlets, as
well as between the piece of ground between Leaba and the junction of
the River Moussa (Mochi) mentioned above, and the point upon the French
frontier to be specified by the Government of the French Republic,
will form the subject of Regulations, the details of which shall be
discussed by the two Governments immediately after the signature of the
present Protocol. ‘

Her Britannic Majesty's Government undertake to give four months'
notice to the French Government of any modification in the Regulations
in question, in order to afford to the said French Government the
opportunity of laying before the British Government any representations
which it may wish to make.

Reciprocal Treatment as regards River Navigation,
Commerce, Taxes, &c., for Thirty Years
from date of Exchange of Ratifications.

Art. IX.--Within the limits defined on Map No. 2, which is annexed
to the present Protocol, British subjects and British protected persons
and French citizens and French protected persons, as far as regards
their persons and goods, and the merchandize the produce or the manu-
facture of Great Britain and France, their respective Colonies, posses-
sions, and Protectorates, shall enjoy forethirty years from the date
of the exchange of the ratifications of the Convention mentioned in
Art. V the same treatment in all matters of river navigation, of
commerce, and of tariff and fiscal treatment and taxes of all kinds.

Subject to this condition, each of the two Contracting Powers
shall be free to fix, in its own territory, and as may appear to it
most convenient the tariff and fiscal treatment and taxes of all kinds.

270

In case neither of the two Contracting Powers shall have notified
twelve months before the expiration of the above-mentioned term of
thirty years its intention to put an end to the effects of the present
Article, it shall remain in force until the expiration of one year from
the day on which either of the Contracting Powers shall have denounced
it.

In witness whereof, the undersigned Delegates have drawn up and
signed the present Protocol.

Done at Paris, in duplicate, the 14th day of June, in the year
of our Lord 1898.

MARTIN GOSSELIN.
WILLIAM EVERETT,
RENE LECOMTE.

G. BINGER.

Annexes l and 2.

Maps Nos. 1 and 2.

Annex 3.

Modification of Conventional Line
by Commissioners on the Ground.

Although the delineation of the lines of demarcation on the two
maps annexed to the present Protocol are supposed to be generally
accurate, it cannot be considered as an absolutely correct representa-
tion of those lines until it has been confirmed by new surveys.

It is therefore agreed that the Commissioners or local Delegates
of the two countries, hereafter appointed to delimit the whole or part
of the frontiers on the ground, shall be guided by the description of
the frontier as set forth in the Protocol.

They shall, at the same time, be permitted to modify the said"
lines of demarcation for the purpose of delineating them with greater
accuracy, and also to rectify the position of the watersheds, roads,
or rivers, as well as of towns or villages indicated on the maps above
referred to.

Any alterations or corrections proposed by common.consent by the
said Commissioners or Delegates shall be Submitted for the approval of
their respective Governments.

MARTIN GOSSELIN.
WILLIAM.EVERETT.
RENE LECOMTE.

G. BINGER.

H

 

 

271

Annex 4.
Form of Lease.

l. The Government of Her Britannic'Majesty grants in lease to
the Government of the French Republic the piece of land situated
of the Niger River, having a river frontage
in length, and forming a block of hectares in extent,
the exact boundaries of which are shown on the plan annexed to this
lease.

2. The lease shall run for thirty years uninterruptedly,
commencing from the , but in case neither of the two
Contracting Powers shall have notified twelve months before the expiration
of the above-mentioned term of thirty years its intention to put an end
to the present lease, it shall remain in force until the expiration of
one yearn from the day on which either of the Contracting Powers shall
have denounced it.

3. The said land shall be subject to the laws for the time being
in force in the British Protectorate of the Niger districts.

4. A portion of the land so leased, which shall not exceed
10 hectares in extent, shall be used exclusively for the purposes of
the landing, storage, and transhipment of goods, and for such purposes
as may be considered subsidiary thereto, and the only permanent residents
shall be the persons employed in the charge and for the security of such
goods, their families, and servants.

5. The Government of the French Republic binds itself--

(a) To fence in that portion of the said land referred to
in Art. 4 of this lease (with the exception of the side which faces
the River Niger) by a wall, or by a stockade, or by any other sort of'
continuous fence, which shall not be less in height than 3 metres.

There shall be one door only on each of the three side of the fence.

(b) Not to permit on the said partion of land the receipt
or exit of any goods in contravention of the British Customs Regulations.
Any act in violation of this stipulation shall be considered as evaSion
of customs duties, and shall be punished accordingly.

(c) Not to sell nor allow the sale of any goods in retail'
in the said portion of land. The sale of quantities less in weight or
measure than 1,000 kilog., 1,000 litres, or 1,000 metres is held to he
sale in retail. It is understood that this stipulation shall not apply
to goods in transit.

(d) The Government of the French Republic, or its sub-lessees
or agents, shall have the right to build on the said portion of land:
warehouses, houses for offices, and other buildings necessary for
operations 6f landing, storing, and transhipping goods, and also to
construct on that part of the foreshore of the River Niger comprised in
the lease, quays, bridges, and docks, and any other works required in
connection with the said operations, provided that the designs of all
works so to be constructed on the foreshore of the river are furnished
to the British authorities for examination, in order to ascertain that
these works would not in any way inconvenience the navigation of the
river, or be in conflict with the rights of others or with the Customs
system.

272

(e) It is understood that the shipping, landing, and storing
of goods on the said portion of land shall be conducted in all respects
in accordance with the laws for the time being in force in the British
Protectorate of the Niger districts.

6. The Government of the French Republic binds itself to pay
annually to Her Majesty's Government, on the lst January of each year,
a rent of 1 fr.

7. The Government of the French Republic shall have the right
to sublet the whole or any portion of the land passing under this lease,
provided that the sub-lessees shall not use the land for any other pur-
poses than those stipulated in this lease, and that the said Government
shall remain responsible to the Government of Her Britannic Majesty for
the observance of the stipulations of this lease.

8. The Government of Her Britannic Majesty binds itself to fulfil
towards the lessee all duties incumbent upon it as owner of the said land.

9. At the expiration of the term of thirty years specified in
Art. 2 of this lease, the French Government, or its sub-lessees, may
remain in possession and in the enjoyment for a period of time which,
together with the said terms of thirty years, shall not exceed ninety-
nine years, of the constructiens and installations which shall have been-
made on the leased land. Nevertheless, the Government of Her Britannic
Majesty reserves to itself, on the expiration or determination of the
lease, in accordance with the conditions specified in Art. 2, the right
of purchasing such constructions and installations at a valuation to be
determined by experts who will be appointed by the two Governments, on
the understanding that notification of their intention be furnished to
the French Government ten months, at latest, before the expiration or
determination of the lease. In case of disagreement between them, the
experts shall choose a referee, whose decision shall be final.

,In calculating the value of the above-mentioned constructions and
installations, the experts shall be guided by the following considerations:--

(a) In the event of the lease expiring at the end of the
first thirty years, the purchase value of the property to be sold shall
be the full market value. '

(b) In the event of the lease being determined at any time
after thirty years, the value of the property to be sold shall be the
full market value less a fraction, whose numerator shall be the number
of years the lease had run, minus thirty, and whose denominator shall
be sixty-nine.

10. The land oomprised in the lease shall be measured and
marked out without delay.

11. If a difference of opinion should arise between the two
Governments as to the interpretation of the lease, or as to any matter
arising in connection therewith, it shall be settled by the arbitration
of a jurisconsult of third nationality, to be agreed upon by the two ‘
Governments.

MARTIN GOSSELIN.
WILLIAM EVERETT .
RENE LACOMTE.

G. BINGER.

273

ANGLO-FRENCH BOUNDARY, EAST OF THE NIGER

CONVENTION BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND FRANCE
OF JUNE I4, l898.

s' o‘ 4‘ 2‘ o' ' z‘ a o’ s o‘ If Io‘EdGI'em .
— --— -~— -—'.-——-———--~.- --- .---- --- m
I

I
..PIfiavdbdr MN'I ”WMQMI
w.'uw¢w.m ghoul-HA” PW!

.5 Ian-4,) 4.2. 9.191.... . _

_I' aw) 1......sz --. -

 

    
   

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

mmercial a Fiscal Boundary—_-

l _nlmr Boundaries shown in colours
m 1385 (b) are represented here by_._.....

Figure 53

APPENDIX c
ANGLO-FRENCH TREATY 19041

Convention between Great Britain and France, respecting
Newfoundland, and.West and Central Africa. Signed at London, 8th April,
1904.

[Ratifications exchanged at London, 8th December, 1904.]

His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and"
Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India,
and the President of the French Republic, having resolved to put an end,
by a friendly Arrangement, to the difficulties which have arisen in
Newfoundland, have decided to conclude a Convention to that effect,
and have named as their respective Plenipotentiaries:--

His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of
India, the Most Honourable Henry Charles Keith Petty-Fitzmaurice,
‘Marquees of Lansdowne, His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs; and

The President of the French Republic, his Excellency Monsieur
Paul Cambon, Ambassador of the French Republic at the Court of His
Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland
and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India;

Who, after having communicated to each other their full powers,
found in good and due form, have agreed as follows, subject to the
approval of their respective Parliaments:--

I[Arts. I to III relate to Newfoundland.]

Art. IV.--His Britannic Majesty's Government, recognizing that,
in addition to the indemnity referred to in the preceding Article, some
territorial compensation is due to France in return for the surrender
of her privilege in that part of the Island of Newfoundland referred to
in Art. II, agree with the Government of the French Republic to the
provisions embodied in the following articles:--

Frontier between Senegambia and Gambia Colony.
Yarbutenda to France.

Art. V.--The present frontier between Senegambia and the English

 

1Sir E. Hertslet, The Map of Africa by Treaty (London: His
‘Majesty's Stationery Office, 1909).

 

274

275

Colony of the Gambia shall be modified so as to give to France Yar-
butenda and the lands and landing-places belonging to that locality.

In the event of the river not being open to maritime navigation
up to that point, access shall be assured to the French Government at
a point lower down on the River Gambia, which shall be recognized by
mutual agreement as being accessihle to merchant ships engaged in
maritime navigation.

The conditions which shall govern transit on the River Gambia
and its tributaries, as well as the method of access to the point that
may be reserved to France in accordance with the preceding paragraph,
shall form the subject of future agreement between the two Governments.

In any case, it is understood that these conditions shall be at
least as favourable as those of the system instituted by application
of the General Act of the African Conference of the 26th February, 1885,
and of the Anglo-French Convention of the 14th June, 1898, to the English
portion of the basin of the Niger.

Isles de Los ceded to France.

Art. VI.-4The group known as the Iles de Los, and situated
oppoSite Konakry, is ceded by His Britannic Majesty to France.

Art. VII.--Persons born in the territories ceded to France by
Arts. V and VI may retain British nationality. Native laws and customs
to remain undisturbed. Iles de Los British fishermen enjoy same rights
as French with regard to anchorage, sale of fish, and landing and drying
of nets.

Frontier East of Niger.

Art. VIIl.-4To the east of the Niger the following line shall be
substituted for the boundary fixed between the French and British
possessions by the Convention of the 14th June, 1898, subject to the
modifications which may result from the stipulations introduced in the
sixth and seventh paragraphs of the present Article.

Starting from the point on the left bank of the Niger laid down
in Art. 111 of the Convention of the 14th June, 1898, that is to say,'
the median line of the Dallul Mauri, the frontier shall be drawn along
this median line until it meets the circumference of a circle drawn from
the town of Sokoto as a centre, with a radius of 160,932 metres (100
miles). Thence it shall follow the northern arc of this circle to a
point situated 5 kilometres south of the point of intersection of the
above-mentioned arc of the circle with the route from Dosso to Matankari
via Maourede .

Thence it shall be drawn in a direct line to a point 20 kilometres
north of Konni (Birni-N'Kouni), and then in a direct line to a point
15 kilometres south of Maradi, and thence shall be continued in a direct
line to the point of intersection of the parallel of 13°20' north
latitude with a meridian passing 70 miles to the east of the second

276

intersection of the 14th degree of north latitude and the northern arc
of the above-mentioned circle.

Thence the frontier shall follow in an easterly direction the
parallel of 13° 20' north latitude until it strikes the left bank of
the River Komadugu Waube (Komadougou Ouobe), the thalweg of which it
will then follow to Lake Chad. But, if before meeting this river the
frontier attains a distance of 5 kilometres from the caravan route from
Zinder to Yo, through Sua Kololua (Soua Kololoua), Adeber, and Kabi,
the boundary shall then be traced at a distance of 5 kilometres to the
south of this route until it strikes the left bank of the River
Komadugu Waube (Komadougou Ouobe), it being nevertheless understood
that, if the boundary thus drawn should happen to pass through a
village, this village, with its lands, shall be assigned to the
Government to which would fall the larger portion of the village and
its lands. The boundary will then,as before, follow the thalweg of the
said river to Lake Chad.

Thence it will follow the degree of latitude passing through
the thalweg of the mouth of the said river up to its intersection with
the meridian running 35' east of the centre of the town of Kouka, and
will then follow this meridian southwards until it intersects the
southern shore of Lake Chad.

It is agreed, however, that, when the Commissioners of the two
Governments at present engaged in delimiting the line laid down in
Art. IV of the Convention of the 14th June, 1898, return home and can
be consulted, the two Governments will be prepared to consider any
modifications of the above frontier line which.may seem desirable for
the purpose of determining the line of demarcation with greater accuracy.
In order to avoid the inconvenience to either party which might result
from the adoption of a line deviating from recognized and well-estab-
lished frontiers, it is agreed that in those portions of the projected
line where the frontier is not determined by the trade routes, regard
shall be had to the present political divisions of the territories so
that the tribes belonging to the territories of TessaouaéMaradi and Zinder
shall, as far as possible, be left to France, and those belonging to
the territories of the British zone shall, as far as possible, be left
to Great Britain.

Lake Chad.

It is further agreed that, on Lake Chad, the frontier line shall,
if necessary, be modified so as to assure to France a communication
through open water at all seasons between her possessions on the north-
west and those on the south-east of the Lake, and a portion of the
surface of the open waters of the Lake at least proportionate to that
assigned to her by the map forming Annex 2 of the Convention of the
14th June, 1898.

River Komadugu.

In that portion of the River Komadugu which is common to both

277

parties, the populations on the banks shall have equal rights of fishing.

Art. IX.--The present Convention shall be ratified, and the
ratifications shall be exchanges, at London, within eight months, or
earlier if possible.

In witness whereof his Excellency the Ambassador of the French
Republic at the Court of His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom
of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the
Seas, Emperor of India, and his Majesty's Principal Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs, duly authorized for that purpose, have signed the
present convention and have affixed thereto their seals.

Done at London, in duplicate, the 8th day of April, 1904.

(L.S.). LANSDWNE.
(L.S.). PAUL CAMZBON.

APPENDIX D
ANGLO-FRENCH TREATY 19061

Convention between Great Britain and France, respecting the
Delimitation of the Frontier between the British and French Possessions
to the East of the Niger. Signed at London, 29th May, 1906.

[Ratifications exchanged at London, 29th August, 1906.]

The Government of His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom
of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the
Seas, Emperor of India, and the Government of the French Republic,
having agreed, in a spirit of mutual good-will, to confirm the Protocol
‘with its two Annexes, prepared, in accordance with paragraphs 6 and 7
of Art. VIII of the Convention of the 8th April, 1904, by their
respective Delegates for the delimitation of the frontier between the
British and French possessions to the east of the Niger;

The Undersigned The Right Honourable Sir Edward Grey, a Baronet
of the United Kingdom, a Member of Parliament, His Majesty's Principal
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs;

And his Excellency Monsieur Paul Cambon, Ambassador of the French
Republic at the Court of His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Ireland and of the British.Dominions beyond the Seas,
Emperor of India;

Duly authorized to this effect, confirm the Protocol with its
Annexes, drawn up at London the 9th day of April, 1906, the text of which
is as follows:-

Protocol.

The Undersigned, having been commissioned by the Governments of
His Britannic Majesty and of the French Republic respectively to submit
proposals in accordance with paragraphs 6 and 7 of Art. VIII of the
Convention of the 8th April, 1904, for.the delimitation of the frontier
between the French and British possessions to the east of the Niger,
have agreed to the following Arrangement, which they have decided to
submit to the approval of their respective Governments:--

 

1Sir E. Hertslet, The Map of Africa by Treaty (London: His
iMajesty' s Stationery Office, 1909).

278

279

Lines of Frontier.

Art. I.--Leaving the last boundary-post erected in 1900 by the
Anglo-French Boundary Commission on the road from 110 to Madekali, at
a distance 16,093 metres (10 miles) from the centre of the village of
Guiris (Giri) (Port of 110), the frontier crosses the Niger and runs to
the valley of the Foga (Dallul Mauri), following straight lines which
are determined by five points placed as follows:--

The first on the road from Korkova to Tunuga, at a distance of
5 kilom. from the village of Korkoba.

The second on the road from Tunuga to Kangakoe, at a distance of
5 kilom. from the village of Tunuga.

The third on the road from.Tunuga to Komba, half-way between
these two villages.

The fourth on the road from Komba to Sabunbirni, half-way between
these two villages.

The fifth on the road from Komba to Bengu, half-way between
these two villages.

Thence the frontier will run first in a north-easterly and then
in a northerly direction, so as to pass parallel to and at a distance
of 10 kilom. to the east of the road from Bengu to Matankari.

This road is determined by the following points:--

Banna, Yellu, the Well of Angua-n'Iliaso, Bale, Goru, Kisamu,
Kuduru, Tullu, Baoda, Makarua, Lokoko, Beibei, Maizari, Dumega, Angua-n-
Ouri, Wassadeaki, Bischimi, Kiada (Tiada), Nassarawa, the pool called
Tabki-M'budu, Angua-Nana, and Dogunduchi.

The frontier will follow the line thus laid down as far as a
point situated 10 kilom. to the east of the cairn already erected on
Budu Hill. Thence it will follow a series of straight lines through
four points placed as follows:--

The first, 5 kilom. to the west of Kwardana;

The second, 5 kilom. to the south of that village;

The third, 5 kilom. to the south of Kwariawa;

The fourth, 5 kilom. to the south of Bazaga.

From the last-named point it will follow a line drawn parallel
to and at a distance of 5 kilom.-to the south of the road from Bazaga
to Malbaza, which passes through.Massalata, Birni n'Konni, Tierassa,
and Sarnawa, as far as a point situated 5 kilom. to the south of the
village of Malbaza.

The frontier will then run in a series of straight lines:--

(1) To a point half-way between the villages of Chigio and Gida
n'Seriki Koma, on the road from Wurnu to Chara.

(2) To a point 5 kilom. to the north of the village of Antudu,
situated on the road from Wurnu to Sabon Birni.

(3) To a point 10 kilom. from the centre of Sabon Birni, measured
along the road from Sabon Birni to Chara.

(4) To a point 5 kilom. to the north of the village of Gida
n 'Mai Mai. '

(5) To a point half-way between Sabon Birni and Gida n'Karri,
on the road from Sabon Birni to Chibiri.

(6) To a point half-way between Sansanne-Aisa to Chibiri, on the
road connecting these two places.

280

The frontier will then pass round the Sultanate. of Maradi in a
series of straight lines traversing--

(1) A point 10 kilom. to the west of the village of Fiawa.

(2) A point 10 kilom. south of Gida n'Gafey.

(3) A point 10 kilom. south of Kandavai.
It is, however, understood that the frontier thus traced to the

south of the Sultanate of Maradi shall not extend south of the parallel
of 13° north.

From the last-named point, 10 kilom. to the south of Kandavai,
the frontier will be so drawn as to intersect the Maradi-Katsena road
at a point situated half-way between Kandavai and Katsena. Continuing
thence in a straight line, it will reach first a point situated on the
Katsena-Tessawa road, equi-distant from the villages of Gida n'Duma,
and Yenkeisga; next a point on the Gallo-Raffa road, equi-distant from
the wells of Katafa and Gobromaggi, and then a point 5 kilom. to the
south-west of the village of Regia Mata. Thence it will follow a line
drawn parallel to and 5 kilom. to the south-west of the road from Regia
Mata to Zango (on which are placed the villages of Kollema, Garato,
Beri Beri, Memaji, Gallu, Danberto, Adamawa, and Gemi), as far as a
point situated 7 kilom. to the west of the centre of the village of
Zango.
Thence the frontier will be drawn so as to intersect--
(1)The Zango-Gemi road, half-way between these two places;
(2) The Zango-Dumbi road, half-way between these two places;

and will then pass-- .
(1) 8 kilom. north-east of Sara.

. (2) 13 kilom. north-east of Shadere.
(3) 10 kilom. north-east of Dasha.
(4) 8 kilom. north of Baoure.

(5) 7 kilom. north of Bure.
(6) 7 kilom. north-east of the last-named place.
(7) 5 kilom. south of Karagua, of which the latitude is approxi-

mately 12° 48' north, the longitude 9° 37' east of Greenwich.
(8) 5 kilom. east of the above-mentioned village of Karagua.
(9) 5 kilom.‘west of the centre of the village of Bilamgari.

The frontier will then intersect--
(l) The Machena-Lagwankaka road, half-way between these two

places.

(2) The Komi-Gumshi road, half-way between these two places.

(3) The Buburua-Maiori road, half-way between these two places.

(4) The road from Sunda Sunda to Gurselik, half-way between
these two places, and will reach a point situated 5 kilom. to the south
of the village of Zumba.

From the last-named point the frontier will follow a line drawn
parallel to and 5 kilom. to the south of the road from Gurselik to
Adubur, which passes through Zumba and Judkorum, until this line strikes
the thalweg of the river Komodugu-Yobe, then itwill follow the thalweg
of the said river as far as Lake Chad.

From the mouth of the KomoduguZ-Yobe in Lake Chad the frontier
will follow towards the east the parallel of latitude, passing through
the thalweg of the mouth of the said river as far as a point situated
at a distance 35 kilom. from the centre of the village of Bosso. From
this point it will run in a straight line to the point of intersection
of the 13th parallel of north latitude with the meridian running

281

35' east of the centre of the town of Kikawa, the meridian mentioned
in the Conventions of the 14th June, 1898, and the 8th April, 1904.

Islands of Lake Chad.

Art. II.--It is agreed that the Islands of Lake Chad situated

within the line laid down in the last paragraph of Art. I will form an
integral part of British territory, and that those situated outside that

line will form an integral part of the French possessions.
Free Navigation on the Lake.

The two High Contracting Parties agree to guarantee free navi-
gation on the Lake to British subjects and British-protected persons,
and to French citizens and French-protected persons, as far as regards

their persons and goods.
Art. IlI--The frontier set forth in the present Protocol is

indicated on the annexed map.

Boundary Commissioners to be Appointed.

Art. IV. --The two Governments undertake to appoint within a year
Commissioners who will be charged with delimiting and marking - out on

the spot the lines of demarcation between the British and French
possessions, in conformity with and in accordance with the spirit of

stipulations of the present Protocol.

Annex.

Although the delineation of the lines of demarcation shown on
the map annexed to the present PrOtocol is supposed to be generally
accurate, it is agreed that the Commissioners hereafter appointed to

delimit the frontier as set forth in the Protocol.
It shall, however, be permissible for them to modify the said

lines of “demarcation for the purpose of fixing them with greater
accuracy, and to make any indispensable alterations of detail. Altera-
tions or corrections of a more important nature affecting the frontier

line must be submitted, by the common :consent of the Commissioners, to
the approval of their respective Governments.

Inhabitants living near the Frontier
may Settle on the other Side.

It is understood that if the inhabitants living near the frontier

282

thus determined should express the wish to cross the frontier in order
to settle in the French possessions, or, inversely, in the British
possessions, no obstacles will be placed in the way of their so doing,
and they shall be granted the necessary time to allow them to gather
in all standing crops, and generally to remove all the property of
which they are the legitimate owners.

Signed in duplicate, London, the 9th day of April, 1906.

ERIC BARRINGTON.
WILLIAM ERSKINE.
CHARLES STRACHEY.
C. F. CLOSE.

G. R. FRI'l‘I-I.

G. BINGER.

H. DE MANNEVILIE.
J. TILHO.

 

283

CONVENTION BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND FRANCE
OF MAY 29. l906.

Frontier Int-Ian British and French Poacuions
to the East of the Niger. Sheet 1.

lg. annexed to as. W am» 994an A906.
0' 1‘

a . . .0
3 6 I. If

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Lhduulnm714mwm.“Lacuna“...
CONVENTION BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND FRANCE
OF MAY 29 I906.

Frontier Bataan Bat“. and Fund. Mint“

:2. In East .I a: mg... Sheet 2.
hp annual to do Howl of“: 994ml A906?
0' f 10' 1' If If If

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

   

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

' ”'"T- We
(I. /“":"*":‘zg=“:
......55’? ' “T
#2 ‘ . H.
_‘fjj Tm,
M2,? : .

' w I'

I

. I I

c r v r r u- I

adminpomu-uouum

-.Figure 54

....

w.-

APPENDIX E

AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE UNITED KINGDOM AND FRANCE
RESPECTING TIE DELIMITATION OF THE FRONTIER BETWEEN TIE
BRITISH AND FRENCH POSSESSIONS EAST OF THE NIGER.

London, February 19, 1910.

By an Exchange of Notes between the French Minister for Foreign
Affairs and His Majesty's Ambassador at Paris--dated respectively May 17,
1911, and July 1, 1911--His Britannic Majesty's Government and the
Government of the French Republic formally approved the following
Protocol signed at London on February 19, 1910, for the delimitation of
the frontier between the British and French possessions to the east of
the Niger, which has been carried out in accordance withArticle 4 of
the Convention signed at London, May 29, 1906 ("Treaty Series, No. 14

(1906)"):--

ANGLO-FRENCH C(MMISSION FOR THE DELIMITATION
OF TIE FRONTIER EAST OF TIE NIGER,
NORTHERN NIGERIA.

Protocol with Regard to Definition of Frontier.

The undersigned Commissioners, appointed for the delimitation of
the frontier between the British and French possessions to the East of
the Niger under the provisions of the Convention signed at London on the
29th May, 1906, submit for the approval of their respective Governments
the following description of the frontier they have marked out:--

Article 1. --Description of the Frontier.

The frontier follows a straight line from beacon to beacon.
For convenience of reference the list of beacons is given in

284

285

tabular form with the following conventions--
l. The boundary beacons are described according to the following

system of classification--
Class A. --A group of four palm-tree posts disposed round a fifth
central post which carries a tri-colour enamelled iron plaque, 8 inches

by 6 inches, with the inscription--

Delimitation 1907.
Borne No. .

The number on the plaque is the number of the beacon referred to in
the Table and on the map.

Class B.--A conical pillar built of dry stone, cemented on top
except where stated, to which is fixed the number plaque above mentioned.

Class C.--The upper length of an iron telegraph pole of Northern
Nigeria pattern, 15 feet long, fixed in the ground at a depth of 4 feet
to 5 feet, carrying at the top the numbered plaque above mentioned, and
generally cemented at the base.

Class D.--The cast-iron base socket, 5 feet long, of an iron
telegraph pole, fixed point uppermost in the ground, at a depth of

3 feet. The numbered plaque is fixed to a tree close by.
Class E.--A tree, stripped of all except the upper branches, to

which the numbered plaque is fastened at a height of 10 feet tO’IS feet

above the ground. A clearing has been formed around the tree.

2. All bearings are true bearings from north round by east. They
must not be taken as mathematically exact. Any case where the position
of the frontier intermediate to two beacons is in doubt must be settled
by tracing on the ground the straight line between the two beacons.

3. All distances between beacons, and also those whose bearings
are given in degrees, are measured in a straight line. All other
distances are measured along native tracks in question. Except in
certain cases all distances are given in round numbers to the nearest

100 metres, and must not be taken as mathematically exact.
4. The first village mentioned in the description of the position

of a beacon is in British territory in the English text, and in French

territory in the French text.
5. In case where a beacon has disappeared and a doubt should

arise in consequence as to the exact position where it was placed by the
Commissioners, the position must be determined by reference solely to
the distances given in the column headed "Position." Should, however,
the roads and localities therein mentioned have disappeared since the
passage of the Commission, then the position of the beacon in question
must be determined by reference to the figures given in. the columns

headed "Bearing" and "Distance."

286

oom.m

ooH.B

oom.m

oom

oom.m

oom.m
oo~.s

oos.m

ooa.a

mouuoz

 

no

~\H 0mm

«\H Hmm

emu

can

own
«\H we

~\H ma

«\H we

moouwon

.aoomom magnououm Bonn

museuman

meaumom

.Hama naou swoon

mo noeuoo onus-suuoc scum mouuua oomAOH
«noon awcomunoaawcflm mo nuaoa mouuoa on
.oonH«> nous mo ouucoo aouw mouuoa
oom.w .ooou aweomuuooEOM mo oven umom

..nEOM mo comm woos scum
monuoa oom.m Anson «chansonomuasoaox mo
oven umo3u5u30m ou omoHo Haanuocoo a so
.moeox
mo comm umoa scum mouuoa oomqm Anoon
mwocsaumneom o>auanuouao no no spam nuuoz
.uoaox mo comm umo3.aoum
mouuoa oom.n .Hnmwmz.awooa moss: waauflsm
Home .nuou swsanauuonaox mo ones nuuoz
mwacsa
mo comm ummOISOHOc scum mouuoa oo~.m
«noon owncoaunooxmwamx mo moan nuaom
.o>oxqu mo ouucoo scum menace
ooo.m «noon swaapawuo>oxuou no mean :uuoz
.OHOQ «0 ounces scum mouuoa
oom.m .omou oHonwam>oxqu no mean nunom

.omma manuaon .oflon no
spouse Eoum mouuoa owe Azaouo mo ammo u<

.AoHHH mo uuomv “New «0 choose Bonn menace

mmoqofi Reflexonmz ou OHHH scum noon onu so

coauamom

.mGOOdmm mo afifidfi

.m mamas

.m mmwao

.ouucoo can

:a cocoon oooum Hamam

m nuwa.amxcauu mono
Iaamm Hku Room .< mmmfio

.m mmmHo

.m mmmao

.m mmmfio
.m momao

.¢ mmwao
omo waaumon
«unmuman mouuoa on omen o
co voomam ma cocoon occum
moonwaoo Hanan 4 .4 mmwao
.coammaaaoo humncoom
nocmumIona< one
an coma an souomuo
xume %umnmoon ummq

coaumwuommn nonesz

287

.monauoaz mo suaOm mmaao mo moo

 

 

oo~.o mm so qnoon hovsussxuusscofiad mo ovum umos .m mmmHo om
.Haaa can No
soup can so .meuam scum mouuoa ooNAM

cos.m mm .emou anouuuzT-AHHmaV Axmuam no sea. swam .m mmwflo m.
.aaouaam Ono sonm «newsman noon
Ono sauna ucaon scum mouuoa OOQAH

ooe.m os .uuou sauuxu211ausomama no as“. uses .m mamas we
.«uoonwcum saxooa Hoom can no au=Om

oom.m «\H an mouuoe one .voou anon: InauaM mo moan umos .m mmaau NH
.«uusvao no Hana soum mouuoa OOBAH

oom.o~ «\H ma .ooou suaoaxunoosOHnnauuavaw mo moan umwm .m mmmao 0H
.AouuaoOV ououam scum menace

oom.~a can cos.HH .ouou amass--.HHAa no we“. nuuoz .m sumac AH
.oHon
Hausa aoaaunu use: meson «mono one scum
mouuoa ooH.oH on. «Hams onoon_aoum mouuos

coo.nH umm oom.¢ .vuou anon-Ionoon mo moan nunom .m mmmfio «H
.daow mo ousw umos scum mouuoa
ooh.oH one «mmaao mo moo mo umoa_mouuoa

ooa.m «\H «a ooa.H .eaou sass.-qauawou no can. nusom .m mamas ma.
.saow mo oumw umos Boum mouuoa oomam
.ouou can he commons «mean Ono mo

oom.oH w go. so .nuou snow--meoo no can. nusom .m mmmHo NH
.uccm mo ouucoo 80km mouuoa oonaua
new .ocamon Ono muouco noon muons
uaaom mo umoa mouuoa omH Anoon scum

ooq.oH «\H nmm nooou mo ouoom Home Hooaaoo Hanan o.co .m mmmHo HH
. .Haas csou
:wcou mo nocuoo umosanuuoa scum mouuoe

oom.o mm oo¢.HH .umou Bacon--osoo no sea. Epsom .m mamas oH

mouuoz moon on
.aoomom wmwooooum Eoum aowuamom coaumwuomon Honanz
oocauman woausom

 

AconcauGOOV maoosom mo manna

288

.uoaawsusw
a. naocx uoquuuav “moaaox scum mouuoa magnum an noncaouusm
cos.» «\H mm ooH.mH .nuou moaaounuaoaxom «0 one» nuuoz mafia meanness mo oaam an
..eauuuesxmm noses Hag: hxoou
use: .hoaaou «0 ounces scum coupes

oos.nm as oou.HH .nnou moaaoe.-aaum «a «fin. can u< Aeoucuaooasv .m .mmao mm
.AouuaOOV unsung Baum menace

ooH.oH om 00¢.H annoy sucsaxuuasouunu mo ones nuuoz .m mmsao um
.AouueoOV .Howau scum nouuoa ooo.m

oomm.n can .e.ou u.om«u--¢ua¢e mo assa. assume emu .m .mmHo Hm
.oosoa mo Has: no undo nouuoa con .ooou

oom.ma «a Iassuauouz--onaoaw-«assess mo ova. ausom .m .mmao on

.sasm casuam mo
undo scum nouuoa ooo.n .muaao have:

 

 

oom.~ we .uaou «H.a a«au«m--qaua no on“. Buuoz .m mamas AN
.«uoxsasm mo ”Hos scum uouuoa com

com o annoy «uuxuaumwuauunosm mo oven uoum .m mmsao mm
.«uuxuaah mo Hana scum canoes ooa.H

ooo.o mu .voou «noxuaomwuoaaauash mo moan poem .m mmsao mu
.aaaouaun
mo and» unoaunuuoc scum nouuoa oom.¢

oom.m «a .oqou aueounu.-aaaauaun no on“. nuuoz .m asses EN
..aoaso mo onusoo scum coupes

005.. an ooh.a .ouounauoosno.-¢soauo no ova. Amos .m ..mHo mu
..aoauo mo onusoo scum saunas

oon.~ as ooa.H .oaou unsung--.suauo no «on. suuoz Acmucusoocav .m .mmflo AN
.au««QM mo ouuw uuoa scum mouuos

oom.~ an ooo.n .vaou phenom-nuaoauo mo oven nusom Aooucoaoocov .m mmaao ma
.auaqu mo anon anon scum oouuoe

oom.~ «m ooo.n .oqou spam-u--nq2aa so «on. auaom .m sumac Nu
.suaqu mo ouow unoo scum mouuoa

ooH.o on ooa.a .nuou nuance--asm no on“. p.03 .m sumac AN

nouuoz. nooumoa
.coouomlucaooooum Scum coauamom coaumHHOmoa nonasz
ooauuoaa unauson

 

 

Avoncauaouv oaoooom mo manna -

289

.Aouu:00v oaaauwaom sown saunas ooh.m

oom.m on Anson oaoeuumawumadauwcam mo oven umom .m muoHo we
.AoNOGOOV madaownnm scum menace oooaa

oom.w «\H Na «noon unmouowa1uo3wauwoam mo oven unom .m momao no
«scam
agenda mo ouow one: scum mouuoa oooqn

oos.~ he .cuou Assam caauam--uHoHHH no one. name .m mmmHo we
.«caoM
awaken mo ouuw umoa scum mouuoa oooqn

oom.s «\H as .suou Assam casuam--oafluaauu no «can as»: .m mmafio me
.3353 33332 Bonn mouuoe oooam

oom.m «OH «coon ouoaommuzTuafianm mo undo umom .m mmoHo «a
.nouucoOV ouoflmmomz Baum coupes oooqm

oom.m «\H am .omou duodenuszIaauuom mo moan Ono u< .m mmmau me
.uunaa< no open nuoom Baum mouuoa

cos.m «\H as ooh .euou «unpa<.-qamuum no can. Baum .m mamas as

.Haae was no use.
G flO waflmhdh MO OHUGOO BORN mOHu—OE

 

 

oomAB «\H mm ooo «noon ozomummwumemuom mo moan umom .m mmmau He
.Hfionoz mo ouucoo scum mouuoa com
oom.~ «\H mm .voou owmnmmuuamoanTIHGOmH mo scam ummm .m mmmao oq
.m3o«um3& mo ouucoo scum mouuoa oomqm
ooo.m «\H mm .cmou «smegma --Aaauemaa no «was “was .m Amman mm
.macmoumsz mo HHo3 scum mouuoa OOQAo
oooA¢ ooH Annoy occsouoaxuuwuusnoam mo swam umoz .m mmeo mm
.mccsouoax mo Haoa Bonn mouuoa oo~.¢
oooqm mMH «noon mesooumazaawovawsm mo swam ummm .m mmmHo hm
.meamouwsz mo Haoa scum mouuoa
ooo.s so ooo.m assumes .ooau maaummn .eAap was EH .m mmmao on
.Aouuoouv mooammm Eoum menace
oos.mm we oom.oH .emou suamm--aesammm no use. Dame Aeouaoamocsv .m mamas mm
mouuoz mooumon
.aoomom mcgooooum Scum coaufimom coaumquomon nonanz
mucoumaa wmfiuoom

 

 

amenaHOEOOV maoomom mo OHQOH

290

.«mom canon no
«new saxoua Hood mo nuuoa mouuoa oom.~

 

 

ooa.sm mnH .euou HAHBHH1-asuuoaqu Ho uuH. Base .9 mmaHo He
.«uowaon
no causes no undo mouuoa ooh.a «noon
oos.mH «\H RHH Heuumzw-Huumauaw-Hnanconum mo acH. nuuoz .o ssmHu om
.auaaoz
sumac mo ouuaoo scum menace oouqn «noon
ooH.n om onah amoaouuaoaaoz cacao mo oven noon .9 mmmHo mm
03%“
:HHHao Ho snap uanu scum mousse oom.m
oom.m as .ouou agapae--suasauHsz Ho aeH. Baum .H .mmHo mm
. .anoue< no chance scum mouuoa
ooo.~ RHH ooo.m DauumHu .ooem waHuamn .nmsn on“ EH, .0 mmmHo an
.AouucOOV oasaonwo¢.aoum mouuoa oomaoa
oom.m~ moH anon Haunsa--oHuHuamq< Ho oeHm swam .m mmmHo on
.OmooanM Bonn mouuoa oow.oH
Anson sou no Haoa onu mo Sacco menace.
oom.m oHH ooH.s .euou a..uasu--=nmssu Ho meH. Baum .m mmmHo mm
.mHHHn we soon wcHsoHHoH
noon came ovamwcoHo some a no “human
cacao mo nuuoa menace OOHRH «moon onwaso
oom.w NHH unanowsm confluIIOmmaM mo umoa mouuoa oom .m mmmHo em
.Hmwam mo maama mo ounce
00m.m moH mouuoa ooo «neon «anwuuommmM mo oven Boom .m mmmao mm
.AOHOGOOV moose Scum mouuoa oom.m
oom.w NHH Anson mamuowonunmovou mo open umom .m mmmao um
.ouooasz_mo ouucoo scum mouuoa
ooH.m «\H HHH oom.a .uaou unanHmz.-meemu Ho oBHm Dam: .m mmmHo Hm
.auonasz no spouse scum menace
oom.m mm OOHAm .noou muoonZTIHqu mo swam umoz .m mmmao om
.owoumz «0 chance scum
cos.HH on mousse oom.~ .ooaH waHuumn .emsn was EH .m mmmHo as
menus: moouwon
.coomom weavoooum 80pm cowuamom soaumwuomon Hopauz
ooemumwn mewuoom

 

 

AooacflucooV maoomom mo canoe

291

odmfivm HO GHHfiQO ghw mQHUOa OOOAOH

 

 

08.... mm .38 damnisssH mo ~38 unaffisom .9 .330 He
.onmoouu
aucune snowmen mo undo menace oom.H
ooa.m «\H mm .ouou sausage--aaHsuue no aeHm euuoz .m ..sHo on
.uouaoo
.Aouu:OOV aw uom ow.oavmam Ono
swam mo mouuoa ooaaa «snowman maauuox seen: no moo no name;
oom.o 50H amouum can no xoon unwwu scum mouuoa on Oman 5 penance ouaamuw 4 mo
.oouu mo uoom um
.mpoxoz scum mouuoa conAm noomam ow oawcaom mo
cos.m «\H as .caou «name aHauHm--uwae Ho ouHm auaom mums HHmam a .m mmmHo we
.maavoauweon_asvwo mo ounce menace oom.H
oo¢.m cs .caou «name aHauHm--anHa no wEHm “mus .m mmmHo as
.AONHOOOV oonHH> nunoz mange scum mouuoa
oom.oH on con.H Anson onuouoxunmanah «0 spam nuuoz .m mmmao on
.moxmum he
nonnnouunm mawaenm mo
.ouonaoman scum menace oonqoa mass m e« noxwm osomflm
oOOAOH mm «noon ouooeomsnwuamvaou mo open nuuoz one wawmuumo umom ¢ no
.muooamman «0
choose mo fiasco mouuoa 0mm «mamomumm
cow.HH oa uo>ae no game HewHu scum mousse om AHHmBmv .m mmmHo so
.kuHso cHeosn
poem: exoou mo nu50m menace ooo.~
oom.o~ NqH «noon oxsuamunaasusw mo moan unmoususom .m mmmao mo
.oouu mo
.AOHOGOOV causes: scum mouuos moaawfi uoou on ma oawawam
oom.m~ «\H qu «noon samuoonwnwaosmoz.mo spam nuaom mo new: a .m mmmao No
mouuoz moouwon
cocoon wcaooooum Eoum cowuwmom aowumHHOmon Honapz
monoumfia wefiuwom

 

AvoaaaueOOV maoomom mo manna

292

.mumaxaucua mo owns suaOa scum mouuoa ooH.H

oo~.o mmH .ouou suuHxHueenIIsuswun «o oon snow .0 mmsHo mm
.oaouoxsz no chance scum mouuoa com .oouu wcauaoonwaoe a co
con.¢ on Anoon maHoMIIoaouoxsz_mo moan umoausuuoz ma oavan one .o mmmao Nm

.uemumao menace
omen wcwumoo mono so
.mumz_mfinam onwaam .moo ucoaoo £u«3

«0 ounces aoum mouuoa oooam «noon aoaumncsom ucoaoo no new

oou.o mas mum: mamaMIImmHamm no spam unusunuuoz swan uoom N 0:0um owned Hm
. .uaoumwn mouuoa on mass
.Haoa some scum menace ommqa «moon wafiumon mono o no noxwm

oo~.m ~\H ca HHA.3 «Hausa--HHmz Hfimaounoo mo muHm Baum .H onumHa any .n mmmHo om

.AouuGOOV exam
awaken scum mouuoa OOOAN .vmou Edam:

coo.m «\H mm aHuHm--ax=e cHauHm--HHasm Ho osHm nuaom .m mmmHo an
.maozucaauam mo suuo: mouuoa cowam

oom.a «\H mm .smou saue< amsHo--AHamm Ho meHm Dams .m mmsHo we
.AouucooV compose amoau Bonn mouuoa oom.¢

oom.m ~\H so .wmou owowom--anmncmn ameHo Ho meHm name .a mmmHo he
.maan ocean mo ouuooo Bonn menace oowqa

oomAB mm «noon mumwchInmada cacao mo oven Doom .m mmmau on
.AOHOGOOV aucaM cacao Baum mouuoa oonaw

oom.mH an .ssou «Hw<--=ucse amsHo no msHm ummm .a mmmHo ma

.AouuaooV madam owned
scum mouuoa ooN.H Hoom n he Anoon

 

 

oooAN mm annex mauwmIIw3NHOmmao no spam ummm .n wwwau on
.AouuaOOV masocowoo Boum mouuoa oooau
ooonm mm .moou aumnmwmowao3mnaowon mo sown poem .9 mmmHo mm
.«hmm mo ouucoo scum mouuofi oom.m
oomam mm «noon onemowwzmm mo ammo menace on .m mmoHo an
mouuoz moouwon
:oooom moanoooum Bonn coauamom cowumquomon Honasz
ooomuman Iwaaumom

 

I

AconcHOGOOV mooomom mo canoe

293

.onosnonoom
«0 Doom Au:Om Scum mouuoa OONAH

oom.e «\H HoH .emou oeuunonoum--ou=am Ho ueHs Ham: .0 mmmHo as
.omomameoH
no one» umo3 scum mouuua ooH.H

oow.o aHH .ouou mumsameonIIoHnoom «0 mean ouuoz .o mmoHo om
.owaHHH> umo3 madcap scum mouuoe

ooo.m mmH oou.~ .oaou a3aasn.-mpaoo Ho «BHA Dawn .0 .msHo mm
.«noan mo ouow ammo scum mouuoa

oom.o omH com .emou «new».-HeoHn Ho ouHm Dame .0 .mmHo «a
.anoouom mo ousw umo3_aoum mouuoa ooh.H

oom.¢ HmH .euou Hmuaase.-Hfimuuam Ho oeHm nouoz .o mmmHo mm
.owOON mo ouow ammo scum mouuoa ooon

coo.m NHH .smou someagaan.-owaou «0 msHm nuuoz .o mmmHo . Na
.owGON mo oumw ammo scum mouuoa

ooo.s Ha oos.~ .maou sonaosn1-0wcow Ho usH. Baum .u mmmHo Ha
.ow:ON mo oumw owes Baum menace

coo.m ~\H we oom.m .umou HaoHo--owa0N Ho EEHA Dame .0 mmmHu as

.vaou menu amouo uoa moon unannoum one
.owaow mo muow umo3 Eoum mouuoa OONAN

 

 

ooe.~ qu .cmou omaom--mxH--muamn Ho meHm euuoz .o mmmHo mm
.mHEmmH mo ouuaoo scum menace ooo.m
ooH.a «\H mmH .euou HcoHo.-mHaume--muamn Ho meHm Busom .o mmmHo mm
.AouueOOV gammamasx scum mouuoa ecu
oom.¢ ~\H oma «noon m3m5mo<nuaewmcmaax mo moan auuoz .0 mmmfio mm
.AouucoOV auumnamn.aoum mouuoe oon.¢
oom.m HMH .ewou suumnawnu-Haanaomom Ho oeHm Dame .0 mmmHo om
.mahaaamz «0 ounces scum mouuoa com
oom.¢ mmH Anoon mafinsaszIHEsuununz.mo ovam umoz .o mmmao mm
.snsawz_mo ouueoo scum mouuos ooo.~
oom.o HHH noon Huoofiuomauaooamz_mo moan umoz .m mmmHu on
menus: moouwoo
coowom mawnooumm 80am coauamom cowumwuomon Honasz
mocmumfin wcwumom

%

AooscauGOOV mooomom mo canoe

294

.«non mo Hams scum mouuoa

ooo.~ om ooh .owou answamnw-Hson Ho ueHm swam .o mmsHo oHH
.maxmaawn no snow ounce aoum mouuoa

oo~.¢ «\H soH com .swou «Hemeaun.-Hsa=o Ho oeHm Dawn .0 mmmHo aoH
.«xanoesn «0 ”H03 scum mouuoa ceaqa

ooq.e mm noon wasaannaxasnamn mo umoa Bounce mu .m mmmH0 mcfi
.HHom mo uuucoo scum mouuoa

ocean ~\H Hm 00H.H Anson HHomIIHnoaowcmn «0 moan umom .0 mmmao boa
.mammcuxuom
mo oumw fiance scum mouuoa 00H.H

000.0 «\H am «noon maemnaxuomauoauwmz mo scam umoz .0 mmmH0 00H
.summwmz.mo ouucoo scum menace OOOAH

oo~.m ~\H Hm .uaou oanoauau-suamHmz_Ho oeHm swam .o mmmHo moH
.HxHOH 00 chance scum mouuoa

oom.~ «\H Hm ooq.H «noon ooanooonwuaxwoh mo moan umo3 .0 mmmao «OH
.AouucooV ooEmN scum menace oomqw «ooongmz

00¢.q «\H Hm Iuaxwon new ooemNIIHnoan momou moons u< .0 mmmao moH
.HHma owmvmaz aoum mouuoa oow

oooaq «\H am «noon osmooHMIIoHooumm mo anew umoz .m mmma0 NoH

.wnmmn mowc<
Eoum mouuoa 0mm .«Oxmocmnvumuooumm

 

 

oomqm «\H «OH 0cm gamma osmoenufioamm mnmou mmouo u< .0 mmmH0 HoH
.mamaemumH
mo oumw umo3 mo zuuoc mouuoa oom
oom.o moH Anson m3m~m0nnm3mqamuma mo Noam ummm .0 mmmH0 ooH
.owoocmo mo oumw Sumo: Eoum menace oom
oom.m NHH «noon onumoemanuowoocmn mo Noam umoz .0 mmsao mm
.oxu< mo mumw umm3 scum menace
com.“ «\H moH coo .emou oxua--aummwme H0 mon Dame .0 mmmHu mm
monumz moouwoa
eoomom mcwoooomm.8oum GOHuHmom cowumwuomon nooasz
mocmumwn wawumom

 

 

Anomawu:00v maoomom mo manna

295

.Haommowofion mo ouucoo scum mouuoa oom.0

 

 

oonam he «moon «admmmhofiohuumaaanosz no open poem .0 mme0 amfl
.mauuuwcmu saxooe Hoom 00 undo mouuoa one

oom.a «\H ms .euou HpuuHoo.-uaaHnouz_Ho oeHm Huuoz .o mmaHo MNH
.ausann wo Hams scum mouuos ooa.m

oomam mm .moou «Nassau-“>QM no open umaoanuuoz .0 mmmao «NH
.AouueooV museum: scum mouuua 00H.H

ooo.m «\H am «noon HuoHao0IIaumuuoz.mo omen umos .0 mmoao HNH
.auuawmuumu mo oumw umm3 scum menace 00¢

oom.m «\H mm .emou mamHou--HuuHmmuuqe Ho aeHm nuaom .o mmmHo ouH
.mamamm
cqxnma Hoom one «o nuuo: mouuoa oow

ooa.m ~\H as .cuou HuHuuo--HuommHawumm no meHm page .0 mmmHo mHH
.Aouu:00v «Hoocaumo scum mouuoa oom.~

oom.o we «noon Bduoneomunaaoncauou «0 spam ummm .0 mmmHo wHH
.oomN wcaumon HH03 onu scum mouuoa

oom.m Na 00H .owwom mo macaw nuuoa Boum mouuoe n .0 mmmao NHH
.AouuaooV «ammamuox aoum menace oomAa

ooo.¢ ma «noon Hammeaummuuommmxounon no spam umoz .0 mmmH0 oHH
.AHHoav onwoumM eoum mouuoe

00¢.m «\H mm oomaa «moon mawmumMIIHusuoo mo seam um03 .0 mmmao mHH
.owonmaz mo HH03 aoum mouuoe

oom.e um com .emou massage--HsmHmo Ho meHm Dame .0 mmmHo eHH
.Eousxsn finance Hooa mo ummO£u=Om mouuoa

ooHAN mm OOH.H Apron axaoam21uwomam0 mo spam ummm .0 moma0 nae
.w3HmHm saxoma Hoom Ono mo auuoo mouuoe

oom.¢ mm oom «noon 53H0Hm21um3mao3 mo oon um03. .0 wmmao NHH
.AouucooV Hamumwamz.soum monumeooH.H

oom.o em .emou Hesse--HHaumemz_Ho meHm Dame .0 mmmHo HHH

mouuoz .mooumma
.coomom wcwooooumlEoum cowuwmom cowumauomon nonesz
oocmuman wmanmom .

 

 

AconcauaooV mooomom mo manna

296

oo0.~

oo0.mm

cos.m

oos.w

ooa.0H

oo~.-

oom.sH

oom.0

oom.a

ooo.0H
oom.m

oom.~
moans:

00

00

00

00

00

«\H 50

N\H aw

N\H mm

«\H 00

«\H N0
n0

00
moouwon

.AouucooV wnBBN Baum mouuoa 00H.0
Anson NABBNIIstBuN mo undo monuoB 00
.AouuBOOV onBSN Baum

mouuoB 000.0 Anson eoBBNIIamo 00 mean use:

.waauHmm aaamnsn mo

umouo Boum mouuoB 000.0 Haas mo umouo Bo
«noon ammumxnnmaoaowoum0 mo umoa mouuoB 00H
.wcguHmm maauomn mo umouo one Mo owes mouuoB

005.0 «noon :wousMIIauoooM mo 00am susom
.mnsou mmouo xenouao0

Beam mouuoB 005.0 new Baumwuam Beam mouuoB
00H.0 «neon xoamuso0nusmaBmm mo moan umo3

.Bwuwmunm oaom

noumz sea «0 ammoanuuoa mouuoB oofiqo
«noon xoflmu=o0uuoocmmeoocmn no mean umoz

.AouucooV Huoflmz Baum mouuoB

000.0 «moon mononuomunauoqmz 00 undo poem

.«Hawumx ou coon
Ono mo Boauoesn onu um voumouwm oanomM
xoou onwaouw one mo unmounuuoe mouuoB
oouaa «noon onmu=o0IIHNan0 no mean umo3
.AOHOBOOV HuBB0 Boum mouuoB
oom.HH .Baou «HERE--HNBBB Ho mBHm Hams
.AouuBOOv Hquo Bonn mouuoB
000amH «Human3 Haas mummouo noon ouona
uawom um noon HBoMIIHNBB0 mo 00Hm Boom
.AouumooV H000 Boum mouuoB oonaw
«noon HBOMIIHwO0IIoBBHoomz_mo spam umom
.macanomz mo ouucoo Boum mouuoB 00m.m
Ammo“ wmmmBmawuoBBHnowz.mo moan ummm

.m mmmHo

.o mmmHo

.o mmmHo

.< .msHo

.U mmmHU

.o mmmHo

.o mmmHo

.o mmmHo

.o mmmHo

.o mmmHu

.o mmmHo

.0 mme0

0mH

mma

«Ma

MMH

NmH

HmH

oma

0NH

wNH

NNH
0NH

mNH

 

.Boowom wBHvooomm Boum

 

ooamuman

mafiumom

aoHuHmom

BoHumeOmon nooenz

 

 

Aconcaucoov meoowom mo manna

297

oo0.¢

oo~.~H

oo~.s

oom.m

oo~.mH

coo.oH

000.0H

oo~.m

00H.HH
mouuoz

«\H 00H

0NH

“Ha

«OH

HOH

0HH

00H

00

00
moouwoa

.AouuaooV «uuoaoxmoe

Baum Bounce 00N.0 0am .«uonmo04

mo uoHBon suBOm Beam mouuoB 000
.0oou «BaozTIHuuoBoxona no mean umom
.Hoom,

aumBoHHm Boum mouuoa 000.H .owoau mo

umouo Bo nanuvfim Bonn mouuoB 000.0
.0mou «Baozwuuanuowm 00 00am umom

.AouucooV uaooon< Bonn mouuoB 000.0
.0mou uncoopernuanuvam 00 spam umoz
.0mou BoumBovamuuuasuvam mo

wcwmmouo um uaonon<_Boum mouuoB 000.0
coon unonoo<IIBm0Ho0 mo 00am ummm
.BmumBmoam Beam mouuoB

000.0 .umo3 new name wBHBBBH owku
maomxumBou a no Hana Ono co noon
BmuaanwmIImawaafiso mo umoa mouuoB 00

.AouucooV mBsouam Boum

mouuoB 000.~ .Haan mo amouo Bo noon
BouoxuohnumBoouamuuoaaaaano mo moan umo3
.AouuBOOV BouoxOOH

Boum mouuoB 000.0 .mmou BouoxOOH
IIBwBBmN mo umos mouuoB 00 sweep o co
.AouuaooV moummmm

Boum mouuoB 00~.N .mmou moummmM
Ium3uam 00 undo mouuoB 00 owowu m :0

.AouucooV Hmonm Boum

saunas oom.q .Bmou Humem--mseaxHuxHeu
Innoo mo umos mouuoB 0H owowu w B0

.0 mmmHo

.o mmmHo

.o mmmHo

.o mmsHo

.o mmmHo

.U mmMHU

.0 mmmHO

.0 mme0

.0 mmAHo

00H

«0H

0¢H

NQH

aqH

00H

00H

00H

50H

 

.coomom wegvoooumIBoum

 

oucmumwn

wowumom

aoHuHmom

cowumauomoa nonBsz

 

 

AvoBBHuBOOV mcoomom mo canoe

298

 

 

000.0 00H

.no>nn can mo xeno Osman can so cocoan
on .OHOQ nnmnwoaou a mo wanumnmaoo
.xnoB hnmnanxao B< .smsn man an woo»

 

 

amnnoBOM no>nm on» mo anon umoH man no .0 mmmH0 00H
.onow swanmeox mo mmamam wcnnoonon owonn mo
nnBBBm Bo .noxan NBoBmM Bonm monnoB 000.H
000.0 NHH econ nnnnmonIImBocmM mo umoa monuoB 00 .0 00000 00H
.uoxnma
NBonM no menu wan Bonm monuoB 000.0
00H.m .\H 0HH .000. Hanazw-mamamn .0 00H. 0003 .0 mme0 000
monuoz moonwon
.Boomom wcnoooonmlBonm Bonuwmom BonumnnOmon nOABBz
overhung wonnmom

 

 

AvoscnncooV mcoomom mo wanna

299

From beacon 148 the frontier follows a straight line bearing
90°, distance about 30 metres, till this line intersects the thalweg
of the River Komadugu Yobe.

From this point the frontier follows the thalweg of the River
Komadugu Yobe as far as the mouth of the river in Lake Chad.

As the course of the Komadugu Yobe is extremely sinuous, rendering
it liable to frequent changes, it is necessary to make an arrangement
providing for such a change. The following appears the most suitable:--

In the case of the river altering its course to the northward
or westward so as to intersect the straight line between beacons 147
and 148 to the westward of the present point, the new thalweg of the
river will constitute the frontier from the aforesaid new point of
intersection.

In the case of the river altering its course to the southward
or eastward so as not to intersect the line as described at 30 metres
from beacon 148, the frontier will follow the thalweg of the river as
now existing to the point where the thalweg of this old bed will join
the thalweg of the new bed of the river.

From this point the frontier will follow the thalweg of the river
as it may exist for the time being as far as the mouth of the river in
Lake Chad.

The mouth of the Komadugu Yobe has been marked by an iron tele-
graph pole, cemented at the base, situated in 13° 42' 29" north latitude,
8,250 metres east of the centre of the village of Bosso.

From this point the frontier follows the parallel of 13° 42' 29"
north latitude for a distance of 26,700 metres to the point on that
parallel 35 kilom. from the centre of Bosso.

An iron telegraph pole, set in cement, is erected on an island
situated approximately 1,150 metres bearing 325° from this point.

From this point the frOntier follows a straight line bearing
144° 34', distance 96,062 metres to the point where the 13th parallel
of north latitude intersects the meridian.35' east of the centre of
Kukawa.

The centre of Kukawa is in 12° 55' 35'5" north latitude.

The centre of Bosso is in 13° 41' 59" north latitude, 0° 15' 11"
west of Kukawa.

Article II.--Deflections.

From the line as laid down in the Convention of the 29th May,
1906, the following departures have been made, which are submitted for
approval:--

1. At beacon 32 an area of 41 square kilom., lying in the British
zone, has been included in the French zone in order to leave under French
control the village of Kauara, which is isolated from British inhabited
territory, and has been hitherto administered from Matankari. _

2. At beacons 33 and 34 an area of 216 square kilom., lying in
the French zone, has been included in the British zone. This area is
‘waterless bush.

3. At beacon 54 the place named Gidan Seriki Koma could not be
found, and beacons 52, 53, 54, 55 are placed in a straight line from

wax .... “-

 

300

the point 5 kilom. south of Malbaza to the point 5 kilom. north of
Antudu. This line passes 3 1/2 kilom. from.Chigio instead of 4 1/2 as
shown on the map annexed to the Protocol.

4. At beacons 58 and 59 an area of 43 square kilom., lying in
the French zone, has been included in the British zone. This area,
containing three small villages dependent on Sabon Birni isolated from
French inhabited territory,‘was taken in compensation for Kauara.

5. At beacons 61 and 62 an area of 285 square kilom., lying in
the British zone, has been included in the French zone. There being no
direct road between Sansanne Isa and Tibiri, it was proposed by the
British Commissioners that for the point mentioned in the Convention
the point half-way as the crow flies between those two places should
be substituted.‘

According to the French Commissioner the point should be half-way l
on the road Isa-Gidan Fadama-Tibiri, which is the shortest existing
track between the two places. The French Commissioner, having accepted’
the British point of view, agrees that the positions of beacons 61 and
62 involve a deflection of 285 square kilom. This area is waterless bush.

6.i Between beacons 93 and 101 various small deflections have
been made, giving to the British the hamlet of Angua Dala, and to the
French the hamlet of Danchalei, and amounting on either side to 19 square
kilom. This area is cultivated.

7. At beacon 109 an area of 9 square kilom., lying in the British
zone, has been included in the French zone. The frontier was found to
cut across the northern part of the village of Dammakia, which, being a
Demagherim village, has been left in French territory.

8. At beacon 120 an area of 14 square kilom., containing the
village of Karragirri, belonging to Machinna, has been included in
the British zone in compensation for the preceding deflection.

9. At beacon 124 the village of Lawankaka was found to have
changed its name since 1905 in consequence of the Chief having migrated‘
to another village 4 miles distant, near Zagari, now known as Lawankaka.
The old village is now called Jajayassami. As it appeared reasonable
to suppose that the latter village was the village intended to be
designated in the Convention, the frontier was laid out accordingly.

The Commissioners are agreed in thinking that these deflections
are of small importance and approximately compensated.

We." .

Article III.--Maintenance of Beacons.

The Commissioners are of opinion that it will be to the interest
of the two Colonies to maintain the frontier beacons which they have '
erected, and which are exposed from.many causes to deterioration, and
even destruction, if neglected.

They agree in recommending that the following precautions
should be taken eVery year by both English and French authorities.

1. Towards the close of the rainy season, before the natives-
have fired the bush, clear around each beacon a space of 10 metres
radius in order to prevent the splintering by fire of the enamelled
face of the numbered plaque.

2. Keep pruned every year the trees on which are fixed the

plaques indicating the frontier in the same way as has been done by
the Commission of Delimitation.

301

3. Should it happen that a numbered plaque fall from any cause
whatever (such as oxidation of wire or nails, lightening shock, etc.),
it will be necessary that theMChief of the nearest village should
immediately acquaint the Resident of the fact in order that the latter
may take the necessary steps to insure that the plaque in question he
immediately restored to the exact position in which it was fixed by the
Commission of Delimitation.

4. It will be necessary to renew, as required, the thorn
protection around the iron poles in order to guard them from shocks
caused by cattle or wild animals.

The maintenance of the beacons is particularly important during
the earlier years, before the natives have become perfectly familiarized'
with the position of the frontier.

In witness whereof the UnderSigned have signed the present Report.

Done in duplicate in English and French at London, the 19th
February, 1910.

R. POER O'SBEE, Mbjor, Royal
Engineers
British.Commissioner

J. TILED, Capitaine d'Enfanterie
Coloniale
Commissaire Francais'

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

mm ...pm mm E E E. E New ...Ism :5
m m N we Nu «m oda oq 00H umnuo
om ma 5 mm «m «N on an «N mumo
omq 0mm com «me CNN «mu mom mmH «ma mxosue
Haua<
E. mm. E... E .5 E E E. E :5
a N N no «N mm OMH mm mm nonuo
0H o. q an mm mm mm mm am when
05¢ omm omm «on mmN «on new NNH one exodus
some:
E E E .8; E E. ..alm E E :33
OH m m mm mu «m NHH me mm “2.30
a m H om mm «N on mu «m ammo
can Nmm qom mum one 0mm NNN HoH oNH axoaua
huoaunom
E E E 83 E .Imm E E E :5
m m a on oe on no «a an nosuo
0N NH m we «N on me an on mumo
«am omq «we Hwoxa qu can mnu mNH «ma axoaue
>Hosamh
Houoa uao cH Hmuoa ado GH Houoa use oH
owamw aoHowcoM «hanwh
mama

MMdZZDm wAmHzoz
Hzmzm>oz.maonm>

«H vague

m Nanmmm<

302

303

 

 

 

 

3| F bl. E E E E E mm :5
a m H ca NN «N on mH mH amino
u u u «0 mm Hm on mN 5N name
on ¢H 0H NNN 00H HmH HHN oHH HoH axoaua
Honaoumom
El R. m... E mm B E pm we. Ea
m m a mm on mN no mN 0N nonuo
N H H Hq mN NH 06 Hm m mumo
mm mH 0N oON mm MHH «NN nHH moH mxoaua
umsw=<
B. ..:. a. E. E E mm mm. NI: 3......
u u u Nu mN so an HN wH Honuo
H H n mm mH mH om mH HH muoo
mH m 0H NNN mmH me qu oHH NMH axoaua
mHan
E E E E Molu E E E. E :5
q n H on ON on on oH ON nonuo
m c H mm NH 0N om ¢N mm muoo
ooN ooH ooH own mNH MHN omH ON oo axosua
assa
elm E E E E mm mm B. mm. 58
a m q mm MN mm NN on No nonuo
HN mH o no ON NN no mm Nm ammo
com com ooN mqq HON woN mmH mm HHH mxoaua
he:
Houoe poo :H Houoa uao :H Hmuoa uao aH
owcmN eoHowcoM WNMAHH

 

 

Auoaaauaoov «a «Heme

304

.Ouuomom «acumso :oHuosz "mousom

 

 

 

 

 

 

OOO.O ONO.N ONN.N NOO.O OOO.N OOO.O OOO.O ONO.H NHO.N HOOOO HOOOOO
mm: mm” mew mew bmw mmm mmm mmm mww HOOOO
O N N OO NH ON OH HH O Mango
OO OH OH OO ON ON OO HO ON OOOO
OON OOO OOO NHO NHH OON OOH OO NO Oxoaua
Monsoooh
...OOI MP OIO- mm mm me. Mm. Mm: mOl H38.
- - - OHH NO OO ON NH OH OOOOo
OO OH ON OO ON ON HO OO HO OOOO
OO ON OH HNH HO OO OO NN OO OOOOHO
Hmnfiw>oz
_Nm. mm. _mm. Mpm mm: ONO mmm mmm wa HOOOO
- - - NH O O ON O OH OOOOO
ON OH OH NO OH ON OO ON ON OOOO
OO NO ON OOH NO NHH OOH OO HO OOOOOO
“uncuoo
H33. 30 5 H38. use 5 H38. use 5
omch aoHomaOM mmHth

 

 

HOOsaHuaooO OH OHOOO

305

 

x achumM nooaHN
ado H wGHoouH muaxoon¢ Huenm
anacoa o waHomuH oaoM nooaHN
whoa N wcHouuH 05mm HooaHN
choc N suaumama HovGHN
ouHchooaH owooHaqu xoom ocuM mathm
ouHaHmoocu x x comm wooaHN
when N x comm Humans
when N N macho» oumnwo
ammo N x cacao» anon ono3.aowon
madam N coax oaoommoa
ouHaHmoocH x Odom «doommoa
ouHsHmoocH x Odom uncommoa
ouHanoocH x x Odom mnoommoa
whoa N x mason Hoax
ammo N x Odom HooGHN
mhmo m x oamM noocHN
ammo m x comm Haswma
whoa 0N x owom ouowon
Oman N waHoouH muHmnawn annaam
«hou N x E50mom whoeoumz
moo H uHmcmuu cH wcHomuH comm noosHN
ammo N wcHoouH oawM nooGHN
moo H 33.52 93M BEN .25qu
Ohm“ N uoxuoz_ocmM comm HooaHN
uHOH> mo nonuo xuoz noxumz mo>HumHom deuHmH> csouoaom
xoom uHmH> uHOH> muons
QOHumusn

 

uHOH> uom OGOOmoM

 

ZOAOUZOM

mHmmqu OH mmez

mH mHan

306

.oGOHuousmaoo oao ho>uao o.uonua¢ Noouaom

 

 

 

 

uHOH> uom oncooom

ohoo N x owom mauoaoxHoz
moo H x ooHoqu oaaoM
hoo H x ouaon ocboM
Hook H x omens. ouomooz con
oOoo N N haoueox oxom aHmoM
moo H onoouH oaoM moahoz
omoo N wcHoouH ocoM unocoa
zoo H wcHoouH oaou ooooomoa
ohoo N waHoouH oooM HoocHN
mhoo N wcHoouH ocoM HoocHN
uHOH> mo nosuo xuoz uoxuoz. Oo>HuoHom moHuHOH> asouoaom
coHuousn zoom uHOH> uHOH> ouonz

 

HOOOOOOOOOO OH «HOOO

307

 

 

 

.ocOHuousmeoo oao mo>uao o.no:u:< "oouoom
ohoo N waHoouH nooaHN onon
ohoo «H waHoouB omooonaon ouooxoon<
ohoo N waHoouB Hunnooww oaoM
omoo N wcHoouH noooHN oooM
moo H wcHoouH nooaHN oooM
3o H OH umofiN 88H
OOOO OH x OOOSN 8%
omoo N waHoouH nooaHN oaoM
ohoo m x noonHN ozoM
onucoa N waHoouH mooowo Ooon
ouoo% N x whoaouoz ouoon
ouoom N waHoouH nooaHN ocoM
ouooh m x noooHN oooM
omoo N x oaoaouoz owom
omoo N x ohoaouoz. ousoa
zoo H x whoaouoz ouoon
ohoo N x whoaouoz oooM
ohoo N waHoouH pooaHN ocox
ohoo N waHoouH oaooomoa ocoM
hoo H x menoaouoz ogoouoz
uHOH> mo nonuo xuoz uoxuoz. Oo>HuoHoM waHuHOH> ozouoaom
aoHuousn xoom uHOH> uHOH> ouonz

 

uHOH> pom oncooom

 

ZOAOUZQM
MMUHZ OH <HMMUHZ

0H oHnoH

308

 

mason o N owaoN oHuowoz
oNoo n N osHouoN onouaoN
ouHonoocH oooN owon
onuaoa N oaoN owon
Noo H N ounon oHuowoz
oNoo N N owcoN ome
mmoo N N oaoN ouowaan
oNoo N N owaoN ooaom
oxooa N onoN oxozwaoxam
onuaoa q ocoN Hcoon
mNoo N N oooN oHuowoz
ano N N ocoN owon
oNoo N N oaoN oHuowoz
99% O x 883 HOEBO
onuaoa N couothonum owaoN omHnooH
ONoo N HHouocamV N ouson ouoo
Omoo N AHoquSMV N ouson ouou
nausea N aouoN Nooum owaoN omHnooH
ohoo N chHooosv N ouson ouonH
Noo H N owooN oaon
Noo H AmaHooosv N owom BoondoQBDOOom
moo H AwaHoooBV N owom asounonEoOOom
uHoconu cH N Auoszv oHuowozw oNoEouoz.
Noo H AHouocswv N ouson oHuowoz
Osuaoa a Hoonoo oHcouoN ouson oHuowoz
mason N N AuoszV onouooN oHuowaz
uHOH> mo nonuo uoxuoz. mo>HuoHom .chHuHOH> :3ouoaom
coHuousn uHOH> uHOH> ouonz

 

uHOH> pom oaoooom

 

OUZ<N
¢HNmUHz OH MmUHz

NH oHnoH

 

,—

 

owoaouwHHm scum

 

omoo m oaoHum oaooHo3 ocoN oHuowaz
owoaouwHHm scum
Omoo m oooHum oeooHo3 oaoN oHuowoz
moo H N ocoN oHuowoz
omoo N N ouaon usosm
omoo N AwaHoooav N ouuoncoa EdOHdOQSdOmom
.omoo N N owom Bsousonasooom
mason m oaHHomow mom omHnusu BUOHDOAEDooom
moo H N ousoa EsousonESOoom
omoo N N oso£OH oxom comoN
Omoo N ooHON monum ouuonaon omoBN
Omoo m Hom oHonuom uHOH> oaoN oHuowmz
Omoo m onouuo no ouuonaon EoousonEUOOom
Omoo m N oooN Eugen
Omoo m moon HHom osoN oaoa
Omoo m N oaoN osbm o£mH
Omoo N N oaoN sauna
a; mason m uHoouo o>HoooN owaoN o3=aom
% 9305 m uHoouo o>Hooom owsoN oSHHHHom
mason N uHoaouu GH omoaouoz oHuomoz
moo H uuoo oaon uHomom aHonoaomV N ocoN oHuowmz
omoo N . . AwaHooo3v N ouson Edounonesooom
owoeouwHHm Eoum
mmoo o ocoHum oEooHos ouoeosN oxom aomoN
omoo m N oaoN oHuowoz
onucoa o N ocoN mooow<
onuaoa o N oooN mooow<
mason m N owaoN Esooom
uHOH> mo nonuo xuoz poanz Oo>HuoHom waHuHmH> oaouoao:
GOHuouon Noom uHOH> uHmH> ouonz

 

uHOH> you mnoooom

 

 

HOOOOHOOOOO OH OHOOO

310

 

omoo N AwaHoom3v N onoon osouaoN
omoo N Ooououom mom oaoN oHuowoz
omoo N chHoooav N ouoouoN mowann
omoo N uomaom mam oaoN oHuowoz
omoo N ooOuouom mam oaoN oHuosz
omoo N mun: oHox mam oaoN oHuowozH
moo H uHooouu oH oooooooa oxonaomoN
Omoo N N oaoN oHuowoz
mmoo N N oaoM nooGHN
Omoo N AmcHoooBV N ocoN oHuowoz
omoo N meow HHom ousouoN oomcan
ouHaHmooaH mcHHHo>ouH onoN mooowd
Omoo N N oaoN oHuowoz
moo H muaz oHox mam omnoN oHonooU
mmoo N uofiooou uHmH> oaoN oHuowmz
omoo N Honooou uHOH> oaoN oHuowozw
ouHchooaH N canaum Esouaonaoooom
omoo N N oaoN aoouson850oom
moo H N osoN oHuowoz
mmoo N N opooo .asuan
moo H N ounon Edouaonabooom
moo H N ouaon Edouaonebooom
moo H N ouson adousona50oom
owoaouwHHm aoum
Omoo m oaoHum oEooHo3 oaoN oHuowmz
owoaouwHHm Scum
mmoo m oooHum oBOOHoS osoN oHuommz
owoaouwHHa Scum
omoo m ocoHuw oaooHo3 oaoN oHuowoZ
uHOH> mo posuo xuos noxuoz mo>HuoHoN wdHuHOH> cBouoaom
GOHuoqu Noam uHOH> uHOH> ouonz

 

uHOH> now memoom

 

HOOOOOOOOOO NH OHOOO

311

 

 

moo H N ouaon oHuowoz
omoo N N ouuonoon
moo H Aonoooav N oaoN omoaN
moo H AmnHoooav N ocoN HuHaoN
moo H N owooN oHuowoz
mason N uHOoouu oH Auoszv omoaouoz. oHHowoz
Omoo N N ouaoa uoooHN
moo H N owom anouoonasooom
OOO H x OOOHN OOHOOOOH
ouHonoooH oaoN asuon
omoo N N ouaon omoBN
nucoe H N ouuonooo omHuaz
Omoo o N owaoN onoomoo
omoo N N owooN onm
Omoo N N Houon mowcon
omoo N uuooom Odom oHuomoz
Omoo N owoaHuwHHm ocoN oH> ooooz. oHHowoz
Omoo N oHuuoo wcHHHom ozoN hoocHN
Omoo N oHuuoo waHHHom ozoN noocHN
omoo N oHuuoo wsHHHom ouuoncoa noocHN
Omoo N oHuuoo waHHHom ouuonnon uoooHN
mmoo N N HomomuoN abousonabooom
ocoN ou
omoo m coEos mcHuuooOm N oaoN oHuomoz
mmoo N N oooN oHuowoz
moo H N oaoN oHuowoz
omoo m N Hmouaoa omHsooH
moo H N owooN oHuowoz
mason N uHOcouu :H Auoszv omoEouoz_ oHuowaz
Omoo N N oaoN oHuowaz
uHOH> mo nonuo uoxnozw Oo>HuoHoN onuHOH> csouosom
GOHuousn uHOH> uHOH> oposz

 

uHoH> now oncooom

 

HOOOOOOOOOO NH OHOON

 

 

omoo N N ouooa oabnom
omoo N N ouoon oabnom
omoo N N oooN omen
moo H N owaoN oabxow
omoo N oHomoHn uHomoN N oaoN HaunN
omoo N N ooHouoN omawusu
omoo N N ouuonaon OMHQN
omoo m OHoou uHomou oB ocoN abou=OAB50oom
omoo N N ouaon oHuowoz
omoo o N ouuoncon oHuomgz
Omoo o N ouuonoon oHuowoz
Omoo N N ouuonqon oHuowoz
Omoo c N ouuopcoa omHaooa
moo H N oaoN oHuomoz
mason m N omnoN pra
undo: m N owaoN H309
OOOO O x OOOOHOO Haosmz
OOOO O x oxouHOO Hsmsmz
omoo N N owcoN nooaHN
9. moo H N oaoN asousonsuooom
fl Ounce. m N ouson Soousonasgom
mason m chHoookv N owcoN uoxom nonooa
ouHchoooH Ho>Humom N ounom oHuowoz“
ouoon N uHooouu cH Auoszv omoEouoz. oHuowoz
omoo N N ocoN oocom
omoo N N ocoN ooaom
omoo N N oaoN oHuowoz
omoo N N oaoN oHuowoz
moo H N oaoN oHuowoz
muse; N uHoaouu cH AuoszV omoEouoz. oHuowozp
uHOH> mo nonuo xnoz poxuoz_ oo>HuoHom maHuHOH> azouoaom
oOHuousa Noam uHOH> uHOH> ouonz

 

uHOH> now maoOooN

 

 

HOOOOOOOOOO OH OHOOO

313

.oGOHuouaaaoo ono mo>uao o.uonua< "mounom

 

 

 

Homo
o moo N moououom mam MMMWHH “Muowo”
omoo N oocom uHomom N ocsoN abouaonaoooom
omoo N N oavoN asouson850oom
omoo N N oadoN Buouson850oom
o oo N o o co Esouson850oom
omoo n chHooosv m oH x ”meow BuousonEDOoom
noon H ouaon ouownoo
OHHCHH OGGH X dH—HQQ GHOwfiOU
ouHGHmoocH N ouoon ouowcow
ouHaHmoocH N ouson ouowaou
33335 N ouoon ssouoonssomom
ouHchoooH N N omfiHo.H H04 oHuowozw
moo H N 98on 883.
omoo N N omasN chemoa
OOOO O x «NOON OONOmA HaOOa
ouHaHmooaH N owooN HaouHm
ousos N N ouaon ossmom
omoo N
.. OHOH> mo nonuo xuoz .I uoxuoz Oo>HuoHom wowwwOH> caboose:
coHuousn Noom uHoH> uHOH> £3

 

uHOH> How oaoooom

 

 

AOOOaHuaouv NH OHOOO

314

 

930: N N aoouoongooom omaoN
Aaoouw
SHEOOHEH Oates: «EEO OH .333 25H
93. N 35233 OH .833 H253
039335 N #693 HHoaz
29:. H. 3532c OH $23 :3:
omoo N AmaHooo3v N omon oaoN
9H: N @5823 OH OOOOHN 88H
moo H N aflousonauooom ounon
moo H N asousonggom ouson
Ouaon o N Bronson850oom owooN
ouaon o N .aoounonasooom owsoN
mane: o N Baouaon850oom owcoN
Omoo N AmoHoooav N owon oooN
omoo N N noooHN oaoN
950: o N gouaonaagom ouaon
930: o N aaouoonasooom oubon
mason o N gouaonasooom owaoN
mason o N aaouaonesooom owaoN
mason o N aoouaoaauooom omnoN
omoo N N oomcan moons—o:
omoo HH AmcHoooav N oHuowoz osoN
Omoo 3 N gousongooom oHuoN
omoo N N oHuowoz H.392
Omoo a Ho>HuOom noHHom gouaopasgom Hfioa now
Omoo ON Ho>HuOom noHHom gouoonasoOom Hnon so»
uHOH> mo Hogan muos uoxuoz_ Oo>HuoHoN ammuHoH> asouoaom
:oHuouna Noam 3a.; uHOH> 39.5

 

aflmfl> MOM QGOONOM—

 

ooz<N
NNOHZ OH. summon—“z

NH 383.

315

AHoonoo cH

 

omoo o Geo uHoH>V N oHuowoz. oaHouoN
omoo o uuooom oHnowozv ocoN
moan ou HHoo
omoo o HoHoomo no fioHHoz oHuowo: oaoN
omoo m uHoouo o>HoooN oHuowozp osbooHoz“
omoo N N oaoHoz ounoN
moo H N oHuowoz_ owqu
Omoo N N nooaHN onoN
omoo o N ooaom ouoouoN
Omoo o N oooom ouaouoN
o>HuoHou

ouHchoosH pom nouoom noocHN mono:
ouHonooaH soHHoz.uHOH> asousonasooom owooN
mason N ooouuo O.uHam no asousonauooom ouoon
mxoos n N owon Haooz
omoo N AmaHooo3v N asonaonasooom oaonoH
mmoo N AwaHooo3v N abousonasooom oaoaoH
omoo N AwaHooosv N abouoonauooom osonoH
omoo N AwaHooo3v N ssouaonauooom osonoH
ouHanooaH N oaoEHooHoo ouaom
ouHGHmooaH ocouuo so oomasn owaoN
moo H moHno uoouw aflousonaoooom owooN

moo H moHno uoouu auouaonesooom owaoN

moo H moHno uoouo afiouaonaoooom owooN

omoo N AHouoaamV N oocom Hsooz“

moo H N oHuowoz ouaon

moo H N oHuoon ouson
mason N N abousonauooom owGoN
mason N N asouaonaoooom owaoN
uHmH> mo uoauo Nuo3 uoxuozw mo>HuoHoN onuHOH> osouoaom

aOHuouza Noom uHOH> uHOH> ouonz

 

uHOH> now oaoooom

 

HOOOOHanoO OH OHOOO

316

 

 

 

.o60Huouam860 ooo mo>h=o o.uosu:¢ "oouaom
oxooa m N noooHN oooN
ouaon m moHno oaooHoz Buouoonaoooom ouooo
ouaon m moHno oaooHo3 aflouaoaaoooom ouoon
ouoon m moHso oaooHo3 asousonaoOoom ouoon
mason n onno oaooHo3 abouoonauooom ouaoo

noon H uHoouo o>HoooN Haouoo owooN
mono: N moHso uoouo _Esouooaabooom owooN
mason N moHno uoouw abousoABSOOom owooN
odouuo
Omoo N do uHooouu cH N oHuowoz oooomooa
moo H N Buouaon850oom ouaouoN
HHo uncoooouw
omoo m aH onoouH oHuowoz. oooN
HHo uncooaoum
Omoo m cH onooua oHuomoz oooN
Onuooa m N oHuowoz oaoooHoz
noom H N oomH Goa ouuonoon
omoo N N onaoso ouoon
moo H N _aoousoQBSOOom ouson
moo H N asonaon850oom ouoon
moo H N HoooN owooN
Omoo N Hoonoo oHnou< osbnom ouoon
Omoo Hm Hoonoo oHnou< osbnom osoooHozp
Omoo oH N oHuomoz_ ouuonoon
omoo N N oHuowozw ouuonoon
moo H chHooo3v N Huomuoo ouom
moo H AwaHooosv N Huowuou ouom
moo H chHooosv N Huomuoc ouom
moo H N ouonoz ounon
uHOH> mo Honuo Nuoz uoxuoz Oo>HuoHoN moHuHOH> osouoaom
cOHuouon zoom uHOH> uHOH> ouonz

 

uHOH> you Oncooom

 

 

HOOOOHOOOOO OH OHOOO

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Nmm.NNm.mH Noo.Hmo.¢H moH.me.¢ omo.HNH.¢H mmN.moN.mH moowoon
mmH.mNm.m mHm.on.m NNm.NNN.m mm¢.¢om.m mHN.NoN.m ooHnouoon
ooo.¢qm.mH Hom.moH.mH moo.omm.w HNo.owm.HH omm.Hmm.w oHuowoz
oHuowoz mo

ooHumHnooooouHo

HmN.omm.OH moo.mHm.HH mON.omN.m oom.moN.m mHm.Nmo.m

NHO.HOO OOO.NOO OO0.0NO - - HOOHOaHxOO
qHN.mmm moH.oom Hmm.NNH ooH.ooH «mm.omN Hmoxasoun
mmm.mmw oom.¢on HNm.HNm omw.oNN oom.mmN ooooasooaooN
woo.ONN.m Nm¢.on.N mqq.Nmo.N Noo.oNN.N wwm.mmn.H owon
wmo.Nom.N www.mON.N wmm.Nmo.N HHm.mmm.H oom.mHo.H soHuumz
NoN.mNm mmo.Nmm mmo.mmo omo.Non mmN.on ouonoH
mmN.HHN Noo.mmo Hmo.oH¢ omN.omN H¢N.NON HoooaHoHoo
Hmo.Nm¢.O Nom.mmo.o mNN.NNN.N an.owN.N «HH.oom.m noooHN
noooHN mo

ooHumHuooooouHo

«mm.NNq.m on.oNN.N m¢o.mHo.H Nom.¢mN.H mmm.NNo.H

NHN.mHN.N Nmo.HmN.H on.on Hmo.Hoo.H wa.moH.H HuowoN
oNo.mwN omm.moH NHm.Hm mNm.mm oHN.¢N HuHowuoN
OOO.OOO OON.OOO OO0.000 OO0.000 NOO.NON OHOOHOHOO
ousoo mo

ooHumHuoOcoouHo

NOHOOOH OO\OOOH OOHOOOH OOHOOOH OOHNOOH “OOHz OOOO

 

 

mH oHnoH

NouNomH NMUHZ Hm<m n ZOHHODnOmm HDZQZDONU mmon

0 Nanmmm<

317

ll

 

 

.momH Hmoaon H<N¢ZOm ”oouoom

 

 

 

 

 

 

318

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

mmm.¢NH.wm mow.oHH.ow NHH.mmH.Ho moN.owm.oN moo.oom.om nosz uoom Houoa
Nom.mNo.NH omN.mHo.oN NNH.mmo.NN oNH.NHm.mN NNm.mmN.mH
ooH.Nmm.H moo.Nmo.H coo.mmm.H u a Hoooom
moo.wNm.N mnN.oom.m ONo.oma.N ooH.HoN.m Nmm.N<¢.H ouuom son
a m¢¢.mom.N nmm.mmm.m ooN.mHm.m Nom.omm.H omooN
mmH.q¢o.m moo.mNo.N mHm.mHm.H Noo.NNm.H NHo.NmH.H onouooN
ooo.¢om.m oNo.NoH.o wNo.mmw.o NON.on.m moN.¢mm.¢ omoeouoz
n NoN.omH.oH nmo.mmH.m mHm.mmw.m ooH.omw.o EdouaonEUOOmom
omoeouoz mo
COHumHuomaoouHo
Nmm.mmm.oo om¢.mom.¢¢ «No.mmm.wN mNo.HmN.oo omN.omN.Hm
mmo.moN.m n u u u omooN
qu.mmO.o u u n : soONDOQEDOOOom
oHN.NNo.H mwN.mmN wa.Nmm ooo.omN.H mNm.NHN mnooow
on.omm.¢ NNN.oNN.m mHH.¢N¢.H mmm.mom.N Nmo.wow ooooHHoz
mmH.Hmm.m mam.Noo.o ooH.oqo.H mom.mHo.m omH.mHm.H owon owon
HmH.NmH.H mHN.mom.H mmo.mmH.H mmo.HNo.H mNm.mwN osoooo
mom.mNo.m Hmm.mNm.H NON.mom.H Nmm.oNo.H mmm.0No.H oooom
A.u:ouw oHuowo2.mo
cOHumHHOOGOUHHU
HO\OOOH OO\OOOH OO\OOOHI OO\OOOH OO\NOOH uOon OOOO

 

 

HOOsaHuaooO OH OHOOO

[I

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

319

 

 

 

oma.mn¢ oow.oow ooN.¢mm on.mmN u oHuoxono
mNo.Nom.H HNH.ooo mom.mom «Ho.moH a ouomoxooHnouo
NNN.oow.N oom.HHo.N omo.mNo.H moH.ooH.H NNo.on Hooo
mmo.¢mH.H HHo.NHo.H Nom.omm oom.ooH.H omo.Hom Hnoozuoonom
mmN.mom.H mwN.oom.H oom.mNo NNH.mHm NHo.omm oOOH con
HNo.cNm.¢ wo¢.mNo.o mHo.NHo.m Nom.oNo.m omo.HNm.N omcoouoooz
OOO .OON .O OOO .OON .O OOO .OOH .O OOO.OOO .O HHO .ONO .N HOOOOEEOOHOO
mmo.mm¢.¢ mNo.Hmo.m NNN.Nmn.N HNm.mmo.N omm.NNo.H HanHH
ooN.Nmm.m oqm.NmN.o mNN.omm.n NNm.omH.m Hw¢.moo.m Hoouoz
Hoouoz mo

SOHumHuoocoouHo

mom.HNN.Ho Nwo.m¢N.mN HNm.mmH.mH mmm.o¢m.mH mmo.mnm.mH

ONH.NNH.H n n a a ouHoz Eon
Hmm.mNm.H wom.wow a u u Huooon
NNN.mNN.H mNo.HmN Nmm.0Nm u u osouoxonSocoN
omN.0NH.N on.¢om.N moo.oNo.H . u oHomo.
n n u n HNN.mom ouomoxooHnou<
Nmo.om¢.N qN¢.mN¢.H oom.o¢m aNo.ooo mNm.oNo Huooonoo
mNo.NoH.m mmN.NNo.m ¢o¢.moo.H moo.NHm oom.omo Hnomoz
Nq¢.oHN.m mNm.Nmo.m om¢.¢mm.m omo.N¢q.o moo.ooo.o oooonou
NNN.Hmm mNo.nNo No¢.Noo omm.omm on.Hom odomouso
mmm.omo.m HHH.moo.o NmH.omN.o ooH.mqo.H mmN.omN.o osoooonoH
mmo.mHm.NH coo.moH.m omm.mmm.m Nmo.omH.o mNo.Hoo.m oooommoa
osoommoa mo

COHumHuomcoouHo

No\oomH OO\momH mo\oomH qo\momH m0\NomH Howwz Homecoo

 

NoaNomH NNOHZ H<NHZMU n ZOHHUDQONm HDZQZDONU NMUHZ

ON oHnoH

320

OOOH $882 .3228 "8.3%

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

omo.Onm.Nm OH0.0om.¢O NNm.Nmm.Ho ONm.Om¢.¢m omO.Hm0.0m Hosz Houucoo Houoa
NHm.mNO.N HNO.mmN.O OOm.mNm.o MNo.NOO.N ON0.000.N
oom.H u a a I ozoouoswon
HmH.oH u a a u osooauoma
mHO.wm . u u . uoooH aooHsO
OOH.NH Nmo.o a u a ooomouoN
OOm.Om¢ mmN.mmN www.mmm n u ooxoooooxaon
NO0.0NN OHm.Omm NOH.mOH ON0.0N u ooHowconom
a u ON0.0N OH0.0H mmm.m Hmomosoa
OON.HNN NON.NmN NoO.No HOO.H mom.OH ooooooz
Omm.qom.m NOO.mOm.m oom.NNH.m NNm.mNo.N nmm.HNN.H Howcom
OmO.Hmm Omm.Omm HmN.NOo OHH.N¢m OOO.NNN oxuoxoa
ooooooz mo
GOHumHuoocoouHo
OON.NON.om Nmo.Nmm.mN moN.mNO.HN Nom.HmO.NH ONq.NON.qH
mmN.Nw¢.H ONN.mON.H HOO.HOO a : onoxon
omN.OHo.H www.mmn.H mom.mmN.H u u ooHsoHsom
OHo.OON «ON.NOm NO0.0oN u u Huoxooonoa
NO\OOOH OO\momH mo\¢OmH ¢O\NOOH mO\NOOH- posz Houuaoo

 

 

AoosaHuGOOV ON oHnoH

321

 

OON.OOH OOO.NO OON.OO u u Haousooaowon
OOO ..Nm ONN .3 OOO . Oo .. a Huoxoouoz
ON0.00N OO0.00H OO0.00 OOO.NN - OOOOOOOOQz
- - OO0.00 NNO.HO - OOaHOo
.. .. u OON .m .. oocoHHom
ONO.OO ON0.00 OON.HO OOO.N HOO.H OOOOOOO
OOO.OOO OOO.NOO NNO.OOH OOO.OOH OOO.NOH OOOOOOHOOOOO
OON.HOO OON.OON OO0.00 OOO.OO HOO.HO OOOOOO
OOO.OOO OH0.0NO OHN.OOO OO0.000 HOO.OOO OaOOOOOO
NON.HOO OO0.000 OH0.00H ONN.NOH OOO.OON OOxHH
OOO.OOO OOO.OOO OOO.NON OO0.00 OOO.OO OOOOHM
ONH.OOH OOO.OON ONH.OOH ONH.OOH OOO.NOH OHHOOOOHO
ONO.OOH OOO.OOH OO0.0NH ON0.00H NON.ONH HHOOOOOOO
OOO.OON OON.OON ONH.OOH OO0.00H OOO.OOH OHO
OOO.HOO OOO.OHO OOO.OHN OO0.0HH OHO.OOH OOOOO
OOO.OOH ONO.OOH ONH.OO OOO.HO OO0.00 OOOOOO
OOO.ONH OOH.OOH ONH.OO OOO.OO OOO.OO Oumox OOOOOOH e
OOO.OOO.H OON.OON OO0.000 OO0.00N OOO.HOO HOHOHO
OOO.NOO ONO.OOO OOO.OO OON.ON OOO.OOH oOOoO
OON.ONO OOO.OOO OOO.OOH HNH.OO OOO.OO OOOOOOOOOOOOO
ONO.NOO ONO.HON OOO.OOH ONH.OON NNN.OOO OOHOOOOHO
OOH.OOO OOO.OOO OOO.NON OON.OON OOO.HOO OHOOOOOM
OOO.OO OOO.OO OOO.OO OOO.HN OOO.OO soHaox
OOO.OO HOO.HHH OOH.OO OOO.OO OOO.OO «OOO
ONO.HOH OOO.OOH OOO.ONH OOO.OO OOO.ONH OOOOOO
OON.OHO OHO.HOO OON.OON OO0.0NN OOO.HON souaowHoz
OOH.OOH OOO.OOO OOO.HOO ONO.HHH OON.ONN OOouHOeOuoa

HO\OOOH OO\OOOH OOHOOOH OO\OOOH OOHNOOH OOon OOO:

 

 

HN oHnoH.

NOuNOOH Nmqu HmmS n ZOHHUDQONHH HDZQZDONU NMUHZ

322

OOOH Hmoaon Homonm "ouuoom

 

 

 

NHO.NN0.0H mmN.Ooo.N OOH.OOO.N mmm.mnO.m OHN.OoN.o nosz uooz Houoa
u mOm.HH u n u oHooHuw< Haouoom
mNm.mOm n n u u oxooooowao
ONH.OH a n n a oHoe
ONN.OH a u u : HhoHunom
OO¢.ONH u u a u Haanoonom
OON.m u u a u HaaoN
OOO.H¢ OO0.0H u u 1 chHO

HOHOOOH OOHOOOH OO\OOOH OO\OOOH OO\NOOH OOOHz_OOOz

 

 

HOOOOHOOOOO HN OHOOO

”Milli/11111112111111“