ABSTRACT

A CLINICAL STUDY: RELATIONSHIPS OF ANGER
AND FEAR TO AGGRESSION, IN MURDERERS
AND IN NON-VIOLENT OFFENDERS

BY

Robert Railton McKie

This study investigated TAT fantasy levels of anger,
fear, overt aggression, and modes of coping in murderers and
non-violent offenders. The subjects were twenty prison
inmates serving sentences for either first or second degree
murder, and twenty inmates serving sentences for non-
person oriented felonies. All inmates were from the prison

population at the State Prison for Southern Michigan, at

Jackson, Michigan-

The subject p0pulation was divided into four groups:

1. Psychotic murderers (PMur): inmates serving
sentences for murder first, or second degree,
having had a psychiatric history of a psychotic
disorder.

2. Non—psychotkzmurderers (NPMur): inmates serving

sentences for murder first, or second degree,

Robert Railton McKie

having had no psychiatric history of a psychotic
disorder.

3. Psychotic non-murderers (PNMur): inmates serving
sentences for non-person oriented felonies,
having had a psychiatric history of a psychotic
disorder.

4. Non-psychotic Non-Murderers (NPNMur): inmates
serving sentences for non-person oriented felo~'
nies, having had no psychiatric history of a
psychotic disorder.

The standard 20 Card TAT for males was administered,
in two sittings, ten cards per sitting, by this investigator.
A ten minute rest interval was instituted between the first
ten and second ten cards of the test administration. Admin-
istration was standard Tomkins instructions, modified to a
level commensurate with the prison population's comprehen-
sion. No interrogation was carried out On any of the Cards.

There was one major hypothesis and seven secondary
hypotheses investigated. The hypotheses and results are

listed below:

Major‘Hypothesis

 

H1: Murderers TAT fantasy themes will contain less
conscious affectual anger than non-murderers.
Results: Supported p 0.02

Robert Railton McKie

Secondary Hypotheses

 

H : Murderers TAT fantasy themes will contain more
conscious affectual fear than will TAT themes
of non-murderers. Results: Significant p 0.02,
but directionally opposite.

H : Murderers TAT fantasy themes will contain more

3 overt aggressive behavior than will TAT themes
of non-murderers. Results: Significant p 0.04,
but directionally opposite.

H4: Murderers TAT fantasy themes will contain more

stories with the aggression due to external others
than will non-murderers. Results: Significant
p 0.001, but directionally Opposite.

H : Murderers TAT fantasy themes will contain more
stories with the outcome uncertain than will
non-murderers. Results: (a) Significant p 0.01,
murderers more uncertain outcomes; (b) Significant
p 0.01, murderers less unfavorable outcomes;

(c) Trend p 0.07, murderers less favorable
outcomes.

H : Murderers TAT fantasy themes will contain more
stories with the locus of control in external
others, or chance than will non-murderers.
Results: (a) Significant p 0.002, murderers less
chance control events; (b) Significant p 0.03,
murderers more self control events.

Murderers TAT fantasy themes will contain less
different modes of coping behaviors than will
non-murderers. Results: (a) Not significant--
data indicate trivial differences; (b) Psychotic
Non-Murderers use Harmavoidance more than any
other group p 0.04.

\l

H : Murderers TAT fantasy themes will show no dif-
ferences on any of the scales due to a history
of psychosis. Results: no differences were
found--Indeed any differences appear to be
trivial.

Significant findings were obtained on all seven
scales. The major hypothesis was supported, and significance

was noted on seven of the eight secondary hypotheses.

Robert Railton McKie

Numbers of coping behaviors, exhibited no significant dif-
ference, however, a difference was noted for psychotic non-
murderers, who used Harmavoidance more extensively than did
the other three groups. Four of these findings, while
significant, were directionally opposite to that hypothe-'
sized.

The results uncovered two clearly specific syndromes

in murderers:

l. A syndrome of massive repression of hostile and
fearful affect as well as aggressive behavior;
really a syndrome of repression of unpleasant
feelings and thoughts, and

2. A syndrome of behavioral set, or expectancy for
a fighting stance, in which murderers appear
set to attack or defend, see outcomes of events
non committally, and control as being their
responsibility.

It is suggested that these findings give support to

a sequential two-stage syndrome, necessary for the indi-
vidual's survival as a child, and necessary to his being

able to commit murder as an adult. The findings are dis-
cussed in the light of Freudian and ego-psychology traditions.
Tomkins' theory, a modification of Freudian, is utilized

to explain the mechanisms of repression and release of

explosive violence associated with murder.

Robert Railton McKie

Literature related to murderers was eXtensively
reviewed relative to degrees and differences of culpable
and non-culpable homicide. Statistics relative to homicide
and its concommittant causative effects was presented. A
review of murderers family rearing and development, as
well as clinical studies of murderers was discussed; both
clinical and projective assessments were reviewed, relative

to intrapsychic differences and to overt behavior.

A CLINICAL STUDY: RELATIONSHIPS OF ANGER
AND FEAR TO AGGRESSION, IN MURDERERS

AND IN NON-VIOLENT OFFENDERS

BY

Robert Railton McKie

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Counseling, Personnel Services,
and Educational Psychology

1971

@ Copyright by
ROBERT RAILTON MCKIE

1972

DEDICATED TO

My mother and father, Mary Frances and Stewart
Scott McKie who kindled the initial spark in my quest for
understanding . . . and to my wife Shirley Annette and my
children, Kathryn Shirley, Rdbert Ross, and Stewart Scott

for fanning and sustaining the fires.

ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to express my appreciation to many
fine people for their support and assistance throughout
my Doctoral program.

I am particularly indebted to the members of my
Doctoral Committee without whose continuing encouragement,
and guidance this study would not have been possible.

They are:

Dr. Betram P. Karon, Chairman of my Dissertation
Committee, who gave unstintingly of his time and clinical
experience in guiding this research. Bert has been an
exciting and inspiring teacher, as well as a good friend
to me throughout my studies.

Dr. James W. Costar, Chairman of my Doctoral
Committee, who has guided both my Masters and Doctoral
programs. Jim has been a constant friend offering support
and strength throughout both programs. He has selflessly
encouraged, guided and supported me ensuring that I achieve
my own area of academic interests.

Dr. Norman Kagan, who has been supportive and
encouraging to me throughout my Doctoral program, ensuring
me a variety of practical training, and research experiences.
Norm.has offered both encouragement and his clinical

experience in develOping this research.

iii

Dr. Arvo Juola, the fourth member of my committee
who has encouraged me in my own special interests, as well
as guided my thinking in the methodological problems of
this research., He has as well been a constant support
and encouragement to me throughout my program.

There are numerous others who have been an integral
and necessary part of this research or have been vital to
my develOpment throughout this program.

I would like to exPress my appreciation to Dr. Fred J.
Pesetsky, Director, Michigan Corrections Psychiatric Clinic
for his assistance in both administrative and clinical areas
of this research. He and his staff, in particular
Dr. Howard Porter, Dr. Rdbert Brook and Mr. Elton Scott
have been a close support throughout my internship in
Clinical and Forensic Psychology at the clinic, constantly
assisting in the develOpment and implementation of this
research.

I am particularly indebted to the inmate staff of
the Michigan Corrections Psychiatric Clinic, both for their
suggestions in working with the prison inmate population,
as well as for their valuable suggestions relative to the
study itself. Several of this staff volunteered for the
Pilot study. Several others worked as paid assistants.
This is a valuable pool of untouched talent in Forensic

research as Dr. Hans Toch noted. They are enthauiastic

iv

and helpful and have a lot to offer. They should certainly
be used more extensively as research assistants.

Of course without the assistance and co-operation
of the inmate subjects, this study would not have been
possible.

The executive staff of the Department of Corrections,
Mr. Gus Harrison, Director; Mr. Howard Grossman, Deputy
Director; and Mr. Perry Johnson, Warden, The State Prison
of Southern Michigan approved and encouraged me in this
project. I appreciate specifically their provision of
facilities and their approval of the paid use of inmate
typists, and an inmate administrative clerk to assist me.

I should also like to express my appreciation to Warden
Johnson's staff for their many courtesies and assistance
during the gathering of the data.

It is my sincere hope that the understanding gained
through the findings of this study will repay both Depart-
mental Officials and inmate subjects for their time and
courtesy. .There is a need, expressed by both for the
development of a specific treatment program.for murderers,
and other assaultive offenders.

Dr. Warren S. Wille, Consultant in Psychiatry, and
Formerly Director, the Michigan Corrections Psychiatric
Clinic, provided me with access to his extensive file of

clinical interview studies on homicide, and his

prepublication draft on studies of 100 murderers. He was

 

also unstinting of his experience and encouraging to me
in this research.

Dr. Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi, formerly a clinical
intern in the Michigan Corrections Psychiatric Clinic
generously provided me with a draft c0py of his Doctoral
Dissertation, as well as suggestions relative to modifying
the study itself in the light of his own similar Doctoral
research project.

I would like to eXpress my appreciation to Dr. E.

L. V. Shelley, formerly Director of Treatment, Department
of Corrections, Michigan, for his supervision and guidance
during my internship at the Reception Diagnostic Centre.

I would like to acknowledge the assistance, encourage-
ment and the teaching of Dr. Albert Rabin and the late
Dr. Bufford Stefflre.

Many members of the Counseling Center, in particular,
Drs. Bill Kell, Ted Hill, Jane Church, Ed. Lessin, Gwen
Norrell, Cec. Williams, and Sam Plyler, contributed to
my personal and professional growth. I am indebted to
Dr. Allen J. Enelow, Chairman, Department of Psychiatry,
Michigan State University and his staff, for my training
there as a Graduate Research Assistant.

Mrs. Melannie Telegdi, Mr. Art Lewandowski, graduate
students from the University of Waterloo, Dr. Arthur A.

Thomas, Director of Alcoholism and Drug Treatment, Providence

vi

Hospital, Detroit, and my wife Shirley, were invaluable in
their assistance in the scoring of the data. While at

times they did not see eye-to-eye with me, that is to say
sometimes they would rather not read TAT protocols, generally
they could be browbeaten, pleaded with or shamed into it.

As all previous graduate students have acknowledged,
without the constant love and affection of wife and children,
the completion of a Doctoral program would be impossible.
Shirley went just that extra mile, scoring protocols and
typing, typing, as well as being a source of nurture and
support throughout. Kathryn and Rdbbie helped run some
early calculations and Stewart helped sort protocols and
tables, all encouraging and supporting Dad, and patiently

waiting for Chapter V to be completed.

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
AC KNOWLE DGMENT S O I O O O O O O O O O O O i i i
LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi

LIST OF APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii

Chapter
I 0 THE PROBLEM O O O O O O O O O O O O

The Need for the Study .
A Statement of the Problem
Theoretical Orientation .
Definition of Terms . .
The Hypotheses . . . .
Assumptions . . . .
Limitations of the Study
Organization of the Study

0 o o o o o o o
o . o o o o o o
o o o o o o o o
o o o o o o o o
o o o o o o o o
o o o o o o o o
o o o o o o o o
oommmnmmr—a I'-'

II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE . . . . . . . . 10
Homicide and Murder: .A Definition .
Types of Homicide . . . . .
The Arrest and Prosecution of Homic' Ide
Arrest Statistics . . . . . .
Prosecution Statistics . .
Homicide Statistics . . . .
International Homicide Rates
Types of Homicides . . . .
Socio-Cultural Factors in Homicide
Victimology . . . . . . .
Insanity and Suicide Relationships in
Homicide . . . . . . . .
Sex Influences in Homicide . . .
Age Factors in Homicide . . . .
Racial Factors in Homicide . . .
A Summary of Sociological Studies of Murderers 28
Sociological Studies of Concomittants to
Murderer . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Methods of Murderer . . . . . . . . 29
Time of the Homicide . . . . . . . . 30

O O O O O I O O O O
‘ H
{m

viii

Chapter

Place of Homicide . . .
Motives . . .
Assault Till Death Interval

The Effect of Stimulants (alcohol or

Previous Criminal Records

The Family Background of Murderers

Clinical Studies of Murderers

The TAT Fantasies and Overt Behavior

00000;...
H
{3
ooooLQooo
m

TAT Studies of Anger and Aggression

Fantasies and Overt Behavior .

The Relationship of Thought to Behavior . .
Summary of TAT Fantasy Research on Anger

and Aggression . . .
The Hypotheses . . . . .

The Major Hypothesis: Conscious Anger

The Secondary Hypotheses .

III. DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY . . .
Design . . . . . .
The Sample . . . . .
The Setting . . . .

Instrumentation . . .
Procedure . . . . .
Introductory Statement
Test Instructions . .
Test Scales . . .
Statistical Hypotheses .
Procedures for Analyzing the
Scoring Protocols . . .
Analysis of the Data . .

Instrumentation and Collection of Data

IV 0 RESULTS 0 O I O O C O 0

Analysis of the Levels of Conscious

Scale . . . . . . .

Analysis of the Levels of Conscious

Data

Anger

Fear Scale

Analysis of the Levels of Overt Aggression

scale 0 O O O O O 0

Analysis of the Aggressor Concept Scale
Analysis of the Theme Outcome Scale
Analysis of the Locus of Control Scale .

Analysis of the Modes of Coping Behaviors

scale C O O O O I I

ix

Chapter Page
v. DISCUSSION 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O 85

A Summary of the Results . . . . . . . 85
Findings and Theory . . . . 93
A Clinical Analysis of the TAT Protocols of

Twenty Murderers . . . . . . . . . 97
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
Implications for Future Research . . . . . 106

BIBLIOGMPHY O O O O O O O O C O O O O O 111

APPENDIX C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 118

Table
2.1.
2.2.
2.3.
3.1.

3.2.

4.1.

4.1.1.

4.2.

4.2.2.

4.3.

4.3.3.

4.5.

4.5.5.

LIST OF TABLES

Racial Patterns in Homicide Trials . . .
Types of Homicides . . . . . . . .
The Violence-Prone Person: A Typology .'
The Sample . . . . . . . . . . .

Interjudge Reliabilities, Modes of Coping
Behaviors Scale . . . . . . . .

Results of the Two-Way Analysis of Variance
for the Levels of Conscious Anger Scale

Mean Scores for the Levels of Conscious
Anger Scale . . . . . . . . . .

Results of the Two-Way Analysis of Variance
for the Levels of Conscious Fear Scale .

Mean Scores for the Levels of Conscious
Fear Scale . . . . . . . . . .

Results of the Two-Way Analysis of Variance
for the Levels of Overt Aggression Scale

Mean Scores for the Levels of Overt '
Aggression Scale . . . . . . . .

Results of the Multivariate Two-way Analysis

of Variance for the Three-Category
Aggressor Concept Scale . . . . . .

Multivariate Mean Scores for the Aggressor
Concept Scale . . . . . . . . .

Results of the Multivariate Two-Way Analysis

of Variance for the Theme Outcome Scale

Multivariate Mean Scores for the Theme
Outcome Scale . . . . . . . . .

xi

Page
17
20
40
56

66
72
72
73
74
I5 '
75
77
78
79

80

Table - Page
4.6. Results of the Two-Way Multivariate ‘
Analysis of Variance of the Locus
of Control Scale . . . . . . . . . 82

4.6.6. Multivariate Mean Scores for the Locus of
Control Scale . . . . . . . . . . 83

4.7. Mean Scores for the Number of Different
Coping Behaviors . . . . . . . . . 83

4.7.1. Results of the One-Way Analysis of Variance
for Sub-scale Number 11 Harmavoidance . . 84

4.7.7. Mean Score for Sub—scale Number 11,
Harmavoidance . . . . . . . . . . 84

5.1. Summary TAT Findings in Relation to
Original Hypothesis . . . . . . . . 86

5.2. Hero Sex in TAT Stories, Total . . . . . 101

5.3. Card No. 16, Hero Sex Category . . . . . 101

xii

LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix Page
A. TAT Personality Test Scales . . . . . . . 119
B. Tables of Subject Personal Data . . . . . . 129
C. Tables of TAT Raw Score and Mean Score Data . . 136

D. TAT Pilot Study Data . . . . . . . . . 143

xiii

CHAPTER I

THE PROBLEM

The Need for the Study

 

"Other crimes onley Speake; Murther shriekes out."1

There were 13,650 murders committed in the United States in
1968. This is a thirteen per cent increase in this offense
over 1967. The long range trend 1960-1968 reveals that the
number of murders has risen 52 per cent. There were 634
murders in the State of Michigan itself in 1968; 477 occurred
in the city of Detroit.2 The cost in dollars and cents for
the apprehension, conviction and incarceration of murderers
is exhorbitant; the cost in terms of human misery is of
inestimable consequence.

While murder is the subject of ninety-five per cent
of all crime novels, according to Riewald (1950) a Swiss
criminologist, Guttmacher (1960) points out that the
psychiatric literature is amazingly limited in studies of
murder. Indeed, what studies there are, comprise mainly

socio-cultural reports, clinical interview studies, or

 

1"The Duchess of Malfi, "Elizabethan drama from
Gutmacher, M.S.," The Mind of the Murderer (N.Y.: Farrar,
Straus and Cudahay, 1930 , p. 3.

2Uniform Crime Reports for the United States (Washing-
ton, D.C.: FederaI Bureau of InveStigation, U.S. Department
of Justice, 1968).

 

 

l

more frequently, reports of bizarre and sensational murder
cases. Of the two hundred and eighty-six Thematic Apper-
ception Test (TAT) studies listed in the Sixth Mental
Measurements Yearbook, there is only one clinical study
listed concerned with the subject of murder.3 We have
little professional understanding of the circumstances

of murder and less information about the thought processes
of the murderer himself. It is hoped that.this study may

offer some small contribution to this latter area of need.

A Statement of the Problem

The purpose of this study was to investigate by
means of a projective personality test, certain possible
dynamic factors that may predispose an individual to
commit murder. The study attempted to determine whether,
in fact, there is a difference between these factors in
the fantasy life of murderers and non-murderers. In
addition, the study attempted to identify the inter-

relationships, if any, of these factors.

Theoretical Orientation
The theoretical orientation for this study is
based on the ego-psychology of Horney (1964) and basic

psychoanalytic principles relative to ego-defense

 

3M. W. Kahn, "Psychological Test Study of a Mass
Murderer," J. Proj.'Tech., 24:11-6, Mr' 60, in Euros, O. K.,
ed., The Sixth Mental Measurements Yearbook (Highland Park,

N. J.: Gryphon Press, 1965), p. 530.

mechanisms, as develoPed by Freud (1964). This research
draws on such sociological studies as those by Wolfgang
(1967); clinical studies by Guttmacher (1960), Tanay (1969)
and by Wille (1970), and socio-clinical studies by Toch
(1969). The major orientation of the study tests Karon's
(1963) hypothesis that basically murderers are unable to
tolerate conscious feelings of anger. While a more
complete theoretical orientation will be developed in
Chapter II, the overall orientation is briefly outlined
below.

Basically it is argued here that murderers are
products of abusive child-rearing practices and violent
cultural environments. As a consequence, they are seen
as very fearful, anticipating aggression from vague
external sources. Because of their environment,
murderers become violently assaultive in conflicts yet
try to inhibit their aggressive impulses and anger
eXpressions to minimize such conflicts. Their repres-
sion of anger is seen as becoming so effective that they
cannot consciously tolerate expressions of angry feelings.

It is further argued that these characteristics
are reflected in patterns of the fantasy life of murderers.
Consequently, they should be reflected in fantasy themes
such as those told in the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT)

cards. Support for this contention will be offered in a

review of TAT research, an extensive review of which is
reported by Buss (1961). A pilot study of murderers and
non-murderers TAT themes with and without histories of
psychosis offered sufficient support to this View to
warrant a more extensive research study. The pilot

study data are reported in Appendix D.

Definition‘of'Terms

 

Fantasy: Any thinking which is not followed by
action.

Felon: .Any individual convicted of a crime and
Sentenced to the prison system, The Department of Cor-
rections, State of Michigan.

Murderer: Anyone convicted of the intentional act
of killing another individual. For the purposes of this
study, legal conviction of the offense of 1st or 2nd degree
murder only was accepted as sufficient evidence to cate-
gorize an individual as a murderer.

Non-violent Felon: A felon convicted of a non-person

 

oriented crime.

Non-psychotic Felon: Any felon who had not had on

 

his record any previous history of psychosis.

Psychotic Felon: Any felon who had had a clinical

 

diagnosis of any psychotic disorder.
Thematic Apperception Test (TAT): A set of twenty
semi-structured monochromatic card scenes, produced by

Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass.

The Hypotheses

 

Within this study one primary hypothesis is in-

vestigated:

H1:

Murderers are less likely to express conscious
affectual anger in their fantasy themes on TAT
cards than are non—murderers.

Seven additional hypotheses are also investigated

in relationship to the main hypothesis:

Murderers are more likely to have a high level
of conscious fear in their fantasy themes than
are non-murderers.

Murderers are more likely to have a high level
of aggression fantasy in their TAT themes than
are non-murderers.

Murderers will be more likely to see the aggressor
as some vague external other than will non-
murders.

Murderers will see more TAT locus of control of
fantasy themes as chance than will non-murderers.

Murderers will see more TAT theme outcomes as
being uncertain as to what could occur than will
non—murderers.

Murderers will use a lower number of different
coping behaviors in TAT fantasy themes than will
non-murderers.

There has been a tendency to classify murderers in

terms of psychopathology (Gutmacher, 1960). More recent

studies, Toch (1969); Tanay (1969); and Wille (1970); suggest

that such classifications are essentially meaningless. The

following hypothesis is intended to test this latter View:

H8:

A history of psychosis does not distinguish
between murderers and non-murderers on the
dimensions of fantasy life specified above.

Assumptions

In this study it was assumed that:

1.

The measures of fantasy behavior obtained on
the TAT represented accurate samples of the
individual's own internal fantasy life.

At the time of the administration of the TAT
test, the individual's fantasy behaviors were
accurately measured.

Those individuals with no history of psychosis
were clinically clear of such disorder.

Those individuals with a history of psychosis
have had either predisposing personality patterns,
or latent psychotic personalities, and can for
the purposes of this study be assumed to have
had this disorder prior to the commission of
the offense for which they are currently
incarcerated.

It is valuable to understand the relationships
of aggression fantasies and levels of anger

and fear in these groups.

Limitations of the Study

 

Generalizations to be drawn from this study are

limited to incarcerated adult murderers in the State of

Michigan.

Indeed this study recognizes that there may

be cross—cultural differences in populations of murderers

drawn from different states or locales. Felons tested
were drawn from the penal institution, the State Prison

of Southern Michigan, at Jackson, and were limited to a
minimum age, by institutional requirements, of twenty-three
years. No attempt was made to control for socio-economic
status, ethnic, racial or social group membership. While
the average 1.0. of selected inmates is somewhat below

the population average, Appendix B, there was no attempt

to select on the basis of any variable other than the

four groups previously cited.

It should be noted, further, that incarcerated
murders, adjudicated guilty of First or Second Degree Murder
only were included in the study. This limitation further
restricts the generalizability of the study, as it pre-
cludes those individuals sentenced for Manslaughter,
sentenced to State Mental Institutions, or those acquitted
by the judicial process.

Sample size is, through practical necessity, a
limiting factor. Each of the four groups used in this

study consisted of only ten individuals. Tests of signifi«

cance used are those designed for the study of small samples,
that result in more precise calculation for error.

The Thematic Apperception Test, the instrument used

 

in this study is routinely used by the staff at the

Psychiatric Clinic attached to the prison. This instrument

has an extremely wide acceptance for use in the study of
fantasy life of subjects and has been used in the major
studies of felons. There are questions relating to the
measurement of fantasy behavior in the prediction of
overt behavior. In addition, some authorities question
the use of this instrument itself. It should be noted,
however, that of the instruments most used in the study
of inner fantasy life of an individual, the TAT is one
of the most widely used. While no attempt will be made
to deal further with these issues here, the interested
reader is referred to Tomkins (1967L and Karon (1968).
Lastly, the assumption of the individual's
psychopathology at the time of testing was open to serious
question. This is especially true in a study of indi-
viduals who have committed.murder. The question of the
effect of institutionalization upon psychopathology is
one which can be of major concern. There is indeed
serious question about this factor in this study. Any
assumptions, really are of course, purely speculative

and await a special study of their own.

Organization of the Study

 

The general format of the study is as follows:
in Chapter I, an introductory statement of the problem is
made. In Chapter II, the review of the literature leading

to the development of the theoretical orientation of this

study is undertaken. In Chapter III, the design of the
study is discussed, including sampling procedure, method
of testing, statistical hypotheses and methods of analysis.
The results of an analysis of the study are reported in
Chapter IV. Chapter'V, provides the summary, conclusions,

and implications for future research.

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Homicide and Murder: A Definition

Types of Homicide

 

Homicide is the act of one person killing another
person. There are two basic categories of homicide:
(l) non-culpable homicide, in which the offender is not
held legally liable for his actions, and (2) culpable
homicide, in which the offender is held legally liable

for his actions, Bohannan (1960).

Non-culpable Homicide

There are two main categories of non-culpable
homicides: (1) Dangerous legal institutions, and
(2) Institutionalized homicides.

Dangerous legal institutions.--Certain institutions
such as auto racing, and boxing are recognized high risk
competitive so-called sports in western society. There
are Specifically encouraged actions and behaviors which
clearly threaten homicidal assault and frequently result
in one individual killing another. Nonetheless, these

are highly institutionalized and accepted activities, and

10

11

as long as the individuals kill each other within the
broadly defined rules there is no liability for the
action of killing.

Institutionalized homicides.--These are homicides
accepted as an institutionalized function of society.
There are three classes of such homicides: (1) Jural,
(2) Excuseable, (3) Ritual.

Jural homicides.--Jural homicides are basically
homicides committed with the sanction of the law. There
are two categories of jural homicides: (l) Authorized
homicides, or legal executions, and (2) Justifiable

homicide.

Authorized Homicides (legal executions)

Authorized homicides are still carried out in
many parts of the world today. In fact, as Bohannan
states, "execution of criminals by 'other legal agents'
is considered a 'necessary' part of jural practice,"
in many countries. While Sweden, West Germany and Denmark
have abolished the death penalty, Britain has established
a temporary 5-year moratorium on executions. Canada and
the U.S.A., however, have established only unofficial
suspensions of capital punishment, in that by unofficial
governmental action in these countries, there have been
no executions in Canada since 1966 and in the U.S. since

1967.

12

Justifiable Homicides

Justifiable homicides are homicides committed
generally in the act of self defense, or in the act of
stopping a person from committing a felony. These
homicides are generally committed by law enforcement
officers in the pursuit of their duty. In a study of
justifiable homicides committed by police, Robbin (1963),
reported on 32 cases of persons killed by a total of 42
police officers. Of these homicides, 30 cases were
exonerated at inquest; two went to Grand Jury trials and
received indictments. These two cases were tried by jury
and the offending officers were found not guilty. Robbin,
in reviewing these cases found that the officers had
acted as reasonable men. In 28 of the 32 cases, warning
shots were fired, and in the other four cases, there was
no time for such shots. Of the victims, 24 of the 32
were in the act of committing felonies.

Excuseable homicides.--Such homicides are either

 

(1) unintentional homicides: killings done without intent
to harm, or without criminal negligence; or (2) homicides
committed in self defense, under specific extenuating
circumstances. Such circumstances are delineated by
Perkins (1946), as having 4 specific conditions:
1. There must have been adequate provocation.
Such examples are: self-defense; adultery;

sedution of an offender's juvenile daughter;

l3

rape of offender's wife, or close relative,
etc.

2. The killing must have been in the heat of
passion.

3. The killing must have followed the provocation
before there had been a reasonable period for
the offender to cool off.

4. A causal connection must exist between the
provocation and the heat of passion, and the
homicide act, such that the sequence must be
able to be seen as an unbroken chain or
sequence reaction in which no deliberation,
or rational alternative existed.

Ritual homicides.--These are homicide practices

 

dictated by religious or cultural ceremonies. Such
homicides occurred, in the past in heresy inquisitions
and demonology practices. They are still extant in
several primitive societies, such as in African tribal
ceremonies. The Tio tribe maintain communal hunts of
persons, using poison clouts; the Luo tribe carry out
wife capture practices which frequently result in killing
members; the Alur tribe have ritual dances in which

homicides occur. The Ashanti engaged in ritual sacrifice.

l4

Culpable Homicide

The determinants of Culpable homicides.--This is
the act of homicide in which an offender is held legally
responsible for the act of killing. The extent of the
penalty, is, as suggested by Bohannan (1960), almost
universally dependent, in primitive, or modern society,
upon two conditions:

1. The overall terms of the institution within
which the homicide is committed, defense of
home, robbery, defense of self or others,
revenge of wrong.

2. The relationship of offender and victim,
including their relative social or familial

relationship.

Murder: A Relative Degree of Homicide

There are two major categories of culpable homicide:
(l) murder, in which the act of homicide is viewed as an
intentional deliberate act of inexcuseable malice, and
(2) manslaughter, in which the act of homicide is viewed
as an accidental negligent act of homicide. The basic
differentiation between murder and manslaughter is that
murder is viewed as an intentional act of malice, whereas
manslaughter is viewed as a careless act of criminal
negligence. In general, the law takes the vieWpoint that

there are variations of degree of responsibility in the

15

act of homicide along a continuum from justifiable homicide,
through excuseable homicide as non-culpable homicides,
entering into culpable homicide with varying degrees of
criminal intent such as manslaughter, and culminating in

the inexcuseable, malicious act of murder.

In recognition of these various stages of culpable
homicide, manslaughter is generally seen as having one or
more degrees of responsibility. Manslaughter 2nd degree
is seen as basically a lapse of the individual's responsi-
bility without criminal intent, whereas Manslaughter lst
degree implies a criminal intent in lack of reSponsibility.
Murder 2nd degree is viewed as a malicious criminal intent
to kill, ameliorated, however, by lack of planning, and
due primarily to one's being under the heat of passion,
but without the extenuating circumstances of justifiable,
or excuseable homicide. Murder 1st degree is viewed as
the ultimate act of planned or calculated maliciousness,
aimed at killing another person, and implies clear-cut

criminal intent and motivation.

The Arrest and Prosecution of Homicide

 

Arrest Statistics

The Uniform Crime Reports (1968), indicate a slight
decrease, for the third straight year, of homicides solved.
While in 1965 over 90 per cent of the homicides were solved,

in 1968 only 86 per cent of the homicides were solved.

16

Of those arrested in 1968, 10 per cent were under
18 years of age, and 40 per cent were under 25 years of
age. The largest age group of homicide offenders was the
20 to 24 year old group, representing 21 per cent of all
homicide offenders. It is Significant to note that between
1960 and 1968 there was a 127 per cent increase in the
under 18 age group, and an increase of 62 per cent in
the adult offender group.

Of those arrested for homicide 9 per cent of the
juveniles were handled in juvenile court, the remainder
were prosecuted as adults. Of the adult offenders, 64
per cent of those arrested were prosecuted. The distri-
bution of charges was as follows: 43 per cent were found
guilty of murder; 19 per cent were found guilty of a
lesser charge; 38 per cent either won acquitals or had

the charges dismissed.

Prosecution Statistics

 

Garfinkel (1949), in reviewing homicide trials noted
that considerable bias frequently alters the legal process
in murder trials. He found that the charges were con—
siderably different for different racial groups. In fact
specific patterns of legal charges tended to emerge at
three distinct points in the legal proceedings: (1) at
indictment, (2) after solicitors' demands for changes,

(3) at the conviction. The patterns identified are

presented in Table 2.1.

17

TABLE 2.1.--Racial Patterns in Homicide Trials.

 

Negro Offender: White Victim (N-W)

 

Indicted lst° --convicted equally lst° and 2nd°.

Fewest number of changes at indictment.

As many nol prosse charges and charges less manslaughter,
As the other three groups.

 

White Offender: Negro Victim (W-N)

 

Indicted lst° or manslaughter--convicted 2nd° or
manslaughter (None convicted lst°)

Largest number of changes at indictment.

Less nol prose charges and charges less than manslaughter
but the largest acquital and manslaughter category.

 

Negro Offender: Negro Victim (N-N)

Overwhelmingly indicted lst°--convicted 2nd° or

manslaughter mainly.
Largest number of charges at indictment.
Lesser extent acquital or dismissal.

*1

White Offender: White Victim (W—W)

—‘

Indicted lst° and to some extent for lesser offenses--
convicted 2nd°, manslaughter, or acquital.

Large number of change of charge and largest number
of categories of charges.

18

The law recognizes a broad range of behaviors extant
in the act of homicide, and sets up rather definitive dis-
tinctions within which to View and judge the individual's
culpability. Nevertheless the prosecution of the act of
murder indicates that a host of extra-legal, cultural and
investigative procedures frequently culminate in a most

unrecognizeable distortion of judgements and sentencing.

Homicide Statistics

 

International Homicide Rates

 

The homicide rate varies widely from country to
country. The Uniform Crime Reports (1968) gives a U.S.
homicide rate of 6.8 per 100,000 pOpulation. Morris and
Blom-Cooper (1964) reported a British homicide rate of
only 0.3 to 0.4 per 100,000. Interpol statistics (1960)
give a Danish homicide rate of 0.53 and an Australian rate
of 1.7 per 100,000.4 Bohannan (1960) reported a homicide
rate in Ceylon of 7.4 per 100,000 population. Canada
(1969) had a homicide rate of 1.5 per 100,000 population.
It can be seen that homicide rates vary from culture to

culture.

 

Q

4Interpol: International Crime Statistics for
Years 1959-60, reported ifiifinudten, R.D., Crime In a
Complex Society. An Introduction to CriminoIBgy (Homewood,
Illinois: Dorsey Press, 1970), Table 6-5, p. 153.

 

 

 

 

19

Types of Homicides

 

Homicide is, to a large degree a private family
resolution of conflict. The data in Table 2.2, from the
Uniform Crime Reports (1968) give the proportionate
breakdown for seven categories of homicide.

Over 25 per cent of the homicides occur in the
first three categories, involving immediate family members.
Approximately 50 per cent of the homicides occur in other
arguments with by-and-large acquaintances, or in marital
triangles (contrary to pOpular opinion it is generally the
extramarital lovers who kill each other, rather than the
“wronged spouse" seeking revenge). Less than 25 per cent

of the homicides occur as a result of felonies.

Socio-Cultural Factors in Homicide

 

Victimology

 

The close inter-relationship of victim and offender
has been a point of study for many years. One of the first
researchers to intensively study this close relationship,
Von Hentig (1967), became quite concerned with the victims
role in his own demise. Many studies have lent strong
support to this concept of Victimology. While the victims
behavior, generally, cannot be said to justify, nor excuse
the act of killing him, it can, nevertheless, frequently
be seen as a direct causative factor in his own death.

De Quincy (1925) earlier, in a satirical essay had proposed

that frequently the victim is a would-be murderer who

20

 

 

m.e e.sH «.me m.a 5.x m.m s.mH
accede secede musmssmua maosoana season odeso mdaaaas
omuommmom ssosx Hmnuo Hmuflumz Hwnuo mHHHM usmumm mmsomm

 

.mmofloweom mo mmmkanu.m.~ momma

21

wishes to harm his offender, but lacking the courage of
his convictions inappropriately focuses his anger upon
his offender in.such a way as to result in his own death.
Wolfgang (1967), in a study of 600 homicides found
that 26 per cent were clearly victim induced. Wille (1970)
reporting on 100 murderers noted 48 cases in which a
quarrel occurred immediately preceding the act, and 24
cases in which there was a quarrel or other intense
emotional involvement at least sometime prior to the
act. He describes in case No. 5, a 26 year old man, how
the Victimology syndrome frequently occurs:
. . . after they had quarreled when returning home
one evening, both in a state of intoxication, after
being out with friends and drinking. On entering
their apartment, the wife taunted him with remarks
about what a stupid fool he was and how that very
day, unbeknown to him, she had enjoyed sexual rela-
tions with another man, including oral-genital
contacts, and that this much more than any satisfac—
tion that her husband had been able to give her.
Wille goes on to suggest that the concept of
Victimology is frequently double-edged, in that while
the victim may produce the stimulus for attack, the
offender frequently sets up such potentially explosive
relationships:
If this were not enough, the reader should be given
the additional information that this man married a
woman whose personality was very much like that of
his mother, who was a very taunting, punitive person

who had frequently sent him into helpless rages as
a child, by her behavior toward him.

22

Insanity and Suicide Relationships
in Homicide

 

Gutmacher (1960) reported that in Britain there
were 125 homicides 3 5000 suicides while in the same period
in the U.S. there were 8500 homicides : 16,000 suicides.
Of the convicted murderers in England 40 per cent were
insane while in the U.S. only 2 to 4 per cent of the
murderers were insane. Gutmacher suggests that culturally
there is a much greater taboo against externalizing anger
and aggression in England than in the U.S., as suggested
by both the higher suicide 3 homicide ratio, and higher
insanity percentage, of murderers, in England. He there-
fore suggests that homicidal and suicidal persons have
a considerably greater difficulty in c0ping with anger
and aggression than do other persons.

Wolfgang (1967) notes that homicide occurs most
frequently in the lower classes and suicide occurs more
frequently in the middle and upper classes. He suggests
that homicide is primarily a lower class subcultural
phenomenon, the concomitant of the upper and middle class
resort to suicide. Knudten (1970), who discusses only
middle and upper class groups, suggested that such rela-
tionships, while possible, were perhaps somewhat more
complicated. He noted that in these groups, American

suicides increase during depressions, and decrease during

23

periods of prosperity. Homicides, however, increase during
periods of prosperity.

Knudten further noted that Henry and Short (1965)
suggested that an early introjection of value systems
seemed to account for an orientation toward homicide or
suicide. They suggested that individuals who commit
suicide have introjected cruel and stringent demands,
made and harshly enforced upon them by parents, as part
of their normal self-expectancy. Individuals who commit
homicide, on the other hand, have introjected violent
patterns of behavior, demanded and forced on them for
their survival by their environment, as a normal method
of c0ping.

Homicidal and suicidal individuals are seen by
Henry and Short as persons attempting to cope with
extreme conflicts of anger and aggression toward either
self or others.

Suicide is seen as intrapunitive hostility and
aggression, directed primarily at the "evil" within one,
and occurs most frequently in the upper and middle
classes of our society.

Homicide is extra-punitive hostility and aggres-
sion, directed primarily at coping with the basic "evil"
(of others and occurs primarily in the lower classes.

(Zultural taboos against anger expression vary from

24

culture to culture and between socio-economic classes;
these differences appear to have strong influences upon
suicide and homicide behavior. Taboos about aggression
and anger and problems related to these are frequently
seen as also having concomitant effects upon sanity.
Suicide and homicide appear to operate cross-culturally
as inverse effects, that is, when the homicide rate

increases the suicide rate decreases, and vice-versa.

Sex Influences in Homicide

 

Males are most frequently both victims and
offenders in homicides. The Uniform Crime Reports
(1968) shows a M:F ratio of 3:1 for victims of homicides,
and a M:F ratio of 5:1 for offenders. Verkko (1951)
notes that the distribution by sexes of victims of
crimes against life in any country is always dependent
on the frequency level of the crimes concerned. Verkko
has proposed that there is both a static and a dynamic
factor involved in homicide rates of males and females.
He has prOposed that these factors Operate to influence
both the victim and offender in a homicide, and has
pr0posed two basic laws governing the frequency of
sex differences for both offenders and victims of

homicides.

25

Homicide Victims
Static Law.--In countries of high frequency of crimes
against life the female proportion of those killed is small;
and vice-versa: in countries of low frequency of crime
against life the female proportion of those killed is high.
Dynamic Law.--If the frequency of crimes against
life in a country is on the increase, the increase effects
mainly the number of male victims; and vice-versa: if the
frequency of crimes against life is on the decrease, the

decrease affects mainly the male victims.

Homicide Offenders

Static Law.--In countries of high frequency of

 

crimes against life the participation of females in these
crimes is small; and vice-versa: in countries of low
frequency of crimes against life the female proportion

of these participating is high.

Dynamic Law.--If the frequency of crimes against

 

life in a country tends to increase, the increase primarily
affects number of male criminals: and vice-versa.

In other words Verkko sees both female homicide
victims and female homicide offenders' rates are essen-
tially static, and suggests that the apparent changes in
ratio which appear to affect the female homicide rate

for both offenders and victims is in reality due to changes

26

in the male rate. He suggests two reasons for such static
female rates: (1) Females tend to live in a more peaceful
environment than do males, and (2) The factors influencing
females are not as subject to change as those influencing

males.

Age Factors in Homicide

 

The greatest frequency of murders are committed
by young men between the ages of 20 and 25 years.
According to the Uniform Crime Reports (1968) 40 per
cent of all homicides are committed by persons under
25 years of age. Of the total number of homicides 10
per cent were committed by persons under 18 years of
age, and approximately 21 per cent Were committed by
persons 20 to 24 years of age.

Victims tend to be 10 to 15 years older than
offenders according to Wolfgang (1967). The largest
single age group, 28 per cent of the victims according
to the Uniform Crime Reports (1968) was between 20 and
24 years of age. Of the total victims, 60 per cent were
between 20 and 45 years of age.

There has been a substantial increase in homicides
committed by younger persons. Homicides committed by
persons under 18 years of age increased 127 per cent and
homicides committed by those under 25 years of age

increased 62 per cent, from 1967 to 1968.

27

Racial Factors in Homicide

In the 1968 Uniform Crime Reports, 45 per cent
of the victims were white, 54 per cent were Negro, and
l per cent were other racial extractions. Homicide
offenders were reported as 39 per cent white, 60 per
cent Negro, and l per cent other racial extractions.
Gutmacher (1960) reported, in a clinical study of
homicide, a Negro:White homicide rate of 7:1, and a
Negro:White suicide rate of 1:3. This latter data
indicates that Negroes tend to resort to a more extra-
punitive than intrapunitive form of handling aggression,
while whites tend to resort more to intrapunitive han-
dling of aggression. Wolfgang (1967), in a study of
sex and racial factors, further noted that Negro males
had a homicide rate of 41.7, white males 3.4, Negro
females 9.3, and white females 0.4. While white males
tend to have the highest homicide rate at 21 to 25 years
and decrease markedly after 40, Negro males at 60 tend
to kill at the same rate as white males of 20 to 25
years (p.18-19).5

Bohannan (1960), in studies of tribal homicide
in Africa, found African homicide rates of 1.1 to 11.6

per 100,000 population. In contrast, however, Wolfgang

 

5Homicide rate is number of homicides per 100,000
population.

28

in a study of homicide in Philadelphia indicated a Negro
homicide rate of 24.6 per 100,000. These data refute a
racial basis for homicide, lending stronger support to the
minority subculture of violence view, eSpoused by Wolfgang
(1967). Benedict (1960), Barnouw (1963) and Vender Zanden
(1966) suggest that child rearing practices and the per-
sonality variables of the culture determine propensity
for violence in individuals in a culture.

Wolfgang's contention is that homicide occurs
disproportionately in crowded, slum condition ghettoes,
in which persons experience violence as a way of life,
and in which they perceive the external world as very
threatening, but with good reasons.

A Summary of Sociological Studies
of Murderers

 

From the studies to date, we have seen then that
people who commit murder are, in the main, products of
the lower socio-economic and cultural levels of our
societies. They are persons who grew up in violence
and respond violently to minor altercations,but generally
after having put up with a great deal of festering
hostility. Such backgrounds are bound to leave a
damaging imprint on the psyche of the individual.

The question then arises as to whether or not
there are specific developmental defects inherent in

individuals who do in fact commit murder. The next

29

question would seem to be just what specific damage and
personality defects are developed in these individuals.
In order to get a better picture of just what effects

one can eXpect upon anindividual's personality, in going
through such experiences, the next sections will review
pertinent sociological and clinical studies of murderers.

Sociological Studies of Concomittants
to Murder

 

 

Methods of Murder

 

One of the predominant causes of homicide is a
far too ready access to lethal weapons. Wolfgang (1967),
in a study of 585 homicides in Philadelphia found 39 per
cent of murders caused by stabbings; 33 per cent by shootings;
22 per cent by beatings; and 6 per cent by other miscel-
laneous methods. Tanay (1969), in a study of 53 murderers,
found the murder causes to be: Shootings, 58 per cent;
stabbings, 21 per cent; beatings, 11 per cent; chokings,
4 per cent; drownings, 2 per cent; auto, 2 per cent;
poison, 2 per cent. Wille (1970), in a study of 100
murders in Michigan noted the causes of murder to be
Shooting 63 per cent; stabbings, 10 per cent; bludgeoning,
choking with bare hands, 24 per cent; drowning, poison,
other, 3 per cent. The President's Commission on Violence
noted that 65 per cent of homicides, nationally, are

committed by the use of fire arms (1968).

30

Cultural factors tend to influence the mode of
murder. Wolfgang (1967) in his study noted that white
males tended predOminantly to kill by beatings, while
Negro males tended to predominantly kill by stabbings.
Females tend predominantly to kill by stabbing, regardless
of race, while female victims generally tend to be killed
by beatings. While Wolfgang's statistics differ from
the U.S. national norms, the Uniform Crime Reports (1968)
indicate that guns are increasingly becoming the major
instruments of murder. No figures are presently available
as to racial or sex differences for the more recent
statistics. The crime reports do indicate, however,
that 7 out of 10 murders in the southern states are
committed by guns, while only 3 out of 10 murders in the

northern states are committed by guns.

Time of the Homicide

 

In his study of homicide, Wolfgang (1967) noted
that there tended to be more homicides committed in hot
summer than at any other time of the year. Other than
this, he found no Significant association between
homicide rate and season of the year. He further noted
that most homicides occur on the weekend, and mainly on
saturday night, in particular.

In his Philadelphia study, 65 per cent of the

homicides (380 murders) occurred during the weekend, that

31

is within the 52 hour time-period of 8:00 P.M. Friday to
12:00 P.M. Sunday. Only 35 per cent of the homicides

(208 murders) occurred during the week day, within the

112 hour period of 1:00 A.M. Monday to 8:00 P.M. Friday.
Wolfgang suggested that the tensions of the week tend to
be held in by structured routines of work and family life.
He suggests further, that over the weekend, and on
Saturday night in particular, especially under the
influence of excessive drinking, that pent-up rage tends

to errupt disproportionately in violence.

Place of Homicide

 

Wolfgang noted that most homicides occurred in
the home. The next most dangerous places were, in order,
highways, public streets, and fields. The U.S. national
norms indicate 58 per cent of homicides occur in homes.
Tanay (1969) found 51.2 per cent occurred in homes; 11
per cent occurred out doors. In the study done by Wille
(1970), he found: 48 per cent occurred in homes; 27 per
cent outdoors; 3 per cent in autos; 13 per cent in a
place of business; 7 per cent in bars; 2 per cent in
prison.

Wolfgang (1967) noted that men generally kill men,
and are killed by men, in the streets. Women are generally
killed in the bedroom (87 per cent killed there, are killed

by men), and kill (84 per cent of their victims killed

32

there are men) in the kitchen. In general, then, one
could expect that the place of a homicide is likely to

be that frequented by the two individuals in conflict.

It further appears that the place of homicide is generally
the one which the aggressor feels to be his, or her area
of primacy and where the victim is either tresspassing
upon his or her "sacred ground," or has "injured" the

aggressor in their primacy area.

Motives

Homicide is seen as the culmination of vaguely
defined altercations in eight out of 10 cases, by Wolfgang
(1967). Wille (1970) found that in 48 out of 100 cases
a quarrel immediately preceded the act; in a further 24
out of 100 cases a quarrel, or other intense emotional
involvement had occurred at sometime, at least, during the
relationship between the individuals concerned; in 28 out
of 100 cases there was no emotional involvement readily
discernable.
Assault Till Death Intervall

The majority of deaths occur very shortly after
the homicidal assault. Wolfgang (1967) noted that 50
per cent of the shooting victims, one-third of the
stabbing victims, and one-sixteenth of the beating victims
died within 10 minutes of the assault. He further noted
that a total of one-third of the victims died within 10
minutes; three—fifths of the victims died within the
first hour. Less than 5 per cent of the victims lasted

over 10 days.

33

He suggested that fewer die from aggravated assault
wounds than a generation ago because of: (1) improved com-
munications to the police; (2) rapid transportation to a
hospital; (3) advanced medical techniques. Because of the
lower incidence of death from beatings then, many homicides
could be prevented simply by the control of dangerous, or
lethal weapons alone.

The Effect of Stimulants
(alcohol or drugs)

 

Frequently, reduced awareness, or impairment by
drugs or alcohol is a contributing factor to homicide.
Wolfgang noted that in two-thirds of the cases in
Philadelphia, either one or both parties had been
drinking heavily. Wille (1970) found alcohol contri-
buted in 24 per cent of the cases, and drugs in 2 per
cent of the cases. Wille noted that two conditional
uses of alcohol tended to be involved in homicide:

(l) offenders who are resentful, and angry, losing
control under alcohol, (2) offenders who drink to give

themselves "courage" to commit a homicidal act.

Previous Criminal Records

Murder is not, as pOpularly characterized, an
offense committed by that nice person, or someone, next
door, nor is it an offense that could be as readily com-

mitted by anyone of us as the murderer. Murder is

34

generally the culmination of a violent way of life, by a
violent person. Wolfgang (1967) found that two-thirds

of all murderers were previous offenders. He did note
that mOre males than females were legal offenders, but
this may be explained by the fact that men, more readily
than women, are likely to be sentenced for offenses.
Murderers previous offenses are more likely to be person-
oriented than non-person oriented. When these persons
commit person-oriented offenses, the offenses are more
likely to be serious offenses, such as attempted assault,
or intent-to-kill offenses. Wille (1970) noted that 24
per cent of murder offenders had serious police records
without imprisonment, and 23 per cent had previous prison

records.

The Family Background of Murderers

 

The family background of murderers most frequently
appears to have been one calculated to instill a View of
the world which is punitive and hostile. These were child
developmental conditions filled with intense emotional
depriviation, and value distortion, as well as being
fraught with excessive brutality. MacDonald (1963) noted
several specific features in the family relationship in
a study of 100 murderers. There was invariably great
parental brutality, extreme maternal seduction, or the

triad of childhood fire-setting, cruelty to animals and

35

enuresis. He noted that the family interaction frequently
tended to produce paranoid delusions, with great anger.

Gutmacher (1960) noted that the family background
was generally one of defective ethical standards, and
lacking in satisfying early nurturance needs. He noted,
in the case of sociopathic murderers specifically, that
the child tended to be raised by affectionally rejecting,
inconsistant parents. The family background tended to
lead to the development of strong aggressive, and destruc-
tive drives.

Ducan, Frazier, Litin, Johnson, and Barron (1958)
noted, in clinical interviews of parents and siblings of
murderers, that the murderers had most frequently been
the victim of the parental physical brutality. This
brutality went far beyond the ordinary excesses of disci-
pline generally perpetrated. In fact the brutality was
quite often so extreme as to compel neighbors to intercede
for the child.

Duncan et al. further noted that the parents had
a remarkable apptitude for evasive shifting of blame.
There was no suggestion on the part of the parent of
self-criticism or guilt, either for the child's upbringing,
or for his downfall. There was a remarkable tendency to
lie on many important issues, often differing sharply from
Spouse, or offspring, and to remain totally unshaken by

glaring discrepancies in recounting past events.

36

Lamberti, Blackman and Weiss (1958) in a study of
sudden impulse murderers, noted that they tended to come
from family backgrounds where conformity to norms of the
social system were emphasized. These individuals were,
however, failing to conform because of underlying familial
conflicts, and had resorted to attempts to blame other
people.

Palmer (1960) in a study of 51 murderers, and
brothers, paired, noted, without exception, that the
murderer of the pair experienced greater psychological
stress, than did the other brother. The murderer of the
pair frequently had some physical defect seen as a social
stigma. The parents tended to react differentially, being
overly rigid, and inconsistant, and this was noted as
especially conspicuous behavior by the murderer-brother.
The assaultive child had generally been exposed to a
severely frightening experience of a definitely traumatic
nature. In addition, there was a general lack of accept-
ance and approval, by school and community, of the
murderer-brother.

Palmer further noted that the mother had resented,
the birth of the murderer-son more than his brothers.

Her reaction to this child, on the surface, indicated
that she had, however, appeared to have been doing what

was accepted as normal mothering behavior. She was

37

found, nonetheless, to have been clearly mixing her
mothering behavior with thinly disguised aggression
toward this son.

The upbringing of the rejected son appears to have
become clearly a family battleground. The mother further
appeared to have been more rigid in her feeding of the
son who had committed murder. In addition, she was either
abrupt, or longer, that is to say at extremes, in the
toilet training of this youngster. The mothers directed
their frustrations to the child and to the father equally.
The fathers, on the other hand, directed their frustration
to the child, who was seen by them, as the root-cause of
the family troubles.

In essence then the family of murderers, is fre-
quently seen as one who did not want the child, initially.
As a consequence, he became the butt of severe physical
and emotional abuse, serving as a focal point of mothers
rejection, and the pawn in her war with father. In turn,
the father frequently attacked the child, as the source
of marital and family discord. While everything in the
way of normal upbringing appeared to have been offered,
on the surface, to the child, great under-currents of
violence, both physically and emotionally directed at
him, occurred, frequently errupting with such intensity

that outside aid was needed. The parents' hostility,

38

and denial of abusive behavior, was frequently so all-
consuming that they lied in the face of glaring discrep-
ancies about their abusive treatment of their rejected
child.

Capote (1965), gives a frighteningly vivid and
detailed reconstruction of the case histories of two such

individuals. Maas (1968) in the Valachi_papers, gives a

 

case history of one such individual's rise as a hired gun
in organized crime. There are numerous potential Spawning
grounds for theSe Vio1ent individuals. Karon (1964)
details the intrapsychic problems of anger and aggression
among minority subculture groups. Hollingshead and

Rogler delineated the problems of violence in families
with mental illness. Goffman (1963) described the intense
emotional conflicts and pain produced through social
stigmatizing in our society. Cavan (1964) and Wolfgang
(1967) described how impoverished and emotionally conflict-
ual family backgrounds lead to a genesis of crime and
violence.

Marshall (1970) reporting on the dominant Canadian
Anglo-Saxon culture, as surveyed by Goldfarb, notes that
violence is more acceptable than love, and sex. He notes
that "many Canadians believe that a family quarrel can
often imply love." He goes on to state that "Many

Canadians apparently believe family relationships are

39

phoney if they are based entirely on love. This attitude
is particularly common among English Canadians." It is

indeed a sad commentary on our social philosophy!

Clinical Studies of Murderers

This investigator is particularly indebted to
Dr. Warren S. Wille (1969), for making available, pre-
publication, his extensive file of clinical interview
studies of murderers. His findings and suggestions were
very helpful, here, as well as in an overall develOpment
of this study. - I

Toch (1969), in a study of violent offenders,
noted that their violence modes could be broadly classi-
fied into two major categories: (1) Self-preserving, or
enhancing; or, (2) Self—centered. He was further able
to identify ten sub-categories of violence-prone modes,
six of which he saw as self-preserving, and four as
self-centered. These classifications are presented in
Table 2.3.

Toch's typology studies indicate violence is
channeled in several different ways as primary response
modes, for some individuals. In these ways, violence
serves as a coping behavior.

It is not unexpected that such specific typology
or, personality patterns are found in groups of violent
offenders. Enelow and McKie (1969) in a study of

patients' responses to pain, noted that:

40

TABLE 2.3.--The Violence-Prone Person: A Typology.

 

A. Self-Preserving or Enhancing

 

Rep defending: a self-allocated role encompassing
aggressive violence in defending one's reputation.

Norm enforcing: a self-nominated role to enforce
one's own rules, perceived as right, with violence.

Self-image compensating:

(a) Self-image defending: a role in which violence
is used in retribution against persons who cast
aspersions on one's self-image.

(b) Self-image promoting: a role in which violence
is used to enhance self worth, and in which
toughness and status are seen as virtues.

Self-defending: a role in which others are seen as
sources of danger which require neutralization.

Pressure removing: a role in which explosions of
rage are used in situations one cannot deal with.

 

B. Self-Centered (Others Seen as Objects)

 

Bullying: a role in which violence is used for the
pleasure of terrorizing susceptible individuals.

Exploitation: a role in which violence is used to
overcome resistance in using others as tools for
pleasure and convenience.

Self-indulgence: a role in which violence is used
for non-compliance with satisfying one's needs.

Catharting: a role in which violence is used to
discharge internal pressure in response to needs,
or moods.

 

41

Pain is a very private and personal experience . . .

it is influenced by previous experiences with pain

and the consequences of those experiences. The

earliest of these experiences may take place before

it is possible to have verbal or visual memory, yet

may have an important role in shaping later reactions

to pain. In other words pain threshold is idiosyn-

cratic, but is experientally modified. Thus pain

has both objective and subjective components.
The violent offender is an individual, who as we have seen,
has been subjected to enormous physical abuse and pain.

One analogous method of viewing the murderer is
to see him as a person who has been subjected to intense
experiences in coping with painful stimuli. Specific
characterological patterns then can be expected to be
as readily identified for persons subjected to painful
interpersonal abuse, as for those subjected to impersonal
or cultural differential pain experiences. As Enelow and
McKie further noted, "This culture tends to view masculinity
as a Symbol of pain bearing capacity... . . Men when in
pain, tend to deny or minimize it." The following studies
shed further light on how individuals tend to repress,
divert, or redirect their reactions to their painful-
developmental experiences, in our culture.
MacDonald (1963), in a study of normal and socio-

pathic murderers, found normal murderers to have defective
personality structures which he felt were more as a result

of defective ethical standards of their social milieu

rather than as a result of "hidden neurotic complexes."

42

They also tended to have aggressive and destructive drives,
drives essential to homicide, as a result of frustration
of early nurture.

He found sociOpathic murderers had an early anti-
social career: pilfering; early school expulsion. They
exhibited reckless courage which he attributed as being
due to a devaluation of life, and characteristically,
tended to exhibit cruelty to animals well past their
childhood stage. Sociopathic murderers exhibited a
distorted sexual adjustment, develOped no lasting friend-
ships and were devoid of loyalty.

Schilder (1936) in a similar study of normal and
sociopathic murderers found that in normals, life and
death do not seem to play an important part in their
psychic life. Schilder states that: "They killed as
easily as children in their play." In point of fact,
they exhibited many infantile trends, killing because
they were not really aware of the deprivation they effect
on others. He found many similar patterns to normals,
in sociopathic murderers, but with the additional trait,
which was later so clearly explored by Lindner (1944),
of characterizing them as "a rebel without a cause."

Wille (1970) found that the majority of murderers
tend to have relatively little conscience to prevent

homicide. In a classification of superego controls,

43

through clinical interviews, he found only 6 per cent with
severe (overly-punitive) superegoes; 21 per cent with
relatively "normal," or intact superegoes; 71 per cent,
however, had poorly developed, or defective superegoes,
and 2 per cent were undetermined. He notes, however,
that 20 per cent of his sample developed psychosis sub-
sequent to committing homicide, including 5 of the 6
with severe superegoes. Only 7 per cent of the group
had a history of psychosis prior to the act; 6 per cent
being adjudged psychotic at the time of the act. Wille
presents the following description of murderers:
These findings, and those of the continuing series
of cases examined since this first sample of 100
cases, refute the concept that in the majority of
homicides the murderer is a 'once in a lifetime
criminal,‘ a person who had never been involved in
other types of law breaking. On the contrary, the
study indicates that in approximately half of the
cases the assailant has been involved in a variety
of other types of law breaking, is often prone to
alcoholic excess, and has previously indicated a
more than usual prOpenSity for acting out behavior.
In the other half of the sample, the homicide is
truly a 'once in a lifetime occurrence' committed
during a fit of rage by a person who has shown no
previous prOpenSity toward law breaking, and would
be considered an 'average, normal citizen' by his
neighbors.

Tanay (1969) in his study of 53 murderers, noted
that there had been a predominant history of severe or
violent child rearing. He noted, as characteristically
different from Wille (1970) that the majority of murderers

had severe superegoes. In reviewing the crime sequence,

44

he noted, in retrospect, that there had been an apparent
alteration in state of consciousness just previous to the
homicide. He proposed to identify three characteristic
murderer profiles as: ego-dissociative; psychotic; and,
ego-syntonic.

There are those murderers who seem rational,
coherent, and controlled, yet whose homicidal acts had
a bizarre senseless quality about them. In a study of
four such cases, Satten, Menninger, Rosen and Mayman
(1960) found histories of longstanding, even lifelong
prOblems of erratic control of aggressive behavior. Lack
of control was such that, previous fights were far from
ordinary and would have become homicidal assaults had
not someone intervened. In spite of demonstrated
violence, these men were found to have self-images of
physical inferiority, weakness and inadequacy; case
histories indicated severe sexual inhibition.

Each man had a case history of altered states of
consciousness in connection with violent outbursts.
During examination they exhibited erratic impulsiveness.
Speech patterns Shifted erratically, from.blockage and
aphasia, to torrential explosiveness. Body responses
varied with rising affect until they frequently, bodily,
stiffened under high affect. They varied between extreme

overcontrol and hyperkinesis (pacing about the room).

45

Satten et a1. noted that these men displayed a
tendency not to experience anger, or rage with their
aggressive violence. They exhibited shallow, cold relation-
ships and appeared to have been lonely isolates, in which
people were scarcely real to them, in the sense of being
cared about. There was a marked tendency to blur bounda-
ries between reality and fantasy. Each had expressed
fear of losing control, previously, to either legal
officials or psychiatrists, before the murders took
place, however, each warning had been disregarded.

In summary then, in all of the clinical studies of
murderers, the pattern emerges of repression of hostile
affect, impairment of superego controls and erratic,
impulsive aggressiveness. They act as if they were
frightened persons poised for assault from any quarter.
When they respond aggressively they do so with a tor-
rential outpouring of violence, and with little concept

of the effect of their actions on others.

The TAT Fantasies and Overt Behavior

 

TAT Studies of Anger and Aggression Fantasies
gpd Overt Behavior

A most extensive review of studies of anger and
aggression is reported by Buss (1961). In addition, this
investigator is particularly indebted to Dr. Benjamin

Beit-Hallahmi (1970) for providing me with his review of

46

the TAT literature more pertinently related to a violent
felon population. This review draws heavily on these
two sources.

In their study of semi-institutionalized delinquents,
Mussen and Naylor (1954) found that TAT aggression cor-
related significantly with supervisors' ratings of overt
behavior.

Stone (1956) studied three groups of army felons:
(l) non-violent crimes; (2) desertion, non—violent histories;
(3) murderers and attempted murders. He found that the
violent group showed considerably more aggression than the
two non-violent groups.

Purcell (1956) rated army psychiatric patients as
to antisocial aggressivensss. TAT ratings of the most
antisocial group were most significantly aggressive;
contained more direct and undisguised aggression; showed
less punishment anticipated; and, contained more aggressive
themes excusing aggression. This group also had fewer
themes of guilt, or shame.

Satten, Menninger, Rosen and Mayman (1960), reported
on TAT protocols of murderers without apparent motive.
These were otherwise sane, normal persons who had come
mitted bizarre sudden murders. Their TAT stories were
brief, frequently autObiographical, and were filled with

a "quality of primitive murderous hostility, in some

47

cases glibly rationalized on the basis of the victims
having 'provoked' their murders." Other themes of murder
were precipitated by rejection characterized as oral
deprivation. There was a marked absence of affect
accompanying the violent themes.

In a study by Silber and Courtless (1968), TAT
aggression was compared in four groups of subjects:
mentally retarded and non-retarded offenders with and
without histories of serious offenses. In this study
serious offenders showed the least TAT aggression fantasy.
No differences were found between retarded and non-

retarded offenders.

The Relationship of Thought to Behavior

Freud (1964) recognized fantasies as having both
conscious and unconscious components, and as existing in
both healthy and disturbed psyches. In uncovering repressed
sexual memories of childhood in patients, he found that,
in point of fact, frequently no overt sexual behavior had
occurred, rather the patient had repressed a childhood
wish for such an event. It appeared to Freud that repres-
sion served as a denial of morally painful thoughts-to
avoid anxiety. Repressed thoughts then were seen by
Freud as having a strong wish-fulfillment component.

Fenichel (1945) more precisely defined fantasies

as "any thinking which is not followed by action." The

48

potential effect of these unfulfilled thoughts upon sub-
sequent overt behavior has been the continuing study of
clinicians.

While the Freudian tradition had proposed that
fantasy only grew out of repressed desires, later neo-
analysts saw an egoadaptive component as another possible
explanation of fantaSy use. Indeed, Frieda Fromereichmann
(1967) enlarges upon both the parataxic (preverbal), and
prototaxic (verbal) component aSpects of fantasy in
therapy patients, seeing the former as frequently wish-
fulfillment but the latter as more ego adaptive. She
noted, however, that distortions due to social acceptance
of the fantasy content could occur in either parataxic
or prototaxic fantasy modes.

Clinicians, such as Tomkins (1967), in his TAT
studies, have been more interested in relating the defensive,
and adaptive aspects of fantasy to predicting overt behavior.
The literature dealing with this problem will be next
reviewed. Particular emphasis will be in the relationship
of such studies as are pertinent to this one.

Buss (1961) unequivocally states that "clinical
studies yielded one clear-cut positive finding: TAT
aggression is directly related to assaultiveness. This
generalization holds for prisoners of both sexes and

several kinds of patient populations. TAT aggression

49

is not related to assertiveness, uncooperativeness, and
other behaviors peripherally associated with aggression"
(p. 153).

Tomkins (1967) was less encouraging in this regard,
and wrote "It has been this writer's experience in 'blind'
analysis of the TAT'S of children and adolescents who
presented serious behavior problems that he has, in
almost every instance, misdiagnosed the Specific behavior
problem which was the concern of the parent and therapist."
Tomkins had noted "Because antisocial behavior in the TAT
usually represents suppressed or repressed material, it
will be found most frequently in the protocols of normal,
neurotic and psychotic individuals. It will in general
be found less prominent in the protocols of those whose
behavior is actually antisocial" (p. 227).

The studies were somewhat ambiguous on the handling
of anger and aggression on the TAT by violent offenders.
Partly this ambivalence may be due to a lack of clarity
in the scales. Most scales combined both anger affect
and aggression themes. It appears that there may be a
difference between the amount of anger and the amount of
overt aggression in fantasy themes. Another scale con-
fusion was the inclusion of sexual themes whether hostilely
aggressive or not, as well as a somewhat inconsistent

tendency to "interpret" underlying conflict or aggression

50

from themes. In addition to the difficulties in scale
measurements, a further complicatiOn was introduced by
a lack of specificity of the term violent offender, and
aggressive overt behavior criterion. Murderers who have
committed one violent act, may or may not have the same
degree of overt aggressiveness as acting out antisocial
felons, or aggressive patients in stages of treatment.

Summary of TAT Fantasy Research on
Anger and Aggression

 

 

What is important is that there does seem to be
clear differences in patterns of anger, and of aggression,
at least, between violent and non-violent felons. These
patterns are able to be identified in TAT fantasy themes.
Most importantly the fantasy themes do correlate, either

directly or inversely, with overt behavior of the subjects.

The Hypotheses

 

The Major Hypothesis: Conscious Anger

 

Karon (1963) had proposed from his clinical studies
that murderers are incapable of tolerating conscious
feelings of anger. Satten, Menninger, Rosen and Mayman
(1960) noted that there was a marked absence of affect
accompanying violent themes, in murderers' TAT responses.
We expected to find then that murderers would show less
conscious anger than non-murderers in their TAT fantasy

themes.

51

The‘Serndary'Hypotheses

 

The secondary hypotheses were based, of necessity,
upon very limited theoretical and experimental information.
As was pointed out in Chapter I, very few clinical studies
have been done with murderers.

In essence then we were exPloring new areas of
research. We have had to extrapolate beyond existing
information and data. Much of what was hypothesized was
partly our own best guess built tenuously upon analytic
and ego-psychology theory.

Conscious Fear.--The clinical studies, previously

 

cited, of murderers' family lives indicated intense
emotional deprivation and much violence. There had
been much disapproval when compared to other sibs, as
noted by Palmer (1960). Horney (1964) sees fear of
disapproval the major motivation behind overpowering
anxiety. We had expected that murderers would have had
a strong element of awareness of fear of danger and of
constant loss of approval.

Overt Aggression.--This area has.been researched

 

the most. The majority of the studies, previously cited,
suggested that murderers "kill with ease," Schilder (1936);
expressed "primitive, murderous hostility," Satten, et a1.
(1960); and their "TAT themes contained more direct and

undisguised aggression," Purcell (1956). We had expected

52

to find more overt aggression in fantasy themes of murderers
than in non-murderers.

Aggressor.Concept.--In the studies of murderers
deVelopmental years, they seemed to eXperience aggression
from parents, sibs, community and school. Jensen (1957)
had noted no difference, in studying acting out aggressive
high school students, between victim and hero aggressor.
In the case of murderers, however, they had been the
receptors of aggression from many and diverse sources.

It seemed reasonable to expect an overgeneralized
paranoid projective structure to aggression, especially
in View of MacDonalds (1963) findings that murderers
frequently had strong paranoid delusions, with great
anger.

Theme Outcome.--The concept of theme outcome is

 

built on a dimension of hopelessness-pessimism. ‘Vogel
(1967) utilizing comparisons of ratios of categories of
hopelessness with suicidal patients was unable to dis-
tinguish between groups on this dimension. It seemed
that rather than X2 ratios comparisons, that perhaps
significant differences lay with the individual cate-
gories, and subjects differences in them. Horney (1964)
noted the paralyzing uncertainty of hopelessness. It
would seem from a review of murderers lives that they

had certainly experienced a greater expectancy of uncertain

53

outcomes and that perhaps this would be distinguishingly
characteristic of their outlook on life.

Locus of Control.--Rotter (1966) developed the
concept of internal-external involvement as a measure of
the individuals' sense of control of events. Consistent
with Horney's (1964) view of the paralyzing aspects of
helplessness, and her relation of helplessness to lack
of self-confidence one would eXpect murderers to see
themselves less able to control events befalling them.

Modes of Coping Behaviors.--Dollard and Miller

 

(1950) suggest that the lack of adequate learning experi-
ences contributes to a probable reduction of learned
coping behaviors. According to this point of view,
individuals with narrow and inadequate repertoires of
COping behaviors would be expected to respond erratically
and inadequately to stress. Murder then would be viewed
as the result of a response to inadequacy of learned
behaviors. We should expect to find with this rationale,
that murderers are individuals, then who have a lower
number of learned COping behaviors, than non-murderers.
Murray (1938) develOped a classic list of needs
or behaviors. While he was able to identify some twenty-
six needs, he found, in his study, that twenty needs quite
adequately described the behaviors of all subjects. The
additional needs were essentially subdivisions of this

basic group of twenty.

54

Differences or lack of differences both qualitatively
in numbers of COping behaviors, and quantitatively, in fre-
quency of use of these twenty behaviors, would lend support
to either a learned, or intrapsychic conflict, explanation

I ‘- .o \ ‘
of differences In murderers or non-murderers.

CHAPTER III

DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

This research was designed to study aggression
fantasies and levels of anger and fear in the fantasies
of murderers and non-murderers. The design and methods
used in the study are described under the following
headings: (1) design, (2) setting, (3) sample, (4) in-
strumentation and collection of data, (5) statistical

hypotheses, and (6) procedures for analyzing the data.

Design

The design selected was a post-test four group
design. The individuals studied were randomly selected
from each of four groups of inmates, and assigned to the
study: (1) murderers, psychotic (MurP); (2) murderers,
non-psychotic (MurNP); (3) non-murderers, psychotic
(NMurP); (4) non-murderers, non-psychotic (NMurNP). The
groups were then tested by administering the TAT test
and scoring it for each of seven scales. The scales
selected were: (1) Levels of Conscious Anger; (2) Levels
of Conscious Fear; (3) Levels of Overt Aggression Fantasy;
(4) Theme Outcome; (5) Locus of Control; (6) Aggressor

Concept Scale; (7) Modes of Coping Behaviors.

55

56

The Sample

 

The sample of subjects used in this study consisted
of felons committed to the State Prison, at Jackson,
Michigan. They were drawn from two basic groups: (1)
Felons convicted of Murder first Degree, or Second Degree;
and (2) Felons convicted of non-person oriented crimes.

In addition, each group consisted of equal numbers of
individuals who have had a history of a psychotic disorder
and individuals who have not had any such history.

The sample consisted of ten individuals in each
of the four groups (see Table 3.1). This number was
chosen for two basic reasons: (1) this was considered
to be the smallest number that would lend probable sig-
nificance to the data; (2) testing a larger group would
be impractical in both time and money for a graduate

student dissertation study.

 

 

Murderers Non-Murderers
History of Psychosis 10 subjects 10 subjects
No History of Psychosis 10 subjects 10 subjects

 

The sample of non-psychotic subjects was randomly
selected from the prison IBM print—out of felons incar-
cerated for the offense of murder and felons incarcerated

for non-person crimes.

57

The sample of psychotic subjects was selected
randomly from the same lists utilizing psychiatric histories
on file in their records, in the Psychiatric Clinic.

No attempt was made to match individuals on the
basis of race, socio-economic status, religion, intelli-
gence or other characteristics. Indeed as has been pointed
out by Kiesler (1966), the system of matching subjects on
traits is open to serious question. While homogeneity may
be attempted on some variables through matching, one can
as readily compile a list of variables on the matched
individual to demonstrate heterogeneity. In effect
Kiesler suggests that while individuals may be matched
on some traits, in fact they are uniquely idiosyncratic.
Statistically, one of the major difficulties in matching
is that of overcoming the effects of regression. The
extreme scores, because of the larger error shift toward
the means. Two effects may result: (1) a squewed distri-
bution,as there is more an individual than group shift
of scores; (2) an unequal regression to two different

means, if the scores come from two different pOpulations.

The Setting

 

The study was conducted at the State Prison of
Southern Michigan, at Jackson, Michigan. This prison
is, in area, the largest walled prison in the world.

It has an inmate pOpulation of approximately five thousand

58

felons. In addition, this unit is the major state penal
institution in Michigan.

The prison has an industries system, educational
system through high school and some college courses, trade
schools and a hospital. The Reception Diagnostic Center
(RDC) and the Psychiatric Clinic, though separate units
are part of the physical plant of the prison. Basic
diagnostic and test data are available on all felons
entering the RDC. These consist of IQ data, average
academic grade records (A.G.R.) and some personality
test data. In addition, psychiatric case histories of
felons requiring treatment in the institution are available
in the Psychiatric Clinic. These data along with the

inmate records were used to help select the subjects.

Instrumentation and Collection of Data

 

Instrumentation

 

The instrument used was the Thematic Apperception
Test (TAT). This test consists of a set of twenty semi-
structured ambiguous situations on monochromatic cards.
The cards administered were the twenty regular cards used

for adult males.

Procedure

 

The test was administered individually to each

subject by this examiner. All twenty cards were

59

administered at one sitting, with a ten minute break after
the first ten cards were administered. Tomkins (1967) has
recommended that at least one day should intervene between
the administration of the first group of ten cards and the
second group of ten cards. The clinical experience of
Karon (1970) indicated that an adequate clinical protocol
can be obtained if all twenty cards were administered and
a ten minute break was provided between the first ten and
the last ten cards. The practical advantage in getting
patient co-Operation is obvious. The instructions used

were as follows.

Introductory Statement

 

Hello Mr. . . . I am a psychologist conducting
research for Michigan State University, on inmates. I
would like to Show you some pictures and get your reactions
to them. This will provide an opportunity for you to
contribute to a better understanding of inmates and to
helping them. In addition, your participation will help
me complete my studies. I have been authorized by the
Lansing office, to pay you two packs of cigarettes for

your participation.

Test Instructions
The following instructions, modified to the inmate
population level, from Tomkins instructions were found to be

adequate to good theme production (Tomkins, 1967, pp. 21-25).

60

Cards 1-10.--I am going to Show you a series of

 

cards with pictures on them. This is a test of imagination.
I would like you to tell me a story about the picture. Tell
me first: What is going on? What caused it to happen?

How will it end? Try to tell me the best story you can
create.

Cards 10-20.--Now I am going to Show you another

 

set of pictures. This time they are more difficult and
will require more of your imagination to create a good
story about them. As before, tell me: What is going on?
What caused it to happen? How will it end? Let your
imagination really go and try to tell me the best story

you can.

Test Scales

 

Seven scales were developed for scoring the themes
elicited on the TAT. The scales are listed in Appendix B.

Levels of Conscious Anger.-—This scale was specifi-

 

cally developed for this study. All previous scales used
had combined various combinations of aggression, hostility
moods and anger expressions. This scale was designed to
score specifically feeling states or affectual levels of
anger only. There are five levels of anger scored.

Levels of Conscious Fear.-—This scale was also

 

developed specifically for this study. All previous

scales had utilized avoidance behavioral themes, or

61

combinations of themes and affect. This scale was designed
to score specifically feeling states or affectual levels of
fear only. There are five levels of fear scored.

Aggression Theme Level.--This scale is a modification

 

of several scales developed to measure fantasies of overt
aggression. The basis for scoring aggression is that an
instrumental response must be made that delivers a noxious
stimuli to the organism. Five levels of aggression are
scored.

Aggressor Concept Scale.--This scale was based on

 

an aggression sub-scale designed by Jensen (1957). Its
purpose was to identify the conceptualization of the
aggressor as seen by the individual subject. The scale
scores three categories of aggressor: (1) Offensive
aggression; (2) Defensive aggression; (3) External others
aggression. This scale was modified slightly to score
overall aggressor concept rather than specifically each
aggressor theme.

Theme Outcome.--This scale was develOped and used

 

by Roberta Burrage Vogel (1967) in her Doctoral disserta-
tion to measure prevailing attitude toward fantasy events.
This scale measures theme outcome as (l) Favorable,

(2) Uncertain, (3) Unfavorable. The scale was also
slightly modified to score only overall story outcome

rather than multiple theme outcomes.

62

Locus of Control.-—This scale was also developed

 

and used by Roberta Burrage Vogel (1967) in her Doctoral
dissertation. This scale measures the degree of self
involvement in fantasy events. The scale measures (1) Self
control of events, (2) External chance control of events,
(3) Specific others control of events. This scale was

also slightly modified to score overall story Locus of
Control rather than specifically the Locus of Control of
each fantasy theme.

Modes of Coping Behaviors Scale.--This scale was

 

adapted from Murrays Needs Scale (1938) and utilized
directly, to score the frequency of each of the 20 Needs,

in each and every fantasy theme.

Statistical Hypotheses

 

The following hypotheses were tested with reference
to levels of conscious anger expressions:

H1: Murderers will Show less conscious anger, as
measured in themes told to TAT cards, than will
non-murderers.

There will be no difference between the levels
of conscious anger, as measured in TAT themes,
of psychotic murderers and non-psychotic
murderers.

1.1

The following hypotheses were tested with reference
to levels of conscious fear:
H2: Murderers will show more conscious fear, as
measured in themes told to TAT cards, than will

non-murderers.

H2 1: There will be no difference between the levels
‘ of conscious fear, as measured in TAT themes,

63

of psychotic murderers and non-psychotic
murderers.

The following hypotheses were tested with reference

to levels of fantasy aggression:

H3: Murderers will Show more aggression, as
measured by themes of aggression told to
TAT cards, than will non—murderers.

H3 1: There will be no difference between the levels
° of aggression, as measured by themes of ag-
gression in TAT cards, of psychotic murderers
and non-psychotic murderers.

The following hypotheses were tested with reference
to the concept of the source of aggression.

H4: Murderers will see the aggression as measured
by themes told to TAT cards as significantly
more likely to be vague external others than
will non-murderers.

4 1: There will be no differences between concept
‘ of aggressor, as measured by themes told to
TAT cards, of psychotic murderers and non-
psychotic murderers.

The folloWing hypotheses were tested with reference
to the concept of theme outcome:
H5: Murderers will see more TAT fantasy themes
as being uncertain as to outcome than will
non-murderers.
H5 1: There will be no difference between theme
’ outcomes, as told to TAT cards, of psychotic
murderers and non-psychotic murderers.
The following hypotheses were tested with reference
to the concept of locus of control:
H6: Murderers will see more themes told to TAT

cards as controlled by vague chance, than
will non-murderers.

64

H6 1: There will be no difference between locus of
' control as seen in themes told to TAT cards,
of psychotic murderers and non-psychotic
murderers.
The following hypotheses were tested with reference
to the concept Of modes of fantasy COping behaviors:

H7: Murderers will use a lower number of different
COping behaviors than will non-murderers.

H7 1: There will be no difference between the number
' of different COping behaviors used by psychotic
murderers and non-psychotic murderers.

Procedures for Analyzingithe Data

Scoring Protocols

 

The TAT protocols were initially scored for scales
1 to 6, independently, in Ontario by two graduate students
from the clinical psychology program, University of Waterloo.
One student Mr. Art Lewandowski, was a beginning Doctoral
student; the other student, Mrs. Melannie Telegdi, was a
_senior Doctoral student, having completed, all course work
and was finishing her internship. Scoring was based on

the instructions for the scales listed in Appendix A.

The protocols were all coded, blinded and presented in a ran-
dom order to the raters. The order of scoring is listed
in Appendix C.

There was difficulty in obtaining a reasonable
interjudge reliability in only the levels of Conscious
Anger Scale (Pearson Product Moment Correlation 0.56).
Scoring was reviewed by Mr. Lewandowski and by Mrs. Telegdi

on this scale and both agreed that only Mr. Lewandowski was

65

having difficulty. Two problems appeared to be occurring:
(1) difficulty in separating affect from behavior; (2) dif-

ficulty in separating his own bias and adhering to the

scale. A rescoring by Mr. Lewandowski produced no higher
interjudge reliability (Pearson Product Moment Correlation
0.48). After consultation with Dr. Bert Karon, it was
decided to reject Mr. Lewandowski's scoring on this scale
and to obtain a more eXperienced clinican as a rater.

We were fortunate to obtain the services of
Dr. David A. Thomas, Director of Alcoholism and Drug
Treatment, Providence Hospital, Detroit, who then scored
the protocols for the Levels of Conscious Anger only.

The interjudge reliability, Pearson Product Moment between
Mrs. Telegdi and Dr. Thomas was 0.82. Correlations for

the levels of Conscious Fear Scale were 0.88, and for the
levels of Aggression were 0.94, also by the Pearson Product
Moment method.

The three triple category scales interjudge relia-
bilities were calchlated by per cent agreement of total
protocol scores for all categories. The correlations
were: Aggressor Concept 82 per cent; Theme Outcome 78
per cent; Locus of control 75 per cent. Using the binomial
test, Runyon and Haber (1967, p. 200), a 55 per cent
agreement is significant at the 0.05 level.

Scale number 7 was scored independently by this
researcher and his wife. Mrs. McKie is a university
graduate with a B.A. and two years experience as a Social

Case worker. Correlations for this scale were calculated

66

by the Pearson Product Moment method. Correlations were
amazingly good, considering that each score had to be

placed in one of 20 categories. The correlations are listed
below in Table 3.2.

TABLE 3.2.--Interjudge Reliabilities, Modes of COping
Behaviors Scale.

 

 

Scale
No. l 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Pearson

r .75 .77 .53 .95 .68 .80 .77 .62 .77 .58
Scale
No. 11 12 l3 14 15 l6 17 18 19 20
Pearson

r .72 .58 .71 1.0 .60 .68 .56 .86 .63 .69

 

Analysis of the Data

 

Means and interjudge correlations were obtained
using a computer program, Bastat number 5, developed by
the Michigan State University, Agriculture Experimental
Station. The means data are included in Appendix C.

The correlations were stated above. In addition,
intercorrelations of race, I.Q., A.G.R. and social class
(all subjects were in class V, lower class, on Hollingshead
and Redlich's scale [1958]), were run with means of each

of the seven scales. There were no significant correlations

of any of these variables with the TAT scores used in

67

this study. Consequently, no further analyses of these
variables were undertaken. The raw score data for each
of these variables are, however, listed with the Subject
PerSonal data in Appendix B.

Data from the scales: (1) Levels of conscious
anger, (2) Levels of conscious fear; and, (3) Levels of
aggression fantasy, were each analyzed by the two-way
analysis of variance technique. A 0.05 level of signifi-
cance was used. The means as stated above were derived
from the Bastat program. They were analyzed by a univariate
program of twoaway Anova developed by Jeremy Finn, State
University of New York, at Buffalo.

Data from the scales: (4) Aggressor concept;

(5) Theme outcome; (6) Locus of control, were analyzed

by the multivariate two-way analysis of variance technique,
using the multivariate form of the Jeremy Finn program.
These scales consisted of three categories of choice,
which while distinct, were not necessarily independent.

The multivariate form of two-way ANOVA takes this inter-
relationship into account. It enabled us to run an overall
analysis of the three categories as a whole, at the same
time running an analysis of the differences between cate-
gories. An inspection of the overall F ratio enabled us
to determine, then, whether indeed there was a true dif-

ference between subject groups on this variable. If

68

indeed there was a Significance in the overall F ratio
we could then look at the individual category F ratios

to determine which category, or categories differ. In
one instance, on the Aggressor Concept scale, the overall
F ratio for rows (psychotic vs non-psychotic), was not
significant (p 0.16). Nevertheless a Significant dif-
ference (p 0.026) was indicated for the category External
others. In such a case, since the overall F ratio did
not indicate a true difference in the data on this
variable, one Should regard the category difference as
possibly being in error. It would be, then, more accurate
to note this difference as a possible trend, rather than
as a real difference, Kennedy (1971).

Scale number 7 was subjected to two types of
analysis. Firstly, the number of different COping be-
haviors used in TAT fantasy themes by each S was tabulated.
If a S used the behavior once, or several times the be-
havior was accepted as an inherent part of his coping
repertoire. No attempt was made at this stage to
investigate the quantitative use of this behavior.

Means of the numbers of these categories of behaviors
were tabulated for each of the four groups of $3, for
analysis of variance. Secondly, a one-way ANOVA was
carried out on the means of each of the twenty subscales,

to determine if indeed there were quantitative differences

69

in the use of one, or more of these behaviors, between
groups of Ss.

The raw data and means for each of the seven
scales are listed in Appendix C. The results of the

analyses of the data are discussed in Chapter IV.

CHAPTER IV

RESULTS

The analysis of the data is presented in the
following order: (1) analysis of the levels of conscious
anger data; (2) analysis of the levels of conscious fear
data; (3) analysis of the levels of overt aggression
data; (4) analysis of the aggressor concept data; (5)
analysis of the theme outcome data; (6) analysis of the
locus of control data; (7) analysis of the modes of
coping behaviors data. In each instance the data is
reviewed in relation to four subject groups: murderers
psychotic (MurP); murderers non-psychotic (MurNP); non-
murderers psychotic (NMurP); non-murderers non-psychotic
(NMurNP).

For each of the seven scales, two major statistical
hypotheses are tested. The first statistical hypothesis
tested is that there will be a significant difference
between the scores of murderers and non-murderers on
each of the scales. The direction of this difference
was specified in Chapter I. The second statistical
hypothesis tested is that a history of psychosis does

not differentiate between murderers and non-murderers

7O

71

on the scales. In addition, the data are examined for
possible interaction effects.

Means and interjudge correlations were obtained
by the computer Bastat program. Means are listed in
Appendix C. Interjudge correlations are in Chapter III.
The first three scales, anger fear, and aggression, were
analyzed by a computer program of univariate two-way
analysis of variance. The next three scales, aggressor
concept, theme outcome, and locus of control, were
analyzed by a computer program of multi-variate two-
way analysis of variance. The multivariate program,
as was stated in Chapter III, was chosen to compensate
for possible inter-dependence effects of our three-
category scales. Utilizing the multivariate form of
the two-way ANOVA enables us to view each scale in overall,
and in Specific category relationship, Kennedy (1971).
The seventh scale, Modes of Coping Behaviors, was inspected
for differences in the numbers of coping behaviors between
the four subject groups. In addition a one-way analysis
of variance was run on each of the twenty subscales.

Analysis of the Levels of Conscious
Anger Scale

 

 

Mean scores of the two judges' data were obtained,
as stated above, and were examined by two-way analysis of
variance. The results of this analysis are reported in

Table 4.1.

72

TABLE 4.1.--Resu1ts of the Two-Way Analysis of Variance for
the Levels of Conscious Anger Scale.

 

 

Source df MS F P less
than
Rows 1 28.9000 3.1375 0.0850
(Psy vs NPsy)
Columns 1 52.9000 5.7431* 0.0219
(Mur vs NMur)
Interaction 1 12.1000 1.3136 0.2593
(Murder & Psychosis)
Error 36 9.2111
Total 39

 

*
p significant at 0.05 level.

These data clearly indicate a difference between
the levels of conscious anger in murderers, and in non-
murderers TAT fantasy themes. An examination of the mean
scores in Table 4.1.1, below, indicate that murderers
express significantly lower levels of conscious anger,
in their TAT fantasy themes, than do non-murderers. This
finding supports hypothesis H1.

TABLE 4.1.l.--Mean Scores for the Levels of Conscious
Anger Scale.

 

Murderers Non-Murderers

 

Psychotic 3.3 4.5

Non-Psychotic 3.9 7.3

 

73

It will be noted further, that there was no sta-
tistically significant relationship identified between
the scores of psychotic and non—psychotic murderers; nor
was there any interaction effect. These findings support
hypothesis Hl.l' The data are, however, suggestive
(p 0.0850) that psychotic persons express less conscious
anger than non—psychotic individuals.

Analysis of the Levels of Conscious
Fear Scale

 

These results of the two-way analysis of variance

for conscious fear are reported in Table 4.2, below.

TABLE 4.2.--Resu1ts of the Two-Way Analysis of Variance for
the Levels of Conscious Fear Scale.

 

 

Source df MS F P less
than
Rows 1 0.2250 0.0073 0.9325
(Psy vs NPsy)
Columns 1 198.0250 6.4126* 0.0159
(Mur vs NMur)
Interaction 1 11.0250 0.3570 0.5540
(Murder & Psychosis)
Error 36 30.8806
Total 39

 

*
p significant at 0.05 level.

The data indicate a difference between the Levels
of conscious fear in murderers, and in non-murderers TAT

fantasy themes. An examination of the mean scores in

74

Table 4.2.2, below, indicates that murderers express
significantly lower levels of conscious fear, in their
TAT fantasy themes, than do non-murderers. While this
finding rejects the null hypothesis, it is in the opposite

direction to that specified in hypothesis H2.

TABLE 4.2.2.--Mean Scores for the Levels of Conscious
Fear Scale.

 

 

Murderers Non-Murderers
Psychotic 6.1 11.6
Non-Psychotic 7.0 10.4

 

Again, the differences between psychotic and non-
psychotic murderers on levels of conscious fear is not
statistically Significant. This finding is in support
of hypothesis H2.l' 2

Analysis of the Levels of Overt
Aggression Scale

 

Mean scores of the two judges' data were obtained,
as stated before, and were examined by two-way analysis
of variance. The results of this analysis are reported
in Table 4.3.
As on the two previous scales, these data indicate
a significant difference between murderers and non-murderers

for levels of overt aggression in TAT themes. The mean

75

TABLE 4.3.--Results of the Two-Way Analysis of Variance for
the Levels of Overt Aggression Scale.

 

 

Source df MS F P less
than
Rows 1 648.0250 3.1694 0.0835
(Psy vs NPsy)
Columns 1 874.2250 4.2757* 0.0460
(Mur vs NMur)
Interaction 1 60.0250 0.2936 0.5913
(Murder & Psychosis)
Error 36 204.4639
Total 39

 

*P significant at 0.05 level.

scores, in Table 4.3.3, below, indicate that murderers
express significantly lower levels of overt aggression,

in TAT fantasy themes, than do non-murderers. AS on the
levels of conscious fear scale, this finding rejects the
null hypothesis, but again it is in the Opposite direction

to that specified in hypothesis H3.

TABLE 4.3.3.—-Mean Scores for the Levels of Overt Aggression

 

 

Scale.
Murderers Non-Murderers
Psychotic 24.1 35.9

Non-Psychotic 34.6 41.5

 

76

AS was noted on the fear and anger scales, there
was no significant difference between the scores of
psychotic and non-psychotic murderers nor was there any
trend toward interaction effects. This finding supports
hypothesis H3.l° As with the conscious anger scale, however,
there is a trend (p 0.0835) for psychotic persons to express
less overt aggression in fantasy themes, than for non-

psychotic persons.

‘Analysis of the Aggressor
Concept Scale

This three-category scale was analyzed by multi-
variate two-way analysis of variance. The results are
listed in Table 4.4.

These data indicate an overall multivariate F
ratio, for murderers versus non-murderers, significant
well below the 0.05 level. In looking within the row
of "column" data, it can be seen that the distinction
between murderers and non-murderers perceptions of an
aggressor is in their perception of external others as
the aggressor. An examination of the multivariate means
in Table 4.4.4, indicates that murderers see aggressors
less as external others, or chance than do non-murderers.
This finding, while it rejects the null hypothesis, is

the direct Opposite of hypothesis H4.

77

The overall multivariate F's for differences due

to a history of psychosis, or for interaction effects

are not significant.

4.1'

These findings support hypothesis

TABLE 4.4.--Resu1ts of the Multivariate Two-Way Analysis of
Variance for the Three-Category Aggressor Concept Scale.

 

 

Source df MS Multivariate P less
F than
Rows: (Psy vs NPsy) 3, 34 1.8400 0.1586
l.Offensive Aggression 1 5.6250 0.8917 0.3514
2.Defensive Aggression 1 0.2250 0.2082 0.6510
3.Externa1 Aggression 1 16.9000 0.3651*a 0.0264
Columns: (Mur vs NMur) 3, 34 4.3130* 0.0111
l.Offensive Aggression 1 4.2250 0.6697 0.4186
2.Defensive Aggression 1 1.2250 1.1337 0.2941
3.External Aggression 1 40.0000 12.6984* 0.0011
Interaction: (Mur & Psy) 3, 34 0.1931 0.9004
l.Offensive Aggression 1 3.0250 0.4795 0.4931
2.Defensive Aggression 1 0.0250 0.0231 0.8800
3.Externa1 Aggression 1 0.1000 0.0317 0.8596
Error:
l.Offensive Aggression 36 6.3083
2.Defensive Aggression 36 1.0856
3.Externa1 Aggression 36 3.1500
Total:
l.Offensive Aggression 39
2.Defensive Aggression 39
3.External Aggression 39

 

*
p significant at 0.05 level.

aDue to a dependence between these measures, and in
view of the lack of significance of the multivariate F,

this estimate may be in error.

78

TABLE 4.4.4.--Multivariate Mean Scores for the Aggressor
Concept Scale.

 

 

 

 

Murderers Non-Murderers

Psychotic

Offensive 4.3 5.5

Defensive 0.9 1.2

External 3.1 5.0
Non-Psychotic

Offensive 5.6 5.7

Defensive 1.0 1.4

External 4.3 6.4

 

The fact that there is a significance level of
0.0264 shown for the difference between psychotic and
non-psychotic felons on category three could be in error,
due to a dependence between categories. Had there been
a clearly independent difference it would have been
reflected in the overall multivariate F ratio. It is
of interest then to note this difference only as a
possible trend, that psychotic felons may see somewhat
less aggression as due to vague external chance than do

non-psychotic felons.

Analysis of the Theme Outcome Scale

 

The multivariate analysis of the theme outcome
scale indicates a significant difference between the
perceptions of murderers and non-murderers on this

dimension. There are no Significant differences due

79

TABLE 4.5.--Results of the Multivariate Two-Way Analysis of
Variance for the Theme Outcome Scale.

 

 

Source df MS Multivariate P less
F than
Rows: (Psy vs NPsy) 3, 34 0.7230 0.5453
1.Favorable 1 3.0250 0.3882 0.5372
2.Uncertain 1 2.5000 0.1939 0.6624
3.Unfavorable 1 0.6250 0.1540 0.6971
Columns: (Mur vs NMur) 3, 34 3.3020* 0.0319
l.Favorable 1 27.2250 3.4941 0.0698
2.Uncertain 1 90.0000 6.9798* 0.0122
3.Unfavorab1e 1 27.2250 6.7085* 0.0138
Interaction: (Mur & Psy) 3, 34 0.9993 0.4051
1.Favorable 1 15.6250 2.0053 0.1654
2.Uncertain 1 32.4000 2.5127 0.1217
3.Unfavorable 1 2.0250 0.4990 0.4845
Error:
1.Favorab1e ‘ 36 7.7917
2.Uncertain 36 12.8944
3.Unfavorab1e 36 4.0583
Total:
1.Favorable 39
2.Uncertain 39
3 .Unfavorab 1e 39

 

*
p significant at 0.05 level.

80

to psydhosis, or to interaction effects which is in support

of hypothesis H The data are listed in Table 4.5.

5.1'
There appears, from the data to be a definite dif-
ference in perception of theme outcomes for two of the
categories, uncertain, and unfavorable and a trend, bor-
dering on significant for the category of favorable, that
distinguishes the perceptions of outcome of murderers
from non-murderers. In examining the Table 4.5.5, of
multivariate means, below, this pattern emerges as quite
distinct.

TABLE 4.5.5.--Mu1tivariate Mean Scores for the Theme
Outcome Scale.

 

 

 

 

Murderers Non-Murderers

Psychotic

Favorable 1.7 4.6

Uncertain 17.5 12.7

Unfavorable 1.3 3.4
Non-Psychotic

Favorable 2.4 2.8

Uncertain 16.2 15.0

Unfavorable 2.0 3.2

 

Murderers have significantly more uncertain theme

outcomes, which is in support of hypothesis H What is

5.
also apparent is that murderers see significantly less
unfavorable outcomes, and there is a trend bordering on

significance (p 0.07) toward murderers seeing less favorable

81

outcomes. In essence, then one can state that, murderers

tend to perceive outcomes of events very non—commitally.

Analysis of the Locus of Control Scale

 

The multivariate two-way analysis of variance of
the locus of control data, indicate, Table 4.6, a signifi-
cant difference between murderers and non-murderers on
this dimension. There was no Significant relationship,
however, for the effect of a history of psychosis or for
interaction effects; these latter findings are in accord
with hypothesis H6.l'

An inspection of the multivariate means, Table 4.6.6,
indicates that murderers saw the locus of control of events
resting significantly more with themselves, than did non-
murderers. In addition, they saw control of events less
due to chance than did non-murderers. This latter finding
that murderers saw the locus of control of events, less
due to chance, than do non-murderers rejects the null
hypothesis, but again is directionally opposite to hypothe-
sis H6'

Analysl§_of the Modes of Coping
BeHaVIOrS Scale

The data from this scale were first subjected to

analysis of the average number of different coping behaviors

for each of the four categories of subjects. The mean

82

TABLE 4.6.--Results of the Two-Way Multivariate Analysis of
Variance of the Locus of Control Scale.

 

 

Source df MS Multivariate P less
F than
Rows: (Psy vs NPsy) 3, 34 1.9683 0.1373
l.Self 1 16.9000 3.6000 0.0659
2.Chance 1 2.5000 2.0548 0.1604
3.0thers 1 10.0000 2.6201 0.1143
Columns: (Mur vs NMur) 3, 34 4.1453* 0.0132
l.Se1f 1 25.6000 5.4533* 0.0253
2. Chance 1 14.4000 11.8356* 0.0015
3.0thers 1 2.5000 0.6550 0.4237
Interaction: (Mur & Psy) 3, 34 0.3778 0.7696
l.Self 1 0.9000 0.1917 0.6642
2.Chance 1 0.9000 0.7397 0.3955
3.0thers 1 0.1000 0.0262 0.8724
Error:
1.Self 36 4.6944
2.Chance 36 1.2166
3.0thers 36 3.8166
Total:
1.Self 39
2.Chance 39
3.0thers 39

 

*

p significant

at the 0.05 level.

83

TABLE 4.6.6.--Multivariate Mean Scores for the Locus of
Control Scale.

 

 

 

 

Murderers Non-Murderers

Psychotic

Self 15.9 14.0

Chance 0.9 2.4

Others 3.7 4.3
Non-Psychotic

Self 14.3 13.0

Chance 1.7 2.6

Others 4.8 5.2

 

differences data in Table 4.7, below indicated only trivial
differences and were not subjected to further analysis.
This finding fails to substantiate hypothesis H7. Hypothe-
sis H .1, indicating no difference due to a history of

7
psychosis was of course substantiated.

TABLE 4.7.-—Mean Scores for the Number of Different Coping
Behaviors.

 

Murderers Non-Murderers
Psychotic 10.8 11.3
Non-Psychotic 10.7 11.6

 

In an in-depth examination of these data, a one-way
analysis of variance was performed on the mean values for

each of the twenty subscales. Only one of these scales,'

84

number 11, Harmavoidance showed any Significant findings.
Since it would be a tedious pursuit of non-significant data
to publish all twenty sub-scale analyses, only the analysis
for sub-scale number 11 is listed below in Table 4.7.1.

TABLE 4.7.1.--Resu1ts of the One-Way Analysis of Variance
for Sub-scale Number 11 Harmavoidance.

 

 

Source SS df MS F P less
than
Between Groups 5.9000 3 1.9667 3.0517* 0.041
Within Groups 23.2000 36 0.6444
Totals 29.1000 39

 

*
p significant at 0.05 level.

The means for the four groups of subjects are in

Table 4. 7.7, below.

TABLE 4.7.7.--Mean Score for Sub-scale Number 11,

 

 

Harmavoidance.
Psychotic Psychotic Non-Psychotic Non-Psychotic
Murderers Non-Murderers Murderers Non-Murderers
0.7 1.5 0.5 0.7

 

By inspection one sees that the difference lies with
the category, psychotic non-murderers. This group of sub-
jects shows a significantly greater use of the COping be-

havior Harmavoidance, than do any of the other three groups.

CHAPTER V

DISCUSSION

A Summary of the Results

 

Table 5.1 presents a summary of the findings in
relation to the original hypotheses. The findings clearly
differentiated between murderers and non-murderers on six
of the seven scales. The major hypothesis, that murderers
will Show less conscious anger than non-murderers was
substantiated. Six of the seven secondary hypotheses
were found to have significance, although four of these
were directionally opposite to that hypothesized.6 Scale
number seven was the only one which Showed no overall
significance for any of the four groups. The lack of
Significance on this scale, however, contributed to rein—
forcing the data found on the other six scales, as will
be pointed out later. In addition to the data contributed
through the major and secondary hypotheses, two additional
Significant findings were noted, and four trends approaching

significance develOped.

 

6In such instances, one finds much comfort in
Karon's statement "That's okay. You didn't invent reality.
You just discovered it."

85

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.pmsswusooll.a.m mamma

88

In summary then, we can unequivocally state that
distinctly different patterns of handling anger, fear, and
overt aggression were identified in the fantasies of
murderers, as contrasted with the fantasies of non-murderers.
In addition, we have been able to demonstrate that no Sig-
nificant differences were found between murderers who were
psychotic and murderers who were not psychotic. Indeed
what differences did occur were clearly trivial. Our
findings in addition indicated no significant interaction
effects for psychosis or murder between the four categories
of subjects.

The patterns that emerge then are clearly demarcated.
Murderers think less about anger. They think less about
fear. They also think less about overt aggressive behavior.
In other words, these thoughts occur significantly less in
the fantasies of murderers than in the fantasies of non-
murderers. Yet, when murderers act aggressively, as we
have seen from their case histories (Chapter II), they
reSpond rapidly and much more violently than do non-murderers.
As pointed out there, in the assault-till-death interval
studies, murderers aggression is destructive. When they get
angry, fearful or aggressive, people suddenly die.

From these findings then, it would appear that
murderers avoid unpleasant thoughts: thoughts of anger;

thoughts of fear and thoughts of aggression. These findings

89

suggest a theory of repression of anger and fear feelings;
in effect they appear to clamp a tight lid on unpleasant
affect. In addition they appear to deny, or inhibit
aggressive overt behavior impulses.

Examining the other findings sheds some further
light upon these observations. Firstly, and perhaps one
of the more important secondary findings, is that no
significant differences were found between psychotic
murderers and non-psychotic murderers on any of the tested
dimensions. The data are suggestive (p 0.08), however, of
a difference between psychotic and non-psychotic persons
on levels of conscious anger, and overt aggression. Never-

theless the findings are that there is a particular pattern of

repression of anger, fear and aggression that carries
across murderers and appears to be one of their truly
distinguishing intrapsychic characteristics. The impli-
cations are that all murderers then bottle-up their
feelings of anger and fear and inhibit their hostile
aggressive impulses.

While it had been hypothesized that murders would
be expectant of hostile aggression from almost any chance
interaction, this finding was significantly reversed. In
other words, they expect that aggression happens by chance
significantly less than do non-murderers. The implications
here are that external others, or chance plays much less
significance in triggering aggreSsion in their life, as

they see it. Aggression to them is mainly offensive, or

90

defensive aggression. The implications are, then, that
they are basically set to attack or defend, and even that
they are more aware of their own aggressive tendencies
than they are of chance or others. One would begin to
suspect that they fear their own hostile and fear poten-
tial. In point offact one would suspect that perhaps
one of the prime contributing sources to their need to
repress their unpleasant feelings and impulses is their
need to deny these feelings to themselves.

Outcome of events is seen more as uncertain, by
murderers and significantly less as unfavorable. There
was also a trend (p 0.07) for murderers to see less
favorable outcomes. By far the majority of outcomes are
seen by murderers as being uncertain. One could hypothesize
that this means that murderers are very non-committal and
refuse to speculate about how events will come out.

The events referred to were, however, mainly
interactions between people. A more plausible suggestion
would be that murderers Simply do not become involved or
refuse to become involved in any indepth interpersonal
relationships. They see very little reason for themselves
to do so, outcomes in the sense of pleasant or unpleasant,
rewarding or unrewarding, are too uncertain. In addition,
returning to the suggestion of them being emotionally

very repressed persons who avoid unpleasant feelings

91

and impulses, close interpersonal relationships would be
impossible to them, partly because of their involvement
with self and partly because such relationships would
create undue pressure upon their defenses of affect repres-
sion causing loss of affect and impulse control.
Interestingly, murderers see control of events
less as being due to chance than do non-murderers. They
also see control of events as being due more to themselves
than do non-murderers. While we had previously hypothe-
sized that control of events would be seen more as due
to external chance, we had done so in the belief that
murderers feared their environment, and the environments
threat. These findings suggest a somewhat different view.
It would seem more likely, as has been developed,
that murderers fear the loss of affect and impulse control
most. In other words, they fear themselves; their potential
destructiveness. They seem to fear being found out how
bad or dangerous or fearful they themselves are. One
would suspect that they have introjected feelings of
unworth and inadequacy, much as if "I am the one who can
be dangerous, or fearful, terrifyingly potent or terrify-
ingly inadequate." They appear then to be so bound up in
self and so turned inward that they see little else out-
side themselves. Murderers see themselves as both the
cause of their success and the contributor to their own

downfall.

92

When discussing this research project, in committee,
one of the questions proposed was, whether the phenomena
we were initially seeing and speculating about, in the
pilot study, were indeed due to intrapsychic disturbances
and differences, or whether they were due to a difference
in number of learned coping behaviors; that is a response
to inadequacy. It was suggested that an attempt should
be made to clarify this question. Kagan (1970) proposed
a scoring of the protocol themes for the number of dif-
ferent coping behaviors and comparing these findings
between categories of subjects. It was, in retrospect
a very worthwhile suggestion. Had we not done this the
question would no doubt have plagued the study.

The findings indeed indicated no significant dif-
ference in number of coping behaviors in the repertroire
of any of the four groups of subjects. In addition, an
in-depth analysis of the numbers of each of these dif-
ferent coping behaviors used, with one exception, indicated
no difference for any of the four groups of subjects. The
one exception, was that psychotic non-murderers used the
coping behavior Harmavoidance, more intensively than did
any other group of subjects.

We can unequivocally state then, that the differences
between murderers and non-murderers are due to intrapsychic

differences rather than a lack of adequately learned coping

93

behaviors. Indeed these intrapsychic differences would
appear to be such as to account for the differences in
overt behavior of murderers as opposed to non-murderers.
In order to develOp this point further, it is necessary
to explore these findings in the light of theories of

repression. This will be attempted in the next subsection.

Findings and Theony

 

Freud (1964) has pointed out the wish fulfilling
qualities of fantasies. He suggested that fantasies also
have an element of strong repression for fear of being
found out, or giving way to them because of their socially
bad implications. Freud demonstrated that much of the
fantasy of subjects is unconscious and cannot be tolerated
in their conscious minds. It would seem, then, that one
of the main reasons for a lower level of anger, fear,
and aggression in conscious fantasies of murderers is
that they have extremely strong drives to express anger,
fear, and act out overtly aggressively. We know, from
the studies of family interaction with murderers that
doing so as a child was an extremely dangerous act. This
behavior was so dangerous in fact that frequently the
child stood a strong chance of being killed. He invariably

0

attracted hostility, frequently overt rejection, and at

the very least he was noticed. Even being noticed had an

94

element of uncertainty for him. Consequently he had to
be on guard constantly. In essence, then he was the
cause of everything that happened to him. He had to be
innocuous and sometimes ingratiating when he was angry
or fearful. He had to accept his other Siblings getting
more love, affection and acceptance than he did and he
had to accept frequent beatings, holding back his feelings
of wanting to strike out, for fear of getting hurt worse.
These conditions accOmpanied with repression of affect
and inhibition of aggressive impulses would result in a
shallow capacity for interpersonal relationships and a
distrust or fear of people.

One additional consequence of being raised in
such a family environment was the potential of becoming
psychotic. As noted from the studies by Wille (1970)
and Tanay (1969), a large proportion of murderers either
were psychotic before the act, or became psychotic after-
wards. Meyer and Karon (1967) demonstrated with the TAT
the dynamics of the destructiveness of mothers of psychotic
patients. Mothers of schizophrenics gave more TAT themes,
than did mothers of non-schizophrenics, in which the
dominant character takes from the dependent one.

MacDonald (1963) mentioned the rejecting father
and seductive mother sydrome, as well as their affectionally
inconsistent relationship to sons who later became murderers.

As MacDonald pointed out, frequently paranoid delusions

95

with great anger developed. The anger emerged periodically,
explosively and SOmetimes was noted as bizarre temper
tantrums, sometimes as strange behavior, and at times
occurred as noted by MacDonald within the triad of

enuresis, fire-setting, or cruelty to animals. There

was then a potent, but strangulated desire to release
intense sadistic hatred.

The ego psychologists noted particularly the
adaptive aspects of repression, Horney (1964), states:
"There are several reasons why a child who grows up in
such an atmosphere will repress hostility: helplessness,
fear, love or feelings of guilt." She goes on to give
what she refers to as mottoes for the underlying feelings
associated with these various needs for hostility repres-
sion out of helplessness: "I have to repress my hostility
because I need you"; out of fear: "I have to repress my
hostility because I am afraid of you"; out of fear of
losing love: "I have to repress hostility for fear of
losing you"; out of guilt: "I have to repress my
hostility because I would be a bad child if I felt
hostile." Horney notes that while these behaviors occur
in children, nevertheless, through necessity, often
enough the "acute individual reactions to individual
provocations crystallize into a character attitude"

(p. 86-87).

96

As we have seen from the act of murder, the results
of the release of these unpleasant feelings or affects and
from aggression of those who commit murder the amount of
pent-up feelings is tremendous. Yet the amount of these
in fantasies is limited. In understanding just how these
repression mechanisms may work in murderers it is perhaps
most helpful to look at these factors in terms of Tomkins
(1967) intensity-extensity theory of repression (P. 106).
Tomkins sees fantasies in terms of Freud's wish-fulfillment
concept. He does, however, suggest a more elaborate
structure, seeing personality as having a limited quantum
of pressure units. The expenditure of pressure in one
area reducing it in another. The unit of pressure is
seen as having two components: intensity, the strength
or drive of the wish; and, extensity, its scope or mass.
These are analagous to the mass X velocity concept in
the physics of matter. The product mv = momentum in matter;
in other words Tomkins sees this pressure as the total
impact value or momentum of a drive.

Tomkins sees wishes or fantasies kept in balance
much as energy vectors keep units of matter in balance.

One pressure requires an equal and opposite pressure to
maintain equilibrium. A brief shift in pressure dif-
ferentials, then allows one drive to emerge. Either
reduction of the Opposing drive, then, or an increase

in the repressed drive is enough to cause a release of

97

the repressed thoughts. Because of the degree of pressure
of the hostile impulse, its emergence tends to be erratic
and explosive in release.

The data, then suggest two syndromes, characteristic
of murderers: (l) A syndrome of intense thought and affect
repression; and, (2) A syndrome of behavioral set, or
expectancy. The repression syndrome results in the indi-
vidual avoiding all negative affect and behaviors in
thought. The second syndrome maintains a fight set, such
that the individual is poised to either attack, or defend.
The individual is set to a non-committal outcome expectancy,
and sees control of events as being solely in his hands.

We would suggest further that these are two universal,
and sequentially operative syndromes, necessary to both
the individuals early survival, and to his later becoming
a murderer.

A Clinical Analysis of the TAT Protocols
of Twenty Murderers

 

 

After the TAT protocols were scored for each of
the seven scales, the protocols of the twenty murderers
were reviewed by Karon and McKie in an attempt to identify
those clinical features of the protocols that were not
accounted for in the scoring. In reviewing the protocols,
no attempt was made to blind the protocols; indeed, they
were actually reviewed in light of all pertinent data.

Each individuals' personal history was thoroughly

 

98

scrutinized and an attempt was made to determine any
relationShips which would account for that individual's
particular modes of behavior, or past history, relevant
to his having killed a person.

Unfortunately, as was noted by Tomkins (1967, p.
227) no ready interrelationship between the TAT stories
and overt antisocial behavior, such as murder, was found.
As Karon (1968) has noted, however, "Typically, clinical
data consist of a vast amount of information with literally
infinite facets which could be examined, from which the
clinician extracts what is most pertinent to him for
some purpose. This is a model difficult to encompass
in traditional psychometrics." In other words what will
be reported here is impressionistic clinical data and
must be interpreted within the frame of reference of
the individual clinician's experience.

Characteristic of the TAT protocols of murderers
are certain clear impressions:

l. The protocols are, in general, shorter than
those of other inmates. To anyone having experience with
TAT protocols of college students, an initial exposure to
protocols of inmates in general is something of a shock.
The suggestion of Tomkins (1967, p. 25), that typical
TAT protocols are 300 words in length, seems inconceivable.

Stories of a sentence or two, indeed of a word or two, in

99

some instances are not unusual for murderers, but this is
true for most patient populations, unlike the Harvard
undergraduates who were used to standardize the TAT
originally.

2. There is a definite "now" orientation to the
TAT stories of murderers. These individuals seem quite
stimulus bound, frequently doing little more than describing
the features of the picture. Characteristic of their
theme is an absence of past-present-future sequencing.

3. There is a noticeable paucity of affect related
to their stories. HOstile affect is noticeably limited.
Affectional affect is limited to older figures, more
frequently "dear old granpa and dear old granma, lovingly
embracin' after all they been through."

4. While hostile aggression is limited, there is
a marked tendency for the aggression to be intense when
it is present. For example, the card 8 BM frequently
elicited themes of torture "One man cuttin' on another
man." Aggression, when present frequently had to do
with death, torture, or similar levels of violence.
Affect was conspicuously absent from many of these themes.
PeOple died, were tortured, or severely hurt for very
trivial forms of retribution. The rationalizations were
glibly offered, if at all. One got the impression that
the stories were reporting "that's how it's done" and

that it never crossed the subjects minds to question

100

the code. On the other hand it is probably conceivable
that for years their questions had been to no avail.

5. Sexual guilt was intense in the pictures. It
was preferable for a man to kill a woman rather than to
have sexual intercourse with her. Intercourse was gener-
ally followed by feelings of remorse or shame. Seldom
were there any feelings of tenderness, enjoyment or
pleasure reported in reference to intercourse. Subject
154000's response to card 13 MF most clearly captures
this conflict:

Well could say. This a man and woman—woman in bed.
Seem like something happened to the guy. He'd be

a little shamed for what he's did. The woman could
be daid. And--I would say--They have already had
intercourse--or--and he is shamed what he did and
he killed her.

What a horrendous way to expiate one's sexual
guilt, by killing one's sexual partner! No sexual feelings,
or behavior were reported among parental figures, nor among
older persons in murderers fantasy themes. Indeed older
persons were seen as being able to eXpress tenderness,
devoid of sexuality. The murderers tended to have
Socrates concept of sexuality; something conflictual that
h0pefu11y would pass.

6. Initially it had appeared that there was a
difference in the sex of the heroes for murderers, and

non—murderers. A tabulation of hero sex for each of the

stories was done. The results are presented in Table 5.2.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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OHuonommmIcoz OHponommm OHuonommmIsoz OHponommm oumm

 

Hobos .moauosm ass ca xom ouomuu.m.m mamas

102

No clear pattern emerged for any of the four
categories of subjects. The only card in which major
differences appeared for the hero sex category was Card
16. Psychotic murderers primarily saw no hero sex clearly
defined. The other three subject groups saw mainly male
heroes. These data appear in Table 5.3.

7. Murderers generally saw parental figures as
controlling, or punitive. The non-murderers more often
tended to see parental figures as offering aid. Conse-
quently, murderers stories tended to portray more themes
of rejection of parental figures, while non-murderers
tended to portray support from these persons. In addition,
murderers did not often show the male as offering con-
solation, but rather to be self-centeredly concerned as
to his own fate. Females were seen more as seductive,
controlling persons who wanted to punish the male, by
murderers. Non-murderers, on the other hand tended to
see a more satisfying degree of warmth between male and
female figures.

8. Of particular note was the striking lack of
fun, humor, or warmth in murderers protocols, as con-
trasted with those of non-murderers. Murderers protocols
had a lack of spontaneity, and projected a harsh, bleak
view of a merciless life experience.

In summary, then the protocols of murderers, as

contrasted with non-murderers is a contrast of harsh,

 

103

versus warm relationShips. It is one in which one group,
murderers, appear as vindictive, punitive and struggling
with residues of parental conflicts, as Opposed to those,
non-murderers, more accepting of close relationships, and
more likely to see some value, or satisfaction in family
ties. In addition there is a marked difference in sexual
guilt between these two groups, and especially the way

in which this guilt is handled. Murderers are more likely
to see a need to expiate sexual guilt by killing their
sexual partner, while non-murderers are less likely to
feel the need to expiate the shame. Non-murderers are
more likely to see sexual guilt as the embarrassment of
inexperienced youth, something to be sought after, rather

than avoided.

Summary
This study investigated the handling of anger,

fear, and aggression in the fantasy themes told to TAT
cards by 20 murderers, and 20 non-murderers. Half of
each subject group had a history of a psychotic disorder,
and half had no such history. The subjects were all
inmates at the State Prison for Southern Michigan, at
Jackson, Michigan.

Two distinct personality syndromes were identified
in murderers: (l) A syndrome of repression: repression

of anger and fear affect, and inhibition of thoughts of

 

104

aggressive behavior; (2) A syndrome of behavioral expectancy,
or set: a fighting stance set, in which murderers are

ready to.attack or defend, non-committal about outcome of
events, and see control for outcome of events as their
responsibility.

In contrast, non-murderers fantasy themes had more
hostile and fear affect, more overt aggressive fantasies,
and were less rigid and set in their handling of their
fantasies. They were more naturally responsive to thoughts
and feelings, and more flexible in coping with or expressing
them.

A clinical review of murderers TAT protocols
indicated a limited degree of verbalization. While mur-
derers fantasies contained limited.anger, or fear affect,
or aggressive behavior, what was there, was at a high
intensity level. There was a shallowness of interpersonal
relationships; parental figures in particular were seen
as controlling and conflictual. Sexual guilt was very
intense, with women seen as seductive, and with the
method of expiating sexual guilt seen as killing the
female sexual partner.

In other words, clearly distinct and sharply dif-
ferent patterns of fantasy behavior appear in murderers
and non-murderers. Much popular misconception still
persists that murderers are like any of the rest of the
population. The idea persists that anyone under duress

will kill.

105

That this is just not so was brought home force-
fully to this investigator while completing the writing
of this dissertation. During this period, he met a rail-
road policeman who was staying at the same motel in East
Lansing. This man had just separated from.his wife, after
having caught her in bed with his best friend, in a sexual
relationship.

What made his behavior stand out was that he had
returned home from work in full uniform, including a .357
magnum revolver. He drew his revolver, pointed it, then
said "the hell with it. Get out!" His wife and his best
friend then provoked him twice more, telling him he was
inadequate and daring him to do anything about it. As
he described it, it was.much more provocation than many
of the victomology syndromes have produced, leading to
homicide. He did hit the man with the gun to get him
out of the house, and threatened to throw his wife bodily
down the stairs.

He was very upset and angry and was charged with
assault against the former friend, but was released
because he had expert witnesses testify that he was
”temporarily insane." All the controlled behavior, and
no shot fired! He said he was clearly not going to
prison and besides could not feel justified in killing

either person. It is of interest to note further that

 

106

he had been an artillery observer in combat aircraft for
two years in Vietnam just six years previous.

It is realized that this isolated case is not
conclusive evidence supporting the notion that specific
differences do exist between those who commit murder and
those who do not. Nevertheless, this case does fit in
with the variations in control of affect and behavior
handling identified in the non-murderers. Some indi-
viduals, as his case demonstrates, just do not harbour
pent-up rage, and are clearly able to handle these
extreme stresses in a healthy manner. Others clearly
are not so equipped, emotionally.

As was pointed out in Chapter 1, page 8, the individw
uals tested were institutionalized murderers. Whether or
not the results identified are purely post hoc effects due
to guilt over their crime or to institutionalization effects
will no doubt be raised. This question cannot, of course,
be answered without a study of these specific issues.

My own clinical findings, however, with patients
who have later committed violent assaultive behavior is
consistent with these research findings. In addition, the
life style and behavioral data, reported in Chapter II, is
consistent with these findings. Nevertheless, the reader
must bear in mind that this is, of course, a retroactive

study of murderers.

 

107

Implications for Future Research

This study appears to have answered some of the more
basic questions relative to the handling of anger and
aggression by persons who have committed murder. Indeed,
the findings in this study supply a very plausible expla-
nation for the intrapsychic processes of individuals, that
would no doubt cause them to commit murder.

Primarily because of the explanations offered by
this study, it perhaps raises more questions than it
settles. These questions can be broadly classified into
two basic areas: (1) Methodological implications;

(2) Findings implications.

Methodologically, the study differs from some
studies in this area in several potentially significant
ways. The study is more traditional, in that it utilized
a well developed, and clinically validated instrument,
the TAT. This differs from current trends to modify
developed tests either by selection of specific cards,
or by redrawing them, Vogel (1967). This procedure also
differs sharply from that of developing new projective
instruments for immediate use in investigative tasks,
Beit-Hallahmi (1970).

Indeed, the implications are that the modification
or development of new tests should be separate from the
investigative use of tests. This would suggest that
these are two distinct procedures, and are perhaps not
‘mutually compatible. At the least, they are sources of

potential research difficulty.

 

108

One other methodological concern, requiring further
elucidation, is the selection and definition of subject
groups. Many studies have tested violence-prone or
assaultive individuals. Definition is needed in the
light Of the contrast between murderers' fantasy behavior
and that indicated for other assaultive groups; specifi—
cally the definition of their assaultive behavior.-

One additional methodological difference in this

study was the modification of scales 1 to 6 to score only

the major overall effect measured. In the case of scales

1 to 3, the highest level of anger, fear, or aggression
only, was scored. In scales 4 to 6, the predominant mode
only for aggressor concept, theme outcome or locus of
control was scored. Since these are really impressionistic
judgments, it was felt, from the pilot study, that scoring
each and every possible circumstance only complicated the
judgments made in scorings. A uniform sampling of extremes,
it would seem, gives a clearer indication of the indi-
vidual's average response pattern. Vogel (1967) for
example, scored scales 5 and 6 for each and every theme
finding few significant differences. Such a procedure

in scoring results gives fractional scores and in this
investigator's opinion, masks the real significance to

be derived from these scales. On the other hand, scoring
scale 7 for each and every behavior was another situation
entirely; this scale was utilized to score total numbers

of behaviors not major intensities or predominant modes

of behaviors. Further, research in scoring procedures

109

could offer clarification in scale development for pro-
jective tests.

This study utilized an additional and new scale
approach in that two scales, anger and fear were developed
to measure these dimensions solely as affect expressions.
All previous scales had utilized behavioral measures of
affect measurement. Since affect is one of the major
concerns of diagnosticians and therapists, it should also
be explored further in clinical projective research. In
addition, one would forsee the study of relationships
between behavior and affect expression as being of prime
concern, and a too long neglected area of research with
projective test instruments (as it is in psychology in
general).

In turning to the implications for research
generated by the findings. the most obvious suggestion
is one of a need for replication. Secondly, the findings
suggest a need for investigation of the handling of the
fantasy behaviors, tested in this study, by both other
assaultive groups, murderers prior to conviction, armed
robbers and sex—offenders and by different socio—cultural
levels of subjects. There are implications for investiga-
tion of these effects in college students as well as
other non criminal subject groups, in order that we might
understand how healthy peOple handle anger, fear, and

aggression.

 

110

Returning to the repression and behavioral set
identified in the study, the relationship of these
syndromes to family development, underlying conflict, as
well as life-style, could be investigated. The investi-
gation of the mechanisms of these syndromes, expecially
under stress, may be of importance to understanding

fantasy and overt behavior relationships.

In summary, then, the research implications of the
study suggest further investigation in both methodology
and findings. Methodology investigation suggests further
research into the use of a standard instrument such as
the TAT versus the use of newly developed tests and in
definition of subject populations. Findings investigation
should include replication on similar and on different
populations. In addition, this investigation should
encompass different forensic subjects such as sex—
offenders and perhaps armed robbers, or burglars in order
to explore more thoroughly the possible relationships of
offense to the handling of aggression. The two syndromes
identified, Should themselves be explored in relationship

to stress and acting out behavior.

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

111

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Barnouw, V. Culture and Personality. Homewood, Illinois:
Dorsey Press, 1963.

 

Beit-Hallahmi, B. "Aggressive and Sexual Fantasies in
Violent and Non-violent Prison Inmates." Unpublished
Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State University, 1970.

Benedict, R. Patterns of Culture. N.Y.: Mentor Book, New
American Library, 1960.

 

Bohannan, P. Patterns of Homicide Among Tribal Societies
in Africa (1960), reprintedgin Wolfgang, M., ed.,
Studies in Homicide. N.Y.: Harper & Row, 1967,
pp. 211-237.

 

 

 

Bohannan, P. African Homicide and Suicide. N.J.: Princeton
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APPENDICES

118

 

Scale
Scale
Scale
Scale
Scale
Scale

Scale

APPENDIX A

TAT PERSONALITY TEST SCALES

Number
Number
Number
Number
Number
Number

Number

l--Levels of Conscious Anger
2--Levels of Conscious Fear
3--Levels of Overt Aggression Fantasy
4--Aggressor Concept

5--Theme Outcome

6--Locus of Control

7--Modes of Coping Behaviors

119

 

SCALE 1

Levels of Conscious Anger*

Anger, for the purposes of this scale, is defined as an
emotional or feeling state response from dislike, or

 

aversion, to rage. Anger is ngp to be scored if there
is aggressive action expressed without a feeling state
expressed, e.g. (l) he killed her-score aggression gnly_
no anger; (2) he was so upset he killed her-score 222E
aggression and anger. Score the highest level of anger

 

only for-each story.

Scale
Score

1. Unconscious: Any anger expressed as a being in a

 

dream or as being in a play or drama. That is anger
clearly removed from a reality situation; impotent,
frigid, depression. Other examples: that's in a
play, having a dream, he's having the thought not
me; denial of self feelings.

2. Conscious Aversive Feelings: Feelings of being

 

angry, mad, dislike or upset because of an action,
but not expressed to another or to the cause of the
annoyance. Verbalized to self: angry; disappointed;
disturbed with; worried; disturbed; not like person
doing something; or, harming him. , '

3. Expressed Anger: Feelings expressed pg_or about the

 

cause of annoyance. Examples: expressed dislike;
mad at someone; haughty; snotty attitude.
4. Punitive Anger: Feelings expressed to stop or want

 

to punish the cause of annoyance. Examples: want
to strike, or start an argument, cursing, mean look.
5. Uncontrolled Rage: Feelings expressed at a level of

 

wanting to inflict pain or to destroy the cause of
annoyance. Example: want to kill, hate, detest.

 

*Developed by R. R. McKie.

120

 

Fear,

121

SCALE 2

Levels of Conscious Fear*

for the purposes of this study, is defined as an

emotional response or feeling state of avoidance or fright

to panic. Fear is not to be scored if there is flight or

action stated without feelings described or indicated.

Score the highest level of fear only for each story.

Scale

Score

1.

Unconscious: Any fear expressed as in a dream or
in a drama. That is, fear clearly removed from a
reality Situation. Example: dreaming of own death,
a play.

Conscious Fear Feelings: Feelings of fright acknow-
ledged as belonging to an individual, but not
exPressed verbally to, or about the fear cause;
sadness; sorry to see change; feeling of loss;
nervous; disturbed; wishing wouldn't do something;
or, harm him; feeling shouldn't be here; doesn't
trust.

ExPressed Fear: Feelings exPressed to or about the

 

cause of fear object: feelings of avoidance; or,
fear of abandonment, where clear that he feels action
must be taken; distressed; trying to avoid someone;
startled over noise, or sight; n22: taking action.
Trembling Fear: Fear at a level that the individual
feels can be harmful to him. He can acknowledge how
punitive the fear object is: grief; crying;
frightened; shrieked; haunted place; spooky; lost
her nerve; pleading; heartbroken.

Panic: Fear at a level to cause fear of life or
limb, that the individual flees in panic or is
terrorized by.

 

*Developed by R. R. McKie.

122

SCALE 3

Aggression Theme Level*

Aggression, for the purposes of this scale, is defined as

an instrumental response that delivers a noxious stimuli

 

 

to an organism. Score the highest aggression content in

the story. Do not score sexual acts as aggression unless

they involve intended harm to a partner or third person.

Scale

Score

1.

Passive: There are two types of passive aggression.
(l) Direct-blocking someone's goal; (2) Indirect-
sitins or strikes. Examples: don't wanta give in;
the silent treatment; a standoff; strict; sneakout;
impotence; frigid; depression.

Indirect: In this type of aggression the noxious
stimuli is delivered to an "organism surrogate":

(l) Verbal: gossip, or, (2) Physical: arson, etc.,
financial reverse; difficult early life; drunkenness;
breaking, or entering; spying; extramarital relation-
ships; hypnosis; nervous concern, but no direct threat
obvious: e.g. don't go near the water; disturbed.
Verbal Rejection: There are three modes of verbal

 

rejection (1) Direct dismissal, (2) Aversive feelings
expressed, (3) Verbal attack-criticism, derogation-
cursing. Examples: divorce; scream; get out!;
cursing; argument.

Threat: A threat response symbolizes and substitutes
for or is anticipatory of subsequent attack. Examples:

 

robbery; in prison; menacing storm; divorce; mean
look, spooky; weird.
Ehynical Assault: Physical assault may be: (1) Over-

 

coming a barrier by eliminating a noxious stimuli;

 

*Developed by R. R. McKie

123

or, (2) Pain or death infliction. Note: intent is
all that is necessary-shoot at and miss-swing a fist
at-violence; landslide; a death; being manhandled.

SCALE 4

Aggressor Concept Scale*

 

This scale is designed to measure the individual's concept
of aggressor. Each story is scored for one of three
categories of aggressor, regardless of the number of
themes.

A. Offensive Aggression: The hero in the story is seen
as the one committing aggression. Any story in
which the aggression is offensive aggression.

B. Defensive Aggression: The victim in the story is

 

seen as the one committing the aggression. Any
story in which the aggression is defensive.

C. External or Chance Aggression: Chance, fate, or
natural causes or vague others are seen as the
aggressor. Any story in which the aggression is
external to, or beyond the control of individuals.

SCALE 5

Theme Outcome Scale

 

The outcome of all themes is scored for this scale (from
Hopelessness-Passimism Scale, Roberta Burrage Vogel, 1967)
Favorable outcomes are weighted l; uncertain outcomes are
given weights of 2; and unfavorable outcomes, weights of
3. Each story is to be scored either 1, 2 or 3 only,
regardless of the number of themes.

*Modified, from A. R. Jensen (1957)

124

l. Favorable Outcome:

a. The total outcome of the present situation is
favorable; everything works out for the best.
A favorable solution to the situation is
obtained.

b. The outcome for right now is unfavorable not
entirely satisfactory; however, there is hope
and in the future things actually do turn out
fine. The future outcome is favorable,
satisfactory.

2. Uncertain Outcome: The outcome for the present is
not good, or uncertain the outlook is dim and it
is uncertain, whether the future outcome will be
favorable or unfavorable. The story is left with
an uncertain outcome so it is unclear whether it
turns out favorably or unfavorably.

3. Unfavorable Outcomes, Unfavorable Future Outcomes:
The outcome for the present is unfavorable, unsatis-
factory. Additionally, there does not seem to be
any hOpe for any favorable outcome at any future
time. Future outcome is also unfavorable, unsatis-

factory. No hope at any future time eXpressed.

SCALE 6

Locus of Control

 

The outcome of all themes is evaluated to determine the
factors determining outcome (from the Internal-External

Involvement Scale, Roberta Burrage Vogel, 1967).

External-personal responses were given weights of 3.

External-chance responses were given weights of 2. Internal

 

125

responses (including responses stating no involvements)
were given weights of 1. Each story is to be scored 1,
2, or 3 only regardless of the number of themes. '
1. Internal:
a. No outside involvement cited at all, or
b. Personal faults, problems are cited as reasons
for hero's misfortunes.
2. External—chance: Uncontrollable circumstances and

 

fate are cited as reasons for the hero's misfortunes.

This includes such things as "financial troubles,"

"unemployment, etc.
3. Externalepersonal:

a. Indirect: other peOple are seen as being involved

 

in some way in the occurrence of the misfortune
but the nature of the involvement is not clear,
or,

b. Direct: other peOple are seen as being involved
in some way in the occurrence of the misfortune

and such involvement is directly expressed.

SCALE 7

Modes of Coping Behaviors

Score each theme for all behaviors exhibited. Score each
behavior as one of the twenty behaviors listed below. Any
behavior may have one, or more categories of behaviors.
Example: He had sexual intercourse with her--score sex

no. (18), He raped her-—score Aggression (4) and sex (18).

Final Score for each subject is the tabulated frequency

for each category of behaviors used.

 

Sub-scale

 

1.n Abasement

2.n Achievement

3.n Affiliation

4.n Aggression

5.n Autonomy

6.n Counteraction

126

Behavior Description

To submit passively to external force.
To accept injury, blame, criticism,
punishment. To surrender. To

become resigned to fate. To admit
inferiority, error, wrongdoing, or
defeat. To confess and atone. To
blame, belittle, or mutilate the self.
To seek and enjoy pain, punishment,
illness, and misfortune.

To accomplish something difficult.
To master, manipulate, or organize
physical objects, human beings, or
ideas. To do this as rapidly and

as independently as possible. To
overcome obstacles and attain a
high standard. To excel oneself.

To rival and surpass others. To
increase self-regard by the success-
ful exercise of talent.

To draw near and enjoyably co-
operate or reciprocate with an

allied other (an other who resembles
the subject or who likes the subject).
To please and win affection of a
cathected object. To adhere and
remain loyal to a friend.

To overcome opposition forcefully.
To fight. To revenge an injury.

To attack, injure, or kill another.
To oppose forcefully or punish
another.

To get free, Shake off restraint,
break out of confinement. To resist
coercion and restriction. To avoid
or quit activities prescribed by
domineering authorities. To be
independent and free to act according
to impulse. To be unattached,
irresponsible. To defy convention.

To master or make up for a failure
by restriving. To obliterate a
humiliation by resumed action. To
overcome weaknesses, to repress
fear. To efface a dishonor by

10.n

11.n

12.n

13.n

Defendance

Deference

Dominance

Exhibition

Harmavoidance

Infavoidance

Nurturance

127

action. To search for obstacles
and difficulties to overcome. To
maintain self-respect and pride on
a high level.

To defend the self against assault,
criticism, and blame. To conceal
or justify a misdeed, failure, or
humiliation. To vindicate the ego.

To admire and support a superior.
To praise, honor, or eulogize. To
yield eagerly to the influence of
an allied other. To emulate an
exemplar. To conform to custom.

To control one's human environment.
To influence or direct the behavior
of others by suggestion, seduction,
persuasion, or command. To dissuade,
restrain, or prohibit.

To make an impression. To be seen
and heard. To excite, amaze,
fascinate, entertain, shock, intrigue,
amuse, or entice others.

To avoid pain, physical injury,
illness, and death. To escape from
a dangerous situation. To take
precautionary measures.

To avoid humiliation. To quit
embarrassing Situations or to avoid
conditions which may lead to belittle-
ment: the scorn, derision, or
indifference of others. To refrain
from action because of the fear of
failure.

To give sympathy and gratify the
needs of a helpless object: an
infant or any object that is weak,
disabled, tired, inexperienced,
infirm, defeated, humiliated, lonely,
dejected, sick, mentally confused.

To assist an object in danger. To
feed, help, support, console, protect,
comfort, nurse, heal.

 

l4.n

15.n

16.n

l7.n

18.n

l9.n

20.n

Order

Play

Rejection

Sentience

Sex

Succorance

Understanding

128

To put things in order. To achieve
cleanliness, arrangement, organiza-
tion, balance, neatness, tidiness,
and precision.

To act for "fun" without further
purpose. To like to laugh and make
jokes. To seek enjoyable relaxation
of stress. To participate in games,
sports, dancing, drinking parties,
cards. /

To separate oneself from a negatively
cathected object. To exclude, abandon,
eXpel, or remain indifferent to an
inferior object. To snub or jilt an
object.

To seek and enjoy sensuous impres-
sions.

To form and further an erotic relation—
ship. To have sexual intercourse.

To have one's needs gratified by the
sympathetic aid of an allied object.
To be nursed, supported, sustained,
surrounded, protected, loved, advised,
guided, indulged, forgiven, consoled.
To remain close to a devoted protector.
To always have a supporter.

To ask or answer general questions.
To be interested in theory. To
speculate, formulate, analyze, and
generalize.

*
Adapted from Murray, 1938, pp. 152-226.

 

APPENDIX B
TABLES OF SUBJECT PERSONAL DATA
1. Psychotic Murderers
2. Non-Psychotic Murderers

3. Non-Murderers Psychotic

4. Non-Murderers Non-Psychotic

129

 

130

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134

SUBJECT PERSONAL DATA AND BACKGROUND INFORMATION

 

 

 

Subject Subject Personal Data Family Educational
Number Code Number Race Age Birth- Birthplace Background Level
date Mother Father Sibs. Marital A.G.R. I.Q.'
Non-Murderers,
"EEYEEBFIE__-
6 107999 W 26 Flint, Mich. Stepmo. Stepfthr. 1 Step Single 3.4 87
Nurse Eng. G.M. sister
(Adopted 6 mo.)
22 133000 w 22 July 29 Yager, W.Va. Married 3 Step 7 Child. Single 5.1 95
Twice fathers (3 Step)
(Housewife)(laborers)
9 111000 N 23 Aug. 22 Detroit, Housewife Night Watch 6 Child. Single 4.0 90
Michigan (Separated)
33 152999 W 33 Feb. 22 Grand Rapids, Housewife C.S.P. 1 Sis. Twice 5,4 100
Michigan (Divorced) Ionia l Bro. 2 Child.
Stepfthr.-not accept him.
18 124999 N 33 June 21 Coyle, Okla. Housewife Farmer 5 Child. Single 3‘2 90
32 151999 N 23 Oct. 7 Jackson, Maid Unknown 8 Bro. Single 1111:. 90
Miss. Unmarried no Step. % Sis.
12 115444 N 44 Feb. 17 Rural, Cook Textile l Sis. Widower 3.5 90
Alabama Widow Mech. No Child
(Dad died he 2)
5 106000 N 27 Sept. 4 Phoenix, Mother died 14 mo. None Single 1111:, 90
Ariz. raised by div.Aunt
& Grandmother
Father died (15)
24 137999 N 30 July 3 Chicago, Mother Father died 5 Sis. Married 6.1 100
Illinois when Grocer 2(raised l Bro. No Child.
Foster Parents,
State homes)
3 104000 N 31 Oct. 24 Detroit, Housewife Factory 2 Sis. Married 6.1 100
Michigan (Ford) 2 Bro. Twice
(Div.&
now sep)
Non—Murderers;
Non-Psychotic
38 157000 N 25 Oct. 6 Rural, Day Worker Factory 2 Sis. Single 2.5 90
Alabama (Divorced) 4 Bro.
40 162999 w 31 Sept.16 Allegan, Nurses Tool & Die 2 Sis. Divorced 3.0 103
Michigan Aid ' Bro. 5 Child.
(Both Twice Marry)
8 109444 W 48 Nov. 16 Lansing, Day Factory 3 Sis. Divorced 8.5 100
Michigan Cleaning (Rio) 1 Bro. No Child.
20 129000 w 32 Mar. 31 Adrian, Laundry Heavy Eq. 5 Sis. Single 3.1 110
Michigan Operator Operator 5 Bro.
21 132000 N 25 July 26 Flint, Laundry Auto 2 Sis. Single 5.1 90
Michigan Worker Plant 5 Bro.
(Separated)
34 153999 W 24 Sept. 7 Maddisonville,Housewife Farmer 3 Sis. Twice 4.2 90
Tenn. 7 Bro. 2 Child.
30 148444 W 48 Aug. 1 Mt. Clemens, Housewife PX Clerk None Twice 8.1 100
Michigan Selfridge. Div.
5 Child.
10 112000 N 40 July 4 Ypsilanti, School Creamery 3 Sis. Div. 6-9 100
Michigan Cook Worker 1 Bro. 4 Child.
15 121000 N 26 Sept.8 Detroit, Mother Painter 3 Bro. Married 6.3 100
Michigan A.D.C. (Separated) No Sis. 2 Child.
(raised by grandmother)
37 156444 w 27 Apr.21 Lake City, Drive-in Garage 2 Sis. Married 6-3 100
Ark. Rest Clerk Owner 1 Bro. 1 Child.
i
1.0. = Data transformed to Wechsler Scale equivalents.

135

 

 

 

Work Military Social Present Criminal Psychiatric Psychiatric
History Service Class Sentence History History Diagnosis
Foundry Eq.Pt. None 5 Night Larceny auto; None Previous Schizophrenia
Gas Station B&E(3-15) aid escape;B&E Paranoid(SPSM)
Sporadic None 5 Esc(l%-4) 2pgs.B&E,UDAA. None Previous Schizophrenia
odd jobs B.T.S. Paranoid(SPSM)
Sporadic Army lyr. 5 Lar.P. AWOL,Stockade, None Previous Schizophrenia
odd jobs Dishon.Dis. (4-5) Purse Snatching Catatonic (SPSM)
Sporadic Army 2yr. 5 B&E(3-10) Court Marshall None Previous Schizophrenia
odd jobs Dison.Dis. B&E(several) Chronic Undif.
(SPSM)

Sporadic None 5 B&E(5-10) 85E 6 states None Previous Schizophrenia
odd jobs Tresspassing ChronicUndf(SPSM)
Sporadic None 5 CCW(2-5) BsE;Burglary None previous Schizophrenia
odd jobs DaD Paranoid(SPSM)
Sporadic Army 2yr. 5 LarBldg. DsD;Larceny None Previous Schizoaffective
Factory work Pfc.Eur. (2-4) 855 Schizophrenia

& Pacif.
Stock boy, Naval Res. 5 B&E(4-5) Att.Unarmed Rob; Ypsilanti 1965 Chronic Resid.
Bowling Alley lsyr. Assault SPSM Schizophrenia
Restaurants Med.disch. Psych Clinic

Backseyes
Decorator None 5 Viol.Drg. Viol.Chk.: None Previous Acute
10yrs.(foot (3-10) B&E Schizophrenia in
off at 17) Remission
Sporadic Army 2%yr. 5 U&P(2h-5) B&E None Previous Schizoaffective
odd jobs Korea Parts Schizophrenia

Clerk

(Undes.Dis.)
Sporadic None,bad 5 U&P(18-l4) Asslt.wepon.U&P; (No Treat.) Borderline;
Odd jobs heart B&E;Viol.Prob. Narcotic Addict Narcotic Add.
Machine Army 8mo. 5 U&P(25-l4) NSF Chks;U&P; Kalamazoo llda. Alcoholism
Repair 6yr. Undes.Dis. Lar.Auto: Alcoholism Episodic

(Car Thieft) B.T.S. in Geo.
4yr.Cook U.S.A.A.F.6mo. 5 Forg(3-14) DED! None Previous Dyssocial
Trk.Driver T.B.med.discg. U&P(3-14) Forgery(2) Alcoholism
Sporadic Army Pvt. lyr. 5 U&P(6-l4) BaE;U&P; None Previous Alcoholism
odd jobs Undes.Dis. Forgery:Escape
GM 3yrs. None 5 U&P(48-14) U&P;B&E None Previous None
odd jobs
Produce Co. None 5 U&P(2-5) U&P;CCW; None previous None
odd jobs AaB
Salesman RCAF lyr.;USAAF 5 U&P(3-14) ugp;porgery 30%Psychiatric Hypertension
20yrs. 6yr.;Gunner Bl7 Pension:Anxiety

WII.Ger.Ita1y

AutopsyAst. Army Pfc. 5 U&P(4-l4) U&P;Forgery (Since 1954) Narcotic Add.
Hosp.Od.Jb. Ordinance Heroin Addict
Sporadic Army 2yrs. 5 U&P(3-5) U&P;Attempt None Previous Anxiety Neurosis
odd jobs Pfc. U&P Psychophysiologic

Signals Skin Disorder
Sporadic Army 3rs.Spec.4 5 B&E(l%-10) Forgery;B&E None Previous None
odd jobs Cook,Drv.,Typist U&P(15-14)

 

 

APPENDIX C

TABLES OF TAT RAW SCORE AND

 

MEAN SCORE DATA

Levels of Conscious Anger Data
Levels of Conscious Fear Data
Levels of Overt Aggression Data
Aggressor Concept Data

Theme Outcome Data

Locus of Control Data

Modes of Coping Behaviors Data

136

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mmmuw>c chcmez .uu< mmmuo>< chcmHmz .uud ommum>< chcmez uua Ho>01 oEch Hm>mH Hmom Hw>0H uwmcd Honfisz wcou “mouo
Houucou N0 msooq mEoouso mEmLB umoocou Hommmgmmd uonnwuawd msoHomcou msoHumcoo uownndm NCHHOUN
O mHmom N mHmom v thom N aHaom N mHmoN H meom
4Bd0 mmoum Z<m2 024 HZOUm Biz 9&8

139

 

 

OHNHHMHHVH
OHHHHMHHMH
OHNI—IOMHOVH

OOHHHNHOHO
OOHOHNHOHO
OOONONOOHO

HOOOOOHHHO
OOOOOOHOHO
HOOOOOHI—IOO

NOOOOOOOOH
NOOOOOOOOO
NOOOOOOOOH

HvammmmmN
HNMMmMMmMr-i
HNNQ‘VNMLDMN

MONHMQOOMH
a» o 01 H cu m c: 0 PW H
"1 o r4.4 an m c: o v) H

 

OOHOOOHOOO
OOHOOOHOOO
OOOOOOHOOO

0000000000
0000000000
0000000000

OOOHfiH
ooomNH
vcvomH
vvvaH
ooom0H
ooova
vvvhHH
¢vaNH
mommOH
vvvaH

c: 0 rd c: 0 r4 0 <3 r4 0
OOHOOHOOOO
o c: H c: 0 rd 0 c>r4 o
o c: o c: o unc: o rivo
o c: o c: o u1<3 o c: o
c: 0 <3 0 c: m <3 0 r4 0
\o m r4 N <r 0 r4 0 r4 H
r~ N Pu N <r 0 r4 0 r4 H
v 01 0 cu v <3 H c: 0 r4
0 r~ 0 r4 N r~ o r~ N r4
0 r~ 0 r4 N \o C) m r4 0
OFOHNBOFMH
HOHHOHHHHN
HOHHOHHOHN
OOOHOOv-ir—ioH
HMMHMVNHNN
r4 m CH H 01 v cu H 01 N
HMMHMVHHHH
0 hard m fiwcu o burn m
ONOLDMNOv—imm
0 r4 H U1 m ru 0 cu N 03

 

ofluonommmucoz
~mumumnusz

 

ooome
mmmMHH
mmmh¢H
mmommH
vvvmoH
OOONNH
vvvaH
ooomvH
vvvamH
OOOHOH

oauonoxmm

lull-[Ill

.mumuwousz

0000000000
0000000000
0000000000
0000000000
OOOHOOOOOO
MMHVMMNKDHM
mmoxommmoon
MMHHNMHVHM
ONHNOI‘HOLfir—l
ONHHOK‘I—iofi'v—i
OHONOkov—IOIDO
ONNOHOHHNM
OMNOHOr—OHNV
OOHOHOHHNH
NMMHNNNMt—{m
NNMNNNNMI—IN
v—{MNOHNHMHM
\OONNHNHHNr—I
mONNHNHHHN
\OONHONOP‘INO

 

.>¢.m.m
mocwnflo>m
nEHmm

HH

.>¢.m.m
cofiu
IHnflcxm

0H

O>40mCm
mofimc
-fiEOQ

m

.><.m.m

mocw
Iuwwwo

m

O>¢Omlm 0>mflm0m O>¢Om|m O><Om0m 0&240m0m O>¢Om0m O><Om0m
mocm cofluom >E :on coflum pcwE acme
nocwwwo tympanou locou9< ummumod IHHHmw< uw>wH£od Iwmmnd

h o m v m N H

quESZ mwoo
gomflnsm

mmOH><mmm UZHmOU mo me02 "h .02 mq¢um
¢B<Q mmOUm Z<ME 024 mmOUm 34m 648

 

 

1J40

 

 

.wqoom :me Ho .mmmnm>¢ u >4
meuz .m pumnom n m
mflxoz .< mmHuflnm u m "mmmmmm
OH w v n N N H o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o m m m o o o OOOHHH
HH N N N m h m o o o o o o H o H o o o o o o N N H o o o ooomNH
HH v v v m m N o o o H H H N N N H N o o o o m m N o o o vvvomH
NH v N v v v v H H H N N N o o o o o o o o o m m m o o o qvvaH
NH N N N m m m N N N o o o o o o N N N o o o m m m o o o OOONOH
NH N N N v m H H H H H o N N H N o o o o o o N N N H H o ooova
0H 0 o o N N N o o o o o c H H H o o o o o o N N N o o o vaNHH
OH v m v N m H o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o N H N H o H vvvaH
OH H H o o o o o o o o o o H H H o o o o o o m m m N N N mommOH
w m N N v N m o o o o o o o o o H H o o o o m m N o o o vv¢mmH
UHuosoxmmucoz

.mumumwudz
NH v N v N H m H H o N H m N m H H H H o o o m m m H N o ooommH
vH N N N v v m o o o H H H H H H H H H o o o N N N H H o mmmMHH
m H H H N H N o o o H o H o o o N H N o o o H H H o o o mmmNVH
w v N m N N H o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o N N N o o o mmmmmH
NH m m m v v v N N N H H H H H H o o o o o o m m m o o o vvaOH
NH N N N N N H o o o N H N N N N N H N o o o N H N H H o OOONNH
OH m m m m m m H H H o o o o o o o o o o o o N N N o o o vvvmmH
0H N o m N N H H H H H o H N N N o o o o o o N o m o o o OOONVH
0H m N m m h m o o o H o H N m H H H H o o o m m m H H o vvvmmH
OH v N v N N H o o o o o o N N H H H H o o o N H N o o o oQOHOH

mmwmmmme

~muwummusz

.><.m.m .><.m.m .>€.m.m .><.m.m .>4.m.m .>d.m.m .><.m.m .>¢.m.m .>4.m.m
mHoH>mnmm mCHQOU mCHmcmum mocm wocmHu coHu mocm mocmvHo> umnfisz @600

ucmumwwHa .oz uuwwca unouosm xwm Icmm Iowhmm %MHQ uoUuO lusuusz lamcH pomflndm

ON 0H NH NH wH mH VH MH NH

 

 

 

 

141

vvvme
OOOHNH
OOONHH
vvvmvH
mommmH
OOONNH
ooomNH
vvvaH
mmmNmH
cochmH

IDNLO

H r4 N r4 H <3 0 c3 o»r4
r4 H on 0 r4 0 c3 0 <3 H
<3 0 C» H r4 0 <3 0 c3 H
ca 0 r4 H c3 0 r4 0 C: H
cu 0 <3 0 <3 0 <3 0 :3 0
Pi o —4 H c3 0 r4 0 <3 H
us‘o <r 0 ca N (V o (v M
v u>tn o cw N r4 0 r4 v
\o 0 <1 0 r4 H <1 0 01 N
0 r4 0 r4 0 <3v4 0 <3 0
0 r4 0 r4 0 c3:H c><3 o
0 c3 0 c><3 0 <3 0 <3 0
<3 0 r4 0 r4 0 c3 0 cu 0
c3 0 <3 o r4 0 <3 0 cu 0
<3 0 rd 0 r4 0 r4 0 cu o
o oa<3 o :3 H r4 0 r4 0
o F1<3 o c>r4 o c>r4 0
<3 G <3 0 c3 0 r4 0 <3 0
N fi'rfi v flwrfi H

LWrH m aura H uwrfi h
r4 N r4 N on N r4 m r4 N
0 <3 m oarfi v cu H <r m
o c>rn N ru~r N r4rn m
o rwrfi 0 cu m cu H <r m
H ,4 o F4.H Fira N r4 0
HHoHHHHNr—io
H (3 o F1<3 0 r4 N r4 0
o r4 N 01<V v cu 0 on H
o r+¢u N cu v cu o cu H
0 r4 N Firfi m r4 0 cu H
H pica m ~+<v v qun H
o C3rH N Harv m wqrn H
H P‘CV m ~4<V v wit» 0

 

oHuoonmmncoz
.mumquMSZICOZ

 

ooovoa
mamnma
oooooa
vvvmfia
mmmamfl
mmmvma
mmomma
OOOHHH
ooommfl
mmmnoa

.muwummuszucoz

HHOHOHOHOO
H

H r4 0 <9 0 r4 0 F4<3 o
H r4 0 c3 0 c><3 0 rd 0
H r4 0 <3 0 <3 0 c><3 o
H r4 0 :3 o c><3 0 r4 0
H fi1<n v fiscu H burn H
H fluun N flue» 0 air“ H
0 ru 0 uw m cu Ficv an H
H r4 0 c><3 0 <3 0 :3 G
<3 G c><3 0 c3 0 ~4<3 0
Ln 0 r4 5 r~ h r4 0 v3 0
w fl)r4 N warn o c>rfl 0
<3 m card 0 cu o V'Ln o

H
Of‘f‘HONOVl-OO

r4 H <3 0 card 0 r4<3 0
r4 H <3 0 c3 0 <3 0 <3 G
H r4 0 c><3 o (3 o (3 o
o (3 0 c3 0 c3 0 ~+r4 o
o :3 o (3 0 c3 0 Firfi o
0 <3 v <3 0 F+<3 0 r4 0
o c>Ln o c>r4 o c>r4 o
o c>rfi 0 (3 G <3 0 <3 0
o aura m r~an H c>rfi 0
<3 m GDrH 0 on o v'tn o
H

H

S

N r4<3 o ricu o oac: o
N r4 0 <3 H r4 0 oa<3 o
(V H <3 0 C>CV o n4<3 o
r“ o uwrfi N cu H F4:H N
"1 o uw N cu N r4 H r4 N
m c3 v Pficu N r4 H r4 N
MHOHNHNMNH
V'c: o rqrq o r4 m r4 H
N r“ 0 r4 N r4 N var“ o

 

 

 

.>¢.m.m .>¢.m.m .>¢.m.m .><.m.m .>¢.m.m .>d.m.m .>d.m.m .><.m.m .><.m.m .>¢.m.m .><.m.m

mU§UHO>M COHU 00CQC GUCG QUcw COHHHUM \AE COHm COHflM UCQE HCQE .HQQEHHZ QUOU
IEHmm IHanxm IHEOQ Inmmwo Iwcwwwa luwucsoo I0c0u3< Iwmnmmm IHHwad Iw>mH£o< Iwmmad nowhnsm

HH 0H m m n m m w m N H

 

 

 

mmOH>dmmm OZHmOU m0 mmDOfi “h .OZ mddum
dBGQ mmCUm 24m: 02d mmCUm 34m 849

.wuoom same no .mmmum>4 n >4
waoz .m uumnom m
mflxoz .< NmHanm m "ccmmmq

 

 

142

 

 

 

 

NH q q v m m N O O O H H H N N H H H H O O O N H N O O O vvvomH
vH O m b H H O H H H H H H m H v O O O O O O m m m N H N OOOHNH
O O m O v v N O O O N N N O O O O O O O O O N N N H H H OOONHH
vH v v m m m N H H H O O O H N O H N O H H H ¢ m N O O O vvvmvH
HH m m N N N H O O O O O O H O H N N H O O O m H v O O O mmmmmH
NH v N v m N v O O O H H O H H H O O O O O O m m N O O O OOONNH
OH m H m N N H O O O H H O O O O O O O O O O m m N O O O OOOONH
NH O m m H H O O O O O O O H H H O O O O O O N N N N H N vvvaH
NH H H H N N H H N O H O N m v m N N H O O O N v N O O O OOONOH
OH m m m N v H H H H O O O m m N O O O O O O N H N O O O OOOhmH

UHuOLonancoz

.mumHQUHSchoz
O N H N O O O O O O N N N O O O H O H O O O O O O O O O OOOVOH
NH v N m m m m O O O O O O N H N H N O O O O m m m H N O OOONNH.
vH N N N N N H H H H H H H O O O N N N O O O v v m N N N OOOOOH
HH v v v m o m H H H H H H H H O H H H O O O v v m H H H vvvaH
HH H H H O m n O O O H H O O O O H H O O O O N N H O O O mmmHmH
w v v m v N v O O O H O H O O O O O O O O O H H H O O O mmmvNH
NH H H H H H H H H H H H H H O H N N N O O O N N N O O O mmmNmH
m N N N v N v O O O O O O O O O H H H O O O N N H O O O OOOHHH
mH N N N m m m H H H O O O N N N H H H O O O N H m H H H OOONNH
mH H H H H H H N N N H H O O O O N N H O O O v v v N H N mmthH
mmmmmmxmm

<mumumvuszlcoz

.><.m.m .>d.m.m .><.m.m .><.m.m .>¢.m.m .>d.m.m .Pé.m.m .><.m.m .>4.m.m
mHoH>mcmm OCHQOU mchcmum 00cm mocmHu COHu mocm wocmvHo> Hmnfidz mvoo

ucmumwwHo .oz thaws: Inooosm xwm Icmm Iowflwm zmHm umnuo ansuusz IchH uowflndm

ON OH OH 5H wH mH OH NH NH

 

 

APPENDIX D

TAT PILOT STUDY DATA

143

"'41." 5'» NWYT q

 

Pilot Study Data TAT Fantasy Themes

 

 

 

 

Scale No. l 2 3 4 5 6
H
m
>
w
H
4.)
0 Q: H
E H m o
m m u o u
.c m m c m u
E c w o E c
a 4 h v 8 8
o w: ‘H u u
m -H o o o s ‘H
.u w m o o
O m U) U) U)
8* 333. 3 '8 '8 3 2 3
8 ‘3 81 8 a; 8 2 8
o In 4 +1 H 4 54 H
1.Murderers a 48 7 17 C 2 2
Non-Psychotic b 49 8 23 B 2 2
2.Murderers a 38 10 15 C 2
Psychotic b 49 12 12 C
3.Non-Murderers a 34 37 3 A 1-3 1,2,3
Non-Psychotic b 56 18 7 A-C 1,2,3 1,2,3
4.Non—Murderers a 81 ll 18 A-C 3 1,2,3
Psychotic b 67 4 18 A-C 1 1,2,3
Note: This pilot study consisted of 8 felons: 2 felons

for each of the 4 groups (see subjects a & b).

144

 

"11111111111111“