POLITICS OF FEMALE SEXUALITY IN WWI/II FRANCE  By  Andreea Mica Prundeanu                 A DISSERTATION  Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of  French, Language and LiteratureDoctor of Philosophy  2017        ABSTRACT  OF FEMALE SEXUALITY IN WWI/II FRANCE   By  Andreea Mica Prundeanu  This study is concerned with literary representations of the female body as a locus of discursive patriarchal power in the context of the two World Wars in France. It complements a body of scholarship focused on the intimate relationships between French women and German soldiers (labeled sentimental/sexual/horizontal collaboration) and the subsequent head shavings of these women, known as les tontes, and compensates for the exclusion of valuable works of fiction representative of a collective consciousness deeply marked by such violence. The gendered nature of this punishment indicates a pervasive, pre-existing masculinist anxiety -war women into the patriarchal status quo. I contend that the gendered discourses deployed by the various patriarchal mechanisms of power during both World Wars find continuity in debates surrounding the female body today.                Copyright by ANDREEA MICA PRUNDEANU 2017        iv                For my parents              v  TABLE OF CONTENTS    INTRODUCTION                                                                                                                               1  Female head shaving: a historical background                                                                      1  The politics of female sexuality: theoretical considerations                                                   9  Literary corpus                                                                                                                    22   CHAPTER I   29 THE POLITICS OF DESIRE:   FEMALE SEXUALITY AND SOCIOECONIMIC EMANCIPATION    CHAPTER II   60 THE CONSOLIDATION OF WARTIME GENDER FICTIONS:  PRIVATE BODIES, PUBLIC DISCOURSES   Depravation in a time of deprivation   68  The female-homeland allegory   76  Systems of female surveillance 104   CHAPTER III 116 CONTROLLING THE FEMALE BODY:  THE MATERNAL IMPERATIVE    CHAPTER IV 143 OBJECTIFYING THE SUBJECT:  PUNISHING FEMALE DISSENTION AND RE-ESTABLISHING THE PATRIARCHAL ORDER   Objectification of the female body 152  De-sexualization of the female body    161  Temporary exile: marginalization of the purified female body 166   CONCLUSION 202   BIBLIOGRAPHY 206 1  INTRODUCTION  Female head shaving: a historical background The present work on the subject of the shorn woman1 arose out of a personal interest in the intimate relationships that developed between some French women and Nazi soldiers during World War II, one can extend it to encompass all women who were publicly punished at the end 2 was not officially coined until WWII; 3 is not entirely anachronistic. During the Great War, sleeping with the enemy had not yet overtly acquired the full political dimension that led to its subsequent stigmatizing nomenclature. Nevertheless, as we shall see in following chapters, the reasoning inherent in national discourses that proscribed such behavior was progressively rendered manifest. These discourses, anchored in profoundly-gendered notions, were subsequently repackaged and recirculated during the Second World War. Given the ideological continuity in the perception and treatment of these transgressive women during both wars and in the interest of rhetorical simplicity, we shall henceforth term all French women who had (concrete or alleged) sentimental and/or physical ties with German men during both armed femme à Boches has struck a chord with scholars and non-                                                      1 (Virgili,  12). 2 interchangeably in the pages to follow. 3   2  through the streets and simultaneously stripped of her clothing, hair and dignity, accused of political treason as a result of her emotional and/or physical affection for the enemy. After decades of national shame, the shearing episodes, known as les tontes, have begun to lose their victims while denouncing their accusers4. Nevertheless, the image of the shorn woman continues to pervade public consciousness as evidenced by its unremitting presence in recent French literature5. These events represent a national wound that cannot heal, making the past a matter of ongoing concern.   Historically speaking, the tontes are neither a modern invention nor unique to France. In Women and the Second World War in France, 1939-48: Choices and Constraints, Hanna Diamond exposes the symbolism behind such practices in the West:  The practice of shearing as a way of punishing women for sexual infidelity was  not unprecedented: it was the traditional punishment for adulterous women. It was a symbolic act which forced repentance for past acts, and prisoners had their   therefore a                                                        4 -fictional literature produced during and after WWII by three types of French authors she labels   reveals a historical shift in collective perception whereby the tondue --2005), -See: Desmarais, Julie. Femmes tondues: France-Libration : Coupables, amoureuses, victimes. Qubec, QC: Presses de l'Universit Laval, 2010. Print. 5 Des étoiles sombres dans le ciel, by Nadia Salmi, published in 2011, is a quest for origins by the granddaughter of a German SS officer. Through her writing, Nadia adresses the grandfather she never knew :   une enfant de Boche, une rien-du-tout  (11-3). See: Salmi, Nadia. Des étoiles sombres dans le ciel. Paris: Oh! Éditions, 2011. Print. The same year, Philippe Frétigné and Gérard Leray published La tondue 1944-1947 to reveal the true shorn woman of Chartres (original photograph: http://www.wikithionville.fr/images/5/5f/Tondue.jpg). See: Frétigné, Philippe, and Gérard Leray. La tondue 1944-1947. Paris: Vendémiaire, 2011. Print. play Des jours et des nuits à Chartres is a fictional account of this very s head shaving and arrest.] Most La femme tondue 1928. Information about the play can be found here: http://theatredenimes.com/spectacle/la-femme-tondue/.  3   symbolic process of purification dating back to the Bible, which attributed    purifying virtues to it (136).  The image of the shorn woman can be traced back to the Bible. One reference can be found in 1 Corinthians 11 in the context of behaviors to be observed by men and women of the Church: But I would have you know, that the head of every man is Christ; and the head of the woman is the man; and the head of Christ is God.   Every man praying or prophesying, having his head covered, dishonoureth his head.   But every woman that prayeth or prophesieth with her head uncovered dishonoureth her head: for that is even all one as if she were shaven . . .    For a man indeed ought not to cover his head, forasmuch as he is the image and glory of God (King James Bible, 1 Cor. 11.3-5, 7).   to the divine all the while establishing a clear social hierarchy: God, Christ, man, woman. The double standard with respect to men and woGenesis and the pivotal notion that Adam was made by God in His image while Eve was made out of Adam, as an extension of man. For a woman to be in communion with God she must don an accessory capable of veiling her body, be it her hair or an additional piece of cloth. Female hair is thus vested with symbolic significance, becoming a gendered mark of association with a  de shaving as a religious practice, revealing an interesting double standard. She points out that female head shaving has traditionally been used as a form of punishment intended to exclude 4  and priests) has been employed as a rite of passage into a community of elite believers:   Dans la société corinthienne, les prostituées avaient les cheveux courts, et on rasait les femmes adultères pour les punir et les traiter comme des prostituées. En associant femmes adultères et femmes sans coiffe, la société démontre le rôle central de la passage dans la prise de la robe. Le rasage de la tête pour les hommes signifie leur appartenance à la communauté religieuse alors que cette marque physique chez les femmes souligne leur exclusion de cette même communauté (8).  In France alone, cases of head shaving as a punishment for prostitutes and adulterous women can be traced back to the Middle Ages. In 1314, Louis X ordered his wife, Marguerite de Bourgogne, shorn, imprisoned and later hanged for adultery (Kedward 155). Under the Ancien Régimepublique, exposition au pilori ou encore promenade sur un âne, la tête vers la croupe Naour, Misère et tourments 157) and systematically imprisoned at the Salpêtrière6. Likewise, the head shavings of the French sexual collaborators in 1944 had several European analogues. In 1918, Belgian women in at least twenty cities were shorn for having slept with German soldiers. Similarly, German women who had consorted with French soldiers, and colonial troops in                                                       6 The Salpêtrière, currently a hospital, was founded in the 17th century as a detainment facility for the poor. It prostitutes, mentally- the 17th The American Journal of Psychiatry 160.9 (2003): n. pag. Web. 8 February 2013.   5  particular  were beaten and 273). Head shavings also occurred in 1943 in Denmark as retribution for the relations between Danish women and Wehrmacht soldiers that had led to an estimated 5,500 illegitimate births and in several major cities in Italy in 19457 (274-5). The same year in Jersey, Great Britain, nt état de femmes jetées dans le port de Saint-Hélier, tondues, Virgili equally mentions head shavings in Norway and Holland starting in the fall of 1944 (Virgili 276; François 81). In Greece both sentimental collaborators as well as female members of the communist party were shorn during the civil war, 1945-1949. Similarly, in 1936, during the Spanish Civil War, Falangists attacked and publicly shaved women as punishment for their dissoluteand supposedly republicaninclinations8 (276-7).   From isolated shavings to systematic punitive practices, women in the West have historically undergone what scholars now call gendered punishment. As Fabrice Virgili states in his primordial study on French women shorn during WWII, entitled femmes tondues à la Libérationcollaboration sexuelle, mais le châtiment sexué de la collaborationThe fact that this type of punishment was unanimously adopted at various points in Western history to specifically castigate female sexual transgressions suggests that the punishment was                                                       7  8 For more information on gendered sexual violence in the context of the Spanish civil war, please refer to Yannick xuée de la violence dans la guerre civile espagnolein Dauphin, Ccile, and Arlette Farge. De la violence et des femmes. Paris: A. Michel, 1997. Print.  6  not arbitrary, but rather the translation of a pervasive pre-existing patriarchal anxiety surrounding  unrestrained and unmonitored sexuality. In Behind the Lines: Gender and the Two World Warsexisting notions of gender, the nation and the family. The ideas are not, however, created anew, but grounded in previous social and cultural sources. Within this system, female dependency is about the need for a re-gendering activity; id est, society must reiterate and reinforce established preexisting definitions of gender at the same time that it restructures gender relations. When peace comes, messages of reintegration are expressed within a rhetoric of gender that establishes  In light of these considerations, chapter I of the dissertation at handDesire: Female Sexuality and Socioe upon the prevalent notion of WWI/II sexual collaboration as a gendered punishment. It has been argued that, as a form of sexual violence aimed at sexually-tonte is an incarnation of patriarchal anxiety surrounding female sexuality. I advance relationships with German soldiers during the war not only violated nationalist codes of behavior  not all there was always a lingering suspicion that they desired it and/or derived pleasure from it. The al collaboration , in être/paraître dichotomy inherent in this phenomenon. As Chapter I shows, the very visibility of a franco-german association was 7  incriminating for women, even if it did not lead to sexual contact of any sort. Countless women were denounced and arrested at the Liberation based on hearsay because of the presumption that intention is tantamount to the act itself. For a woman to have desired and derived pleasure on her own terms, outside of the confines of a marital and reproductive sexuality, was problematic due to its potential to destabilize the patriarchal status quo. In addition, many women derived concrete benefits from their relationships with German soldiers (e.g. more money, additional help running the home, etc) at a time when the country was deprived of basic resources. Such personal improvements added to the resentment generated by an overall, yet temporary, upheaval in the condition of women (due to increased presence in the workplace, visibility in the public sphere, etc.). At the same time that the French state encouraged women to participate in the war effort by managing the homefront, it also attributed to them a climate of national degeneration ahe patriarchal state. It is in this specific context that chapter I refers to sexual collaboration as an instrument of dissention and female agency. It is also in view of these precise considerations that the tontes can be posited as a punishment aimed at re-taming the female body and re-affirming all patriarchy through the ceremonial violation of a scapegoated few.   es, Public  the tontes as anchored in a patriarchal imperative to preserve social structure. It isolates precise discourses (i.e. gender fictions) deployed to reclaim and re-assert control of patriarchal mechanisms of power operative during the two World Wars inscribed female 8  sexuality and its powers of reproduction into a larger nationalist, gendered agenda that presented women as either spoils of war or compromised possessions in need of purification. One discourse pivotal to the French wartime state was centered around reproduction.  e  upon  women were both included and excluded from citizenship in their capacities as (concrete or potential) mothers. In its analysis of legislation and debates surrounding the nuclear family, the chapter illustrates the importance of reproductive sexuality and the the element in immediate need of correction.  -Establishing  the body of the sexual collaborator in a Foucauldian context of corrigible transgressive femininity. Through a resurgence of punishment as spectacle, the French patriarchal state set out to rearticulate the female (re)productive body as a docile body. The tonte emerged as symbolic purification ceremony with a multifaceted aim: isolating the transgressive female element, labeling -society. The ceremony itself operated in three stages: objectification, de-sexualization and provisional exile. In light of the profound damage the tontes have exerted upon female collaborators as well as the female wartime population as a whole, and given the dearth of improvement in the overall condition of women in the immediate aftermath of the war, one is 9  inclined to conclude that this form of sexual violence was successful in reintegrating women into the patriarchal economy as objects.  The politics of female sexuality: theoretical considerations The previous pages have introduced 9 which are fundamental concepts to the arguments advanced in this work. Because these words reference complex ideas within the macrocosm of feminist scholarship and also because their meaning is subsequently adapted to convey a specific message within the microcosm of the dissertation at hand, it is necessary to take a moment and establish a theoretical foundation. The aim is not to rehash decades of pioneering gender studies scholarship but to provide a brief overview of those works that have helped shape my own for the purpose of grounding subsequent claims in a theoretical continuity. As previously mentioned, the tontes were a gendered punishment. This form of chastisement was reserved for women whose sexual behaviors were deemed transgressive by the patriarchal state (to be understood here as the French state as a socio-political entity during and immediately after the two World Wars). The fact that female head shavings pre-date thcontinuum of sexual violence10 against women of which WWI/II France is merely one point. Though an in-depth historical analysis of female head shaving spanning several centuries and countries is beyond the scope of this dissertation, an analysis of sexual violence against French women in the context of the two World Wars is certainly a good place to start asking some                                                       9 -existing ideological structures promulgated as truth by a western patriarchy. More on this in chapter II.  10 For a crucial and complete historical analysis of rape as another form of sexual violence against women, please see Brownmiller, Susan. Against our Will: Men, Women and Rape. New York: Fawcett Columbine, 1975. Print. For information on rape as a weapon of war, consult Rittner, Carol and John K. Roth. Rape: Weapon of War and Genocide. St. Paul, MN: Paragon House, 2012. Print. 10  important questions. Why did such forms of violence happen only to women? Did certain wartime conditions converge to create a propitious environment for such acts? The following pages address these questions and conclude with an invitation to reflect on the contemporary relevance of such seemingly-isolated historical events.  Because the work at hand is concerned with wartime patriarchy in the context of the two World Wars in France, I would like to make an important parenthesis on the term patriarchy controversial among feminist scholars by aligning my choice of nomenclature with Judith M. Bedependents, and it is still used by some historians in this specific seoriginally derived from a specific familial meaning, it is now used by feminists in its broader of Adrienne Rich in Of Woman Born, where Rich defines patriarchy as a multi-faceted system anchored in several intersecting mechanisms of power (emphasized in italics below) Patriarchy is the power of the fathers: a familial-social, ideological, political system in which menby force, direct pressure, or through ritual, tradition, law, and language, customs, etiquette, education, and the division of labor, determine what part women shall or shall not play, and in which the female is everywhere subsumed under the male (57, emphasis mine).  I contend that the subsuming of the French woman under her male compatriot during WWI/II was the result of a confluence of discourses produced and enforced by a multitude of mechanisms of power. Each of these mechanisms gave rise to specific, though rarely unprecedented, fluctuating forms of domination, exemplified in parentheses: force (internment in 11  camps, head shaving), direct pressure (threats/surveillance/denunciation by community members), ritual (the tontes as pseudo-religious rites for penitence), tradition/customs (gender roles), law (pro-natalist and pro-familialist legislation), language (the articulation of a gender-pejorative terms employed for sexual collaborators), etiquette (double standards in codes of conduct for prisoners of war and their wives), education (instructing women in view of more (integration of women into unskilled, lower-paying jobs for the duration of the war followed by mass demobilization upon unchanging, natural, and inevitable. But patriarchy clearly has existed in many forms and (Bennett 65). The specific focus of this dissertation is on one form of patriarchy at one particular point in time and in one part of the world, that is to say French patriarchy during and immediately after the two World Wars. Bennett also indicates that   patriarchy has been attacked as a too-encompassing term that ignores the many   different experiences of women of different times, countries, religions, races,    sexualities, classes and the likes. But patriarchy highlights the pervasiveness and   y    such other oppressions as imperialism, racism, feudalism, capitalism, and hetero-    with multi-   through which the superordination of men has been established and preserved    (66).  12  11 by the WWI/II patriarchy does not imply that the entire female population was a monolith and did not experience oppression12 in varied configurations as it intersected with issues such as racism, classism or heterosexism. Yet despite the differences in wartime experiences between a bourgeois housewife living in Paris at the time of the Occupation, for example, and a poor farm worker living in the countryside, their struggle exhibited commonalities that cannot and should not be overlooked. Patriarchal wartime discourses addressed women primarily based on their shared gender and the specific roles assigned to it, only secondarily by class. One example is nationalistic discourses advocating a maternal imperative13 women interchangeably, as a shared entity, should not be understood as an attempt to obfuscate individual female experiences or reductively conflate two different political contexts. Instead, it should be noted that a debate about French women, and sexual collaborators in particular, can only be correctly and fully understood through the prism of both armed conflicts. In other words, oppression as evidenced by specific, recurring acts of violence against sentimental collaborators that requires a simultaneous examination of the French patriarchal apparatus during both World                                                       11 uising and mystifying the true nature of areness of intersectionality are no longer mutually exclusive.   12 analysis, the basis for bonding was shared victimization, hence the emphasis on comoverlook the privilege they have vis-à-could abdicate responsibility for their role in the maintenance and perpetuation of sexism, racism and classism, which they did by insisting that only -6).  13 See chapter III. 13  Wars. Although, ideally, an inquiry into the French patriarchy during the two World Wars should be analyzed in the broader context of successive forms of patriarchy throughout French history, such an enormous task transcends my purpose and competency and I am led to concur with order to establish its historicity. Patriarchy has clearly existed in many different manifestations in further contextual clarity with respect to the evolution of patriarchy in the western world (and in France in particular) can be fLe deuxième sexe.  Beauvoir introduces the first volume of her work with an immediate attempt to pinpoint the origin of female subordination and, as such, the exact moment the patriarchy was born. She launches the proposition that the woman has always been described as relative to man, one half of a persistent dichotomy that is far from equal. Because she exists only in reference to the male,  Other by default, woman has always been subaltern to man who has historically created laws to serve his own agenda and subsequently employed power mechanisms of his own making such as religion, philosophy, etc to circulate i-4). According to Beauvoir, the female is further alienated by the and ability to claim herself an individual within her own right14 (70-                                                      14 It is interesting to note (per chapter III) that one of the primary patriarchal gender discourses circulating during both World Wars was a maternal one. It reminded women of their biological duty to both gender and nation under the guise of moralistic patriotism and propaganda aimed at regenerating a dwindling nation. By legislating on -France, the 14  voir claims that biology should -3) and that nature is not the only force able to shape an individual. assujetti à des tabous, à des lois, que le sujet prend conscience de lui-In other words, the female body (which has historically imprisoned women through a succession of imposed maternities), while governed by biological functions, is also inscribed with meaning This claim echoes Michel Foucault in Surveiller et punir ans un champ politique ; les rapports de le corps ne devient fobecomes the cornerstone of an economy of power contingent upon its docility can be extended to women with the proviso that the female body is the (re)productive body. The tension inherent in such a gendered imposition is evidenced by the public WWI debates between Dr. Bonnaire on the front). (Thébaud, Les femmes 393)15.                                                       Vichy reginjunction to reproduce, thus re-emphasizing their alterity vis-à-vis men.  15 For an extended discussion, see chapter III.  15   In chapters 2 and 3 of her first volume, Beauvoir sets out to examine the political meaning attributed to the female body through psychoanalytical and historical-materialism the family with the emergence of private property and the implicit institutionalization of marriage, yet finds this line of reasoning reductive as it defines men and women as mere economic entities entrenched in a perpetual productive-reproductive dynamic (107). However, Beauvoir also concedes that the development of agriculture and the subsequent penchant for property ownership led to an increased emphasis on heritage which further enslaved women (136-one tasks of engendering and looking after the home (Beauvoir, I: 112-5). As the importance of clan increasingly devalued (118-122). Complementary gender codes were established and the Other was once again subsumed under the male force (115). Margaret R. Higonnet and Patrice L.-R.    allows us to see that, although the roles of men and women vary greatly from   culture to culture, their relationship is in some sense constant. If men gather and    women fish, gathering will be thought more important than fishing; in another   society where men fish and women gather, fishing will be more prestigious. The    actual nature of the social activity is not as critical as the cultural perception of    its relative value in a gender-linked structure of subordination (Higonnet 34).  16  valuation are inherent in wartime national discourses on maternity (aimed at women on the homefront) and combative virility (aimed at men on the front lines)16reproductive power by men in every totalitarian system and every socialist revolution, the legal and technical control by men of contraception, fertility, abortion, obstetrics, gynecology, and extrauterine reproductive experimentsall are essential to the patriarchal system, as is the motherhood as pivotal to the success of the patriarchy (Rich 43). le une reconquête  ; il a mis le   British socialist-feminist scholar Sheila Rowbotham, though she acknowledges the problematic gender relations generated by the patriarchy (as opposed to those generated by class is ahistorical and hich allows no space for the complexities of also existing positive aspects of male-jections are noteworthy. From this perspective, attributing the tontes                                                       16 See chapter II.  17   and obfuscates their agency by advancing a black-and-white interpretation of an otherwise complex his loving and needing and solidarising prove there is no general structure of sexual antagonism, only bad times and good preclude identifying instances of female agency, nor does it obviate cases of male-female -to-limitations of theoriethink about sexual divisionwhich cannot be understood simply as a by-product of economic  French women during the two World Wars (e.g. bourgeois housewife vs factory worker vs village farmer), while important, cannot explain the forms of oppression common to all. If one may one begins to understand the Alexander and Taylor in their response to Rowbotham (Alexander and Taylor 57). My own work draws upon these considerations. It is premised upon the notion that patriarchy derives its power from the intersection of several mechanisms progressively built by the patriarchs in an attempt to secure their domination over the female Otherany one locus but is rather dispersed among many, any attempt to successfully destabilize the system would need to systematically target and undermine several focal loci at once. This 18  analysis does not attempt to occult instances where French men supported women, nor does it claim that French wartime women were hopelessly oppressed at all times. On the contrary, it argues that French women did, in fact, express agency in various ways during both wars. Because wartime economy propelled them into the public sphere and due to the mass migration of men to the front, many women succeeded in making executive decisions with respect to their bodies, households, and families. As we shall see in subsequent chapters, it is precisely because they managed to destabilize several mechanisms of power that wartime women generated such incarnation of the three most important loci of French patriarchal power, wartime women and sexual collaborators did inflict significant blows to a system contingent upon their subservience through their massive participation in the workforce17 (ironically advocated by the patriarchy r bodies and with enemy soldiers leading in a rise in illegitimate births, efforts to hinder fighting through movements for pacifism, etc). The very fact that the tontes emerged as a systematic tactic to chastise and relegate all women to their pre-wartime roles through public, gender-specific sexual violence18 is indicative of an imbalance in the status quo that the patriarchy felt an urgent need to correct. And yet such affirmations of female autonomy, albeit their temporary fruition, are not entirely unproblematic.                                                        17 bell hooks would object to the idea that female participation in the workforce or the fact of eschewing maternity as female duty are liberationist acts. She claims that such ideology is espoused by the white middle-class and discounts the validating, safe space many women of color find in motherhood as well as the oppression many poor and working-class women encounter within the workplace (134). 18 See chapter IV. 19  passive victims of patriarchy; they have also colluded in, undermined, and survived patriarchy. But neither have women been free agents; they have always faced ideological, institutional and , per se Beauvoir echoes this concern by reminding the reader that a woman refusing the alterity assigned  la caste supérieure peut leur conférer19-suzerain protégera matériellement la femme- : 23). Adrienne Rich corroborates this notion by showing that motherhood20 as mother to act as a conservative influence, imprinting future adults with patriarchal values even in those early years when the mother-child relationship might seem most individual and private  It is perhaps this very perverse subsuming of female agency under patriarchy that has rendered ight to vote (1944), French women did not experience much legal advancement in the aftermath of the two World Wars. Instead they were re-incorporated into a paternalistic system still governed                                                       19 of the  20 For a discussion on the limited/illusory power of women within a patriarchal system as mothers of citizens, see chapter III. 20  by the Napoleonic Code since 180421. Given the upheaval in gender relations during both conflicts, one may wonder why French women did not manage to permanently reject their dynamics during war and peace may be evoked, the question is far too complex to successfully undertake here. Nonetheless, on a broad level, both Beauvoir and Rich advance some strategies for successful female empowerment. deux facteurs : participation à la production, As chapters II and III show, French wartime women became both productive and reproductive bodies. Any attempts to escape the confines of regulated production (through self-employed prostitution, for example) or reproduction (via abortion, illegitimate maternity, etc) were met with a renewed set of laws and/or national debates geared at re-channeling and re-inscribing the (re)productive female body into a patriarchal economy anchored in female docility22. For Rich, female empowerment must originate from the very core of female oppression and must necessarily address and problematize the female body (and, by extension, female sexuality) as a political platform. In her perspective, t women may undermine the patriarchy by thoroughly reclaiming their bodies/sexuality (Beauvoir would argue, qua their alterity).  In light of the Foucauldian conception of the human form simultaneously subjugated and vested with power, and with the help of the aforementioned theoretical building blocks, the following pages set out to explore how, within the very specific WWI/II French patriarchal state,                                                       21 For a discussion on the Napoleo 22  21   undermined multiple mechanisms of power via the wartime experience of all females and the sexual collaboration of a few. As the temporary shift in gender relations gained momentum, the need for an immediate re-evaluation of extant gender fictions became apparent. Faced with concrete (or merely presumed23) expressions of sexual agency, the patriarchal state responded with the criminalization of divergent sexual practices. In the aftermath of both wars, deportation to internment camps and public head shavings arose as repressive tools that re-objectified the emerging female subject through the systematic punishment of her unrestrained sexuality24.  The task I have undertaken is certainly not entirely novel and I am indebted to many scholars for socio-historical work that has paved the way to my own. Nonetheless, while building my corpus (highlighted in the section below), I have noticed a few problematic tendencies. Firstly, though I war(s) as well as several essays and books analyzing sentimental collaboration and head shavings in the context of each war, there seems to be a dearth of scholarship focused on simultaneous exploration of both armed conflicts and of the ideological continuity evidenced by the recurrent gendered oppression of women via their sexuality. One explanation is that, as discussed in chapter IV, head shavings were few and far between during the First World War and did not have the same political dimensions or geographical reach as those in the aftermath of World War Two. While ample documentation exists detailing the WWII tontes in France (legal documents, photographs and video footage, testimonies, etc.), relatively few documents have                                                       23 For the illusory distinction between concrete and presumed transgressions with respect to sexual collaboration, see chapter I.   24 Consult chapter IV for an analysis of the specific stages of the tonte as a ceremonial purification/reintegration rite [1. the objectification of the female body (stripping of clothing, marking, parading), 2. the de-sexualization of the body (shaving of the hair), and 3. the temporary exile of the newly-purified body for the purpose of its reintegration into society]. 22  survived on the treatment of female sexual collaborators during WWI, and only anecdotal evidence is available regarding tontes occurring in the north of France. While this is true, to overlook or underestimate the commonalities in the treatment of sexual collaborators between the two wars is to erroneously treat the oppression of women during each war as a separate event. Secondly, with a handful of exceptions, most scholars choose to focus on historical documents, testimonies, biographies, photographs and other forms of media at the detriment of fictional works produced during and after the wars (unless these works served a propagandist wartime agenda). The latent assumption is that fictional literature has little or nothing to bring to the table or, worse, that it is mere fabrication unworthy of trust. This collective reader skepticism is one Albert Camus identifies in  : n a toujours Les tondues : Un carnaval moche, Alain Brossat challenges such literary mistrust by positing the fictional novel as the core of collective memory provende du romancier ; de la sorte, la littérature est devenue, bien davantage que les très nombreux ouvrages consacrés à la Libération par les historiens, le lieu de mémoire par Like Julie al novel   Literary corpus The following pages rely heavily on the perspectives of experts, many of whom, in turn, 23  who have written on the topic of sexual collaboration in France concede that multiple influences coalesced to create a propitious environment for complex forms of violence such as the tontes to La France virileDes femmes tondues à la Libration remains the primary point of reference for an exhaustive study of shorn women during World War II. His later publication, Natre ennemi: Les enfants de couples franco-allemands ns pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, is an organic sequel of sorts that expands on the idea of sexual collaboration and further introduces the topic of illegitimate children conceived between foreign women and Nazi soldiers as well as German women and foreign soldiers. Six additional political climate and the way in which numerous discourses on gender came together to reclaim Behind the Lines: Gender and the Two World Wars -similar wartime experiences in England, France, Germany, IWomen and the Second World War in France 1939-1948 France 1944-1968 We Will Wait: Wives of French Prisoners of War, 1940-1945, examines the struggles and experiences of French POW wives who constituted a significant fraction of the female population. Susan Women's Identities at War: Gender, Motherhood, and Politics in Britain and France during the First World War Les femmes au temps de la guerre de 14 and a welcome contribution to a plethora of scholarship focused uniquely on the Second World 24  War. For a more masculinist historical approach, one may consult La France à -1944 for its chapter on the Franco-German relationships during the La captivité: Histoire des prisonniers de guerre français, 1939-1945 for its attempt to tactfully handle the topic of male sexual transgressions.  during the two World Wars, that of sexuality and bodily transgression, with the underlying inescapable public form. Because it is at once so inalienably private and so ineluctably public, it has also formed, in most western cultures, the most basic political resource. It has been used as body in French society became heightened during both World Wars and female sexuality quickly emerged as a set of practices and mentalities that the nation needed to manage more effectively. On the topic of war and sexuality, two particular works have helped lay the groundwork for further research on my part. Jean-Yves Le NaouMisères et tourments de la chair durant la -1918 provides an in-depth analysis of all sexual rhetoric in France during the First World War. For a similar analysis of French WWII sexuality, Patrick Bu-volume work 1940-1945: Années érotiques explores wartime sexual anxiety, gender discourses and various sexual practices categorized by the government as illicit, such as homosexuality, adultery and prostitution. In addition to the crucial scholarship of Le Naour and Buisson, the collection of essays entitled Amours, guerre et sexualité: 1914-1945 edited by François Rouquet et al. brims with relevant material on wartime body politics.  25  Although all the aforementioned critical works provide a much-needed contextualization of isolated gender discourses in effect during WWI/II, many of them approach the deportation and head shaving of horizontal collaborators as specific historical occurrences that speak more about French wartime society than about the pre-existing gender mentalities that continue to shape our contemporary consciousness. In opting for a historical approach, most of these works privilege witness accounts, memoirs, biographies and other authentic documents at the expense of useful fictional representations written both during and after the two wars. As Alain Brossat has intimated, fictionalso driven by a desire to draw meaning from symbolic acts affords a more accessible space where collective memory may be preserved. Albeit fictional, the novel draws upon real events, images and emotions deeply ingrained in the collective consciousness. As literature cannot exist in a vacuum, so the novel mirrors society. One might argue that fiction often uncovers truths that non-fictional works, preoccupied with the burden of proof, fail to recognize. In the specific case of French fiction that addresses WWI and WWII, these works provide a privileged meeting place for war- and peacetime gender discourses, unmasking the gender fictions inherent in French society. My corpus of fictional works includes seven novels and two screenplays. The most recent of these works was published in 2008, six others were published in the 20th century, two were written clandestinely during World War II and one of them was published in the period between the two wars. While these works may display stylistic and ideological differences, they all participate, consciously or not, in the extant reconstruction of collective memory. By privileging certain discourses over others, each of these authors has (re)claimed and (re)written a piece of history thus bringing us closer to understanding the deep scars the two World Wars have left on the French subconscious.  26  For perspectives on life under German occupation, I have chosen Invasion 14, Suite française and Le silence de la merInvasion 14, published in 1935 by a French Flemish writer, evokes the daily struggles of the people in the northern town of Roubaix during the German invasion of France and Belgium portrayal of wartime society in all Suite française, written between 1940 and 1941 by a Jewish bourgeois woman of Ukrainian origins. The latter is comprised of two novellas in a projected five-part series that remained unfinished after the author was deported to Auschwitz where she died shortly thereafter. While both Invasion 14 and Suite française depict strikingly-similar realities under the German occupation, notably, the struggle to reconcile patriotic duty with basic instincts of survival, Némirovsky and Van Der Meersch differ in their treatment of female characters and, in particular, in their interpretation of sentimental collaborators. Van Der Meersch writes with paternalistic undertones and his female characters are almost always presented as victims of their choices who eventually regret having transgressed their assigned roles. As a woman writer, Némirovsky seems more preoccupied with into the patriarchal system. In stark contrast with these two novels illustrating a French society Le silence de la mer inscribes itself into the pro-Resistance intellectual propaganda movement. Published clandestinely in 1942 under the pseudonym Vercors, the allegorirésistante rejecting the Occupation by treating the German officer stationed in her home with complete reservation. Her refusal to speak to the officer is an injunction to the entire French nation to reverse the power dynamic by avoiding any type of fraternization with the enemy.   27  Although the tondue is either a mere fleeting image or entirely absent from these useful in understanding the context of the tontes as a gendered punishment. Extracts from one additLa souris verte (1990), have been equally incorporated for their occasional pertinence to the topic. This short novel is a particularly valuable source as it depicts an interesting inversion of circumstances whereby the male narrator becomes a sentimental collaborator (without the societal stigma) through his relationship with a member of the German female auxiliary services during WWII. On the topic of the tontes, I have selected lain ResHiroshima mon amour Des jours et des nuits à Chartres (Swedish original published in 2008, French translation in 2011), La tondue  La tondue: Un amour de jeunesse franco-allemand (2010). It is interesting to note that, aside tondue of Nevers directly describes her provide an exterior, third-person view of the victimized woman. In Les tondues: Un carnaval moche, Alain Brossat finds this issue perplexing:  Il faudrait au fond se demander pourquoi, dans la quasi-totalité des nombreux romans qui font apparaître le personnage de la tondue, elle se présente comme un élément de décor et non comme un véritable protagoniste ; pourquoi elle est toujours saisie par le regard extérieur que révolte le spectacle dont elle est la  (47). One proposed answer furthers the central argument of the following pages. If women are largely 28  absent from these narratives as acting, feeling, speaking subjects, it is because, in the aftermath of their wartime transgressions, they were forcefully reintegrated into society as objects. While their sexual escapades may have endowed them with a temporary sense of autonomy, their eventual chastisement was aimed at stripping them of this newfound freedom. Without going into further detail, it suffices to say that both in time of war and peace, when women bodies nce them.                           29  CHAPTER I THE POLITICS OF DESIRE: FEMALE SEXUALITY AND SOCIOECONOMIC EMANCIPATION    In , Fabrice Virgili estimates that around 20,000 women of all ages and professions were shorn in France between 1943 and 1946 enemy  adherence to collaborationist organizations often coupled with pro-Nazi views and negative attitudes towards the Resistance or its Allies, monetary gains as a result of economic relations with the Occupier, denunciations of fellow Frenchmen to the German authorities or sexual relations with German soldiers a significant number of shorn women were punished solely based on their personal relations with the enemy. Out of a sample of 586 shorn persons across 60 French departments whose cases have been most well-documented, Virgili found that 42.1% had their heads shaved due to such relations (23). It is important to note that while women were not the only victims of post-Liberation tontes, they were the only ones accused with respect to their sexuality (29, 83). In the rare cases where men had their heads shaved, the punishment targeted a wide range of political crimes but never their sexuality in particular. One instance of systematic male tontes can be found in the 1940 campaigns against the zazous: youngsters (male and female) with a passion for swing and jazz, easily identifiable by their long hair, English or American-inspired wardrobe and nonchalant attitudes with respect to the war. For men, the long hair was presumptively associated with homosexuality and lack of virility. Male zazous incarnated the antithesis of the virile soldier through their assimilation to women thereby insinuating a direct contribution to the disintegration of the social body and the perpetuation of an effeminate and sterile nation. The punishment consisted of public humiliation via tontes for 30  the men and fessées (spankings) for the women in addition to forced labor and the occasional deprivation of various civic duties (Buisson, Années érotiques I: 219-220).25 According to Virgili, French men were shorn with certainty in at least 7 departments but for reasons 26 and, as a result, no measures were taken at the Liberation to punish the illicit relationships between French men and German women forged during the war (Diamond 138-139)27. This discrepancy is indicative of an intrinsic national preoccupation with female sexuality during the war, an assessment that has led scholars such as Dominique François, Jean-Yves Le Naour and Hanna Diamond, to name just a few, to favor an understanding of the tontes as a gendered form of punishment. In Femmes tondues: La diabolisation de la femme en 1944, les bûchers de la Libération, François claims while in her book, Women and the Second World War in France, 1939-48purges punished suspected collaborators of both sexes, they were also used as a way for men to express disapproval of w-                                                       25 For more information, see also p.240-242 in Capdevila, Luc. Hommes et femmes dans la France en guerre (1914-1945). Paris : Payot & Rivages, 2003. Print.   26 Because the patriarchal mechanisms of power reinforced male heterosexuality as the norm during both wars, homosexual men were sometimes marginalized with respect to their sexuality via the association of homosexuality with femininity and its various negative attributes: passivity, weakness, immorality, irresponsibility, selfishness. The sterile nature of such relationships in a time of acute preoccupation with reproduction further led to the vilification of homosexuals as hedonistic individuals preoccupied with their own pleasure rather than with the wellbeing of the nation as a whole. For more information on the issue of wartime homosexuality, please refer to p.124-131 of Amours, guerres et sexualité:1914-1945. Paris: Gallimard, 2007. Print.   27 Whereas the Nazi state attempted to carefully regulate interactions between French POWs and German women sexual transgressions (Buisson I: 305-308, 310-313; Virgili, Naître ennemi 81-84). This exceptional tolerance was anchored in a double standard of morality, to be further explored in chapter II.   31  War II as type of crime against the State reveals the tontes that occurred at the Liberation to be incarnations of a patriarchal fear surrounding female sexuality. The accusations of immorality often found in testimonies against shorn women serve to support the charge of political collaboration by emphasizing sexuality as a gateway to other types of crime, thus obscuring the frontier between the private and the public. Luc Capdevila calls attention to the presumed link between sexual promiscuity and political denunciation commonly used to attribute political meaning to sexual acts between French women and German soldiers. In addition to the belief Implicit in this idea is the assumption that sexual intimacy created a propitious environment for spying and extracting political information. As such, French women political traitors. While a sexual act (proven or presumed) with the enemy was most often insufficient in itself to deem a French woman worthy of legal punishment (Virgili, La France  36), it undoubtedly contributed to a methodic fabrication of guilt anchored in deceptive rhetoric. The association of female sexuality with nationalism was the political dimension required to give legal bearing to an otherwise elusive offense and to ensure proper punishment ed their pre-established roles as French daughters, wives and mothers. By manipulating pre-existing discourses on female decorum and morality to include fallacies such as the idea of sexual promiscuity as a precursor to political collaboration28 (denunciation, economic collaboration, etc.), the patriarchal mechanisms of                                                       28 For an excellent analysis of discourses on female sexuality and morality inherent in Revolutionary political Visualizing the Nation: Gender, Representation, and Revolution in 32  power operative in French society succeeded in reclaiming and reinforcing authority over women by drawing renewed attention to the female body as an ideological battleground. A French woman offering her body to the enemy was a woman capable of denunciation, abortion29, mercantile relations, each of these deviations incarnating a profound lack of patriotism, even treason (76).  As Capdevila shows, the process of interrogating potential female collaborators at the Liberation often crossed into voyeurism as the officers stripped women of their intimacy by asking them to describe their sexual encounters in great detail. This phenomenon shows that if female intimacy was brought to the forefront, it was never as a means to alleviate charges of political involvement but rather as a manipulative technique to further inculpate women by drawing a direct correlation between their sexual practices and the integrity of the French nation as a whole. The generalized effort to politicize the female body, to be further analyzed in chapter women.   The connection between sexuality and politics, and by extension the notion of the female body as a public space, not only predates the two World Wars but embodies an ideological undercurrent operative in the Western World since Antiquity30. One can argue that the continued                                                       Eighteenth-century France in which she opposes two types of gendered imagery: the female allegory and the grotesque. She posits persistent theme in republicanism. Such depictions disclosed at the level of the body the very disorder and intrigue that sexually avaricious and politically ambiguou 29 The Vichy regime redefined abortion as a crime against the safety of the state, punishable by death. In 1943, the State guillotined Marie-Louise Giraud, a woman providing abortion services.   30 One example lies in the Roman practice of tutela mulierum perpetua. Suzanne Dixon indicates that all Roman tutores) to safeguard their estate until puberty in the case of boys, who then took full control of their holdings. Girls, however, passed from one kind of tutor tutela mulierum perpetua was instituted to safeguard family property, not people, and that adult women were subject to it because, unlike their brothers, they were likely to transfer their birth-right to a different family unit. Exogamous marriage, whereby women transfer themselves and their reproductive rights away from the family of their birth, is essential to the workings of patrilineal cultures (in which property, names and family membership pass through the male or agnatic line) but it often results in this kind of institutional suspicion of women, who constitute a 33  preoccupation with deviant female sexuality is indicative not only of immediate ideological wartime concerns but of an overarching patriarchal economy that systematically attempts to imperative, all use of thshould be understood here as mentalities and behaviors deemed outside of the norm due to their potential to undermine and ultimately endanger the patriarchal mechanisms that rely upon their regulation. This chapter aims to examine sexuality as an instrument of female agency and/or dissention. My premise here is, by no means, that all French women who had sexual relations with the enemy during the two World Wars did so to empower themselves either concretely, by temporarily improving their socioeconomic status for example, or ideologically, by crushing the oppressive gender roles governing their lives. In examining the various testimonies and personal accounts of women accused of sentimental collaboration, one finds a multitude of reasons ranging from economic need to naiveté to insouciance to rebellion and even rape31, yet one result common to all. Whatever the reasons for fraternizing with the enemy, female collaborators were almost always suspected of having desired these relationships and derived pleasure from them. As we shall see later in this chapter, autonomous female desire  self-defined and pursued                                                       The tutela practi-born women with three children or freed slave-women with four from tutelaDixon, Suzanne. Reading Roman Women. Sources, Genres and Real Life. London: Duckworth, 2001. Print. For a broader, theoretical analysis of sexual politics within the family as well as in various other social arenas, see Millett, Kate. Sexual Politics. New York: Ballantine Books, 1980. Print.  31 In Naître ennemi, Fabrice Virgili argues that rape, a coerced sexual act by definition, did not spare women from criticism as victims were either presumed to have consented and enjoyed it or were accused of being complacent participants by having opted for enemy defilement over martyrdom. femme face à son agresseur était de se faire tuer. échapper à la mort (240). The skepticism surrounding female victims of sexual violence acquired additional weight during WWII when the Office national des pupilles de la nation refused to offer any special assistance or reparations érerait bien difficile et bon nombre de mères coupables ne manqueraient pas de réclamer le bénéfice de ces dispositions particulières  (240).  34  independently of conventional social norms , whether real or imaginary, and the ensuing potential for pleasure were classified as taboo owing to the perceived danger they presented to a patriarchal economy whose success was contingent upon aligning female desires with male potential for empowerment through their sexuality that lay at the root of the patriarchal anxiety surrounding the female body. Additionally, in some cases,  brought about a concrete, albeit temporary, switch in social or socioeconomic status as some women acquired financial support, higher paying jobs and/or access to the public sphere through the influence of their partners. These byproducts of transgressive female sexuality also posed a threat to the patriarchal economy because they showed that evbreak the ideological fetters subjugating them should the patriarchy fail to intervene, repress such behaviors and re-inscribe them into the norm. All things considered, while it would be erroneous to assume that all women who resorted to fraternizing with the Occupier did so as a means to seek pleasure or derive benefits, it is not an exaggeration to claim that many, if not most, were presumed to have done so.  The issue of female desire momentarily aside, let us examine more closely some of the driving forces behind the sentimental collaboration phenomenon during the two World Wars. Having been left alone to shoulder the responsibility of caring for their families as well as keeping the national economy afloat, most women found themselves overwhelmed both financially and emotionally. In light of financial constraints, many of them were impelled to work for the Germans so they could make ends meet. In the second volume of his work, 1940-1945 Années érotiques: Vichy ou les infortunes de la vertu, Patrick Buisson states that, starting with 1941, women of all backgrounds coveted positions in German military and administrative 35  bases because salaries were three to four times higher than those provided by French employers (II: 75). Virgili found that most of the women shorn after World War II held positions in one of the following prominent areas: the health industry (nurses or health aides), the administrative or intellectual division (secretaries, interpreters, teachers), the commercial sector (small business owners, servers, hotel employees, escorts) or the service sector (housemaids, laundry maids). Not only were these jobs better paid but they also provided the protection of the occupying authorities, a definite bonus in a time of intense deprivation and uncertainty (227-229). On a basic level, the wartime economy was one based on exchange. Women often found themselves trading their only available resourcestheir bodiesfor the basic prerequisites of survival, such as food and fuel. This survival-driven quid pro quo is evoked with such overwhelming frequency in testimonies and accounts of both World Wars that it has become permanently etched into the French collective consciousness whence it has inspired fictional literature from the beginning of the 20th century onward. In Invasion 14, a novel set in trouvait des gamines pour rien, une bouchée de pain littéralement, une assiette de viande froide  Patrick Buisson finds time need to barter for goods as well as the steady demand for sexual gratification (I: 294).  As further argued in Chapter II and III, wives of prisoners of war were more heavily criticized not only for having compromised the family unit but for having also endangered the wellbeing of the nation by undermining the morale of its soldiers. Beginning with the First en août 1914, la censure gouvernementale avait interdit à la presse de traiter de quelque façon que fût le sujet des relations adultérines des femmes de prisonniers, ainsi que tous 36  I: 326). If this subset of women was judged more harshly, it was for having committed a double transgression: against the patriarchs immediately in charge of them and against the symbol of the patriarchal system as a whole. The government eagerly exercised its role as a female guardian substitute in the absence of its male citizens by erecting entire systems of surveillance, repression and regulation of illicit sexual behaviors. In addition to the double charge of patriarchal betrayal, adulterous bourgeois POW wives sometimes incurred supplementary criticism for having transgressed both gender and class norms by failing to observe proper decorum. They were often accused of not even having the excuse of poverty to justify their collaboration (Le Naour, In Suite française, a fictional account of the Occupation, Irène Némirovsky explores this additional burden placed on married women through the character of Lucile Angellier, a young bourgeois woman whose husband has been taken prisoner in Germany during World War II. Forced by the Nazi authorities to house a German officer in her home, Lucile is subject to constant criticism from her mother-in-law and the community at large for not observing the proper codes of conduct befitting a woman of her status and class. Mme Angellier the overbearing mother temporarily assuming the role of the absent patriarch32 reprimands her for acting civil towards the German officer in her home by invoking her duty to Comment avez-vous pu, ici, dans sa maison, sous ses fenêtres, lui absent, prisonnier, peut-être malade, maltraité par ces brutes, comment avez-vous pu sourire à un Allemand, parler familièrement à un Allemand  284). husbands, and by extension the country they were fighting for, complete devotion which                                                       32 For a discussion on wartime mechanisms of surveillance and a more in-depth analysis of the paradox of women acting as instruments of female oppression, please consult chapter II.  37  precluded any type of interaction with the enemy beyond that which was required by the occupying authorities. A lingering gaze or a misdirected smile immediately brought to the additional sexual taboos and restrictions placed on bourgeois women only made matters worse.  While a distinction was thus often made between sexually-collaborating women with respect to their socioeconomic status, only a slight distinction was made between women who had to sleep with Germans and women who wanted to. This is not to say that economic constraints were not a justifiable excuse for having collaborated with the enemy (most of France had succumbed to a collaborationist complacency during WWII) but that they did not present a y shorn women who attempted to exploit this distinction in their defense were often met either with general disregard or, worse, visceral attacks on their worth. One set of implications was that women who had succumbed to the need for financial or emotional support from men other than their compatriots, were simply too weak, too ignorant or too stupid to find the resources necessary to get by.  In We Will Wait: Wives of French Prisoners of War, 1940-1945, Sarah Fishman points to a disapproval among POW wivesaw themselves as only human and blamed the unfaithfulness of some wives on their misery,  due to -3).   Upon closer examination, this systematic attack on women appears to be little more than a patriarchal backlash to the fact that female sexual negotiation, even when motivated by a 38  position as decision-making, negotiating heads-of-the-familyone that had subsequently interfered with the pre-established patriarchal economy by granting them access to social argument that women could not operate outside of the confines of male authority, thus furthering the interests of the patriarsexual experiences.  sexual escapades, they were nevertheless often evoked in eyewitness testimonies as a means of affirming guilt. During both wars, France was plagued by a severe obsession with collective responsibility. One of the common reproaches made to women who pursued sexual pleasure during the war was the fact of having violated their duty to suffer alongside a grieving nation. In those harsh times, suffering was a mark of solidarity for those with the misfortune of having lost a spouse, a brother or a son, providing the cohesion essential to the survival of the nation. In Invasion 14, Flavie, one of the few female characters to categorically refuse any type of wartime collaboration, deplores the injustice dealt to the community by female collaborators who won privileges through their sexual acts:  les le paieront, celles qui ont fait les  ; elles restent avec (Van Der Meersch 505).  39  This bitter resentment marginalized many women by instilling in them additional guilt and shame and ultimately fueled shocking displays of violence against women collaborators at the alone with her young son, her sister- and mother-in-law when her husband is called to the front. She eventually begins a liaison with Paul, the young German blacksmith lodged in her home, as he progressively affirms himself as the pseudo-paternal presence by providing assistance with household chores and becoming a father figure for little Pierre. Soon enough, Fannie begins to avoid her family and neighbors. s malheureuse que les autres. Car Paul apportait beaucoup de accentuates. After the departure of her lover for the front, she is forced to face her neighbors by waiting in line for provisions and receives a violent retribution. In addition to an abundance of vitriolic attacks on her morality, Fannie is physically abused as the crowd chases her back to her home pelting her with vengeance for the seemingly-underserved economic privileges Fannie gained through her relationship with her lover.   Women like Fannie who practiced sex as a means to temporarily-avoid or forget the time when, at worst, people were risking their lives and, at best, experiencing privation, whether it was derived 40  from physical or psychological support from the enemy was even more inexcusable for POW wives whose husbands were actively sacrificing their freedom, and perhaps their very lives, for the wellbeing of the entire country. Fannie is perceived not only as a harlot but also as a political -in-law assumes the voice of the betrayed males and that of the nation when she lambasts her:    Ce sont des gens comme toi, qui nous ont trahis, vendus! Des Judas, des renégats   ! Espionne (Van Der Meersch 290).  The focus on the physicality of the wartime experience (the cold, the hunger and the misery of deprived bodies) is re-warmth, the copious food, the well-being of depraved bodies). Céleste Bergancea fictional -250) in the arms of her German lover, a fulfillment she had not found in her marriage, is also repaid in full at the Liberation. Paraded in the street with her half-German baby in her arms, insulted and abused, she is treated like a vile and debased body. de la chair à bas prix, de la vulgaire viande à soldat- (254). aws a correlation between two rudimentary physical aspects of the human existence (eating and sexual intercourse), both of which were scarce during the war. The inverse use of the terms provide a 41  play on words: chair à bas prix/viande à soldat/Wartime literature and testimonies dealing with sexual collaborators often reveal an analogous connection assimilating the satisfaction drawn from the incarnates this preoccupation with physical pleasure derived from relations with the enemy by wA link was As such, sexual collaborators often figure in the national imaginary as debauched women who combined culinary and physical orgies in the presence of German males and who thereby savored a double jouissance while their compatriots suffered in silence.   The only female crime more serious than having experienced pleasure in a time of deprivation was having done so overtly. The community was fraught with resentment towards uninhibited women for having flaunted their wellbeing (or at the very least, not having bothered to hide it). This is the case of Céleste for whom  drôlerie et de sensualité. Tout en restant discrète, elle ne chercha pas à dissimuler enceinte, elle porta sa grossesse avec   42  While Céleste had an illegitimate child to serve as proof of her culpability, many sexual -German children, and some who were actually innocent, were shorn based on anecdotal evidence in the form of testimonies given by spiteful neighbors or bitter family members (Virgili,  195-200). This phenomenon has led scholars such as Virgili to labesuch allegations. Having been seen in the proximity of a German soldier implied having sexual relations with him or, at the very least, having wanted to33. In his novel La tondue, Guy Croussy tells the story of such a victim. Marie Prudente, widow of a man killed on the front during Prudente (married name) and Dommage (maiden name). Mariesince the text maintains that she has been shorn by error on account of an imprudent act of kindness, in her capacity as a nurse, towards a German sentry injured in an explosion (66). While the mayor of the village (who has a personal interest in her affections) and the family fight to rehabilitate her image amidst the community, she is never forgiven until she exiles herself, leaving behind her young son and her father who both suffer the effects of her alleged crime by being ostracized from the village. Her morality34 is constantly brought into question by all the -                                                      33 true character and their perceived character and his insistence upon the importance of public opinion. One may call this the être/paraître dichotomy. -même et peut braver le jugement public, mais la femme en bien  (Émile 702-3).   34 For a more in-discredit women, see chapters III and IV.  43  transgressive behaviors. In an anonymous letter addressed to the city hall after her head shaving, Elle est coupable de son attitude distante et étrange. We find here a reiteration of the reproach made against women for choosing individuality over community and for acting independently of their guardians.  The fact that women would be physically punished during both wars for presumed crimes with little to no regard for factual evidencein some cases, young women were shorn despite having produced certificates of virginity to prove their innocenceis vastly significant. Intention became tantamount to the act itself because the sexual act itself was not entirely at issue. Rather, the audacious mentality of female agency whereby these women came to define themselves as subjects, independently choosing their personal interests over the public good, was being brought to judgment. Sarah Fishman shows that two images of the woman dominated public consciousness during the Second World War, a dichotomy that was equally apparent in the mentalities of the First World War: A woman could either be entirely good, pure, chastea saint or entirely evil, vicious, unchastedaughters, faithful wives, and mothers were saints. One false move, one lapse and a woman inevitably became a whore, with no possibility of returning to respectability. Women were protected from temptation by a weaker sex drive that derived primarily from desire to please their husbands and to bear children (130). It is essential to point out here the conception of female desire as something that can and should concept of female duty in the patriarchal economy of power. 44  dialogue with respect to her emerging affection for the German officer in her home depicts the internal struggle of a woman torn between her own needs and desires and those projected onto her by the community:        ? Eh bien, oui le prisonnier, le mari, je ne         quoi, tout ça ? Il est soldat, il est marié, il partira ; ça te mènera à quoi ? Eh bien,    plaisir ? Sais-(Némirovsky 347) a husband she knew to be disloyal and whom she did not love) and passion (affection for the citly, any personal desire) and replacing it with a sense of duty. The husband is presented as the suffering prisoner doubly-marital indiscretions before leaving for the front, his own failures to help ameliorate a dysfunctional marriage) are downplayed, erased by the redemptive nature of his wartime sacrifice. When the other voice interjects  and threatens the argument on duty, the voice of reason shifts its tactic by invoking the precarious status of a woman who gives up her husband for a lover 45  Il est soldat, il est marié, il partira ; ça te mènera à quoi Once the loyalty imperative has failed,  extension, it is wiser to cherish the steady support of an absent husband than the volatile affection of a fleeting lover. The inner dialogue ends with a reflection on the potential for pleasure inherent in the latter : n instant de bonheur? même pas de bonheur, de plaisir ? Sais-tu   As a victim of an arranged, loveless bourgeois marriage, Lucile has never known happiness and pleasure in the company of her husband. Doubly-oppressed by discourses on class rébellioncontre son mari, sa belle-As a French citizen in a time of war, she is denied the freedom of individuality under the guise of nationalism and the     ; moi, je ferai ce que je voudrai. Je veux être libre.    Je demande moins la liberté extérieure, celle de voyager, de quitter cette maison   : il faut vivre, penser, aimer avec les auJe suis une pauvre femme inutile ; je ne sais rien mais je veux être libre ! (346)  As a bourgeois woman, she is denied quotidian freedoms such as personal space and autonomy under the directive of female propriety:  46  Une chambre, une maison à moi seule, pensait Lucile, une chambre parfaite,  ! Jeanne viendrait me demander si je suis malade ; elle préviendrait ma belle-mère qui ferait éteindre les lampes et ouvrirait  : cela monde le saurait. On dirait  Lucile Angellier est devenue folle. pour enfermer une femme dans un pays comme le nôtre (348).   Her desire to be freed of all constraints so that she may pursue pleasure on her own terms is automatically translated into mental illness, an expedient and clever means to suppress even further assert their dependence and confess their dreams of sovereignty as mere delusions. The sexually-charged reThough the relationship does stall at the courting stage limited to flirting, talks, , the text depicts both partners as lovers succumbing to a desire to forget the world and take refuge in their mutual pleasure. For Lucile, this newfound sexuality stems from a desire for freedom and holds the promise of empowerment. Her tryst with Bruno von Falk serves as a mirror that reflects her own acute sense of unfulfillment and forces her to reflect upon her place in society as a French married bourgeois woman. This brief encounter veux être libre. Je demande moins la liberté extérieure, celle de voyager, de quitter cette maison (quoique ce serait un bonheur inimaginable ir ma 47  Unfortunately, like many other women, she eventually succumbs to the wartime gender fictions aimed at re-inscribing her sexuality into the traditional social order.  The same problematic of pleasure and desire in the context of female empowerment, with sexual collaborators: Lucile Angelliefemme qui faisait, chuchotait-Overcome by patriotism and bourgeois proprietyand forgetting the feelings she herself has for the officer lodging in her home-(302). What follows is an incisive denunciation of wartime society: moi ; de nous ; ils nous bombardent et nous font souffrir, et nous tuent pis que des vraiment marcher pour les autres, on serait pire que des bêtes. Dans le pays, on dit que je suis une chienne. Non mordent si on leur ordonne de mordre (303).  Through her reply, the seamstress indicts not only gender discourses but also those concerning class and politics: she consciously differentiates herself from a society that excludes her, reclaiming her individuality through the autonomous use of her body. In reversing the meaning -definition of herselfnot as a collaborating whore but as an honest, peace-seeking citizen, who sees beyond the knee-jerk patriotic imperative to resent the enemy. Acutely aware of her inferior social standing, the woman contrasts her situation with that 48  BieThe seamstress cites pleasure as a distinguishing factor between the classes. While the upper classes indulge in pleasures conferred by money and education, only those of a physical or sentimental nature remain for the poor. The seamstress, like many lower-class women, is doubly-disenfranchised during the war as she is denied the pleasures available to her based both on her class and her gender. Lucile, a prisoner of her own class, immediately seizes upon this irony: interrompit Lucile avec une amertume involontaire, se demandant ce que la couturière pouvait imaginer de plaisant dans une existence comme celle des Angellier: sans doute visiter ses Despite their socioeconomic differences, both Lucile and her seamstress are bound by fabricated gender discourses aimed at defining acceptable female sexuality for the purpose of furthering an economy contingent upon their subservience.   If we may momentarily return to Ludiscordant types of discourses: the patriarchal discourse that advocates female subservience through the repression of female expressions of autonomy and the feminine discourse that posits female empowerment as a product of self-patriarchy and loyalty to the self respectively, are a semantic indicative of a patriarchal imperative to contrast its own interests to those of the autonomous female subject 49  imperative, Western patriarchal society has conditioned women since birth to depend upon men  by observing certain codes of conduct fashioned to further the interests of the patriarchs at all times. In book V of Émile ; éducation ; morale ; botanique, Jean-Jacques Rousseau paints a portrait of Sophie, the ideal 18th-century woman for his model citizen, Émile. . He advances docility as a prerequisite for permis de se mettre au d For the French patriarchal state of the 18th (and 20th century), unmarried women must operate under the authority of their fathers, married women under that of their husbands and widowed or divorced mothers under that of their sons.  In France, the Napoleonic Civil Code reinforced the legal inferiority of women from its inception in 1804 to 1965 when a few reforms were made. It was anchored in the concept of paternal power and placed women on the same legal platform as children and mentally-disabled adults. According to the Code, French women had no right to manage private or joint property (until 1965), to pursue a higher education degree (French universities opened their doors to women in 1919 but permission from a guardian was required before enrolling in classes until 1938) or to exercise a profession without authorization from their fathers or husbands (until 1965). The periodic changes to the Code can be seen as a reflection of the political climate over the years, allocatiof the latter. Prompted by an urgent postwar need to repopulate a dwindling nation, this law criminalized abortions as well as the distribution of contraceptives and took a draconian turn in 50  measure that was re-implemented and passed into law on February 18th (6). This measure arose out of an immediate wartime need for female employment and was in no way suggestive of a sudden preoccupation with the condition of women. While many laws were dissolved or fell obsolete after the armed combat ceased, two particular laws conducive to mancipation survived the two World Wars: the law of 1917 giving women legal guardianship over their children and the law of 1944 allowing women to vote (24 years after their American counterparts, nonetheless, and 16 years after their British ones).35 Any deviance from the norm automatically relegated women to the margins and lead to their vilification as selfish harlots whose immorality contributed to the disintegration of the nation.   This tactic is further evidenced by the paradox of the prostitute and the inconsistent As mentioned in the introduction, the tontes find precedent in biblical accounts of head shaving purification rituals for adulterous women. At the center of such religious punishment was the sin of seduction or, in other words, prostitute. The fact that shorn women would thereby be treated as prostitutes and the fact that prostitutes (women who exchanged sexual favors for money) were sometimes shorn are                                                       35 An 1808 version of the Code Napoléon can be found here: http://hdl.handle.net/2027/njp.32101073435495. For additional details on Civil Code changes and the broader issue of consult Duchen, Claire. Women's Rights and Women's Lives in France, 1944-1968. London: Routledge, 1994. Print. For Vichy legislation pertaining to female employment in particular, see constitutional acts #30, 67, 73 and 81 in Rémy, Dominique. État fran. Paris: Romillat, 1992. Print.   51  interrelated phenomena that stem from the very same moral judgments made by the patriarchy in order to chastise female deviation from the norm. During World War I, matters became rather complex with respect to the treatment of sexual collaborators, whether prostitutes by trade or simply because of control of the State, the épuration36 undertook a triage of the population with the scope of as well as the ideological bias inherent in often proved detrimental for women denounced by community members for their sexual misconduct with the enemy:  Un officier trieur présent dans chaque division et relevant du service de renseignement du deuxième bureau est spécialement chargé de cette opération délicate : dépêché aussitôt dans les localités libérées encore habitées, il procède deuxième bureau grâce aux dénonciations des rapatriés. Mais comme ces listes ne  Acting out of an alleged concern for the well-being of the French army and the nation as a défense nationale (pThe primary factor in establishing female                                                       36 Term used for the nation-wide purification/cleansing of collaborators after both wars.     52   three categories of women: mothers of half-German children, women presumed to have had relations with the enemy (including prostitutes) and women who either displayed signs of venereal diseases or who missed the routine medical visits required by the State. Women belonging to investigation (155). While some women were liberated shortly after their imprisonment, others spent months in such camps awaiting a legal decision. From this perspective, any occasional head shavings as precursors to internment in triage camps after WWI could be seen as prophylactic treatments aimed at purifying the mind and bodies of all females soiled by the touch of the Germans and/or additional attempts to humiliate and dehumanize these women.   While the same prophylactic concern is evoked by some scholars with respect to World War II tontes 142) which indicates that the health concern alone does not suffice to justify the violence against horizontal collaborators after WWII. The insistence on this dichotomy can be justified, in part, by the change in the status of prostitution. Beginning with 1918, the French state introduced military brothels as a means of der to boost their virility and improve their performance. While prostitution had been vilified as one of the great evils of French society during WWI, the Vichy government, in collaboration with the Nazi regime, further encouraged legal prostitution by funding brothels serving the needs of the German army. Governed by strict laws anchored in stringent Nazi policies regarding racial purity and sexual hygiene, these institutions furthered the expected to be chaste and faithful in the absence of French menwho betrayed their compatriots by having sex with the enemy and the pleasure 53  girls who were merely exchanging sexual favors as part of their job. François Rouquet points out that in the Pyrénées Orientales, prostitutes were not shorn at the Liberation while women women were submitted to a bi-monthly medical visit for the duration of a six-month period, a prophylactic measure that clearly suggests their assimilation to professional prostitutes (Virgili,  142). The prostitute paradox is further evidenced in the language used to participent plus généralement à la condamnation morale de relations sexuelles entretenues par les  Judith37 Lacombe, one of Van Der collaborator, comes to think of herself in these same terms after her German lover abandons her. As one of the daughters of the mayor of Roubaix, Judith sacrifices her public image as well as her relationship with her family in order to be with Albrecht close friend. Not only does Albrecht lack the consideration to send his former French lover any news but, after months of absence, he directs three of his traveling friends to her house with a note entitling them to a hot meal and a night of sleeping with Madame (Van Der Meersch 141). She quickly realizes that Albrecht perceives her as nothing more than a prostitute:                                                       37 The onomastic choice is not gratuitous as it is reminiscent of the biblical character Judith, a Hebrew woman who singlehandedly saved Israel from Holofernes and his invading  in The Apocrypha, dressed Judith and her handmaiden walk into the Assyrian camp and promise to help capture Jerusalem. Judith employs several seduction Judith 3-4, 7, 14, 19, 23) and once she gets him intoxicated in his tent, she beheads him with his own sword (13:4-7). Upon her return home, Judith complements the story of her victory (and anticipates attempts to discredit her?) with reassurance that she has not been defiled by Holofernes thanks to seductive behavior and sexuality as a whole do not lead to public prestige or personal empowerment (in the long term) but rather to collective scorn and shame.  54  bafouée, misérablement traitée en femelle à vendre, elle se voyait brutalement dégradée, tombée abaissée et prostituéearsh moral judgment presumably echoing the universal opinion of fille de  » (142). clcase, the line between moral and carnal prostitution is further blurred by the visit she receives body is public property ripe for the taking. In the end she is doubly-objectified by both the enemy and her own community, singled out as a moral prostitute who has no recourse left but to fully assume her depravity as if it were a profession.   The fact that Judith is the daughter of a community leader and a woman from a good French family aggravates her position. Buisson finds that intimate relations between professional prostitutes and German soldiers were considered much more socially acceptable than those prostitution38 integrity (I: 101). The very terminology                                                       38 Vichy policy tolerated supervised prostitution as a purportedly-beneficial activity for the morale of its soldiers and in response to Nazi requisitions of brothels for the sake of its own occupying forces. Nonetheless, it attempted to regulate it by repressing all activity outside of registered maisons closes. The law of 1942 additionally required all prostitutes to carry cards and submit to bi-monthly health exams while also banning soliciting in public places. For more details on prostitution during the Vichy regime, see p. 39-41 and p. 165-167 of Hanna Diamond, Women and the Second World War in France, 1939-48: Choices and Constraints. Harlow: Longman, 1999. Print.   55  incriminates another subset via a double standard. This distinction is revelatory of the fact that what seems to be truly at stake is not so much the integrity of the French nation as a whole but rather the integrity of the patriarchal economy operating on the premise of female subservience. One might conclude that women are covertly sanctioned for their sexual autonomy under the guise of nationalism through a manipulative discourse that undermines their agency by deeming -39 that seems to have taken the country by storma term that designates the multitude of POW wives who had turned to clandestine prostitution for money (329). Virgili notes a drastic discrepancy between the treatment of legal and clandestine prostitutes during WWII. professionnelles, auxquelles on reconnait un faible degré de fraternisation, et les clandestines ou A preoccupation with public hygiene and the Nazi obsession with venereal diseases justified, on the surface, the constant battle of the Vichy administration against clandestine prostitution yet one must wonder why an additional distinction was made between clandestine and legal prostitutes in addition to that between professional and moral prostitutes. While concerns about s among soldiers frequenting illegal prostitutes were                                                       39 -Though Hippocrates is often credited for having attributed the cause of numerous female pathologies to a displaced hysteria itself along with the specific group of symptoms subsequently associated with it in Early-Modpsychoanalytical scholarship was introduced by Emile Littré in the mid-19th century through his translations of -provoking analysis of hysteria from ancient times and leading up to Freud can be found in Gilman, Sander L., Helen King, Roy Porter, G.S. Rousseau, and Elaine Showalter. Hysteria Beyond Freud. Berkeley: U of California, 1993. Print. For additional details the context of WWII, se1940-1945: Annes érotiques. Paris: Albin Michel, 2008. Print.  56  not unfounded, the answer lies elsewhere if one bears in mind the existence of a patriarchal economy that defines and enforces female sexual norms as a means of furthering its interests. We must recall here the French Napoleonic Code, still in effect during both World Wars, and its open advocacy of an acute inequality between men and women in almost every area of public the only acceptable female desire was that of pleasing the male in charge father, husband, brothel client who was himself operating under the authority of the patriarchal state (Fishman 130-132). Clandestine prostitutes were guilty of non-normative behavior not only because their monetary gains were entirely theirs, and therefore not taxed by the government in any way, but also because they picked their clientele through independent channels which afforded the state less control over their bodies. des hommes, la fille-mère There is no room in this system for self-sufficient women who pursue their own needs independently of the patriarchs under whose authority they are placed. The expression of an autonomous female sexual desire (manifest or presumed) during the war presented a danger precisely because it potential for emancipation through uninhibited use of their sexuality. Desire affords women a way out of their subaltern existence as objects and propels them into a world of subjects. For the woman to designate the object of her desire, she had to first identify herself as making independent choices becomes a threat to the ideological fictions at play because her acts contravene the expectation and will of those who continue to identify her as an object. If one considers the self-affirmation of subjectivity as the pre-condition 57  to becoming an autonomous citizen, the need to arrest this movement becomes all the more apparent.     We have seen thus far that not all women consciously wielded their sexuality as a tool for socioeconomic emancipation. In light of the diverse motivations of sexual collaborators financial constraints, physical and psychological deprivation, insouciance, genuine love, opportunism or a penchant for transgression, one should not assume that the temporary socioeconomic power gained by some women through sleeping with German soldiers extended to all French women regardless of their background. Nevertheless, the two World Wars eroded the pre-established order by undermining gender roles, creating a situation whereby some onal use of their sexuality had an effect equivalent to that of peacetime collective efforts aimed at gaining political rights for all women. Many women attained a certain degree of financial independence due to the absence of their male guardians. Abandonlearns to survive by conducting business on the black market. si elle ne pourrait pas apporter de Lille un médicament pour un malade, une chemise pour une communion. On la ersch 139). The entire town finds itself at her feet in a temporary reversal of power. Despite her numerous efforts to re-enter the community, Judith cannot be pardoned for the temporary power she yielded over her suffering compatriots. At the end of the war, she tries to flee to Germany but she is arrested and 58   further reveals his preoccupation with oking the prosperity of comme Clara Broeckx . . . [qui] profitaient de leurs relations avec les gros bonnets pour faire amener chez elles de beaux meubles, tapis, bibelots et toiles voilées dans les châteaux vides du Knowing how to make use of her charms at the Kommandantur, Claraa newly-married young woman of modest means left alone with her mother after the departure of her husband to the front manages to acquire a new home which she subsequently establishes as a Kursaal (temporary officer residence). avantages, une cuisine abondante et fine, des vins acceptables, et les menus cadeaux que lui Clearly-conscious of her own potential for economic mobility, Clara refuses to lead a life of dependency on the meager pension of her husband whom she may never see again. Clara and Judith are both incarnations of collaborating women who benefited from liaisons with German men during the war. Regardless of intent, their actions upset the nominal social order by transgressing their traditional roles as dependent, submissive women under the financial authority of French men (father and husband respectively).  While French women remained under the authority of their male compatriots for the duration of botpolitical climate. For many women, the opportunity to work outside of the home in formerly male-dominated fields was a useful concession, albeit a temporary one. By taking the labor force by storm40, women of all backgrounds gained not only financial autonomy but visibility in the                                                       40 In agriculture, women comprised 36% of the labor force in 1906, 33% in 1926, 30.5% in 1936 and 32% in 1946. The decrease can be explained by a steady rise in female employment in the tertiary sector as more women traded rural work for service jobs (e.g. sales, clerical, administrative, etc) (Fishman 8).  59  became more accustomed to seeing young women out alone and working alongside men in garçonne (flapper) of had emerged from the war, a liberated woman, comfortable with her sexuality, a woman who worked outside the home, lived alone, and preferred parties aWhile this profile only fit a minority of women, it exemplified the potential for a more extensive social change that threatened to rapidly reverse the patriarchal hierarchy. In light of these shifts in power, little does it matter if all women put their sexuality to political use, whether those who did had anarchic intentions or mere practical ones, or whether some managed to actually emancipate themselves in the process. What matters is that the actions of a few demonstrated the potential of all. So were all women chastised for the moral degradation of the nation and the suffering incurred at the hands of the enemy through the punishment of a sexually-uninhibited few.                   60  CHAPTER II THE CONSOLIDATION OF WARTIME GENDER FICTIONS: PRIVATE BODIES, PUBLIC DISCOURSES    In Behind the Lines: Gender and the Two World Wars, Margaret Higonnet illustrates war gendering gency conditions either alter or reinforce existing notions of gender, the nation and the family. These ideas are not, however, created anew, but grounded in previous social and cultural gender fictions as pre-existing ideological structures promulgated as truth by a western patriarchy in particular: the woman as nurturer and caretaker, the man as a protector of homeland, maternity and virility as complimentary codes (Beauvoir, I: 112-122; Higonnet 34; Bourdieu 75-8). In France, the two World Wars threatened to alter gender narratives, vesting women with a certain degree of newfound authority in both private and public spheres. The Great War introduced a new gender dynamic, owing to its unprecedented reliance upon technology and, therefore, upon the means by which that technology was produced. For the first time, albeit begrudgingly, society entrusted women with keeping the wartime economy afloat by supporting the manufacture of weapons and otherwise exercising duties historically reserved for men41become the backbone of the troops in the field. Thus, the constantly-emphasized traditional                                                       41 warfare that permeates all dimensions and strata of society, obliterating Dauphin et al. 152) and the division of gender roles in   ? (1914-Voldman in Dauphin, Cécile, et al. De la violence et des femmes. Paris: Albin Michel, 1997. Print.   61  intended as temporary measure to preserve statewide integrityaltered the established order. -acquired responsibilities on the homefront threatened the patriarchal economy by seemingly problematizing the gender fictions that served as the understood basis for the claim to male privilege. For example, Françoise Thébaud signals a 20% decrease in male factory workers due to WWI mobilization and new subsequent female employment opportunities for women from all walks of life (Les femmes 238). Nevertheless, despite such major shifts in the publi497 000 ouvriers mobilisés, 425 000 ouvriers civils, 133 000 enfants de moins de 18 ans, 13 000 mutilés, 108 000 étrangers, 61 000 coloniaux et 40 000 prisonniers de gThough types of tasks characterized by patience, repetition, and attention to detail as opposed to technical knowledge or sheer physical force (242-4). Although female salaries in the metal industry doubled during the war, the sexual division of labor and poor working conditions for women also lead to overwork, exhaustion and serious health problems (249). As such, the new wartime opportunities women obtained in the workplace also entailed heavier responsibilities and generated, to a certain extent, new forms of inequity. Consequently, it would be reductive and anachronistic to perceive female wartime employmentneeds as opposed to a patriarchal concern with female representation in the workplaceas sole ot overlook the fact that, in spite of persistent inequalities, their indispensable contribution to the war did, in fact, create more visibility and jobs for women. This change led, in turn, to an almost immediate and 62  paradoxical patriarchal backlash to a predominantly-female presence in traditionally-male  At the same time that they were recruited to work for the nation, women were also blamed for a rise in youth delinquency and infant mortality rates (254)42 and for upsetting nominal gender roles by behaving like men.   In Gender and Citizenship: Politics and Agency in France, Britain and Denmark, Biirte Sim indicates that propaganda campaigns targeting French working mothers were prominent all throughout the 1930s yet restrictions on salaried work for married women were not put in place until the Vichy government (Sim 58), a point corroborated by Hélène Eck in her essay entitled citoyennes par le désastre Vichy government, with its pro-natalist preoccupations, restricted employment in administrative and public service positions for married women but was soon forced to concede in light of German requests for labor. 1941 German propaganda for voluntary employment opportunities in Germany targeted both men and women but the French state attempted to limit female employment abroad as much as possible at least until the 1943 German ordinance requesting obligatory conscriptionService du travail obligatoire, or STO. Mothers in particular were to be protected from the dangers of working abroad.   -célibataires de vingt et un à trente-                                                      42 .  63  âgées de dix-huit à quarante-cinq ans, même mariées, mais jamais aux mères et il  According to Eck, 44 835 women worked in Germany in the summer of 1944. Fabrice Virgili places forced labor abroad at 650 000 French citizens for the duration of the war, excluding voluntary contracts estimated at 180 000 for men and 80 000 for women (Naître ennemi 34). Rose-ouvrières dans le travail des étoffes chute de 62% en 1931 à 55% en 1954, tandis que le nombre hute de moitié car elles entrent de plain-In spite of such opportunities, the pay gap between men and women according to Lagrave fluctuates between 31.1% in 1920, 19% in 1930, 23% in 1936 and 15% in 1945 (588). Just like during the Great War, pay inequality, the division of labor (women and immigrants epitomize unskilled, cheap labor) and poor working conditions are part and parcel of female opportunities in the workplace during WWII (589)43were alternately welcomed, even ordered, into the labour market and then pushed out of it as advocating the primacy of the family cell also fluctuated to both glorify and vilify paid female mothers?44                                                        43 FoWomen and the Second World War in France, 1939-48: Choices and Constraints.  44 In Worlding Women: A Feminist International Politics, Jan Pettman reflects on the importance of unpaid housework to the economic success of the state as a whole: reproductive labour. No state could seriously attempt equality in work, or s exclude women from state rights as private or dependent, or as communal property. Women have great difficulties in 64  Wartime created an inclination toward re-gendering activity: a need to reinforce the machinery of patriarchal influence by re-inscribing normative gender categories (17). Grayzel public activity was always considered secondary to their nurturing responsibilities as ltimate figure of public interest and anxiety subordinate to those on the front. In the aftermath of the war-advocated reintegration of men and women into society along traditional, gendered lines (Higonnet 4). The subsequent focus on sexual collaboration can thus be understood as a desire to symptomatic of male concerns surrounding female (sexual) behavior. As such, the postwar tontes emerge as extensions of the ubiquitous patriarchal organizations themselves sometimes echoed imperatives to return to the patriarchal status quo. Such was the case of the la patrie whose president, Mme Boutroux, urged French women to resume their place in the home during a general assembly on March 4th 1919:   Il sera   lutter contre des revendications souvent légitimes, mais qui, éclatant à    ou immédiatement à la suite de la guerre, deviendraient a priori condamnables.    Ceux qui, depuis cinq ans, ont traversé toutes les épreuves et tous les dangers de    la guerre et qui, quoi que nous ayons fait, ont eu infiniment plus de souffrances et                                                       becoming state subjects and citizens. State legislation regarding marriage, divorce, legitimacy of children and the status of women, profou.   65    de mérite que nous, désireront retrouver leurs logis riant et bien tenu, et jouir des    affections qui leur ont manqué (qtd. in Thébaud, Les femmes 401). legitimate, she considers their timing to be of crucial importance. Though French women had a patriotic responsibility to work for the duration of the war, any claims made after the war and wartime sacrifices entitle them to immediate restitution of now female-occupied jobs and a return to society as they once knew it. A returning soldier, according to Mme Boutroux, should be recompensed for his military valor with affection and a warm, well-tended home, the traditional realm of the woman.  participation in the public sphere as well as newfound flexibility in the private sphere in the absence of males. The wartime climate had generated more opportunities for women because the patriarchal state was in urgent need of their support. For the status quo to be maintained intact  (Pettman 61). Steven C. Hause shows that the overall preoccupation with national success in the that had been fervently initiated before thparticipate in the warthrough the Red Cross, through organizations to aid refugees, through the for rights, French feminists expected to be compensated for their patriotic efforts at the end of the war like their British sisters who had officially obtained the right to vote in 1918. 66  Unfortunately, it was not until 1944 that French women were legally recognized as deserving of a basic male citizenship tenetthe right to vote45.  Suffrage victory aside, gendered social assignments reverted after both wars. Society first asked that women contribute by filling vacant jobs, then insisted that they step back into their former roles. Françoise Thébaud evokes a public notice signed by Minister Louis Loucheur on ave by December 5th. After this date, the compensation would be reduced per diem and entirely eliminated by January 5th, 1919 (Les femmes 403). The financial incentive to quit early completely overlooked the harsh realities of single or widowed women who could not survive on welfare alone (i.e. the various allocations granted by the government) or the continued need for female workers in  the Great War, the many workplace opportunities afforded to women in previously male-dominated sectors became a memory of the past46. The same patterns of female workplace demobilization wemployed in factories were asked to leave in cases where they were no longer the main -prisoners, rather than women. Many returned prisoners-of-(Diamond 168). Hanna Diamond also shows that many employers laid off women in favor of a                                                       45 For a wonderful side-by-side analysis of feminist movements and female political rights in France and Britain in s Identities at Waren Gain New Rights Women and the Second World War in France.  46 Les femmes au temps de la guerre de 14.  67  cheaper, immigrant . She further indicates that certain sectors that had been availability in the sectors that had specifically catered for women before the war. Textile manufacturing, for example, traditionally a significant employer of women, especially as homeworkers, who were often married mothers and wives of factory workers, was particularly workers were demoted to positions available prior to 1939 (173)47.   From an ideological perspective, Jan Jindy Pettman confirms the general postwar -She affirms that the demobilization of women complicates thwomen is revealed as a multifaceted political and cultural process; it takes a lot of ideological -8). Neither world war substantively This atavism -evoked theoretical construct, the double helix, a uniquely western mechanism that implicitly ascribes value to all gendered activity. One finds gender relationships inflected by the inherent instability of any wartime period, during which temporary shifts in power exacerbate the patriarchal anxiety over property and order: the privileges temporarily afforded women eventually cause the patriarchy to tighten its grip by reiterating and reinforcing essential gender fictions. War in itself neither                                                       47 For a better understanding of the complexities of female employment during the Second World War, the reader is -Women and the Second World War in France, 1939-48: Choices and Constraints  68  creates nor redresses gender inequality; on the gendered front, all victories are Cadmean. The following pages examine the ways in which wartime gender discourses acted to reclaim female sexuality. These were not narratives invented by a threatened French society but rather reformulations of preexisting gender fictions, repackaged for the purpose at hand. The present chapter will focus on one particular gender fiction from which further pervasive gender discourses stem: the private body as a reflection of the social body (and vice versa).    Depravation in a time of deprivation In order to understand the politics inherent in the intimate link between the private, , collective body, one must first reflect upon the notion of nationalism and its crucial role in the preservation of the state as a political entity. In her book on gendered imagery in French revolutionary culture, Joan B. Landes states that nationalism arose in the 18th century in the context of shifts in norms and mores surrounding sexuality and the family unit:  The family came to be associated with the values of intimacy and sentimentality, and private morality was seen as a necessary condition for a healthy state and society. Female virtue was absolutely pivotal to this new conception of public and private life, and women as a whole were divided between those who did and those -being (136).  Both World Wars were marked by a concern with unbridled sexuality and the social regulation of sexual impulses, presumably exacerbated by the state of armed conflict. War itself was perceived as immoral in nature (Le Naour, Misère et tourments 392) and thereby conducive to selfish and decadent acts. WWI debates on physical and moral degeneration as causes of 69  national decadence were substantiated by medical scholarship such as doctor Benédict-Augustin Trait des dgnrescences physiques, intellectuelles, et morales de l'espce humaine et des causes qui produisent ces varits maladives in which he set out to examine epuis la démographique sMisères et tourments 11). Debauchery and the moral disintegration,  alcoholism, syphilis and pornography were perceived as the root of political defeat48. The wartime ideology of regeneration, to which France so avidly aspired, was anchored in the assimilation of the human body to the social body and promoted a rebirth of the social through an active discipline and purification of the physical. Chastity and the glorified endurance of a physical body deprived of (acceptable, regulated) sexual intercourse became synonymous with the difficult but crucial resistance of a nation in the face of its enemy49. Mastery of the physical body was translated into a national defense tactic aimed at reclaiming and restoring the social body. The notion of discipline was no longer an ideal reserved for those fighting in combat but one that all citizens should practice on a personal                                                       48 Susan Grayzel shows that during the Great War, activity. They were particularly concerned with the dangerous association between alcohol and prostitution, although it was not until October 1917 that laws forbade the presence of prostitutes in all establishments where -5).  49 Joan B. Landes points to the tendency to blur private and public lines two centuries earlier, in the context of the French revolution: ality and untampered enthusiasms   70  to subjugate their own internal enemies, personal vices promoted to the rank of national threats.  Si la France veut rayonner, sortir grandie et régénérée de la guerre, elle doit aussi vaincre ses laideurs morales : prostitution, alcoolisme, néo-malthusianisme50, de rien et  (Le Naour, Misères et tourments 14-15, emphasis mine).  battlefront/homefront dynamic of WWI led to a dichotomous understanding of the enemy. On one side, the enemy, incarnated in the German soldier, was an external threat the country had to fight so as to maintain its frontier intact and prevent infiltration. On the other side, the enemy, incarnated by personal vices, was internal, requiring the nation to purify the minds and bodies of its citizens to prevent their moral and physical decay. Both cases required that the enemy be contained in order to prevent contamination of the national body. This notion of internal/external enemy is aptly illustrated , by property of its inherent danger nation. Women, already under suspicion for their questionable nature, came under constant attack as agents of immorality.51 In January 1915, the organization Famille du soldat instituted a                                                       50 The term (néo)malthusianisme derives from the 19th-century writings of English pastor and economist Thomas Malthus who argued that all species have a tendency to reproduce beyond available resources. He advanced the need to control human reproduction through abstinence and marriage law reforms in order to control overpopulation and prevent the depletion of resources. Neo-malthusianism came to encompass all types of contraception, many of which Malthus himself would have denounced.  51 Landes shows that in the 18th century, female propriety, chastity, and fidelity, along with monogamy, all became evolutionaries dreamed of a republican mother, capable of banishing her own vanity, passions, and self-interests in the name of her children and the nation. However, the very doctrine of republican motherhood, which celebrated female goodness, cannot be understood 71  correspondence system called marrainage52 between anonymous French women and soldiers. Female volunmale soldiers in need of moral support, wrote letters and even sent them packages in the hopes of lifting their spirits. According to Françoise Thébaud, there were 25,000 (wartime godsons) in 1917 (Les femmes 197).  The marraine de guerre represented a new opportunity for women to exercise traditional functions of moral support, while it quickly came to be seen as providing the alluring possibility of violating norms for contact between men and women and for female conduct. Given the relative anonymity of letters, marraines quickly became constructed not as the maternal figures that the word tasy and even  While some correspondences remained amicable, many turned into written opportunities for sentimental or even pornographic activity. Though the soldier was always judged lightly, the marraine was often accused of be-prostituée, donc demi-                                                      interest. These attitudes owe much to Jean-101) 52 For more information on the marraines de guerre, see ch. 5 (pp. 195-Les femmes au temps de la guerre de 14 as well as pp. 30-. Henriette de Vismes, one of the founders of the Famille du soldat, attempts to refute the sexualized image of the marraines in a rather naive and moralistic book entitled Histoire authentique et touchante des marraines et des filleuls de guerre by vehemently clinging to the exclusively pseudo-familial relationship between these women and their filleuls. She reverses the image of licentiousness by positing one of piety and propriety in claiming that, even in their most  only as angels or saints sent to provide them with support. "Les vraies marraines et les vrais filleuls, la vraie pitié et le vrai malheur ont d'autres sollicitudes et des visées plus jeune filleul se prend à rêver plus ému à sa jeune marraine, c'est pour l'apercevoir au-dessus de lui, parée de toutes les grâces mais aussi de toutes les vertus, intangible et presque sacrée, sous les traits d'un ange ou d'une sainte descendue du Ciel pour le secourir" (3). See Vismes, Henriette de. Histoire authentique et touchante des marraines et des filleuls de guerre.  72  Naour, Misères et tourments 74), a dangerous woman due to her ability to seduce and sway the poilu53 in favor of the enemy with her feminine wiles54.  The link drawn between prostitution and espionage55 reflects the private body/social body parallel and the correlation between immorality and antipatriotic behavior. Prostitution also carried with it the fear of venereal diseases and the ravages they may cause amid soldiers and military personnel. WWI saw a profusion of medical literature on the matter. Dr. F. Balzer (1915) argued for mandatory medical visits as well as surveillance of all prostitutes coming into les insoumises, whose by Dr. Paul Faivre, a proponent of increased surveillance of all prostitutes and regulation of state-ution protected the population from the more certain danger of the femme isoléemen and needed to be watched closely (Grayzel 142-3). The fear of sexually-transmitted diseases Invasion 14. During a routine administrative meeting organized by a local colonel from the Kommandantur, all nearby mayors are convoked to the town of Roubaix and ordered to establish an authorities to detect and contain infection more proactively and contact with local women is                                                       53 Term coined during the Great War to designate French soldiers.  54 The biblical archetype of the hroughout patriarchal mythology, dream-symbolism, theology, languagethat the female body is impure, corrupt, the site of discharges, bleedings, dangerous to masculinity, a source of moral and physical contgatewayOf Woman Born 34).  55 For further discussion on espionage and the case of the infamous WWI female spy Mata Hari, see Françoise Thébaud, ch. 2 in Les femmes au temps de la guerre de 14 (pp. 94-101).  73  considered a primary source of contagion.  à la visite médicale du As mayor Lacombe reads the list out loud, he stumbles upon the name of one of his daughters. The year 1918 saw a proliferation of military brothels, or maisons tolerées, sexuality in regulated, socially-acceptable ways (Le Naour, Misères et tourments 123). The rising concern with the syphilis epidemic among French soldiers justified a strict surveillance of all houses of ill repute, periodical exams for both prostitutes and their clients and strict 56 (150). While the distinction between state- a function of national health concerns, it also masked a constant suspicion surrounding female sexuality and the assumption of female decadence. In a book entitled La psychologie du soldat, Drs. Huot and  Gaudy places the number of arrests of Pa-1914 and 3,907 during 1914-1915 and points to an increase in venereal diseases from 1,363 between 1913-1914 to 2,275 between 1914-1915 among all social classes. He attributes prostitution to                                                       56 Debates on prostitution, brothels and venereal diseases span several centuries and often find legitimacy in scientific texts published by doctors and other authoritative male figures. Such 19th century texts include Dr. Parent pioneering socio-historical analysis of Parisian prostitution [Duchâtelet, Parent. De la prostitution dans la ville de Paris, considérée sous la rapport de l'hygiène publique, de la morale et de l'administration; ouvrage appuyé de documens statistiques puisés dans les archives de la Préfecture de police; avec cartes et tableaux, par A.-J.-B. Parent Duchatelet, ... . Précédé d'une notice historique sur la vie et les ouvrages de l'auteur, par Fr. Leuret. Paris : J.-B. Baillière, 1836. [Després, Armand. La prostitution en France : études morales et démographiques, avec une statistique générale de la prostitution en France / par le Dr Armand Després. Paris : J.-B. Baillière et fils, 1883. Print.]. For a more contemporary overview of the topic, consult Bernheimer, Charles. Figures of Ill Repute: Representing Prostitution in Nineteenth-Century France. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1989. Print.    74  economic need, lack of patriarchal control in the case of married women, as well as a general increase in demand for sexual gratification. He also warns against novice prostitutes whose lack of expertise makes them inherently more dangerous (qtd. in Huot and Voivenel 156).  Prostitutes and marraines de guerre were not the only women considered dangerous for the poilu and the success of his military mission. The anxiety surrounding female sexuality extended to widows and nurses in the service of the army. Le Naour explains the suspicion (Misères et tourments 82) while the fear of the nurse commonly r57 -dessus des mâles diminués par la blessure ou la maladie, et exerçant sur eux la tyrannie sexuelle du désir et de la séduction dans un schéma de domination inversé du temps de paix Thébaud illustrates the hospital as not only a place for women to forget their personal losses and misfortunes by virtue of charitable or nurturing work but also a liberating getaway from the stifling confines of the home (Les femmes 137). Although women of all socioeconomic backgrounds volunteered or worked as wartime nurses, the ones who benefitted most were perhaps young bourgeoises. According to Thébaud,   [ê]tre infirmière ou auxiliaire permet une initiation rapide aux choses de la vie,         masculin, la chair, les classes populaires et même les peuples de couleur (138).                                                        57 -Les femmes au temps de la guerre de 14.  75  La tondue, incarnates the double danger of the widowed nurse. Marie is left to raise her son Manu with the help of her father after her husband is mobilized, made prisoner for having brought aid to Resistance efforts, and then executed (La tondue 59). As a widow who keeps her distance from the watchful eye of the community, Marie is perceived as an insoumise who lends herself to licentious activities and the selfish pursuit of pleasure. Though the mayor himself some suspicguardians from the homefront, concern over female behavior generated ambiguity towards even those women exercising roles conducive to the wartime effort. In the hierarchy of national enemies, virtually all categories of women were integrated as potential incarnations of vice, agents of nationwide disintegration and detractors from the imperative for regeneration.  The concept of degeneration and regeneration, trumpeted by the deeply-moralizing war of 1914-1918 was re-adopted by the 1939-1945 Vichy regime who blamed individualism for the ividualism, Vichy proposed to place the family as a buffer between the individual and the state by making it one-third of the triptych Travail, Famille, Patrie58 (qtd. in Higonnet 278). At the same time that it encouraged female employment as a necessary contribution to wartime efforts, the government also vilified women                                                       58 that, despite having preceded the Nazi regime, came to be associated with the Third Reich. The triptych rests on similar notions as those promoted by Vichy and reveals the political value of the family unit for both nations.  76  feeding their female taste for luxury and flirtatious narcissism. Working wives scorned housework as tedious, avoided pregnancy, and left children to fend for themselves (Fishman 18)59. In the absence of men, working women generated distrust due to the authority they had been vested with. It was assumed that a woman without a male guardian to watch over her would her immoral behavior. In this sense, Fabrice Virgili defines the female enemy  in contrast with the male enemy who must be eliminated by death or imprisonment territoire corporel. La  279).   The female-homeland allegory Traditionally perceived as weak, unstable and impulsive creatures60, wartime women came under close scrutiny for behavior that might compromise the nation. Deviant female sexuality was intolerable not only because of the reproductive role affixed to it, but also because o align their interests with those of the communityand make no objection. Their sexuality, to be closely monitored in times of peace, acquired an almost frenzied significance in the face of a national threat. The renewed interest in                                                       59 Susan Grayzel reveals a series of national debates between 1916 and 1917 concerned with whether mothers should be allowed to work in factories. French factories was to give women time off, with pay, to breast-feed their children, a recognition of the difficulty of not using women in wartime factory work despite the fact that such work curtailed what was regarded as their  60 -Jacques Rousseau advances a need to educate women differently from men based on differences inherent in their nature aisément de leurs premiers gouts corrompus et toujours suivis. Pour prévenir cet abus aprenez-leur surtout à se le-même ; il est juste que ce se (Émile 709). For a female to be an honest woman, she must constantly battle her scattered, frivolous, inconstant inner-self.  77  the female-homeland allegory as a means of professing a direct link between unbridled female sexuality and political demise reflected quite clearly the patriarchal anxiety surrounding Le deuxième sexe, Simone de Beauvoir notes that the image of the woman as the incarnation of the home, anchored in nurturing and maternal qualities, undergoes a significant redefinition with the emergence of Christianity. From that point on, the woman no longer represents just the concrete and physical home but also its essence, or soul. vastes  : 293-294). nationalist movements to elevate women symbolically by turning them into visual embodiments of the nation all the while advocating concrete measures that perpetuate their inferior legal status. She remarks,  prenaient pour symboles des thèmes sexuels, genrés. La nation devint une belle officialisaient le statut légal inférieur des femmes, les symboles de la nation se féminisèrent dans des images de virginité fière et noble (25).  According to Moore, this phenomenon reveals an innate human need to personalize an otherwise abstract concept in order to successfu78  abstrait que celui de la nation, il fallait lui accorder des qualités non seulement anthropomorphiques, 61 (25). The two World Wars continued to perpetuate this gendered symbolism by building propaganda around a dichotomous vision of the femme-patrie. belle the image of France as a dissolute woman, a willing sexual partner to the enemy. A precedent to this dichotomy can be found in revolutionary iconography in which the traits of proper, chaste, natural womanhood are transposed onto a larger natural goodness rather than her social virtue through motherhood. As a result, motherhood is magnified and glorifiedstripped of its mundane, ultimately conventional characterby its association with the antique past and a future, regenerated Republic. Classical female bodies bore the names of Liberty, Republic, Victory, Philosophy, Reason, Nature, and Truth. They functioned to instruct all of the public on the cardinal virtues of republican France: unity, fraternity, equality, and brotherly love. Occasionally, however, they attested to the special virtues of women: modesty and chastity (Landes 102).                                                       61 Joan B. Landes outlines the of abstract nouns in French, Latin, and Greek; the Catholic veneration of the Virgin Mary; the role of female patron saints in religious practice and popular festivity; the importance of goddesses, as personifications of various virtues, within classical myth; and, perhaps, most important, the crisis in representation caused first by the adoption of a constitutional monarchy and subsequently by the fall of the French monarchy. However, it is not enough to question why the revolutionaries turned to female allegories or to enumerate the precedents in prerevolutionary culture that might have inclined them to readopt a female likeness of the nation or its central values. Rather, it is crucial to that is, by the surprising feminine face of the aggressively mascuposition deserve a fuller explanation, so, too, does the foregrounding of heterosexual relations despite the existence of homosocial or fraternal impulses in the fashionin-8). 79  The chaste and/or maternal female body propagated through such imagery found its opposition in female grotesques-characteristics, in particular those associated with their sex (116). One finds here an opposition between the sexless woman62 stripped of all autonomous, carnal desire who is idealized for sexualized woman armed with an articulated desire and a penchant for uninhibited sexual activity who -regulated notions of morality and female sexual propriety have traditionally served as an impetus for the systematic politicization of the female body63 strong ambivalence toward public women, which was a persistent theme in republicanism. Such depictions disclosed at the level of the body the very disorder and intrigue that sexually avaricious and politically ambiguous women of the Old Regime had been ac(116). Arguments over corrupt female nature and the grotesque sexualization of politically-active women are symptoms of a patriarchal apprehension engendered by the very presence and visibility of women in the male, public sphere. Pettman corroborates the perception of public female performance (to be understood as participation in state politics, a departure from traditional roles assigned to women by the patriarchal state, i.e. motherhood) as transgression:                                                       62  rocréer, mais il faut attendre le XVIe siècle pour voir naître une campagne cohérente contre toutes les formes de nudité et de sexualité extra-conjugale. Entre 1500 et 1700, de nouvelles attitudes envers le corps et de nouvelles règles de comportement produisent une valorisation radicale de la chasteté et de la pudeur dans tous les domaines de la vie quotidienne (86).   63 he use of women as boundary markers suggests why the control of women and especially their sexuality is strategic in the maintenance and reproduction of identity and of the community . The politicization of the female body thus revolves around the notion of kinship and the reproductive and familial tasks attributed to women. and home in national discourses link blood and soil (Lui, 1991). As such, controlling the sexual behavior, marriages and children of women . 80  and their containment in the private sphere writes them out of the public-d by taken to be a sign of her immorality or immodesty, and a symptom of the menace posed to social ndes 110). Female sexuality and female participation in the politics of the wartime state are intimately tied and strictly coded. During the second World War, the noble efforts of the Resistance became synonymous with the chaste French woman while collaboration became associated with the harlot. François Rouquet finds evidence of this gendered dichotomy in the national imagery of the Resistance which advances two sexless  -The image is anchored in Vichy propaganda presenting Pétain as the Christ, the father and husband of the entire nation. Années érotiques I : 139) in a mystical union combining sexual impulse and spiritual sublimation (137). The second female archetype is that of the virginal martyr. Rouquet provides the example of 17-year-old Agnès de Nanteuil who is arrested and executed for her refusal to submit to the yoke of the Nazi regime, a veritable WWII Joan of Arc64 Rouquet concludes                                                       64 clothes and becoming a military leader.   81  toutes de Resistance and collaboration are opposed through the gendered images they circulate. The chaste woman inspires French citizens through her physical and mental devotion to the nation while the sexual collaborator betrays 74). For the impact of such female archetypes to be understood properly, one must recall the importance of gendered imagery for national discourlanguageand the nation gendered femalethe mother countryand the citizens/children become symbol of the nation, men its agents, regardless of the role women actually imagery by noting that, as an allegorical woman, the nation becomes vulnerable to the dangers threatening real women, notably rape (166). Through the assimilation of the nation with the female body, France became subject to sexual violence and abuse at the hands of the enemy. As Pettman demonstrates,  sexual danger with boundary transgressions and boundary defence. It can materialise in competition between different men for control of women. Indeed, a triangle, a love story, a fairytale is often constructed, necessitating a villain, a victim and a hero. The sexual subtext and gendered politics of nationalism are further complicated through the feminisingand hypermasculinisingmen (49).  82  The wartime nation becomes a mirror projection of personal gender relations whereby the worth dying forto relationship engenders female dependency, vulnerability (to fellow male compatriots as well as activities (99).  WWI/II national discourses routinely reinforced and propagated complimentary ideological codes such as defenseless motherhood and inflated virility. The notion of assimilation of territory through an appropriation of the female body pervades the literature st--Paul Sartre comments on the recurring image of France as a willing sexual partner to Nazi Germany in contemporary literature. In the absence of the French soldiers, the invasion of German troops on French soil was perceived by critics of the collaborationist regime as an act of rape: forceful, shameful, defiling. The penetration of Nazi soldiers on French soil and into the their country but also a double violation of their patriarchal rights. In requesting French civilians to lodge German soldiers in their homes, the Nazi regime stripped French males of access to two of their primary possessions: their territory and their women. Francmale identity crisis and a widespread concern with the emasculated state of the nation. Pettman traces such national concerns with virility to the very essence of the state as an entity anchored in fraternal bonds and homosocial (heterosexual) masculinity and its implicit exclusion of women from therein (50). Wartime nationalism positioned men as fighters and women as reproducers 83  and failure on both fronts was met with disapproval. -il encore un homme? Cette Années érotiques I : 212). The Vichy administration undertook a campaign to regenerate the nation by re-cultivating essential masculine virtues and solidifying the sense of patriotic virility that had become lost amidst a education program in schools, one quickly criticized by Catholic conservatives as a promoter of -5). In La domination masculine, Pierre Bourdieu expounds upon virility and chastity as complimentary codes :  La virilité, entendue comme capacité reproductive, sexuelle et sociale, mais aussi notamment), est avant tout une charge. Par opposition à la femme, dont étant suson honneur en cherchant la gloire et la distinction dans la sphère publique (75-6).  Male virilitle voit, est une notion éminemment relationnelle, construite devant et pour les autres hommes et contre la féminité, dans une sorte de peur n soi-Joan Landes vir  on the other hand,  from the Latin means both a female warrior and, -1). 84  A furtive admiration for the German soldiers and their exemplary physiques contributed to the development of a true cult of the male body. The body of the German soldier, perpetually on display, had become a covert object of desire, one that functioned both as a motivator as well as a perpetual symbol of defeat, a mirror held up to the poilu as a reminder of his own humiliation. This preoccupation series of measures designed to re-named Chief of State, Pétain required that all statues of Mariannefemale symbol of the Republic found in public establishments be replaced with portraits or busts of himself (I: 181). This decision marks a significant ideological shift from one gendered representation of the homeland to another, one that would further facilitate the vilification of women in the aftermath  Opérer une telle substitution revient à consacrer symboliquement le changement de sexe de la figure allégorique de la France, à affirmer la nature essentiellement résentation féminine que la inopportune, dévalorisante ou plus exactement dévirilisante (I : 183).     Dans la mythologie de la Révolution nationale, il [Pétain] est le patriarche   protecteur mais toujours fécond, celui qui, en dépit de son grand âge, incarne la  vitalité de la race française dont la     viriliment humaine à une République féminisée, une République de femmes et  85    : 188-9). consciousness becoming symbolic not of weakness but of virility and fecundity65. On the -collaboration rhetoric assimilated the  : 189). The opposition between erect and prostrate and other such gendered homologous pairs are the subject of an in-La domination masculine where he judiciously charts the various manifestations of a binary system anchored in a division between masculine and feminine (Bourdieu 24). He argues that such self-legitimizing patriarchal strategies aimed at securing social domination (20-21).   Many collaborationist writers such as Brasillach, Drieu La Rochelle and Chateaubriand depicted the Franco-German union in terms of a sexual union between a feminine, submissive France and Germany, its virile and dominating partner (Buisson, Années érotiques I: 250). The same imagery of territorial conquest operating through the subjugation of the female body Le silence de la mer, a pro-Resistance piece written clandestinely by Jean Bruller. All throughout the novel, Officer Werner von Ebrennac lodged in a home owned by an old Frenchman (the narrator) and his young niece, a submissive and quiet young woman with no name to unite Germany and France through their marriage. While the officer is eventually revealed for                                                       65 For further analysis of phallic imagery and the Vichy discourse on virility, please consult chapter 4 (pp.151-223) Années érotiques, volume I.  86  Nous ne nous ake places as a celebratory daymon âme et qui sera encore un plus grand jour. His constant reiteration of the marriage metaphor and the patience he exerts in courting the French woman are intended to evoke the tenacity of the German nation with respect to its plan for political domination. A victim of lofty ideologies, von Ebrennac constantly betrays his naïveté in matters of war to his hosts until, the French under the guise of a peaceful unification, he opts for a figurative suicide a transfer request for the Eastern front as a means of dealing with his disillusionment.  Despite the occasional apologetic tones with respect to the enemy, Vercors paints a portrait of the Nazi soldier as a seducer, a charming Dom Juan whose libertinism advances his political ideology. He delights in transgression, seduction and mastery of the other. The insistence upon the gaze as an instrument of seduction is far from being gratuitous in this text. It is significant to note that the eyes are the main locus of interaction between the German officer and the young French woman. Her persistent refusal to reciprocate his conversation or meet his gaze translates to a form of resistance condoned by many anti-collaborationist thinkers of the -(Burrin,  203). France had lost its dignity as a result of the Occupation, a dignity that it could only recuperate through psychological subversion. Once the 87  nation recognized that its physical borders had been transgressed and its public and private spaces had been violated, it attempted to retreat deeper into itself by erecting symbolic borders: Unfortunately, such symbolic borders were more effective in theory than in , avec une sorte perpetual efforts to fashion an exemplary army led to an overall ambiguity towards the enemy that bordered on admiration and often crosseAngellier, reveals this ambiguity early on as she treats the German officer lodged in her home with unreserved politeness, an act she justifies with a need to respect social etiquette regardless of differr-in-law refuses to acknowledge any shared humanity between her French compatriots and the German soldiers and, as such, rejects all moral obligations towards the enemy:  s  uriez pas eu peur de paraître vulgaire, mal élevée, ridicule. Vous vous  The insistence on the gaze as a means of rebellion (she does not want to see him and even wishes she could tear his eyes out) and the irrationality yet desirability of such an act align perfectly 88  with the resistant propaganda of the time. Mme Angellier posits herself as a mother devoted to  In spite of heroine eventually falters. Not only does her silence fail to discourage von Ebrennac but it serves avoir trouvé ici un vieil homme digne. Et une demoiselle silencieuse. Il faudra vaincre ce silence. Il faudra vaincre le silence de la France. ce and counters it with an allegorical re-telling of the tale of Beauty and the Beast depicting, in veiled terms, his anticipated conquest:   Pauvre Belle! La Bête la tient à merci,  impuissante et prisonnière, elle lui   impose à toute heure du jour son   fière, digne,     ! Elle est maladroite, brutale, elle paraît bien   rustre auprès de la Belle si fine !...Mais     !...La Belle met longtemps à vouloir.  Pourtant, peu à peu, elle découvre au fond des yeux du geôlier haï une loueur,   e sent moins la patte   détermine un bonheur sublime. Leurs enfants, qui additionnent et mêlent les dons (44).  It is essential to note that the gendered conception of homeland lies at the foundation of this story. France is compared to the Beauty: graceful, fragile and powerless yet filled with 89  determination to survive her captivity with dignity. Germany is akin to the Beast: awkward, brutal and forceful yet driven by a presumably-good heart and noble intentions. By cultivating patience and letting time follow its course, the Beast eventually sways the Beauty whose determination wears off as quickly as her hatred for her captor. In what can only be described as a classic case of the Stockholm syndrome, the Beauty develops feelings for her captor, begins to desire him and eventually accepts a physicof this union is a new race of superior individuals, a concept all too revelatory of the Nazi insistence on captivity as a seduction game corroborates the notion of territorial assimilation through the conquest of the female body. Not only must the woman be subjugated and made to surrender completely, but in order for the conquest to be legitimate and thoroughly satisfying, she must acquiesce to her captivity and yearn for her captor. In anticipation of this very danger, Mme Angellier wants to hide her young, beautiful daughter-in-law from the gaze of the intruding German officer:    Elle pensait que par ses regards il voulait insulter davantage cette demeure     la       de Luci-dessus tout    des robes neuves ! Elle ne comprend donc pas que    pour lui ! Quel manque de dignité     For Mme Angellier, the mere gaze of the enemy defiles that on which it lingers. By penetrating 90  corporeal presence grant the German officer access to her home, she wishes she could deny him visibility of her daughter-in-law whom she mentally reproaches for (naively) flaunting herself at the enemy. dangerous and treasonous seduction.   -iterates his political aspirations for France through another sexually-charged metaphor:   rien, être chez elle comme un étranger,  un voyageur ou un conquérant. Elle ne donne rien alors,  car on ne peut rien lui prendre. Sa richesse, sa haute richesse, on ne peut la conquérir. Il faut la boire à son sein66avec nous (Vercors 47).  Here, the female-homeland allegory operates through the metaphor of sexual union as well as the eroticized image of maternity. As foreigner and enemy, von Ebrennac seeks to shed the otherness that excludes him from the French community and to assimilate with the French to gain access to its most precious resourcethrough the breast milk it feeds to its children. Excluded from this ritual, the outsider seeks a way to infiltrate the community and master the Mother. Despite his physical presence on                                                       66 Joan Landes comments on the centrality of motherhood and the presence of breast imagery in 18th century political discoursepolitical order, as an almost primordial incorporation insofar as female traits are what work for and against their full participation in the new polity. The breast itself remained an ambivalent symbol: an enticement to sexual desire but , emphasis mine). 91  foreign territory, the German soldier cannot fully conquer his victim unless he has brought her to her knees in willing submission of both mind and body. This submission, however, requires a particular passivity on the part of the victim, a willingness that paradoxically borders on desire. Throughout this discourse, France emerges as both a patriotic mother and a collaborating harlot, a dichotomy that incarnates the ambiguity of many French soldiers towards their own women (Le Naour, Misères et tourments 324). In manipulating the private/public body discourse, Vercors, like many other thinkers of his time, warned women against capitulating to seductive Nazi males by attributing to them the responsibility for political defeat. In light of the female-homeland allegory, sexual collaboration was perceived not only as an individual female transgression but also as a political statement. Having no identity of her own outside of that of further emasculates her male compatriot (François 101). She thus becomes the castrating woman who, at the Liberation, must pay in full for her short-lived freedom (76): dérait. Aussi, les représentations devenue allemande (101).   La tondue, this process of assimilation operates through the act of sartorial disguise. Aurore, the 81-year old tondue of the story, reminisces about the immense risks she took as a love-stricken 16-year-old to hide her relationship with Gunther, the young son 92  of a German general. In order to facilitate their trysts, the young lovers take refuge on an isolated a German soldier. Marginally aware of the gravity of her actions, she becomes carried away by cher un jour. -In a time of deprivation and duty, Aurore succumbs to her own desire, which transforms her very languagein private, the couple speaks only in German, language. LikeTo any outside observer who may cross paths with the two young German lads walking side by side, Aurore is with the enemy because she is the enemy. Yet in her mind, the treacherous act takes on a  The disguise allows her to proclaim her desire publicly, albeit covertly, and to temporarily escape fictions dictating her behavior. Aurore epitomizes the virago, a female soldier guilty of transgressions against the patriarchal wartime trifecta: gender, nationality, and sexuality.  The notion of female sexuality as an expression of political identity can be understood as a symptom of two separate assumptions. First, one must recall the masculinist notion that anchored in nurturing roles within the home (Virgili,  319). Up until wartime constraints left France desperate for help on the homefront, women were 93  compelled to define themselves strictly by their private roles as wives and mothers. Their participation in public matters was limited and fell under the authority of their fathers and husbands who represented their interests in nearly all areas of public life. To be a daughter, a ns. It transfer of allegiance as she presumably assumed his political identity in order to compensate for a lack of her own. In fact, at the Liberation many women attempted to exploit this belief in order to exonerate themselves and avoid punishment. They strategically evoked family members in the cause by claiming they were good men, forced to fight a war in spite of themselves:       moins un Alsacien, un amant patriote parti pour le maquis, un Allemand       fait de rompre avec   épouses ou des filles qui construisent leur identité nationale par cognation, en    père et parfois même de l  pour établir leur propre identité de femme non collaboratrice. La notion   -même repose sur cette représentation sociale: e, elle reçoit celle du dernier homme  94  In order to distance themselves from the crimes of their German lovers, women often evoked the innocence of their partners by ideologically extracting them from the Nazi regime they fought the war and, as such, the national constraints that compelled him to fight should exculpate him. By the same logic, a lover from Alsace67 should ambiguous political climate. When attempts to exonerate their German partners failed, some women resorted to silence while others desperately mentioned names of friends or family members in the Resistance whose affiliations may buy them favor. Though such rhetorical efforts were prevalent among testimonies of shorn women, it is hard to say how many of them escaped further punishment in this manner. The second assumption operating against sexually-autonomous women was the fear of crossbreeding and acculturation. If women embodied the nation, their willingness to share their bodies with the enemy was interpreted as the culmination of collaboration (Virgili,  57). By willingly surrendering their bodies, French women jeopardized not only their personal identity but also the identity of the French nation as a whole since n with their German lovers, the acculturation. Susan Grayzel exposes a marked ambiguity with respect to children conceived with enemy soldiers during WWI:                                                        67 Alsace is a region fraught with political tension as both France and Germany historically fought for its ownership. Though Alsace was fully incorporated into France by the 18th century, the Franco-German War led to its annexation to the German Empire. After WWI, Alsace was re-established as French property through the Treaty of Versailles but was once again reclaimed by Germany during the WWII occupation of France, then reverted to French territory after the Liberation. Due to its numerous changes in administration, Alsace remains a region rich in both French and German customs.  95  Resistance to the idea of legalizing abortion or tolerating infanticide in such cases hinged not only on questions of preexisting anxiety about depopulation or general morality, but also on whether or not a woman could prove that she had been raped by actual Germans and was not just looking to erase evidence of her own sexual misbehavior. Moreover, the arguments against abortion hinged on the idea that a version of nationality rooted not in a child being born on French soil, but to a French mother (51).  The concerns over the primacy of enemy sperm versus French maternal blood further reveal a paradox as, per Napoleonic code, legal authority resided in the man and a woman was unable to lawfully pass on her nationality to her child (until 1973). It is interesting to note that the anxiety ized, humiliated, even Higonnet, this double standard supports the notion of women as property (37) and corroborates the metaphor of the female body as a geographical space. As an element of the allegory of female-from the enemy or a space to be defiled in a symbolic show of male territoriality. Pettman argues that such imagery renders females susceptible to sexual violence from both enemy and national men. Not only do women risk losing the protection of male compatriots if they are deemed rk -différence des sexes: Les viols systématiques (ex-Yougoslavie, 1991-96  occurrence68 rests on the tacit understanding that women belong to their male compatriots and, as such, figure among possessions that can be traded among members of the same group or forcefully-Le vainqueur diThe imagery of the flag being violently planted into freshly-conquered soil denotes the enemy phallus penetrating a sacred, intimate space responsible for the renewal of the entire community. In this à condition de supposer comme allant de soi la nature politique de cette transmission généalogique qui passe par la sexualité et la responsabilité masculine majeure dans cette transmissionemphasis). Blood and sperm as life-carrying fluids become symbols of destruction as one seeps out the other flows in, threatening the future of the vanquished nation. The female body as the locus of national identity and the power dynamic inherent in the sexual act are important factors in understanding the reaction to female collaboration during armed conflict.  The perception of collaborating women during WWII was not solely a function of nationality (head shavings occurred both in France and in Germany), rather it varied depending upon the status of their male guardians. In France, where the men had been emasculated through be re-conquered and eventually re-integrated into the social order. The ambiguity of French                                                       68 In his book entitled Taken by Force: Rape and American GIs in Europe during World War II,  J. Robert Lilly  genocidal weapon (21-22), rape as an element of male communication (22-23), rape as part of military culture (23-24), rape as part of a drive for revenge and a desire for elevated masculinity (25-pay and pillage (26-27), sexual comfort rape (27), strategic rape (27-gratuitous/random behavior (28-30).  97  soldiers towards their own women and their treatment as either oppressed martyrs or treacherous harlots reflect a backlash against female autonomy. autorité, les hommes réagissent en employant le vocabulaire de la domination sexuelle, Misères et tourments 328). Their bruised egos and diminishing virility fueled a violent, sexualized  rape. provinces ravagées, de tonneaux percés, de villes incendiées, du ventre blanc des femmes in Le Naour, Misères et tourments 335). the enemy territory and the male thirst for revenge surges, as evidenced in this explicit letter from an artilleryman to his French mistress in which he enthusiastically paints a demeaning portrait of the enemy women that elicits vivid rape fantasies in his mind: Ah ! Si jamais nous allons en Bochie, nous allons leur faire voir un peu à ces salauds de quel bois on se chauffe, ils ont violé nos filles, déshonoré nos femmes, nous en ferons autant trosont capables de nous inspirer de réelles passions (qtd. in Le Naour 336).  and resentment towards the German nation as a whole. The eye-for-an-eye mentality betrays a 98  puerile show of dominance, a primeval impulse to fight for the title of alpha male by using as harlots is a phenomenon corroborated by Pettman:  have been racialised or made exotic, licentious, tempting, dangerous, inferior, are may place themselves outside the bounds of protection by unruly, ungrateful behaviour, or by dishonoring themselves/their men/their nation by sexual or other  In his novel La souris vertevengeance on the German enemy in the only way he can by defiling the body of a German female soldier. entre deux sentiments -elle temporaire, contre la soldatesque, le regret (ma bonne éducation  FortunatelMaria, a member of the German auxiliary troops, and falls in love with her, a development that  -conquered own punishment only to realize that his confessed transgression is interpreted by members of the 99  Resistance as a French victory of sorts. His sexual conquest is perceived as a strategic strike against the enemy, deserving of a military decoration:  Allemande. Et alors mon discours en disant quelque chose comme subir le même sort que ces pauvres filles. Qui veut me tondre ? quels sont les amateurs  ? questionna-t-il. Tu ne te vantes pas ? Tu as vraiment couché avec une fridoline ?...Tiens, pour fêter ça, je te pardonne tout. On va même boire un coup à ta santé. Voilà que tu me deviens sympathique. On devrait te décorer, lieutenant  (244).  In admitting his previous ties to a German woman, Marc expects reprisals from his resistant friends yet the leader of the group reacts to the confession with a show of respect. As someone French women are being humiliated and abused for having surrendered their bodies to the enemy, Marc is devenais une sorte de héros populaire, Fanfan-la-qui a  into a popular hero along the lines 100  of Fanfan-la-69. French and German women are objects to be possessed, mere pawns in a game of political domination. This implicit objectification of the female body facilitated an overt propagation of a homefront was labeled as an unacceptable transgression, a political crime even, the French uality both at home and on the front was interpreted as a virile triumph over the enemy. This discrepancy explains why French POW wives were chastised for their immoral behavior with German soldiers while French POW imprisoned in Germany were excused, even applauded, for their liaisons with German women outside of their camps. While it is false to assume that all French POW saw German women as objects vested with political significance70 transgressions (Buisson, Années érotiques I: 305) all the while regaling in their symbolism:  -dessus tout, un extraordinaire sentiment de revanche habite les prisonniers auxquels le cours de la  : qui                                                      69 Fanfan-la-Tulipe is the main character of a 1952 action film. He becomes captain in the French army due to his French national symbols connoting virility and power. 70 on camps, Yves Durand emphasizes the fact that most POW turned to German women for the nurturing companionship reminiscent of that once provided by their -laient dans leur grande majorité des hommes sérieux, fidèles, attachés à leur famille autant et souvent plus que les Allemands eux-mêmes (414-La captivité: Histoire des prisonniers de guerre français 1939 - 1945. 101  vainqueur. Revanche aussi sur leur situation de prisonnier : parqués et marqués hommes diminués, amoindris, impuissants ; les voici restaurés dans leur condition de mâles à part entière par la grâce de ces milliers de femmes allemandes  (I : 310).  The ambiguous and often politically-charged attitudes of French men towards women whether their own or those belonging to the enemy were, in many ways, replicated by the Germans whose superior political status effected, nevertheless, several shifts in attitude. Germany was the victor, the invader, the occupier and as such, it held the power and authority the spoils of war and appropriating the booty that the French males had failed to protect. The issue of rape presented an act of wartime violence and the supreme expression of possession. During the First World War in particular, reports of rape by members of the Germany army were Van Der Meersch advances an image of chaos wherein femmes et les enfants, firent prisonniers les hommes, pillèrent, saccagèrent, arrosèrent de pétrole Invasion 14 51). This act, atrocious and barbaric in the eyes of the -à-dire le plus souvent civiles, ou non combattantes, mais aussi considérées comme Both nations accused each other of sexual violence and numerous campaigns were carried out on each side in order to cultivate fear anportrayed as a rape of mothers helped to solidify national supportin both France and Britain102  against a racialized German enemy, while affirming the centrality of motherhood as a primary systematic rape of women on French soil by German soldiers, Germany was retaliating against d the occupation of Rhineland. Preoccupied with notions of racial purity, Germany saw the presence of black French males as a double threat to the integrity of their women. The propaganda surrounding la honte noire was further exploited by the Weimar as a means of vilifying the enemy of the Aryan nation, 71After his ascension to power, Hitler continued to exploit these racial and gendered dimensions as a means of shaping public mentalities. The image Nazi Germany wished to convey to the soldats allemands furent sanctionnés. alors donner une image de It towards the German nation as many French citizens satiated by stories of German soldiers as ill-mannered, uncultivated and brutal rapists found that their country had been invaded by rather obliging, cultivated and proper individuals72.                                                        71 In Vichy France: Old Guard and New Order 1940-1944, Robert Paxton shows that Vichy eventually gave in to  72 The conflicting French opinion with respect to the occupying army was evidenced through variations on the adage  103   Alison Moore shows that sexual relations between German soldiers and women belonging to conquered nations were met with various levels of tolerance based on a series of racial considerations73. The Nazi state enforced extreme pronatalist policies in the case of -and eventual collaboration of its prisoner nations by cultivating admiration among the (Aryan) female population, it was also in its interest to protect the integrity of its own women.  Although French males on German soil were at the mercy of their captors, their inferior status did not detract from their capacity to undermine the Aryan nation by soiling the bodies of good, honest German women.  n spéciale. Avec de Reinhard Heydrich, chef de la police de sureté et de sécurité du Reich, prescrivant la peine de mort pour les prisonniers de guerre en cas de rapports que la relation coupable sur le front russe et tombe du même coup sous la double incrimination de                                                       73  Fogelman points out that marriage and sexual intercourse between Jews and Germans were considered Rassenschande prohibited. Despite the 1935 Nuremberg Law for the Protection of German Blood criminalizing such behaviors,  104    (Buisson, Années érotiques I : 311).  In January of 1943, the Minister of Justice accused women consorting with foreign POWs of having betrayed the front, disgraced the nation and harmed the reputation of German femininity abroad (Theofilakis 58). The female-homeland allegory was equally-operative in both Germany and France and any woman found cheating on a soldier was immediately labeled a national traitor. While sexual relations with French POWs were discouraged and sometimes heavily-sanctioned French men were deprived of their right to work outside of the camp and sometimes even imprisoned while German women were forced to pay fines, shorn and sometimes obligated to wear signs specifying the nature of their crime (59)  the Nazi regime was not very successful at repressing this type of interaction. Alongside threats and punishment, les prostituées recAnnées érotiques I : 312). These measures were also largely ineffective.    Systems of female surveillance The inabil(Voldman 121). The assumption of disloyalty is crucial here as it focuses on wompotential to transgress. Whether or not they did was a different matter; after all, not all French women had sexual relations with enemy soldiers. It is interesting to note that this anxiety was directed towards all women, regardless of status. Not even prostitutes were exempt from suspicion, due to 105  Misères et tourments 182). While fidelity was not an expected virtue for a prostitute, the rise in clandestine prostitution presented the risk that the services provided to any soldier, French or German, were carried out by a wife or a mother in need of money. As a result, all women operating outside of the confines of conjugal relations were subjected to state surveillance and control74 (188). Jean-Yves Le Naour explains that, during WWI, the image of the unfaithful and duplicitous woman ran parallel to that of the male deserter, on the opposite end of the patriotic spectrum and in severe contrast with the image of the faithful wife and mother and her heroic and presumably-chaste poilu, both wholeheartedly dedicated to their homeland (226). The anxiety surrounding men did not wish to attach their name or fortune to children who were not their own, much less to ones who were conceived with the enemy. In Of Woman Born, Adrienne Rich affirms that woman and her child must legally belong to some man, and that, if they do not, they are at best wartime obsession and, as such, the French state touted the importance of motherhood, yet that is, as long as the child                                                       74 frivolity, inconsistency, and all manner of corruption. The unfaithful woman is more than a weak member of the social commbreaks all the bonds of nature. In giving the man children which are not his, she betrays both. She joins perfidy to advocated subjecting girls early on to strict discipline and constraint, because they (unlike men) would have to learn to live for reputation and opinion. He prescribed rules of decorum and propriety for everything from appearance to (101).  106  In their absence, soldiers relied on the community to safeguard the integrity of their families. As a result, the denunciation of immoral female behavior became a national phenomenon. Many soldiers received anonymous  While some soldiers simply reprimanded their wives, others resorted to divorce, suicide, desertion and sometimes even crimes of passion. Incidents of this type were often passed under (Le Naour, Misères et tourments 236).  Meanwhile, women suffered from violence and marginalization. Fabrice Virgili estimates that almost a half of the 1,600,000 prisoners of war during WWII were married and around a quarter of them were fathers. The majority did not return home until 1945, leaving their wives alone and vulnerable ( represented a significant percentage of the female population left behind to fend for themselves. Wartime society attempted to prevent and repress female adultery by coercing these women into obedience through formal and informal systems of surveillance. The Statefinancial and moral interests, perceived female adultery as a seditious act due to its potential to emotionally incapacitate men and detract from their ability to carry out their military responsibilities successfully. Consequently, adultery75, an otherwise private act, was perceived                                                       75 For an overview of Vichy legislation on adultery and concrete WWII statistics of illegitimate relations, please (1940-.  107  not only as a challenge to the social order but also as a public affront. Personal betrayal became natioby providing absent men with a basis for divorce, especially in the event of an illegitimate pregnancy. protecting the nation (11). These systems included governmental organizations, the press and the community qua neighbors and family members (Buisson I: 320). In her extensive study on POW wives during WWII, Sarah Fishman examines the contributions of the institution La Famille du prisonnier to the lives of these women and its role as an organism of surveillance. Initially founded by a woman as a private agency in 1941, the organization was temporarily taken over by the Secours national in 1942 and, upon its restoration as an autonomous entity in 1943, continued under male representation (Fishman 78). As such,   the Famille du prisonnier description of its role could have been modeled on   the French Civil Code description of paternalism. Famille du prisonnier social   workers took over the role of husband and father, providing for the family,    deciding how money should be spent, where the family should live, and whether   the wife should work. They were to guide the wife who, in their view, was not    fully responsible and needed leadership. They were to prevent infidelity, oversee         wives incapable of fulfilling these duties alone (79).  108  As Fishman points out, the underlying paternalism of the system was propagated not only by male leaders of the organization but also by women in their capacity as social workers. Social work itself in France rested upon the infantilization of working-class women. Most social workers at this time originated from the bourgeoisie and nurtured inherent prejudices against uneducated women working outside of the home to the purported detriment of their maternal responsibilities (79-80). The Famille du prisonnier, by its very nature, was an association deeply anchored in a classist and sexist vision of the world. In exercising control over working-class women, bourgeois women social-workers propagated the gendered principles they had been raised with all the while exercising a pseudo-male agency they themselves were deprived of.   As a powerful agent of the patriarchy, the organization became increasingly intrusive into the lives of working women. While the financial and emotional support it accorded women was admittedlFamille du prisonnier should make sure that the not, it is implied, to attract need for women to center their needs and activities around their male guardians. The push for women to remain attractive yet chaste is indicative of the patriarchal imperative to possess and control women by emphasizing male dominance. POW wives were expected to endure the absence of their husbands by constantly cultivating hope for their return. They were to manifest agency only temporarily and only in the interest of the family unit as a whole. Social-workers oing so the organization fulfilled its task of keeping husband and wife together and of preparing for the 109  to guide wives, keep the memory of the husband alive, prevent divorce, and make sure wives consulted husbands and wrote interesting from cooking to cleaning to child rearing and sexual conduct. Presumably weak and immoral by nature, women were bound to fail in their tasks if unaided as citizens, as mothers and as wives. an(81). As the Vichy regime constantly deplored the decline in birth rate and touted natality as a key element to the regeneration of the nation, any behavior that could endanger the integrity of the family unit was deemed undesirable. Intervention strategies included pleading with absent soldiers to forgive their wives and even obstructing or falsifying the information provided to divorce (139).  While the Famille du prisonnier and other similar organizations incarnated one type of system of surveillance, family members often represented anottondue of Nevers  the surveying authority becomes her father. Confined to a small town in a time of war, Elle suffers from 110  -sept ans. La Despite the close watch the father keeps on his adolescent daughter, he cannot protect her from imminent doom as she gradually falls into a tryst with an injured German pof the enemy in seeing Elle even after he is healed engages the young woman in a dangerous game of seduction. The point at which she reciprocates his gaze marks a turning point, one that Alors je vis son visagand the scrutiny of the entire community, she assumes the burden of culpability brought on by a contre le regard. Nous nous sommes emThe imagery of the eye as a primary locus of sexual transgression as well as an agent of regulation of female sexuality echoes previously-evoked passages in Vercors and Némirovsky all too revelatory of a collective ence in the small town of Nevers, a remark filled with double significance. The spying eye of the community from behind the persiennes is not, in fact, a phenomenon limited to Nevers but a nationwide one found during both wars, as Mme Angellier reveals in the reprimand aimed at her daughter-in-law 111  Les Allemands doivent défiler devant des  while Lucile As a mother-in-law, Mme Angellier incarnates, incidentally, yet another agent of male scrutiny: the woman who has fully internalized patriarchal gender discourses and derives illusory power from ardently defending the status quo. She is often pejoratively referred to as the rombière, a reductive and problematic archetype of the older woman animated by bitterness and jealousy towards younger, more attractive women whose success she attempts to dismantle in a system that perpetually questions her worth (Buisson, Années érotiques I: 319).    -protective mother-in-law, the idea of a normal life without her son Gaston is inconceivable and she often finds herself doubting her daughter-in-prisonnier des Allemands, et elle peut respirer, bouger, parler, rire? C236). For the suffering mother, the hostility toward the German officer stationed in her home represents a form of duty towards her son sidérer un de ces messieurs autrement que comme un The control she exercises over the household is shaped by her understanding of her responsibilities as a mother as well as by her own experiences as a POW wife during the First World War. Deeply set in her bourgeois ways, she promotes patriarchal notions of female decorum and virtue and expresses agency not as a woman but rather as an front. instrument of repression by appropriating masculine traits the strength of a fortress, an image 112   -lence de la nuit un bruit de pas, un soupir pour que ça au moins (359). Vested with a masculine pseudo-authority, the mother-in-law, like many other women during the Occupation, acts as an agent of repression who derives her power from the absence of the real master. Just like other délatrices of transgressive behaviorsspiteful female witnesses who denounced inappropriate female behaviors both to the Kommandantur as well as, more directly, to cuckolded French soldiers themselves via anonymous letters, Mme Angellier is a denouncer of female desire and  and  is revelatory of a taboo surrounding female enjoyment in the absence of French men. By referring to her daughter-in-law as femelle, Mme Angellier reduces her to the status of an animal driven by its base, sexual instincts and lacking any consideration for social decorum. The choice of dévergondée is equally important as it is a particularly-gendered pejorative term connoting sexual moral degradation (licentiousness, debauchery, perversion) in its reference to women. un demi-deuil, seule attitude extérieure jugée finalement en rapport avec leur état et conforme Années érotiques I : 319). The Fédération des associations des femmes de prisonniers, another organization aimed at providing assistance to POW wives during WWII, perpetuated this concern with female decorum through its monthly journal, Femmes des prisonniers eptable] leisure activities. The public expected prisoner of war wives to be in a state of mourning and disapproved if women did not behave with 113  iors made many women feel guilt and shame over the pursuit of enjoyable preservation of the family unit76 and, as such, all assistance provided to women was contingent -approved activities were, in other words, sanitized, deprived of all context that might induce any type of morally-problematic behavior. Hobbies such as dancing or going to the movies were perceived as potentially-licentious activities (Buisson, Années érotiques I nal incarnation of Simone, the real tondue of for having spent her leisure time during the war dancing (which, incidentally, is how she met her When she un comprenais donc pas ce que tu faisais? Tu trahissais ! ation ! Tu ouvrais les cuisses pour Hitler!(Mankell 69, emphasis mine). At a time when the private is public and the female body is vested with added political significance, the act g with the entire                                                       76 t the core of patriarchy is the individual family unit which originated with the in human consciousness, then, arrives when man discovers that it is he himself, not the moon or the spring rains or the spirits of the dead, who impregnates the woman; that the child she carries and gives birth to is his child, who can make him immortal, both mystically, by propitiating the gods with prayers and sacrifices when he is dead, and concretely, by receiving the patrimony from him. At this crossroads of sexual possession, property ownership, and the desire to transcend death, developed the institution we know: the present-day patriarchal family with its supernaturalizing of the penis, its division of labor by gender, its emotional, physical, and material possessiveness, a child born outside of wedlock, the economic dependency of women, the unpaid domestic services of the wife, the -51).   114  treasonous surrender of the femme-patrie to the defiling enemy. Like dancing, the cinema also posed a danger to women not only due to the potentially-immoral content of the films shown but also because of its well-heated, half-lit theater rooms where men and women took refuge to escape the cold and loneliness of their own homes. Conducive to both mental and physical escapism, such places were denounced as places of debauchery where illicit sexual activity flourished.    The climate of suspicion that haunted wartime women in their leisure time, volunteer time, the workplace and the home is a manifestation of a generalized concern over their ability to contribute to the war effort in ways sanctioned by the patriarchal state. National discourses that promoted motherhood and virility as gendered incarnations of patriotic duty and conflated private matters with public politics should be understood as mere replicas of pre-existing gender fictions exacerbated by the state of armed conflict. Though vesting the female body with political significance precedes the 20th century by far, the patriarchal mechanisms of power operative during the two World Wars were successful in preserving the status quo by inscribing female sexuality and its powers of reproduction into a larger nationalist context whereby state-sanctioned behaviors were equated with patriotism and prospective victory while transgressive behaviors entailed  nation is a form of identity and difference. It creates the outsider, the other, the stranger. The nation produces its boundaries and simultaneously produces the foreigner, minority, immigrant, exile (Lerner, 1991). Nationality is relational, for 115  ference is hierarchised. So one way to approach nationalism is to ask how, and who, the nation is used to exclude and subordinate (46). Nationalism itself is a discourse anchored in gender fictions and suffused with gendered imagery. As Joan Landes affirmstoward sexuality, were intimately connected with the development of modern nationalism. And female propriety, chastity, and fidelity, along with monogamy, all became tropes of civilized or discourses identified Germans as the enemy and the female body as the marker of a territory in constant danger of being breached. Complimentary codes of male valor and female chastity became tools for generating cohesion in the face of the adversary. All behaviors external to such codes acquired political significance, consequently attributing to non-conformist women the potential for sedition.              116  CHAPTER III CONTROLLING THE FEMALE BODY: THE MATERNAL IMPERATIVE     gendered emergence of the (free) male citizen, and the construction of public space as male. Politics involved performance and appearance in the public space. In the private space of the home, women, children and slaves lived and worked to provide for the physical and emotional needs of indicated, the transition from male despotiservices and reproductive powers-8). Positing the individual male as the model citizen relegated women to the margins of a valuation system centered around masculine traits. As the opposite gender in a binary infused with centuries of religious and philosophical ence of complimentary codes discussed earlier (i.e. valor and chastity, virility and motherhood) is alternativelyunruly, sexual, disorderly. In either case, she needs to be under the protection/control of a man (to protect herdisenfranchisement of women through the equation of citizenship with masculinity and their relegation to the private sphere as protégées has led, historically, to the creation of paternalistic laws. The Napoleonic Code in France is one such example. Title 5, Article 213 of the Code 117  77. The wife is obliged to live with her husband wherever he goes (Art. 214) and prohibited from selling, giving or exchanging goods without his authority (Art. 217). According to the Civil Code, women were banned from signing contracts, managing their own wealth or property without a male guardipermission (until 1965), earning an income (until 1907, if married), pursuing secondary or higher education (until 1880 and 1919 respectively), exerting legal guardianship over their children rights were uniformly dictated by the Napoleonic Code, their concrete experiences sometimes varied according to their socioeconomic status widows and women of lower classes enjoyed more flexibility in areas such as financial responsibility, work outside of the home and child rearing. Within the nuclear family, fathers had complete authority over their children.  Frederick Engels had attributed female economic dependency to the emergence of private property and its effects on the family unit. The concept of patrimony ushered in a new definition of marriage and reproduction whereby marriage became an economic contract and progeny a means to solidify private assets over several generations. Men contracted with other men over property (land, women) while attributing to women the task of creating (legitimate) heirs. In Of Woman Born, Adrienne Rich comments on power as an integral element of patriarchy: Through control of the mother, the man assures himself of possession of his children; through control of his children he insures the disposition of his patrimony and the safe passage of his soul after death. It would seem therefore that from very ancient times the identity, the very personality, of the man depends on power, and on power in a certain, specific sense: that of power over others,                                                       77 Access to the full text of the Napoleonic Code here: http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k5406276n/f63.item.  118  beginning with a woman and her children. The ownership of human beings proliferates: from primitive or arranged marriages through contractual marriages-with-dowry- ic dependency of the wife, through the feudal system, through slavery and serfdom (Rich 64). According to Pierre Bourdieu, the private patriarchy occasioned by the shift to private ownership transitions to a public patriarchy as masculine power transcends the family unit and permeates three additional structures: the church, the school, and the state (Bourdieu 55). The During WWI, in the at-Père se fait à la fois répressif et nourricier, garant Women were not granted legal parental authority until 1915 and only reluctantly (117). Though the concession was intended as a temporary measure until the rightful male guardians returned from the front, it tory to survive the Great War. reinforce all discourses and constraints inherent in private patriarchy. By taking gender relations out of the private sphere and infusing the family unit with political meaning, public patriarchy acquires a broader reach as it enlists the support of other mechanisms of power. In equating social order with moral order, in establishing a hierarchy of authority within the family (male>female>child), les États modernes ont inscrit dans le droit de la famille, et t of motherhood further examines one of the most crucial ramifications o119  patriarchy: motherhood as an institution. She distinguishes between potential relationship of any woman to her powers of reproduction and to children; and the institution, which aims at ensuring that that potentialand all womenshfurther elaborates on its invisible yet pervasive nature. Sexual violence, the regulation of childbirth and contraception, the criminalization of abortion and out-of-wedlock motherhood, unequal pay, economic dependency on men, the minimal involvement of men in matters of the private sphere such as raising children, the persistent attempts to control motherhood by connecting physiological destiny (Beauvoir II: 326) but her reproductive abilities (that is, potential for motherhood) become the very chains that bind her into submission. As Rich most fundamental and bewildering of contradictions, it has alienated women from our bodies by history, and in certain cultures78, the idea of woman-as-mother has worked to endow all women with respect, even with awe, and to give institutionalizing motherhood, public patriarchy has stripped childbearing of a great deal of its potential for agency, yet it continues to present motherhood as a means to achieving a privileged societal status. In The Sexual Contractrded to motherhood in civil society is, rather, a consequence of the patriarchal construction of sexual                                                       78 For an exploration of the influential status of motherhood in the private and public spheres of the Ancient World, see Petersen, Lauren Hackworth, and Patricia B. Salzman-Mitchell. Mothering and Motherhood in Ancient Greece and Rome. Austin: U of Texas, 2012. Print.   120  in The Reproduction of Mothering rsal sexual asymmetries in the social -10). Women are reminded of their reproductive duties in ways that obscure the struggles and limitations of (institutionalized) motherhood through arguments centered on the glory of childbearing as an act cated in the private and the family, away from the political. Yet the maternal is also claimed by the state, to give (the right kinds of women) particular civic duties; to (Pettman 18). It is nations in the aftermath of decimating wars. And  While (institutionalized) motherhood has problematized female agency in reproduction, it has also created a hierarchy whereby, through childbearing, women can ascend the patriarchal women, acting in the name of mothers, like acting for the nation, provides the justification to move into the public space. Their political action can be seen as patriotic and respectful, where a rhood that both legitimizes and problematizes female citizenship. This is especially true in times of armed Susan Grayzel declares that, during WWI in France, national discourses strategically conflated womanhood and 121  debates with the voice of mothersit became a primary way to talk about women during the war since it allowed for appeals to women across region, ethnicity, class, and even nation (2). The patriarchal French state further legitimized pre-existing complimentary codes of virility and motherhood through a nationalist rhetoric inciting men and women to observe their respective patriotic duties. Even French feminists became divided over the issue of compulsory maternity79. On the left side of the spectrum, neo-Malthusian feminists such as Nelly Roussel argued for motherhood as a choice (i.e. importance of contraception) and advocated improved rights for mothers. Reformist feminists such as French physician Madeleine Pelletier, who saw maternity as the root of female inferiority, went as far as to recommend celibacy and the decriminalization of abortion.  World War I mobilized 8 million men in 4.5 years and left 2,150,000 civilians behind to fend for themselves. Ten departments experienced the penury of German occupation (Les femmes 39). In light of these statistics, wartime concern with population decline can be partially understood.  [T]he maintenance of gender order in society via an appropriate maternity became a fundamental tactic of the war. Commentators continually reminded women that                                                       79 See Cova, Anne. Fminismes et no-malthusianismes sous la IIIe Rpublique : La libert de la maternit. Paris: L' Harmattan, 2011. Print.  122  ildbearing capacities (Grayzel 3).   Thébaud states that losses on the front increased national participation in various social même comme le service actif des femmes à la p producing chilContrasted with soldiering, the dominant, gender-specific role that was explicitly denied to them, women evaded Grayzel 2). In a speech in front of the Academy of Medicine on December 5th 1916, he advanced motherhood as a female biological imperative and social duty80: donneront sont aussi nécessaires, indispensables pour la seconde victoire, que les munitions pour Les femmes 370). Pinard qualifies munitions and children as                                                       80 For further information on French medical discourses surrounding maternity, please consult Knibiehler, Yvonne. Annales (1976) : 824-45. Persée. Web. 23 Sept. 2016. <http://www.persee.fr/doc/ahess_0395-2649_1976_num_31_4_293751>. For a broader understanding of maternal discourses and pronatalist policies in France, refer to the following: Cole, Joshua. The Power of Large numbers. Population, Politics and Gender in Nineteenth-Century France. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2000. The Politics of Dénatalité During the French Third Republic, 1890-1940.Engendering Reaction: The Politics of Pronatalism and the Family in France, 1919- Diss. University of Southern California, 1996. Print.; Knibiehler, Yvonne. La Révolution maternelle. Femmes, maternité, citoyenneté depuis 1945. Paris: Perrin, 1997. Print.   123  opined, Les femmes 393). The wartime h as a sacrifice to the nation.  Sarah Fishman argues that the decline in birth rates had become a national preoccupation in France as early as 1870. Two primary movements emerged: one preoccupied with raising dwindling birth rates at all costs (natalism) and the other focused on strengthening the family as abortion, protecting all childreneven those born out of wedlockand redistributing the costs of raising divorce, and strengthen paternal power but should never condone pre- or extramarital sex by -18). Vichy family policy attempted to create an environment conducive to couple fertility by legislating on divorce, spouse/child abandonment, adultery and abortion. Because of the reproductive and nurturing roles implicitly attributed to in many aspects of society, as well as the reality of their daily wartime experiences, women were more heavily-impacted and significantly more disadvantaged by national policies targeting family life. Under the Third Republic, the Naquet law of 1884 had restored divorce, previously banned in 1814, but restricted it to cases of adultery were deemed sufficient for husbands to file for divorce, wives could only initiate the process if their husbands had been caught with a concubine in the family home (Olivier, 82). At the insistence of various associations protecting the interests of prisoners of war, Vichy tightened the law but left its operative definition of adultery intact. Beginning with 1941, a law 124  -Années érotiques I: 488), prohibited couples from filing for divorce within the first three years and encouraged judges to extend the procedure in the hopes of favoring reconciliation. A subsequent law passed on December 23rd 1942 targeted specific instances of adultery committed with POW wives81 (Eck 294). While quick to prohibit all forms of female adultery in the interest of the family unit, the Vichy regime was supportive of the institution of maisons closes and prisoners of war (Buisson, Années érotiques I: 45-53, 433-434). The climate of surveillance surrounding POW wives reinforced the hypocrisy of the sys-standard and is -seated fear of non-normative female sexualities. By encouraging citizens to get married and forcing them to stay together as well as providing them with various financial incentives upon the birth of each child82, the government hoped to successfully regenerate the nation. Distribution of contraceptives83 had been explicitly prohibited in 1920 and abortion made illegal in 1923; however, the Vichy government went so far as to label it a crime against the State. Despite this repressive environment, women continued to pursue abortions illegally, often under unsanitary and unsafe circumstances. Anyone performing 84). Hélène Eck cites 4000 yearly charges between 1942 and 1944 against people offering abortion services (Eck 294). The , a euphemism for women who performed abortions, became                                                       81 For more detailed information on the issue of adultery and the double-standard with respect to marital infidelity We will wait: Wives of French prisoners of war, 1940-1945. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991.   82 of 1939 had already implemented a variety of measures designed to financially assist children in the home (paid -re  83 Though diaphragm use was forbidden, couples employed other contraceptive methods such as coitus interruptus, -monitoring methods. It would take 47 years for contraception to be authorized again in France under the Neuwirth Law and 55 years until the implementation of the Veil Law authorizing abortion under select circumstances. 125  enemies of the State. In an effort to make an example of such agents of disorder, Pétain ordered the execution by guillotine of Marie-Louise Giraud on July 30th 1943 for having performed 27 abortions over the span of 15 months84 (Buisson, Années érotiques I: 535). Buisson shows that while abortion clients came from all strata of society, wives of prisoners of war and women (Années érotiques I : 504). procreation by depicting abortion as national suicide (Le Naour, Misère et tourments 102). The catholic bourgeoisie figured at the forefront of debates on natality. Members of familialist leagues found it appalling that abortion, while illegal, was still largely tolerated and that women exhibiting complications from abortion procedures could confidentially request medical help. They proposed to dissolve doctor-patient confidentiality laws, establish surveillance in medical centers and even encourage community members to become informants no matter the circumstances (Thébaud Les femmes 387).  During the Great War, the urgency of national repopulation had occasionally overshadowed moral concerns: unwed mothers were encouraged to keep their babies under the guise of patriotism and female rape victims were sometimes offered financial assistance in exchange for anonymous delivery, even if the child had been conceived with the enemy. On February 18th, 1915 legislation was proposed in the Senate to temporarily suspend all legal repercussions for abortions carried out in occupied territories. Public response was divided among those in favor of abortions, those supporting placement of the child into the care of the state and a small segment who believed in the preeminence of French blood over enemy genes.                                                       84 For detailed information on Marie-oire de Marie--544) in 1940-1945, Années érotiques, volume I.  126  Germans could arrange for the births of these children and if they chose, abandon them to the -partum care in Parisian hospitals. Their children would be raised with no knowledge of their origins. To this end, illegitimate newborns were sometimes taken to live with viable French families in the hopes Naour, Misères et tourments 110). It is important to note that popular opinion did not always align with government discourse and pregnancy out of wedlock, or because of adulterous encounters, still represented an immoral act worthy of community reprisal. Many women found themselves caught in a double bind, facing violence and marginalization whether they pursued abortions to rid themselves of the proof of their transgressions or whether they chose to assume responsibility and raise illegitimate children. For wives of soldiers and prisoners of war, the situation was even more delicate especially if the children had been conceived with the enemy. Invasion 14. Left to care for her little boy Pierre after her husband dies in combat, she finds herself pregnanto the front, she triggers an outpour of hatred and violence from her neighbors when she enlists for provisions. Jealous of her relative wellbeing due to her relationship with the Occupant, the villagers waiting in line for food lash out at her and her unborn baby:       Boche, ou bien il est mort    partir, hein ? dit un autre.     127        Boche,     In the absence of her protector, they take liberties by touching her body, insulting her and threatening to eleaving her bruised and bleeding and contemplating the thought of suicide:        seul coup. Pouvait-elle le faire     ? Seulement il y avait aussi     The thought of taking two lives (her own and that of her unborn child) is no detractor to Fannie as she foresees the trauma and stigma her child will inherit. Nonetheless, she recognizes the impact her death would have on her son Pierre, an innocent victim the birth of her daughter, Fannie slips into a deep depression, neglects her newborn and disappears one day. Her body is found a few days later frozen in a nearby pond, suggestive of a possible suicide attempt. While innocent, the child she could not bring herself to abort incarnates a curse  Just as Fannie was ostracized for having kept her illegitimate child, Judith Lacombe is equally ostracized for assuming responsibility for the abortion of her sister, Estelle. When Estelle discovers that she is pregnant with a German child, her mother urges her to abort to avoid public shame and the anger of her absent husband. After Estelle takes matters into her own hands and 128  avais dit de faire ça. -aurait dit, le père [Lacombe] ! Et Babet [le mari], quand il reviendra de la guerre (31). When Mr. Lacombe finds out about the incident from the gravedigger who had been asked to dispose of tun gosse par les Boches? ... Kommandantur !  (39). As mayor of the town, reputation is particularly important and the disgrace he incurs at the Kommandantur due to his the shame and dishonor of her situation e mariée! Que dirait Babet, le beau-fils, en revenant ? Scandale ! Déshonneur !  Mrs. Lacombe and Judith decide to cover for her. Judith tells her father that the child had been hers, conceived with one of Mrin secret. Mr. Lacombe immediately chases his daughter away. Abandoned and shamed by her German lover and father, she is ostracized by the community and punished at the Liberation. While the nonetheless the concrete experiences of many French women caught between a pervasive patriarchal discourse regulating their sexuality and a political wartime agenda promoting female fertility at all costs.  The moralizing spirit of the Vichy regime and its unrelenting preoccupation with fertility and regeneration led proponents of natalism to embrace policies deemed immoral by familialists via rhetoric reminiscent of that advanced during WWI. Beginning with September 2nd 1941, all hospitals were required to provide all pregnant or postpartum women with free care and the 129  option to surrender their newborns to the Assistance publique. Inherent in this legislature is the assumption that pregnancy out of wedlock and illegitimate children trump sterile sexuality (Buisson, Années érotiques I : 492). The paradox inherent in this measure is equally evident in ich derived its name from the X marked on birth documents to prese492). The law guaranteed complete confidentiality before and after delivery for women who wished to hide their condition and/or abandon their infants, as well as free healthcare services in select secret maternities created in 1939. POW wives and young unwed mothers likely benefitted the most from such services. In the case of the former,  s complété par une disposition interdisant la recherche de paternité naturelle, sauf dans les cas où il y a eu enlèvement ou viol au moment de la conception  (493-494).  Hoping that such provisions would salvage the integrity of the family unit all the while protecting the life of its unborn citizens otherwise susceptible to abortion or infanticide, the government equally oversaw efforts by the Famille du prisonnier and various Red Cross branches to place unwanted illegitimate children into French homes (494). In his book Naître ennemi: Les enfants des couples franco-allemands nés pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, Fabrice Virgili cites 36,638 illegitimate births in 1939 and 56,389 in 1944 with certain departments in the occupied zone reporting the highest numbers (Virgili 155). For its part, the German State had created the Lebensborn in 1935 as a refuge for single women pregnant with 130  -in secret and relinquish them to the State for adoption. Relations with officers of the Wehrmacht were highly encouraged and both parents had to pass strict racial purity tests. The program was met with some criticism in Germany for enabling immorality. Given its racial prerogatives, the organization initially restricted its services to a handful of countries: Germany, Austria, Denmark, Norway, Holland and Belgium (a few centers opened in Poland for exclusive use by German minorities). Because French womeLebensborn center in France did not open its doors until 1944 (159-161).   ne sont pas mauvais, dans la plupart des cas pas plus mal que ceux qui ont été procrées en Norvège (160). Having opened so late, the Lebensborn branch in France, located a few kilometers outside of Paris, only provided services to a handful of French women before the war came to an end. Tough familialists and religious conservatives were not alwayMachiavellian approach to family life, the backlash caused by the aforementioned laws was much less significant than that initiated by the law of September 14th legitimizing children conceived outside of marriage. au dispositif, un homme a désormais la Années érotiques I : 495). Buisson estimates that such a law could have applied to a total of 250,000 illegitimate children born between 1941 and 1945, most of them in the occupied zone and to wives of prisoners (499). Known 131   purportedly tried to protect, the law further confirms the extent of the politicization of French sexuality during World War II. While natalists and familialists disagreed on several issues during both wars, they all converged upon the urgent need to repopulate the nation. A subsequent general anxiety surrounding changes in the status quo became palpable early on during both armed conflicts as (short hair, masculine traits) and emancipatory notions (work outside of the home, fewer sexual inhibitions). Having been left alone, projected into male-dominated fields, and asked to assume responsibilities previously denied to them, women were exhibiting dangerous tendencies. Les femmes 233-4). Having transformed their solitude into a certain degree of autonomy, French women assumed their wartime roles in ways that illuminated their potential and highlighted their individuality. rupture du moule familial et des habitudes quotidiennes est propice à leur libération. Elles veulent vivre autrement, décider de leurs choix ; elles osent avoir des projets, amoureux ou This newfound agency is not without consequence. One notices a shifting rhetoric whereby  Hélène Eck féminit132    Whereas those in power had encouraged women to work outside of the home for the duration of the armed conflict, they were quick to blame working mothers in particular for failing in their homemaking duties and sacrificing the wellbeing of their families for the sake of an additional income. As early as 1900, in a report presented at the 10th International Congress on Hygiene and Demographics in Paris, Dr. Pinard had emphasized the detrimental effects of Congrès international 420-He called on employers to reduce work hours for pregnant women (425), a demand that his contemporary, Nous sommes ici, il est vrai des hygiénistes et non des During the war, Dr. Pinard proposed banning factory work for all pregnant, new or nursing mothers and granting a daily allowance for women who were pregnant or nursing. The factory as a place of relative public visibility and financial opportunity represented a dangerous place where women forgot their due to its potential to dissuade women from bearing children, or worse, to convince them to abort for the sake of their selfish aspirations (Thébaud, Les femmes 377). In wished to reconcile motherhood and work duties. moins démontré que le retentissement nocif du travail dans les usines de guerre sur les fonctions génératric-9). For a nation in the midst of military conflict, both 133  responsibility for both rested on the shoulders of women. As a reconciling measure, some factories did, in fact, establish financial bonuses for working mothers. A factory in Meudon 100 francs. (370). One notes the value placed on each gender implicit in the amounts granted per child: 200 francs for future French soldiers and 100 francs for future French mothers. In order to redirect women towards their traditional roles as wives and mothers, demobilization rhetoric praises the merits of the hers of 5, 8 and 10 children were   created in 1926. In 1920 legal steps had already been taken to provide additional financial support for monetary assistance for families with children   The obsession with motherhood as a duty resurged in the interwar period under the guise of puériculture, the new art of caring for young children. Premised on science and moralistic medical discourses, this new trend placed a greater burden of responsibility on women as primary caretakers thus multiplying the injunctions against that ultimate female threat to the fabric of society: degenerate motherhood. Anne-Marie Sohn contends that the 19th-century Pasteurian revolution and its hygienist concerns in the name of decreasing infant mortality solidified a new medical discourse anchored in the culpabilization of mothers. surtout, la chute très précoce de la natalité et le spectre de la dépopulation associés à la croisade hygiéniste entraînent un doThe consequences of such an intensive child-rearing program had negative implications for working 134  mothers who were led to believe that they could no longer trust daycares85 to provide proper care for their children. The added insistence on nursing as opposed to bottle-feeding infants and the incessant culpabilization of mothers in the name of hygiene and infant mortality concerns reinforced the mother-child dependency and pressured many new mothers into staying home Pasteurian revolution. Joan B. Landes provides one poignant example from 18th-century French society:  In Year II a law regarding national festivals was proposed to the Convention; in this proposal, nursing mothers would occupy first place behind the officials. When they had enough children, they would be awarded a medal bearing the the fatherland gives thanks issue of maternal duty, decreeing on 28 June 1793 that if a mother did not nurse her child, she and the child would not be eligible for the state support offered to indigent families (Landes 98-9).  on the fact that France neededid depend on female work. In addition, many women found themselves in dire financial need and unable to                                                       85 The first crèche in France was founded in 1844 but daycares were not institutionalized until 1861. For information on daycares and a medical discussion on the alleged health hazards they presented during this time, see the section -49) by Dr. Eugène Deschamps included in the de démographie : Compte rendu. Additional readings on French daycares include: Reynolds, Siân. the Crèches ? Working Mothers and the Birthrate in France 1900-Continuity and Change 2 (1990): 190. Print. and Population 3 (1948) : 539-543. Print.   135  stay home to raise children in spite of financial assistance from the state. Consequently, numerous mothers continued to pursue work outside of the home. Anne-Marie Sohn shows that between 1906 and 1946, on average, up to 37.9% of the active working population in France was female. In 1920, half of workers were married women and up to 14.5% were widows with children (Sohn 170). For women in the countryside, work was unavoidable and represented a much heavier load; female farm workers found themselves replacing both absent males and work animals requisitioned by the Germans all the while maintaining their homemaking responsibilities. Though their workload may have been hard, it also presented a certain degree of flexibility. The task of caring for children, for example, was often the joint effort of a tight community, a luxury that city women did not have (170). According to Sohn, two out of three working women in the city were mothers.  : à Paris, la moitié des salariées prend un congé assez long, mais 10% seulement, mères de nombreux enfants ou exerçant un métier ingrat, renoncent  The Third Republic had passed ample legislature surrounding work and family life86.  With the creation of the Code de la Famille in 1939, the government passed new pronatalist laws such as the creation of stipends for stay-at-its inception in 1940, the Vichy government re-circulated preexisting discourses on the family and elaborated upon prior pronatalist legislature87                                                       86 In 1896, concerns over population decrease led statistician and demographer Jacques Bertillon to create the Alliance nationale pour l'accroissement de la population française and publish his findings the following year in a report entitled Le problème de la dépopulation (Bertillon 81). See : Bertillon, Jacques. Le problme de la dpopulation. Le programme de l'Alliance nationale pour l'accroissement de la population franaise. Paris: Bureaux De La Revue Politique Et Parlementaire, 1897. Print.  87  : Capuano, Christophe. Vichy et la famille: Ralits et faux-semblants d'une politique publique. Rennes: Presses Universitaires De Rennes, 2009. Print. and Lackerstein, Debbie. National Regeneration in Vichy France: Ideas and Policies, 1930-1944. Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2011. Print. 136  Republic for an antifamily climate of high divorce, legalized prostitution, alcoholism, and community at the expense of individual rights, Pétain proclaimed the family as the primary social cell. Individualism and the pursuit of personal freedoms became veritable enemies of the State while notions of community, solidarity and citizenship were erected as national standards. of the nation rests in signals the significance of the family metaphor in nationalist imagery as a tactical strategy intended to catalyze patriotic support by eliciting feelings of familial bonding. The rhetoric of  helps account for the distinctiveness of nationalism as a discourse capable of arousing enormous passions from the members of nations (Sinha 328). At the head oneed of guidance, Christ-like figure promising to rehabilitate a country that had lost its way. The maréchalisme of the Vichy era was the result of a concerted effort to regulate sexuality and promote family values through the subtle manipulation of nationalist imagery anchored in a series of extant gender fictions. Mrinalini Sinha points out a logical fallacy in national discourses by which the nation uses such pre-existing gender fictions to legitimize its actions while using the actions to support the legitimacy of the fictions themselves:   The discourse of the nation is implicated in particular elaborations of   atives  rely heavily on the supposedly natural logic of gender differences to   consolidate new political identities around the nation. On the other hand,   the discourse of nationalism provides legitimacy to normative gendered 137   constructions of masculinity and femininity (Sinha 326).  Hélène Eck corroborates this observation by indicating that the theory of the difference and complementarity 291). The clear division of gender roles whereby the private domain belongs to the female and the public to the male is an extension of an all-too-familiar gender fiction relegating women to Power: tasks promoted as complimentary, and thus conducive to an alleged social balance, follows a predictable social hierarchy that favors men. While the feminine and masculine duality is contains implicitly a hierarchical system. The roles may be complementary, but one is -574). This notion of a double helix whereby male and female tasks represent opposite strands on a theoretical helix (Higonnet 34-35). In Le deuxième sexe, Simone de Beauvoir had already hinted to this theory (Beauvoir I : 114). Unlike the gatherer and the warrior, the woman does not participate in activities that mark t -  doctrine of the separation of the sexes. Through its added emphasis on the notion of gender difference and the renewed valuation of its implicit private/public binary, the Vichy state sends 138  la femme a sa cause dans la volonté de perpétuer la famille et de maintenir intact le patrimoine, (Beauvoir I : 147). of the war, is a mere resurgence of pre-existing gender fictions repackaged for the occasion. The their service to the country and finds its in the unremitting effoBeauvoir points to the figure of the Virgisuprême victoire masculine qui se consomme dans le culte de Marie: il est la réhabilitation de la  : 285). Sexually-pure and entirely dedicated to her son,   ; elle connaît librement son infériorité : 285). It is through her annexation to the male that Mary becomes worthy of glory, in particular through her virgin maternity and her devotion to her potential relationship of any woman to her powers of reproduction and to children; and the institution, which aims at ensuring that that potentialand all womenshof motherhood in the western world. By replacing goddess worship and supplanting fertility cults, it strategically harnessed the power women once derived from their own bodies. The mater dolorosa La tondue as shorn mother Marie Prudente 139  incarnates two contradictory female archetypes: the chaste mother and the fallen seductress. attempts to rebuild her life elsewhere while claiming to -up) and her abandoned her child and her attempt to justify it  Si vous voyiez  mplicit notion that she is a monster -In the end, Marie must face her two identitiessexual woman and chaste motherand acknowledge that only one can survive88. Her brief dalliance with the mayor, a prostitution act of sorts, leads to (an alleged) call for repentance Manu mentions, salvation requires a purification ritual beyond that of her tonte; it involves a willing amputation of an aspect of her identity deemed problematic and a figurative baptismal submersion into her                                                       88 For a complete analysis of this scene and its narrative devices, please consult chapter IV.  140  a male presence to whom she surrenders. Like Virgin Mary, her worth resides in her wholehearted devotion to her son.  Dauphikinds of compensations, including a certain number of powers, which may explain the degree to In spite of their traditional relegation to the home, they often found a certain degree of power in their roles as wives and mothers. Beauvoir notes that the male pleasure derived from an unremitting sense of superiority over women is only reproducible for women through motherhood. Only through the addition of kin hierarchically-lower than herself can a woman (limited) access to patriarchal power through motherhood. In their view, 19th century socio-medical discourses on childhood reinforced and codified maternity in unprecedented ways.   These mothers, especially those from the petty bourgeoisie, so eager for recognition and distinction, became scrupulous guardians of morality and propriety after internalizing the goals of social mobility. Overwhelmed with rules, duties, feelings of shame and culpability, they turned themselves into paragons of virtue and became cogs in a power system which could only satisfy them if they submitted to it, the price for rebellio-585).  rombières, mentioned in chapter II. It is not only through maternity but through the relationship with her 141  son(s) that a woman gains access to a fraction of power within the patriarchal state89). As the overbearing mater dolorosa of a woman whose agency (if attainable?) is paradoxically contingent upon internalizing and perpetuating oppressive patriarchal discourses. Beauvoir interprets this renunciation of self and the subsequent inter-perpetuates the problematic cycle of patriarchal power (370-1). Though Beauvoir is correct in her estimation of psychological trauma this dynamic could bestow upon children, one must understand such behaviors as symptoms of female marginalization, subconscious attempts to utilize the very mechanisms that subjugate women (e.g. the institution of motherhood) to access power in the macrocosm of the patriarchal system. Women like Madame Angellier, though praised by the Vichy regime as maternal heroes, are both victims and oppressors within a structure designed to disenfranchise them at all costs.   As this chapter has shown, maternity has historically been a locus of both oppression and limited agency for women. The patriarchal mechanisms of power operative during the two World Wars did not produce new discourses on motherhood in France, they simply re-circulated extant gendered fictions and infused them with a nationalist rhetoric. Wartime state policies regarding 43).  Familialist measures focused on illegitimate births and proper ways to raise children thus fall are bred in culturally appropriate ways (43). While women are posited as second-class citizens                                                       89 One might wonder whether this power by proxy is not, in fact, illusory.  142  -4). Their responsibility is to raise model citizens ready to assume their gendered roles thus perpetuating the status quo. It is in this light that Adrienne Rich states,  Patriarchy depends on the mother to act as a conservative influence, imprinting future adults with patriarchal values even in those early years when the mother-child relationship of the archetypal Mother which reinforce the conservatism of motherhood and convert it to an energy for the renewal of male power (Rich 61).                 143  CHAPTER IV OBJECTIFYING THE SUBJECT: PUNISHING FEMALE DISSENTION AND RE-ESTABLISHING THE PATRIARCHAL ORDER      (Lacan, Autres écrits 568)  In Surveiller et punir, a genealogy of the penal and carceral system in France from the Middle Ages to the 19th century, Michel Foucault indicates the importance of the human body as a locus of power. His analysis of surveillance and punishment as instruments and manifestations of a larger mechanism of power exposes a progression from a fixation with the physical body as a primary site of control and expiation (punishment as a spectacle contingent upon physical pain and visibility, i.e. criminals tortured in public spaces) to a transgressor (punishment as a private, systematic set of codes aimed at correction and potential reintegration into society, i.e. criminals locked inside prisons). Although the end of the 18th century marked an end to punishment as a spectacle on a broad scale and ushered in subtler and more effective ways to prevent and reprimand transgressive behaviors, and while the body came words, all punishment, even at its most abstract, affects the body and its functions, even if the body is left untouched. A criminal in the 19th century was no longer subject to physical torture and public execution but the deprivation of his legal rights and physical liberty had undeniable repercussions on his body. When efforts were properly orchestrated, the Foucauldian mechanisms of power acting upon him succeeded in creating a docile body144   is a docile, cooperative and productive body if not pivotal to the continued success of the mechanisms of power that construct it? According to Foucault,  [c]et investissement politique du corps  est lié, selon des relations complexes et réciproques, à son utilisation économique force de production que le corps est investi de rapports de pouvoir et de domination aussi un instrument politique soigneusement aménagé, calculé et utilisé) ; le corps  In other words, the body is vested with power only when it has been established as a unit of power is at best limited and at worst illusory. It is as a body that is surveyed and controlled that a transgressor can reintegrate society and become a productive element contributing to its success. As such, the productive body is the servile body.   Chapter I of the dissertation at hand has set out to expose the ways in which French ld Wars (and, by extension, their physical and emotional desires and/or choices) have been manipulated by patriarchal mechanisms of power in distinctly gendered ways. Chapter II and III have explored some of the gendered discourses deployed in WWI/II France by a profoundly devirilized nation to criminalize autonomous female sexuality. In the absence of direct French male authority, the autonomous sexual act became an act of disobedience. Single women were shunning the authority of their fathers or brothers, married women were expressing disloyalty to their husbands, illegal prostitutes were escaping the 145  docile body may be reiterated here, one can begin to understand the importance of docile female bodies for the welfare of the patriarchal state. In particular, as expounded upon in Chapter III, one can seize upon the centrality of the female (re)productive body as a patriarchal cornerstone. The sentimental collaborator, as Dominique François s. Through her choices and behaviors, the sexual collaborator exposed collective French male inadequacies and eschewed her responsibilities as a (re)productive body as sanctioned by the patriarchal state. As such, the tontes were deployed as a gendered punishment intended to reintegrate women into post-war society by forcing them to abandon any (concrete or perceived) personal and political autonomy/authority they may have gained during the war and reassume their previously-assigned societal roles. The tontes were ultimately successful in reintegrating women into society as objects.  It is important to take a brief moment here to reiterate the continuity in the treatment of sentimental collaborators in 1918 and 1944 so as to avoid the conflation and dangerous generalization of events pertaining to different historical periods. Hanna Diamond states, French women who consorted with the Germans in 1918 had their heads shaved136). In a biographical account90 of his life in the village of Saint-Loup (near Chartres), farmer Ephraïm Grenadou relates his experiences as a soldier during both World Wars and claims to have witnessed such events. After a short military leave, he recalls rejoining his regiment near                                                       90 Ephraïm Grenadou, born in 1897, lived in Saint-Loup his entire life. In 1959, Parisian writer Alain Prévost bought a summer home in the area and became friends with Grenadou. Their friendship served as inspiration for a book  Grenadou, paysan francais, published in 1966, biography but also a historical account of an otherwise overlooked rural region.  146  Fourmies (Hauts-de-France region). s ces pays-là, ils réglaient leurs comptes, de vieilles querrelles du temps des Allemands. Ils coupaient les cheveux aux bonnes femmes. Tu (Prévost 107). While some scholars are skeptical of s testimony in the absence of official records confirming the tontes in this area, Luc Capdevila maintains that  possible pour avoir eu des relations sexuelles avec des étrangers ayant entraîné un sexuées, après la Première Guerre mondiale et pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale (Les Bretons 5).  Mimetism of Belgian and German displays of gendered violence is by no means an ideological stretch, especially given the treatment of female sentimental collaborators in France in the aftermath of the Great War. ré Jean-Yves Le Naour shows that many French women accused of sexual collaboration were sent to concentration camps91. He argues that, in contrast with the Second World War when a wave of épuration took the country by storm and the tontes became spontaneous events contingent upon collective participation, violence against sexual collaborators post-WWI was systematically carried out by the State via the military.                                                       91 -à-dire des camps de concentration pour tous les suspects et indésirables arrêtés en France, dans lesquels elles sont internées administrativement sans décision de justice et en parfaite illégalité (Le Naour 155). The term concentration camps refers to three primary camps based in Feré-Macé, Melun-Fleury-en-Bière and Besançon and is not to be confused with that referring to death camps. 147  If one is to assume that the continuity in the treatment of sexual collaborators post-WWI and post-WWII is due to a pervasive patriarchal state that temporarily how can one account for the aforementioned differences in the tontes? One theory accounts for the violence of post-Liberation tontes by attributing it to the intensified anger and fear caused by the more extensive occupation of France by enemy forces during WWII. Unlike during the Great War, the French population suffered a longer and more pervasive enemy presence during the Second World War. As societal scapegoats, WWII women collaborators faced a greater amount of collective anger and suffering. These sentiments had been repressed for lack of acceptable outlets but needed to be exorcised for the community to successfully turn the page. An additional explanation for the amplification of violence towards these women lies perhaps in the very idea of recurrence. During the Great War, women had transcended the confines of their established roles and were immediately reprimanded. They had served their part during the conflict and were urged to resume their proper places once the war ended. Sexual collaborators were punished and society returned to its preexisting state. When the phenomenon was repeated during the following war, sexual collaboration became a recurring crime necessitating perhaps a more severe punishment, an even more ostentatious show of authority. While variations in the manifestations of gender violence during both wars are important, they should not occult the continuity in the treatment of female sexual collaborators from one war to another. Women who had fraternized with the enemy in any capacity were once again singled out not as political collaborators in the real sense of the word but as women: sexual, (re)productive bodies inscribed in a patriarchal economy reliant upon their docility.   148  Marie-France Brive was the first scholar to indicate the gendered nature of the tontes at a French conference on the Liberation in 1986, amid angry and dismissive voices92. Years later, this important consideration became pivotal to subsequent scholarship concerned with understanding why public head shavings were reserved for women collaborators, in particular those guilty of a sexual behavior labeled as criminal by wartime society. As François states,  directement porté préjudice à leurs concitoyens, à la différence des autres collaborateurs qui par la collaboration politique, militaire ou économique avaient erté et à jouissance potentielles (96).  According to Hanna Diamond, the argument positing the political nature of sexual collaboration docile body in its capacity as daughter, wife, or mother was to undermine a system contingent des femmes par la  319). Additionally, as Chapter II has                                                       92 To read  conference presentation as well as the reactions of audience members, please consult Tremp, Rolande. La Libration dans le Midi de la France: Actes du colloque. Toulouse: Ech, 1986. Print.  149  that must be protected at all costs against violating invaders. Access to French womenin the absence of their rightful male guardians was a violation of property and, when voluntary  In the aftermath of the war, the (re)productive female body needed to be re-rendered docile and reintegrated into patriarchal society in properly-sanctioned roles reminiscent of the prewar period. As evidenced in Chapter III, most of the leeway women had been given during the war for women to stay in the home was also expressed through the ongoing repression of abortion, the closing of the brothels and the emphasis placed on the importance of marriage and having children. All of these policies had some continuity with the prewar period, and were continued -4) until well into the late sixties. Due to its significance, -war patriarchal society needed to isolate the element perturbing the status quo, identify it as a corrupt psychological, and legal punishment. Once in its sanitized and socially-acceptable form, the transgressive element could be re-embraced after a temporary period of ostracism (often corresponding to the time it took for hair to re-grow, ergo for the physical traces of the crime to fade). It is interesting to note that female transgressors during WWII included not only sexual collaborators but also women returning from forced labor service in Germany. The Vichy government had instituted the Service du Travail Obligatoire in 1942 as a response to Nazi requests for labor. Initially volunteer-based, the STO became obligatory as the French state 150  attempted to use it as leverage for the liberation of its prisoners of war (i.e. France would send three workers to Germany in exchange for one French prisoner of war). By 1944, service was extended to single women without children between 18 and 45 years of age and men between 16 and 60 years old whose economic contributions were not indispensable to the French nation. Upon their return from Germany in the spring of 1945, STO workers experienced significant disapproval from the communitencountered particular struggles such as inadequate accommodations after the camps became overcrowded.  [W]omen come to France during the Occupation and who had not managed to leave in time were also put in these camps. The large numbers involved posed problems of food that after their wartime behaviour, they deserved whatever treatment they received in the camps or prisons (Diamond 143-4). Many of the women interned in camps spent months awaiting news of their cases as authorities took their time to sift through accusations that were often unfounded. Their gratuitously-dreadful treatment in these unsanitary and overpopulated internment camps reflected the idea that, guilty or not, these women must do penance for their association with the enemy.    warning to the female population as a whole. tes sont une punition 151  de personnes en tant que femmes, une violence exercée contre, non pas des femmes mais les As expressed in earlier chapters, collaborating women became the embodiment of the unruly female subject, the scapegoats:  La tondde substitution (en un double sens) réparable, réversible, à une sanction irréparable, irréversible (Brossat, Les tondues 148).  -hero in the 1974 WWII-drama bearing the same name, symbolizes a nation expiating crimes of its own. Lucien, a 17-year-old, is denied membership into the Resistance due to his young age and later revenges himself by joining the Gestapo and denouncing the resistant who turned him away. Though Lucien is not motivated by a political or philosophical agenda but rather by a naïve sense of empowerment, at the Liberation he is tried and executed for his collaborationist acts. Lucien incarnates the (albeit unintentional) political collaborator at the root of societal resentment and disgust, the one who must forfeit his life in exchange for forgiveness for his war crimes. Though sentimental collaborators were also treated as political collaborators to a certain degree, their crimes (unless explicitly political, e.g. denunciation) were nevertheless not considered worthy of execution:  court set its own barometer as to how it should be sanctioned. In some areas of France it was defined as punishable in itself, whereas other courts used alternative, less direct ways of punishing this crime. Thus some courts defined it 152  as a crime of intelligence with the enemy, punishable with sentences of forced labor and imprisonment, whereas others only saw fit to deprive women found guilty of their civil rights (Diamond 145-6).  Given this national ambiguity, many individuals perceived the tontes incurred for having violated societal conventions. As Virgili suggests, the violence and intensity of the tontes were due in part to the general climate of anger and disappointment generated by the war and its true crimes, but they also served to assert the authority of the patriarchal state (La  124). Sexual collaborators became scapegoats for a tormented post-war society, meant to absorb the communiSurveiller et punir 132). On the surface, the lesson is one in national loyalty and solidarity yet beneath the patriotic façade lies a different, gender-specific message: the need for women to resume their proper place in the patriarchal state. The tontes were aimed at re-taming the female body and re-claiming female sexuality. As operated in three phases: 1) the objectification of the female body (stripping of clothing, marking, parading), 2) the de-sexualization of the body (shaving of the hair), and 3) the temporary exile of the newly-purified body in view of its reintegration into society.    Objectification of the female body La tondue, the narrator spends a great deal of time reminiscing from the village dragged his mother into his classroom and humiliated her as the teacher and classmates looked on. The text emphasizes the dehumanization of Marie Prudente as she bears 153  the insults of the men holding her down. shaving as a dehumanizing tactic used in prison and concentration camps to humiliate detainees and strip them of identity and self-worth. As discussed in chapter I, head shaving as a form of violence is particularly humiliating for women whose societal worth is traditionally anchored in the corporeal. Reduced to a bestial status by way of her treatment, Marie patiently undergoes her punishment with stoicism before escaping her captors.  Elle était au- se jeta sur la porte et déguerpit. Au même instant, tous les élèves se levèrent de leurs bancs et, par la fenêtre, la regardèrent qui fuyait dans la cours. Elle virevolta sur le préau, exécuta quelques sauts à cloche-pied pour reprendre équilibre, tituba encore. Elle erra longtemps dans la cour de récréation. Bientôt, elle courut à toute vitesse, tantôt dans un sens, -26). Her erratic trajectory in the schoolyard is that of a frightened animal fleeing for her life from the victoire, ils semblaient dépossédés comme le chasseur, sa proie à la main, regarde les plumes qui flottent sur le marais, puis se re The same imagery can be found in Hiroshima, mon amourElle who reflects on her own tonte encore. Elle est à leur disposition. Du mal a été fait dans la ville. Ça fait du bien. Ça donne 154  ribution. Once she has been designated as an aberrant element in need of purification, and after her objectification has been fully carried out, she becomes the vermin society must chase away to sanitize the premises. superbe retrouvée. Réduits par le sort des armes au rôle du chassé, du traqué, les voici redevenus eux-mêmes pleinement -à-(La tondue 126). The post-WWII patriarchal state is slowly restoring its wounded virility through primordial displays of machismo.   Michel Foucault asserts that marking the body was an important step in the punishment process prior to the 19th century, at a time when the success of legal repercussions as means of mass control was contingent upon the visibility of the crime. The scaffold where hanging and guillotining took place was a stage and the punishment itself was intended as a moralizing spectacle for those considering transgressing against the sovereign power. Part of the torture vérité de ce qui lui a été reproché : Surveiller et punir 53-4). As mentioned in the introduction to the chapter in relation to Fouth-century, France abolished ostentatious shows of physical torture in favor of subtler, less corporeal and more psychological forms of punishment. Yet on this point, Fabrice Virgili discloses a text published in February 1942 in the 11th issue of Défense de la France 155   petites sans honneur qui minaudez avec les occupants, tondues et cravachées. Et sur vos fronts, à ( 97). Historically-speaking, the warning was not an empty scare tactic but rather foreshadowed a series of grim reprisals against women accused of sentimental collaboration. At the Liberation, collaborating paraded them through the streets nude or in their torn undergarments. Many women had their foreheads, chests or bottoms marked with swastikas, most often drawn in black pencil or ink (though some accounts claim hot irons were used). Envisioned as former possessions of the Germans bodies soiled by the touch of the soldiers, just as the country had been defiled by the  these women were symbolically re-owners. Such was the case of Marcellineal character in La tondue: Un amour de jeunesse franco-allemand, who recounts her traumatic tonte during which the community humiliated her by stripping her naked and marking her forehead with a swastika:  les autres ont déchiré ma jupe, ma culotte, je me suis retrouvée complètement nue sous les cris,  Mais cela ne suffisaune croix gammée sur le frontIndeed, photographs of the time period show shorn women marked with swastikas, some holding signs detailing the nature of their crimes suc 238-9). It is important to note the contrast between these signs used on shorn women and two other examples used on two men 156  shorn in Saint-While the signs used on women refer solely to transgressive sexual behaviors in occasionally vulgar terms   the ones affixed to men relate illicit economic acts such as denouncing compatriots to the Gestapo in exchange for money, or stealing. une fois tondues, la prise de photographie, les poignées de cheveux brandies, tout concourt à gammées, le corps de la collaboratrice porte In addition to the swthe removal of the hair itself was a temporary form of branding as evidenced by the colloquial The exchange between Dominique, one of the two resistanplay, Des jours et des nuits à Chartrespréfecture. Et ensuite ? Elle sera interrogée. Mais elle est déjà condamnée, non ? Elle est déjà punie ? Puisque vous lui avez arraché les cheveux.  The recurrence of such purportedly outdated forms of punishment is precisely what incited scholars like Alain Brossat and Dominique François to compare the tontes to the charivari/carnival traditions and the witch burnings, respectively, indicating a resurgence of punishment as a spectacle in the postwar period. The tontes were a grotesque revival of punishment anchored in visibility bordering on voyeurism. François exposes the perversity of 157  certain members of the Resistance who took it upon themselves to obtain penitence from women collaborators through violence:  femme qui avait eu une liaison avec un soldat de la Wehrmacht en lui posant toujours les mêmes questions. Ils voulaient savoir comment les Allemands se sence de réponse, la femme recevait une nouvelle gifle. Puis les questions deviennent de plus en plus précises, sur la taille du sexe  sex, suggests male insecurity, bitterness and resentment. As discussed in previous chapters, the presence of German soldiers on French soil during the Occupation established a stark contrast between the virile body of the intruder and the deplorable body of the French poilu. The voluminous humiliation the French patriarchal state incurred at the hands of both enemies and  transgressive female citizens as well as the anger and disappointment it repressed for the entire duration of the armed conflict were finally unleashed then violently-projected onto the collaborating scapegoats representative of a motherland who had sold her body to the enemy.  contemporary viewer is made profoundly uncomfortable by witnessing the scene through photography. Spectators are turned into voyeurs, looking at an image of a When the War Was Over 245). Duchen thus suggests that photographing women during these ordeals became a continuation of their punishment since the pictures contributed to a violation of intimacy and immortalized the subsequent humiliation and stigma for future generations. These photographs are therefore much more than mere visual 158  records. Even to the eye of the 21st-century viewer, they re-victimize the tondues through a perpetuation of a collectively-sadist desire to witness the punishment of bodies on display (245). plified by the sexual nature of the female aised platform, stripped of clothing and marked in ways that visually or verbally articulate the intimate nature of its crimes. Her (re)productive body is scrutinized, manipulated, violated in order to strip it of any autonomy and re-inscribe it into the patriarchal state in its rightful role as object. Her (re)productive body is re-rendered docile.   Fabrice Virgili emphasizes the sexual dimension of the tontes by contrasting female head shaving incidents after WWII with a handful of cases of male head shaving recorded in Escoussens, Saint-Girons, and Paris. He indicates that both men and women were subjected to beatings, stripping of clothing, swastika markings and public parading but that the process acquired a sexualized dimension for women alone. The logic behind this distinction is two-fold. First, as we have seen, punishment for sexual crimes as opposed to political or economic ones was reserved for women. Secondly, coerced public nudity (i.e. exposing the torso) is much more degrading for women than for males due to the inherent societal sexualization of the female form (i.e. the breasts). In addition, Virgili shows that only women had their sexual parts exposed.  Les dénudations sont non seulement plus rares pour les hommes, mais paraissent dans la plupart des cas partielles, limitées au pantalon ou à la chemise, et ne dévoilant pas, contrairement aux femmes, les parties sexuelles du corps. Le châtiment corporel est fondamentalement sexué et la fessée en est une autre illustration ; car, si les coups sont partagés par les deux sexes, la fessée est réservée aux femmes ( 244-5).  159  A few points are worthy of reiteration in the context of this juxtaposition of male and female punishment. Once again, men Virgili refers to in this case were punished for collaborationist acts of a political nature which in no way touched upon their sexuality. Secondly, although both male and female bodies were objectified, marked, humiliated through removal of hair and clothing, only the women were symbolically stripped of their sexuality through the removal of their most visibly-feminine attribute: their hair. A woman stripped of her hairseen since Antiquity as the primary tool for female seduction was also stripped of her femininity, her sensuality and thus her very identity and visibility. Many photographs of the time depict these de-feminized women, eyes shamefully averted, marching through the streets or standing in lines. Their masculine countenance is striking: nothing but their breasts and skirts indicates their sex. This reintegration of the physical female body into the community under the restored male tutelage was sometimes preceded by a symbolic show of capitulation reminiscent of religious rites for penitence. Les tondues 206). Consequently, a woman shorn, to be expounded upon later in the chapter, is a woman partially robbed of the worth bestowed upon her by the patriarchy. A man stripped of his beard may connote a loss of virility if one equates body hair with a sense of purported male potency and, as such, one may attempt to claim that a shorn man is an effeminate man, but the argument is not entirely convincing. In addition, the use of spanking solely for female collaborators denotes phallocratic authority, a mixture of misogynistic infantilisation, sexual violence, masochistic pleasure and lechery. violences infligées aux femmes en atténue souvent la portée chez les auteurs, pour qui elles -6). 160  Lastly, the fact that denudation was rare and only partial for shorn men but frequent and often complete for women evidences a blatant objectification of the female body. In accordance with age-old western traditions focusing on the female nude, the body of the female collaborator is exposed to viewers not as a male-endorsed element of beauty to be dissected by the public gaze but as a grotesque representation of autonomous female sexuality stripped of its power, rendered depraved and abject.  , the sexual objectification of Céleste is recounted through the reactions of onlookers. When she refuses to undress, community members tear her  to moral and physical integrity:  De quelle pudeur prétendait-pas privée de se foutre à poil devant un Chleuh et de se faire sauter par lui pendant que son mari trimait de force en Allemagne ? Trop tard pour la pudeur, être : un cloaque perfidement emballé dans une jolie peau (253).  ommit it. In -dominated wartime society she has crossed is revealed. The proverbial finger is pointed at her debased character, a cesspit skin.  à soldatune panse à foutre ennemi, à immondices. Avec son Vert-de-gris, 161  traînée et sa Fridoline de môme ! Et on avait collé dans les bras de Céleste la petite Zélie alors âgée de treize mois (253-4).  The crass, demeaning and violent language channels the rage of the crowd. The terms used to to target, degrade and destroy the very sexuality that once brought joy and satisfaction to Céleste on her own terms. The naked body of a female collaborator, like that of the fictional Céleste, was the confluence of conflicting feelings of patriarchal anger, disgust, curiosity and desire. It was the canvas onto which male domination had to be (re)inscribed.   De-sexualization of the female body cérémonial pour reconstituer la souveraineté un instant blessé. Il la restaure en la manifestant point extrême, la dissymétrie entre le sujet qui a osé violer la loi, et le souverain tout-puissant qui Surveiller et punir 59-60). The tontes as a modern revival of an equally-archaic type of punishment are a theatrical castigation of all women orchestrated by the patriarchal mechanisms of power on behalf of the patriarchal state as a whole. They also point out the power dissymmetry between women as a subservient class and the phallocentric system that governs them. maitrisant racteur a atteint la personne même du prince  ou du moins ceux à qui il a commis sa force 162  By transcending the confines of their pre-established roles, sexual collaborators posed a threat to patriarchal sovereignty. The very bodies they had used illicitly were subsequently targeted, manipulated, and subdued. The initial objectification phase accorded collaborators increased visibility; it brought their crimes to the forefront via the over-exposure, humiliation and branding of their sexual(ized) bodies. Their sexuality was emphasized so it could later be effaced in a process reminiscent of religious rites of purification. The body in its mutilated form became a mirror as her powerlessness (Virgili,  249). However, as François indicates, the ultimate aim of such violent reprisals was rehabilitation. tontes met aussi en avant un processus de revalorisation des corps féminins : marquage comme destruction symbolique du corps coupable, désacralisation qui interdit à la tondue de recouvrir Through the tonte process and ostracized only to be rehabilitated and reincorporated into society as archetypal daughters, wives and mothers.   In their capacity as teaching elements, sentimental collaborators symbolized a corrigible transgressive femininity, a potential for newfound docility. incorrigibles, il faut se résoudre à les éliminer. Mais pour tous les autres les peines ne peuvent Surveiller et punir 127). The final stages of the tontes as purification rites required penitence, the absolution of sins and a cleansing of the mind and body, beginning with the very physical space that the collaborator had occupied.  Post-war society was reclaiming spaces previously defiled by the enemy from public, urban landscapes to private residences to the intimacy of female bodies themselves. 163  deux titres dans la géograph-à-(Virgili,  200). Head shaving ceremonies often started at the collaboratresidence where community members sometimes forced their entry.  le cordonnier qui Marcelline, a former tondue mes, le coiffeur et le  Young Aurore, the protagonist, experienced a slightly less violent encounter. Members of the community forcibly entered the family hotel while Aurore and her parents were dining. They shielded her from public view by escorting her to the inner courtyard where a chair awaited her. scène, Aurore évitera les cris et la haine de la foule. Le plus âgé des hommes lui  soit exécutée mais en aidé la Résistance, ils ont juste décidé de la tondre. Deux autres femmes seront soldats allemands, mais comme ce sont des adultes, elles seront tondues sur la grande place, en public (176).  hotel owners, who had indirectly helped the Resistance through one of their employees. Though personal treatment was not common, it was certainly not unheard of and some women did 164  manage to avoid public retribution due to resistant friends and family members who pleaded on their behalf. In fact, for some women, having been shorn in a private place was a privilege in itself given that the punishing rite typically entailed extricating the transgressor from the private universe of her residence and escorting her to a public place where the community could partake in the remainder of the ceremony.  quatre niveaux. Politique, devant les mairies et les préfectures ; répressif, dans les différents lieux de détention ; patrimonial, dans lurbaine ; local, dans chaque rue ou quartier, au domicile des collaboratrices. La totalité du territoire urbain ou villageois est ainsi quadrillée par la population, un peu comme si les pieds innombrables du peuple libéré effaçaient par leurs foulées  (Virgili 295).  Each geographical point in the  trajectory resembles a strategic point in a pseudo-religious pilgrimage to a place of communal forgiveness and rehabilitation. The woman begins her journey alone, in the intimacy of her home where her transgressions are seemingly private. As community members forcefully enter her home, her crimes are verbalized then rendered visible as they are brought into the public space. Once outside, the tondue is no longer alone. A procession often forms; neighbors and villagers motivated by curiosity or anger join along the way. Amid screams, insults and threats, the scapegoat makes her way to the sacrificial altar. tondues font pénitence, vont à Canossa93                                                      93 The historical reference to Canossa is pertinent as it alludes to a similar pilgrimage for penitence. King Henri IV, previously excommunicated by Pope Gregory VII, had embarked on a humiliating journey to the castle of Canossa to beg the Pope for absolution. Donning the garb of a penitent, the king is said to have kneeled in front of the castle, pleading for the revocation of his excommunication, which he eventually obtained. The Merriam-Webster defines a place or occasion of submission, humiliation, or penance often used with : http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/Canossa.  165  demander pardon, implorer. Elles sont astreintes à un rite purificatoire, des ablutions  Les tondues 210). The very steps of those in the tonte procession represent an ablution culminating in the redemption of spaces previously defiled by the touch of the invader. Once the collaborator has reached the site of her figurative crucifixion, she must confess her sins and pray for collective forgiveness. At this stage in the purification rite, the base corporeal is emphasized once more before a transition can be made to a higher, spiritual level. Locks of hair fall to the ground and with them the frustrations, anger and disappointment of a nation in need of regeneration. Le sexe, la sueur, les larmes, la salive des crachats, les cheveux qui tombent au sol, le tissu des vêtements arrachés constituent les ingrédients et le matériau volontairement prosaïques et triviaux de la cérémonie appa (260).  For Foucault, punishment via ceremonial display accentuates the crime in order to justify, to the public, the ostracism of transgressive elements. (Surveiller et punir 130). The patriarchal state solidifies its authority by temporarily banishing those operating outside of the status quo. Once the de-sexualization of sexual transgressors has been fully carried out, freshly-shorn women are often escorted in a second procession that symbolizes the official (yet temporary) expulsion of the criminal from society.    166  Temporary exile: marginalization of the purified female body What awaited many of the tondues reintegration into society but rather a pronounced marginalization culminating in isolation.  Many shorn women found their rights to communal life suspended (e.g. rights to replenishment of foodstuffs at the end of the war, right to vote, etc.), others had to expiate their crimes through forced labor while some had to pay fines. Hanna Diamond shows that, in some cases, shorn women were even re-arrested after having been permitted to return home (Diamond 142). During World War II, authorities claimed such re-arrests were protective measures intended to shield newly-punished women from ongoing reprisals. These women were presumably safer in prisons and internment camps than within their own communities. Whether that was actually true is uncertain; however, what is certain is that all sexual collaborators had to deal with the stigma placed on them by a community that refused to forget.  For women like the very gaze of the neighbors provided a constant reminder of her during the Occupation. At the Liberation, after her lover was executed,   rien. Mon père, derrière les volets, a dû me voir. La pharmacie était fermée pour cause déshonneur (Duras 133-4).  The shame caused by the spectacle of her crime and her shaved head as a badge of dishonor closed after the 167  Liberation as a way to pay penance for the familial sin. vois marcher, cette société. Rapidement pendant la semaine. Le dimanche, lentement. Elle ne sait pas que je suis dans la cave. On me fait passer pour morte, morte loin de Nevers. Mon père Ostracized, the tondue of Nevers eet. Relegated, like many other shorn women, to a clandestine existence until the visible sign of her crime is effaced and her hair grows back, her existence is repeatedly denied and her memory is trampled. Throughout her imprisonment, Elle slowly slips into insanity. The trauma she has experienced triggers a loss of memory and eventually she Au début, oup, je crie, je crie très -3). Years later, her brief affair with a Japanese man allows her to remember the painful details of a past she has spent her entire adult life repressing. The man gently presses her to purge her pain as he himself verbalizes his own personal trauma concerning Hiroshima:  Elle se laisse prendre au piège. Oui. Pleines de salpêtre. [Je suis devenue une imbécile.] Faute ans ces murs, intégré à la  168  feel the humidity, taste the salt and the blood, see the woman wildly clawing at the walls of her prison. (71). The reader/spectator can sense the alienation and despair the 94 se fait saigner les doigts et mange son sang ensuite. Fait la grimace et recommence. Elle a appris, un jour, sur un quai [when her lover was shot] à aimer le sang. once sensual-sexual body is now nothing more than an empty automated object carrying the e visage de Riva est comme plâtré. mois. Les lèvres sont devenues minces. Le regard peut maigrir. Le corps ne plus rien signifier. Le inhabité(124). The  loss of integrity and humanity are conveyed through figurative language insinuating the torment of an animal in captivity. The same image of animality occurs in Maman dans une étable. Chaque jour, je lui portais du pain et du lait. Silencieuse, elle restait étendue sur une couverture, avec un sourire qui affleurait son visage comme si elle avait découvert une ouverture sur le ciel Like Elle, Marie is shut away by her family until the outward sign of her crime disappears. Even more explicitly, she is imprisoned in a barn where her son often finds her curled up on a horse blanket. One day, she escapes her prison and runs away to a neighboring town to start her life afresh. It is                                                       94 The female protagonist is referred to both by the impersonal pronoun Elle as well as by the name of the actress playing her role in the movie.   169  refait -4). The temporary imprisonment of the tondue corresponding to the time needed for the hair to re-grow is not only a means to avoid further public shame (for the family in particular) but also an important step in the societal rehabilitation process. Even after their public purification, female collaborators must undergo a period of expiation. Angoulême, pour interdire aux tondues de porLa  250). These women must be reminded of their crimes and continue to suffer their consequences wherever they go. One cannot expect the (re)productive body to become docile and resume its place in society overnight. Additional time is needed for reflection and penance and perhaps also for a collective absolution to solidify. For society to be able to forgive and forget, it must also be spared the sight of the criminal who is relegated to isolation. In 95:  Maman devait quitter le village immédiatement ou la mort la surprendrait à  tondue (48).                                                        95 Denunciation of fellow citizens (délation), through anonymous letters was a prominent wartime occurrence . For additional details, consult pp. 86-90 in Diamond, Hanna. Women and the Second World War in France, 1939-48: Choices and Constraints. Harlow: Longman, 1999. Print. For a more in-depth look at délation La délation sous : http://www.ina.fr/video/VDD08004681.   170  Vivi Dommage is unable to understand the virulence of community members in light of the fact that his daughter had been shorn by mistakeThe exchange between him and the mayor reveal Je te parle comme à un frère, Virgile, comprends-tu? Ta fille a été tondue. Tu ne peux donc pas te mettre ça dans la tête ? ne souhaite rencontrer une tonduLegally, once branded as a sexual collaborator, Marie cannot be rehabilitated or allowed to bypass the ostracism intrinsic in the purging process. pardot (45). Punishment and shame can be allocated collectively with striking facility but the rehabilitation process must follow a rigorous ritual. The female sexual collaborator has been branded and must be marginalized until she fully understands the seriousness of her transgressions. Wherever she goes, the marks on her body will follow her. For Elle, the ostracism ran its course as the community was spared the sight of her presence for the time it took for her hair to re-grow.  Ironically, both her imprisonment and her liberation coincide with societal calamity; however, while the Liberation has engendered her personal trauma, Hiroshima has indirectly provided the closure she needed to overcome it. mps après 171  -1). understood as docile, Elle must leave the place of crime. She begins a new life in Paris, gets married, has children and yet her subsequent existence is founded on unresolved trauma. Ton mari, il sait cette histoire ? Elle hésite. Ici vers moi [Manu]  les mauvaises herbes et toute sa vie il en Marie must be exiled not only for her sake but also for that of her son who becomes the target of a mock tonte carried out by schoolmates after her departure. Once she escapes from the barn and manages to make her way to another town, Marie undermine her inée au The tondue is branded once through head shaving, banished from her community and then re-branded by the next community she flees to in search of a new beginning. She cannot be allowed to forget and her wounds must not be allowed to heal until her figurative debt to the patriarchal mechanisms of power has been paid in full.  For most shorn women, the shame and alienation caused by the marks on the body (not including the lifelong psychological repercussions) were temporary.  This was not the case for those women who had found themselves pregnant with the eB172  one Touseau is very conflicted about the child she had with Helmut. After she gives birth, Simone tries to give her daughter to her German lover saying she does not want it (61). pensé à -être pas ici. Mais je ne pouvais pas, je ccupation ? Non, elle a eu un enfant child, he echoes his own feelings towards Simone whom he supports throughout her ordeal. Yet Simone is young and mercurial and her despair at having been robbed of her freedom as she awaits her judgment is often projected onto the child whom she resents for being a visible incarnation of her crime.  Simone naively assumes that the existence of her half-German child -product of convergence of feelings of hatred and love, a reminder of her love for Helmut and their happiness together as well as concrete evidence of her crime which may bring about her holding her child, the child is precisely the visually- redeeming factor. The seemingly-loving gaze between mother and baby amid the noise and violence of the community surrounding her has touched the minds and hearts of many individuals over the years. The photograph captures a Madonna and child, the freshly-purified Mary Magdalene holding a child born of sin whom she 173  sanctifies through the power of her own love. For the fictional Simone, the problem is not her baby per se but what this child represents. When David expresses concern for his granddaughter, Mais quelle va être sa vie ? Avec une mère pareille ? Du moins ici, à Chartres. Peut-être que si elle déménage, si elle change de nom, si elle change de While the baby is innocent, at least in theory, both towns, names, and building a new life removed from all traces of the past becomes apparent. The urgency of the situation is clear to Simone who understands that she and her daughter are not -aussi. The child is a paradox, innocent   In Naître ennemi, Virgili shows that public opinion regarding Franco-German children,  young figurative vipers capable of injecting , was divided between those who advocated legal abortion exemptions, especially in the case of rape96, and those who favored abandonment and subsequent adoption into new French families. For children raised by sexual collaborators who had chosen (or been forced) to carry their pregnancy to term, an overall climate of guilt and shame dominated their formative years (Virgili 316-17, 325). Daughter of a German soldier, Josiane Kruger, author of the biographical novel mère était française, mon père, soldat allemand, relates the alienation she experienced as a result of her origins:                                                       96 For a detailed analysis of legislation and public opinion surrounding Franco-German children in general and children of rape in particular (and the difficulty in determining whether a birth was the result of a coerced or consensual relation), consult chapNaître ennemi.  174  peste The insults Kruger received as a child (31) are echoed by Suzanne Lardreau in her own autobiographical novel entitled Orgueilleuse. Lardreau was raised in an orphanage managed une interdiction de séjour de dix ans dans le Tarn-et-well as the community at large, Lardreau is an extension of her mother, ongoing proof of her sexual transgressions.  -de-vois le vi  (229).   Until she leaves the orphanage for a boarding school, Lardreau must constantly suffer the pain of being conflated with her mother as well as the shame of being half German. When Sister Marie- ensuite elle a pimenté ses  -couche-toi- (175).  Through the sole act past along with a set of foreign genes deemed problematic. Additionally, the mother finds herself doubly-vulnerable, crushed under the weight of her own trauma and that of the one she has 175  passed on to her child. This painful legacy and its consequences (alienation, fear, resentment) are detrimental to both mother and child as well as to the relationship between them.  this double burden and the texts provide additional insight into the psyche of half-German children and the psychological scars they must live with as children of shorn women. Céleste is mother to two children: Pierre-Éphrem (conceived with her French husband, Pacôme) and Zélie (conceived with her German lover, Johann). As we shall see, both children exhibit signs of emotional trauma. Marie only has one child, conceived with her French husband who subsequently died in the war. Although he is not half-German, tonte earns him significant physical and emotional abuse at the hands of members of the community (Croussy 51).  For Pierre-oldest child, family life was never easy to begin with. His mother married a closeted homosexual  his father and, as such, an incarnation of feelings of betrayal, sadness, anger, and disappointment. From the moment he is conceived, she perceives him as an unwelcome foreign entity draining her life force and as soon as he is born, she immediately distances herself from him by refusing to breast feed him. His hyphenated name represents an attempt to bridge the marital abyssher husband, Pacôme, insisted on Éphrem (whom she suspects was one of his boyhood crushes) while she is bent on Pierre. Her ensuing refusal to call the child by his full name is a marked rebellion against a spouse she despises. Pierre-ambiguous Pacôme is recruited to go work in Germany for the duration of the war, Pierre finds his mother 176  slightly calmer and kinder yet he still struggles with feelings of profound alienation as the unwanted and thus figuratively-bastard child. When his mother meets Johann, she experiences unprecedented feelings of happiness and fulfillment. She publicly assumes this relationship, and her subsequent pregnancy, with the gusto and serenity of a woman with agency.    Tout en restant discrète, elle ne chercha pas à dissimuler sa liaison avec lui, et       -là    obscure plantée dans son corps réduit à un ustensile, mais bel et bien un rejeton   de sa chair, éclos et poussant dans ses entrailles (250).  The bastard child, legally-speaking, is the one Céleste comes to recognize as her own, as the fruit of her passion and the culmination of her newfound bliss. Adrienne Rich explains this paradox by referencing a 12th-century tradition that once glorified bastard children: The courtly love tradition perceived marriage quite correctly for what it wasa property settlementand located the real springs of feeling, intensity, vital energy as dwelling in passion-love, a secret and usually doomed relationship. To bear the child of a man with whom one was entangled in passion-love became an assertion of the seeming uniqueness of that love; to bear  was to bring this love to a tangible consummation. Bastards were believed to be exceptionally vital and dynamic beings, begotten in the intensity of passion rather than between the dull, obliby choice in the face of societal judgment has, paradoxically, been one way in which women have defied patriarchy (159-160). 177  Pierre is so fascinated by his newfound mother that his feelings of alienation temporarily subside. si des réflexions à son sujet, très dures, parfois vulgaires, sifflaient à ses oreilles dans la cour de When the child is born, Céleste names her Zélie after her maternal grandmother, a choice heavily disapproved by the rest of the family.  -né, m   de faire  -dira-t-on (251).  Céleste refuses to feel ashamed or intimidated for the autonomous use of her sexuality and the personal choices that had brought her so much emotional fulfillment. She dares to ignore societal conventions and her proper role as French wife and mother. Subsequently, her courage to punished once the war comes to an end. Her autonomy was short lived and the tonte ceremony succeeds in objectifying, de-sexualizing and reducing her to the deplorable state of an abused animal. Having been present in the street during the ceremony, Pierre is forever marked by the ped of clothing, shorn, and paraded under the spittle and insults of the entire community, Pierre subsequently fixates on a dehumanized image of his mother whom he deplores and can no longer respect: 178  uperposait sans cesse, parasitant le corps, aussi bien habillé fût-il, et le visage, aussi lavé, soigné fût-il, Ces sentiments étaient confus, mais tenaces (259). -tended state is complemented by feelings of betrayal and anger at Céleste for having been unable to avoid such a public   Il se sentchienne, parce yeux de tout le monde (259-60).  behavior or her public humiliation as a shorn mother holding her illegitimate baby?) echo the tonte is clinging to their half-German babies as permanent and irrefutable proof of their crimes. Though too young shape the rest of their lives.  179  tonte are a proof of the aimed at objectifying the victim. Céleste is publicly reduced to the shameful state of a drunk, n nourrisson ou un vieillard, comme un The purification rite successfully de-Pierre now perceives her as an abject, contagious element capable of infecting Zélie by tendencies of victim-blaming. The sexual collaborator is held responsible not only for her crime but also for the treatment she experiences at the hands of her retaliators. She deserves the violence she incurs and her inability to protect herself is yet another failure attributed to her. be interpreted as a projection of his own anger at the situation, potential feelings of inadequacy and/or latent guilt at his inability to help her, such an interpretation does not invalidate the onus of blame placed on the sexual collaborator by society aHer suffering does not originate in shame at her actions but rather in anger at the humiliation attributed to her feelings for Johann and, by extension, to her daughter as a byproduct of their love. Though she is humiliated and dehumanized by her community, Céleste refuses to assume the shame and guilt attributed to her vis-à-vis her own conscience. She has no regrets about her love for Johann or their relationship, which she feels she approached with honesty and integrity:  180  dissimulation, en toute franchise, travers elle on avait infligé à cet amour-là, le refus, le déni et la profanation de cet (258).    Céleste desecration of a love she found pure and fulfilling. Her courage and insouciance in the face of an ignorant and unforgiving society had been repaid with stark violence and she was forced to feel the painful repercussions of her non-conformism. After the tonte, the family relocates to a new town on account of Céleste and her bastard child (261).   Over the years, Zélie serves as an ambiguous reminder of Johann just as Pierre-Éphrem is the unfortunate reflection of his father. Unlike Pierre, who incarnates a failed relationship, Zélie ave been as well as a token of enduring trauma. De Johann, elle ne possédait même pas une photo, rien, il lui restait seulement passait sans transition et sans mesure de de treize ans, Zélie fit une fugue. On la retrouva trois jours plus tard, errant aux alentours de la frontière allemande (265-7).  181  Aware of her origins, Zélie becomes obsessed with the person she calls her Vater and the search for her origins. From an early age, Zélie displays behavioral problems which she does not herself fully understand. While she exhibits a peculiar level of maturity, she is exceedingly argumentative and gets expelled from high school twice due to insubordination and insolence (273). Her outspoken and rebellious nature scares her peers and prevents her from solidifying emotional troubles. Pierre convinces his sister to concede to a purportedly-temporary admission into a mental hospital. When it becomes clear that he has no intention to bring her home, she commits suicide by jumping through a window, thus putting a violent end to an existence temporarily joins a widowed woman to work in her family shop and becomes a pseudo-father to her children. One day he disappears completely and winds up in a mental hospital under the alias Jésus le Boeuf. After years of having been silent on his past, his time spent in the institution represents a quest for his true self. Like Jesus, he must sacrifice himself to redeem the sins of others. Pierre must suffer through the act of revisiting his childhood in order to make amends with the past. He must rise again as a reborn individual starting anew. Once he is discharged from the hospital, Pierre goes back to look for the widow Sabine hoping to start a new chapter far from the ghosts of his past. Having waited for his return for years, Sabine denies him a  a plus de place pour toi parmi nous. passer pour mort, eh bien vois-Pierre learns that there is no going back, no escape from the clutches of the past, no rebirth possible.    182   The stigma and suffering experienced by Pierre and Zélie as children of shorn women After having endured the spectacle of his dans mes veines et envahit mon sang pour des journées et des nuits et, dans le fond, ne se retira His persistent claims that she had been shorn due to a misunderstanding Ma vie ne ressemblerait pas à  à me débrouiller seul. Selon lui, Vivi Dommage ne pouvait plus vivre au village à cause des mauvaises langues et des arrière-pensées -7). Indeed, shortly after the tonteceases to receive orders and is forced to close his shop. Day-to-day life becomes even more ask her to play, Manu is met with virulent hatred from both her and her mother who see him as an extension of Marie, his shorn mother. In their eyes, he is defiled by proxy, symbolically shorn, thus stripped of his worth and integrity.    Manu-tondu pas propre dératée  ! Elle accourait fouet à chevaux. Tondu, viens ici que je te donne une tannée ! Je criai que je tondue de bonne foi. Vivi Dommage arriva à la rescousse. Il pardonne. Rien à faire, la femme vociférait que le fils de la tondue est un sacré numéro coupe son zizi et je marque son cul au fer rouge ! (51-2).  183  Through hi-the primary locus of her femininity, his must be removed through amputation of the very part that embodies male virility. His attempts to exonerate himself with logical arguments are ineffective; he has become a scapegoat in his own right. A few days later, his classmates catch him in the schoolyard and re-tonte as a way to exact vengeance for the shame and humiliation her own head shaving had brought upon the community (or so the narrator suggests). By subconsciously positing themselves as victims in search of just retribution, the children have no qualms about abusing Manu like their village elders had previously abused his mother:  À    rendre compte que  la tondue. Les autres ont me tiennent à leur merci. Quand ils le décideront, ils frapperont (76-7).  A second purification rite is needed to cleanse the village of the  defiling presence, as well as to cleanse Manu of his crimes by association. t, il y 184  avait une femme qui me serrait dans ses bras, tremblante, pour jamais blessée, elle ne savait pas own supposed debt to society and pride for the solidarity in humiliation that brings him closer to o. Determined to find her, he runs away to a neighboring town.   Vivi Dommage eventually realizes that there is no future for him and his grandson in the village. Il pourra y deserves, he relocates to another village, opens a new cobbler workshop and starts saving money for a house. Manu is placed in a boarding school for marginalized children (orphans, delinquents, children from broken homes or with various handicaps) where only the director is familiar with his b the boy receives periodic visits from his grandfather as well as letters from his mother. letters are wrought with culpability:  pas que tu me juges mal, je suis restée la même femme, la même mère, la même avec honte. Je te demande de me pardonner pour le drame auquel tu as assisté dans la petite école et le pmal à personne sinon à toi et à ton grand-père, ce jour-là (231).    185  The very euphemism she uses to reference her tonte associated with her experience. For Marie and other women like her, this dishonor unlike the temporary physical marks left on the bodybecame the heaviest charge to bear. Doubly-burdened by her Les tondues 150). François Dominique elaborates on the psychological repercussions of the tontes la femme tondue a deux solutions : se mépriser elle-même ou mépriser ses bourreaux et ceux qui lui ressemblent. Dans les deux cas, le résultat et le même As a mother, Marie feels particularly ashamed of the impact her treatment has had on her family and the emotional conflicting feelings of embarrassment about the past and hope for rehabilitation through the promise of a better future:  sommes séparés, quand nous nous retrouverons, le monde entier sera à nous. Plus ussy 168).  will meet again. Although they are not far from each other, Marie wishes to exercise caution when visiting him so as not to further harm his reputation. Her very visibility on the premises 186  could lead to gossip and she effaces herself in order to spare him potential peer disparagement: Personne Her culpability manifests itself as a reticence to be seen in the presence of her son until all marks of the crime have faded. Marie is the expiating Mary Magdalene seemingly forsaking her sexuality in favor of her maternal duties. Yet when her  (260), Manu starts to experience increasing anxiety (260). Over several pages,  [t]he documentation relating to the postwar collaboration trials suggests, however, that women were treated rather differently from men. The main focus of discussions in court, whatever the accusations involved, tended to be on -6). Previous chapters of the dissertation at hand have addressed the extreme emphasis justifying the tontes as a valid form of punishment. Since many sexual collaborators had been denounced by members of the community through anonymous letters, the global opinion of community members was often used to compensate for a lack of concrete evidence. This reliance on hearsay was perhaps the most frightening aspect of sexual collaboration as a crime: personal 187  mere display of concern for his mother but rather as the incarnation of a profound concern with female sexuality and evidence of the efficacy of the gender fictions disseminated by the patriarchal state.   and the use of her sexuality. Lengthy discussions of her morality at the beginning of the text are reminiscent of a longstanding tradition of repressing and controlling women through discourses that attribute worth to them in specific, self-serving patriarchal ways. Morality operates as rhetorical tool deployed by the patriarchal mechanisms of power to reward women for behaving in ways that benefit the patriarchal state. Marie had been denounced for having used her skills as a temporary wartime nurse to care for an injured German soldier. The anonymous letter stated, sentinelle blessée lors du sabotage de la voie ferrée, allez chez Marie Prudente. Premier et dernier avertissement. La parole Avec mes salutations. Le /prize of honor for having brought to inv-shing to rehabilitate Marie only causes more harm as letters pour in from the community containing entirely subjective feedback that reflects divided opinions in regards to her personality.  : un jour, elle avait 188  i arriérée que la  : le jour de son mariage, fleur et jolie. Six mois plus tard, elle mettait au monde. (59). The imputation is anchored in the fact that Marie broke the sacred vow of marriage by becoming pregnant before her wedding. The contrast between the orange blossom in her hair and the purity of her white gown foreshadows the disparity between her beautiful appearance and the Vivier reconnaît husband, indirectly revealing the assumption that a woman of her character may have even been suspected of having killed her husband. trahison. À ce sujet les ragots sont les cris des corbeaux. Elle est coupable de son attitude distante et étrange. Ce coLa recherche du plaisir d  her virtue and respectability as a French wife and mother for sexual sin. Her reserved nature and the relative freedom of her civil status left her open to plenty of purported opportunities for debauchery which would ultimately justify her tonte. It valid189  que je pense des putes de son espèce  ! Si vous saviez   (62). The person voicing this judgment, likely a male, perfectly demonstrates the double-standard with wives of prisoners and soldiers and has presumably not concretely acted upon it, his desire is legitimate and in no way problematic. For Marie to have (possibly) desired another man, in particular an enemy, or worse, to have slept with him is intolerable. By attempting to rehabilitate Marie through community testimonies, the mayor falls into the very morality trap that has brought about her demise. Whether positive or negative, such statements are subjective and, as Buisson unintentionally invalidates his own efforts and sets himself up for failure. Moreover, he the while Manu picks up on bits of their conversation.      with pain and conflicted feelings. He goes from witnessing her public humiliation to caring for her like an injured animal in the barn. He initially clings to the idea that her punishment was a mistake, desperately repeating to himself and everyone else that she was shorn by error. He allows himself to eagerly anticipate a new life by her side until her letters reference a changing male presence and doubts begin to creep in. était ve190  go live with his mother and yet, for him, an emotional distance has formed between them that cannot be bridged. Upon coming to get her son, Marie attempts to assuage her own guilt by telling the mayor,  Non, dit-je le savais en de bonnes mains. La pension était dure mais il apprenait un métier je lui ai préparée . Elle débita des sornettes en hors de propos -même pas un monstre (291).  expiating her crimes. She zealously chants her motives like a litany in the hopes of exorcising the past and starting anew. She is, or perhaps should be, the Virgin Mary sacrificing herself for her son who is her primary focus and the only veritable source of redemption. It is through maternity only and her relationship with her son that Marie can obtain salvation and yet her son is power in patriarchy demand not merely a suffering Mother, but one divested of sexuality: the Virgin Mary, virgo intacta, perfectly chaste. Women are permitted to be sexual only at a certain art, he invalidates her pain by patriarchal mother. She has preserved her extraconjugal sexuality even after the purification ceremony intended to de-sexualize her. Not only has she (presumably) transgressed sexually in 191  the past but subsequently failed to make her child the absolute center of her world. Adrienne Rich shows that motherhood is a pivotal notion to the integrity of the patriarchal state: estion except --she goes against the fabricated patriarchal concep-sexualized, chaste motherhood. Though she struggles to prove that her efforts to build a new life are dedicated to her son, she remains suspicious in his eyes.  back to its native village to be buried. On the way back, the mayor stops the car and invites her to take a leisurely walk in the woods. He seems excided at the prospect of sexual gratification of  suspect, allegedly owes him a debt of gratitude. Throughout her ordeal, he has been her champion, presumably giving him rights to the very sexuality he has attempted to exonerate.     nous   Manuel nous attendra dans la  cabine, il dort comme une marmotte. Il fermait ses yeux à demi et souriait. Ensuite il chanta tout bas pour ne pas me réveiller. Il fredonnait son bonheur de déplaça vers le bras de Maman -elle, non, pas ça ! (292).  192  Manu pretends to be asleep but  (292) who tenaciously pursues his intentions.       un entêtement furieux, elle le rejetait comme un sale animal. Avec mes yeux, je la       mai encore les yeux, comme endormi, et je priai      Elle avait entendu ma prière car elle soupira de désespoir (293).  With the naiveté of a child, Manu blames his mother for her pride. He prays for her to open her blind eyes and learn humility towards her benefactor. In the moment, he either does not all costs. The voice of the narrator (Manu himself but presumably as an adult) and that of young Manu, the character, are often conflated thus rendering the analysis of his reaction difficult.  also a child. It is Manu the narrator who has the necessary perspective to analyze the situation in retrospect yet the two perspectives are often inextricably women within the narrative.  Upon seeing his mother leave with the mayor, young Manu feels dejected and resentful for her dead father and sleeping son lie waiting in the car. freshly-shorn body escaping her captors. She is visibly disheveled and wipes off her lips in 193  presumed disgust aElle allait The sight of his visibly-perturbed mother leaves the boy confused (the reader is reminded that the scene is a re-He claims to be unaware of the reason for touching him for the first time. joue purifier. Seule la parole peut laver les offenses du monde et désaltérer les êtres des(296-7).   tonte yet a subtle reversal is operative herein. Marie goes from being depicted as a frightened prey animal fleeing body with urgency, to a sacrificial animal destined for the altar. In keeping with religious imagery, Manu emphasizes that his mother clings to his body as if he held the promise of her purification. A parallel with her tonte as a purification ceremony emerges and one is advised to tonte was a purifying act intended to absolve her of her alleged sexual sins with the enemy (for which the text supplies no proof except subjective testimonies from community members). The scene of her embracing her son is also 194  portrayed as a purifying act intended to absolve her for prostituting herself to M. Buisson (an act for which the text also fails to supply concrete proof, apart from insinuations and observations innocent or guilty of either or both acts, her absolution lies in a male presence. As a shorn woman, her rehabilitation and reintegration into society are contingent upon her ability to resume her proper place in the patriarchal state. As a mother, her redemption is equally dependent upon her wholly dedicating her future to her child.   religious imagery in Invasion 14 through an interaction between Fannie and her son Pierre. In the aftermath of the scene described in chapter III, Fannie returns home battered by community members. ta fauteIt is with great effort that Pierre manages to put aside his own humiliation and Prudente, Fannie clutches at her son in desperate need of forgiveness. (302). Her ardent embrace is a frantic plight for absolution from the only being who can provide it: the son she has harmed through her behavior. mari mort: Jean, Jean, pardonne-blié lui--4). Fannie chants her absent 195  their son whose voice becomes the symbol of paternal redemption. The spoken word97 acquires vital meaning for both Fannie and Marie Prunly the (Croussy 296-7, my translationsions must be verbalized via a tearful, heartfelt confession before her sins can be forgiven. Similarly, Fannie must verbally 98 forgiveness before she can feel absolved. The word/voice is both painful and liberating, an impor simply reflecting a sadness worthy of tears? Is she speaking to Manu or to herself? Is she interpretation and one may suggest that Manu imagines the entire conversation as a projection of his own desires.   -lus existé. Ne me juge pas,                                                       97 public patriarchy trinity: the church. According to the Bible, In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was GodKing James Bible, John 1.1). At the root of genesis is God (the ultimate patriarch) who verbalizes the world into existence.  98 The religious analysis may be estoned by community members for her sexual transgressions (see also: stoning as biblical punishment for female adultery), Fannie must earn her redemption through her son, Pierre. According to the New Testament, Jesus had And I say also unto thee, That thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my church; and the gates of hell shall not prevail against itKing James Bible, Matthew 16.18). Young Pierre can be interpreted as an incarnation of patriarchal authority. He speaks with the legitimacy of his (i.e. church).  196  -7).        The discourse positions Marie as a woman repenting for a sexual act she saw as a form of repayment, or perhaps punishment for her sins. Once consummated, the act leaves her feeling abject and used. The sight of her son as a reminder of motherhood urges her to confess her sin and yearn for forgiveness. Now that her husband is dead and all other men are in the past, her son becomes the center of her life and her . Her ability to be happy and fulfilled depends on his willingness to grant her a pardon. If he rejects her, she will spend the rest of her days alone. Manu receives this (real or perceived) confession with satisfaction. His wretched e of her crimes, Marie unleashes the purifying waters of Jerusalem and finds the Son who can  ambiance by operating a switch from general as seductive beings:       femmes qui, dans leur jeune amour pour un homme, lui font des niches et des         attentives, amollies, à    Elles passent leur vie à vouloir plaire. Au contraire, depuis son escapade avec   M. Buisson, Maman se dégoutait. Elle ferma les yeux pour avoir honte en elle-    197   Taken in isolation, this paragraph is open to interpretation. The narrator clearly calls to mind the sexuality of women as they dress and behave in ways aimed at attracting and pleasing men. The double-seeking male approval. Since the paragraph goes that she could have been one of these women, sacrificing her own desires for those of others, aiming to please. In the context of her tonte, are these words intended as an admission of guilt but also an exoneration based on the fact that Marie has learned her lesson and, since the incident with M.  others, does her sexuality imply any amount of autonomy? Assuming she did sleep with the German soldier she helped, did she do so simply to please or to please herself? Would the distinction even matter in the eyes of a society who relied on anecdotal evidence to find women guilty of sexual crimes?  In light of previous claims surrounding her identity as a mother, can Marie co-exist as both a sexual being and a widowed mother dedicated to her child? Such to gendered issues addressed in previous chapters. They go to the core of womanhood and the experience of French wartime women. Moreover, in analyzing these passages, it has not been my abnormal for sexual collaborators to feel guilt or shame over the ways in which their experiences motherhood as a patriarchal institution, the paternal implications of the scenes examined above become clear. Manu mentally urges his mother to confess her sins amidst metaphors of the cleansing waters of Jerusalem and the altar onto which beasts are destined to be sacrificed. Pierre 198  becomes the mouthpiece for the pater familiasn both cases, the figurative female scapegoat must once again be sacrificed on the altar of the patriarchy.  In the interest of maintaining focus, we will suspend further literary analysis and return to the original discussion on trauma and, in particular, the transgenerational suffering shorn women inevitably passed on to their children. Irrespective of the paternalistic implications one may children of the tonduesCéleste, must carry a double burden of guilt. mélange de peur du rejet et de colère envers le bourreau et la foule ayant participé sans réagir au The tendency to resort to loathing (of the community or specifically those involved in the event) or self-loathing are equally destructive. Self- is either by rendering them sedate or pushing them to self-destruct.    Le mépris de soi a quatre fonctions : il atténue la honte, étouffe ses aspirations à  maîtriser sa souffrance et évite de rechercher la guérison de son être. Lorsque le mépris de soi est trop intense, il peut pousser à la violence contre soi et au suicide : dans ces deux cas, la personne châtie son propre corps. Il a été rapporté suivirent le châtiment (105).  tondue attempts to make sense of these feelings herself. Once she moves to Paris, she forces herself to forget and tries to repress the pain by getting married to a man unaware of her past and starting a family. Years later, one particular adulterous encounter acts as the necessary 199  catalyst for her internal healing process. -ainsi, si libre et traquée à la fois, si honnête et si malhonnête à la fois, si équivoque et si claire ? Si désireuse de vivre des amours de rencontre  (Duras 5). She reflects upon her conflicted self and her unending hunger for peace and satisfaction. After years of Je to love, yet her past is holding her back. It is not until she exorcises it through speech that she is able to move on. notre histoire. Elle était, vois-Her confession brings her both guilt and relief. Because she has offered a mental, intimate part of herself to a stranger, more intimate even than her body, she feels liberated of a burden and able to feel love once again. Only after years of mutism and feeling having found the right person and moment to share her emotional burden, only then can Elle rebecome a functional, sensual and sexual woman. Only then can she re-assemble the pieces and become whole once more. For women like Elle, the aftermath of the tontes brought about years of complex problems such as depression, sexual dysfunction, alienation, loss of memory or the infamous tondue of Chartres following her tonteprison and an attempt to turn the page by moving to a new town with her baby and cutting all 200  contact with everyone, including her father. He relates her premature death due to alcoholism by embracing anonymiwith through addiction led other women to more extreme and irreversible measures such as suicide. -mère maternelle a aussi été torbogast 13). Many traumatized women tontes by returning to a male-sanctioned versions of femininity, to their duties as wives and mothers, and drawing a shroud of silence over their past. The physical and emotional trauma these women incurred and subsequently passed on to their children was the heavy price they paid for their transgressive wartime behaviors that had posed a perceived threat to patriarchal sovereignty. As sexual collaborators, their bodies became the screen onto which male domination had to be re-projectedpublicly and through a series of rigorous ceremoniesso that, through them, the female (re)productive body could be (re)rendered docile and reassigned to its pre-wartime roles. The sexuality of the sentimental collaborator represented a corrigible transgressive femininity that could only be amended through a public purification ritual operating in three distinct phases: objectification, de-sexualization and marginalization. It was only after each stage had fully deployed its array of rites that the tondue and her body could be safely reintegrated into the patriarchal state. As Domliberté retrouvée et la fin de la tyrannie nazie, ce ne fut pas encore la libération de la femme, 201   -                      202  CONCLUSION    This study has been concerned with the French patriarchal state during and post-World Wars and the violence it exerted upon the bodies of women whose sexuality transcended the confines of the status quo. By laying down a theoretical foundation surrounding crucial concepts elaborated upon the notion that patriarchy derives its authority from the intersection of several not limited to, education, tradition, law, customs, language (Rich 57) and coalesce to create and  66) in times of peace. When armed conflict arises, pre-existing gender discourses on the roles and duties of men and women are recirculated and reinforced through a (patriarchal) rhetoric of nationalism. Complimentary gender codes such as valor and chastity, virility and motherhood acquire new significance as the nation attempts to bolster citizen support for its wartime agenda. Allegories of nations as mothers in need of male . Patriotism demands the spilling of blood along gendered lines: in battle for men, in childbirth for women. Sexuality and reproduction, instrumental patriarchal dimensions, become the primary loci of concern for the wartime state in view of lives lost on the front. Discourses advocating acceptable sexualities resurface under the guise of pronatalist and familialist debates aimed at regenerating and revitalizing the nation. Legislation on family life (i.e. divorce, abortion, contraception, adoption) blurs distinctions between private and public matters and (re)propels the female body to the center of discussions on politics and citizenship. Already a primary locus of oppressive masculinist discourses, the female body with its potential to give life becomes the primary tool in 203  solidifying victory in a conflict perceived as the realm of men. Consequently, the strict regulation of female sexuality is a priority to any wartime society. The sexualized dimension of wartime head shavings in France as well as the cyclical nature of female oppression has led me to wonder whether the tontes hold relevance for French society in the 21st century. The question is not necessarily whether an atrocity such as a public head shaving would be possible/tolerated in the age of social media (and yet, would it?). What I am more concerned with is the continuity in the discourses that made the tontes possible. What problematic ideological assumptions inherent in the culpabilization of sexual collaborators do we still hold true today?  In a report99 published on October 5th 2016, the et les hommes cites the yearly number of rapes in France at 84,000 for women and 14,000 for men between the ages of 18 and 75. Even if one takes into account the relative unreliability of data for men in particular, who are less likely to report such forms of victimization, the contrast is nonetheless stunning. chaque année être victimes de viol ou tentative de viol, moins de 10% déposent plainte, et seule publicitaire du viol, la dépolitisation de ce crime, la présomption de la résponsabilité des victims, The objectification of women and the perception of the ploited and assembly-line still relevant today. Among the five axes listed in view of reform, the report proposes a A similar campaign to sensitize the public to sexual                                                       99 The full report can be accessed here: http://www.haut-conseil-egalite.gouv.fr/violences-de-genre/actualites-69/article/publication-de-l-avis-pour-une-1137 204  100 published by the Minister of the Interior and the Secreet sur Internet aura pour but de rappeler que le harcèlement et les violences sexistes sont punis idaires face à ces The report also projected combatting sexist representations of women in ads nched on November 9th 2015 under the slogan -on all bus and metro lines101femmes102 website includes a specific portal103 for violence against women featuring sexual harassment, domestic violence, forced marriage and sexual mutilation. On its list of trending topics104against politicians Denis Baupin105 and, more recently, Jean-Michel Baylet106107                                                       100 The plan can be viewed here: http://www.gouvernement.fr/sites/default/files/action/piece-jointe/2015/07/plan-national-de-lutte-contre-le-harcelement-sexiste-et-les-violences-sexuelles-dans-les-transports-en-commun.pdf 101 More information on the RATP campaign: http://www.ratp.fr/fr/ratp/v_139437/contre-le-harcelement-des-femmes-dans-les-transports-la-ratp-agit/ 102 http://www.familles-enfance-droitsdesfemmes.gouv.fr/ 103 http://stop-violences-femmes.gouv.fr/Suis-je-concernee,292.html 104 On November 2, 2016.  105 http://information.tv5monde.com/terriennes/accus%C3%A9-d-harc%C3%A8lement-sexuel-Denis-Baupin-d%C3%A9missionne106252 106 http://www.lexpress.fr/actualite/politique/ps/une-deputee-accuse-baylet-de-violences-passees-contre-une-collaboratrice_1839852.html 107 According to a new law passed on April 13th 2016 (https://www.legifrance.gouv.fr/affichTexte.do?cidTexte=JORFTEXT000032396046&categorieLien=cid), soliciting prostitution will incur a fine of 1,500 euros. The legislation criminalizes prostitution and the commodification of female sexuality without penalizing prostitutes, perceived as victims. The law has been controversial and feminists are divided between supporters and critics of sex work. For Senate debates on the matter, see: https://www.senat.fr/seances/s201510/s20151014/s20151014007.html#int892. For perspectives of sex workers fighting for their rights, please consult the website of the STRASS (French Union of Sex Workers): http://strass-syndicat.org/ressources/feminisme/.  205   On October 17th 2016, in response to recent debates on sexual violence and harassment against women in politics, a group of female politicians launched a website108 showcasing testimonies of sexism and violence in the National Assembly and various other political institutions. For female politicians, who often hesitate to speak out for fear of reprisals, the website offers the possibility to share their experiences anonymously. In the context of a culture  breaking the silence is an  prendre conscience de cette réalité. Femmes et hommes, nous avons tous intériorisé cette culture sexiste,  démonter109.   Contemporary issues such as rape and sexual harassment as well as debates surrounding prostitution anchor women in the corporeal. They are indicative of extant discourses on female sexuality and the persistent politicization of the female body. In spite of progress we have made 110 mean that loving men is unproblematic for women, and Taylor 58).                                                         108 https://chaircollaboratrice.com/  taken in 1945 of some shorn French women in the flatbed of a vehicle. In the right-hand corner is a man holding a https://www.histoire-image.org/etudes/tondues-liberationare considered public property.  109 To read the full article, see: http://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2016/10/17/sexisme-le-harcelement-en-politique-doit-etre-pris-pour-ce-qu-il-est-une-realite_5014766_3232.html.  110 For a 2016 World Economic Forum report comparing 144 countries on the gender gap across areas such as economic participation and continuity, educational attainment, health and survival, and political empowerment, see http://reports.weforum.org/global-gender-gap-report-2016/.  206                       BIBLIOGRAPHY             207  BIBLIOGRAPHY    AThe Feminist History Reader. Ed. Sue Morgan. London: Routledge, 2006. 56-58. Print.   Apocrypha: King James Version. Cambridge: University Press, 1983. Print.  Arbogast, Bertrand. La tondue: Un amour de jeunesse franco-allemand. Paris: Harmattan, 2010. Print.  Beauvoir, Simone De. Le deuxime sexe. 2 vols. 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