ABSTRACT THE TEXTO UNICO Y GRATUITO: A MEXICAN CASE STUDY DESCRIBING THE ROLE OF EDUCATION IN THE SOCIAL CHANGE by John Alver Dobson The purpose of the case study was to describe a crisis that erupted in Monterrey, Nuevo Leon, Mexico during the month of February, 1962, when that city was the center of an educational conflict between national and state authorities on the one hand, and a coalition of private institutional groups on the other over the adoption of a new school curriculum and its corresponding textbook series. Outline of the Thesis This thesis will, therefore (1) synthesize theoret- ical conceptualizations as to the nature of change paying particular attention to those theories or portions thereof which illuminate the nature of social change; (2) explore the historical antecedents to this latest eruption from pre-hispanic times through three hundred years of Spanish colonial domination to a century of attempts at curricular change in the Mexican nation; (3) examine, in depth, the socio-political crisis which occurred during the month of February, 1962, in Monterrey, Mexico as a result of John Alver Dobson attempts to change the educational curriculum; (4) probe the curricular reforms and textbooks to ascertain whether or not fundamental ideological changes were introduced at that time; and (5) ultimately develop the underlying issues that are at the root of the conflict in terms of the contribution they make to a broader understanding about the nature of social change. Tentative Insights An historical case study is neither designed as an empirical examination of a carefully controlled ex- periment nor will it produce scientific evidence which can be reproduced. What it does offer is a general overview as to the nature of a given problem, and it also identifies certain manifestations which can later be examined more carefully by the scientist. Therefore, this case study was not structured to produce major con— clusions, rather it was designed to indicate areas that required further research. (1) The concept of social change is still an evolving theoretical formulation that calls for further fundamental research. As the body of literature grows then social scientists will be able to structure a general theory of societal change. This case study suggests John Alver Dobson by its own design a means of examining the phenomenon of change as it takes place in a social system. It draws together history, education, psychology and sociology in an interdisciplinary task. This is essential since social change is in essence what happens to people in institutions over a period of time. By identifying a sequence of events in history that seemed to be momentarily of a critical import the case study was able to encapsulate the struggles of peOple involved in a rapidly changing society in such a way as to provide more than a superficial insight into the nature of social change. Footnotes in history, such as this study, are valuable because they telesc0pe into a very short time space the many ingredients that the social scientist must take cognizance of before a more empirical study can be executed. Although the sequence of events that took place in Monterey during the month of February 1962 cannot be replicated, the struggle be- tween the adversaries can be mirrored in countless com- munities around the world as men strive to protect what is to them important in their culture from destruction, and as societies adjust to the exigencies of the modern world order. Of course, more studies of reality situations John Alver Dobson will no doubt permit scholars to identify the pattern of social change with more accuracy than to date has been the case. THE TEXTO UNICO Y GRATUITO: A MEXICAN CASE STUDY DESCRIBING THE ROLE OF EDUCATION IN SOCIAL CHANGE BY John Alver Dobson A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY College of Education 1967 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am greatly indebted to Dr. Cole S. Brembeck, Dr. Frank Blackington, Dr. Charles Cumberland, and Dr. Stanley Hecker who together served on my doctoral com- mittee. Dr. Brembeck, as chairman, was particularly helpful in guiding me as I wrote my thesis. This document is, of course, dedicated to my wife, Cindy, whose encouragement ensured my success. I should like to also express my thanks to Mr. Ernest Manino, Director, Office of Overseas Schools, United States Department of State, and the Board of Directors of the American School Foundation of Monterrey, Mexico, who provided financial aid which enabled me to undertake my doctoral studies. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I II III IV INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary Description of the Crisis. . . Outline of the Thesis. . . . . . . . . Review of the Literature . . . . . . . THREE HUNDRED YEARS OF SPANISH COLONIAL EDUCATION. . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction . . . . . . . . . . Pre-Columbian Times. . . . . . . The Colony of Nueve Espana . . . Peninsulares and Criollos: An Elite Minority . . . . . . . . . . . . Orphans and the Emerging Mestizo . . . La Sociedad Criollo, 1580-1700 . The Bourbon Century, 1700-1808 . . . . A CENTURY OF CURRICULAR CHANGE. . . . . . Introduction. . . . . . . . Independence: 1808-1820. . . Liberal Reform: 1820-1830. . Civil war: 1830-1880 . . . . The Unsolved Problem . . . . . . . . . Reorganizing the Nation's Schools. . . The Catholic Church and the Revolucion Articulo #3 Amended. . . . . . . . . . The Presidency Adolfo Lopez Mateos (1958-1964). . . . . . . . . . . . . Concluding Comments. . . . . . . . . . THE BUILD-UP TO CRISIS. . . . . . . . . . Punta del Esta and Other WOrld Happen- ings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Mexican Educational Scene. . . . . The Charge of Communism in Government. The Parade is Organized. . . . . . . . Last Minute Attempts to Stop the Demon- stration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . PAGE 0 \IOOHH 29 29 30 33 . 42 . 46 . 50 . 62 . 75 75 76 78 80 86 91 94 99 .102 .110 .113 .113 .117 .120 .125 .132 CHAPTER V VI VII VIII THE NEWSPAPER WAR. . . . . . . . . . FRIDAY, 2 FEBRUARY 1962. . . . . . . . . . mckground. . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Anti—Textbook Demonstration . . . . Agradecimiento: A Printed Thank You . . Background. . . . . . . . . . . . . La Secretaria de Educacion Issues a Statement 0 O O O O O O O O O O O A Press Release From the Comision Nacion- a1 de Libros de Texto Gratuitos . . . Nacional Editorial Comment on the Demon- stration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Comite de Defensa de la Constitucion. . Comision Organizadora Protests Comite's Newspaper Attacks . . . . . . . . . La Federacion de Sociedades de Padres de Familia Protestila Comision Organiza- dora. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Secretary of Education Torres Bodet Ap- points Experts. . . . . . . . . . . . News Releases . . . . . . . . . . . . . Paterfamilias Refuse to Meet. . . . . A Second Invitation is Extended to the cou‘iSion O O I O O O O O O C O O Advertisements for and Against the Texto Gratuito. . . . . . . . . . . . Parents Meetings in the Government Schools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . An Interview with Torres Bodet. . . . . Last Minute Maneuvering. . . . . . . . THE COUNTER DEMONSTRATION. . . . . . . . . Sunday, 11 February 1962. . . . . . . . Newspaper Commentary the Morning After. A Letter to the Editor. . . . . . . . . Commentary on the Educational Problem . LAHMESA REDONDA. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Background. . . . . . . . . . . The Second Meeting of the Round Table Monday 26 February 1962 . . . . . . . Tuesday, 27 February 1962 . . . . . . . wednesday, 28 February 1962 . . . . . . Thursday, 29 February 1962. . . . . . . Final Interchange . . . . . . . . . . . PAGE 142 142 143 160 165 165 167 168 169 177 182 184 186 187 188 189 190 194 195 199 205 205 219 227 229 237 237 240 246 247 250 252 CHAPTER PAGE IX AN EXAMINATION OF THE EDUCATIONAL ISSUES MENTIONED IN THE CASE STUDY. . . . . . . . 258 Ideology Foreign to Mexican Tradition. . . 258 Rights of Parents Violated . . . . . . . . 266 E1 Texto Gratuito. . . . . . . . . . . . . 268 Analysis of the Charges. . . . . . . . . . 277 X CONCLUSION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 281 A SynOpsis of the Events in the Crisis . . 282 A Diagnosis of the Crisis in the Light of Social Change Theory. . . . . . . . . 283 The Role of Education in Social Change . . 293 Tentative Insights in the Light of this Case Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Summary Description of the Crisis On the second of February 1962 between 100,0001 and 300,0002 men, women and children poured into the streets / o 0 O of Monterrey, Mex1co, protesting the adoption of a new primary school curriculum and its complementary free text- books. ‘Within ten days, 11 February 1962, the same city witnessed a smaller--30,0003 to 100,0004--but equally enthusiastic demonstration in favor of the educational reforms. During the succeeding thirty days Monterrey and the State of Nuevo Le6n were gripped with meetings, speeches, full page ads, and a general discontent resulting from the polar positions held by the state government and a coalition of private institutional groups. As the excitement was beginning to wane in Monterrey the state government of San Luis Potosiordered the political 1El Sol de San Luis Potosi, February 3, 1962 (San Luis Potosi, Mexico: Cadena de Periodicos Garcia Valseca, XX 3324), A-l. 2El Norte, February 3, 1962 (Monterrey, N.L., Mexico: Editorial Junco de la Vega, XXIV, 8460), B-l. 3E1 Norte, February 12, 1962 (Monterrey, Mexico: Editorial Junco de la Vega, XXIV, 8469) B—l. 4Excelsior, February 12, 1962 (Mexico. D.F.: Editorial Excelsior, LX, 43), B-1. 1 2 offices of the Partido Democratico closed on a Wednesday night, 22 March 1962.5 The party's leaders were arrested on the grounds that they were publishing seditions and Pornographic literature.6 The central issue again was the introduction by the state of the national curricular reforms and the adOption of the textbook series.7 On the eighth of May, 1963, the issue of the cur- ricular reforms boiled up for a third time after the pub— 11cation, in the Mexican capital, of a pastoral letter signed by twenty-two bishops and archbishops protesting, in general terms, the educational policies of the federal government.8 In essence the bishOps charged that the rights of man and (>15 institutions were being violated by an autocratic state. The pastoral letter was followed on the 31st of October, 1963, by a massive demonstration of adhesion to the Church's pt>sition by the citizenry of the State of Puebla,9 and les- Set: demonstrations in various parts of the country. Al- t1Plough the heat of passionhas somewhat subsided during the s1-7lbsequent several years the issue as to the direction educ- ation should move society has not yet been settled in the \ P 1 5El Sol de San Luis Potosi, March 23, 1962 (San Luis 3Qtos1, México: Cadena de Periodicos Garcia Valseca, XX, 3‘72)! A-lo w 6"Educational Section: The Battle of the Books': News— %. 61 (February 25, 1963), 88. —— 71bid.. 88. I 8Excelsior, May 8, 1963 (Me/xico, D.F.: Editorial 1, 160)] B—lo Q 9El Sol de Puebla, November 1, 1963 (Puebla, MExico: adena de Periodicos Garcia Valseca, XV, 2802), A—l. ‘ 3 minds of many Mexicans. Indeed, the debate was again revived recently with the publication of Life en Espa’fiol of the Opposing views written by leading political figures.:LO The continuing polemic between adversaries is indicative of an underlying conflict which momentarily surfaced with the national curricular reforms. The charge of communists in government and the autocratic imposition of a communist- StYled curriculum and textbooks was but an overt manifesta- tion of a covert conflict that has plagued Mexico for the better part of two centuries; it is plaguing emerging count- ries throughout the world. It is a conflict of values; it is a conflict between differing interpretations cf the rights of man, the functioncf institutions--including the family, Schools, and churches-—, and the status of the national State. That this conflict can be examined within the con- teXt of an educational crisis is particularly significant. since it indicates the central role that educational in- Stitutions have assumed within the nation-state. Outline of the Thesis This thesis will, therefore, (1) synthesize theoretical col'lceptualizations as to the nature of change paying particular attention to those theories or portions thereof which illuminate \ Ti loLife en Espahol, September 27, 1965 (Mexico, D.F.: ‘ puvn. on. v I! 1 ID ‘ ‘Iv\ 1.5... up. . \ v... ”b — h‘_" DIM.- ~ ~~.,_ V.‘ . .,‘- . x... ‘37- i §A_.' 4 the nature of social change; (2) explore the historical antecedents to this latest eruption from pre-hispanic times through three hundred years of Spanish colonial domination to a century of attempts at curricular change in the Mexican nation; (3) examine, in depth, the socio-political Crisis which occurred during the month of February (1962) in Monterrey, Mexico, as the result of attempts to change the educational curriculum; (4) probe the curricular reforms and textbooks to ascertain whether or not the fundamental ideolog- ical changes were introduced at that time; and (5) ultimately develop the underlying issues that are at the root of the c3011f lict in terms of the questions they raise and the con— tribution they make to a broader understanding about the nature of social change. (1) The introductory chapter will discuss the various theOries of society as conceived by social scientists who have examined the nature of Latin culture. This background in Social strutture will be followed by a synthesis of cur- rent theories of social change. The case study will not, h(3"Vever, attempt to prove or disprove any particular theory, V rather the various conceptualizations will serve as tools Wi th which to diagnose the sequenceof events that gripped Monterrey, Mexico for the month of February in 1962. In this way a deeper understanding will be obtained as to why t he society lost its normal equilibrium and rhythmic motion. nos .1. - v own, .‘cv' .a__ . ‘W '- 2.: 1 . e ‘\ 5 (2) The history of Mexican education begins before the advent of the Spaniards when the Indian tribes that ranged over Mexico trained their children to become functioning members of the tribe. Colonial education began in 1521 with the establishment of a school for Indians by Fray Pedro de Gante. From that date to the present the educational establishment has been the center of controversy. An examination of the pattern of conflict that has evolved down through the centuries will provide another dimension of understanding as to the Mexican educational milieu. The most useful source in educational history is Francisco Larroyo's Historia Comparada de Education de Me/xicoll Which is by far the most complete study on the subject. In addition, modern editions of primary works will be used. The contemporary scene will be based primarily on historical surveys, government‘reports, original studies, neWSpaper stories and personal interviews with educational leaders. Since the history of educational conflict will serve p1:‘imarily as background material, a thorough historical e5‘ial‘nination of Mexican education and its history will be \ e llFraBCj-SCO Larroyo, Historia Comparada de la Educati6n \h Mexic (Mexico, D.F.: Editorial Porrua, S.A., 1964). O 6 avoided. Rather an attempt will be made to highlight those critical points in time when conflict occurred so as to place the current crisis in its prOper perspective. In examining the actual conflict that took place (3) . / in Monterrey, Mex1co, accounts, editorial and paid political commentary printed the writer will rely upon newspaper in the newspapers, and eyewitness accounts provided bythe Principal adversaries. This section will be structured Closely to the chronological happenings as they took place. No attempt will be made to evaluate the differing accounts or interpretive comments made by the news media or the inter- vleVnrees . (4) educational authorities, in c00peration with state and local The curricular reforms undertaken by the federal edllcators, merit careful consideration not only because they were the apparent cause of the educational crisis, but also ecause of their far-reaching attempt to reorganize the G“lcational establishment. Fortunately, the pr1mary sources are abundant and still available for this aspect of the study. Although the textbooks12 are but a part of the overall Q _ urticular reforms undertaken by the Federal Ministry of \ ,12Mi Libro de Primer Ano to Mi Libro de Sexto Ano '13:):‘ies (Mexico, D. F.: Commision Nacional de los Libros de l"Ito Gratuito, 1961). 7 Education their orientation and social content were and are explosive and radically different from previous Mexican texts. Whereas the general“ curricular reforms were chal- lxalusyed pedagogically, the textbook series that was adOpted tC) .inmdement the reforms was separately challenged as being lflaizrzcist and subversive to Mexican traditions. Stories in trlea ibooks dealing with man's social relationships will be alleafilyzed in an effort to ascertain their socio—political con- tearitz. (5) The final portion will attempt to highlight tr1<>s3e elements of the crisis which seem to have a transcend- erlt: relevance for the study of social change. Utilizing the tc><>ls of social change theory the writer will examine these mall'1:ii_festations in the crisis in order to understand more f“1113; the nature of the human interaction that took place. :[t: 5.3 not the intention of this study to enunciate a new tflifitorem on the nature of change, nor will it test any of the current hypotheses. The final chapter will, however, S“:‘ggest certain societal structures that require more detailed a tudy and eventually scientific interpretation. Review of the Literature The nature of this case study requires a broad a bectrum review of the literature dealing both with an a Ilalysis of Mexican social thought and the more general 1‘. I.lgories of social change. Both Mexican and American .ya '0‘- A. v- ‘c. i... 'o ‘A nu .t F... a 1 . A \- wui. A y n u v x u ~\~ ‘0‘ o: u h u is S -\ s v: s \ -\ “I 'u \, ‘Q \ «<1 .I ~h.. o 8 authorities will be perused in order to draw from the examina- tion of the Mexican scene a relevant description as to the essence of social interaction. The theoretical formulations Of change, on the other hand, will be primarily North American. The Mexican intelligentia is rather limited in number, 311(3. as Octavio Paz points out in The Labyrinth of Solitude}3 their contribution to Mexican culture has been curtailed, because they have been absorbed by the institutional fabric of the nation-state. Thus, Leopoldo Zea, Jose Vasconcelos, Francisco Larroyo, Martin Luis Guzman, Samuel Ramos, Jaime Torres Bodet, and Octavio Paz himself became actors in the post-1917 movement that has worked to institutionalize the gains of the Revolucisn Mexicana. By their involvement they have disqualified themselves from serving as impartial Lnterpreters of Mexican culture. This is a particularly Sa‘lient point because one of the fundamental conflicts in SCDQiety revolves around the social structure and national p‘:"“":I>osec1f Mexico. With the "giants" of Mexican thought Q loeely allied to the nation-state their efforts tofiuse the varying institutions into a cohesive whole are suspect: this is particularly true of Vasconcelos an historian and 5e lrhner minister of education, Larroyo a political functionary \ 13Octavio Paz, The Labyrinth of Solitude: Life and \ght in Mexico, trans. Lysander Kemp (New York: Grove eSS. Inc., 1961). 9 and educational historian, Guzman,another historian and cur- rent Presidente of the commission responsible for the text— books involved in the controversy, Torres Bodet.a philosopher who as minister of education introduced the reforms, and Paz , an official of the foreign ministry as well as the foremost thinker in contemporary Mexico. The conflict, as it will be developed in this thesis will ultimately become an examinatim of two opposing theor— ies of society, and how the theories utilize the educational es tablishment in order to effect change in the social system. The political thinkers who project these Opposing views tend to cluster around either the concept that the state is suI>IIteme or that the state merely coordinates the activities of dominating social institutions. The Mexican thinkers meIltioned above tend towards the former position while a Qoterie of national and foreign writers, including men such as Jacques Maritain (French), Luis J. Actis (Argentine), BTULle Pirolley (French), Joseph Schlarman (North American), T1: istan de Athayde (French), Abelardo Leal, Sr. (Mexican), and Ramon Sanchez Medal (Mexican), center around the latter. In either case the intellectuals conceive of the school as the crucial institution through which they can achieve their type of society. This, of course, is in keeping with von LQ ibnitz' classic statement: "Give me control of the schools a “Q I will change the face of Eur0pe in less than a century." 10 Thus an open conflict centered around an educational program becomes critically important in the development of society, because the adversaries are fully cognizant that their way of life is being threatened or being enhanced by the curricular changes. This study will necessarily touch on the challenge being made by both those who favor a national State that is supreme and those who favor autonomous viable inStitutions that dominate the subservient state. Another confusing issue that recurs throughout the Study, and indeed has plagued Mexican education throughout its history, is the role of man in society. One of the original cries of the 19th century liberals was that the "rights of man" were inviolable against the oppression of both Cross and Crown. Today the advocates of a weak state and strong institutions are using the same cry with the rationale that men have the inviolable right to choose the institutional structure through which their personality will develOP; similarly, advocates of strong institutions claim that man through his inherent rights at the primary institutional level—-that is through the family--establishes his right t6 educate his child as he sees fit within secondary in- stitutions. Thus the role and functions of the individual w ~ {thin society must be partially identified; as Linton p - Q lhted out : 11 ‘Although any particular individual is rarely of great importance to the survival and functioning of the society to which he belongs or the culture in which he participates, the individual, his needs and potentialit- ies, lies at the foundationof all social and cultural phenomena. Societies are organized groups of individuals, and cultures are, in the last analysis, nothing more than the organized repetitive responses of a society's members.14 A serious question seems to emerge: does man have ‘tllea pmimary right to choose the education he wishes to give }1i_ss child, or does the state as the corporate expression of all men hold that right? A corollary question also a“raits reply: does man exist as an autonomous individual p€31E‘ssoneflLity, or is he, through his personality, merely an expression of an institutional will? This introduction would not be complete without a ssllrnunary description of current theoretical statements deal— ing with social change. Although the science of sociology ga~ined its first impetus with Marx's analysis of and IE>13€3dictions regarding a changing society there was little written precisely about social change for almost a century. es:Wiqept for weber's commentary on the effects of the Protest- air~lt: Reformation on Germany and EurOpe. indeed, Parsons wrote J‘E3538 than fifteen years ago that "a general theory of the \ (1S! l4Ralph Linton, The Cultural Background of Personality 63w York: Appleton-Century—Crofts, Inc., 1945), 5. 12 processes of change of social systems is not possible in the present state of knowledgefllén the grounds that not enough was known concerning motivational processes. A decade later Parsons undertook his first essay en- titled, "Some Considerations on the Theory of Social Change."16 In the 1961 paper Parsons interprets change to be generally the result of differentiation within the social system. He writes that the cycle of differentiation begins with a deficit input at the goal attaining boundaries of the social sYStem. That is, if there developed an input-output imbalance in the social system, then the more viable sub—systems of the system adjust their internal structures to enlarge their f‘~511'1<.‘.tions at the expense of the weaker sub-systems. Thus the sub-systems of the social system function so as to main- tain structural patterns which balance input—output func- t:L<>1'1al relations with one another. Parsons' deficient input construction was, in a s . . . eIlse, the Mex1can government' s analysst of the soc1o— e I O I I Q(Druomic situation wherein the national imbalance of rich a o - 0 :16 poor, with the corresponding low product1VLty and use- f ulhess of the latter. The government's attempt to effect \ 'I-h 15Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, 111.: e Free Press, 1951), 486. 16Talcott Parsons, "Some Considerations on the Theory Social Change," Rural Sociology (Ithaca, New York: GTE rel Soc1olog1cal Soc1ety). 13 change made corresponding changes essential among the other sub—systems, which, in general terms, percipitated the crisis. Unlike Parsons who theorized on the nature of the total social system, Kingsley Davis develops his interpret— ations of societies in terms of its demographic manifestations. In fact, it was Davis that coined the term "pOpulation ex- Plosion" to describe the disorientation transpiring in con- temporary society. Davis develops his conceptual stance regarding change on the theory that "the social system [is] a moving equilibrium."17 "Either tacitly or explicitly aI11’One who thinks about society tends to use the notion. . . It is usually phrased in static terms, but as soon as the e1etltlent of time is added it alludes to a moving equilibrium."18 His central theme is that the various deterministic theories of change, particularly the Marxian position that the mode of production determines social, political and intellectual a~Q"Zion, do not accurately perceive the major role played by e . . . . 0e :Lo-cultural variables. By concentrating on variables 0 . ther than economic he attempts to refute the so—called Q‘Jltural lag" theory: in fact, he contends that socio—cultural \ 1T1 . 17Kingsley Davis, Human Society (New York: The Mac- 1" llan Co., 1949) , 633. lerid., 634. 14 variables facilitate economic and technological change. When Davis explains change he differentiates between social change and cultural change. The former he considers merely internal "stresses and strains" of the moving equilibrium resulting from shifts in the power structure among the various sectors of society. Cultural change, on the other hand, is indicative of a fundamental re-orientation of the entire culture and includes renovation in science, art, technology, phiIOSOphy and the norms of social or- SJEirlization. The question Davis poses Viz-a-viz this case study is how does an exploding poverty-ridden population react to change that stands to benefit them economically at the same titne that it appears to be challenging their socio—cultural bias. Similarly, what is the reaction of the elitest seg- ment of society that dominate the industrial complex when change, from which they will benefit economically, also con- flicts with their socio—cultural bias. Although never Skamined Openly this contradiction between cultural and SQenomic needs underlies the entire case study. The study w ‘ . . . . 1 11 describe how one community resolved, in part, this diehotomy. \ lgIbid. , 634 . 20I'bid. , 635 . 15 George C. Homans' principal interest has been the examination of the small group, and his interpretations as to the nature of social change have necessarily been pro— jections of this orientation. His two major works: The Human Group21 and Social Behayior: It§7E1ementary Forms begin with the individual then project from that to the small group then to more complex structures. Although Homans disclaims interest in the subject of social change he does suggest certain possible causes for change. Utilizing a unilinear social class distinction Homans points out that low status and high status people have a greater propensity for deviant social behavior than others. Homans also ex— pressed concern for the individual who has been isolated from the controlling--nurturing--influence of an in- stitutional fabric. "Elementary social behavior does not grow just in the gaps between institutions; it clings to institutions as to a trellis. It grows everywhere. . ."23 And again, The cycle is vicious; loss of group membership in one generation may make men less capable of group member- ship than the next. The civilization that, by its very process of growth, shatters small group life will leave men and women lonely and unhappy. . . Each of the 1George C. Homans, The Human Group (New York: Har- court Brace, 1950). 22George C. Homans, Social Behavior: Its Elementary Forms (New York: Brace and World, Harcourt, 1960). 23Ibid., 103. 53' l6 sociologists--Durkheim, LeBon, Figgis, Brooks Adams-- who began just before World war I, to point out the signs of decay in our society, used the same metaphor. They said that society was becoming a dust heap of individuals without links to one another.24 Homans, in his analysis of social change, primarily concentrates upon what he conceives of as apparent social disintegration. His concern is more one of survival of existing systems rather than the interaction of the system to percipitate a better or different system. There is no functional prerequisite for the survival of a society except that the society provide suf- ficient reward for its individual members to keep them contributing activities to its maintenance, and that it reward them not just as members of that society but as men.25 Otherwise the social system disintegrate. Homan's thesis that low and high status people have a greater prOpensity for deviant social behavior suggests the need to examine the backgrounds of the various actors to ascertain its validity. Unfortunately, the nature of the case study precludes any in-depth evaluation as to the nature of the individuals involved. It is valuable, never- theless, to consider, at least superficially the role of the low and high status peOple involved. Homan's consideration as to the role of institutions being the "controlling—- 24George C. Homans, The Human Group, op. cit., 457. 25Ibid., Chapter 4. l7 nurturing--inf1uence" over the individual is perhaps one of the most important theoretical tools to be used in this case study. Time andagain the reader will be aware of the institutional forces at play in the ferment of people at- tempting to identify their own role in the crisis, and it will become more readily evident that social behavior tends to be a reflection of institutional influences and not a myriad of individual wills. Everett E. Hagan, although not strictly speaking a « sociologist (professor of economics, M.I.T.) places major emphasis on the need for personality change amongst the economic innovators if successful social change is to be effected. The preceding discussion has laid strong emphasis in change in personality. Other conditions have been assumed constant: change in personality, or more strictly, a change in social structureleading to a change in personality, has been treated as the prime mover of social change. This seems justified because of the great empirical importance of change in personality.26 When Hagan refers to the need for change in personal- ity he is broaching the same problem as Mexican governmental leadership diagnosed at the outset prior to the educational crisis. However, the Mexican government undertook to im- plement the second step, not mentioned by Hagan, of 26Everett E. Hagan, On the Theory of Social Change: How Economic Growth Begins (Homewood, 111.: Harper and Brothers, 1962) 237. ' 18 introducing attitudinal change amongst the general p0pu1ation. The logical choice of instruments for this major effort were the public and private schools of the Mexican nation. The Monterrey crisis resulted not only from the attempt but also with the rapidity of the projected change; of course, the traditional institutions that dominated the society reacted not only to the direction of the personality change but also to their own role-change. Robert L. Garner, vice president of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Deve10pment, seems to corroborate this point of view when he states that "deve10pment is a state of mind." People have to develop themselves before they can change their physical environment and this is a slow process. . . It involves changes in relations between classes and races. It requires improvement of govern- mental organization and Operations: the extension of social institutions, schools, courts, and health services. These things take much longer than the building of factories and railroads and dams. . . Habits of thought and of conduct are the most stubborn ob- stacles to development. . . Pitirim A. Sorokin's conceptualizations about the social system are grounded in his analysis of the nature of the super-organic world. He likens the world "to the 27Eugene Staley, The Future of Underdeveloped Count— ries (New York: Council on Foreign Relations and Frederick A. Praeger, 1961), 203. 19 Inind in all its clearly developed manifestations,"28 and embraces such things as language, religion, philosophy, science, the fine arts, law, ethics, and social organiza— tion. The interactions of the social system are found mainly in the "reflexed and instincts; sensations, feel- ings, and emotions. . . " of human beings.29 Sorokin, quite opposite to Homans, contends that society must change in order to survive. Indeed, he believes, change is inevitable and the only aspect that varies in the rhythm and swing of change. Thus change is slow or fast depending upon the socio—cultural milieu.30 Sorokin's "inevitability of change theory" suggests that all societies must continually modify their social and cultural relationships in order to assure the survival of the society. This virtually insures that the institutional fabric will be under stress and at times experience crisis, for all the component parts in the social system will neces— sarily undergo continual need for readjustment. 28Pitirim A. Sorokin, Society, Culture and Personal- ity: Their Structure and Dynamics (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1947), 3. 291bid.. 4. 3OPitirim A. Sorokin, Social and Cultural Dynamics: A Study of Change in Major Systems of Art, Truth, Ethics, Law and Social Relations (Boston: Porter Sargent, Pub., 20 Robin M. Williams, Jr., on the other hand, dif- ferentiates between "social change" and "social motion." The latter he describes as merely the functional inter- action that takes place within the society as it evolves. Social change he considers as occurring when: . . . there is a shift in pattern--when new relation- ships emerge, new standards and goals become shared. It is not necessarily social change if an individual meets a situation new to him nor if individuals vary in their behavior in given types of situations-- only when difference isshared and endures long enough to be recognizable as a new structure can we say that the culture or society has changed.31 This interpretation is in keeping with Williams' "structural- functional" analysis of social systems. Thus, the structure of a social system must markedly change, or the functions of various component sub-systems must be significantly altered for social change to, in fact, have occurred. Both Davis, mentioned above, and Williams attempt to differentiate between the normal adjustments in the society and a significant alteration in the patterns of the system. A case study will not readily define itself as being either social change (cultural change in Davis vocabulary) or social motion (social change); indeed, the study would superficially manifest the latter characteristics and it would only be after the crisis period had passed and the effects could be evaluated that a meaningful differentiation could be made. 31Robin Williams, Jr., American Society (New York: Alfred A. KnOpf, 2nd. Edition, revised, 1960) 567. 21 Robert K. Merton, another social scientist concerned with social change, has devoted the greater part of twenty years describing varying conditions of society. "Cognitive mapping," as this identifying procedure is called, is closely associated with Merton's theoretical research, for he has emphasized the importance of accurately describing the many concepts of sociology. In dealing with social change he contents himself to describing various conditions that precipitate social change. Among them are: 'Relative deprivation' as felt by a class or group, and its importance as a potential in conflict with authority. ’Self hypnosis' through one's own prOpaganda and the self-fulfilling prophecy. Conflicting value—orientations in primary groups. The trickle effect, such as the 'trickling down of fash- ions and styles in the system of stratification.'32 Merton also broaches the subject of social change in his address to the Fourth World Congress of Sociology: In a final remark on these and the many other lines of cleavage among sociologists, I should like to ap- ply a formulation about the structure of social conflict in relation to the intensity of conflict that was clearly stated by Georg Simmel and Edward Ross. This is the hypothesis, in the words of Ross, that 'a society. . . 32Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (Glencoe, I11.: The Free Press, 1957), 305, 421. 22 which is riven by a dozen. . . [conflicts] along lines running in every direction, may actually be in less danger Of being torn apart with violence or falling to pieces than one split along just one line. For each new cleavage contributes to narrow and cross clefts, so that one might say that society is sewn together by its inner conflicts.' It is an hypothesis borne out by its own history, for since it was set forth by Simmel and by Ross, it has been taken up or independently originated by some scores of sociologists, many Of whom take diametrically Opposed positions on some of the issues we have reviewed. (I mention only a few of them: Wiese and Becker, Hiller, Myrdal, Parsons, Lewis Goser, Berelson, Lazarfeld and McPhee, Robin Williams, Bahrendorf, Coleman, Lipset and Zelfitch, and among the great number of recent students of 'status discrepancy,' Lenski, Adams, Stoghill and Hemphill.33 Howard P. Becker, the last of the theorists to be considered, is unique in that he makes change a part of the conceptual device by which change is analyzed. He considers resistance to change or enthusiasm for change as the factors most im— portant in determining the focus Of the social system. He then utilizes the sacred-secular continuum as his guideposts for the identification Of the orientation Of a society.34 Early in Becker's career, he describes the equilibrium cycle in terms Of a necessary development resulting from change: 33Charles P. Loomis and Zona,K. Loomis, Modern Social Theories (Princeton, N.J.: D. VanNostrand Co., Inc., 1961), 617-618. 34Howard Becker, Through Values to Social Interpreta— tion (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1950), 285. 23 new efficient I equilibrium 35 \ Factors 1 . . // ) contributing repetition to disturbance -- Tension--Unrest—-Crisis-eDestruction Of \ . giiztin -&eduction to lower cycle . . 9. level Of performance equilibrium Later he began describing society as an Open system in a "steady state." That is, a society which is continually chang- ing, but one in which the propensity for change is integrating. Change thereby becomes the mechanism for maintaining a steady or balanced state.36 Becker's continuum clearly shows the steps that norm— ally constitute the process for change: however, little or no attempt is made to identify the nature of the factors which contribute to causing an imbalance in the equilibrium. Neither does Becker provide tools for measuring the new level Of efficiency. Nevertheless his Tension-—Unrest-- Crisis continuum provides the reader with the actual steps that were to Occur during Mexico's introduction of the new educational curriculum and textbook. The theoretical constructs Offered by the various social scientists above provide the reader with tools which help identify and illuminate those aspects Of the case 35Joyce 0. Hertzler, Society in Action (New York: The Dryden Press, 1954), 59. 36Howard Becker, Man in RecriprOcity (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1956), 458. 24 Study crisis which are transcendent and valuable for the Study of social change. Although all thinkers provide "an element Of truth" in what they write it is not the Object of this case study to validate all social change theory. In fact the intent Of an examination Of this genre is to take social change theories andattempt to diagnose those as— Pects of the interplay Of personalities and institution which Submerged in the drama, confusion, and human contradictions found in a case study Of this nature. The following aspects Of the several theories in social ch 31199 are helpful to a deeper appreciation Of the case study. Th 0 I ' e "soc1al motion" and "stresses and strains" syndrome are, of eourse, evident throughout the study. In the chapters which provide the historical background it is readily appar- ent that the society is continually being modified in order t0 QOpe with the changing needs and circumstances Of Mexican SQQ iety. The demands placed upon the personality of the various people is perhaps the major key‘ to understanding why the crisis took place. Changing the curricular format and Introducing a free textbook are innocuous in themselves but when one considers that thousands of individuals committed kg various and sundry institutions and their ideologies then / it becomes more readily apparent that a reaction to enforced Q11ange was imminent. Hagan has emphasized a need for a Q11ange in the social which would foster a change in personality. I! 25 Obviously any attempt to establish conditions favorable to a restructuring Of society would be resisted by those af— fected unfavorably. This situation is further compounded When one realizes as Homan's has suggested that eliminating SOCial behavior is fostered and guided by an institutional fabli‘ic. The Opposite to Homan's later statement on low and high status people seems to be the reality Of the case study. Oscar Lewis and others who have studied the small group seem to emphasize how institution-bound the low-status individual really is. However, there is no contradiction in these See‘Itlingly Opposite viewpoints, for Homan's was attempting to point out the macrocosmic circumstance wherein a large SeS'Inent Of a society are in a cycle Of distruction whereas Le"Wis was merely pointing out that even the lowest status De3|‘:sona1ities are bound by the moves Of their encompassing institutional forces. Thus it is necessary to be constantly 6““'are that individuals do not exist outside a system Of in— S‘titutions and that the personalities of the myriad Of in- G‘iViduals involved in this case study are but a mirror Of the institutional forces at work around him. In the dis- 1:3'1‘I1ctive syndrome many low status individuals reacted to tlie changes introduced Opposite to their own self-interest. This, indeed, corroborates what Homan's is attempting to describe. 26 The other major theme that is Of significance to an understanding Of the relevance of this case study is highlighted by several of the sociologists reviewed. Merton and Ross allude to the need for a society to be "riven by a multiplicity of conflicts" rather than one or two in order to remain intact. One interpretation of this would be that the institutional fabric Of a society must be sufficiently diversified in order to ensure that every issue does not invariably polarize the interest groups. Parsons also deals with the problemof how sub-systems are always seeking more beluezficial relationships through the input—output sequence. In a social system where there are but a few sub-systems any minor adjustment in the system will invariably seem like a major crisis since the society does not have a suf— Eleiently complex infra-structure to absorb the reacting s11eck waves of the change. In this case study the reader w ‘ . . . . . . 3— ll be aware of the limited institutional fabric and the 1:Ql'ldency for the Mexican society to polarize on the issue If curricular change as it has diVided historically on al- ert every issue. The nature of the case study is such that 1file interaction amongst the various institutions becomes read- ; 1y apparen t . 27 The resistance by individuals as well as their in- Stitutions to the curriculum reforms introduced by the Secretariat of Education can best be understood when it is realized that the Objectives of the educational changes was to make a fundamental adjustment in the nature of Mexican SOCiety. The many traditional roles and relationships amongst men were threatened but not with immediate change, with change within a generation or two. None the less, the threat was real and parental concern for their children's future was sufficiently important that there developed a gel'lezral reaction to the educational policies. As Staley h . . . as pOinted out in The Future Of Underdeveloped Countries: The social Obstacles to develOpment are tenacious 'because they are deeply imbedded in the habits of Inillions of individuals, in the accepted arrange— ments we call institutions, and in the system of values by which people decide that some things are good and Others bad, some more important some less important.37 The events that took place in Monterrey, Mexico during F e:bruary 1962 are significant to both students of Latin tlerican affairs and social scientists generally. During Q 11e short month and in one locale there is encapsulated In Q'et Of the principal parts usually manifest in a social \ 37Staley, Op. cit., 210. 28 crisis. The overt issues involved were clearly enunciated by the adversaries, and the covert cultural conflicts read- An historical approach, as used in this ily discernable. case study, provides an Opportunity for a depth examination 0f human interaction on a large scale. This case study is not a scientific study, however, it draws certain cogent analyses from scientifically conceived theOrems regarding the nature Of change in societywhich he 1!) interpret the historical events and make them meaningful. No attempt will be made to develop theoretical constructs, nor will the study substantiate or disprove given hypotheses altl‘iough informal Observations will be made. This historical in that it merely orders case study will be descriptive the events as they took place. The concluding chapter will, thever, suggest certain aspects Of the study that in the OD inion Of the writer warrant further investigation. CHAPTER II THREE HUNDRED YEARS OF SPANISH COLONIAL EDUCATION Introduction Mexican educational history carefully records the natillrlz'e and evolution of Mexican society as it gropes for an identity. The sequence of events to be related below clearly identify the social forces that have attempted to direct the development of the social order. Indeed, the fai lure of Mexican society to mesh into an integrated co- has ive whole from the very earliest times percipitated a history of factional struggles between powerful blocks that S‘llltove to coagulate the society under their respective lead- elTShip. The net result has been a reduced efficiency due t I I I . I I I I Q continuing tenSion, unrest, crisis, and periodic destruc- t:LQn. The essential factors contributing to Mexican social QQhflict can be identified as two clusters of institutions Qaeh attempting to dominate society. During the course of 1-)‘:i~s.tory first one group was dominant, then the other cluster Q1“erged to challenge the former's leadership. Unable to foect a new efficiency equilibrium the opposing forces 29 30 Proceded to cause the disintegration of the society by their continuing struggle. Only at the end of the historical sequence--l920 to present--have the original challengers been able to dominate the social system, arfl then only by a small margin, and begin integrating and develOping a modern nation-state. Pre-Columbian Times Mexican heritage had its beginnings before the pale of recorded history when the indigenous peoples began form- ing communities in the sheltered valleys of the Sierra Mad-re mountains. These communities eventually formed tribal and national alliances which became the early Toltecs and Ch ichimecs and the later Aztecs and Mayas. Aztec civilization was widespread during the fifteenth CeJi'ltury. From their capital at Tenochitlan, in the valley Qf Mexico, they dominated an empire embracing a territory thending to Vera Cruz in the east and to Oaxaca in the Sc5‘~:lth.]' The Aztec nation was over 300,000 strong, with well Qver one million subject and/or allied tribes.2 This nation \ Q / lFrancisco Larroyo, Historia Comparada de la Educacion \11 Mexico (México, D.F. Editorial Porrua, S.A., 1964), 66. 2Ibid. , 66. 31 Was dependent upon the effectiveness of a small religious and nuilitary class to govern and to dominate the empire. TO erusure the develOpment of this class, the Aztecs had an elaborate educational program. From birth to death members of this religious and military class were obligated to follow a well defined tradition of lifetime obligations.When a male child was born a special religious ceremony was conducted in. which the following words were used: Efijo mio, muy tierno: escucha hoy la doctrina que nos dejaron el senor Yoalteculti y la senora ‘Yoalticitl, tu padre y tu padre. De medio ti corto tu ombligo: sabete y entiende, que no es aqui tu casa donde has nacido, porque eres soldado del que esta y criado; eres ave y soldado del que esta en todas partes; pero esta casa donde has nacido, no es sino un nido, es una posada donde has llegado, es tu salida para este mundo; aqui brotas y floreces, aqui apartas de tu madre como el pedazo de piedra donde se corta; esta es tu cuna y lugar donde reclines tu cabeza, solamente es tu posada esta casa; tu propia tierra otra parte estas prometido; que es el campo donde se hacen las guerras, donde se traban las batallas, para alli eres enviado, tu oficio y facultad es la guerra, tu obligacion es dar beber a1 soldado sangre de los enemigos, y dar de comer a la tierra que se llama Taltecaxtli, con los cuerpos de los contrarios. 3 3:13- essence, the family and the leaders of the community dedic- 8“ted the child to a life of service to the tribe. \ 31bid.. 69. 32 Children of both sexes and all classes were educated at home for the first fourteen years of their lives. Boys learned their father's occupation while the girls became homemakers. They were also inculcated with the mores of their particular community. Children were given a definite Part in the various rituals and social events which took place from time to time. Sons of the leader class were placed in a school-— CalII‘lecac--at the age of fourteen for three five-year periods of training. Each level prepared the men for certain func- tions within the community. After the first period the St‘fildent graduated as a tlamacazto (novice), after the second a £Lamecaztli (deacon) and after completing the fifteen ye ars a student became a tlanamacac (priest).5 During war t:Llhe these same grades were the junior, intermediate and S thor officers . In addition to the Calmecac school, the Aztecas main- tadined a system of community schools designed to train the arest of the peOple of the nation in the art of warfare. he telpochcalli, as the military school was called, \ 41bid., 71. 51bido I 72. 33 instilled loyalty and obedience towards the ruling class as well as teaching military techniques.6 In return for loyalty and obedience the people expected the leadership class to guide the destiny of the nation. When the effective— ness of the leader class disintegrated the structure collapsed. The Colony of Nueva Espana On April 22, 1519 an expedition of Spaniards, under the leadership of Hernan Cortes, landed on the sandy shores of Chalchiuhcuecan. Cortes planted the Cross of Christ and the standard of the king and queen of Aragon and Castilla on the high ground overlooking the beach, while his 900 soldiers and sailors celebrated Mass. Chalchiuhcuecan was then renamed Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz.7 In this act of loyalty to both church and state, Cortes prOpogated an arrangement which had proved so effective in the reconquest of the Iberian Peninsula. The Aztecs were defeated by the year 1521, and their former empire became the nucleus of Nueva Espana. Expeditions were sent both north and south over the succeeding years until 6Ibid.. 72. 71bid., 85. 34 the Virreynato de Nueva Espana included territory as far north as San Francisco, California, and as far south as the Itsmuth of Panama. In the wake of the conquistadores' rapid and violent conquest of Las Indias came the missionaries and the set- tlers. These two social factors were to emerge before the end of the first century of Spanish domination as the bases for the permanent occupation of the New World. The friars worked incessantly to Christianize and pacify the Indians. The settlers worked equally hard to establish a new social and economic fabric for their own preeminence and the sub— jegation of los naturales. The strength of the colonial system was based upon three ingredients; a system of land-holding by loyal Span- iards, the diffusion of Christianity to all levels of society, and a stratification of that society. The original land grants were given to soldiers in return for services rendered in securing the new colony. Later generations of criollos were expected to continue the tradition of service in either the military, civil or religious posts. The Christian Church not only brought salvation to the infidels, but also new cultural concepts which permeated the colonial society. Indians and Spaniards alike were obligated to turn to the Christian Church for intellectual and moral guidance throughout the colonial period. The third ingredient of the colonial 35 system was the rigidly stratified society in which the ingig was subjegated to a level of serf-like peonage. For the three hundred years of colonial domination the Christian Church and the Spanish colonial government cooperated very closely. Commencing with the Papal Bull of 1493 and ending with the Inquisition trials of Morelos and Hidalgo, the Christian Church supported the colonial concept of government. This support was given to thatemporal author- ities in return for absolute leadership in all those things spiritual. The Church, therefore, was given a free hand establishing educational institutions for the colony. Missionary Zeal Once the initial phase of conquest had been effected dedicated missionaries began working to bring lost souls to Christ. Dominicans Bartolome de las Casas, Juan Torres, and Martin de la Paz dedicated their lives to the Quiche- Maya in Yucatan and the Capitania General de Guatemala. The Franciscans vigorously pressed for the Christianization and protection of the naturales in the Audencia de Mexico. Pedro de Gante, Motolinia, Juan de Zumarraga and others worked tirelessly for the well being of their charges. The major religious orders--Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustinians, and later the Jesuits--were in the New World at the request of the Crown. They were given the specific 36 responsibility of Christianizing the infidels. Fernando e1 Catolico, Carlos I (v), and Felipe II all decreed supportive legislation. The Leyes de Burgos (1512), for example, ordered that all Indians should be taught the scriptures and traditions of Catholicism, and those students who were capable should be taught reading and writing. The Crown's commitment to the Indians dated back to the Papal Bull of Demarcation signed by POpe Alexander IV (1493). Another factor which placed the burden of mission work on the Crown was the Patronato Real whereby the Church of Rome as placed under the King of Spain in all the latter's possessions. In re- turn for political control of the Church's hierarchy the Crown assumed broad financial and political responsibility over its endeavors. Indian Patio Schools Two types of educational institutions emerged in response to the Leyes de Burgos. They were the patio school and the formal school for sons of caciques. The patio school became the central concern of the Franciscans of Mexico after the arrival of the "twelve apostles" 8 (Motolinia, Zumarraga, etc.) in 1524. The Franciscans 8Francis Borgia Steck, Motolinia's History of the Indians of New Spain (washington, D.C.: Academy of American Franciscan History, MCMLI), 10. 37 scattered to several Indian communities near Mexico City and initiated their work. Immediately on reaching these centers, the priests selected suitable sites and ordered the construction of low buildings in which there should be a large room where the children might sleep, with other smaller rooms for services of various sorts. . . When the build- ings were ready, the chief Indians were instructed to bring to school their children and place them in the school. Most of them did so, but some, instead of bringing their own children, substituted for them the children of their servants or slaves. . . They gathered from six hundred to a thousand in each school where they were cared for by old men and fed with provisions brought by their mothers who likewise looked after clothing them. The padres practically lived with them, and for the sake of example, performed their devotions before them. The school day began with matins, which all the pupils were of course expected to attend, since the principal instruction they were to receive, especially in the early years, was religious. After matins they [the priests] taught the children until the hour of mass, and again after mass until the noon meal hour. After eating, they rested awhile and returned again to study until later afternoon.9 A corollary to the teaching of the Scriptures was instruction in castellano. Although many friars learned native dialects, and often translators were used to import instruction, the general emphasis was to teach the boys the language of Spain. An important point to be made about the patio schools was their attempt to gain control of the future leaders of 9Charles S. Braden, Religious Aspects of the Conquest of Mexico (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1930), 143-144. 38 the numerous Indian villages. Motolinia related: The first town to which the friars went to instruct was Cuautitlan four leagues from Mexico. They also went to Tepotzotlan. . . because among the children of the lords receiving instruction in the house of God were also the little lords of these two towns, nephews or grandchildren of Moteuczoma (sic), these being outstanding inmates of the house.10 Essentially, the Church fathers were interested in making their charges Christian. To be Christian intimated a minimal social and economic level. Thus the friars encouraged the Indians to become like the Spaniards around them. Motolinia devoted considerable space in his book to a description of how the Indians learned many of the trades and skills of the Spanish craftsmen. He praised their natural abilities to copy workmanship, and at one point related the story of the man who stole a saddle-pattern, c0pied it, then returned the original to its owner. He justified this, and many similar acts, because of the salutary effect on the economy. When an Indian learned a trade "the Spaniard must _immediately lower their prices. However, as long as there is only one master in a trade, the master charges whatever suits him. Thus by their talent and6bxterity the Indians have become effective slayers of monopoly."11 What the 10Steck, op. cit., 174. llIbid., 300. 39 friars could not teach their charges in the way of trades they encouraged the Indians to find out as best they could. They encouraged the Indians to participate in the colonial market economy. Indians were soon making and selling such diverse wares as saddles, shoes, textiles, cabinets, and musical instruments. They also became expert masons and carpenters. Any Spaniard, friar or not, to support the Indian invasion of the Spanish artisan markets was not likely to gain friends! Indian Cacique Schools Fray Pedro de Gante is accredited with establishing the first formal school in America. His first school was at Texcoco (1523). This school was moved (1525) to the city of Mexico and later designated the official cacigue 12 The position school in the Virreynato de Nueva Espaha. of the Crown as regards to formal education for Indians can best be stated in the following quotation from the Ordenanzas (1512-1542) which summarized the Consejo de Indias laws and decrees during thirty years. En las ciudades principals del Peru y Nueva Espana se funden [colegios], donde sean llevados los hijos de caciques de pequena edad, y encargados a personas religiousas y diligentes, que los ensenen y doctrinen 12Larroyo, 0p. cit., 95. 40 en Christianidad, buneas costumbres, policia y lengua Castellana, y se les consigne renta com- petente a su crianza y educacion. 3 The Colegio de San Jose de los Naturales (Gante, 1525) and the Escuela de San Francisco (Gante, 1525) were two schools under one convent roof. The Colegio instructed Indfians in reading, writing, and number concepts. The Escuela, on the other hand, taught artesjy oficios (crafts and trades). Later the Colegio expanded its course work to include portions of the Latin grammar curriculum.14 Indeed, the de Gante schools were so successful that the informal Latin instruction of the Colegio San Jose was incorporated into a new school called the Colegio de Santa Cruz de Tlaltelolco (Mendoza, 1536). The Colegio was under the personal patroage of Virrey Antonio de Mendoza. The Colegio de Santa Cruz prospered to such an extent that the colonists became alarmed at the implications of an educated Indian elite. Jeronimo Lopez, a counselor to the Viceroy wrote a letter to Carlos V in 1541 which said in part: No contentos con que los indios supiesen leer y escribir. puntar libros, taner flautas, chirimias, trompetas o teclas, or ser musicos, pusieronlos a aprender gramatica. Dieronse tanto a ellos y con tanta solicitud que habia muchachos, y hay cada dia mas, que hablan tan elegante latin como Tulio, y viendo que la cosa acerca de esto iba en crecimiento y que en los monasterios 13110161., 93. 14Ibid., 95. 41 los frailes no se podian vales o mostrarles, hicieron cologios en donde pudiesen e aprendiesen y se les leyesen ciencias e libros. A lo cual, cuado esto se principiaba, muchas veces en el acuerdo del obispo de Santo Domingo ante los Oidores, yo dije e1 yerro que era y los danos que podian seguir en estudiar los indios ciencias, y mayor en dalles la Biblia en su poser, y toda la Sagrade Escritura, que trastornasen e leyesen. . . A venido esto en tanto crecimiento que es cosa para admirar ver lo que escriben en latin, cartas, coloquios y lo que dicen; que habra ocho dias que vino a esta posada u clerigo a decir misa, y me dijo que habia ido a1 colegio a lo ver, e que lo cercaron docientos estudiantes e que estado platicando con el, le hicieron preguntas de la Sagrada Escritura acerca de la Fe, que salio admirado y tapados los oidos y dijo que aquel era el infierno y los que estaban en el disciplos de Santanas. Esto me parece que no lleva ya remedio sino cesar con lo hecho hasta aqui, poner silencio en lo porvenir; si no, esta tierra se volvera la cueva de las Sibilas, y todos los naturales de ella espiritus que lean las ciencias.15 This letter was a clear indication of the hardening attitude of the settlers towards the mission endeavor of the Church and towards the Indians themselves. The Spanish secular clergy and colonists generally supported the thesis postulated by Franciscan friar Juan de Sepulveda in his great debate with Dominican friar Bartolome de las Casas at the Congreso de Teologos y Filosofos which the king called at Valladolid (1550). Sepulveda declared) that the Indians were "servi a natura" because they were barbarians; they were barbarians because they were men with- out reasoning power; they were irrational because they were 151bid., 93. 42 infidels; and, for the same reasons, they were condemned 16 Although Las Casas convinced the by nature to slavery. Congreso that the Indians were not to be considered slaves, but children of God, the obverse was quickly becoming a £31; acompli. What Las Casas won in theory was lost in practice. The Spanish settler of the first century was motivated by the desire and need of instant wealth. Many of them were extremely poor upon arrival in the New World. Their only resource was massive Indian labor. This was used to extract the mineral and agricultural wealth of the new land. In the mind of the Spanish colonist his survival was wholly dependent upon large scale subservient labor. Any effort to protect or nurture the Indians was considered a direct threat to economic success. The initial protection provided by the Church was soon displaced by the tremendous need of large scale labor pools. By 1580 the peninsulares and the criollos had overcome all Opposition, and those remaining Indians took their place in the social order as hewers of Wood and drawers of water. Peninsulares and Criollos: An Elite Minority It would be wise to examine the Spanish settler who wrested control of the better part of two continents from their native inhabitants. Between 1493 and 1592, 7,976 16Ibid., 94. 43 persons migrated from Spain to Las Indias.17 This figure might appear somewhat low, but even if it were fifteen fold18 that number the total would account for but a small fraction of the p0pu1ation of the Spanish colonies. There are numerous references of settlements being founded with but a handful of Spaniards, and then the village being designated as a presidio responsible for vast stretches of land and countless natives. Guadalajara, for example, was the governing center for a territory that extended from the central plateau of Mexico northward to include lands from Texas to California. In 1572 the p0pu1ation of Guadalajara was 150. The Audiencia de Nueva Galicia, of which Guadalajara was the capital, had only 1,500 Spaniards.19 The Spaniards devised two techniques by which to utilize the available manpower: namely, the encomienda and the repartimiento. The encomienda system divided colonial territory, pe0ple and certain resources amongst favored Spaniards. Often encomiendas were granted to various religious 17Charles Edward Chapman, Colonial Hispanic America: A History (New York: Macmillan,l938), 32. 18John A. Crow, The Epic of Latin America (Garden City: Doubleday and Co., 1946), 277. 19Chapman, 0p. cit., 103. 44 orders, but the bulk of the grants were given to the colonists. The responsibility of the encomendero was to provide for the spiritual and physical needs of the Indians, and in return he was given a tribute by the Indian villages based upon the productivity of the land and peOple. This grant was usually for a given length of time. The repartimiento,on the other hand, was the physical distribution of manpower for work on specific enterprises. Usually a Spaniard would contract with the governor for a certain num- ber of Indian men to work in a mine, sugar mill, or other industry. The village headman would then be ordered to as- sign men from his community to the labor force. Soon the Indians and the Church friars equated the repartimiento with sure death. For this reason Las Casas, and others, con- tinually attacked the institution as legalized murder. Also, many of the Indian rebellions were attributed directly to this forced labor. Las Casas accused the Spaniards of the death of more than five million Indians in Yucatan, Chiapas, and Guatemala.20 More recent studies have indicated an equal number of deaths in the Audiencia de Mexico. Of course, this excessive genocide was not entirely the direct result of the repartimi- ento, but the social disorientation that it, and other 20Bartolomeo de las Casas, The Tears of the Indians, trans. John Phillips (Stanford, Calif.: Academic Reprints, n.d.), 51. 45 economic measures, precipitated were certainly a major cause. The uprooting of men from villages so they could work in distant mines immediately caused family disintegration. This in turn caused a breakdown of the village social sys- tem. Whilst the Indian society was crumbling the colonial social order, in its stead, was becoming firmly entrenched. Educational Implications of An Elite Minority The concentration of wealth in the hands of a small sector of society provided that sector (peninsulares and criollos) with the resources requisite for the very best of Spanish education. Criollos were, by and large, taught their first letters--reading, writing, and number concepts, catechism, and the social graces—-by tutors. For the most part the tutors were priests, but there were occasionally laymen as well. Formal schooling followed several years of tutoring and began with matriculation into the colegio. The colegio was university preparatory in nature with a curriculum of mathematics, castellano, Latin grammar, and religious teach- ings. Colegio study was followed by further education in one of the facultades. The major facultades were canon law, civil law (sometimes the two were combined), philos0phy, theolOgy, mathematics, and medicine. It was an education designed for the cultured gentlemen. It prepared men for 46 service in the Church or colonial public administration. And it was selective even amongst a select minority. The educational framework which was to function throughout the colonial period (indeed continues even to the present day:) was established during this formative period. Orphans and the Emerging Mestizo As intimated in the description of the conquests, as well as in the settlement patterns, the New World of the 16th Century was a "man's world," There were few Spanish women. Men came to seek their fortunes. They intended, at some later date, to return to Spain, or at least send to Spain for a bride. In the interim a new breed was born. The mestizo was an orphan. The mestizo was a child without social roots. The mestizo was a reject from two societies. Often the literature describes the mestizo as a middle group between indio and criollo; during the period of his emergence he was scorned by white, brown and black, and relegated to a status among the mulatos and zambos. The mestizo's salvation was due to his shere numbers. By the end of the colonial period the mestizo ranked high in the demographic distribution of the p0pu1ation. 47 Mestizo Schools As early as 1547 BishOp Zumarraga wrote the king soliciting support for the founding of a residence school for homeless mestizos in the Audiencia de Mexico. He described, in considerable detail, the aimless wandering of children along the highways and within the cities of Nueva Espana. They were numerous. They were without guidance. The bishOp feared for the stability of the colony if such children were allowed to grow to manhood without help. In response to the bishOp's pleas the Colegio de San Juan de Letran was founded during the same year.21 Bishop Vasco de Quiroga, first bishOp of Michoacan and sometime presidente of the Audiencia de Mexico, became famous for his work in the rehabilitation of mestizo boys. His first institution was the Hospital de Santa Fe in the city of Mexico (1532). This, and his later hospitales, had provided for thephysical as well as the spiritual and intellectual well being of orphans. Vasco de Quiroga was an avid reader of Thomas More's La-Isla de Utopia, and he attempted to incorporate much of it in his schools. Each school was self-contained with the boys staying on after they were cured to learn their first letters, and later to work in the fields or shops to support the others. Then, after 21Larroyo, op. cit., 105. 48 the boys had learned an economically productive skill, they were permitted to leave the school.22 Vasco de Quiroga recognized the mestizo as the future backbone of society. His initial concern was to stabilize their lives, both indivhiually and corporately, as the artisans and trades— men of colonial society. Thus, he insured their integration and, to some extent, their upward mobility in a class con— scious system. Althougtithe mestizo attained a position in society which allowed for a measure of economic success he was still outside the criollo and peninsular strata. The demarcation was repeatedly in cedulas and ordenanzas. Positions in both Church and state administration were the exclusive perogative of men with sangre_pura. Similarly, the 0p— portunities for higher formal education were placed outside of their reach. Though the position of the Crown in this matter remained static throughout the colonial period there appeared to be numerous exceptions. So many, in fact, that officials on both sides of the Atlantic were continually complaining of mestizo enroachment into criollo domain. 22Ibido I 100. 49 Feminine Education Little mention has been made, thus far, as to the nature of feminine education. During this first century of colonialism schools were established for both indias and mestizas. A limited number of schools for Indian girls were established by BishOp Zumarraga, the first being the Colegio de Tezcuco (1529). This, and the schools that fol- lowed, taught castellano, catechism, and 16th century home management. Zumarraga and Virrey Mendoza sponsored similar schools for orphan mestizas. The Colegio de Nifias (Mendoza, 1535) and the Colegio de Nuestra Senora de Caridad (Zumarraga, 1547) were the first for this class. The pervading purpose of both the schools was to make the girls into Christian Spanish—like wives and mothers.23 Fall and Rise of Social Orders The first century of Spanish domination in the New ‘World was characterized by the general disintegration of Indian society and the emergence of the colonial system. Although numerous attempts were made by the Spanish to stabilize Indian society within the colonial framework, they were largely unsuccessful. The prosperity of the economic system depended upon large scale subservient labor, 231bid., 105. 50 and this spelled the doom of the integrated Indian social system. Thus, the colonial economy and its society were built on the bodies of countless--two to twenty million-- Indians. La Sociedad Criollo, 1580-1700 Chapman pointed out in his book: Colonial Hispanic America that "the Spaniards from Spain held nearly all the 24 best government jobs." He went on to give these statistics: 12 out of the first 369 bishops were criollos, 4 out of the first 160 virreyes were criollos, . 25 14 out of the first 602 capitan—generales were criollos. Then he intimated that the criollos were powerless in terms of the Spanish appointees. This is not an accurate picture of the colonies. Gradation no doubt existed, but there was, in fact, an interdependence between the senior Crown and Church officials and the criollos. The reasons for this are obvious: in the first place, every Spanish family was destined to become criolla within one generation. Secondly, the economic leadership of the colonies rested with the criollos. And finally, effective colonial government could not transpire without the criollos who filled the ranks of middle and lower officialdom. Of course, criollosupport 24Chapman, op. cit., 116. 251bid.. 116. 51 of the colonial establishment was of mutual benefit; they, in turn, were able to maintain their own status, and wealth, in terms of the perponderant majority of indios and mestizos. La sociedad criolla was so deeply entrenched in the sinews of colonial power that it was able to organize and maintain a socio-economic system wherein the bulk of the advantages accrued to it for over two hundred years. The encomienda,for example, was radically modified in the Leyes Nuevas (1542) to provide for better treatment of the Indians and to limit control of the encomienda to one lifetime. So bitter in their denunciation were the encomenderos (priollos and peninsulares) that the laws were modified substantially. and then not effectively enforced. Again, in 1571, the Ordenanzas attempted to reorganize the encomienda system only to have the laws honored in the breach. It was not until 1720 that the Crown finally abolished the encomienda. By that late date the criollo had developed the entailed hacienda as an adequate alternate solution to land ownership. An Educational Overview Education provided the key to upward mobility. This was especially the case for those criollos who entered the civil service or the religious orders. The school structure utilized by the peninsulares for their criollo children, was, by and large, a replication of school found in Spain. 52 Although the schools were supported by private tuition, as well as public grants, they were usually owned or supervised by the Catholic Church. The primary concern of the criollo schools was the preparation of men to fill status positions within the emerging social structure. As a result, the New'WOrld schools closely followed the curriculum and pedagog— ical practices current in 16th and 17th century Spain. ~The Bishops of America met in Lima in 1582 to develop plans for the systematic implementation of the Council of Trent's resolutions dealing with internal reforms of the Catholic Church. These leaders of Catholicism immediately ordered the founding of seminarios in all the dioceses of the New World. Although the seminarios were primarily for the training of the clergy, specific provisions were made for the admittance of laymen.26 Thus, at a time when criollo education was developing a significant institutional base, it was given energetic support by the Christian Church. By 1600 the educational system of criolla society was complete. The principal ordenanzas and cedulas regulat- ing education and educators had been issued. The principal teaching orders were Operational. The major universidades were firmly ensconced. 2 . . ., 6Carlos/Gonzalez Orellana, Historia de la EducaCion en Guatemala (Mexico, D.F.: Colecion Cientifico Pedagogica, 1960), 90. 53 La Escuela de Primeras Letras Many of the early tutors were secular clergy who went from home to home teaching the young. Later, the clergy would gather groups of criollos together at the parish church. As the demand grew, laymen began teaching as well. The Church attempted to regulate the laity by requiring proof of high Christian character. This was usually a letter signed by the teacher's confessor. Proof of sangre pura was also necessary. By 1600 there were so many teachers, both lay and cleric, that the colonial government stepped in to regularize primary education. So widespread and disparit were the tutorial schools that the Viceroy of Nueva Espaha, don Gaspar de Zuniga y Acevedo, Conde de Mnnterrey, issued the Ordenanza de las Maestros del Noblisimo Arte de Leer, Escribir yContar.27 The qualifications made mandatory by this law reflect the level of competency of primary school teachers. 1- The local government of the municipio was authorized to name two of its most intelligent and expert teach- ers to visit all of the teachers and their schools. These two men were to examine teacher competency, and, if they deserved certification, issue letters of approval. 27Larroyo, op. cit., 109. 54 2- Those who were eligible to be teachers could be neither negro, mulato or indio. Being Spanish, they were required to provide personal information to indicate high moral character, and they were to give evidence that they were cristiano viego. (An old Christian was one that had not been con- verted from Judaism or Islam.) 3- Teachers were expected to know the five types of arithmetic computation: addition, substraction, multiplication, fractions, and division of whole numbers. 4— Teachers were to know how to read novels as well as pastoral letters. Also, they were required to write script of various calibrations and styles. 5- If an individual began teaching without being examined, his school would be closed. 6- Schools were not permitted to Open within a radius of two blocks from existing schools. 7- Coeducation was strictly prohibited. Amigas, female tutors, were prohibited from teaching boys. 8- Teachers with certificates were not permitted to hire others to teach in their stead or to divide the groups with sub-teachers in charge of sections. 9- Owners of grocery or merchandise stores were pro- hibited from opening a school in the back room. 10- Teachers were required to teach Christian doctrine, the catechism, and the practices of worship.28 The Ordenanzas of 1600 remained in force until the end of the colonial period. But as early as 1672 Virrey Leon Ignacio Pico of Nueva Espana complained that the 28Ibid., 109. 55 Ordenanza was not being enforced, and that unqualified—- intellectually or by color--teachers were Operating schools.29 And by the end of the 18th century there was considerable disregard of the caste qualification. The Conde de Monterrey was, also, responsible for legislation dealing with feminine education and the qualifica- tions of amigas. Education for criollas was genteel in nature. The amigas, elderly ladies of pure blood and high moral character with written proof of each, taught elementary notions of religion, reading, writing and.manual skills-— crochet, embroidery, and so on—-and of course manners.3O The colonial attitude toward feminine education was suc- cinctly summed as follows: "Mujer que sabe latin, nunca ha de tener buen fin."31 El Colegio The colegio was considered a part of the sistema universitaria. Most of the early colegios were first of all seminarios for the preparation of a colonial clergy and only subordinately schOols for the laity. This institutionaliza- tion within the larger body of the Church gave the colegio a distinct advantage over the escuelas de primeras letras. 291bid., 115. 3OIbid., 11o. 56 It gave the colegio continuinty, and it gave the colegio a large reservoir of highly qualified teaching personnel. Thus the colegio was originally a part of the seminario and only in its development did it become an entity unto itself. When formal schools were being organized in the New World, they were called by a variety of names, but their purpose was uniform: the preparation of criollos for leadership in either Church or state. To the Franciscans goes the credit of establishing the first seminario in the New WOrld (Xochimilco, 1525).32 They were shortly followed (1526) by the Dominicans who 33 established the Convento Grande de Mexico. The Augustinians arrived in Mexico in 1540 and built the Convento de Tiripitio.34 The Jesuits were relative late comers to Nueva Espana: they established their Convictorio and Colegio Maximo de San 35 The Jesuits were in abject Pedro in the capital in 1572. poverty during their first year. A wealthy man gave them a modest adobe house with a thatched roof. The Indians of Tacuba were assigned to build them a small chapel» also with a thatched roof and a dirt floor. A nearby convent: 32Larroyo, op. cit., 130. 33Ibid., 134. 34Ibid., 139. 351bid., 146. 57 las monjas de la ConcepciOh, fed them. In the very same year of their arrival they established San Pedro y San Pablo. Three years later their colegio was so successful that they establrhed a second institution, San Gregorio.36 The meteoric rise of the Jesuits can be seen in their early spread to the principal provincial cities of Nueva Espana. By 1586 the Jesuits had colegios in Patzcuarco, Oaxaca, Puebla, Veracruz, Tepotzotlan, Guanajuato, and Guadalajara.37 A reason for the Jesuits preeminence in the field of education was their systematic teaching methods. Although they followed the curriculum develOped in Europe before the Renaissance (the Seven Liberal Arts or the Seven Pillfilrs of Wisdom) their careful attention to detail and their iron- clad discipline gave the subjects and the schools an new’ viability. The method of teaching utilized by the Jesuits included oral explanations by the professors, recitation by the pupils, and debate amongst the pupils on controverSial points. The curriculum was divided into three level-‘5: (1) castellano and Latin grammar, (2) Latin composition. . . . . 'on Latin authors, humanities, arts, rhetoric, and declamatl o and (3) finally, theology and philOSOphy.38 Graduates 36Ibid., 147. 37Ibid., 148. 38Maclean y Estenos, Op. cit., 94. 58 of Jesiut schools were soon recognized as the most literate scholars in the colonies. Perhaps the most important of the Jesuit institutions was the Colegio Mayor de Santa Maria de Todos los Santos (1573), which was founded in direct com- petition with the Real y Pontificia Universidad de Mexico. The Colegio Mayor was limited to select post-bachilleres students. As a result of its design and the careful selection of its pupils the Jesuits could claim that out of their first fifty-five graduates only sixteen did not become important officials in either the Church or state.39 Las Facultades de la Universidad Care has been taken in the preceeding discussion of formal education to draw the relationship between the . . . . . . . itaria' various institutions as being part of a s1stema.tuii22£§—~—'”" 0 o 5 Perhaps the pervading reason for the use of Spanish Word throughout this paper is to identify more precisely the Hispanic concept of university. A facultad was a Semi” do ctora autonomous cluster of teachers who held the title 0f V 1Y' ' orate in one of several classical fields. This clustexfa (:orp . . . . n or lnlelduallYa had the ultimate power to bestow or de y degrees to any candidate in their facultad. The usual e theO logy ' facultades found in a sistema universitaria wer 391bid., 95. 59 philosophy, canon law, civil code, mathematics, and later medicine. The first universidad, of any consequence, to receive a royal charter was the Universidad Mayor de San Marcos de Lima (1551). The Universidad de Mexico followed four months later. Carlos V signed the necessary cedulas for both in- stitutions. Both universidades began Operating immediately.40 The university, like the other levels of education, was led by, and fought over, by the various religious orders. The Misiones at the Frontiers of the Empire Before leaving the century of the criollo mention should be made of the continuing work of the Orders with the Indians. The Indians of northern Nueva Espana were unlike the Aztecs, Mayas, and Incas of the preceding century. These tribes were aggressive migrant hunters. They had little regard for the sedentary agricultural life of the colonists or their subjegated Indian brothers. Thus, there was intermittent warfare between those who would be masters and the restless Indians. The Crown attempted to bring peace to the outer reaches of its empire by decreeing the reducciones whereby Indians were required to settle in communities. The reducciones 4OIbid., 77. 60 were placed under the control of friars who often had no more than two soldiers to protect them. The friars were charged with the responsibility of pacifying the Indians, and organizing a sedentary economy for them. With amazing rapidity the friars brought peace and prosperity to most of the troubled areas. In northern Nueva Espafia the Jesuits Kino and Salvatierra and the Franciscans Graces, Serra, and Lasuen explored and established missions along the northwest frontier. Las Casas' thesis of peaceful con- quest was proven partially valid. Indian education was in a state of general eclipse during the criollo century, except with regard to the reducciones mentioned above. The reason for this decay was primarily the lack of interest amongst the new criollo leaders. The patio schools mentioned in the preCeding section were dependent upon the economic sustenance by civil authorities and the encomenderos. The colonial authorities had distributed the encomiendas to colonists with the proviso that the holder of the crown land was responsible for the care and education of the Indians therein. This proviso was generally honored in the breech, since the colonial govern- ment was hesitant to enforce the directives from Spain in the face of criollo objection. In fact, the trend was the obverse with the Santa Oficio (located in México) ordering the Colegio de Santa Cruz de Tlalteloco, the famous school 61 for Indians, closed. The criollos had attacked the Colegio. Thus, the Indian was forgotten. Seeds of Destruction Even before the sociedad criolla came to full flower the seeds for its own demise had been sown. The afore- mentioned description of criollo education provides a clear picture as to why the polarization of the 18th century and the civil strife of the 19th develOped. The Spaniards were careful to limit educational, and correspondingly socio-economic, Opportunity to that minority of the pOpulation that possessed sangreppura. The concern of the elite was not so much the purity of blood, as can be noted in the numerous exceptions that were made when necessary, rather it was the concentration of colonial power within a relatively small group. Colonial society fol— lowed traditional Spanish practice of a powerful nobility that was served by a highly educated cadre of criollo of- ficials. This made an effective leadership combination which quickly became entrenched to the disregard of others. The schools of the 17th century reflected two things: first, they reflected the rapid establishment of a Spanish social system wherein a highly literate minority was 41Lorroyo, Op. cit., 117. 41 62 requisite to meet the needs of both church and state. Second, they reflected the recognition by the educators that future power rested with the criollos. If the bitter struggle that ensued between educators could be reduced to its least common denominator it was for the right to educate the future colonial leadership. Perhaps the only area in which the sociedad criolla came to grips with its future was in its work with the mestizos. A place was made for mestizos in the social order, although only a limited amount of systematic educa— tion was provided. The work that was done was primarily charity in response to the widespread pestilence, plagues, and starvation that characterized the 17th century. Thus the 17th century came to a close. La Sociedad Criolla was at the zenith of its power. Its wealth exceeded that of any peOples. Its position was unchallenged. Its pleasures excessive. Its loyalty to the crown, church, and the status quo unquestionable. The Bourbon Century, 1700—1808 In 1700 Carlos II, the last of the Hapsburgs, died. Philippe d'AnjOu (Felipe V, 1700-1746) succeeded to the throne as the first of a long line of Bourbon monarchs. During the period under study, the Bourbons were creative exponents of Enlightened Absolutism. Their power reached 63 its apogee under Carlos III (1759-1788) and its perigee when Carlos IV (1788-1808) and his son Fernando VII (1808- 1808--he was later restored) reigned. This century was characterized by Spanish involvement in successive, if not continuous, military and naval conflicts with Britain. It was a time when British power was rapidly spreading through- out the world. This was the period when Pitt and others were creating the First British Empire. During this span of history these two nations were at war eight times. And, at the expense of Spain, Britain became the "mistress of the seas." While Spain was struggling to maintain her inter— national position every effort was being made to revitalize her kingdom and empire. Internal Spanish reforms were of two kinds. First, the enlightened monarchs permitted the entry and flowering of EurOpean intellectualism. And, second, there was a vigorous reconstruction of the then current economic practices. In both cases this reorientation was interpreted to mean one thing in Spain and another in her colonies. So while Fray Benito de Feijoo (Teatro CriticQ. Universal 0 Discursos Varios de Todos Generos de Materias) M and Ignacio Luzan (El Hombre Practico o Discursos Varilfii . . . ' VelY Sobre Su ConOCimiento y Ense’n’anza) were actively and creatl . . , , rs interpreting Locke, Descartes, Leibnitz, Rousseau arni (“3‘63 - €3 to Spanish intellectuals, colonial intellectuals were bel’fl 64 discouraged from journeying to Spain to study under them. Similarly, when the works of these European thinkers began appearing in Hispanic America they were immediately proscribed by the Santa Oficio.42 In the second case, while the Bourbons were "liberaliz- ing" economic restrictions in Spain, in keeping with the enlightened practice of incorporating the emerging bourgeous entrepeneurs into the leadership, the Spanish government began imposing and enforcing more restrictions upon the Hispanic American economic elite. Thus, the disestablishment of Cadiz as the one colonial trading port permitted greater freedom to Spanish merchants, but coupled with this benefit to Spain was the introduction of customs inspectors in the colonies to ensure that all trade was, in fact, with the mother country, and that all taxes were paid on that trade--two things that had not been strictly enforced here- to-fore. Tax law supervision necessitated close scrutiny of all levels of colonial government. The Bourbons replicated the system established in France of Intendencias. The plan was to have throughout the colonies a super—structure of officials directly responsible to the Crown, and who would not be influenced by the criollo economic interests. The net result was a marked increase in tax revenues and trade with Spain. 42Gonzales, op. cit., 122. 65 Although the Bourbon monarchs were winnowing out excesses in criollo economic and social power little at- tempt was made to challenge criollo society itself. The Crown and the criollo continued to recognize a mutual dependency. This was evidenced by the abolition of the encomienda (1720) and its replacement by the entailed hacienda. Criollo power was thereby made more secure though no longer excessive. While the general trend of Bourbon reform was ac- ceeded to by 1a sociedad criolla in their enlightened self interest, the violent reactions to colonialism also sprung from that body. Herein lies a puzzle: Why did some criollos Oppose their own best interest? The answer can best be under- stood through a cursory examination of education during the 18th century. _§dppational Overview Criollo educators polarized during the Bourbon century. This was a direct reflection of the societal polarization that appeared in the intellectual realm. The vested interests that had struggled to gain power during the preceding centur- ies reacted against any intrusions of new forces on their dominant position. The intellectual thoughts of Locke, Descartes, Montesquieu, and Rousseau spread rapidly amongst 66 intellectuals throughout EurOpe and America. Thus ‘wealthy dominant criollos were excited by the intellectual power of current philoSOphical ideas while at the same time not wishing to weaken their own socio-economic position viz a viz the masses. (Baron von Humbolt estimated that there were 3,276,000 peninsulares and criollos governing 13,634,000 mestizos, indios and negros.)43 As the 18th century progressed socio-economic considerations out— weighed philosophy, and the power of criollo society moved to support those elements of church and state that restricted the advocates of change. Meritorious as the ideas might have been the risks were too great. There were three phases in colonial educational hist- ory during the Bourbon century. From 1700 to 1759 education continued to be a stagnant medieval institution. Then under Carlos III a reform movement attempted to introdice changes in the colonial institutional structure. The colon- ial reformers were blocked and forced to establish new structures outside the existing hegemony. A vigorous colonial reaction set in on Carlos IV when the international implications of reform were perceived as a threat to the criollos best interests. 43Chapman, Op. cit., 189. 67 La Sistema Universitaria The universidad that entered the 18th century belonged to the classical medieval tradition of EurOpe. The reform movement that swept the Spanish universidades under the Bourbon enlightenment was equally requisite in the Hispanic American colonies. Unfortunately, the structure of the in- stitutions was such that the reformers were excluded. The institution of the universidad was designed to give it considerable autonomy of thought and action. The power over education was vested in the cloister. The cloister was composed of all faculty members, plus the maestrescuela, and all holders of advanced degrees living in the community at large. The rector was elected by this body, and all additions to its membership had to be approved by itself (subject to the veto by the maestrescuela). The cloister was empowered to grant all degrees, incorporate all colegios, and supervise all curricula. This broad power had been designed into the system by the Ley de las Siete Partidas (issued by Alfonso e1 Sabio) in order to encourage and protect intellectual freedom. The net result was intellectual stagnation. The basic problem of the universidad was that members of the cloister tended to select like minded thinkers to the end that the universidad was dominated by the thought 68 and practice of by—gone days. The dominant philOSOphy of the universidades was Aristotilian as interpreted by Scotus.44 Teaching was an endless re-examination of ancient thought. Professors would lecture on obtruse points to illuminate another variation on the same theme. Students in their stead were expected to follow the time honored tradition of scholastic debate (usually on Wednesdays and Saturdays) in which a book of philOSOphy would be flicked Open with a special sabre (used only for this ceremony). The adversaries would then take sides and debate "abstract ideas, despicable chimeras, and vain subtleties" in a "coarse and barbarous style."45 as Skinner, a British travel- ler, described the event. When a new philosophical idea was introduced by a professor it was to destroy it rather than to understand. Thus, Descartes was attacked and summarily dismissed be- cause of his concept of the pineal gland (a gland that tied the senses to the mind). The professors completely over- looked his concept of methodological doubt as an entre into expanded philosophical exploration.46 44Gonzalez, Op. cit., 122. 45John Tate Lanning, Academic Culture in the Span- ish Colonies (New York: Oxford University Press, 1940), 74. 46Ibid., 76. 69 Expulsion of the Jesuits Perhaps one of the most significant milestones in the Bourbon century was the year 1767. In that year the backgone of the educational system throughout the Spanish Empire was subverted. Carlos III considered the Society of Jesus a threat to his Crown, a state within a state. The Portuguese and French kings had previously suppressed the Order in their domains, and the P0pe was soon to fol- low. Carlos III ordered the confiscation of all Jesuit property, and the transference of Jesuit responsibilities to the Dominicans and Franciscans. The general reaction to the Hispanic colonies was one of dismay. There were sporaric outbursts of violence, but they were quickly suppressed. In terms of social loss the Virreynato de Nueva Espana never recovered. The Jesuits were the only intellectuals who had the resources to dominate the various factions represented within education. Although they were Opposed to radical change they were not reactionary; indeed, they were foster- ing certarichanges in order to strengthen education. With their departure men of lesser light assumed control of criollo education.47 The expulsion decree attempted to anticipate the educational dislocation with instructions on how to organize municipal schools. The decree said in part: 47Gonzalez, Op. cit., 122. 70 Por lo cual Os mandamos que procedais sin la menor dilacion a subrogar la ensenanza de primeras letras. latinidad y retorica . . . oyendo a los ayuntamientos, diputados, y personeros del comun y otras personas del comun y otras personas celeosas e inteligentes, sobre el modo practico que haya en cada paraje.... prOponiendo e1 numeros de maestros, pasantes y repeti- dores que les deben ayudar, sus salarios y emolumentos; en inteligencia que se les debera contribuir con el que antes de ahora daba e1 respectivo pueblo, sin nove- dad y com letar lo que faltase de 1as temporalidades ocupadas. 8 Unfortunately, without the financial resources previously utilized by the Jesuits there was a general school closing. Local support was insufficient, and the various incentives provided by the civil authorities were not adequate to keep the schools Open. The Society of Jesus, despite its wide- spread educational and social endeavor, represented a supra- state committed to the defense of the True Religion. With the wave of new thought sweeping EurOpe there was a harden- ing of Jesuit institutional power against it: although, individual Jesuits participated in the movement. The Society of Jesus, in its Opposition to the Bourbon Enlighten- ment, was challenging the concept of the Patronato Real whereby the Church was subservient to the Crown. Carlos III accepted the challenge and destroyed the challenger. 48Amanda Labarca Hubertson, Historia de la Ensenanza en Chile (Santiago de Chile: Imprenta Universitaria, 1939), 51. 71 Progressive Reaction to Scholasticism Withthe expulsion of the Jesuits there was a period (1767-1788) during which time the progressive educators in colonial society attempted to assume the vacant leadership in education. Carlos III encouraged change by decreeing a general curriculum reform in 1771.49 In the same spirit of reform Virrey Vicente de Guemes Pacheco de Padilla, second Count of Revillagigedo, sponsored the Academia de las Nobles Artes de San Carlos de la Nueva Espana (1781), the Escuela de Mineria (1783). and the Colegio de las Vizainas. The Academia was a school of art and architecture. The Escuela de Mineria was a mine engineering school. The Colegio was the first schOOJ— in Hispanic America to teach the colegio level currirnalufi‘ to girls, and it was the first colegio to be privatea'lay controlled. On both counts there was heated debate. Arcb/ bishop Rubio y Salinas appealed the virrey's decision. but both Carlos II and Pope Clemente turned him down.50 General Social Reform The Bourbon century was a period of renewed social concern for the oppressed. Father Lorenzana y Buitron. 491bid.. 56. 50Lorroyo, op. cit., 170. 72 Archbishop of Nueva Espana (circa 1750) was an outstanding leader of the social reform movement. Buitron will long be remembered for his famous pastoral letter in which he urged the general assimilation of indios as well as mestizos, into the mainstream of society. He also ordered all priests of the kingdom to work for the well-being of the downtrodden and against their Oppression. His words were militant, but he tempered them by pointing out that it would be in the criollos enlightened self interest to help the masses.5 The nature of the problem of general social reform ‘was such that, despite the increased work on the ipgip and mestizo's behalf, the demographic growth of these strata far outdistanced that of the criollo. The root of the prob- lem was essentially the inability of the criollo to adjust his social system quickly enough to absorb large numbers of emergent peoples. And, so long as the masses were denied social incorporation their illigitemacy would be a fester- ing sore in the body corporate. Carlos IV, 1788-1808 The enlightened leadership of Carlos III was dis- sipated by his son Carlos IV. Under the latter's rule a general reaction permeated Nueva Espana, as well as the 511bid.. 159. 73 rest of the Empire. The reformers were isolated from the reins of power. The increasing fear of the peninsulares and criollos as to the implications of rapid change led to a more rigid attiuide towards change. The reaction that dominated education was true throughout the social order. Clearly the criollos perceived the next step to be incorpora- tion, and thereby a sharing of the wealth, with the demand- ing exploding mestizos. Just as clearly they were determined not to take that step. Throughout his reign Carlos IV was involved in a succession of EurOpean crises. In order to c0pe with them, and to guard against any eventuality, the government of Spain sought to stabilize its power. In the caseof Nueva Espana this meant an increased interdependence between peninsular and criollo. Carlos IV's decision to support the status quo in the colonies was probably justified in the light of news he must have received daily from "reform- ist" France. It was also justified by virtue of the man- ifest power held by the elite criollo. Indeed, it was the criollo who contained the revolutionists throughout the most of the independence period with their 100,000 plus militia.52 52Chapman, Op. cit., 205. 74 The 108 years of Bourbon rule began with reform and ended in relapse. Carlos III and his energetic viceroys and bishops attempted to guide the empire along a growing and ever more complex social system. They were incapable of effecting sufficient change within the criollo society to cause renewed growth and develOpment. Carlos IV, in his turn, threw his lot with stability, as Opposed to change, in order to ensure his own survival. Thus permitting the criollos to protect their own interests by equating them with the interests of the Crown. CHAPTER III A CENTURY OF CURRICULAR CHANGE Introduction In the preceding section, dealing with colonial educa- tion in the Virreynato de Nueva Espana, certain themes were developed: the destruction of the indio's pre—Hispanic society, the ascendance of the criollo as the dominant force in society, and the emergence of the mestizo. Toward the end of the colonial period the mestizo, as merchant, professional, and incipient industrialist, was building an economic and social base from which to challenge the power of the landed criollo ruling class. During the last two decades of Spanish colonial rule this bourgeois mestizo began demanding, and in some cases ob— taining, a voice in the affairs of his community. At the outset it should also be pointed out that the new bourgeoisie included urban criollos and peninsulares who had been ex- cluded by entail or primogeniture from sharing in the landed wealth of the colony. Urban economic activity was, however, the major avenue for upward mobility for emergent mestizos. 75 76 Another equally important factor at play during the twilight of colonialism was the piercing winds of EurOpean and North American revolutionary political thought. Many a criollo,whose vested social and economic interests would tend him toward Spanish political alignment, was swept into the independence movement with the calls of "liberty. equality, and fraternity. . . the unalienable rights of man . " Independence: 1808-1820 Although social as well as economic adjustments were taking place prior to independence, the bourgeois interests and the criollo intellectuals did not have sufficient economic or political power to radically transform their homeland. Indeed, modern innovations that were begun in the spirit of pre-revolutionary France were quickly stemmed by the rul- ing criollo class when that nation--France--was plunged into its bloodbath. The leaders of Mexican independence were compelled to wait until conditions in Spain became sufficiently disoriented to facilitate fragmentation of the colonial structure. With the imposition of Joseph Bonaparte on the throne of Spain (1808) the cabildos of the capital cities of the various colonial entities--virreynatos, capitanias-general, 77 audiencias, and presidencias--rejected allegiance to Joseph and adhered to one of the Bourbons--primarily Fernando VII or Carlos IV with the occasional flirtation with Fernando's sister, wife of the King of Portugal (residing in Brazil). Of critical significance in all of this was the rejection of the assumed authority to govern claimed by the self—styled Consejo de la Regencia in Cadiz. The war of Independence extended from 1810 to 1820. Padre Hidalgo called upon his peOple--rural and village folk together with his intellectual friends--to overthrow the Oppressors. Hidalgo was soon captured, tried by the Inquisition (Santa Oficio), then killed by the army, as were Morelos and others. Only Guerrero survived the might of the criollo military power in his mountain redoubt. The criollo military might was able to contain the rebels. Indeed, it was only when the Spanish monarchy, Fernando VII again enthroned, was faced first with the Constitution de Cadiz and then with a military rebellion in Spain that the criollos reversed their stance and assumed leadership over the independence movement. From.Mexico Iturbidevas sent out to capture Guerrero, but instead the two leaders signed the Plan de Iguala and joined their armies in the ejercito trigarante. Thus after ten years of struggle Mexican independence was secured under the guarantees of 78 independence from Spain, equality between classes, and supremacy of the Roman Catholic Church. Liberal Reform: 1820-1830 Although national independence was achieved, by and large, through coalition amongst various social and economic factions, the alliances were soon dissolved, and the various interest groups renewed their struggle for control. Control over the educational system was virtually the first order of business. General Guadalupe Victoria, after Iturbide's short reign, incorporated the Compania Lancasteriana (1822) which was placed under the nominal control of the escoceses--Scottish Rite Masonic Lodgecf Mexico. Victoria actively supported their early develOpment by turning over to them the "edificio de la extinguida Inquisicion." The first Lancasterian school, then, began in the Sala del Secreto del Santo Oficio (secret chamber of the Holy Office).1 In this symbolic act, the line was drawn between the Oppos- ing factions for control over the minds of children. On the one hand non-clerics who adhered to the "liberal position" demanded that education be disestablished as a private preserve of the Catholic Church, on the other hand Church 1Francisco Larroyo, Historia Comparada de la Educacion de Mexico (Mexico, D.F.: Editorial Porruda, S.A., 1964), 198. 79 educators who adhered to the "conservative position" in- sisted that the direction of education remain in the hands of the Church. The immediate success of the Lan- casterian schools was partly due to the spirit of change permeating the new Republic, and partly because the Catholic Church's schools had been disorganized after the downfall of Iturbide and the withdrawal of Catholic hierarchy. Ezequiel A. Chavez described the Mexican situation: The establishments founded or supported by the clergy decayed as did the clergy itself, since for several years since Independence was achieved there was no leadersiip. The ArchbishOp, don Pedro Fonte, had withdrawn for EurOpe, the bishOps had died or followed don Pedro, and the seminaries had been closed. The nearest Operating seminary to which students could pursue their studies was New Orleans. The curates that remained in Mexico ceased to min- ister to the needs of their parishoners and dedicated their full time to political intrigue.2 The leaders of the early reformist period were anxious to extend education to the urban mestizos for it was this group that provided the main support for their government. Al- though the government of the early liberals tended to re- duce the power of the Church they, for the most part, were committed to a Catholic oriented curriculum. 21bid.. 196. 80 During the same period, 1820—1830, Indian rudimentary education almost completely disintegrated. The wide system of colonial parish schools, especially along the frontiers, ceased to function. They were not re-established after in- dependence was secured for three main reasons: the emigration of churchmen, the elimination of state subsidy, and the lack of concern by rural aristocracy and the urban bourgeoisie. Concern for the indios was not to become an issue again until the 20th century. Civil war: 1830-1880 Despite the initial successes experienced by the Mexican reformers, they were soon deeply involved in political turmoil. The Lancasterian schools suffered as a consequence of being supported by or allied to a political faction. » Valentin Gomez Farias, Vice-President of Mexico, and Acting President while Santa Ana was away (1833) declared: "La ensenanza primaria, que es lo principal de todo, esta desantendida y se le debe dispensar tode proteccion, si se quiere que en la Republica haya buenos padres, buenos .. . 3 hijos, buenos Ciudadanos que conozcan y cumplan sus deberes." 31bid.. 212. 81 Thereupon, he established a Direccion General de Instruccion Publica to supervise education in the Federal District and the Federal territories. He authorized the establishment of schools by private-~other than clergy-—citizens; he opened a normal school and proposed the extension of education to the Indians; and, he suppressed the Universidad de Mexico. Gomez Farias gave his reasons for suppressing the Universidad as being that it was "inutil, irreformable y perniciosa." "It was inutil because it did not teach anything, irreformable because reform must be based uponthe past and in this case the past held nothing to reform, and perniciose because it destroyed youth. . . it made them eunuchs."4 Gomez Farias was then deposed by Santa Ana who im- mediately revoked the liberal laws and directives. The reformists went into eclipse and a centralist regime (1842— 1846) re-wrote the Mexican constitution. The new charter was known as 1as Bases Organicas which again provided for a Catholic oriented education. The Compania Lancasteriana was nationalized (1842), then returned (1843) to the esoceses who were authorized to extend their schools, in conjunction with the Church, throughout the nation.5 4Ibid.. 221. 51bid., 215. 82 Mexico was still recoiling from the crushing disaster experienced in its war with the United States of America when it was again torn by a decade of near-anarchy (1846- 1856) with the centralists (conservatives) and the federal- ists (liberals) bitterly fighting each other for power. Perhaps the classic example of the conflict between the con- servatives and liberals can be drawn by tracing the history of the Universidad de Mexico. It was suppressed by Gomez Farias (1833), reopened by Santa Ana ( 1834), suppressed by Comonfort (1857), reOpened by Zuloaga (1858), suppressed by Juarez (1861), reOpened by Maximiliano (1861), then sup- pressed by the interlOper (1865) not to be reOpened until the closing moments of the Diaz regime (1910)6 Essentially, the struggles of the 19th century revolved around whether the church or the state would main- tain effective control over education. During the interim the schools of the nation were destroyed and re-con- stituted innumerable times in order to respond to the de- mands of the clique in power. After the‘War of the Reform and the Constitucion de 1857 placed the liberals under Juarez and Lerdo de Tejada firmly in power the Mexican political milieu was radically adjusted. The Church of Rome was separated from its 61bid., 221. 83 wealth, its schools were nationalized, and its monastic orders were expelled. The Federal Government proclaimed complete separation between church and state. While the struggle for control of education was generally over by 1865, the problem of educating the pOpulace had not been touched. Indeed, the concept of pOpular education was still a dream at the close of the century. The best efforts of the liberals were stymied by the federal system of government which placed education in the hands of the several states. The states were limited in resources, as was the national government, so only a limited number of children in the major cities benefited from schooling. Public schools were virtually non-existent, church schools were clandestine, and the Lancasterian school were in eclipse. The educational conundrum Mexico was experiencing during the 19th century was broken, in part, with the introduction of philosophical positivism. After Prussia's defeat at Jena by Napoleon that nation underwent radical social and economic transformation. Compte and Herbart were the intellectual leaders of the change, and the real gymnasium was their vehicle. This secondary school moved markedly away from the traditional humanities curriculum by emphasizing the natural and the physical sciences. 84 Prussia's rapid intellectual and economic reconstruction excited political leaders everywhere. Indeed, realism provided Mexican leaders with an ideology, and Prussia was their model. Mexicans dreamed of transforming their country through education. Herbart- ian pedagogues were imported, normal schools were created and placed at their disposal, and a thorough restructuring of the curriculum was undertaken. Between 1870 and 1910 primary and secondary education was under Herbartian sway. Mexico provided fertile ground for the Herbartian invasion, since 19th century liberalrml under Juarez, Lerdo de Tejada, and Diaz stabilized the country forthe first time since Independence. The nation's political, economic as well as intellectual leaders were anxious to capitalize on peace in order to re-build their patria. Galindo Barreda was the foremost early "positivist" who attempted to apply realism to education. Early in the Juarez regime he began expounding the positivist position in education, a position that the nation was soon to accept. Una educacion en que ningun ramo importante de las ciencias naturales quede omitido: en que todos los fenomenos de la naturaleza, desde los mas simples hasta los mas complicados, se estudien y se analicen a la vez teorica y practicamente en lo que tienen de fund— amental; una educacion en la que se cultive asi, a la vez, e1 entendimiento y los sentidos, sin e1 empeno de mantener por fuerza tal y cual Opinion, tal o cual dogma, politico o religioso, sin el miedo de ver contradicha, por los hechos, esta o aquella autori— dad; una educacion, repito, emprendida sobre tales 85 bases y con el solo deseo de encontrar la verdad, es decir, lo que real mente hay, y no lo que en nuestro concepto deberia haber en los fenomenos naturales, no puedo menos de ser, a la vez que un manantial inagotable de satisfacciones, e1 mas seguro preliminar de la pas y del orden social. porque e1 pondra a todos los ciudadanos en aptitud de apreciar todos los hechos de una manera semejante y, por lo mismo, uniformara 1as Opiniones hasta done sea posible. Y 1as Opiniones de los hombres son y seran siempre e1 movil de todos sus actors. Este medio es de seguro lento, pero que importa si estamos seguros de su importancia? Que son diez, quince o veinte anos en la Vida de una nacion, cuando se trata de emprender e1 unico medio de conciliar la libertad con la concordia, e1 progreso con el orden? E1 orden intelectual que esta educacion tiende a estable— cer, es la llave del order social y moral de que tanto habemos de menester. . . 7 Barreda and other positivists were convinced and they convinced the nation, that a system of education based upon scientific principles would create intellectual order amongst the leader- ship element of the nation, and this, in turn, would be the key to social and moral order which was urgently needed. With the elevation of Porfirio Diaz to the presidency. and throughout his long rule (1876-1880, 1884-1910) the "Cientificos," as the positivists were called in Mexico, ‘workedfior the creation of a new Mexico. Along with the resurgence of mining, and the creation of railways and manufacturing, came a major influx of German educators. Laubscher and Rebsamen were two of the major contributors. They both worked in teacher training institutions—-Escuela 7Ibid.,245. 86 Modelo de Orizaba, Academia Normal, and others. Through their scientific orientation--teaching was a science-- and perceptions into child psychology they inspired a gener- ation of Mexican educators throughout the Republica. Al— though Rebsamen was an immigrant, he firmly believed that the public school was the primary vehicle for the foundation of a modern nation-state. He spoke as a nationalist at a time when.Mexicans were still seeking national unity: La unidad nacional completada en los campos de batalla, necesita imperiosamente, para consolidarse, de la un- idad intelectual y moral de este hermoso pais. La independencia mas dificil de conquistar es la intelect- ual y moral de un pueblo entero, que convierte al mas humilde de sus hijos en un ciudadano libre.8 Throughout his career Rebsamen urged Mexicansto consolidate their nation through education. He believed that only by bringing all Mexicans into the mainstream of Mexican life could national unity and progressbe achieved. The Unsolved Problem While the educational theory emerging in the Mexican milieu equalled that found either in Europe or the United States of America there remained beneath the facade of modern— ity the unsolved problem: integration of the indigeneous indio 81bid., 280. 87 and indigent mestizo masses that had been forgotten since the time of the colonial rural missions. Although one of the major achievements of the Diaz regime was the revitalization of the public school system it was to little avail. More money was devoted to school construction, more teachers were trained,and more students were enrolled in school than ever before, but the moderniza— tion of the nation completely overlooked the needs of the rural dweller.9 Joaquin Baranda's contention, as Ministro de Justicia y Instruccion Publica, was that upgrading and scientifically organizing the existing sdhools was of primary importance. At some later date, he believed, the masses would benefit.10 The gross result of this attitude was that in 1913 there were 7,000,000 above school age illiter- ates.ll The net result was the Revoluvion de 1911-1917. During the revolutionary crisis Mexico collapsed. The years of fighting and the destruction of the 19th century social order were written into the Constitucion de 1917 in 91bid.. 302. 10Justo Sierra, La Educacion Nacional (Mexico, D.F.: Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1948), 14. 11Ibid., 15. 88 an attempt, once and for all, to redress the long standing grieviences. Much has been written about the "revolucion que no ha terminado. . . " as Calbd declared in his famous Grito de Guadalajara, and indeed the literature has been warranted. .Many significant reforms were, and are being, instituted. Perhaps the over—riding problem that faced Mexico, and percipitated the military part of the Revolucion, was the demand by the poor--indigent and indigenous—-to have a voice in their own destiny. Of primary concern to the poor were land, suffrage, and education. Every government from 1917 forward has attempted, to a greater or lesser degree, to achieve national unity by extending the benefits of citizenship to them. No-longer was economic and social power to rest with a small oligarchy, nor political power with an intelligensia, but according to the constitution all power was to rest with the people. Educationwas to play a major role in making the ideals of the Constitucion de 1917 the realities of national life, for the leaders believed that only a literate and know- ledgeable populace could exercise effective citizenship. The escuelas rudimentarias (1911), conceived by Justo Sierra to teach the indios Spanish, were reformed to pro— vide the rural folk with a fundamental education as well as certain trade skills. These rural schools rapidly found 89 their way into the major concentrations of Indian pOpulation. From a beginning of 200 such schools (1914) with less than 10,000 pupils, the escuelas rudimentarias grew to over 8,000 (1934) with almost 700.000 pupils.12 At this time indigenous education was incorporated into a broader national rural education program. In addition to indigenous schools. maestros misionarios were introduced into the national scheme in order to circulate among the less pOpulated rural parts of the nation to supervise lay teachers who were serv- ing humble hamlets.13 Perhaps the most dramatic educational effort made during this period (1920-1940) was the creation of misiones culturales. These misiones were composed of teams of technicians who were charged with the responsibility of revitalizing stagnant rural communities. Health officers, doctors, teachers, nurses, skilled artisans and farmers were participants in various combinations, but with the teacher usually serving as the coordinator. As the Federal Government extended the work into rural areas there evolved a rationale as to the aims and ob- jectives of this work. Jose M. Puig Casauranc, Secretario de Educacion Publica under President Calles (1924-1928) formalized it in the following statement: 12Larroyo, op. cit., 350. 13ibid.. 352. 9O 1. The ruralsrhool is an educational institution de- signed to help the agrarian improve his economic well being. 2. Learning should take place in practical situations more so than in the confines of the school building. 3. The rural school should be a-tune to the needs of the community and should avoid imposing a foreign or urban curriculum. 4. The rural school should serve as an example in the develOpment of new methods and techniques in the areas of agriculture and small industries. 5. The rural school should be a democratic ideal and should stand out as a symbol of the fruits of democr- acy. 6. The rural school should be the moral teacher of the community by discouraging fanaticism, alcohol- ism, and premature sexual relations. 7. The rural school should teach Spanish, and make it synonomous with nationalism. 8. The rural school should encourage its students to go as far as possible in the educational system and not be content with reading and.writing. 9. The rural school should be co-educational and try, thereby, to equalize men and women in rural society. 10. The ultimate aim of the rural school should be to raise the disinherited peon to a more equitable place in Mexican society.14 Commonplace as the ten points might seem in today's light, the young missionary teacher who went out to the rural wilderness carrying the banner of national unity and progress 14Ibid.. 353. 91 through education was generally confronted with a suspicious if not hostile community thatthoroughly distrusted the urban dwellers and their government. More than one teacher lost his life to this hatred and countless hundreds were simply run out. Indeed, to the present day it is difficult for the Federal Government to maintain schools in Indian hamlets. Reorganizing the Nation's Schools During the early 1920's Jose Vasconcelos, as the first Secretario de Educacion Publica after the revolution, initiated a thorough reform of the educational system. Puig Casauranc and Bassols, in their turn, carried the re- forms further. In every case these educational leaders were guided by the Bases para la Organizacion de la Escuela Primaria, conforme a1 Principio de la Accion. The follow- ing is an excerpt from the document, and it clearly directs the schools to an activity centered education. La accion debe constituir la base y fundamento de la vida del nino en la escuela primaria. El trabajo escolar, y muy especialmente el que se traduce en actividades corporales, presentara Oportuna- mente motivos para formar en el nino habitos sociales. Las actividades manuals que se realicen en la escuela primaria no tendran por objeto transformar a esta en taller o centro de industria, sino que serviran de fundamento para la investigacion, informacion y co- ordinacion cientificas para el desarrollo de la cultura estetica y para dar una educacion prevocacional. 92 Los trabajos del nifio no deben perseguir un fin pre- ferentemente utilitario desde el punto de vista economico. Las ocupaciones a que el nino se entregue en la escuela deben tener un intimo contacto con la vida, de manera que sean la continuacion de las que practica en el hogar 0 en el medio social en que vive. La escuela debe ensenar a1 nino lo que necesita como nino. El nino debe ser tratado lo mas individualmente que sea posible.l4 Essentially, the program to be introduced in the primarias of the nation was to follow Decroly's interest centered curricular theory. The teacher was to set themes close to the child's experience, and then build around the child's interest. During this period Dewey and Kilpatrick were popular guides in the normal schools of the nation. The educational institutions of the nation were swept up in the revolutionary zeal to build a new society through education. Indeed, the entire curricular theory introduced during the 1920's and reintroduced in the 1930's can be identified in the curricular reforms of the 1960's. The ob-’/ jective in each case was to build an integrated society in which all children would be afforded the benefits of a modern state. 14Ibid.. 353. 93 Apart from revamping the curriculum a structural change was effected in organization of the schools. Up until 1925 students graduating from the primarias of the nation were afforded little or no Opportunity for further education outside of the preparatorias. The preparatorias principal function was that of preparing the students for their university studies. In fact, they were considered an integral part of the university system and under its control. Calles issued a decree in 1925 initiating a new level of education henceforth to be called ciclo secundaria.15 Essentially, the decree removed the first three grades of the preparatoria from the jurisdiction of the university and placed it under the sponsorship of the Secretaria de Educacion Publica. Thus the Federal Government, and the state governments, assumed responsibility for nine years of schooling, six in the primarias and three in the newly formed secundarias. The objective of the new secondary education, as out- lined by the Direccion de Educacion Secundaria was: To enlarge and elevate the general culture of the student as given at the primary level. To enlighten the student in the physical, intellectual, moral, and aesthetic aspects of life. 15Ibid., 402. 94 To prepare the student to meet his civic and social responsibilities as a member of our free democratic nation.16 In order to more fully implement the broad educational program the Federal Government established an Institute Escuela Nacional de Pedagogia (1928) to prepare teachers for secondary education.17 No detailed mention has been made concerning urban state educational institutions. Throughout this period of the Revolucion state education remained the perrogative of well-to-do urban dwellers. With the exception of Yucatan and one or two other states there was a minimum of public education, and then it was concentrated in the primary grades. Private and clerical schools recovered their position in education especially in the secondary and preparatory levels. State departments of education were more like local regulat- ing bodies, than leaders of school systems. The Catholic Church and the Revolucion Don Pascual Ortiz Rubio was elected president in 1930. Due to a personal and political crisis he resigned in 1933. However, during the latter part of his term he had a very energetic Secretario de Educacion Publica by the name of Narciso Bassols. Bassols' fame, or infamy, 1611616., 402. 17Ibido I 409. 95 was due to his belief that the federal education authorities should diligently enforce Articulo #3 of the Constitucion de 1917. That is they should intensify their inspection of private parochial schools. Such inspection was to ensure that non—clerical citizens were teaching a non-sectarian curriculum along lines drawn by the Secretaria de Educacion. Such efforts on the part of the government were initiated in 1932. The ArchbishOp of Mexico, don Pascual Diaz, im- mediately issued a pastoral letter which said in part: Parents should consider teachers as being auxiliary parents responsible for the Christian education of their children. At the same time teachers should consider themselves COOperators with parents in the Christian education of their students. Neither the parents nor the teachers should be at any time diverge from the norms which the Church has laid down and which are design to ensure the true Christian education of children. He ordered, therefore: Parents in the archbishOpry of Mexico must abstain from sending their children to secondary non-church schools. Parents have the obligation to send their children to Catholic primary schools whenever possible in order to ensure their Christian education.18 Bassols reaction to the BishOp's order was given in a speech to the Camara del Congreso de la Union. He said, in part: 181bid., 420. 96 The death of religious prejudice is, fortunately, a consequence of the education of the masses. . . The Secretaria is convinced the religious Opiate is an instrument by which the worker masses are kept in sub- jection. The secondary schools will liberate them from economic servitude. Its incorporation into the school system of the nation should be laica, as all other aspects of the regime were.19 Although general Abelardo L. Rodriguez rephaced Ortiz Rubio, Bassols remained minister in 1934. During this period both Calles, former president, and Cardenas, the next president, entered the church- state argument on the side of the Constitucion de 1917. For the succeeding two years, 1932-34, these two men mar— shalled support amongst the labor union movement for a vigorous attack on parochial education.20 Even though Lazaro Cardenas was nominated for the presidency by the ruling party, he campaigned the length and breadth of the country as if he were the "underdog." His platform pledge was the fulfillment of the Constitucion. Once in power, 1934-40, Cardenas launched an educational program with a two-fold orientation: universal education and a new social order. More and more schools were built throughout the Republic in an attempt to give all children the Opportunity to obtain an education. 191bid.. 420. 201bid.. 426. 97 In response to the demands of labor unions, as well as the international situation during the Thirties--depres- sion--, the Cardenas government amended Articulo #3 to give Mexican education a socialistic orientation. The education to be imparted by the State will be socialistic, and, also, will exclude religious doctrine, it will combat fanaticism and prejudice in order that the children will learn to be rational and exact in their concepts of the Universe and social life.21 Those children that did enter the public schools were taught, among other things, that theirs was the responsibil- ity to proclaim the new social order; theirs was the respons- ibility to build a new society, a new Mexico composed of proud, independent peOple. Even today, thirty years later, Lazaro Cardenas is considered to be one of the most pOpular leaders of the Mexican working man. Although Cardenas instilled Mexican workers with a dream, his objective of universal education fell far short of the mark. It seemed that the more schools he built the more schools he needed to COpe with Mexico's exploding population. By the end of his term of office it was still officially estimated that more than half of the pOpulation- . O I O I 2 of Mex1co continued to live in a state of ignorance: 21Ibid.. 432. 22Carlos Alvear Acevedo, La Educacion y La Ley (MeXiCO- D.F.: Editorial Jus., 1963), 254. 98 precisely, the same situation that existed in the last year of Diaz' government. Another step in the federalization of education took place when Cardenas' Secretario de Educacion Publica, Gonzalo Vazquez Vela, signed agreements with most of the state departments of education whereby the ministry would pro- vide materials and pedagogical supervision of state urban schools.23 It will be remembered that the Federal Government was already responsible for technical, vocational and rural education throughout the nation. The revolutionary fervor of the 1920's and 1930's reached its peak under Cardenas. Government schools were called "socialist schools," the curriculum and the teachers reflected the movement mounted by the government to build a new Mexico. The movement was blocked in the rural locales by a suspicious, religious, conservative pOpulace that equated "socialism" with anti-Christianism, and considered co-educational institutions as proof of the immoral orienta- tion of the curriculum. The movement was blocked by the private and parochial schools that continued to attract the children of those peOple who generally controlled the social and economic life of urban.Mexico, and who consequently refused to support public urban education. And the movement 23Ibid., 260. 99 was blocked by the economic condition of Mexico, since the federal government could not count upon sufficient resources to overcome the many obstacles. Articulo #3 Amended Following Cardenas in the presidency was General Manuel Avila Camacho, 1940—46, who modified the objective of education to be "education in the service of national unity." It was Camacho's Secretario de Educacion Publica, Vasquez Vela, who was responsible for initiating the modification in the constitutional article in order to delete its extreme socialist orientation. At one point, 1943, Vasquez declared that democracy and patriotism were not compatible with socialistic education.24 After such a statement the labor sector of the P R I forced him to resign; however, his objective was nonetheless achieved. Jaime Torres Bodet, Mexico's internationally known human— ist and author, effected the change in the article.25 A man of such high repute immediately brought a new dimension to the Secretaria de Educacion Publica y Bellas 24Larroyo, Op. cit., 443. 251bid., 448. 100 Artes. His leadership theme was that Mexican education should‘ be dedicated to peace, to democracy, and to social justice.26 In his own words: If victory is to guarantee the precepts in whose name the free nations fought it is incumbent that the nations direct their educational establishments to make as their first norm the doctrine of peace. The second norm resides in formenting an education for democracy not only within states but between them. The third norm is to make education serve as a preparation leal forjustice because so long as libert- ies are merely a part of treaties and constitutions and not related to the realities of everyday life, and so long as the peOples of a nation are incapable of exercising their liberties and their responsibilities, then peace and democracy are in danger of perishing.27 Under Torres Bodet Articulo #3 of the Constitucion de 1917 was reformed for the third and last time: Education which is imparted by the State—-Federacion, Estados, Municipios--will harmoniously develop all the faculties of the human being, and foment in him, at the same time, love for the Patria and a concience for the international solidarity which is found in independence and in justice.28 Torres Bodet's three years in office were crowned with the campaign to teach the rudiments of reading and writing to the ignorant masses. La Campana Nacional contra ,, e1 Analfabetismo, as it was known, commenced in 1944. From 26Ibid.. 449. 27Ibid.. 451. 281bid., 446. 101 August (1944) to February (1945) the Secretaria planned the campaign and established the widespread pOpular support for the educational effort. From March (1945) to February (1946) the nation was mobilized to the motto of "each one teach one." The remainder of 1946 was devoted to evaluting the national effort. Two conclusions were drawn: one and a t“' half million adults were taught to read and write, and, equally important, the citizenry was made graphically aware of the national problem of ignorance.29 Miguel Aleman Valdes became constitutional president of Mexico in 1946 and continued in office through 1952. Torres Bodet resigned to become UNESCO under-secretary for education. Gual Vidal became Ministro de Educacion. The analfabetismo program was continued, but perhaps the most spectacular educational achievement during Aleman's term of office was the erection of the Ciudad Universitaria outside Mexico, D.F. The magnificent work was Officially opened by the president in 1953, four hundred years after its founding as the Royal and Pontifical University of Mexico.30 291bid., 452. 3OIbid.. 464. 102 Education continued its rhythm of progress under the succeeding president Ruiz Cortines (1952—58). During Ruiz's presidency public education received over 12 percent of the ~“ national budget, exceeding for the first time all other a1- locations. Nonetheless, Ruiz Cortines lamented in 1958 that out of seven million school age children, three million 31 were still on the margin of education. Also, despite the efforts of the analfabetismo program only one out of every two adults could read or write.32 The Presidency Adolfo Lopez Mateos (1958-1964) LOpez Mateos centered his campaign for the presidency «" on the theme of universal education. He committed himself to putting every first grade child in school before the end of his term. He promised to build a school housein every hamlet in Mexico. And, he declared that no child was to go hungry. Upon his election he immediately recalled Torres 5 Bodet from UNESCO to direct the Secretaria de Educacion Publica y Bellas Artes. Torres Bodet, inffis turn, initiated a survey of Mexican educational needs in order to develOp a comprehens- ive program of development. 31Ibid.. 470. 321bid.. 470. 103 In 1959, less than one year after his appointment, Torres Bodet submitted an extensive report recommending com— plete reform of primary education throughout the republic. The end objective of the Plan de Once Anos,/as the project was soon to be called, was to put all the children of the nation who were eligible in primary Schools under qualified teachers at the end of eleven years. The plan consisted of five major points of attack on Mexico's problem of illiter— acy: the primary school curriculum was to be thoroughly “- reformed, free textbooks and workbooks were to be provided to all children, healthful breakfasts would be sold at minimal cost, a gigantic school house construction program would be initiated, and the teacher training program would be broadened in order to increase the production of school teachers.33 Several statistics were offered as reinforcement for the need to undertake such a "crash program." In the first place, although education was nominally a state function the states had relinquished their responsibility to educate rural folk to the federal authorities and consequently the Secretaria de Educacion Publica was, in 1959, directly respons— ible for the education of 58.85% of all school age children at the primary level. The states and municipalities counted for 30.64%.of the children and the private incorporated 33Reforma Educativa,"Los Libros de Texto Gratuitos y Las Corrientes del Pensamiento Nacional" (Mexico, D.F.: Talleres Graficas de la Nacion, II, 1962), 15. 104 schools only 10.53%. So even at that moment the Secretaria was deeply involved in the direct educationcf 2.5 million children.34 The concern of the federal authorities was that the type of education it was providing children under its charge, who were primarily rural dwellers, was not suiting their needs, and consequently educators had to radically adjust the curriculum. Another concern of the Secretaria, and also the state and local authorities, was the demographic explosion which was at that time overpowering the educational system, and which was just beginning. The report pointed out that in 1959 4,436,561 children were in school. By 1970 there would be 7,195,000 children demanding admittance. In the opinion of the report the federal government had to act immediately to meet this exploding demand, or face educa- tional chaos.35 The president immediately authorized the Secretaria de Educacion Publica to establish the necessary agencies to undertake the task. Congress concurred.36 A revision of the curriculum was immediately initiated under the auspices of the Consejo Nacional Tecnico de la —-~ Educacion so that primary and secondary education would be 34Jaime Torres Bodet, Discursos 1941—1964 (Mexico, D.F.: Editorial Porru, S.A., 1965), 65. 351bid.. 70. 36Reforma Educativa, op. cit., 22. 105 more suitable for boys and girls who were terminating their education at one of those levels. During the immediate past primary school was a preparation for secondary school which in turn was preparation for preparatory. Again, Dewey, Kilpatrick and Decroly were emphasized as the theoretical basis on which the curriculum would be built. The many subjects were grouped into four major areas, the large c1asses--75 plus in a class--were divided into project and activity groups of eight and ten, and the material taught was made less theoretical and more tangible. Music, art, dramatizations, and games were prescribed together with projects, activities, and excursions. Indeed, the Secretaria was reintroducing a refinement of the curriculum, first introduced by Jose Vasconcelos during the early 20's. In order to ensure that no child be denied an educa- tion due to an inability to purchase the required textbooks, the Presidente de la Republica named leading citizens represent- ing the various sectors of society as a Comision Nacional de Libros de Texto Gratuito. The Comision was responsible for the selection and distribution of the approved textbook. Members of the commission included newspaper publishers, writers, businessmen, labor leaders, industrialist as well as educators. The Comision immediately invited all authors of textbooks, educators, as well as other citizens to submit 106 manuscripts for consideration. The winning authors would receive cash grants of $75,000 Ps. for each manuscript selected. After careful consideration, the Comision selected works which were designed for first and second grade. These were immediately published and distributed to the federal rural schools on a limited bases, then, as their success was proven, they were disbursed more widely. Once all the federal school children were provided with free textbooks, the Secretaria de Educacion began entering into contracts with state educational authorities whereby the Comision could begin providing textbooks to state schools.37 Although the official book was prescribed as the basic textbook in the subject, the Comision consistently maintained the attitude that curriculum experts at the federal, state, and local level had the right, indeed the obligation, to select libros de consulta in the various subject matter areas. The concern of the Comision was that a minimum education be provided to all children, but at the same time they did not want to put a maximum level of learn- ing.38 The Comision de Libros de Texto Gratiuto projected that by 1968 textbooks and workbooks would be provided in 37Ibid.. 26. 38Interviewwith Prof. Timoteo Hernandez, Director General of the State Department of Public Instruction, Nueve Leon. 107 all subject matter areas from first grade through sixth grade to all children in both public and private schools. Also, in order to ensure a constantimprovement in the qual- ity of the material provided, thEComision held tri-annual competitions amongst interested Mexican writers.39 A third area of concern to educational authorities was the limited diet of rural and urban children alike. The Instituto Nacional de Proteccion a la Infancia was designated as responsible for providing breakfasts to the children. INPI became the special responsibility of the wife of the President, and in each state an Instituto de Proteccion a la Infancia was established under the patronage of the wife of the governor. The breakfast program was only a part of their widespread social endeavor, but its value in the Plan de Once Anos was beyond measure. Two points must be made about the program as an indication of its importance. In the first place, a wholesome breakfast of powdered milk, powdered eggs, and powdered re-fried beans was sold to every child who so wished one hour before school. It was sold in order that the child nor his parents would develop the attitude that a beneficient state would provide for them. However, the price was just a few centavos in order to 391bid. 108 ensure that all children would eat. The second point was that the operation of the program in the school was placed in the hands of mothers' committees. The state IPI authorit- ies would provide only the food, the school mothers had to organize the breakfast, collect the money, clean the class— room after breakfast, and in general run the program. This organizationvas significant in that itvas the basis upon which the educational authorities began constructing local parents organizations that would develOp a concern for their school.40 Another area of impact in the Plan de Once Anos was through the Comite Administrador del Programa Federal de ,-~ Construccion de Escuelas known as CAPFCE. This Comite undertook the project of school house construction on a scale never before attempted in Mexico,41 or for that mat— ter in any other area of the underdevelOped world. Their plan was simply to put into Operation one new schoolhouse every day once they reached their maximum productivity,then continue that rhythm until 1970. The Comite sponsored a worldwide competition amongst architects for plans for a pre-fabricated steel frame classroom that would be both durable yet light enough to be transported on the backs of 40Author's personal observations. 41Larroyo, Op. cit., 461. 109 mules and oxen carts if necessary. The design selected was dramatic in its functional simplicity. After the design was proven to the satisfaction of the Comite a prefabricating plant began producing the component parts. The classroom was carried to jungle trOpic villages in dug-out canoes. It was carried up through pine forests to Scandanavian-type villages. It was carried across desert sands to Indian tribes of the northwest that were still resisting assimilation. Army engineers were assigned to assist villagers erect their school. Here again, the educational authorities made full use of local committees of men who were made responsible for the laying of the foundation, the erection of the building, and, once it was functioning, its maintenance. Each schoolhouse was provided with a teacher's residence. The apartment was attractive yet simple, and it was the hOpe of the authorities that the quarters would alleviate,in part, the lonely existence of a city-bred teacher who was assigned to the wilderness. The problem of providing teachers for rural schools was acute in 1959. Not only were there few teachers being produced by the normal schools, but those coming out refused rural assignments. The students' distaSte for rural teaching was not only the normal reaction of a city dweller to the inconveniences of rural life, there was also an antipathy on the part of rural folk toward the city teacher. Indeed, more than one 110 teacher has been killed, many more tarred and feathered, and even a more numerous group just simply run out of town because they attempted to teach ideas contrary to the mores and folkways of the village. In order to avoid the conflict between rural and urban peOples as well as to produce more teachers for the burgeon- ing schools the Secretaria de Educacion Publica reintroduced the system of rural federal normal schools Open exclusively for rural youth. The Secretaria also Opened numerous branches of the Instituto Federal de Capacitacion del Magisterio (emergency teacher training program) which would accept, as did the normal schools, young men and women who had completed secondary (grade 9) school. The rural normal schools as well as the Instituto began working on a"crash program" which would produce sufficient teachers to fill the new classrooms. Concluding Comments This rather brief overview of Mexican education pro— vides the reader with a historical badcground which will facilitate in the understandingof the numerous variables that were brought to bear during the February crisis that took place in Monterrey in 1962. 111 Time and again education was thrown into the center of history when institutional forces attempted to direct the destiny of the nation through their controlcf the schools. The church, by meanscf its direction of education, facilitated the institutionalization of a social system that continues to permeat society even unto the present day. The liberals of the 18th and 19th century attempted to reform society through the schools, and the revolutionar— ies of the 20th century are still hard at that task. Indeed, the crisis in Monterrey serves as a classic case study as to the social forces acting and reacting to the incessant force for change that has been institutionalized into Mexican life. This thesis could remain as a macro- study of education in Mexico, but it would lose its most valuable aspect, that of mirroring the struggles that have taken place throughout Mexican educational history. Each step along the path represented a crisis between institutional forces that were trying to direct society. The crisis in Monterrey was just one step, a footnote if you will, on the pages of history. A footnote, however, that reflected all the manifestations of institutional struggles that have directed the course of education. The various theories of social change describe in the beginning chapter describe changes in impersonal terms, as if men were blocks to be stacked. sorted and shuffled according to patterns..not emotion 112 This footnote provides an insight into the human element and how man fits into the history of a society. It also provides certain indications and insights as to the relation- ship of man in society to the institutions of that society. It points up, rather markedly, the importance of education in the societal milieu, and how the institutional fabric of society is so intertwined that all institutions have quite marked interests in directing the development of education. CHAPTER IV THE BUILD-UP TO CRISIS Punta del Este and Other WOrld Happenings Excitement ran high during the months of January and February 1962 as Mexicans read with interest of the United States' struggles for supremacy over the communist bloc. The Bay of Pigs was a recent memory. The newspapers were full of their northern neighbor's determined bid to isolate Cuba at the Punta del Este (Uruguay) Conference of Ministers. Pope John XXIII was, at the same time, calling on Catholic BishOps to meet with him in an Ecumenical Council which would serve as a beginning of the long-dreamed of reapproachment between the various Christian communities. A step made neces— sary, in part, because of the threat of communism. Other news of the day caught John Glenn's orbit of the Earth in the spotlight momentarily, and the release of the spy-flyer, Francis Gary Powers, was emminent. Also, the United States Atomic Energy Commission accused the Soviet Union of having exploded another underground nuclear device. And, finally, de Gaulle ordered the arrest of ex-General Raoul Salan as a prelude to an independent Algeria. 113 114 The United States of America was vigorously attempt- ing to recover from the disasterous effects on Latin American public Opinion caused by the defeat of the Bay of Pigs in— vadors. Unable to dislodge Fidel Castro and communism by force, the United States turned for support to the Organiza- tion of American States/Organizacion de Estados Americanos. An emergency conference of Ministers was called during the early days of 1962 at Punta del Este, Uruguay, to consider whether or not communism was to be permitted within the al- liance of American nations. After appeals from both the United States (to exclude communism) and Cuba (that each state has the sole right to govern its internal affairs without the intervention of another nation or group of nations) the Minist- ers voted to expel Cuba. The vote found the United States of.Mexico, the Republic of Argentina, the Republic of Ecuador and the Republic of Bolivia voting against expulsion. As a consequence of this vote Frondizi, president of Argentina, was overthrown by a military oligarchy: the Ecuadorian government was forced to change itssiance by cer— tain elements within the country; and less than two years later, when the progressive government of Paz Estenzorro was overthrown by militarists in Bolivia one of the firsts acts of the new government was the withdrawal of recognition from Cuba. Thus, Mexico alone, of all the Latin American states. steadfastly refused to withdraw its Ambassador from Havana. 115 The reason for this refusal was grounded in a suc— cession of tragic historical episodes in which Mexico suf- fered as the result of foreign intervention. After achieving Independence in 1821, Mexica was faced, within twenty- five years, with an army from the United States of America storming the Mexican capital (1845), followed by the force- ful acquisition of the northern half of their territory. Next came the French invasion of Napoleon III and the puppet reign of Maximillian (1862-1867). The most recent violation of Mexican territory was made by the United States army under General Pershing, who, under orders from President Wilson, criss-crossed northern Mexico in search of Pancho Villa. As a consequence of these successive violations of her sovereign territory, Mexico has established as a national policy, and has attempted to introduce as international law, the concept that no nation has the right to intervene into the affairs of another sovereign state. The newspapers of the day played up the contrary positions held by the United States of Mexico and the United States of America. Considerable debate was generated within Mexico as to her stance. Certain newspapers com- mented that their nation's pOsition was one of being weak on communism, while the other faction implied that "tio Sam" was wielding the "big stick" of Imperialism and.Mexico 116 alone could withstand the pressure. Political cartoons and commentaries were sharply divided, for the issue of com- munism was of grave concern to Catholic Mexicans. Historical precedents were of little import when com- pared to the threat of an atheistic ideology. To reinforce the ominous nature of the conflict there was an announce- ment by the United States Atomic Energy Commision that the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics had detonated still another underground nuclear device. The readerships con- cern over communism wascounterpoised by Pope John XXIII's calling of the Ecumencial Council whose major purpose was the strengthening of the Roman Catholic Church by internal re- forms and by a reapproachment with other Christian communit- ies, particularly the Orthodox Christian Church that was then suffering under the heel of communism. A stronger unified Christian Church could defeat communism. Thus. implicit in this logic was that the Mexican government's refusal to reject Castro placed it against the position of the Church. ReOpening, thereby, an old wound in state— church affairs within Mexico. 117 The Mexican Educational Scene On the Mexican scene education was very much in the news. In the northern states school was half over and the students were in a restless mood. In the southern states the school year was just beginning, and the Garcia Valseca chain of newspapers was highlighting various problems en- countered in the public schools. Everyday feature articles and pictures were presented to the reading public as front page news. The Universidad de Nuevo Leon experienced a succession of walkouts, demonstrations and petty sabotage during the closing days of January. The issues at hand were demands made by the students to the Rectoria (university administra— tion) that the university make adjustments in certain fees. examinaticn procedures, and that the Instituto de Trabajo Social (school of social work) be incorporated into the university system. After a number of fruitless discussions, withreither the Rector nor the students' committee willing to modify their positions, the university students' committee signed a petition outlining the stand of their followers. To support the petition students belonging to thirteen univers- ity schools went out on strike. Their demands were as follows: 118 A reduction of the monthly student fee from $45.00 Ps. (four ddlars) to $30.00 Ps. (three dollars); The cancellation of examination fees for extra- ordinary final examinations and special examinations; also, the cancellation of fees for advance standing examinations which the Consejo Universitario had set at $30.00 Ps. and $80.00 ps. respectively; The establishment of the right of all senior univers- ity students to repeat the final examination in any subject up to five times.1 In the southern halfcf Mexico school children were beginning their school year. On February 1, the day school Opened, the Garcia Valseca chain of newspapers began its mnual educational campaign. The twenty—two newspapers gave front page coverage to the number of schools in session, the number of children entering school and the serious limit- ations of building and equipment confronting the educators. In the State of San Luis Potosi, one of the states soon to erupt into conflict, El Sol de San Luis Potosi reported that 1,377 schools were active with a total enrollment of 175,000 students between the ages of seven and fourteen years.2 On subsequent days El Sol undertook an intensive campaign of criticism of state and federal educational 1E1 Porvenir, January 28, 1962 (Monterrey, N.L., Mexico: Editorial E1 Porvenir, XLIV, 17165), A—l. 2El Sol de San Luis Potosi, February 1, 1962 (San Luis Potosi, Mexico: Cadena de Periodicas Garcia Valseca, H, 3322) ’ A-lo 119 authorities who had announced rather proudly that school had begun normally and according to plan. The §pll§_headline on Friday, February 2, 1962 was: MILLARES DE ALUMNOS EN EL SUELO, SIN AIRE, NI LUZ Y BAJO TECHOS RUINOSOS (Thousands of students on the floor, without air, nor light and below ruined roofs). A front page picture depicted five boys sitting or kneeling around an old fashion two-seater bench— type plank desk. The feature article described the actual conditions on the first day of school thus: In the immense majority of the schools of this city (San Luis Potosi) which were inauguating the 1962 scholastic year the same panorama was repeated to the point of exhaustion: insufficient, incommodious, non-functional and ruined classrooms: destroyed furniture made in forgotten times and incapable of satisfying [present day] scholastic necessities; lack of class- rooms, lack of schools, lack of space and above all an excess of [teacher] good will. And while up to five students sit around a bench-type desk made for two, the administrators of Federal and State schools dis- tributed yesterday rose colored statements: 'Classes began today--recite the delcarations—- with absolute normality. There were no incidents in any school because of the lack of space. All the teachers worked normally at their jobs.‘ Only the state administration admitted that the school "Filmoneo Mata" could not be Opened 'because the roofs were in bad conditions.'3 In a separate article the Secretario General de Promociones and the Secretario General de Gobierno commented on behalf of the Governador, Professor Manual Lopez Davila, 3Ibid., A-l. 120 that the state government was COgnizant of the serious educational problems of the state and that at that very moment the Governador was in Mexico, D.F. attempting to ob— tain funds for the immediate construction of one hundred more schools.4 While the concern in San Luis Potosi, as well as other states, was for more classroom space in Monterrey, Nuevo Leon, parental discontent centered around the announce- ment by the state public educational authorities that a new curriculum would be introduced into the state incorporated primary schools the following September.5 The Charge of Communism in Government On Thursday, 25 January 1962, the daily newspaper El Norte located in Monterrey, the capital of the state of Nuevo Leon, published a second section front page article written by assistant editor, Lic. Eduardo Leal, Jr., ac- cusing the state government of Governador Estatal, Lic. Eduardo Livas Villarreal, of being communistic. Leal made particular reference to how communists had infiltrated into the inner circles of the official party, the Partido Revolut- ionario Institucional—-PRI--, and from there how they had egl Sol de San Luis Potosi, February 2, 1962 (San Luis Potosi, Mexico: Cadena de Periodicos Garcia Valseca, XX, 3323), A-lo 51bid.. A—l. 121 advanced to appointive posts in the state government. Two "known communists" Jose Alvarado, Rector of the Universidad de Nuevo Leon, and Professor Jose Ramos Losano, Secretario de Gobierno, were alluded to as out— standing examples of the communist takeover.6 This situation in the state government was, accord- ing to El Norte, in direct contradiction to the political posture the Mexican government was at that moment taking at the Conference of Ministers at Punta del Este, Uruguay.7 The Mexican political posture at the conference was, in es- sence, that their government was vigorously against commun— ism and equally against the intervention of one state into the affairs of another. In a separate article, also on the front page of the ‘second section, El Norte headlined a charge that the REFORMAS EDUCATIVAS ALARMA LOS PADRES DE FAMILIA (the [educational reforms [ to be introduced the following September] alarm the parents). Three major points were made in the article: that the Direccion de Educacion Estatel was coercing private incorporated schools by ordering them to submit the names of teacher-candidates to the state office for approval before 6E1 Norte, January 25, 1962 (Monterrey, N.L., Mexico: Editorial Junco de la Vega, XXIV, 8451), B-l. 7Ibid., B-l. 122 their appointment to the teaching staff; that the Direccion Estatal was attempting to structure the curricukmlin such a way so as to facilitate the "grabbing" of the children away from the parents, as had happened in Russia and Cuba, at some undisclosed later date; and that the state was refus- ing to permit the parents any say in the education of their children.8 The following day both the Gobernador, Lic. Eduardo Livas Villarreal, and the Director General de Educacion, Professor Timoteo L. Hermandez, responded to the charges. The Governador held a press conference in which he denied the charge of communism; according to El Norte Livas des- cribed Lic. Leal, Jr. as "stupid" for having written such an 9 The feature article of the second section was a article. COpy of a letter written by Professor Hernandez denying the charges made the preceding day, and further trying to ex- plain the position of the state department of education. In reply to the first charge Hernandez wrote that they had always required the private incorporated schools to register their teachers together with documented proof of competency. This was done in order to protect the students and the parents 81bido l B-lo 9El Norte, January 26, 1962 (Monterrey, N.L., Mexico: Editorial Junco de la Vega, XXIV, 8452), B-l. 123 from incompetent and unqualified teachers. In reply to the second charge, the Director General pointed out that his department always adhered closely to Articulo 32 of the Constitucion de 1917. And, finally, as regards to the rights of parents over the education of their children he stated that his department had been following a consistent policy of encouraging parents in the various public and private schools to organize, as outlined in the Education Act, parents organizations--Sociedades de Padres de Familia.10 The following day, Saturday 27 January 1962, El Norte again carried second section banner headlines: Posponen hasta septiembre e1 cambio educativo (The curricular modifica- tions to be postponed until September). El Norte reported that Professor Timoteo Hernandez had cancelled all future in-service training to be held in preparation for the fol- 11 Professor Hernandez, lowing year's curriculum reforms. when questioned on this, stated that the initial phase of the training program had been completed and that the program was neither cancelled at that time, nor was the new cur- riculum postponed because of parental pressures; rather, the 10Ibid., B-l. 11El Norte, January 27, 1962 (Monterrey, N.L., Mexico:' Editorial Junco de la Vega, XXIV. 8453), B-l. 124 new curriculum was never intended to be introduced during the middle of the year, but that a program of orientation was being held as a prelude to change.12 Reacting to what they believed to be a direct threat to their rights as parents, a nucleous of parents formed the Comite Organizador (later to be called Comision Or- ganizadora) de la Union Neoleonesa de Padres de Familia under the leadership of Ing. (engineer) Eliot Camarena.l3 On Monday, 29 January 1962, Ing. Eliot Camarena issued a state- ment to the press declaring that his organization was press- ing for the right of all parents to decide on thatype of education they wished for their children to be recognized by the educational and political authorities of the nation. He also gave certain of the background for having formed the Comite: A group of parents began considering the formation of some kind of parents organization about six months ago. What prompted our attention to this mater was the agitation and serious damage inflicted upon a number of schools in both Guadalajara and Puebla by anti-educational elements in society. In anticipation that the same might take place here we decided to or- ganize and prepare for that eventual day, so that we could present our points of view and insist that our rights be recognized. We have the right to be heard, and both the teachers to whom we have entrusted our children's education and the educational authorities must accept our point of view.14 12Interview with Prof. Timoteo Hernandez, March 15, 1966. 13Interviewwith Ing. Eliot Camarena, March 14, 1966. 14El Norte, January 29, 1962 (Monterrey, N.L., Mexico: Editorial Junco de la Vega, XXIV, 8455), Arlo. 125 The Parade is Organized On the same day,in El Porvenir, another daily news- paper in Monterrey, a full-page advertisement was published by the Comision Organizadora de la Union Neoleonesa de Padres de Familia inviting all parents to a demonstration to be held protesting the curriculum reforms and reiterating the right of parents to educate their children as they see fit. CONVOCA MOS A TODOS LOS PADRES DE FAMILIA that they participate in a grand demonstration planned for this coming Friday, 2 February, which will begin at the Alameda Mariano Escobedo and end with a public assembly in the Plaza 5 de Mayo whichis in front of the Palacio de Gobierno del Estado. This Manifestacion to which all the peOples of Monterrey and the circumventing Municipios has as its only ob- jective the public and respectful expression of the thinking and feeling of the padres de familia as re- gards to the education of their sons. In this regard there have recently surged forth a grand number of rumors and commentaries which have provoked justifiable alarm. Specifically, the Manifestacion which will be held, will Opportunely maintain and support the following principles: lo. Education of children is a natural right which corresponds basically to padres de familia. 20. The following postulates of the Declaracion Universal de los Derechos del Hombre which wefg subscribed by all member states--Mexico amongst them*--of the Organizacion *Although signed by Mexico's ambassador to the U.N. it was never ratified by the Mexican Senate. 15Interviewwith Prof. Timoteo Hernandez, March 15,1966. 126 de 1as Naciones Unidas: "Art 26.-3) The parents have the preferred right to choose the type of education which is to be given to their sons." 30. The function of the Gobierno in the area of educa- tion should be to support the responsibility which in the first place corresponds to the parents for the education of their sons, and as a consequence of the supporting role the Autoridades are obligated to create and maintain the most favorable conditions for the carrying out of the parents' wishes by providing re- sources, materials and the organizationnecessary. 40. [The Gobierno] should not impose or modify the educa- tional curriculum without giving the parents the opportun- ity to know and, through their authentic representative institutions, make such pertinent observations and recommend such changes as are necessary. 50. An official attitude contrary to our postulates deserves the repudiation of the padres de familia. If in other areascf Mexican social activity there has been resignation or conformity, [the contrary is true] in the area that deals with the education and formation of our sons, [wherein] we emphatically declare that we do not admit nor tolerate not one act which pretends to disregard the rights of the parents to educate their sons. 60. The position expressed above is the only defense against the danger that in the Mexican youth communist instruction is dessimated which will destroy our tradit- ional concepts of the family, thegptria (fatherland) and the dignity of the human person. As a consequence [of the above] we convoke all the padres de familia and the public in general in order that they might, in a manner both respectful and orderly, support the aforesaid principles by participating in the grand Manifestacion next February 2nd. In this way we will fulfill our obligation as Mexicans and as padres de familia, contributing thereby to the strengthening of the integrity of our Patria. 127 MONTERREY, N. L. A 29 de ENERO de 196216 COMISION ORGANIZADORA DE LA UNION NEOLONESA DE PADRES DE FAMILIA l.-Ing. Eliot Camarena 6.—Gilberto Luna 2.-Humberto Lobo 7.-Lawrence Amaya 3.-Ing. Arturo Perez Ayala 8.—Ricardo Chapa, Jr. 4.-Ing. Romulo Garza 9.-Lic. Luis Santos de la Garza 5.-Antonio Luis Vignau lO.-Pablo Madero During the last week of January there was an intensif- ication of activity as the Comision Organizadora began pre- paring for the announcedthmonstration to be held on Friday. Fifteen mobile public address systems were mounted on trucks and cars by the Committee of Sound Trucks. These units were then assigned to certain sections of the city throughout the week in order that every adult would be made aware of the approaching demonstration. Boys and girls, under the supervision of adults from the Comite de Spoteadores, dis— tributed handbills in all sections of the city. The radio and television media was used with both spot announcements as well as "impartial" newscasts and interviews dealing with the problem.17 The television news reporter, Lic. Raul Garcia Garza in his nightly broadcast "E1.Mundo de Hoy" (the world today) reported, for example: 16E1 Porvenir, January 29, 1962 (Monterrey, N.L., Mexico: Editorial El Ponvinco XLIV, 17166), A-l. 17 14. 1966. Interview with Dr. Francisco Vela Gonzales, March 128 The new system of education is rather unfortunate, the student does not study and there is no way to force him to. The program allows him to do whatever he pleases, except miss school because at that point his parents are notified. This is a resume of the experience of the Colegio America* one of the most outstanding schools in Nuevo Laredo, Tamps. after six months under the re- formed curriculum. As a result of the government's attempt to coerce the private incorporated schools into signing a statement that they were satisfied with the new program, 'El Mundo de Hoy' contacted the director of the Colegio America, professor Amezcua, to find out his Opinion of the curriculum. 'They [the government] have established a methodology, it appears that they are trying to bring the child closer to nature. The students go out to observe in class groups with student leaders for every eight students, and the children are supposed to learn from their excursions.‘ 'One of the inconveniences to this system is that not all the colegios (private schools) have prOper school buses to move the children from one point to another, depending on the theme of the class.' He then said: 'The padres de familia and the colegios of Laredo could not unify soon enough and they imposed this new system upon us. Now we have concentrated [our forces] and have asked that they let us use other books in addition to the texto unico which was established by the government.‘ The preceding was a telephone interview with profes- sor Amezcua held today. He agreed that although the reformed curriculum and new textbooks had been in use for six months already he could see more negative re- sults than positive ones, and that the previous pro- gram was beuer.19 *A private incorporated school with Catholic Church affiliation. 19El Norte, January 31, 1962 (Monterrey, N.L., Mexico: Editorial Junco de la Vega, XXIV, 8457), A-9. 129 Other committees were made responsible for transporta- tion, the press releases, flags and the himno nacional, policing of the marchers to ensure a peaceful demonstration, and the rostrum committee to plan the speeches. Perhaps the most dramatic aspect of committee work was the telephone invitations through which every individual who possessed a listed telephone number was contacted, warned of the com- munist takeover of education and invited to join the demonstra- tion. All service and fraternal clubs were invited to join as well. The committee responsible for inviting the national unions—-mine and metal workers, railroad, petroleum, telephone, etc.--were not permitted to communicate with either the lead- ership or the rank and file. The independent and autonomous unions were contacted and did participate.20 Each committee Operated under the leadership of a coordinator, who met together each day for the five days preceding the demonstration. All the committees were com- posed of males and apart from them were other committees of an unofficial nature composed of women who COOperated with the men.21 While the Comision Organizadora was preparing for the giant demonstration the state government moved to under- cut their support by calling all the directors of the private 20Interviewwith Ing. Eliot Camarena, March 14, 1966. 21Ibid. 130 incorporated schools to a meeting in the Governadors chambers. The Gobernador met with them and asked if they had any objections with the reformed curriculum that they had been examining tOgether with the state educational authorities.22 According to Professor Hernandez there was general agreement that there was nothing objectionable in the new textbooks or reformed curriculum,23 however, when the Gobernador asked them to sign a declaration stating this position only twenty-six of the sixty-two present signed.24 This attempt on the part of the government to gain support of at least a portion of the private incorporated schools was immediately challenged by the Comision Organiza- dora in a full page advertisement dated Wednesday, 31 January 1962, published in E1 Norte. A TODOS LOS PADRES DE FAMILIA In regard to the educational problem which we pres- ented yesterday in one of the newspapers for your general understanding, we wish to clarify certain happenings of the last twenty-four hours. The C. Gobernador called together all the Directors de Escuelas Incorporadas and attempted to obtain their signature on a Declaracion addressed to all padres de familia which would state that there are no problems as regards to the reforms taking place in 22El Norte, February 1, 1962 (Monterrey, N.L., Mexico: Editorial Junco de la Vega, XXIV, 8458), A98. 23 Interview with Prof. T. Hernandez, March 15, 1966. 24El Norte, February 1, 1962, Op. cit., A-8. 131 education. In accord with the press information of the 62 Directores at the meeting 26 signed and 36 refused to sign. The Director de Education Publica, Professor Timoteo L. Hernandez was given the respons- ibility to order the publication of this Declaracion in the papers. ‘We wish to say that said declaration is of little importance if the conditions under which it was obtained are examined. It is evident that they [the government] is attempting to make the demonstration appear as merely a protest against certain administrative directives issued by the Direccion de Educacion Publica en el Estado. As we explained amply to the C. Gobernador in the meeting we had with him on Monday, January 29, the Manifestacion has as its only and exclusive objective, providing an Opportunity to the padres de familia who believe they have the preferred right to choose the type of educa- tion they wish for their sons to demonstrate publicly and thereby make full use of their constitutional right. The Manifestacion will serve as a direct plebicite and will thereby define more clearly the position of the padres de familia as regards to this transcendent prob- lem. There are only two postures: PRIMERA: Either the parents defend for themsekes the right to educate their sons in accord— ance with their customs and convictions: SEGUNDA: Or the parents abdicate their right to educ— ate their sons, and thereby subject them to the type of education and formation which the state wishes to impose. we believe that the union of parents will give us the necessary strength so that they [the government] will respect our rights. In our Opinion it is not only justified but also an Obligation, which should be stimulated, that all the padres de familia,men and women, participate in this grand demonstration. 132 With the utmost order, cordiality and respect it will begin at 10:00 o'clock in the morning of Friday, February 2nd leaving from the Alameda Mariano Escobedo, on the east side, in order to arrive in front of the Palacio de Gobierno for a public assembly. Monterrey, N.L. a 30 de Enero de 1962 COMISION ORGANIZADORA DE LA UNION NEOLEONESA DE PADRES DE FAMILIA 25 Last Minute Attemptsto StOp the Demonstration As the different committees worked rapidly to com- plete their part of the demonstration preparations the Comision Organizadora continued to press the state authorities in both private interviews and printed statements. Ing. Eliot Camarena, and other members of the Comision held a second audience with the Gobernador after they had "heard" that certain segments of the community were planning to break up the demonstration. Therefore, they demanded and got guarantees from the Gobernador that both juridicial and traffic police- men would patrol the entire length of the parade route, and that elements of the military would remain on the alert in case there might be a need for them.26 25El Norte, January 31, 1962 (Monterrey, N.L., Mexico: Editorial Junco de la Vega, XXIV, 8457), A-12. 26E1 Norte, February 2, 1962 (Monterrey, N.L., Mexico: Editorial Junco de la Vega, XXIV, 8459), B-l. 133 On February 1, Thursday, the last of the series of full-page advertisements to be published before the demonstra- tion appeared in E1 Norte. It was an Open letter written by a parent by the name of Roberto Hernandez. A LA OPINION PUBLICA LA UNION NEOLEONESA DE PADRES DE FAMILIA HACE SUYA ESTA CARTA PORQUE EXPRESA EN ESENCIA EL SENTIR QUE NOS HAN HECHO LLEGAR LOS PADRES DE FAMILIA EN LOS ULTIMOS DIAS. PIDO LA PALABRA SENOR GOBERNADOR: In this dispute which has surged between us the padres de familia and you, I wish to participate bygiving you my opinion. Yesterday on the radio I heard a recording of the meet— ing that you had with the Directores of private incorpor— ated schools. In it you asked them certain concrete questions pertaining to what they had found in the new educational methods which [the state department of education] is considering introducing. Also questions were asked regarding the new textbooks, particularly in relation to ideology. To all these questions they [the directores] answered that they had no objections. Let us not forget the circumstances surrounding the reunion. It was entirely dominated by the Sr. Gobernador who personally inquired of the forty or more Directores of private incorporated schools, who [for their part] were hastily brought together during the afternoon. As I understand the circumstances they were ordered to appear before the Gobernador without any advanced warn- ing. They were naturally overwhelmed and more precisely subconsciously aware that their schools eXisted at the pleasure of the state authorities, since they [the government] have never missed a chance to threaten the closing of the private incorporated schools if they did not adjust their program to the official requirements. 134 And if they [the directores] answered that they