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; 7 ABSTRACT

BLACK IDEOLOGIES AND THE SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE:
THE PUBLIC RESPONSE TO THE PROTEST THOUGHTS
AND TEACHINGS OF MARTIN LUTHER KING,
JR., AND MALCOLM X.

BY

Chukwuemeka anubu

In the course of the civil rights movements of the fifties
and sixties, two of the prominent leaders that were to emerge
from within the black community were Martin Luther King Jr., and
Malcolm X, And these two men represent two major ideological
schools in the black—protest movements, and the controversies——
actual or potential—~which their teachings and protest thoughts
have engendered, are such that a systematic study and analysis
of their ideological perspectives is deemed a relevant sociological
problem.

It is also assumed that the public response to the two ideo-
logical systems could constitute, not only a measure of the relative
merits of the ideologies, but also, a reflection of the relation-
ship between the "ideologists" in question, and the members of the
public.

More specifically, the empirical specification of the problem
here, is premised on the assumption that public receptivity of the

ideologies is predicated on the knowledge attributable to that

public, and deriving from two main sources: situationally
defined sources; and media sources. The problem of ascertain—
ing if, and to what extent, any of the two sources constitutes
the basis of the knowledge that informs the opinion of a public,
is considered a task falling within the legitimate province of
the Sociology of knowledge.

The study is divided into five parts. Part I, consisting
only of one chapter, deals with the introduction and statement
of the problem, describing the social and intellectual context
in which the research problem has been conceived and formulated.

Part II, made up of chapters two and three, deals with the
conceptual and theoretical aspect of the problem, in the context
of the Sociology of knowledge. While chapter two is concerned
primarily with a review of the relevant literature in this area
of the sub—discipline, chapter three attempts to relate these to
the present problem, in a way that has not, perhaps, been dealt
with in the traditional perspectives.

Two chapters—-four and five——make up Part III. Chapter four
deals with the broad issue of the black American experience, in
terms of a paradigm which ties in their African heritage with the
modes of adaptation which have marked their struggles on the
American domestic scene. Chapter five presents the protest
thoughts and ideological systems associated with Malcolm X and
Martin Luther King, Jr., against the background of this total

experience.

In Part IV, issues of methodological relevance are con-
sidered. Comprising chapters six, seven, and eight, it deals
with the problems of research design and method, a historical
overview of the community-—Albuquerque, New Mexico—-in which
the study was conducted, especially focusing on the black public
of that community. The last chapter of this section deals with
the results, and analysis of the data.

The last part—~Part V—— comprises chapters nine and ten.
While chapter nine deals with the role of the media as reality-
creators, chapter ten considers the general implications of the
study for the relationships of ideologies and various "cultural
publics," to social change. And while the results from the
empirical data do not allow for a conclusive statement regarding
the extent of the direct impact of the media on the formation of
public knowledge, it is suggested that this impact could be seen
more in the fact that the mass media constitute an integral part
of the dominant, white, "cultural apparatus" which has mediated
the shaping of the black experience. And it is this experience,
more than anything else, that is critical to the manner in which
the black public has responded to the protest thoughts associated
with Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X. Briefly then, this
chapter considers the problems and prospects held by the Sociology
of Knowledge, as a tool for analyzing and understanding the ramifying
relationships between ideologies, and the various cultural publics,

as well as the dominant cultural apparatus.

BLACK IDEOLOGIES AND THE SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE:

THE PUBLIC RESPONSE To THE PROTEST THOUGHTS
AND TEACHINGS OF MARTIN LUTHER KING,
JR., AND MALCOLM x.

By

Chukwuemeka anubu

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for

the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY,
Department of Sociology

1975

Dedicated to the memory of:

My late grandfather, Afidike Onwubu;

My late mother, Nwanyiaru;

My late brothers, Okwudiri and Iheanyichukwu

ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to express my appreciation to Dr. Ruth Hamilton,
my committee chairman, to whose careful guidance, scrutiny,
and advice, much of the success of this work is due. Acknow—
ledgments also go to the other committee members: Professor
Bo Anderson, who has been a major influence on my interest in
Sociological theory; Dr. J. Allan Beegle, and Dr. William Ewens,
who have all contributed significantly, to make my efforts worth—
while. I also gained a great deal of insight in Comparative
Sociology from Professor John Useem who, for mutually understand—
able reason, had to withdraw from my committee before the present
undertaking could be brought to a successful conclusion.

‘My appreciation is also due the following people who, in
various ways, aided and encouraged my efforts, and sustained
my morale, through the period taken by the rather arduous process
of this investigation: Dr. and Mrs. Levi A. Nwachuku. Dr.

Nwachuku is an Assistant Professor of History and the Director of

African—Afro—American Studies at the University of Michigan-~Flint;

Dr. and Mrs. Sonde N. Nwankpa. Dr. Nwankpa is Associate Professor
of Mathematics at Tuskegee Institute, Alabama; Mary-Lou Beck,
currently a graduate student at the University of Washington,
Seattle, who contributed uniquely in no small amount, to ensure
the success of my efforts.

Finally, my appreciation is due all those whose names I have

inadvertently failed to mention.
Chukwuemeka Onwubu

February, 1975

Hi

PART I

PART II

PART III

PART IV

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

Chapter One:
Introduction and Statement
of Problem

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

Chapter Two:
Perspectives on the Sociology
of Knowledge: A Review of the
Literature

Chapter Three:
Ideology, Knowledge Dissemination

and Acquisition: The Publics and
Sources of Their Knowledge

THE BLACK EXPERIENCE AND THE BLACK
IDEOLOGIES
Chapter Four:
The Black American Experience
Chapter Five:
Black Protest Thoughts and the
Ideologies of Malcolm X, and
King
KNOWLEDGE PROCUREMENT AND EVALUATION
IN A BLACK COMMUNITY: EMPIRICAL AND
EXPLORATORY ISSUES
Chapter Six:
Research Design and Procedure

Chapter Seven:

Blacks in Albuquerque: History,
Background and Overview

iv

10

11

23

41

44

63

8O

83

92

PART IV

PART V

NOTES

Chapter
Chapter
Chapter
Chapter
Chapter
Chapter
Chapter
Chapter
Chapter

Chapter

10

TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)

KNOWLEDGE PROCUREMENT AND EVALUATION

IN A BLACK COMMUNITY: EMPIRICAL AND
EXPLORATORY ISSUES 80
Chapter Eight:

Results and Analysis 107
IDEOLOCIES, THE MEDIA, AND KNOWLEDGE
ACQUISITION: PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS 134
Chapter Nine:

The Black Experience and the Media
as Reality Creators 136

Chapter Ten:
Ideologies and Knowledge Acquisition.

The Media, Publics, and Social
Change -— Conclusion 144

156
158
161
163
166
169
170
172
174

175

TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)

APPENDIX
6.1: Questionnaire 176
6.2: Code Book 180
BIBLIOGRAPHY AND REFERENCES 186

vi

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

7.1:

7.2:

8.3:
8.4A:
8.4B:
8.5:
8.6:
8.7:
8.8:
8.9:
8.10:
8.11:

8.12:

8.13:

8.14:

8.15:

8.16:

LIST OF TABLES
Ethnic Distribution of Student Enrollment
at UNM, Fall, 1973

Ethnic Distribution of Student Enrollment
at UNM, Spring, 1974

Occupational Distribution of Blacks
Relative to Total Distribution

Sex Distribution

Age Distribution

Marital Status

Social Class Distribution

Income Distribution

Educational Status

Religious Affiliation

Voting Registration and Voting Record
Sought Political Positions

Exposure to the Mass Media

TV Audience of Malcolm X and King
Knowledge of the Works Malcolm X and King

Respondents' Evaluation of Malcolm X and
King, and Their Teachings

(Q25A xQ20) Respondents‘ Evaluation of
Malcolm X, and Familiarity with his
works

(QZSB X Q21) Respondents' Evaluation of
King, and Familiarity with his works

(Q25A X Q16A) Evaluation of Malcolm X and
Exposure to the Press

(QZSA X Q16B) Evaluation of Malcolm X and
Exposure to Radio

95

95

97

108

108

108

109

109

110

110

111

112

113

114

115

116

118

119

119

120

Table 8.17:

Table 8.18:

Table 8.19:

Table 8.20:

LIST OF TABLES (Continued)

(QZSA X Q16C) Evaluation of Malcolm X
and Exposure to Television

(Q25B X Q16A) Evaluation of King and
Exposure to the Press

(Q25B X Q16B) Evaluation of King and
Exposure to Radio

(Q25B X Q16C) Evaluation of King and
Exposure to Television

viii

120

121

121

122

PART I: INTRODUCTION

The last three decades have ushered in a great deal of change,
not only in the organizational format of international polity, but
also in the internal restructuring of specific societal groupings
all over the world. In this respect, the American Society has not
been an exception. In particular, the conclusion of World War II,
brought in its wake, freedom movements among peoples still controlled
directly or otherwise, by the powers that had emerged victorious in
the war--ironically a war which had been fought supposedly, in the
name of freedom for all mankind.

It was, perhaps, more than a mere coincidence that what has
been popularly called the "Black Revolution" in the United States,
beginning from the early fifties, came at a time when there was an
equally wide agitation by colonial peoples, for liberation from the
colonial imperialism of major European powers who had been the prin—
cipal parties in the supposed war of freedom waged against German
Nazism: notably, Britain and France. It is not unreasonable to
assume that, in the particular case of the United States, black
Americans had viewed themselves in an analogous manner, as victims
of American domestic colonialism.

The onset of the wave of freedom movements popularly identified
as the "Black Revolution" in the early fifties, might otherwise have

been considered puzzling, in view of the fact that America of the

early fifties was still firmly gripped with the hysteria of anti-
communism that had been engendered by McCarthyism. It is in this
respect, perhaps, that the black revolution of the decades of the
fifties and sixties could be considered as epoch—making in American
social history.

This study is particularly concerned with certain aspects of
the phenomenon of the revolution. It deals with the ideas of two of
the major figures that emerged in that revolution, to wit: Malcolm
X and Martin Luther King, Jr. The first part of this work, there-
fore, deals with the specification of the research problem on which
the study will focus, as well as attempts to underline its signifi-

cance for contemporary scholarship.

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND STATEMENT OF PROBLEM

The black author—journalist, Sammuel Yette, has characterized
the period of the 1960's as the "Decisive Decade."1 It is perhaps
more accurate, as regards black-white race—relations in the United
States, to identify the period spanning the mid—1950's and the mid-
1960's as the "Decisive Decade." The black psychologist, Roderick
Pugh, among other observers, has pointed to this epoch in the American
history as "the birth of the Black Revolution."2 Pugh goes on to
delineate some of what he considers the most significant events of
the era; and like most of the other observers, the historic 1954
Supreme Court school desegregation decision leads the list.3

But, no matter how one wants to characterize this period in
American history, it is safe to say that the racial turmoil which
engulfed the American society was then crystallized, perhaps, in the
confrontation between the black community on the one hand, and white
America, on the other. On the side of the black community, two of
the most outstanding figures that emerged from within the ranks of
its leadership were, by general consensus, Malcolm X and Martin
Luther King, Jr. But, ironically, it would seem, these men were also
the most controversial of contemporary black leaders, as the following
observations and remarks make quite evident.

King, for instance, has been considered "one of history's pre-

eminent leaders. . . as well as a leader to millions of white people

who learned from him that in degrading black men, they diminish them-
selves, that in supporting black liberation they enriched themselves."

He has also been hailed "the foremost Negro leader since Booker T.

5

Washington." But Malcolm X has also equally been hailed "The highest

6

form of Black manhood in his generation." He has been called "the

most controversial American."7

Besides, he was "the man who rose
from hoodlum. . .to become the most dynamic leader of the Black
Revolution."8

Where King has been portrayed as a "prophet with charisma,"
Malcolm X has been likened to the Hebrew Judges of ancient Israel.9
And King has also been pictured as the twentieth century counterpart
of ancient Hebrew prophets.10 Whereas King was seen as "the single
mass leader of the Negro Revolution," the prophet of the Black
Revolution who "spoke. . .non—cooperation with evil, of civil dis-
obedience,"11 Malcolm X was portrayed as the leading pr0ponent of
"black nationalism and retaliatory violence."12 And, where King, .
“the apostle of non-violence," has been likened to Jesus and Moses,13
"Malcolm X was one of that rare breed of men who are truly irreplace-
able," and whose like "may not arise again for generations."1

According to Lomax, King was "the most popular" black American

15

leader of his time. But Grier and Cobbs, in their own analysis,

have come to the conclusion that:

Of all the men who lived during our fateful century none
illustrated the breath or the grand potential of man so
magnificently as did Malcolm X. If in future chronicles,
America is regarded as the major nation of our day, and the
rise of darker people from bondage as the major event, then
no figure has appeared thus far, who captures the spirit of
our time as does Malcolm. He is an authentic hero, indeed,
Egg only universal Black hero. (Emphasis added.)

4

But, interestingly enough, the two men themselves seem to have
recognized the controversy which their teachings and social protest
thoughts have engendered. Thus, King acknowledges that differences
do exist in the strategy advocated and adopted by his, and Malcolm X's

respective leaderships, albeit there might have been agreement on the
17
general objectives and goals which inspired them. Malcolm X, on

the other hand, is more articulate——if concurring—-in his rather
l8
succinct remark that:

The goal has always been the same, with the approaches to
it as different as mine and 2;, Martin Luther King's non-
violent marching, that dramatizes the brutality and evil
of the white man against defenseless Blacks. And in the
racial climate of this country today, it is anybody's
guess which of the "extremes" ig_approach to the black
man's problems might personally meet a fatal catastrophe
first-—"non—violent" Dr. King, or ggfcalled "violent" me.
(Emphasis added.) Iv I

 

 

 

The foregoing remarks essentially allude to the problem of
what the black historian, Harold Cruse, has called "the crisis of the
Negro intellectual"19—-but which, in my view, should be more appro—
priately identified as a problem of contradictions in black leader—
ship. The problem has not, of course, been uniquely defined for the
leaderships of King and Malcolm X. It would appear that, tradition—
ally, this problem has been endemic in the ranks of black leadership;
and it has, historically, tended to militate against the universal
recognition of a single balck leadership, the intimations of Grier
and Cobbs notwithstanding.20 The feuds which raged between Du Bois
and Marcus Garvey, between DuBois and Philip Randolph, constitute cases
in point, to say the least, in the recent history of American race—

relations. But what interests us in the present study is much more

than the mere fact of this contradiction in black leadership.

Statement of Problem

 

There is no denying the fact that Malcolm X and Martin Luther
King, Jr., through their teachings and social thoughts, have created
in the American social scene images that are, to say the least, dif—
ferentially valuated in the minds of the American public. This seems
rather evident, even from the very remarks attributed to Malcolm X
earlier, regarding the imputation of "violence" to him, and "non-
violence" to Dr. King.21 Further evidence can also be sought in
the differential reactions of the American public, to the sudden and
tragic deaths of both men; where, in the case of King's, on the one
hand, a sense of national loss prevailed; but for Malcolm X, on the
other hand, the nation—~especially White America--as reflected in the
mass media, seemed to have heaved a sigh of relief and self-vindica-
tion.22

The present study deals with the problem of knowledge acquisition
by the public, and how this knowledge as well as the processes that
mediate its acquisition, informs the opinions and views of that public,
regarding issues of societal concern and relevance. More specifically,
it is concerned with the analysis of the situational factors which
govern the process of knowledge acquisition by the black public, as
well as with the manner in, and extent to, which the views and opinions
of this particular public are informed by the knowledge deriving from

these situational circumstances, vis—a-vis, the protest thoughts and

teachings of Malcolm X, and Martin Luther King, Jr. In other words,

in what does the basis of the knowledge which has informed the
valuational opinions of the black public, regarding the protest
thoughts and teachings of these two leaders, consist?

The black public could be said to constitute a cultural
minority within a larger social plurality. Consequently the
research problem here has been specified with a primary focus
on the situational factors that define the reality of the blacks'
existence. But while emphasis is placed on the internal processes
of its cultural dynamics, due consideration is also given to the
external circumstnaces related to the media—derived sources.

The research problem so specified here is deemed significant
on, at least, two different levels: on a substantive level, it is
of interest, insofar as it helps place in proper social perspective,
and give specific meanings to, certain social actions that have been
associated with the works and persons of these two leaders; and, on
a general and more abstract level, it will contribute something of
theoretical interest to the understanding of the problems of sociology
of knowledge. On these, brief elaborations follow.

Evidence of the differential evaluation and popularization of
the teachings and ideologies of Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, Jr.
can be seen in the different ways in which their names have been
associated with some of the societal institutions and commemorations
in various parts of the nation. Recently, for instance, the State of
Georgia has declared January 15-—King's birthday--as Martin Luther
King's day, apart from having his portrait displayed among the

prominent Georgia figures, in the state's legislature. A similar

declaration had earlier been effected in New York.23 There is also
Martin Luther King's Center for non-violent social change24 in
Atlanta, Georgia, which can be said to enjoy the national patronage,
especially among white liberals.

But while similar proclamations have not been effected in any
part of the nation in commemoration of Malcolm X's birthday, despite
strong demands in some black quarters, there have emerged in some
parts of the country Malcolm X institutions, such as the Malcolm X
Educational Foundation and the Malcolm X College in Chicago. The
foregoing points to the fact, perhaps, that American social folklore
has put Malcolm X and King on different planes within the realm of
popularity, the actual merits of their authentic social thoughts and
teachings notwithstanding.

Perhaps one of the most significant aspects of social leadership
is the ideology associated with, or propounded by, the leader. An
understanding of the ideology associated with it could shed better
light to, and therefore lend itself to the appreciation of, that
specific leadership. In particular, a comparative evaluation of
the social thoughts expounded by Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, Jr.
could prove useful, not only for the understanding of the controversy
generated by their particular forms of leadership, but also for the
eventual resolution of what I have earlier alluded to, as contradiction
in black leadership.

On the other level of analysis, as has already been pointed out,
the significance of the problem of this study consists in the fact

that the so—called public opinion constitutes a crucial factor in the

 

sustenance of ideologies. What seems of major interest to the
sociology of knowledge, therefore, is that this so—called public
Opinion, as a social phenomenon, cannot——and should not--be con-

sidered a fact sui generis. On the contrary, it is socially con—

 

structed. It is subject to manipulation by those properly situated
to effect control over the body of knowledge which informs the
opinion or view of the public in question.

Insofar as the public's making up of its mind on issues is
influenced by the dissemination of information or knowledge, the
pertinent question seems to be the extent to which the related
agencies serve as intermediaries between the various "publics" and
their spokesmen, in the process of moulding the opinion of a part—
icular public. The role that this problem has occupied in traditional
scholarship, particularly Sociology of Knowledge, will be examined

in the second part of this study.

PART II: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

William Newman (Newman, 1973: 6,13) has perhaps properly noted
that all concepts are abstractions from experience. This seems no

less true than the famous Marxian postulate that human consciousness

 

is but an extrapolation from man's life activities in society. This
relationship seems particularly pertinent to the problem of the
evaluation of ideologies. As an issue dealing with social construc—
tion of reality, it is central to the problem of Sociology of
Knowledge.

It is in this respect that the next chapter begins with the
consideration of the perspectives traditional to the Sociology of
Knowledge. This is not intended as an exhaustive review of all the
significant works in the area, but rather as an illustrative presenta-
tion of the traditional preoccupation in the discipline. Subsequently,
I will attempt to consider, theoretically, the relationship between
ideologies and knowledge dissemination, as well as knowledge acqui-
sition by various "publics" which form the audience of social
ideologies. Attempt will also be made to underline the role of
sources of knowledge which informs the opinion of the public on
specific societal issues.

In this respect, Chapter Two will also deal with ideologies

and their relationships to knowledge dissemination.

lO

CHAPTER TWO - PERSPECTIVES ON THE SOCIOLOGY

OF KNOWLEDGE: A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Although the concept of Sociology of Knowledge as coined
by Scheler, and later popularized by Mannheim, had not been in
vogue during the time of Karl Marx, nevertheless it is widely
acknowledged that his works constituted a broad basis upon which
the discipline (or sub—discipline) was later to develop.1 It is
perhaps proper then, that he has been considered the midwife of
twentieth century social thought.2 It seems rather appropriate then,
to begin the examination of the traditional perspectives that have
peroccupied the subdiscipline with the consideration of Marx's
contribution to its development.

Marx's preoccupation centered around the relationship between
the thought-forms and ideas of man, and man's activities in society.
In other words, he was concerned with the connection between "con—
sciousness" and its social roots. If there by anything that can be
identified as a Marxian Sociology of Knowledge, it is predicated on
the thesis that "consciousness"--man's consciousness, that is—-changes
in keeping with the variations in the social conditions or situations
which define his material existence of life experience.3 And with
his close friend and associate, Friederick Engels, he had earlier
argued that "Consciousness can never be anything else than conscious

4
existence, and the existence of men is their actual life—process."

11

12

This, apparently, was the basis of his famous dictum that: "Life
is not determined by consciousness, but consciousness by life."5
For "Men must be in a position to live in order to be able to 'make
history'... and Consciousness is... from the very beginning a social
product, and remains so as long as men exist at all."6

For Marx, knowledge seems to fall into one of two categories:
"true" and "false" types of consciousness, the latter being what be
identified as "ideology," being a unique attribute of some specific
social grouping or "social class." Hence, for example:7

The right way to work, in the bourgeois sense, is a con—

tradiction, a miserable pious wish, but behind the right

to work looms up the power over capital, behind the power

over capital the expropriation of the means of production,

their subjection to the organized working class...

It is thus one step to the conclusion that "The ruling
ideology is...the ideology of the ruling class."8

Perhaps the essence of the so—called inversion of the Hegelian
philosophical heritage attributed to Marx, consists in his reordering
of the relationship between the concrete historical realities that
define people's existence, and the so-called "dialectic of con—
sciousness" or the ideology of the group. Thus, while Wiegel ex—
plains the material 1ife...by a dialectic of consciousness...for
Marx...the material life of men explains their history; their con—
sciousness, their ideologies are then merely the phenomenon of their
material life."9

Georg Lukacs, who has been considered the foremost Marxist

lO

scholar, as well as the most original Marxist of this century,

has also made a significant contribution to the development of

13

Sociology of Knowledge. His major contribution consists, perhaps,
not so much in the fact that he gave more emphasis to "the reality"
of class-consciousness idea deriving from Marx, as in the fact that
he introduced an element of volition to the Marxian formulation.
But he also departs from Marx in distinguishing "psychological" from
"class" consciousness. And, while the former phenomenon is a common
attribute shared by all members of a given "class," the latter is
not a prerogative attributable to all members of the group.ll

For Karl Mannheim, who has been credited with the popular-
ization of the subdiscipline, Sociology of Knowledge is "an historical-
sociological method of research," being "a purely empirical investiga-
tion through description and structural analysis of the ways in which
social relationships, in fact, influence thought."12 He sees its
major task as consisting in the fact that it provides a meaningful
explanation as to how people really act, the study of thought being
conceived as a sensitive index of social and cultural change.13

A major aspect of Mannheim's formulation consists in his
distinguishing two thought patterns: the "ideological" and the

' whereas

"utopian"; the former is attributed to the "ruling groups,‘
the latter is identified with "oppressed groups."lh In the quest for
social reality, Mannheim holds that the thinking process should be
free of "ideological" and "utopian" conterminations, so to speak.
For, being essentially a conscious attempt to escape the distortions
deriving from these two forms of "collective unconsciousness," it
should a; made purely and simply of "the reality in whose medium it

operates."15

14

Max Scheler, the philosopher who is credited with the explicit
introduction of the concept of "Sociology of Knowledge" into the
vocabulary of sociology, has been regarded as a prototype of "anti-

l6

Marxist" tradition. His major contribution is seen as consisting,

inter alia, in positing the principle of the so—called "real" and

 

"ideal" factors that underlie the formation of thoughts and ideas.
And whereas the "ideal" factors facilitate or otherwise mediate the
emergence and development of thought, it is to the "real" factors
that their origination is attributed.17

In more recent time , Gurvitch approaches the problem through
the construction of types and forms of frameworks, as the media
within which the process of knowing takes place. More specifically,
"certain types of knowledge, most particularly the perceptual
knowledge of the external world, but also knowledge of the Other
and the We, groups, classes...involve the study of the specific
space and time in which their objects move."18 His construct com—
prises seven types of knowledge, within each of which five polar
forms are emphasized, to wit: (1) The perceptual knowledge of the
external world; (2) Knowledge of the Other, the We, groups, etc.;
(3) Common sense Knowledge; (4) Technical Knowledge; (5) Political
Knowledge; (6) Scientific Knowledge; and (7) Philosophical knowledge.
The five polar forms are: (1) Mystical and rational; (2) Empirical
and conceptual; (3) Positive and Speculative; (4) Symbolic and Con—

19
crete; and (5) Collective and individual.

15

For Werner Stark, the prime task of Sociology of Knowledge

consists in providing the means or tool "for the understanding of
20
human thought both in its origin and in its content." He makes

the distinction between two thought patterns-~just as Marx and

Mannheim-—to wit: one form characterized as "ideologically determined";
21
the other, "socially determined." But more in the tradition of

Marx than of Mannheim, whereas the former is conceived as an alter-

native to truth, the latter is identified as "part and parcel" of
22
truth. And while, on the one hand, conceding that value—free

thinking is non—existent in reality, he maintains, on the other hand,
that thinking process "without idealogical bias," is the product of

purely social determinants; for thinking is done, not by man, but by
23
"his social community."

For Alfred Schutz, whose major preoccupation is with "common~

sense knowledge, the primary task of Sociology of Knowledge centers

on the analysis of the relationship between what he identifies as

"the stock of knowledge at hand," on the one hand, and what he calls
25
the individual's "biographically determined situation" on the other.

The further distinction is made between "knowledge originating in our
own experience"--experiential, that is—-and "socially derived know-
ledge." For, whereas ”only an exceedingly small part of actual and

potential knowledge originates in our own experience," it is his
26
view that:

The bulk of our knowledge consists in experiences which
not we but our fellow men, contemporaries or predecessors,
have had, and which they have communicated or handed down
to us. And we shall call this kind of knowledge socially
derived knowledge.

16

While acknowledging the potentially broad scope of inter—
pretation which can be applied to the concept of "knowledge,"
Robert Merton adopts the orientation which limits the task of
Sociology of Knowledge to the "concern with the relation between
knowledge and other existential factors in the society or culture...
~ For the Sociology of Knowledge is concerned with problems which have
had a long history."27 And while pointing to its origination in
European sociological thought, he accounts for its receptivity
within American scholarship by the suggestion that "it dealt with
problems, concepts and theories which are increasingly pertinent to
our contemporary social situation."28

In a somewhat peculiar formulation, Loomis and Rytina suggest
that knowledge or thought pattern is moulded by the prevailing pro-
cesses of social control.29 Proceeding from the thesis of dialectical
materialism of Marxism, and Dewey's Pragmatism, they argue that a
situation develops where the production of knowledge or ideas is
influenced by instituted mechanisms of social control. In consequence,
then, social power constitutes a fundamental factor in the emergence
and development of ideas. For "All sociological propositions assume
an epistemological foundation, and...both sociological and episte—
mological propositions can be influenced by social power."30

In quite a parallel argument Walton points out that, in the
academic frontier, more specifically the methods and perspectives

adopted in research, or intellectual enterprises generally tend to

be determined, or to a great extent influenced, by the disciplinary

17

background and power structure underlying the investigator's train—
ing.31 For "seldom...have social scientists examined their own
knowledge in this light, the assumption being that scientific rigor
tends to eliminate the influence of group—determined perspectives."32
But he argues, on the contrary, "it has been demonstrated that there
are certain correlates of power structure types and possible biases
associated with particular research methods."33

Elsewhere, when he advocates the use of comparative research
technique, Walton suggests that the type of power-structure found,
using a single research technique, could very well be an artifact of
that technique. And among other factors that could influence the
power structure are: social integration, region, and industrializa—
tion.34

But in their analysis of a compendium of community studies,
Clark, et a1., conclude that no significant relationships link the
researcher's discipline, his method, and the degree of contralization
of decision—making. Any noticeable differences, they argue, are
attributable, more to actual difference across communities, than to
the biase; of the researcher or his method.35

Interestingly enough, Walton's preoccupation is adumbrated by
McKee, when he notes that Sociology as well as its practice has been
marked by "an eternal tension" created by the concern between its
practitioners, on the one hand, to create a "scientific sociology,"

36

and on the other, to provide "social relevance." He argues that no

clear choice is possible because of the persistent ambivalence among

 

18

sociologists, consequent upon the tension created by the two
opposing concerns implicit in the very nature of the discipline
as well as the problems it deals with.37

In his reflection on the subdiscipline, Bottomore attributes
the emergence of Sociology of Knowledge to "two intellectual pre-
occupations" among European sociologists and philosophers, during
the first decades of the present century.38 He rejects Marx's
"theory of ideology" as well as what he calls Mannheim's perspec-
tivism," as the real subject of Sociology of Knowledge, seeing
its task rather as consisting in "the study of relations between
the constructs of reflective thought and social structures,...
between such constructs and social groups...institutions and total
societies."39

For C. Wright Mills, the problem of validity of social thought
does not constitute the proper concern of Sociology of Knowledge.
He notes, however, that its epistemological consequences can be
directly adduced in the process of formulation.40

But elsewhere, he addresses, and elaborates on, another problem
area which should constitute a legitimate subject matter of Sociology
of Knowledge, but which, surprisingly, many a student of the sub-
discipline has not been concerned with, to wit: The issue of know—

ledge, mass media, the various "publics,' and the role of power in

the dissemination of knowledge through the media, as well as the
41
various ramifications implicit in their interrelationships. And

19

while subscribing to the thesis of social determination of ideas,
he identifies two major perspectives for regarding this, in the

historical and the socio-psychological. He is critical of the

 

 

extant Sociologies of Knowledge, because lacking "understanding
and clear-cut formulations of the terms with which they would
connect mind and other society factors," and tracing this defect

to "a failure to recognize the psychological problems arising
42

from the acceptance of the generic hypothesis."
For C. Wright Mills, then, a major task of the Sociology of

Knowledge consists in its ability to give sociological accounts of
43
other theories of motivation.

Arthur Child conceives of a Sociology of Knowledge which dis—
tinguishes four elements underlying the social determination of

thought, to wit: the existential determinant, the means of deter-
44

mination, the forms of mind; and the thought content. On the
first of these factors, he suggests that a rigid criterion should,
not constitute the basis for its definition, noting, on the other

hand, that "one must...take the social determinant for whatever, in
45
point of fact, it may happen to be." He sees the significance of

the means in its epistemological irrelevance. And concerning the

"forms of mind," the individual himself is considered a significant
46

factor in the process of social determination. This is because:

...insofar as an attitude has meaning within the life of

an individual, the individual expresses it; and, if, in

the expression, he alters it, he simultaneously proposes

it as a modification of the group attitude in general. And
this modification of the group attitude in general is pos-
sible because of that very subjectivity of attitudes which
allows of their modification as incorporated into the
psychological structure of the individual.

20

Berger and Luckmann conceive the existence of reality as taking
47
on meaning only within the context of social constructs. For them,
the subject matter of Sociology of Knowledge includes "everything"

48
that passes for 'knowledge' in society." And they see the relation—

ship between thought pattern (ideas, knowledge, that is) and its
social base as essentially a dialectical one. For, although knowledge
can be conceived as a product of a social situation, it is also the

case, they argue, that knowledge itself constitutes a crucial factor
49

in effecting social change in a social situation.

By what he calls "Certification of Knowledge" Rothman argues
that the growth of knowledge in the context of the academic disciplines
is predicated on processes of acceptance of new theories through text-
books.50 For the point "is that the contents of introductory text—
books are intricately related to the growth of knowledge and to the

process of certification of knowledge, and an examination of the con-

tents of textbooks can contribute to an understanding of the internal
51

dynamics of an academic discipline."
Hans M01, in considering what he calls possible "dysfunctions

of sociological knowledge"52 to the sociologists, the university
departments, the university, and the society at large, notes that
Iknowledge constitutes a redoubtable form of power; and to the extent
tfllat the one can be identified with the other, in the game of life in
Vfl1ich men in modern society engage, it is the ignorant who invariably
1Ose out to those who possess the power of knowledge. He speculates
that what may be dysfunctional to society is not sociological know—

53
ledge, as such, but rather "its inevitable relativizing consequences."

21

It seems in order, at this juncture, to reflect and make a few
observations on the foregoing perspectives. Notwithstanding the dif-
ferent orientations peculiar to each, they share, to some extent, a
common theme: the preoccupation with the relationship between ideas
and the social context within which they emerge and develop. In other
words, the connection between human thought, on the one hand, and the
social structure within which the life activities of the author is
defined.

More specifically, Marx and Mannheim seem to be particularly
concerned with what Gurvitch would classify as "political knowledge."
But the major difference between their respective orientations con-
sists, perhaps, in the fact that while the former accords reality to
one form'of thought pattern ("true consciousness"), the latter adopts
a relatively more flexible orientation, marked by what Bottomore,
perhaps accurately, characterizes as "perspectivism."54

Regarding Stark's formulation, what appears to be the most con—
founding element is the implied suggestion in his distinction: that
"ideologically determined thoughts" are not social in origin. The
same can also be said of Schutz's distinction between ideas originating
"in our experience," on the one hand, and "socially—derived knowledge,"
on the other. For the question could be raised regarding the root of
experiential knowledge, if "experience" itself does not derive from

55
the activities of man in a social context.

l!‘p>|~|§9-|ll .3! I it >
m .

L

22

To the extent that these perspectives of the sociology of
knowledge underscore the significance of the social context or
climates which conduce the emergence and development of ideas
and thought forms, they shed some light to our understanding of the
two ideological systems that define the teachings and protest
thoughts of Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, Jr. But, on the
other hand, they fail to explain the fact of dissimilar responses
which the teachings of these two black leaders elicited from the
American public with, perhaps, the notable exception of the formula-
tions of C. Wright Mills.56

Why this was-~and has been—-the case, we shall try to search
for answers in the following chapter in which the focus will be on
the relationships between ideologies and knowledge dissemination,
knowledge acquistion by various "publics," the sources——situationally
defined, and media sources--of the knowledge which informs the opinions
and views held by the various publics, In this respect, the formula-
tions of C. Wright Mills will constitute an appropriate point of

departure.

CHAPTER THREE — IDEOLOGY, KNOWLEDGE
DISSEMINATION AND ACQUISITION: THE

PUBLICS AND SOURCES OF THEIR KNOWLEDGE

To properly address the question raised in the preceding
chapter—-that is, why the traditional preoccupations of the Sociology
of Knowledge have tended to exclude such aspects as the subject matter
of the present study——it would seem logical to begin by examining the
circumstances under which the subdiscipline itself emerged and developed.
As Berger and Luckmann correctly point out, the Sociology of Knowledge
emerged and developed within a specific philosophical context, in a
particular situation of German intellectual history.1 And, as Stuart
Hughes intimates, intellectual history concerns itself, not so much
with the formal enunciation of concepts, as well as the practical
aspects of their implications, as with the styles of thought.2 And,
as he further notes, this preoccupation has focused on the develop-
ment of ideas that inspire the ruling elite.3

Mannheim's subsequent popularization of the subdiscipline in
English—speaking countries--notably England and America—~has carried
over with it, this limitation, resulting in its being of peripheral
concern to the practitioners, and in the words of Berger and Luckmann,
"a marginal specialty with a persistent European flavor," thus lead-

4

ing to what they call a theoretical or intellectual myopia. This

[>roblem is dealt with in considerable length by Merton, in his

23

24

elaboration on the distinctive orientations that mark European and
5
American "species" of research.
For, according to Merton, whereas the European variant deals

with "digging up the social roots of knowledge," with the intellectual

products of "experts," the American variant i§_concerned with the

 

study g£_popular belief, its focus being upon opinion rather than
knowledge. And while the former concerns itself with the "intel—
lectual elite," with "the cognitive plane, (with) knowledge, the

latter deals with the masses, with information." The American vari-

 

ant, accordingly, studies the isolated fragments gf_information avail-

 

 

able to the masses of people; the European variant typically thinks
6

about a total structure gf_know1edge available to a few."

 

But the issue is not necessarily resolved by the mere identifi-
cation of these distinctive orientations-—although the distinction
itself proves significant; what seems more crucial, I believe, is the
fact that, as Berger and Luckmann point out, one variant has been
conceived as a separate entity from the other, and consequently, both
have not been integrated as two aspects of the same problem. The
scope of Sociology of Knowledge, to provide a tool for dealing with
such problems as specified here, should be extended to concern itself
with, as Berger and Luckmann emphasize, "whatever passes for 'know—
ledge' in a society, regardless of the ultimate validity or invalidity
(by whatever criteria) of such 'knowledge.' And insofar as all human
'knowledge' is developed, transmitted and maintained in social situa-
t:ions, the Sociology of Knowledge must seek to understand the pro-

<:esses by which this is done in such a way that a taken-for-granted

25

l.

'reality' congeals for the man in the street."

But, the fact of scope limitation apart, another explanation
may yet be sought in the very positions occupied, and roles acted,

by the sociologists of knowledge, in particular, and the social
8

scientists, generally. For, if it is granted, as Mills and others
have pointed out, that men in society live in a "secondhand" or

"reported" world, and as Hartman and Husband point out, that the
‘ 9
media serve as the interpreters of this world, then the apparent

neglect by the practitioners, in dealing with this area of Sociology
of Knowledge, could well stem from the relationships of the media,

the "Establishment," and the "Men of Letters," as Mills suggests in
10
his explications. The problem is perhaps properly understood in

light of the role of what he calls "the cultural workmen" within "the
11 12

cultural apparatus" of the society. More specifically, Mills writes:

This apparatus is composed of all the organizations and
milieux in which artistic, intellectual and scientific
work goes on, and of the means by which such work is made
available to circles, publics, and masses. In the cultural
apparatus art, science, and learning, entertainment, marlarkey,
and information are produced and distributed.
13
And, furthermore:

So decisive to experience itself are the results of these
communications that often men do not really believe what
"they see before their very eyes" until they have been
"informed" about it by the national broadcast, the defin—
itive book,...the official announcement...For our standards
of credibility, our definitions of reality, our modes of
sensibility-~as well as our immediate opinions and images——
are determined much less by any pristine experience than by
our exposure to the output of the cultural apparatus.

 

 

 

 

26

Essentially, then, one is dealing here, with the role of
ideology in the development, dissemination, and acquisition of
knowledge--in society--which matter I shall now turn to.

Ideology, Knowledgg Dissemination and Acquisition

Although the emergence of the concept of "ideology" can be
traced back to Marx's writings, and even beyond into the remote past
of the history of social thought, Mannheim tells us that, in its
modern conception, the notion of 'ideology' is due to Napoleon who
used it to contemptuously refer to a school of French philosophers

who would not align themselves with his imperial ambitions. Thus

writes Mannheimzl"

The word "ideology" itself had, to begin with, no
inherent ontological significance; it did not include

any decision as to the value of different spheres of
reality, since i§_originally denoted merely_the theory
9£_ideas. The idealogists were, as we know, the members
of a philosophical group in France who, in the tradition
of Condillac, rejected metaphysics and sought to base the
cultural sciences on anthropological and psychological
foundations.

The modern conception 9§_ideology was born when Napoleon,
finding that this group 9£_philosophers was opposing his
imperial_ambitions, contemptuously labelled them "ideol-
ogists." Thereby the word took on a derogatory meaning
which, like the word "doctrinaire," it has retained to

the present day.
That the issue of power is inextricably implicated in the
relationship between ideology and the development and dissemination

of knowledge is evidenced from the fact that ideology itself, thrives

on a power-base. For, as Mills correctly notes: "In a society of

 

27
15

power and wealth, knowledge is valued as an instrument of power;"
and what seems even more significant: much of what passes as
reality, we are told, owes its definition and description to the
"men of power."16
But, implicit in the very notion of ideology, are a number
of factors: the fact that some ideas are espoused regarding certain
issues or themes, and enunciated in some form of principles or theses;
the fact that the authors of these ideas are identifiable with some
specific group or class or community within the specified social
setting; the fact that these ideas could be conceived as some form
of messages or communications; and that these messages or communica-
tions are directed--explicitly or implicitly--to certain "target"
audiences that may be designated as "publics;" the fact that the
development of these principles into, and their continued sustenance

' will depend, more or less, on the receptivity by

as, "ideologies,'
the "target audience" or "public."

In the particular case under our present consideration, the
task of assessing the true merits of the ideologies or protest
thoughts each of the two leaders espoused, is confounded--if not
vitiated—éby the fact that the central issue with which the idea-
ological systems deal, borders on the problem of race-relations,
and the authority relationships which mark the interactions of the
racial groups. This is further accented by the complex role of the
Inass media of communication in the dissemination of knowledge. As
tone journalist points out-~perhaps correctly:17

Exposure, after all, is a central means of making a

private moral conviction public, of impelling people

all over to see and confront ideas they otherwise
would turn away from.

28

And to the extent that the question of the authentication of the

view expressed by the public, in this case, is connected with the
18

issue of race-relations, John Rex has suggested that:

What we need, therefore, as a part of the systematic study
of the sociology of race-relations, is an adequate
Sociology of Knowledge, both in the sense of one which
classifies the kinds of belief systems, knowledge and
theories which are to be found in a culture, and one

which shows how the more systematic theories are con—
nected through social mechanisms.

 

 

It is in the light of this that I proceed to consider the
theoretical implications of protest thoughts or ideOIOgies, the media,
and the publics, for the SociOIOgy of Knowledge. But it will be in
order to begin with the explication of certain key concepts that
will be used frequently in this analysis. We consider, first of all,
the concept of ma§§_mgdi§.

In his analysis of "Public Opinion" Hennessy identifies the
EE§§.E£EEE with "the press, television, radio, and movies"; and by
"the press" he alludes to "newspapers, and...news and opinion

19

journals." This seems comprehensive enough; but, in general, the
"mass media" should be conceived as comprising all the means through
which information is communicated, or knowledge disseminated, to an
audience removed from the situation where an event takes place. For
the particular purpose of the present study, this should be limited
to the press and the electronic media.

Another concept to be considered—~and which is related to the
first-~15 that of mgsg. Usually, this term is used in reference to

a large collectivity or to a large grouping of people, usually widely

dispersed over an extensive area of space. According to Louis Wirth,

29

the "mass" is characterized by seven major features, to witzzo

large numbers; wide dispersal of these large aggregates of peOple;
structural heterogeneity; anonymity of the members of the collec-
tivity; the fact that the mass is not an organized group; the non-
existence of common customs, traditions or institutions, binding

the group; and the fact that the individuals comprising the mass are
unattached. Further elaboration on this is not deemed necessary

at this point.

Finally, we consider the concept of the "public." In a sense,
the "public" can be conceived as synonymous with Wirth's "mass."
But, insofar as we are concerned here with knowledge dissemination
or communication, it should be added that thg_public, here, comprises
the audience or target group to which the communication is directed.
the public constitutes the potential or actual recipient of the
ideas which underlie a given ideological system. It is on its
receptivity of the espoused ideas regarding pertinent issues, that
the emergent ideology thrives. Mills talks in terms of "set of

' without necessarily giving an explicit explication.21

publics,’

With the foregoing in mind attention is now directed to the
processes or mechanisms by which knowledge of, or information about,
a phenomenon is transmitted from one point to another, within a

social space, as well as the circumstances which mediate or deter-

mine how it is received by the target audience or public.

 

3O

' will be understood to refer to a

The term "event-situation,'
phenomenon, an incident or occurrence, or an issue in society, about
which knowledge is disseminated from the site of the occurrence, to
some potential audience. We assume that a society or a particular
social setting can be constituted by many publics, or subpublics
within a larger public. For example, in the particular case of the
United States, one can talk about the "American Public," or about
the "White public," the "Black public," or the "working public," or,
to invoke Mills' usage, one can simply talk of various "cultural
publics."

Since an event-situation can only be defined at a particular
point within the social space, at any given time, and in view of the
structural dispersal of the memberships of the public or publics of
that society, as Wirth correctly notes,22 it is apparent that know—
ledge about that event-situation cannot be experienced directly or
"first-hand," by all the members of the public, or of the various
publics. Put differently, the individual member of the public can-
not personally witness all event-situations occurring in the society,
and must depend on one aspect or the other of the media of communica-
tion for knowledge or information regarding all that happens within
the society.23

It is therefore suggested that knowledge of an event-

situation can be acquired through two sources: media sources, and

situationally defined sources. Regarding the latter, Hartmann and

31

24
Husband write:

In this case something is known or believed because of
the firsthand experience of the individual himself, or
of others known to the individual, or at the very least
because in the circles where he moves it is 'common
knowledge' groundedfiin the individual experiences and
diffused through person-to—person contact.

 

And, concerning the former they explain:

In the second case (media sources, that is)...peop1e may
come to know or believe things because of the accounts

and images relayed by the mass media. The individual
himself need not have learned it directly from the media
but at second or third hand. What i§_'known' gr 'believed'
need g2£_bg_identical with what actually happened 2; was
'experienced'Qg£_with what w§§_carried by_thg media. It

is sufficient that either the media or firsthand experi—
ence should in the first place have given rise to whatever

is known or believed (author's emphasis).

 

 

It may be asserted that a dialectical relationship exists

between these two typologies of knowledge or sources of ideas.
For, while situationally defined knowledge may influence how media-
acquired knowledge is interpreted, it is also likely that media—
acquired knowledge or information may reinforce already held opinion,
as Mills correctly notes.25 And if the emphasis here is on media—
sources, this is not to de—emphasize the import of situationally
defined sources. Mills perhaps rightly cautions that,"...no view
of American public life can be realistic that assumes public opinion
to be wholly controlled and entirely manipulated by the mass media."26

‘To seek the answer to the question of how a public forms an
opinion or a view regarding a given ideology, one might start by

inquiring into the sources of the ideas which underlie the ideology.

In other words, who is the author of the ideas or the proponent of

32

the ideological system? What are his relationships to the target
public? Who, or what agencies are responsible for relaying the

ideas to the target audience or public? And what are the relation-

 

ships between these intermediary agents and agencies, and the public

to which they carry the message or "knowledge" relating to the ideas?

f-

The term"ideologist" is not used here to simply denote the

 

author or propounder of ideas; it is also to be acknowledged that the
ideologist is a member of, or can be identified with, a specific
public. If it is granted, in Mills' sense of "cultural publics"
QZ£QE.§EE£§)’ that each public possesses its own cultural peculiar-
ities, then the ideologist, it must be assumed, reflects or shares
the experiences and ideas that are situationally defined for this

particular "cultural public,‘ in his capacity as one of its members.
In other words, the ideologist partakes of the situational realities
defined for his public; his perceptions of events, and his or her
interpretations of what he or she perceives, is influenced ', and
impinged upon, by the ideas and experiences deriving from the situa-
tional realities of his cultural public. Now, it may be said that
the ideas he espouses consist simply in the assigning of meanings to
perceived events and situations-~in other words the abstraction of
reality from event—situations.
Also, the messages implicit in the ideas espoused, may be

directed to his particular "cultural public,'
27
both. And, in view of what has already been said regarding the

_or to another, or to

33

V l

structural features of the "mass" comprising the 'public,' inter-

mediary agencies—~the mass media—~serve to relay these messages to

the target public. Since, in "reporting, the peOple of the media

" from, and assigning

are also engaged in "abstracting realities
meanings to their perceptions of, the event-situation, and in view
of the fact that they also come from specific "cultural publics"
which may or may not overlap with that of the ideologist, it is to
be expected that the message they relay to the public be also
affected by the ideas they have acquired, and opinions they have
held, from the situationally defined source of knowledge peculiar
to, and defined for, their own "cultural publics."

If, in fact, the "news" reported, or the messages relayed,
by the media are "distorted" or slanted, it need not always be
construed as a deliberate or intentional act, on the part of the
men of the media—~although, sometimes, this is certainly the case.
In the absence of any conscious efforts on the part of the men of
the media to present the picture of the event situation in a way
that is calculated to mislead the target audience or public, the
incidence of any "distorting" features in the knowledge communicated,
must be accounted for as resulting from what might be called a
cultural parallax, attributable to the situationally defined source
of ideas peculiar to the men in question. Consequently, although
the knowledge of the event-situation ultimately communicated to the

target public might not present the "true" picture that the members

 

 

34

of this public would have perceived, were they to be actually
present at the scene, it must not be necessarily concluded that
this effect was intended by the intermediary agents who control
the dissemination of knowledge of events through the media.

But there is another factor which can be seen as playing a
crucial role in the transmission of ideas or knowledge of events,
from the source (event-situation, that is) to the target public.
The form in which the ideas of an ideologist is transmitted to a
target public can be effected by the representativeness——as well
as the extent of representation-—of the members of his (the ideolo-
gist's, that is) own cultural public among the men of the media, who
control the process of transmission. For, to the extent that the
men of media can be attributed the power of manipulating and con-
trolling the amount and quality of news or knowledge conveyed from
a given source to a target public, and insofar as these men can be
said to hold primary allegiance to their own "cultural publics," and
therefore concerned with, first of all, serving the interests of
those publics,that ideologist stands with precarious disadvantage,
who depends, for the dissemination of his ideas and thoughts, on
the media of communication over which no member of his own cultural
public shares control. This seems even more so, particularly, in
situations where the ideas espoused by the ideologist are conceived
by these men of the media, to be in conflict with their own values
and interests, as well as those of the particular publics for whom

they see their services as designed.

 

 

 

35

And if the media men value, and are dependent upon, the
patronage of a particular public or a segment of it, for their
continued operation and progress, it is to be expected that the

overall modus operandi of their news reporting or knowledge trans—

 

mission be geared towards the overall catering for the interests

of that constituency. To the extent that this fact governs the

process of news—reporting and knowledge transmission, so much so

is the information or message reaching the target publics affected.

The "reality" of a given event-situation ultimately reaching the
public(s) through the media, may very well be on a different level

from that which it would have abstracted by an on-the-scene observer.
Particularly pertinent here is the insightful observation by Hartmann
and Husband regarding the role of blacks in the American media. Noting

that events become "newsworthy" only when they are associated with a
28
concern of the public, they remark, more specifically:

Given the situation in the United States where the major
news media are staffed by_white personnel and serve a
mainly white audience, it follows that the* 'ppblic' which
dictates newsworthy events is a white p_blic. The day-to-
day tensions of ghetto existence, and exploitation which
is a crucial concern of the coloured population is not a
primary concern of the white public. Only the symptoms

of these conditions....impinge upon whites and hence it

is only such 'events' which become newsworthy in a white
press.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

They explain:

 

————————vmg——u———

———————y——cu—-——————————w——

high interest tg_the white majority. Their interest
in the black American is focused upon the situation

in which he becomes a threat, or a problem. (Emphasis
added.)

 

 

 

36

And regarding the overall part which the black American plays
in the management and/or control of the media, they see the adequacy
of his role as vitiated by the fact of the insensibility of the
white public to the black experience.29

But it cannot be concluded, on the sole merits of the fore-
going, that the public would actually accept whatever is offered by
the media as an article of faith, so to speak. As Mills perhaps
correctly points out, the process through which the public makes up
its mind on an issue is quite complicated,30 and not as simple as
merely swallowing, hggk, ling, and_sinker, whatever the media have
to offer, or present, to it. For if it is true that the men of media
control and manipulate what is offered to the public in the media,
it is alSo the case that the public reserves the right £g_select 3nd
choose what aspects of what is presented to it, to read, to listen
to, accept, and/or believe. And if the media "interests," as Mills
suggests,31 "select the media contents to which people are exposed,"
it is equally the case that these people who constitute the public
make the final choice of aspects of these contents which they want
to accept.

This is so because, as was emphasized earlier, knowledge derived
from media sources has to be weighed against that deriving from
situationally defined sources. For, as has been pointed out, if some
knowledge or experience is situationally defined for the cultural

publics of the ideologist, and of the men of the media, the same

equally applies to the target public. And whether, and to what

 

37

extent, the target public should accept the ideas espoused by the
ideologist, and transmitted through the media, is a fact determined,
not only by the relationships between it and the cultural publics

of the ideologist and of the men of the media, but also by the
existing ideas and knowledge deriving from its own situationally
defined sources. In this sense, then, the target public is not a
mere passive recipient and echoer of the opinion already reached and
dictated by the men of the media. In what, then, does the phenomenon

identified as public opinion consist?

 

If, in fact, a meaning can be assigned to this concept, it is
to the effect that the members of a given public come to a consensus
on an issue, in the light of the knowledge available to them through
the media sources, as well as their own situationally defined sources.

Mills conceives of public ppinion as consisting in the "reactions to

 

what is presented in the formal media of communication; personal dis—
cussion does not affect the opinion formulated; each man is an isolated
atom reacting along to the orders and suggestions of the monopolized
mass media."32

The point to be made here is that, in considering the entire
process of knowledge dissemination to, and acquisition by, the various
publics through the intermediary agency of the mass media of communica—
tion, any given event—situation on which this process is based should

not be viewed as an isolated incident or phenomenon. Whether one

considers it in terms of the people—of—the—media who abstract real—

38

ities from the actual situation and cast them in the proper form for
dissemination, or whether in terms of the target publics to which
communication is directed, the given event-situation is perceived in
terms of, and weighed against the background of, the experiential
knowledge which the members of these various "cultural publics" have
acquired and held from their respective situationally defined sources.
In the language of Berger and Luckmann,33 any given event-situation
is perceived, interpreted, and knowledge or information about it dis-
seminated, in terms of "typifications." It is also this phenomenon

of "typifications" which governs the target audiences pp publics'

selective choige of what aspects of the media's offerings they want

 

to accept and believe. And "typification" is possible for the mem-
bers of the various "cultural publics" only because of the knowledge,

ideas, or experiences deriving from their respective situationally

defined sources.
34
Mills elaborates further on this point when he discussed the

"resistance operation" of the public to the media. He distinguishes
the "primary public" from "secondary publics," the former comprising
tile situation where people engage in face-to-face, or person-to-person
ixzteractions and exchange of views. A crucial element of the primary
Ptflllic is what he calls "opinion circles," as well as "opinion leaders"
anti "opinion followers." The opinion leaders are those who influence
0tihers more than others influence them. and, being "the foci of the

Prilnary public," it influences the reaction of the public to the items

which are presented in the media. And, different people are opinion

39
35

leaders for differnet topics of opinion. More specifically:

These circles (of opinion) with their opinion leaders can
and do reject what the mass media contain; they can and do
refract it, a§_well §§_pa as it on. That is why you cannot
understand the changing reality— of American public opinion
in terms merely of what the radio, newspapers, magazine

and movies contain. They are only a force, and although

at times they "express" public opinion they do not always
do so, and what they say is subject at all times to rejec-
tion and interpretation at the hands of the Opinion circles
and unofficial opinion leaders with their many shades of

opinion. (Author's emphasis.)

The point to underscore here is that the processes of "rejection,"

"refraction," "passing on," and interpretation, are made possible

because of the knowledge and ideas available to this public through

its situationally defined sources.

But Mills' suggestion that public opinion serves as a tool for
36

the legitimation of authority, underscores the further fact that

in considering the role of ideology in the development, dissemination,
and acquisition of knowledge, power constitutes a conditio sine 322
For as he clearly points out, it is the men of power who define

37
And, if it is the case, as he

non.

lunch of what passes as reality.

asuggests, that the primary role of the media is to reinforce exist-

38
:Lng opinions and ideas, it is also equally acknowledged that it is

tile opinion leaders who are exposed more to the media than are the

39

OFNinion followers. But if the construction of realities is the
Pridnary stuff of which ideology is made, then power is a necessary

ingredient of ideologies. And insofar as the dissemination of ideas

40

and knowledge is crucial to the popularization of ideologies, the
men of the media are properly situated to control and manipulate the
knowledge disseminated—~and therefore influence the form and course
of ideologies. To this extent, the men of the media are men of power
and, as such, contribute to the definition of much of reality. In
this regard, Rex aptly remarks: "Those who control the popular mass
media may or may not be aware of the extent to which they define
social reality for their (audience)."40

But the nature and extent to which the media affect the
definition of reality for the public may be better appreciated by
examining the situational realities available to, and defined for,
that public. Since our problem here is specified empirically in
terms of the Black public, it is only proper to investigate the
situational realities defined for, and available to, it. It is for

this that I shall turn, in the following section of this study, to

the consideration of the Black experience.

PART III: THE BLACK EXPERIENCE

AND THE BLACK IDEOLOGIES

Perhaps this section of the work can be conceived as con—
cerning itself with the kind of information that can be adduced
to demonstrate or establish the source of knowledge acquisition,
or the sources of knowledge that informs people's views and opinions.
If any truth-value can be accorded to Marx's dictum that:
"Life is not determined by consciousness, but consciousness byLife"

(German Ideology, p. 15), it carries the implication that, if one

 

were to really understand ideologists and their ideologies, then one
must go beyond the very substance of the ideas espoused in the

ideologies. In other words, both the men and their ideas must be

put or considered in the proper social context from which they

emerge and develop. One must consider the social situations which

define the material existence of the men, as well as conduce the
life experiences that mold their ideas and thoughts.

In the particular context of the present study, this means
‘that the particular ideological systems or social protest thoughts
attributed to Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, Jr. be examined in
the light, not only of the respective material life which each
eXiperienced, but also of the total context of the black American
exIperience. For, it is of this broad phenomenon that their indi—

‘Vixlual life experiences and activities constitute but a small portion.

41

42

And if, as Berger and Luckmann, among others, have suggested,
reality is socially constructed or created, one is here concerned
with the examination of the complex processes which have mediated
the particular creation of the realities that are defined for, and
unique to, the black American experience. One is dealing, in effect,
with the experiences that have governed the life activities of, as
some analysts have correctly pointed out, perhaps, a nation cir-
cumscribed by a larger nation; a cultural group circumscribed by
other cultural groups; but what seems even more significant is
that it is the most oppressed of all the cultural groups.

Against this background, and in view of the relationship of
power and ideology, and the role of ideology in the development and
dissemination of knowledge, a realistic assessment of the black
ideologies must take into account the question of whether--and to
what extent--the realities defined for the white public have impinged
upon, and helped conduce, the definition of realities peculiar to

the black experience; whether, and to what extent, black people have
played any roles in the formulation of social policies that have
governed the life activities of the general society, and of their
own community in particular; whether, and to what extent, black
Imeople share in the control and operation of the mass media of
(Hammunication upon which a great deal of the process of knowledge
Ctlssemination depends; whether, and to what extent, black organizations

armd groups ("cultural publics") such as the churches, have been based

43

on the basic philosophies and ideals that derive from the white
culture.

But it is equally true, also, that in considering the protest
thoughts of Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, Jr. as distinct
ideological systems, one is compelling the implication that these
reflect very distinct modes of the black experience. As such, an
effort to account for these two distinct modes of experience compels
inquiry into the respective life situations that have defined the
particular life activities of each man. Hence, the biographical
sketch of the two black ideologists.

It is in the light of the foregoing that I will deal in the
subsequent chapters with the broad spectrum of the black American
experience, as well as with the particular forms in which this

experience has been differentially reflected in the two black leaders.

CHAPTER FOUR: THE BLACK AMERICAN EXPERIENCE

Perhaps a paradigm of the Black experience could be formu-
lated in terms of: the African heritage; the heritage of domina-
tion and Oppression; and techniques and strategies for survival,
or simply, what I prefer to call modes of adaptation.

The pertinence of the fact of the African heritage to the
consideration or treatment of the black American experience is
appreciated when it is realized that each national group in this
society has something to link and identify with pride, in the
cultural residue of the "Old Country." The Germans, the Irish, the
Jews, the Scottish, the Polish, they all have something to sustain
the positive image of their former countries of origin; whether
this be in terms of a peculiar national food, or dress, or significant
national festivities. Black Americans are unique among all cultural
groups in the fact that, historically, the images and memories of
their African past have been presented in ways that would make for
their being anything but proud of their African cultural heritage.

Africa had been portrayed in the image of the "dark continent"
«devoid of any substantive history to which contemporary generations
Ccnald relate; a society known for its "savagery," and nothing in the

ffhrm of a positive contribution to civilization; in brief, a society
characterized by nothing but negativism, and therefore, with which no

"Civilized" people would be proud to identify.

44

45

Whether it is in the volumes of pages of fabricated history,
or in the form of vicious distortions of facts chacterizing movies
purportedly portraying the "realities" of African life, the accounts
of historical and cultural past presented to the black American had
always been replete with this negativism. It is no wonder then that
the'black american had been persuaded to hate, and despise, and in

some cases, disown his/her African past. In this respect, Malcolm X's
1

remarks seem instructive:

One of the main reasons we are called Negro is so we
won't know who we really are. And when you call your-
self that, you don't know who you really are. You don't
know what you are, you don't know where you came from,
you don't know what is yours. . .you can't lay claim to
any name, any type of name, that will identify you as
something that you should be. You can't lay to
any culture. . .It attaches you to nothing. . .It doesn't
give .y_u_ a culture--there is no such thing as a Negro
culture, it doesn't exist. . .they take you out of exis—
tence by calling you a Negro.

 

 

 

Just as a tree without roots is dead, a people without
history_ or cultural roots also *becomes— a dead people.
(Emphasis added.)

 

The import of this remark consists, perhaps, not only in the
fact that it underlines the cultural emasculation of black Americans,
laut also in pointing to the equally important fact that, in the
.attempt to accomplish this objective, the Euro-American civilization
ILad.sought to obliterate-—and therefore deny--the rich cultural
heritage deriving from the ancient African civilization, or, at

best, distort and twist its historical context. It is in the con—

tear: of this onslaught of Euro-american civilization on the rich

46

cultural heritage of Africa, that DuBois has bemoaned what he
properly characterizes as "the rape of Africa."3 Thus, "The
rebirth of civilization in Europe began in the fifteenth century...
it was here that the rape of Africa began and transformed the
world. There can be little doubt but that in the fourteenth
century the level of culture in black Africa south of the Sudan
was equal to that of Europe and was so recognized."4

But the degree‘to which this process of cultural emasculation
has been effected-~either completely or partially--has remained an
unresolved question of the black American experience. There are
those who argue, and point to some aspects of black American cultural
traits, such as the similarity in the African and black American
musical rhythms, as incontrovertible evidence of the cultural link

between Africans and African-Americans. But proponents of complete

emasculation are quick to underline the uniqueness of the aspects of

 

the rubric of Black American culture, including their musical traits.
Nevertheless, the controversy persists; and in recent history of
American social life, this controversy has crystallized in the
historic debate between the black sociologist, E. Franklin Frazier,
land the white Jewish anthropologist, Melville J. Herskovits, regarding

tflne social and historical derivations of the traits attributed to
S

COntemporary black American family.

At any rate, it is a credit to the genius of some contemporary

bluack nationalist and other protest movements, that the masses of

 

47

black Americans have been made conscious of the positive aspects

of their African cultural heritage, and therefore, have been pro-
vided with a basis for taking pride in, and identifying with, their
African past. For it is in the context of the African heritage that
the heritage of oppression and domination should be better understood

and appreciated.

The Heritage 2£_Domination and Oppression

 

 

In their famous treatise, Black Power, Carmichael and Hamilton

6
note that:

 

When some people compare the black American to "other

immigrant" groups in this country, they overlook the

fact that slavery was peculiar to the blacks. No other

minority group in this country was ever treated as legal

property.
The point is that as an "immigrant" group, Black Americans are unique
insofar as they differ from virtually all the other immigrant groups
in being the only one whose emigration from their original home (in
Africa) was compelled by circumstances and forces far beyond their
control, and not by their own volition as such. In other words, the
bulk of the black American population derives from forced mass trans—
plantation of populations from Africa as slave labor. This is in
spite of the Observation--perhaps rightly so-—by Lerone Bennett, Jr.

7

and others that the first blacks to arrive in the American continent--

and who began the history of the black American experience--were not

slaves, but "were treated," as Billingsley puts it, "essentially as

 

48

8 9
indentured servants." Bennett notes more specifically:

A year before the arrival of the celebrated "Mayflower,"
113 years before the birth of George Washington, 241
years before the signing of the Emancipation Proclamation,
this ship sailed into the harbor of Jamestown, Virginia,
and dropped anchor into the muddy waters of history. It
was clear to the men who received this "Dutchman of War"
that she was no ordinary vessel. What seems unusual

today is that no one sensed how extraordinary she really
was. Few ships before or since, have unloaded a more
momentous cargo. . .

Why did she stop at Jamestown, the first permanent English
settlement in America?

No one knows, for sure. The captain 'ptended,'.John Rolfe

noted, that he was in great need of food; he offered to

exchange his human cargo for 'victualle.' The deal was

arranged. Antony, Isabella, Pecho, and 17 other Africans

stepped ashore in August, 1619. The history of the Negro

in America began.

But if even one grants the historical facticity of Bennett's
account, this does not foreshadow the fact that these first Africans

to land in America were forcibly taken away from their original homes,

the subsequent treatments and status accorded them in the "New World"

as "servants,' rather than "slaves, notwithstanding. Rather, the
point underlined in the historical account attributed to Bennett and
others-—and what seems more crucial at that—~18 the fact of the his-
torical irony of black "immigrants" being dominated by the white
immigrants in a land where the latter were preceded by the former.
Thus the heritage of domination and oppression in the black American
experience begins with the experience and heritage of slavery.

Among the three major features with which Charles Hamilton has

10
characterized the black experience, in his recent treatise, is

49

the traumatic experience of the capture of free Africans, and their
11
subsequent-transplantation and enslavement in America. On the

impact of slavery on the life of the black American, Billingsley
12
writes:

The Negro slaves in the United States were converted from at
the free, independent human beings they had been in Africa,

to property. They became chattel. This process of de-
humanization started at the beginning of the slave-gathering
process and was intensified with each stage along the way.

It should not be difficult to discern that people who, having
been told for 200 years-—in ways more effective than words——
that they are subhuman, should begin to believe this them-
selves and internalize these values and pass them on to their
children and their children's children.

And it has been generally condeded that, in its sheer brutality and

inhuman character, the slavery practised in the United States lacked
13
a historical parallel,

Perhaps the spirit of slavery as practised in the United States
14
has been most eloquently captured in what Malcolm X has characterized
' 15

' Thus remarks Malcolm X quite succinctly:

as "slave~making.'

The slave maker knew that he couldn't make these people

slaves until he first made them dumb. And one of the

best ways to make a man dumb is to take his tongue, take

his language. A man who can't talk, what do they call

him?—-a dummy. Once your language is gone, you are a

d‘my O O C
And if it is granted that language is the key to culture, then the
implication, in this context, seems inescapable, to the effect that
the black American experience, if predicated on anything that could
be called the "Black culture," it is also equally significant that

that culture has been conditioned-—if not dictated——by the culture of

the dominant white society.

1"

50

But one thing which the first phase of the traumatic experi—
ences did gccomplish was, perhaps, to culturally emasculate the
people, or at best, to effect a drastic transformation of that
culture in a way that rendered their subsequent mode of survival
rather precarious. Hamilton notes in this context: "In the transi—
tion from Africa to America, the extended-family tribal units were
obliterated and deliberate policies pursued to break up families."16

The other phase of the black experience specified by Hamilton

consists in the transitional experience from the status of slaves

 

to that of "freed people,' consequent upon the emancipation pro-

clamation. Thisphase which also brought its peculiar trauma seems

M

significant, not so much in the "progress" and "improvement? it

brought about in the lives of black Americans, as in the fact that

. a».
“" MM

it created more uncertainties in their already precarious existence,

 

as they are compelled from one mode ofdependency to another dependent

and subject status. For, if emancipation served officially to abolish

.__"\- 7 _ f _ w, A

slavery as an institution, it did so no more than it created a life

of helplessness and hopelessness; for many——if not most-—of these

*-.,___._.~

"freedmen,' who, driven by the instinct for survival and self-

l. or '—‘ ..

f

__-.. .m

preservation, were forced to submit to voluntary servitude that

r“..- A’1 7" 7
h-WM_-_ ... - AL... - ”'14—“.--

entailed even greater hardship, in some cases, than under slavery.

a~.___._ 7,5 s.‘

*1.

And if the emancipation made the slaves ffreedmen," it certainly

\
5‘.

did not assure them the rights and privileges that accrue to free

men .

“‘

51

Thus, during and after slavery, the political, economic and
social lives of black Americans have been, and have continued to
be, affected by the heritage of domination and oppression.anut,
in a very broad sense, if the history of black Americans has been
one of a dominationwsubordination relationship with the white
"cultural public," in which their lives and affairs have been con-
trolled by the latter, the essence of the black experience in
America may be seen as consisting in a life pattern or existence
marked by modes of adaptation, or mechanisms for survival, either
politically, economically, or otherwise socially. This fact has
been clearly underlined in the rather insightful observations of

the eminent black scholar, the late W. E. B. DuBois, in rationali-
‘ - *7 -~ 17

zing the manifest attitudes of the "black folk." Thus writes DuBois:

. Today the young Negro of the South who would succeed can—
}., pg£_§g_frank and outspoken, honest and self-assertive, but
’1 rather hg_i§_daily tempted £g_bg_silent and wary, politic
apg_sl ; hg_must flatter and bg_pleasant, endure petty
insults, with a_smile, shut his eyes £2_wrong; in too many
cases he sees positive personal advantage in deception and

lying. His real thoughts, his real aspirations, must be
guarded in whispers; he must not criticize, he must not
complain. Patience, humility, and adroitness must, in
these growing black youth, replace impulse, manliness,
and courage. With this sacrifice there is an economic
opening, and perhaps, peace and some prosperity. without
this is riot, migration, or crime. Nor is this situation
peculiar to the Southern United States. . .Ihg_price pf
culture i§_lig, (Emphasis added.)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

It is in the light of the foregoing that the peculiar lifestyles
manifested in the everyday activities of the black man in America
could be conceived as an integral aspect of the constant struggle for

survival, a mode of adaptation.

 

52

Modes 9£_Adaptation

 

Perhaps most significant, and outstanding, in the arsenal
constituting the black American's technique for survival, or
modes of adaptation, is the black religion, as manifested in the
black church and the black preacher or minister. DuBois, among
others, has properly noted that the church is the greatest social
institution possessed by black Americans, and identified the black
preacher as "the group leader" of the masses of blacks.18 It is in
this respect that Hamilton considers every black preacher §§_§_black

l9
leader in his own right. He writes, more specifically:

 

 

The one institution and the one individual the blacks had

to rely on in bridging these transitional periods were the
church and the preacher. The preacher became, then, a link-
age figure, having to link up the old with the new, the
familiar with the unfamiliar, tradition with modernity. In
many cases, the black church was §p_adaptive institution.

It was not wholly African, and it by no means was entirely
Anglican or Western. Improvisation was required, and the
black preacher was the master improviser. (Emphasis added.)

 

 

It is in this vein that DuBois, elsewhere, has emphatically
asserted: "The Negro church of today is the social center of Negro
life in the United States, and the most characteristic expression of
African Character."20 And Billingsley considers the church as one of
the "dominant institutions" of the black community which constitute
a major influence on the life and character of its members.21

But the black church, whether during or after slavery, has
enabled blacks to cope with the prevailing conditions in which they

have been situated. For if during slavery it served as the only place

‘that afforded them a forum for some measure of expression, and, as

53

22
Cone points out, "as a platform for announcing freedom and

 

equality" (author's emphasis), after slavery the black church
was constituted as a protest against an unenviable place assigned

the black members, by the dominant white church. Cone writes, more
23
specifically:

The birth of the independent black churches and the teachings
of the free black preachers show clearly that Christianity
and earthly freedom were inseparable for the black man. The
black church was born in protest. . .

There are independent black churches today because black
people refuse to accept the white master's view of Christian
faith. As early as 1787 Richard Allen and his followers
walked out of St. George's Methodist Episcopal Church at
Philadelphia because they refused to obey the dictates of
white superiority. . .

Northerners should be reminded that existence of all black
independent churches among "freemen" is due exclusively to
black refusal to accept the racism deeply embedded in the
’structure of white churches.

He therefore argues that it is the duty of the black church and black
theology to present to black people a view of God through the per-

spective of the black experience, that underlies "the brutalities of
24 25
white racism." And, more specifically, he maintains that:

The task of Black Theology, then, is to analyze £h§_black
man's condition ip_£hg_light 2f_God's revelation ip_Jesus
Christ with the purpose 2f creating a new understanding pf
black dignity among black people: and providing the necessary
soul in that people, to destroy white racism. (For) Black
Theology is primarily a theology 2£_and‘£g£_black people.
(Author's emphasis.)

 

 

An important aspect of the adaptive function of the black church
and black religion is symbolized by, and exemplified in, the develop-
ment of the black spirituals. Its import to black experience is
underscored in the observation attributed to Benjamin Mays, Martin

26
Luther King's mentor. He writes:

54

The creation of the Spirituals was hardly an accident in
Negro life. It was a creation born of necessity in order
that the slave might more adequately adjust himself to the
new conditions in the New World. . .God saves for Heaven
those who hold out to the end. He provides golden crowns,
slippers, robes, and eternal life for the righteous. The
principal reward comes in the other world.

But apart from the Christian religion, it is the Islamic faith
which has exacted a definite and profound impact-—if to a less extent--
on the black American experience. And like the black Christian
church, the Islamic faith, as professed by black Americans under the
tutelage of Mr. Elijah Muhammad, was born in protest. But it inherited
a philosophy and body of doctrines different from-~and in some cases,
contradictory to——those of the black Christian church. And its genesis
dates back only a few decades. This is hardly surprising. For, as

the eminent black sociologist, E. Franklin Frazier, has written: the

growth of the Black Muslim movement represents disillusionment on the

part of Negroes concerning integration and a repudiation of the belief
27
in assimilation which is so dear to the middle classes."

Although the organizational movement properly known as the
28
Nation of Islam—-but which Lincoln claims, with rather preposter-

ous pride, to have popularized as "Black Muslims"-—had been in exis-
29
tence since the early thirties, it was not until the close of the

fifties that, through the agency of one of the established white
media, that its presence was called to the attention of the American

30
general public.

55

The head of the Islamic group, Elijah Muhammad, known
variously among his followers as "the Prophet," "the messenger
of Allah,"31 and one time mentor of Malcolm X's, is said to have
received his commission directly from the mysterious founder who
appeared on the Detroit scene in the early thirties, in the person
of W. D. Fard,32 later to be deified as Allah himself. According
to Essien-Udom's account, the Black Muslim phenomenon was part of
"the effort of thousands of American Negroes to resolve for them-
selves (the) fundamental problem of identity and to provide a con-
text for their moral, cultural, and material advancement within the
limits set by the American scene."33

But it is evident that, whether during or after slavery, the
black church was not——and has not been--completely free of the in—
fluence of the dominant white church and white Christian religion.
For, if the church setting was the only means which afforded black
people the opportunity for collective association and some measure
of self-expression during slavery, it is also the case that that
opportunity was limited and controlled by their white masters. And
although black preachers with the conviction and persuasion of a
Nat Turner3h emerged from time to time, it could not have been the
case that preachers of his caliber were the rule rather than the
exception. In a sense, it was a game played within the limits of the
rules set by the masters. The preachers had the difficult task of

seeking, in their sermons and messages, the golden mean between words

that would give comfort to the slaves in bondage and suffering, and

56

at the same time offer pacification which was of primary concern to
the slave owners and masters. As Hamilton correctly points out:
"Thus comfort and pacification were two main functions of the (black)
preacher. . .Forgetting 'a heap of things,‘ particularly any ideas
connected with fighting back and attempting to revolt against slavery,
was precisely what the slave owners wanted. And any black preacher
who could perform that function was a valuable asset to the masters."35
And if it is true today, that the black church is independent
of the dominant white religion, it is equally true that the theology
of the former has been permeated and conditioned by the ethics and
doctrines inherited from the latter. In this context, Frazier's

observation seems pertinent: "There is no parallel in human history

where a people have been subjected to similar mutilation of body and

 

soul. Even the Christian Trgligiovn gag given in _a_ £23.12 £131.! £51 degrade
lghgm," (Emphasis added.)36 What the contemporary black church has
actually done, more than anything else, is to adapt the dominant,
white, Christian religion to the realities that define the black
American experience.

But whether one looks at the black church as manifested in the
black Christian religion, or as constituted in the Islamic community,
of the Nation of Islam, one cannot but agree with Lomax, that: "It
was in church that the Negro masses found both meaning for life and

37
escape from reality." It is the fact of the pervasiveness of the

influence of the church in virtually every aspect of the black

57

American experience that has prompted the remark by some observers
to the effect that hardly anybody could get any programme through
within the black community, unless insofar as it is organized with—
in the framework of the black church.38

And while the black church, acknowledgedly, has exacted a
tremendous influence on the black American experience, it is by no
means the only institution which has moulded and conditioned that

experience. The contributions of the press—-the black press

particularly—«have not been insignificant.

The Black Press

m— ffefi'w vwfv

 

In the long history of the struggle for survival, which defines
the black American experience, perhaps the black press has played a
role second to only one other institution—wthe black church. And
like the latter, the black press came into being as an expression of
protest against slavery, discrimination, and segregation.39 It may
be asserted then that the press, like the black church, has symbolized
another aspect of the manifestation of the black experience as a mode
of adaptation. For, if it is granted that the black press emerged in
protest, it seems so, perhaps, because the dominant white media have
not catered for the interests of blacks as a specific cultural public.

The black press was inaugurated in 1827, with the publication
of the first edition of Freedomfs Journal in New York City, by John

Russwarm. The objectives and goals of the black press seem to have

been articulated in the eloquence of the editorial of the first issue

58

40
of Freedomfs Journai. Thus, the editors write, in part:

We wish to plead our cause. Too long have others spoken

for us. Too long has the public been deceived by mis-

representations, in things which concern us dearly,

though in the estimation of some mere trifles;. . .

The civil rights of a people being of the greatest value,

it shall ever be our duty to vindicate our brethren, when

oppressed; and to lay the case before the public. . .

Useful knowledge of every kind, and everything that

relates to Africa, shall find a ready admission into

our columns;. . .And while these important subjects

shall occupy the columns of the FREEDOM'S JOURNAL, we

would not be unmindful of our brethren who are still in

the iron fetters of bondage. . .

It seems quite evident that the first black-published newspaper was
designed primarily—~but by no means exclusively-—for the "freed"
population of black America. And, it was concerned, not only with
the problems of blacks in America, but also with the lots of those

in the original homeland of Africa. Thus, while it was the intent of
the slavery and post—slavery white oligarchy to destroy the cultural
roots that link black Americans to the African homeland, it was, and
it has been, the case that people have always been committed to main-
tain and preserve that link.

But the folding-up of Freedomfs Journal, two years later, did
not, by any means, signalize the demise of the black press. It was
rather the end of a beginning; for prior and subsequent to 1829, black
publications sprang up, and mushroomed, in various parts of the society--
but more so in the northern states where the bulk of the "freedmen"

were concentrated. While exact statistics and figures of the publica—

tions seem difficult to procure, it is no exaggeration to assume

59

that they run into the hundreds, by any estimate. Some of the
earliest publications deserve to be mentioned.

The Rights pf_All, edited by the former co—editor of Freedom's

 

Journal, Samuel Cornish, in 1829 was a reorganized version of the

latter. The American was published in 1831 by Junius Morel. The

vvvf

 

Weekly Advocate was inaugurated in 1837, and was shortly converted

 

into The Colored American. The Aliened American, based in Cleveland,

 

Ohio, was started in 1853. The host of other publications include:

The Peoplefs Press (Troy, New York); The Clarion; The Elevator (Albany,

 

N. Y.); The Genius g£_Freedom (New York); The Mirror gf_Liberty (New

 

 

 

York); The National Reformgr (1833); The Christian Recorder (1856);

'Mirror 2£_the Times (San Francisco, 1855); The Pacifichppeal (San
- 41

Francisco, 1862); and The Herald p£_Freedom (Cleveland, Ohio, 1855).

rvv

 

It seems rather trite to suggest that the names of these publications
reflect the overriding preoccupation of the black press with the
struggle for freedom.

But this was not a phenomenon that has been uniquely defined for
the past centuries. The central role played by the black press in
modern time is exemplified in the societydwide renoun enjoyed today
by such papers as IE3 Chicago pefender, The New York Amsterdam News,
just to name a few. And the tone of the black press in this century,

perhaps, was set by the editorial leadership of The Crisis, the organ

 

of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).

The pattern seems to have been set by its first editor, W. E. B. DuBois,

60

who, in the first issue of the Crisis, had editorialized the
objective "to set forth those facts and arguments which show
the danger of race prejudice, particularly as manifested today

toward colored people."
43
Interestingly enough, Charles Johnston, in considering the

black press, has distinguished the "negro magazines" from ordinary
44
newspapers. He writes in part:

The most influential publications of the earlier period
were newspapers which emphasized editorial opinion. . .

The immediate personal concern of the educated Negroes in

the abolition of slavery and their necessary abolition
activities, precluded the calm deliberate creative writing

of belles lettres. If there is a clear distinction between

a newspaper and a magazine, it is in the more deliberate and
cultural quality of the latter. Not only was there less
incentive to creative writing in the early days, but a smaller
supporting public for this writing.

 

While emphasis has been on the role of black religion and the
black press, there are other dimensions of the black American exper—
ience which have constituted part of the modes of adaptation. In this
category, one might mention the phenomenon of migration, which, in a
sense, mediated the transition from rural to urban life.

Prior to the Civil war and the subsequent Emancipation, black
migration had primarily taken the form of mass escape from the Southern
Slave States to the North where, if absolute freedom did not exist for
blacks, slavery as an institution was, at least, prohibited, and any
measure of freedom to people who have known nothing but bondage and
servitude is better than nothing. And after Emancipation, the bulk of
migration of blacks had essentially economic underpinnings. In either

case, the black press, incidentally, played a major role.

61

The pre-abolition migration was, perhaps, symbolized in the
famous "underground railway" phenomenon—-a process of mass escape
of slaves from the South to the North, and popularly associated with
the names of Sojourner Truth, and Harriet Tubman.45 As documents
and letters from the migrants bear testimony, the black press greatly
mediated the process of the "Great Northern Drive."46

But, in more recent time, mass migration of blacks has been
compelled by natural and socio-economic factors from the rural—-
mainly Southern--to the urban centers--mainly in the North and the
West. According to Christensen, "the greatest exodus" from the
South occurred during the great depressions, and continued into
the 30's.47 Among other factors, the following have been suggested:
the boll weevil which adversely affected the cotton farming and
cotton economy; the demand for factory and construction workers,
in the wake of World War I; the agricultural depression of the 1920's
and '30's, adversely affecting Southern agricultural economy;
increased and better facilities, facilitating transportation to the
North; and increase in educational opportunities in other parts of
the country.48

In summary, the consideration of the broad spectrum of the
black American experience has been based on the specific examination
of some--but by no means, a11--of the dimensions. The focus has
been on the aspects of the African heritage, the heritage of domina-
tion and/or oppression, and the various patterns of the struggle

for survival, identified as modes of adaptation.

62

Regarding the various modes of adaptation, the emphasis has
been more on the roles of the black church and black religion, as
well as on the black press. It is not suggested that these con-
stitute the only relevant aspects of the adaptive institutions:
rather, it is argued that their influence is primary. For as seen
and typified in the role of the press on, say, migration, these
two major institutions cannot be really completely divorced from
the other adaptive institutions which have mediated the moulding
of the black American experience.

But it is the quest for the bases or sources of knowledge
acquisition by the black "cultural public," which underlies the
consideration of the larger issue of the black American experience.
The consideration in this chapter has been with the internal pro-
cesses. In the next chapter the emergence of Martin Luther King,
Jr., and Malcolm X, and the development of their protest thoughts

and ideologies are considered.

CHAPTER FIVE: BLACK PROTEST THOUGHTS

AND THE IDEOLOGIES OF MALCOLM X AND KING

If the history of the black American experience has been
marked by protest, then it can be said that protest thought has
characterized black ideology. But black protest thought has
assumed a variety of forms, and emphasized different themes,
historically. This seems apparent when one considers the broad
spectrum of black protest activism, from the harangues of the
slave insurrectionists typified by Nat Turner and Denmark Vesey;
or the abolitionist writings and speeches of people like Frederick
Douglass, Martin Delany, Harriet Tubman, Sojourner Truth, William
Nell, Henry Highland Garnet; or in militant and uncompromising
tone of protest registered on the pages of pioneer black press,

typified by Thomas Hamilton's (editor) The Weekly Anglo-African,

 

The Northern Star and Freeman's Advocate, The Colored American and

 

 

Th§_Liberator; or in the literary skills of black authors and poets,
represented by Richard Wright, James Baldwin, Claude Brown, Langston
Hughes; or in the philosophies of leader-educators like Booker T.
washington; or in the angry pronouncements and writings of intellectual
figures exemplified by W. E. B. DuBois; or, in more recent time, in
‘the socio-political ideologies of men like Marcus Garvey, Adam C.
Powell, Elijah Muhammad, Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X, and

Stokely Carmichael.

63

64

Within this broad spectrum, it is only reasonable to expect
that ideologies would collide, and ideas espoused by the various
idealogists at various points in time, seemingly contradict one
another. It is suggested, however, that the seeming contradictions
reflect different moods of the men that authored them, as well as
of the time and place they were evolved, in the rather arduous
history of the black American experience. It is these seeming
clashes in ideological perspectives that have led to what, at various
points, have appeared to be contradictions in black leadership. It
is in this vein, perhaps, that Rose has remarked on the particular
controversy which raged between Washington and DuBois. He writes:1

From the welter of programs advanced by Negro leaders. . .

two themes became dominant. One, in the tradition of

Booker T. Washington, advocated self-help, and internal

organization; the other following the lead of W. E. B.

DuBois, stressed integration and civil rights.

But DuBois himself, incidentally, saw this controversy as
developing more between his followers and Washington's disciples,
than between the two men themselves. For: "It is my Opinion that
Washington died a sad and disillusioned man who felt he had been
betrayed by white America. . .I am sure that 222 BE his own back-
ground hg _s_a_w_ _t_h_e_ Negro's problem from its lowest economic level.
He never really repudiated the higher ends of justice which were
then denied" (emphasis added).2

Nevertheless, this seeming cleavage between DuBois and Washington

was only one among many such cases in the history of black leadership,

and black organizations. Similar disagreements have been recorded

65

between Douglass and Delany, following the Emancipation Pro-
clamation; between Du Bois and Marcus Garvey; between DuBois and
Philip Randolph; and, in more recent time, between the disciples

of Martin Luther King, Jr., and those who subscribed to the
ideology associated with Malcolm X. In a sense, the ideological
cleavage, seemingly evident in the protest thoughts of Malcolm X
and King, could be conceived as a crystallization of two main ¥
currents in black intellectual history--separation and integration-
ism.

But what is significant is not the question of whether these
disagreements and cleavages occur between the black ideologists them-
selves or between their followers. Rather what seems more crucial
is the point made by DuBois, in his intimation that the seemingly
opposing ideological perspectives simply reflect differences in the
socio-cultural backgrounds which have conduced and mediated the
evolution and development of these ideologies. As DuBois specific-
ally points out, in the particular case of the cleavage between his
school of thought, and that represented by Washington, the explica-
tion should be sought in the different social backgrounds from which
Washington and he himself emerged and developed. Thus, he elaborates:3

I believe him (Washington, that is) to be sincere, though

wrong. “He and I came from different backgrounds. .l was

born free. Washiggton was born slave. He felt the lash

of an overseer across his back. I was born in Massachusetts,

he on a slave plantation in the South. My great-grandfather

fought in the Colonial Army in New England in the American

Revolution. . a; had a happy childhood and acceptance in the

community. Washington's childhood was hard. I had many more

advantages: Fisk University, Harvard, graduate years in Europe.
Washington had little formal schooling (emphasis added).

 

 

 

 

 

66

The point here is that these two main currents that have
marked the history of black intellectual activism need not be
conceived as counteractive against each other. Rather, in analyti-
cally dealing with these ideological systems, one should put into
proper perspective, the social backgrounds which have conduced them.
In this sense, the themes of separatism and integrationism in black
intellectual history could be seen as complementing each other, and
as such have each played significant role in the history of the black
American experience. It is in the light of the foregoing that one
should begin the analysis of the ideological systems represented
by Malcolm X and King, with the consideration of the social back-I
ground from which both leaders emerged, and which, therefore, have
conduced and informed the ideologies which they had espoused.

Malcolm X was born in omaha, Nebraska, on 12 May, 1925; Martin
Luther King, Jr., was born on 15 January, 1929, in Atlanta, Georgia.
The former was nurtured in the Northern urban ghetto; the latter, a
product of a Southern, black middle-class community-—but essentially
of Southern society. And if the black experience has its distinct
Southern and Northern variants, it seems reasonable to assume that
these cultural variations significantly influenced their respective
ideological perspectives.4 I propose, then, to underscore the impact
of this cultural variation attributable to the regions, by examining
the differential life experiences defined for both Malcolm X and

Martin Luther King, Jr.

67

Thus, coming from what Eric Lincoln calls "a family of middle
class black Americans,"5 Martin Luther King, Jr., was born and bred
in Atlanta, Georgia--a state which DuBois has characterized as the
focus and center of "Negro problems" in America. For: "No other
state in the Union can count a million Negroes among its citizens,--
a papulation as large as the slave population of the whole Union in
1800; (and) no other state fought so long and strenuously to gather
this host of Africans."6

And, according to Billingsley, the household into which King
was born, not only constituted a prototype of a "black patriarchy,"
but was also peopled by "Black Puritans." And, more specifically,
Billingsley writes:7

They had distinctly upper middle class upbringing. ‘Thgy

had economic security, a strong father and mother, a

protective network of extended kin, and a home atmosphere

i2_which education, morality, and all the middle class

virtues were consciously enforced. In addition, the

church was an extension of the family ( emphasis added).

0n the other hand, Malcolm X, though born in Nebraska, was
raised in Michigan--a state which though not by any means a haven to
black slaves, was nevertheless one of those in the North that offered
some measure of sympathy to those escaping into freedom from the
South. And, like King, he was the son of a Baptist minister. But
while King's father belongs to the traditionally orthodox class of
black Baptists, Malcolm's father was known to be "a follower of the
black nationalist, Marcus Garvey,8 who felt that Negroes should
return to Africa and escape the oppression of the white man."9 But

in contrast to the relative peace and security which marked King's

childhood experience, Malcolm X's was replete with nightmares. As

68

he himself recalls one of these nightmares at the age of six:10

Our home was burning down around us. We were lunging and

bumping and tumbling all over each other trying to escape. . .

We were outside in the night. . .crying and yelling our

heads off. The white police and firemen came and stood

around watching as the house burned down to the ground. My

father prevailed on some friends to clothe and house us

temporarily.
And not long after this, Malcolm's father fell victim to a mysterious
murder incident in Michigan, where the family had subsequently moved;
and he "was found with his head bashed and his body mangled under a
streetcar."11 Malcolm reminisces on this personal family tragedy:12

My father's skull, on one side, was crushed in. . .Negroes

in Lansing have also whispered that he was attacked, and

then laid across some tracks for a streetcar to run over

him. His body was cut almost in half. He lived two and a

half hours in that condition (before he died). . .I was six

King, on the other hand, was born and raised in the Southern
society where, "for good reasons the Negroes. . .had learned to
fear and mistrust the white man's justice,"13 but where, nevertheless,
the closest that he personally came to experiencing the brutality
and injustice that have marked the Southern racial oligarchy, was
secondhand-~through the recollections and experiences of his own
parents.14 No doubt, this possibility for King was facilitated by
the relative security and protection which his middle-class family
heritage had ensured. But for Malcolm X, life was more precarious.

For, soon after the tragic death of his father, the family
became the victim of harassments and persecutions by the institutions

and agencies of the establishment. Malcolm has himself noted:15

69

My mother was thirty-four years old. . .with no husband,

no provider or protector to take care of her eight children. . .
My mother began to buy on credit. . .(This) is the first step
into debt and back into slavery. . .The state welfare people
began coming to our house. . .(and'to them) we were just things,
that was all. . .They acted as if they owned us, as if we were
their private property.

And not long after that: "My mother suffered a complete breakdown,
and. . .(was taken) to the mental hospital" where she remained for
twenty-six years.16 Malcolm was emphatic that: "if ever a state

agency destroyed a family, it destroyed ours."17 For, as he further
/

J

elaborates in explanation:18

Knowing that my mother in there was a statistic that
didn't have to be, that existed because of a society's
failure, hypocrisy, greed, and lack of mercy and come
passion. . .I have no mercy or compassion in me for a
society that will crush people, and then penalize them
for not being able to stand up under the weight.

19

But, with an established Baptist minister for a father, King
was also more privileged than Malcolm X in having for a mother, a
school teacher; and this factor, combined with his black middle-
class heritage had, perhaps, ensured for him_ the support and
privilege of a good formal education otherwise unavailable to his
less privileged contemporaries among the masses of black Americans.
He was educated at Morehouse College, Atlanta, Crozer Theological
Seminary in Chester, Pennsylvania, Boston University's Graduate
School of Theology; apart from a brief programme at Harvard.20
Besides, he was married to a graduate of Antioch College.21

For Malcolm X, on the other hand, formal education took a
rather vicious turn at the very early stage. For, soon after "our

family was destroyed in 1937," he found himself taken "to the deten-

tion home. . .in Mason, Michigan. . .where all the 'bad' boys and

70

girls from Ingham County were held on their way to reform school."22

But by some stroke of fortune he wound up in Mason Junior High School
where his formal education subsequently terminated at the eighth
grade.23 Malcolm himself offers a vivid recollection of this his-
toric turning point in his life, on the occasion at Mason Junior

High School:24'

I kept close to the top of the class. . .And then one day.
something happened which was £2_become the first major
turning point gf_my_life. . .Mr. Ostrowski, my English
teacher. . .told me, "Malcolm, you ought to be thinking

about a career. Have you been giving it thought?". . .I

told him. . .I'd like to be a lawyer. . .Mr. Ostrowski

looked surprised. . .He kind of smiled and said, "Malcolm. . .
you've ggt_tg_bg_realistic about being §_nigger. A lawyer--
that's no realistic goal for a nigger. . .You're good with
your hands--making things. . .Why don't you plan on carpentry?"
The more I thought afterwards about what he said, the more
uneasy it made me (emphasis added).

 

 

 

The point here is that Malcolm X was, for the first time,
confronted with the hard reality of living in a society where racial
antagonism marks the interaction of the black and white publics; that
he was, willy-nilly, identified with the former group, subjected to
the complete control of the latter. It is the society where ascrip-
tion takes precedence over merit and achievement, as a criterion for
assigning roles within the stratification system. It further under-
scores the point that, in that society, knowledge and its contents,
as well as its dissemination, the fact of who learns what, and what
use what is learned is put to, are issues determined by the white
cultural publics who exercised--and have continued to exercise--
complete control and authority over blacks. It seems almost super-
fluous to offer the conjecture that this particular episode constituted

a major influence on his subsequent career, and more so, on the

71

development of his protest ideology later in life. By his own

testimony:25

What made it really begin to disturb me was Mr. Ostrowski's
advice to others in my class-~all of them white. . .they all
reported that Mr. Ostrowski had encouraged what they had
wanted. Yet nearly none of them had earned marks equal to
mine. . .I_realized that whatever I_wasn't, l_was smarter
than all of those white kids. But apparently_l was not
intelligent enough. . .£g_become whatever I_wanted £9_bg,
l£_was then that I_began to change--inside. I_drew away
from white people (emphasis added).

 

 

 

 

 

 

While it may be true that King had most of the advantages
and privileges of formal education, otherwise denied to Malcolm X,
it is also equally the case that the former was specifically trained
for the priesthood--to be a preacher in the tradition of the black
church.26 It seems quite apparent that the Christian tradition
into which he was born, and in which he was brought up, constituted
a definite influence in the moulding of his subsequent protest thoughts.
For, what Billingsley calls the patriarchal household of "Black

Puritans,‘ required that the children be taught "to love and respect
their parents and elders. . .(and) education was looked upon as the
path to competence and culture. The church was the path to morality

and immortality."27 The church was therefore regarded as an extension--

if not an integral part--of the family.28

But in sharp contrast, Malcolm X, following the Mason School
incident, had moved, first to live with a relative in Boston, and
subsequently to New York's black ghetto in Harlem, where, as Lomax

observes, he was "admitted to the underworld's fringes. . .He hired

. . .men variously plying dope, numbers. . .and diverse forms of

72

29

hustling." Malcolm himself recalls that his education was partly

acquired in the streets of Harlem. Otherwise he owes everything he

had learned to the teachings of his future mentor in the black

Islamic community, Mr. Elijah Muhammad.3O And from his testimony

we learn that:31

At 15 I was my own boss--the go-easy-way. I was a
hustler. The only job I ever had was waiting tables.
I had no education. I_went.£g school down there. . .1
mean on the streets. Everything I have learned has
been since I_became a follower 9£_ME, Muhammad. I

was never interested in education. At 19 I was in
prison (emphasis added).

 

But giving special insight to the understanding of the
ideologies of Malcolm X and King is the consideration of their
particular roles within the specific religious and related organ-
izations with which they were associated. I shall therefore deal
next with Malcolm X and King, and their respective relationships
with the Nation of Islam, and Southern Christian Leadership Conference

(SCLC).

Martin Luther King, Jr, and the SCLC

 

 

The Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) around
which King had organized his civil rights activities, was actually
a logical development from the initial, more localized organization--
The Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA)-~which evolved in the
wake of the historic bus incident in which a black woman, Mrs. Rosa
Parks, was arrested for refusing to surrender her seat in the city
bus to a white passenger.32 The black community of Montgomery,
Alabama, had reacted by organizing a mass boycott of the city bus

service, as well as other businesses, in protest against this specific

73

incident, and also to serve notice to the white public of the com-
munity, of their intention not to continue to endure the injustices
and indignities of the racial oligarchy that reigned in that local
society. As King himself reflected later: "no one can understand
the action of Mrs. Parks unless he realizes that eventually the cup
of endurance runs over."33 And her arrest, therefore, "was the
precipitating factor rather than the cause of the protest."34

It was, indeed, in an attempt to canalize these protest
activities of the Montgomery Black community whose "cup of endurance
(had run) over," that the MIA was founded; and Martin Luther King,
Jr. was elected the organization's first president.35 The SCLC was
subsequently inaugurated in an apparent attempt to extend the protest
activities and experiences of Montgomery throughout the entire south-
ern region of the nation.36 If, as Killian has suggested, King was
propelled into a position of leadership and national prominence, "by
the drama of the Montgomery protest,"37 it was so no less than the
SCLC made the execution of the tasks of that leadership possible. For,
it was the SCLC which provided the leadership and impetus that guided
the activities and programmes of the various groups and organizations
working under the banner of "the civil rights movements" of the
fifties and the sixties, at the center of which was King.

In a sense, then, if King's civil rights movement and activities

of this era became a social institution, it was the SCLC which he had

headed that constituted the major structure behind that institution.

74

But it may be said that what King was to, and did for, the SCLC,
Malcolm X very much fulfilled for the black Islamic group, called

The Nation of Islam.

Malcolm X_and the Nation 2£_Islam

 

Although the organization properly known as the Nation of Islam--
but which Lincoln38 claims, with a rather preposterous air, to have
popularized as "Black Muslims"--had been in existence since the early
thirties,39 it was not until the close of the fifties that, through
the aegis of one of the established white media, that its presence
was called to the attention of the American general public.40

Malcolm X was recruited into the Islamic fold from prison in
the mid-forties; and the drama of his historic exit from prison into
the Islamic faith is, perhaps, one of the most celebrated religious
experiences of twentieth century America.41

One pertinent question arises here, regarding the circumstances
that mediated the reception of Muhammad's teachings by his followers,
generally, and by Malcolm X, in particular. Burns offers a suggestion
in this context, to the effect that a meaningful understanding of the
Muslim movement take into proper account the existential experience
of black Americans in a race-conscious society.['2 This point, of
course, has been adumbrated in the previous chapter (supra). Thus
Burns argues, more specifically:43

Can (the black American) identify with a nation that so

often refuses even to recognize his presence?. . .America

refuses to integrate the Negro into its consciousness.

In so many cases, separation is a mental fact, a social
reality. (And) Elijah Muhammad has made it a virtue.

75

And if the Muslim movement was born out of frustration, it seems so
because "people living in an increasingly 'liberal' social milieu
whose real life situation remains unchanged, often look upon the
statements of white liberals as hypocritical and legislation for
integration as schemes of deceit."44
Perhaps the true role of Malcolm X within the Nation of Islam's
scheme of things consists, not so much in the fact that he rose to
the rank of a leading minister of that religious body, as in the more
pertinent fact that, as an acknowledged spokesman for that religious
body, he was to be attributed the most credit for popularizing and
propagating the teachings and ideals formulated by the titular head
of the Organization--and his mentor, Elijah Muhammad. In that
respect, the growth and expansion of the American black Muslim

movement in the "decisive decade" of the Black Revolution could

hardly be dissociated from the name of Malcolm X.

Malcolm_X, King, and the Black Experience yr

 

If, indeed, there is a contradiction in the black leadership
represented by Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, Jr., that seeming
contradiction can be said to derive from the dialectics of black
Christian church, on the one hand, and the black Islamic theology,
on the other. In a sense, the black Islamic teachings constitute
a fundamental challenge to the precepts of the Judeo-Christian
tradition which has essentially informed the black Christian theo-

logy; for, it could not have been a result of pure accident that

76

"the anti-Christian tone of much of the Muslim teaching" has found
a rather fertile soil in, and strong appeal for, black Americans.45
Malcolm himself reflects that: "The colonization of the dark
people in the. . .world was done by Christian powers. (And) the
number one problem that most people face. . .today is how to get

46 Rather than a means for gaining

freedom from Christianity."
salvation, "the Christian religion was, and is, the master stratagem
for keeping the so-called Negro enslaved. The whites gave him the
'poisoned book' (the Bible) and required his oppressor to join the
'slave religion' which teaches him to love his oppressor."l'7 And

what seems most disheartening is that the black Christian preacher has
been co-opted into this conspiracy to oppress the black masses: for
"the black Christian preacher is the white man's most effective tool
for keeping the so-called Negroes pacified and controlled. . .(And)
even the Christian God hates his enemies and works to destroy them. . .
The black clergy. . .will deliver their people up wholesale. . .(hence)
the black preacher is the greatest hinderance to their (the blacks',

48 This, in fact, accords with Cone's

that is) progress and equality."
charge that the Black churches have failed in their responsibility
to the black people insofar as they have abdicated their potential
role for leadership in the black revolution, thereby reconciling
themselves to the white man's "solution to earthly injustice."49
But the Islamic religion of Elijah Muhammad, by contrast,

teaches "truth" and "justice." And "we who follow him. . .wear the

Crown of Life. . .Wisdom. . .Freedom, Justice, (and) Equality. . .

77

Allah has a religion of life, not of death, that teaches us to live,
the importance of living and how to live. Allah is the God of the
living, and not the God of the dead."50

It is in this vein, and in keeping with Cone's argument that
another contemporary black theologian-nationalist has denounced
the black church as a mere tool of white control of the black masses.
Hence, Albert Cleage's indictment that: "the existing Black Church
(is) an integral part of the white man's institutionalized control
of Black people. . .The existing Black Church is trivial, irrelevant,
divisive, and counter-revolutionary."51

But an interesting fact about the manner in which Malcolm X
and King, as well as their respective ideological systems, are
situated in the overall picture of the black American experience,
is the recognition of the fact that their differential social back-
grounds affected their perspectives of that experience, as well as
the different interpretations which they accorded to it. Thus, it
would seem quite evident that Malcolm X himself was well acquainted52
with the teachings of the Indian philosopher, Ghandi, whose philo-
sophy, admittedly, had a major influence in conducing and moulding
the protest thoughts and ideology of King.53 But whereas the latter
had accepted the Ghandian precept in the spirit of a "true believer,"54
the former, it would appear, translated the Ghandian principles into

the context of the black American experience. Thus, having been

introduced to Muhammad's teachings regarding the plight of the

78

black man in the hands of his white oppressor, even Ghandi's phi-
losophy revealed to Malcolm X, "how the white man had brought the
world's black, brown, red, and yellow peoples, every variety of

the sufferings of exploitation."55 Besides, it had become quite

- evident to him, as well:56

. . .how the white man never has gone among non—white
peoples bearing the cross in the true manner and spirit

of Christ's teachings. . .how the collective white man

had been actually nothing but §_piratical opportunist

who used Faustian machinations to make his own Chris—
tianity his initial wedge in criminal conquest. . .Ehg
collective white man had acted like §_devil in virtually
every contact he had with the world's collective non-white
man (emphasis added).

 

In summary, the attempt here has been to deal with the emergence
of Malcolm X and King, as well as the evolution and development of
their protest ideologies, within the specific context of the black
American experience which had conduced and moulded these respective
ideologies. It has been argued that the understanding of their
specific time and place in the spectrum of black American experience
is basic to a prOper appreciation of their seemingly incompatible
ideological systems. But it is further maintained that their specific
relations to the black experience have also determined the manner in
which each saw and interpreted that experience.

Perhaps the issues that have been touched upon, in relating black
ideologies to the black experience, are best summed up and underlined
in the views so eloquently expressed by a reader of one of the black

papers of the post-Emancipation era. It seems most appropriate, then ,

79

to conclude this section of the study by quoting from Mrs. Faith
Lichen's letter published in the January 25, 1872 issue of The

New National Era. Thus writes Mrs. Lichen:57

 

. . .Were you ever a colored boy? Have you ever gone to
school with your heart thumping tramp, tramp, the boys
are marching and been obliged to walk around a crowd of
white boys because they chose to put themselves right in
your path and had it leap into your throat by a "cuff the
nigger"--yelled into your ears and after doing all that
one pair of fists could do against half-a-dozen other
pairs, were you unmercifully beaten (two or three police-
men passing meanwhile)?. . .Have you ever studied Smith's
Geography with a carefully cut card held over that very
worst type of the Negro presented in painful contrast to
the most perfect of the Caucasian on the opposite page?. . .
Have you ever tasted the sweet revenge of sticking pins
into the eyes of that soul driver in the picture of a
cotton field at the head of the lesson on Georgia? No!
Then you don't know what a jolly experience belongs to
nine-tenths of the free-born colored men in this land of
liberty; then you can't see the necessity for all this
commotion among them about the Supplement to the Civil
Rights Bill. You who do not know what it is to have been
kicked in byways, booted on highways, dragged off railways,
driven to the decks of steamboats, hurled from the com-
munion table in your Father's House, to your agony and
humiliation, your wretchedness and despair, you cursed
God and--1ived.

PART IV: KNOWLEDGE PROCUREMENT AND EVALUATION

IN A BLACK COMMUNITY: EMPIRICAL AND EXPLORATORY ISSUES

In the preceding sections of this work the concern has centered
on the conceptual problems of knowledge dissemination and acquisition,
as well as the factors--internal and external--which mediate these
processes. The consideration of the issues of the black experience,
essentially, is with respect to the circumstances which suggest the
basis of the knowledge that informs the views and opinions of the
black American public. ‘In this section of the work, the concern is
mainly to empirically explore, and attempt to establish, how these
circumstances of the black experience have influenced a particular
black public's evaluation of the protest ideologies of Malcolm X

and King.

Empirical and Exploratory Issues

 

Public opinion polling, generally speaking, is an attempt to
ascertain a "dominant" gggnd in the views held by the members of
the given public on some specific issues of social concern.'
But if, as Mills suggests, what is commonly called "public opinion"
is nothing other than a tool for the legitimation of authority, it

then stands to reason to suggest that public opinion polling involves

80

81

the art of manipulating the members of that public, as well as the
form and substance of knowledge or information sought in the act.

For any given issue, the so-called "Opinion" attributed to a public,

is a result of a complex process of weighing the knowledge cultivated
directly or through some intermediary sources--the media—-against the
experiential knowledge or opinion already held by the members of that
public--situationally defined sources--and then reaching some decision,
individually, depending on the extent to which these two distinct
sources of knowledge bear on the issue itself, harmonize or are at
variance with each other.

Survey research--either in the form of questionnaire-scheduled
design, as presently undertaken, or in the form of face—to—face inter-
views, constitutes a form of public opinion polling. But while
traditional opinion polling--whether in the conventional political
opinion gauging, or in the scientific research design format--has
emphasized the very fact of the public's expressed opinion pg; gs,
it would seem that some understanding of the processes and circumstances
which underlie or govern the cultivation of the public's knowledge is
necessary to ascertain the actual relevance or significance that can
be attributed to the view or opinion so expressed.

But while, empirically, the study emphasizes the media sources
of this knowledge, this should not be construed to imply that what
have been described as "situationally defined sources," are less
consequential. For, granting our theoretical premise that knowledge
derives from two sources--media sources, and situationally defined

sources--it seems evident that any phenomenon not attributable to

82

the one, must, by necessity, belong to the other. To the extent that
one grants this, it would not be unreasonable to make the claim that,
while the research design addresses one aspect of the problem directly,
it, at the same.time, deals with the other aspect indirectly.

If what has been said of the black American experience is true
for the national black community in general, it is even more true
of specific black communities in a particular sense. To the extent
that one grants this, it may then be asserted that the black exper-
ience has been defined for every black American community in a
unique way. It is in the light of this understanding that this
section of the work begins, with the next chapter, dealing with the

research design and procedure.

CHAPTER SIX: RESEARCH DESIGN AND PROCEDURE

The empirical data for thisstudy are derived from a question—
naire survey conducted among a sample of blacks in the Albuquerque
community of New Mexico. No "objective" methodological justification
is claimed for the choice of this particular community, as the research
population. The overriding consideration consists, essentially, in the
pragmatic reason of the researcher being a resident of that community
at the time of the study; and the community offered the easiest access.
It would seem in order, at this juncture, to address the issue of de-
limiting the scOpe of the investigation to just a black public.

One consideration--if less important--was the want of available
resources for a more extensive survey. But there was another considera-
tion which seems to be of greater import. It is true that, considering
"audience receptivity" to the respective protest thoughts and teachings
attributed to Malcolm X and Martin Luther King as crucial to their
popularization, the white "public" or white "audience" played no small
role. But it is also the case that, implicit in the assessment or
evaluation of the relative imports of the two ideological systems, is
the assumption that their primary concern was with the well-being or
welfare and general circumstances of black Americans. Consequently,
the relative merits of their protest thoughts, I suggest, should be
gauged in the light of their respective aspects of relevance to, or

import for, the needs of the public or community, as conceived and

83

84

determined by its members. To the extent that this assumption can
be accorded any validity, I would argue that blacks are--and should
be—-better situated to assess the qualities and merits of their own

leaders as well as the pertinent aspects of their leadership.

Survey,Sample

 

The sample used for this study is drawn from a list or directory
of black residents of Albuquerque, compiled by the Black Studies Center
of the University of New Mexico, as part of its community programme.

The directory is based partly on the State's Department of Labor records,
the city employment agency records, as well as the state's voter registra-
tion records. It is also supplemented with a list of volunteers, obtained
from the city's black churches.

While some inevitable elements of bias could arise from the limita-
tions inherent in the operational dynamics of these agencies, nevertheless,
the list could be said to span a good cross-section of the city's black
community. As such, the simple probability sample of four hundred,
taken from the original list is considered adequate enough for the
purposes of this study, and therefore, representative of the local

black community.

Questionnaire Desigg

 

The decision to opt for a questionnaire type, rather than an
interview type of schedule, was guided, in the first place, by con—

siderations of the time and material resources available to me. The

85

actual items appearing on the questionnaire were selected on the basis
of the presumed bearing which they have on the research problem. More
specifically, since the role of the mass media was considered a crucial
aspect of the public's cultivation of an opinion bearing on general
social issues of concern, factors which seem to relate to the exposure
(or non-exposure) of the members of the public to the news media, are,
as such, taken into consideration.

There are, of course, other items which were included, at the
specific request of the Black Studies Center which is concerned with
keeping abreast of the political and general social circumstances of
the local black community. Items dealing with such matters as voter
registration, residential zone, and political participation among
others, specifically fall within this category. Demographic factors
such as sex, age, and marital status, could be considered as related
to both considerations.

But the major portion of the questionnaire comprises items which
call for the respondents to, not only give their personal assessments
of, or opinions or views on, the teachings of Malcolm X and King, but
also provide information which would lend itself to the understanding
or appreciation of the circumstances which underlie the procurement of
the knowledge that informed such opinions or evaluations and assessments.
It is expected that, through these responses, the extent of the role-~if
any—-played by the media in the popularization of, and general cultivaw

tion of opinion regarding, the teachings and protest thoughts of these

two black leaders, could be ascertained or gauged. The entire details

86

of the questionnaire, as well as of its general format, are presented

in the appendix (App. 6.1).

Coding‘g£_Data

The questionnaire included thirty-one items. For simplicity
of analysis, the items have been coded in such a way as to make the
respondents' responses--comprising the "raw data"--amenable to com-
puter programming and analysis.

Only items 1 (respondent's name) and 31 (solicited-—but optional—-
comments from the respondent) were left out of the code system. This
is for the simple reason that respondents' names, as well as their
final comments or remarks, lack any common characteristics or attributes
that would make systematic coding warranted. Besides, in the case of
item #1, the coding of names is rendered superfluous—-and, as such,
unnecessary-~by the fact that the individual respondents are identified
with the sequential numbers—-which simply reflect the chronological
order in which the completed questionnaire forms were returned by the
respondents. For item #31, it is noted, in the first place, that most
of the respondents did not offer any specific remarks or comments. And,
among those offered, the themes reflected different issues and concerns
with which the authors were preoccupied. Perhaps special elaboration is
called for, at this point, by the coding of a particular questionnaire
item.

For occupation, the categories, "Lower Class," "Middle Class,"

 

and "Upper Class," have been used. Generally speaking, what consti-

tutes a "middle class" occupation--as distinct from a "lower class"

87

or "upper class" trade or profession, is problematic. In specific
research situations, an explication constituting the basis or criterion
for such a classificatory scheme seems imperative.

In this particular study the scheme utilized was that developed
by Andrew Billingsley, specifically for studies dealing with blacks.2
Billingsley argues that, if a status structure does exist in reality,
then a unique black status structure, "with its own features reflecting
the history and struggle for survival of the Negro people" can be
identified. In particular, he notes that: "The indices of social
class which have been developed in social science research are rela-
tively more reliable when used within white ethnic groups, where they

were developed, than when used unmodified with Negro groups" (emphasis

 

added).3 Billingsley's occupational classification which has been
adopted for this study, stipulates three occupational categories for
black Americans, to wit: the upper class (both "Old" and "New"), the

middle class, and the lower class, subdivided into the "working non-

poor, the "working poor,‘ and the "underclass." He writes, more

specifically:4
The old upper class includes those families headed by men
and women whose parents before them were upper or middle
class. The families of Negro judges, physicians, dentists,
high government officials, educated ministers of large con-
gregations, college presidents and wealthy businessmen,
particularly insurance company executives and bankers. . .
On the other hand, the "new upper class" are distinguished from

the former group by the fact that "they are likely to have reached the

top in one generation, due in large measure to their own talent and

88

good fortune." And, included in this sub-category are such occupa-
tional groups as "entertainers and athletes who may become wealthy,
famous, influential, and highly prestigious in the community," gam—
blers, racketeers, pimps, "and other hustlers who often manage to
become wealthy, to wield a considerable amount of influence, and
garner a great deal of prestige in the Negro community."5

The middle class includes the occupational categories identi-
fied as clerical and skilled blue collar workers; and they are made
up of such groups as people "in minor professions which require
college education but do not rank in prestige and status with the

" teachers, social workers, accountants,

major old-line professions,
technicians, attorneys "who have not yet established themselves,"
ministers of small congregations.6 Billingsley concedes, however,
that: "The line between the Negro upper class and the Negro upper
middle class is a rather fluid one."7

And, finally, the lower class which, according to Billingsley,
comprises half of all blacks,8 includes such occupational groups as
truck drivers, construction workers, industrial workers, semi—skilled
laborers, service workers, and domestics. Included in this broad category
are those who are poor and unemployed, as well as recipients of welfare
and unemployment benefit.

But while Billingsley's scheme may not be perfect, it is, in my

judgment, pertinent to the present analysis, insofar as it addresses

itself more specifically to the situation and circumstances of black

89

Americans. The foregoing, then, are the main considerations which
underlie the three-type occupational categories adopted in this study.

Regarding item #9 of the questionnaire, dealing with education,
the coding format adopted is premised on the understanding that com-
pletion of elementary education, secondary education, and basic college
education, would require nine, thirteen, and seventeen years of school-
, ing, respectively, in an ordinary case. Consequently, less than nine
years of schooling is coded as "below elementary education;" less than
thirteen years, but more than nine, as "below high school education;"
and more than thirteen years, but less than seventeen years, as "below
college education." It must be pointed out, however, that in actual
situations, some cases depart from "normal" or "ordinary" expectations.
Unfortunately, the questionnaire design is not such that would have
made the accounting for these discrepant cases possible, and, as such,
identifiable--unless where otherwise explicitly and specifically indicated
by the respondents. But it is anticipated that the potential error that
might be introduced by this problem would not be serious enough to bear
significantly on the final outcome of the study.

Generally, the number "8" has been used to designate cases where
the respondents fail to give any response or answer to a specific
questionnaire item--in other words, "blanks" in the completed question-
naire. An exception to this applies to item #6, dealing with the number
of respondent's children, for which the number "88" has been employed
to designate a "blank" response, to avoid the confusion that would
otherwise arise in distinguishing between cases of "eight children"
and of "no specific response." The number "9" has been used, generally,

to code responses where the respondent specifically indicates

90

that he/she has no opinion on, or is uncertain about, a given item

on the questionnaire.

Computer Programming

The primary objective in taking advantage of computer facilities
in the present undertaking consists, of course, in its time—saving
factor. The specific programs constructed for the analysis here
were based on the specifications of the Statistical Package for the

10
Social Sciences (SPSS), developed by Nie and his associates, and

 

using the physical plant facilities of the University of New Mexico
Computer Center.

The actual programming of the data has been designed for a two—
stage analysis by the computer. The first stage comprises a program
designed to obtain a frequency distribution for all the items that
appear in the questionnaire. In the language of the §g§§, this
program allows the computer to simply "codebook"11 the completed
questionnaires that comprise the data for this study. The aim here,
in 'codebooking" the data is to preclude the necessity of cross-
tabulation in cases where no significant "valid observations" occur,
or where the distribution appears too lopsided to render cross-
tabulation superfluous and, as such, unnecessary. This obviates
the unwarranted expenditure of computer time, as well as precludes
the appearance of "obvious" results on the computer print—outs.

The second stage is based on the frequency distribution obtained
from the first stage, and provides for complete cross-tabulations of all
the related sets of variables deemed relevant, as well as information

for the related statistical analysis.

91

Before proceeding with the analysis of the data of this study,
a consideration of the community among whom the investigation was
carried out, seems necessary. Consequently, the next chapter deals
with the black community of Albuquerque, New Mexico, in terms of the

historical and contemporary aspects of their life.

CHAPTER SEVEN: BLACKS IN ALBUQUERQUE:

HISTORY, BACKGROUND, AND OVERVIEW

One striking feature of the entire state of New Mexico, as well
as its major city, Albuquerque, is that it is a "four culture" area.
This is a central feature shared by the neighboring states of Texas
and Arizona which, together with New Mexico, constitute the "heart"
of the Southwest. The four "cultures" reflect the population com-
position: white Anglo-Saxons (or Anglos, in the local terminology),
the Chicanos or "Spanish-surnamed group," the Native Americans (or
so-called Indians), and Blacks.

But, interestingly enough, the last group has been neglected,
and their place and role within the general scheme of the New Mexico
society-~and that of Albuquerque in particular--not emphasized prior
to the advent of the Black Power phenomenon of the sixties, and early
seventies. It is not surprising, therefore, that most of the writings--
historical or otherwise-~on, and about, the peoples and communities of
New Mexico, and Albuquerque, in particular, have tended to pay passing
attention, at best, to the blacks, and to completely ignore them, at
worst; and the main emphasis has been on the first three cultural
groups--Anglos, Chicanos, and Native Americans. Consequently, there
has been a dearth of materials dealing with the historical and other
aspects of the black community of this area.

Albuquerque-~the central city, as well as the Standard Metro-

92

93

politan Statistical Area (SMSA)—-is the largest urban center in the
state. With a population of over 240,000 (SMSA), it has the largest
concentration of the state's entire population. The "ethnic" break—
down shows that 70 percent are "Anglo" (white), 25 percent Spanish-
American, 2 percent are black, and the rest Indian (Native American)
and other miscellaneous groups.1 But the fact that the Spanish
cultural influence left a decisive imprint on the cultural life of
the community is even evidenced in the fact that the city is named
after a Spanish nobleman--Duke Albuquerque.

The central urban area to which the present study was confined,
has a black population of almost 5.5 thousand, according to 1950
census figures, as against 1,751 in l960--an increase of over 200
percent in the black population.2

The city of Albuquerque, at an elevation of over four thousand
feet,3 and located almost at the center of the State of New Mexico,
has experienced a rapid influx of population since 1940, with the
installation of atomic laboratory facilities in and near the city,
primarily in the form of scientific and technical personnel. Sub-
stantial military installations have also attracted a substantial
military and support personnel.4 Most of the professional "new-
comers" have been attracted from outside the state; but a good many
people have also left their farms or rural residences in quest of
better employment opportunities, with the incidence of employment
potential created by these new facilities.

A substantial increase in the city's black papulation, as would
be expected, has also taken place, in this period, as they came to

seek better employment opportunities--although, for a good many of

94

them, what has been available are mainly service jobs.

About the only systematic historical work available on the
black community is a Master's Thesis5 by Brian Young, at the
University of New Mexico, in 1967. While a commendable pioneer
effort in a historical treatise, Young's study really focuses on
the role played by blacks who were presumed to have worked with
the early Spanish explorers, beginning from the sixteenth century.
While emphasizing the role of these early black explorers in the
cultivation of the culture6 of New Mexico, nothing, specifically,
is learned about their early settlement in Albuquerque, nor about
the nature of their activities therein. But while the state
originally had a relatively small slave population, Young suggests
that a substantial number of blacks were subsequently attracted
to the area by the development of the railways, and the work in
the silver and other mines, as well as by the fur trade.7

Another significant feature of the city of Albuquerque consists
in the fact that it is the seat of, not only two8 of the state's
universities, but also the state's largest university. On account
of this, as well as the factor of the scientific personnel attached
to the atomic laboratories and other facilities, it has been suggested
that Albuquerque has one of the highest ratios of Ph.D.'s to total
population, of all American cities.9 How many of these are black,

is however, problematic. Consequently, the focus now shifts to the

consideration of the characteristics of the black community of this

95
city. We begin by examining the area of education.
Blacks and Albuquerque Academic Community

Barbara Richardson estimates that, of the entire faculty

and administrative staff at the University of New Mexico in 1973,
only about ten were black.10 But if student enrollment at the
university could be considered, in any way, as an accurate index

of educational opportunities and facilities available to the various
ethnic communities, then it would seem that the blacks have been

the most deprived-~or the least opportuned-—of the four major
"ethnic" groups considered earlier, as the figures for the "ethnic"

breakdown of enrollment indicate, for the 1973-74 academic year at

the University of New Mexico.

Table 7.1: Ethnic Distribution 9f_Student Enrollment_a£ UNM,
Fall 1973

 

 

Total Blacks Chicanos Nat. Amer. White OtherS

 

 

Under Graduate 16,614 219 2,337 518 13,410 130
Law School 294 3 47 12 231 1
Medical School 229 2 37 4 186 -
Graduate School 2,275 36 ___JQE1 ___39 1,939 29
Total . . . . 19,412 260 2,662 564 15,766 160

Table 7.2: Ethnic Distribution 22 Student Enrollment at UNM,
Spring 1974

 

 

 

 

Total Blacks Chicanos Nat. Amer. White Others

Under Graduate 15,563 201 2,346 514 12,368 134
Law School 289 3 44 13 228 1
Medical School 220 2 37 2 179 -
Graduate School 2,444 26 ____269_ ___43 2,072 43

 

 

TOtal . . . . 18,516 232 2,687 572 14,847 178

96

If these figures are in any way a reflection of the pattern
of the community power structure, it seems quite evident that
blacks occupy the lowest position in that structure. And what
seems to be even more apprehensive, is the fact that the role
assigned them in that community scheme, rather than improving,
seems to be getting even worse, as reflected in the change in
enrollment figures from Fall 1973 to Spring 1974. For, in the
Fall of 1973, the black enrollment was slightly above that for
Native Americans (36:30), in only one category-~graduate enroll-
ment (table 7.1).

In the professional categories-~medicine and 1aw--b1acks are
outnumbered by Native Americans 2:1, and 4:1, respectively, and 2:1
in the undergraduate category. In the same categories (graduate,
medicine, law and undergraduate), they are outnumbered by Chicanos
(Spanish—speaking Americans) approximately 10:1, 15:1, 15:1, and
10:1. They are also outnumbered by whites in the same categories,
according to these ratios: 10:1, 62:1, 215:1, and 400:1.

For the Spring of 1974, (table 7.2), blacks are outnumbered by
all the other groups in all the four categories, except in medicine,
where their enrollment is comparable to that of Native Americans.
Thus Native Americans outnumber them in the following ratios: 2:1,
1:1, 4:1, 5:2. And Chicanos outnumber blacks in the ratios: 10:1,
18:1, 15:1, and 11:1. They are outnumbered by whites according to
the ratios: 94:1, 90:1, 76:1, and 61:1, in the four categories,

11
respectively.

97

While nothing conclusive may be inferred from these figures,
the pattern does suggest that blacks play, at best, minimal role
in the academic life of the community; that is, to the extent that
one accepts the university community as reflective of the academic

structure of the larger community.

Blacks and Occupation.in_A1buquerque

 

 

According to Barbara Richardson's 1973 estimate, the city has
only six black "practicing physicians," but no dentists, pharmacists,
optometrists, neurologists, draftsmen, or "attorneys in private
practice."12 And, although the number of elementary and high school

teachers exceeds, relatively speaking, the demand for them, neverthe-

less, on the college and university level, black instructors are

 

 

 

 

13 .
conspicuously absent. The following table makes the picture rather
vivid.
Table 733: Occupational Distribution g£_B1acks,
Relative £2 Total Distribution
Professipnal Categories Total Black
Professional and Technical 24,472 307
Managerial and Executive 10,879 .46
Clerical 21,707 385
Service Jobs 13,598 451
Farmers and Farm Managers 453 -
Sales 14 9,275 48
Private Household (domestic) 1,571 172

Total 81,955 1,409

98

On the basis of the pattern of these distributions in the
various occupational categories,15 it would appear that, relative
to the size of their population, blacks tend to be generally over-
represented in the lowest-paying, and least prestige-carrying

occupations; but under—represented in the highest-paying, and high-

prestige occupations.

 

 

Blacks and Religion in_A1buquerque

There are, on the whole, twenty black churches in Albuquerque,
twelve of which are "Baptist" or Baptist affiliated, two are "Methodist
or Episcopal," five are a form or the other, of the "Church of God
in Christ," and one is "Seventh Day Adventist."16 A predominant
segment of the memberships of these churches would seem to belong
to the Baptist group.

Interestingly enough, although there are some members of the
Nation of Islam faith among the local population, their influence on
the local community—~if any-—is hardly noticeable,17 apart from the

periodic appearance of some members, hawking their official newspaper,

Muhammad Speaks. In general, then, if the blacks of Albuquerque can

 

be identified with any religion, it would not be quite inaccurate to
say that they are Christian-—and Baptist Christians, more specifically.
But, to view the blacks along another dimension of the cultural life

of Albuquerque, we may next examine the mass media in that community.

99
Blacks in_Albuquerque, and the Mass Media

Since, in the theoretical portion of this work, it is held
that the media constitute one of the two main sources of knowledge
or ideas, available to the members of a community, it seems quite
in order, at this juncture, to consider the nature of the mass media
in Albuquerque, and how their operations impinge upon the lives and
activities of the blacks of this community, in particular.

Perhaps the first thing that should be noted in considering
the media that serve the Albuquerque community, is that none is either
owned, controlled, or managed by black people. This applies, not only
to the press and the electronic media (radio and television, that is),
but also to the movie and related entertainment industries. But it is
interesting to note that there is, at least, one Spanish radio station,
the KAMX.

Among the newspapers, perhaps the most influential are the

Albuquerque Journal and the Albuquerque Tribune--both owned, con-

 

 

trolled, and managed by the same white concern. Among the other

newspapers are: The Albuquerque News, the New Mexico Independent--

 

with the alternate Spanish title of El_lndependente--, El Hispano,

 

The News Chieftain, and the New Mexico Daily Lobo--the last being a

 

 

publication of the student government of the University of New Mexico.

The News Chieftain is a legal and financial weekly, serving the legal,

 

financial and business communities, in which blacks are, at best, dis-

proportionately under-represented; §1_Hispano addresses the Spanish—

100

speaking community exclusively; whereas the Independent, by the very
nature of its double title, caters for the interest of the white and
Spanish communities.

The E229, the University publication, up to the Spring of 1974
had offered three columns for the vieWpoints of the black, Spanish-
speaking, and Native American members of the university community.
Perhaps, either because of a change of editorial policy, consequent
upon the institution of a new editorial board, or for other reasons
otherwise unknown to this writer, this policy has not been continued
in the subsequent 1974-75 academic year.

But while some black students are assigned some routine and minor
roles on the £222 publication staff, not a single black serves on the
editoral board, which assumes complete responsibility for all decision-
making processes regarding what should and what should not be published
in the paper. To this extent, then, blacks do not share in the control
and management of this university publication.

What is surprising is not so much the fact that not a single one of
these local publications is black-owned and managed; rather what seems
disconcerting is the fact that none of them undertakes--either wholly,
or in part--to exclusively address the problems, interests and concerns
of blacks in Albuquerque. But, apart from the local publications, there
are other channels through which outside publications are made available
to the people of Albuquerque. The University of New Mexico General

Library--primarily through the aegis of its Ethnic Studies Department--

lOl

procures foreign, out-of—state, and out-of-town publications to its
reading public. Among these, the black publications available are:

The Nation of Islam publication, Muhammad Speaks, published in Chicago,

 

Illinois; the New York Amsterdam News, Ebony and Jet magazines, African

 

Agenda, published in Chicago, and the Black Panther publication, based
in California. But, it is also equally the case that, through this
university channel, the other "ethnic" groups are availed of the non—
local publications, addressing, exclusively, their own interests,
problems, and concerns. Among these are: El Hispano (published in
Sacramento, California), El Mundg (Oakland, California), serving the

Spanish-speaking community; and The Navajp Times (Window Rock, Arizona),

 

Kainai News (Alberta, Canada), and The Todd County Tribune (South Dakota),

 

 

serving the interests of the Native American community.

The Albuquerque Public Library also subscribes to papers
catering for the interests of the various ethnic communities, pretty much
the same as the university library. The main difference here is the
fact that unlike the university general library, the city library does
not have a separate department devoted entirely to the collection of
volumes dealing with ethnic interests.

But it is one thing for newspapers to be available to a public;
and it is quite another thing for the members of that public to read the
papers. Whether, and to what extent, the blacks in Albuquerque utilize
the meager supply of black publications available to their community
remains problematic at this point. Perhaps a clue could be provided in

the subsequent chapter where the results of the research survey are

102

considered. But if the services provided by the press for the black
public of Albuquerque seems inadequate, the situation hardly seems
more encouraging as regards the other aspects of the media.

For, of all the radio stations in the area, none is either black-
owned, black-managed, or black-operated. This is, in spite of the
fact--inconsequential, in my opinion--that some of them employ a few
blacks in any but policy-making, and policy-decision roles. Of the
three18 major TV stations--KGGM-TV, KOB-TV, and KOAT-TV, affiliated
with CBS, NBC, and ABC, respectively--only the last (KOAT-TV) has a
black major reporter—-a sports caster; KGGMFTV employs a woman in its
noon-edition newscast, assigned the rather dubious role of reporting
on "Women in the news." Needless to say, these are all white—owned,
whitedmanaged, and white-operated.

If it is granted, as suggested in the theoretical section, that
the news media are a major source of knowledge and ideas about events
that occur in society, and that they constitute the principal channel
for their dissemination, as well as serving the role of "cultural
carriers," then, what has been presented in the foregoing regarding
the role and relationship of the media in Albuquerque, to the blacks
of that city, does not seem to suggest that the media have operated to
promote the best interests of the black public of that community. And,
insofar as the role of the media in the processes of reality construction,
and the development and propogation of ideologies, is crucial in a
society, it may not be an exaggeration to suggest, at this point, that
the black public of Albuquerque has been dependent, to a great extent,
on the white media and other aspects of the cultural apparatus for its

own reality definition and construction.

103

Albuquerque Black Community and Civil Rights Movement

Perhaps another aspect of the character of Albuquerque black
community that merits discussion here--if briefly--is its role in
the civil rights movements of the sixties and early seventies. The
first thing that should be noted at this point, is the fact that a
branch of one of the oldest civil rights organizations--the NAACP--
has been in existence, not only here in the city of Albuquerque, but
also in other localities around the State of New Mexico. In the
directory compiled by Barbara Richardson, the aim of the local chapter
of the NAACP is stated as:19

To fight for equality and justice through the courts, for

equal employment, fair housing, integrated schools, etc.
(emphasis added). '

 

In the course of my investigation, however, I was unable to come
by any records of the past activities of this organization, here in
Albuquerque, although one informant told me that such records had
existed, but had been carried away, along with the publications of
the local group, by a former director who had left the city.20 But
I was able to find some evidence of the activities of the NAACP, and
the local board of the U. 8. Civil Rights Commission in other parts
of the state.

For instance, there is a report compiled by the NAACP in 1949,
describing the nature of the segregated school systems, as well as the
blatant racial inequities in such "separate schools, "located in nine
New Mexico communities. The Introduction to the report reads in

part:21

104

The 1947 Legislature of the State of New Mexico appropriated
$35,000 for a survey of the schools in New Mexico and for
recommendations for improvements. An act of the New Mexico
Legislature in 1923 which was amended in 1925 made provisions
for the optional establishment pf separate school rooms for
pupils g£_African descent and that the rooms so provided be

as well kept and teaching therein as efficient as that pro—
vided others. There are nine such schools in New Mexico located
in Roswell, Artesia, Carlsbad, Hobbs, Clovis, Tucumcari, Las
Cruces, Vado, and Alamogordo. . .

 

 

 

 

Peabody College of Nashville, Tennessee was hired to make
the survey. This survey was completed and published but
made no references or recommendations for the improvement

of these segregated schools. Because this report, no doubt,
will be used as a reference for future legislation for the
schools, it is felt that of necessity some position must

be taken in regards to (sic) these fopgotten and substandard
schools.

 

l£_had been hoped that through this survey these schools might
be_discovered and their shameful condition b§_disclosed pg
the public (emphasis added).

Hence the subsequent survey sponsored by the NAACP.

And in its conclusion, the Report charges: "We are maintaining
a 'second school system' that is giving us 'second rate' results! How
many tax dollars have gone into the segregated school plants at Roswell,
Carlsbad, Hobbs, Artesia, Alamogordo, Clovis, Tucumcari, Las Cruces,
and Vado? Can the taxpayers afford to maintain this dual educational
system. . .Can we be proud of our state which houses the most modern

scientific laboratories in_the world yet fails £g_provide some high

 

school students with any sort 3f.a science progpam?. . .In the interest

 

of a sound economical government, and in the interest of a fully

participating population, it is our earnest conviction that segregated

schools must (be) abolished."22

105

Another survey conducted in 1969, in one of these communities
with the segregated school system, Clovis, concludes, in part:

Discrimination appears to be firmly embedded in every facet
of life in Clovis. Though this report deals primarily with
employment and education, the Committee observed that the
minority populations have inadequate opportunities in the
political and social life of Clovis as well, because £22
standards pf acceptance and advancement are majority_

ggoup standards only (emphasis added).

 

But, although this report does not specifically refer to the status of
minority groups in Albuquerque, the reference to standards of advance-
ment reflecting majority group values, underscores the pertinence of a
phenomenon that is equally--if not more--applicable to the Albuquerque
community, from what has already been discussed earlier.

But the most visible impact of the civil rights and Black Power
movements of the late sixties and early seventies is perhaps the
instituting of the Black Studies Programr-along with the Chicano and
Native American Studies Centers--as a result of the protest activism
and efforts of the black students enrolled at the University of New
Mexico. The Black Studies (otherwise known as Afro-American Studies)
Department has since then come to serve as the center of the cultural
life and activities of, not only blacks within the university community,
but also the black community of the larger Albuquerque area.

Among the other programs sponsored by the Center are: summer
youth programs for the area's black children, some scholarship funds
to encourage the educational aspirations of the black youth of the
community, and cultural entertainment programs such as the Uhuru Sasa
Center of Performing Arts. Regarding this group, Barbara Richardson,

in her Directory, writes in part:24

106

"Uhuru Sasa" was created in October 1969 (sic) and is Swahili

for "Freedom Now." Its purpose is to develop its members'

musical and choreography talents and to educate and enlighten

its audience and members to the rich cultural heritage of

African people in Africa and the United States.

If the preoccupations in the foregoing, regarding the historical
overview, as well as the cultural features of the black community of
Albuquerque, reflect some of the various dimensions of the black
American experience, certainly, the elaborations of the present
chapter serve to illustrate the manner in which that experience
has made itself manifest to, and impinged upon, the blacks of that
community.

But while the black community described here may not typify the
national population, there is, nevertheless, something in its character
and experience to warrant the claim that it shares, with the national
black papulation, that uniqueness of life, and manner of living that
has been identified with the black American experience. And, if they
are deprived of adequate control of that rubric of the cultural apparatus
which is basic to the creation, cultivation, and dissemination of
cultural artifacts, to this extent, they do not constitute an exception
to the general pattern to be observed among the national black p0pulation.
This is not to deny the obvious situational limitations imposed upon
this particular community. What the foregoing has attempted to accomplish,
rather, is to put these limitations in their proper context.

It is in the light of the foregoing, that the results, and analysis

of the data procured in this study, are considered in the next chapter.

CHAPTER EIGHT: RESULTS AND ANALYSIS

The frequency distributions obtained from the "codebook"
programme appear in the computer printouts, in terms of "valid
observations" (V-O), and "missing observations" (M-O). The valid
observations simply indicate those among the one hundred and ninety-
one respondents comprising the effective sample population,1 who
responded in one form or the other, to the specific questionnaire
items. The "missing observations" simply allude to the cases where
no form of response was made to the items in question, or simply
"blanks."

It must be admitted that some of the "blanks" or "missing
observations" were a result of possible ambiguities inherent in
the design of the questionnaire. For example, in question number
18A and question number 18B, each of which has five parts, where
it is sought from the respondent, how he/she first came to know or
hear about Malcolm X and King, it is conceivable that a respondent
who procured the information first through reading newspapers could
have simply checked part (a), and left blank,the other four parts
dealing with television, radio, and other sources. The failure, in
a case such as this, to check "no" against these other sources,
probably accounted for most of the "missing observations." On the
other hand, the m.o.'s could have resulted, in part, from the res-
pondents' not being quite certain of the appropriate response to a

specific item in the questionnaire. Thus, instead of specifically

107

108

stating "I do not know," or "I am not_sure, the respondent probably
found it much easier to leave the item blank.

From the frequency distributions, the following information
can be elicited. Item #3 dealing with the distribution of the sexes

would indicate that there are almost as many males as there are females

in the papulation.

Table 8.1: Sex Distribution

 

 

 

N Z
Male 78 40.8
Female 73 38.2
Unknown __49_ 21
Total 191 100

Also, there are more peeple under age 40, than above that age level. Thus:

Table 8.2: Age Distribution

 

 

N Z
Age 40 or less 151 79.05
over 40 39 20.41
unknown _1 _i5_4_
Total 191 100

The item dealing with marital status gives the following distribution:

Table 8.3: Marital Status

 

 

 

 

N Z
Single 65 34.1
Married 94 49.2
Separated 5 2.6
Divorced 22 11.5
Widowed 5 2.6

Total 191 100

109

This would suggest that most of the population represented in the
sample are married and living with their spouses; but also, that
there are a substantial number of single individuals.

The occupational distribution would seem to suggest that
nearly half of the p0pu1ation are classifiable as "lower class,"
according to the criteria used. But the income distribution shows
that a majority of the same population make incomes of $5,000.00 or

more. Thus:

Table 8.4A: Social Class Distribution

 

 

 

 

N Z
Lower Class 87 45.5
Middle Class 82 42.9
Upper Class 4 2.2
Unknown 18 9.4
Total 191 100

Table 8.4B: Income Distribution

 

 

 

N Z
$5,000.00 or less: 75 39.26
Above $5,000.00: 93 48.69
Unknown 23 12.05
Total 191 100

Actually, those respondents who are students (part-time, or otherwise),
are all classified under the "lower class" occupation. This, of course
reflects the relatively higher figure in the occupational category.

Otherwise, the proportion that would be normally considered as engaged

110

in lower class occupation would have been much less than the figure
of 87. Strictly speaking, the population would reflect a much higher
proportion of middle class blacks, than is evidenced in the national
black population. In this respect, the Albuquerque black community
could not be considered as typical of the national distribution.

The item dealing with education would seem to indicate that the
community here contains a larger proportion of people with more formal
education than could be attributed to the national black population.
This, of course, could account for the correspondingly higher income

distribution. The distribution for education is as follows:

Table 8.5: Educational Status

 

N Z
elementary education 7 3.6
high school 64 33.6
college 94 49.2
unknown 26 13.6
Total 191 100

It seems also evident that the population is very religiously
oriented, as would be indicated by the distribution for the question-

naire items dealing with religious membership and affiliation.

Table 8.6: Religious Affiliation

 

 

N Z
Religiously affiliated 138 72.3
No religious affiliation 46 24.0
Unknown 7 3.7

Total 191 100

111

It seems interesting to note that none of the respondents indicated
any kind of affiliation to, or membership of, the black Islamic
faith. All were affiliates of a Christian religious group; and
of all these, only four indicate membership of, or affiliation to,
the Roman Catholic Church.

A majority of the population are registered voters and have,
in fact, voted in either local, state, or national election; but
very few have run for any kind of office, locally, in the state,

or nationally.

Table 8.7: Voting Registration and Voting Record

 

 

 

N Z
Registered voters 154 80.6
Not registered __31_ 19.4
Total 191 100
Voted in election 152 79.6
Never voted 38 19.9
Unknown 1 0.5

 

Total 191 100

112

Table 8.8: Sought Political Positions

 

 

 

 

 

N Z
Ran for local office 6 3.2
Never Ran 184 96.3
Unknown 1 0.5
Total 191 100
Ran for state office 2 1
Never Ran 182 95.3
Unknown 7 3.7
Total 191 100
Ran for national office 2 1
Never Ran 182 95.3
Unknown 7 3.7
Total 191 100

While the voting records might suggest high political participation
among the blacks of this community, nevertheless, the other figures
would be indicative of the relatively small role played by them in
the political decision—making processes of the community. They
certainly constitute a true minority, insofar as they wield little
or no political power in the community.

The distributions for questionnaire items 16A through 16C
indicate that a majority of the blacks read newspapers, listen to
the radio, and watch television on a more or less regular basis.
Interestingly enough, a significant proportion of the newspaper

readers subscribe to non—local papers, such as The New York Times

 

and the Washington Post. Among the local papers, the most popular

 

113

are Albuquerque Journal and Albuquerque Tribune--both of which

 

 

are owned and managed by whites. But significantly enough, not
a single respondent indicated a black newspaper as a favourite
paper. The respective distributions for the three items are as

follows:

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 8.9: Exposure £e_the Mass Media
N Z
read newspapers regularly 125 65.4
do not read regularly 24 12.6
unknown __42 22.0
Total 191 100
listen to radio regularly 129 67.5
do not listen regularly 14 7.3
unknown __4§_ 25.2
Total 191 100
watch television regularly 144 75.4
do not watch regularly 5 2.6
unknown __£2_ 22
Total 191 100

For items 19A and B, the distributions indicate that, while
very few of the sample population have been in a life audience
where either Malcolm X or King spoke (9 and 22, respectively),
the television constituted a major vehicle through which their

activities and teachings were carried to them, with almost twice

114

as many people having watched King on TV as those that have
watched Malcolm X. The figures for the TV audiences of the

two leaders are:

Table 8.10: TV_Audience e£_Ma1colm X, and King

 

 

 

N Z
Heard Malcolm X on TV 85 44.5
Never heard Malcolm X 84 44.4
Unknown 22 11.1
Total 191 100
Heard King on TV 179 93.8
Never heard King 6 3.1
Unknown 6 3.1
Total 191 100

But the relatively higher figures for King's TV audience would not
only reflect a greater popularity enjoyed by King among the con—
trollers of the mass media--particu1arly, the electronic media--
but also reflect the fact that Malcolm X died much earlier than
King.

Distributions for items 20 and 21 indicate that most of the
respondents have read the works of King and Malcolm X, with slightly
more indicating familiarity with the work of the former, than those

for the latter.

115

Table 8.11: Knowledge e£_the Works ef_Malcolm X and King

 

 

N Z
Ever read Malcolm X's works 123 64.4
Never read the works 68 35.6
Total 191 100
Ever read King's works l57 82.2
Never read the works 34 17.8
Total 191 100

But, although more popularity or esteem is accorded to King than

to Malcolm X, as indicated by the distributions for items 24 through
27, there is no way to establish that the knowledge which informs
this differential evaluation was based on the respondents' acquain-
tance with the actual teachings of both leaders. Conversely, the
fact and extent of the media, as the basis or source of this know—
ledge, cannot be summarily discounted. Thus, on the general
assessments or evaluation of King and Malcolm X, by the respondents,

the responses are distributed as follows:

l|6

Table 8.12: Respondents' Evaluation 2£_Malcolm X and King, and

 

 

Their Teachinge.

 

King understood problems more than M.X.

Malcolm understood problems more than King

Both equally understood problems

Unknown
Total

Malcolm X's teachings relevant
Malcolm X's teachings not relevant

Unknown
Total

King's teachings relevant
King's teachings not relevant

Unknown
Total

Malcolm X more popular than King
King more popular than Malcolm X
Both leaders equally popular

Unknown
Total

Memorial holiday for Malcolm X only
Memorial holiday for King only

Memorial holiday for both
For None

Unknown

Total

 

 

 

N Z
76 39.8
28 14.7
69 36.1
18 9.4
191 100
140 73.3
40 21.0
11 5.7
191 100
179 93.7
7 3.7
5 2.6
191 100
5 2.6
130 68.1
25 13.1
31 16.2
191 100
5 2.6
67 35.0
93 48.7
15 .9
11 5.8
191 100

 

 

 

 

117

The results of both the frequency distributions establish
one thing for certain: the fact that King is esteemed higher
than Malcolm X by most of the categories of the sample population;
in other words, further underlining the information already adduced
from the simple frequency distributions. However, they do not offer
a clear indication of the major source or basis of the knowledge that
informs these differential evaluations. For this we might consider
some of the results of the X—tabulations.

Questionnaire items 25A and 25B (specified as Q25A, QZSB,
respectively, in the "code book") attempt to ascertain whether the
respondents considered the teachings of Malcolm X and King, res-
pectively, as relevant to the needs and problems of black Americans.
To determine whether their evaluations derive more from media
influence, or from their being personally acquainted with the
teachings of the two black leaders, 025A and Q25B are cross-
tabulated with questionnaire items 16A through 16C (dealing
with exposure to the mass media, identified with reading news-
papers, listening to the radio, and watching TV, respectively,
on a more or less regular basis); and with items 20 and 21 (con—
cerned respectively with whether the respondents have actually
read the works of Malcolm X and King). Thus, from the X—tabulations
of 025A and QZSB, respectively, with Q16A through Q16C, and Q20
and Q21, the following results are obtained from the computer

printouts.

118

Q25A: Consider the teachings of Malcolm X relevant
QZSB: Consider the teachings of King relevant
Q16A: Read papers regularly
Q16B: Listen to radio regularly
Q16C: Watch TV regularly
Q20: Ever read the work of Malcolm X
021: Ever read King's work
These are indicated in tables 8.13, through 8.20.

Table 8.13 (Q25A §_QZO): Respondents' Evaluation of Malcolm X, and

 

 

 

 

Familiarity With his Works.

 

Q20: Read M.X'S Works

 

 

 

Yes Ne_ Row Total
Q25A 99 41 140
yes
(55Z) (22.8%) 77.8Z
39_
19 21 40
(10.6%) '(11.7Z) 22.2Z
Column total 118 62

Percentage 65.6 34.4 100

119

Table 8.14 (Q25B.X_921): Respondents' evaluation gf_King, and

 

 

Familiarity With His Works

 

Q21: Read King's Works

 

 

 

 

Q25B yes no row total
yes 148 31 179
(79.6Z) (16.7Z) 96.3Z
no
6 1 7
(3.2Z) (0.5Z) 3.7Z
Column Total 154 186
Percentage 82.8Z 17.2Z 100

Table 8.15 (925A X 916A): Evaluation e£_Malcolm_X, and Exposure

 

 

 

T9 The Press

Q16A: Expesure to the press

 

 

 

 

Yes No Row Total
Q25A 92 21 113
yes
(66.2Z) (15.1Z) 81.3Z
no
23 3 26
(16.5%) (2.2Z) 18.7Z
Column Total 115 24 139

Percentage 82.7% 17.3Z 100

120

Table 8.16 (Q25A X Q16B): Evaluation e£_Malcolm X, and Exposure

 

 

 

£2_Radio

Q16B: Exposure to radio

 

Yes No Row Total

 

 

 

Q25A 99 13 112
yes (73.3%) (9.6%) 83%
23 0 23
no
(17Z) (oZ) 17Z
Column Total 122 13 135
percentage 90.4Z 9.6Z 100

Table 8.17 (Q25A X Q16C): Evaluation pf Malcolm X and Exposure £2

 

 

 

 

Television

 

Q16C: Exposure to TV

 

 

 

 

Yes No Row Total
Q25A 109 3 112
yes (79Z) (2.2Z) 81.2%
26 0 26
no
(18.8Z) 0 18.8Z
Column Total 135 3 138

Percentage 97.8Z 2.2

N

100

121

Table 8.18 (9258 X_QI6A): Evaluation ef_King, and Exposure £9

 

 

 

The Press

Q16A: EXposure to the press

 

 

 

 

Yes No Row Total
Q258 119 22 141
Yes
(82.1Z) (15.2Z) 97.3Z
No 2 2 4
(1.4%); (1.4Z) 2.8Z
Column Total 121 24 145
Percentage 83.4Z 16.6% 100

Table 8;19 (QZSB X_Q16B): Evaluation e£_King, and Exposure £9 Radio

 

 

 

 

 

9168: Exposure to radio

 

 

 

 

Yes No Row Total
122 13 135
QZSB (88.4Z) (9.4Z) 97.8Z
Yes
2 l 3
No (1.4Z) (0.8Z) 2.2 I
Column Total 124 14 138

Percentage 89.9Z 10.1% 100

122

Table 8.20 (925B X_Q16C): Evaluation gf_King and Exposure_gg

 

 

 

 

Televisiou

Q16C: Exposure to TV

 

 

 

 

Yes No Row Total
QZSB 137 2 139
Yes (93.8%) (1.4%) 95.2%
6 1 7
No
(4.1%) (0.7%) 4.8%
Column Total 143 3 146
Percentage 97.9% 2.1% 100

From the tabulations (table 8.13), it seems evident that,
while 77.8 percent of the respondents consider Malcolm X's teach-
ings relevant, only 55.0 percent have actually read his work. And
from table 8.14 it is noted that, whereas of the 96.2 percent of
the people consider King's teachings relevant, only 79.6 percent
are actually acquainted with his work. But when we examine the
tabulations on tables 8.15 through 8.20 it seems evident that
the percentages that accord relevance to the respective teachings
of the two black leaders are comparable with the percentages that
are regularly exposed to the media, especially the electronic media,
and particularly the television.

A few other aspects of the cross—tabulations merit consideration

here. Thus, the X—tabulations for age—distribution, and the relevance

123

accorded to the teachings of Malcolm X and King, indicate that
more of the youth highly esteem the teachings of the former,
than do to those of the latter (74 percent and 67 percent, res—
pectively). Also, the X-tabulations of the same item with
"education" show that more people with high school or college
education (11.3 percent, 58.1 percent, respectively) accord more
relevance to Malcolm X's teachings than the proportion that hold
King's teachings in high esteem (10.4 percent and 55.2 percent,
respectively).

While these percentage discrepancies may not seem substantial,
they nevertheless carry quite significant sociological implications.
Thus, if this is taken to mean that the black youth show greater
appreciation and preference for, and find more relevance in, the
teachings and protest thoughts of Malcolm X than they do King's, a
probable explanation could be sought in the suggestion that the
injection of Black Power thesis into the protest ideologies of the
civil rights movements from the late sixties, could very well have
turned the consciousness of the black American youth away from the
traditional preoccupations of their elder generation. And whether
one views this new element in the civil rights movements, in terms
of the influence of the "militant" groups, such as the Black Panthers,
or of the doctrines promulgated by Carmichael and his associates,
it cannot be denied that they all have their roots in the teachings
and protest ideology of Malcolm X,3 and the Black Islamic community-—

The Nation of Islam.

124

And the correlation with education would hardly seem surpris-
ing, in view of the fact that, with the addition of the Black
Power dimension to the framework of the civil rights movements in
the late sixties and early seventies, a good deal of the black
protest activism shifted from the streets and picket lines to the
nation's institutions of learning—~especially the high schools and
universities. This was an era that could be appropriately character—
ized as "revolutionary" in black education—-with the demands for
"Black Studies" and related special programmes. And it was this
"intellectual revolution" that added a new flavour to the black
protest activism, and the entire civil rights movements.

In general, the results from the cross~tabulations do not
warrant any definite conclusions regarding the direction and degree
of association between the two sets of "variables" tabulated. In
other words, they do not permit the inference that the views expressed
by the respondents were, in fact, attributable to media-derived
(external) sources, rather than to the situationally-defined (internal)
sources. If anything, they simply affirm Mills' assertion regarding
the complexity of the process(es) through which the public makes up
its mind on issues of social consequence.4 And to the extent that
the media influence is apparent from these results, it is, perhaps,
more in the sense that they (the media, that is) reinforce--in a
positive or negative manner-~the views or opinions already held by
the members of the public.5 But the question still looms regarding,
in this case, the basis of the knowledge which informs this "already

existing, or held opinion."

125

On this score, we might benefit from the insights of Mills',

when he talks about "opinion circles, opinion leaders," and

6

' as well as their interrelated ramifications.

"opinion followers,‘
Mills notes the fact that, not only are different people opinion
leaders for different topics of opinion, but also these leaders are
scattered throughout the p0pu1ation that constitutes a cultural
public. Besides, various circles of opinion overlap with one
another. But what seems most significant is the point made, to

the effect that these opinion leaders are instrumental in influencing
the acceptance or rejection of certain aspects of general knowledge
which informs the opinions of the members of the cultural public.
Thus, writes Mills:7

These circles with their opinion leaders can and do reject

what the mass media contain; they can and do refract it,

as well as pass i£_pn, That is why you cannot understand

the changing reality of American public opinion in terms

merely of what the radio, newspaper, magazine and movies

contain. They are only one force. . .and what they say

is subject at all times to rejection and interpretation

at the hands of the opinion circles and unofficial opinion

leaders with their many shades of opinion.

This audience selectivity as evidenced in the relationship
between the opinion leaders and their respective opinion circles
might explain, in part, the fact that the overwhelming preference
displayed by the particular black public of this study, for King's
teachings and ideology, to those associated with Malcolm X, cannot
be entirely attributed to direct influence of the dominant mass
media. For, as can be seen in the frequency distributions for
religious affiliation and active church membership (Q10, Q11,

respectively, table 8.6), most of the sample population are not

only affiliated with some church or religious body, but also

126

active members of such groups. More specifically, virtually
all of these are Christian churches--and especially Baptist.
It is also not insignificant that not a single respondent in—
dicated membership in, or any kind of affiliation with, the
black Islamic faith.

Thus, if it is considered that King was part of that national
black Baptist community, and Malcolm X, associated with the Islamic
faith, the fundamental antagonism between the Muslims and the
Christians, more than anything else, could very well have influenced
the current of opinion among this circle of Baptists, and their
religious opinion leaders, in a direction that favoured the protest
thoughts and ideology espoused by Martin Luther King, Jr., more
than it did to present those by Malcolm X in a positive light.

Also, if it is acknowledged that the media did, in fact,
influence this particular public's opinion—~or reinforce the views
already held by its members-~it would stand to reason that the
weight of that influence would tilt to a more positive regard for
King and his ideology, than it would to Malcolm X's advantage,
granting, as shown in Chapter Seven (euppe) that the media in the
Albuquerque area are virtually white-owned and white—controlled.
Moreover, the white media--and the generality of the white cultural
public-~have been reconciled more to the doctrines and philosophies
of the black Christian church, than they have been to those of the

black Islamic counterpart.

127

But further evidence suggesting some influence of the dominant
white media on the Albuquerque black community, could be adduced from
the fact that, although there is conspicuously negligible presence of
the black press and other media in the community, there is, nevertheless,
a clear indication from some of the respondents' specifications8 and
responses to questionnaire item 16A, that the few sources available
are hardly taken advantage of by the black community of this place, as
represented in the sample population.

But it must be pointed out, on the other hand, that a regular habit
of reading newspapers or being exposed to other forms of the mass media,
does not necessarily lead to one's view being moulded or influenced by
the aspects of the media in question. For, it is the case that some
members of the public may turn to the media, not necessarily to enrich
their knowledge on the occurrences in the society, but rather to seek
out, and select those items in the media, that would reinforce their pre-
dispositions or already held inclinations. This is precisely the point
underscored by Mills in reference to "self-selection of audiences" or
publics. He notes, more specifically: ". . .One thing. . .well known
about communication habits is that people of one or the other opinion
tend to select the mass media with which they generally agree. . .This

self-selection pf audiences means that the chief influence of the mass

 

media is not really to form or to change opinion but to reinforce a
line of opinion already held, or at least already well-known."9
While the data presented here do not allow a precise determination

of the exact degree of the media influence on the moulding of the public's

128

opinion or on their evaluation of the ideologies of King and Malcolm
X, nevertheless, the dimension of that influence is suggested in the
remarks appended by some of the respondents. Thus, one of them argues:

. . .it should be noted, however, that what an individual
thinks about the importance of a certain leader and what
effect that leader actually has 3n the masses may pe diff
ferent due (sic) £p_the racist system's exposure pf that
leader (R. 73; my emphasis).IO

 

This remark further underlines the point made earlier (pupae) to the
effect that the dominant white media, insofar as they influenced the
Opinions of this black public, could have been biased against Malcolm
X, and in favour of King, being more reconciled, perhaps, with the
philosophies and doctrines of the religious group associated with the
latter, than with those of the group associated with the former. In
any case, another respondent emphatically notes that:

Each man (King and Malcolm X, that is) contributed in his

way; each had a great impact. King more popular (sic) 25:

cause g£_media coverage. Each came with a different offer-
ing (sic) to the people (R. 83).

 

 

If this view can be regarded as representative, in any way, it certainly
suggests that, while most of the members of the black community may have
accorded greater popularity to King than to Malcolm X, it is nevertheless
the case that both black leaders are highly regarded in that community.
This seems to be well attested to by the results of the frequency dis-
tribution for questionnaire item #27, seeking the opinion of the res-
pondents on whether memorial holidays should be instituted for either
King, Malcolm X, or for both of them. The indication is that most of

the population would have memorial holidays instituted for both, as

indicated in the bottom section of table 8.12.

129

These remarks underline the point made earlier to the effect
that the teachings and doctrines of the black Christian church are
such that they could have been viewed in a more favourable light by
the agents of the white-controlled media, than they would those of
the black Muslim community. But this need not be construed as a
conscious attempt on the part of the white-controlled media, to
slant the news and information items disseminated in their media,
regarding King and Malcolm X, in favour of the former, and against
the latter. The point, rather, is that any evidence suggestive of
media distortion in news—reporting and knowledge dissemination, may
very well simply reflect the form and manner of realities internalized
by these white media agents, consequent upon their constituting a part
of the white cultural public, and their media, an integral part of the
white cultural apparatus. And, as was intimated in the consideration
of the black American experience (eupga, Chapter Four), the moulding
of that rubric was not immune from the dominant influence of this

cultural apparatus.

Observations_gn Some Methodologieal Problems:

 

 

One major problem of interpretation is posed by the attempt to
reconcile what the respondent has in mind in registering a "yes" ("no")
response to a questionnaire item, with the actual information that the
researcher wishes to elicit from, or the significance he purports to

assign to, such a response. For instance, regarding the "independent

130

variables" Q19 through Q21, dealing with the fact and process of the
respondent's acquaintance with King and Malcolm X, as well as with
their teachings and ideologies, would the mere fact that a respondent
indicates that he/she has listened to either or both of the black
leaders, or that he/she has read some aspects of their works, auto-
matically warrant the inference that he/she, in fact, derived some
pertinent "knowledge" or "worthwhile" information from so doing, to
the extent that would be considered a sufficient basis for cultivating
an informed opinion? I suggest that this need not necessarily follow.
In other words, notwithstanding the potential statistical significations
evidenced in the results, it is quite conceivable that the respondent's
ratings for, or evaluations of, the leaders and their respective ideol-
ogical systems, may or may not have anything to do with the fact that he/
she was acquainted with their works and teachings.
John Rex addresses this issue when he remarks on the generally
different levels of consciousness possessed by the researcher, on the
one hand, and the research subjects, on the other; but which are com-
pelled to converge when the respondents "are confronted with the
necessity of making forced verbal choices by sociologists. . .(and)
their ideas on this level take on a fixed and systematic character."11
It must be admitted, of course, that the problems considered in
the foregoing are perhaps amenable to resolution in interview survey
schedule, through the so-called "depth-interview probing." But then,

the problem of "reactivity"12

and "forcing" of responses--as Rex
intimates-~which characterize interview survey research has to be

reckoned with. Besides, the responses so elicited could not be

131

guaranteed to be completely immune from "put-on's." In other words,
the problem of authenticating the responses is not necessarily re-
solved--if even somewhat mitigated--by "depth-interview probing."
All that one could expect, perhaps, is that, at best, one set of
problems would be substituted with a different--but by no means
less serious--set of problems.

In summary, it may be said that, from the data presented here,
the particular black public studied may not be representative of the
national population, in its characteristics, especially in terms of
its class, educational and occupational features. This unique
attribute may be accounted for in part at least, by the peculiar
circumstances that had conduced the development of the Albuquerque
community as a whole. But in terms of the actual and potential
influence of the dominant white cultural rubric on the local aspects
of the black experience, this particular community does not seem to
differ significantly from the national black population.

Thus, granting the influence of the media on the public, and
in view of the virtual absence of any black-controlled media in this
locale, then the experience of the black community of this public
does not seem to have been immune from the realities defined through
the agency of the white cultural apparatus. And this fact could very
well have affected their evaluation of the ideologies of King and
Malcolm X.

More specifically, the data indicate a higher preference for
King and his ideological system, to that accorded to Malcolm X and
his ideology. But this could be accounted for, not only in terms of

possible bias of the dominant white media, for King and his social

132

philosophy, and against Malcolm X and his ideological system; but

also in terms Of what might be called the "cultural predisposition"

Of the local black pOpulation; the fact, for instance, that, as
reflected in the sample population, most of the peOple are affiliated
with the Black Christian Church with which King was identified, and

to which the black Islamic faith associated with Malcolm X, was Opposed.

And while the exact degree to which the media influenced the
black public's evaluation of King's and Malcolm X's ideological
systems, could not be determined from the empirical data, the fact
of the influence is suggested therefrom. But it would be more
appropriate to suggest that the knowledge which informs that public's
opinion or evaluation, derive from both media derived (external)
sources, as well as situationally-defined (internal) sources. But if
it is granted that the internal sources Of this knowledge derived from
the black experience, impinged upon by the dominant cultural apparatus
Of which the media constitute an integral part, then it would not be
unreasonable to assert that the impact of the media on the Opinion
formation of the public is quite significant.

In concluding this chapter, therefore, it may be argued that while
the incidence and extent of the media in directly influencing this
particular public's opinion could not be precisely established from
the data; this is not to categorically dismiss the role of the media,
as an important source of knowledge that has informed that public's
views on the issues in question. But it may be that the influence of
the media consists, not so much in directly dictating Opinion formation
and Opinion changes, as it inheres in their constituting a crucial

component of the dominant, white "cultural apparatus" that has impinged-—

133

and continues to impinge-~upon the life and experiences of the black
public. And since the situationally defined sources of knowledge
available to this black public, and that define their experience, have
not been immune from the impact Of the realities defined for the cir-
cumscribing white culture; and to the extent that the black experience
itself has been shaped, to some degree, by the dominant cultural
apparatus, the media could be said to have played a not insignificant

role in moulding the views and Opinions attributed tO this black public.

PART V: IDEOLOGIES, THE MEDIA, AND

KNOWLEDGE ACQUISITION: PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS

As in most exploratory endeavors, it is hoped that the con-
cluding section of the present undertaking does not signalize an
end Of the road; but, rather, should be considered as a branching-
Off point for other avenues pointing to new intellectual vistas.
While the concepts of "ideology" and "knowledge" may be regarded by
some as "common sense" phenomena, it is not the case, however, that
the relationship between the two can always be taken as a matter of
course. At any rate, "common sense knowledge" cannot, in any sense
be considered a trivial component of the sociology of knowledge. But
quite to the contrary, it has constituted a major preoccupation of
some Of the chief practitioners of the sub-discipline, as exemplified
in the works of Alfred Schutz. In any case, it is suggested that
"common sense (knowledge)" is not common.

Ideology, whether viewed in its original conception as a
theory of ideas, or in its modern conception-~as Mannheim points

' can be said to con-

out-—as deriving from "oppositional science,‘
stitute an integral part Of knowledge. In its broadest sense,
"knowledge" entails, not only all that is knowable--in the language
of Berger and Luckmann-—but also the processes through which its

acquisition is effected. In other words, knowledge, in this broad

sense, deals with the process of "reality construction." On the

134

135

other hand, "ideology" could be construed as addressing the issue
of, not only this process of reality fabrication, but also the
various purposes for which these "realities" are created in society.
If, as Berger and Luckmann intimate, the major task of the Sociology
of Knowledge is to enable us analyze and understand the mechanism by
which reality is socially constructed, then this seems to be ample
Justification for adopting it in this study, as an adequate and
appropriate tool for analyzing the relationship between ideology and
knowledge acquisition.

Thus, using the insight provided by the Sociology of Knowledge,
the central argument here has been that the seemingly discrepant
ideological systems associated with Malcolm X, and Martin Luther King,
Jr., can be better understood and appreciated, if placed within the
proper perspective of the social contexts in which the two black
leaders had their being, and from which their thought patterns emerged
and developed. In particular, the correspondingly varying responses
which their teachings and protest ideologies engendered, should also
be understood in the context of their relationships to the various
"cultural publics" within the social structure.

In this last section Of the work, consideration is focused on,
not only the issues of the reality-creating potentials Of the media,
in the black experience, but also, the problems and prospects Of the
ideology Of a subjugated group in a dominant cultural melieu. At the
same time, some attempt is made at suggesting alternative techniques
for, potentially dealing with the issues and problems, such as typified

by the subject matter Of the present undertaking.

CHAPTER NINE: THE BLACK EXPERIENCE,

AND THE MEDIA AS REALITY-CREATORS-

The idea of the media as reality creators almost invariably
leads one to conjuring up the image of the press, the television,
and the radio, as the major channels of knowledge dissemination
and acquisition, in a mass society. But, while these three have
constituted, perhaps, a major influence through their coverage of
the images of Malcolm X and King, as presented to the larger society,
it should be noted that a fourth component--the film or movie industrya.
has played no less significant role as one of the external factors
that have mediated the moulding of the black American experience.

If it is granted that the public, in the main, depends On
these media for the acquisition of the knowledge disseminated, re-
garding major issues Of social consequence, it would then stand to
reason to suggest that those who control these media, to a large
extent, mediate--if not determine--the course Of reality-creation in
a mass society. Consequently, an attempt to ascertain the fact and
extent Of the impact of these "extraneous" forces on the black
experience, generally, and the image-creation associated with King
and Malcolm X, in particular, might begin with the examination of
the extent of black control and/or ownership of the national media.

On the national level, it is almost impossible to identify a

single black press or newspaper which comes close to matching the

137

influence and popularity of, saijhe New York Times, or the

 

Washington Post, or The ChicagggTribune, or The Detroit News,

 

 

 

not only in terms of their wide circulation, but also in terms
'Of the economic and political power each Of these papers wields
over the general public. Not even the combined resources of say,

The Chicago Defender and the New York Amsterdam News (black papers)

 

could compare with the potentials of any Of the former group of
papers. Not only do the white-controlled papers outnumber the
black press out of all proportions; but it is the case that in

areas where the semblance of competition between the two does exist,
the white press find little or no difficulty in using their greater
economic resources quite advantageously, to Out-do their black
competitors.

One might consider, for instance, the number Of papers among
the black press, that are economically situated and equipped to have
correspondents in various localities across the country, much less
instituting their own foreign correspondents in the manner that, say,

The New York Times, or The Tribune, or The Christian Science Monitor

 

 

 

can afford to do. This is not surprising, since the factors relating

to the control Of economic resources bear significantly on the issues
and problems of the power of the press. Thus, writing on the particular
case Of the British press, Graham Martin notes:1

The key to the problem lies in the economic and not in the
institutional structure. As long as a major section of the
press can be treated as a commodity,. . .there is little
room for movement except along the road which the press is
. . .travelling: mergers, concentration Of resources in
fewer and fewer hands.

138

It is not, therefore, surprising that a good many of the
black newspapers procure most of their non-local news items and
reports, at best, secondhand, either through one of the wire
services—-incidenta11y white controlled--or by arrangement with
one of the major white papers, through their correspondents. But
this dependence on the auspices of the white press is by no means
a phenomenon unique to the present day black press. For, as Martin
E. Dann points out, most of the earlier black newspapers depended
heavily on the re-editing of,news items originally procurred-—
directly or indirectly--from the white press. Dann writes, more
specifically:2

Most newspapers subscribed to exchanges--that is, a newspaper

would subscribe to other papers in return for subscriptions

of their paper. Generally, basic news items (especially

international news) were taken from large white daily pepers
and reprinted (emphasis added).

 

 

 

 

 

But what is true of the press, regarding the pattern Of domina-
tion of the white press is no less true, in the case Of the other
aspects Of the media, the radio and television, popularly identified
as the "electronic media." If it is granted that the electronic media
command a much larger audience-~and therefore exert greater impact on
the public--than the press, the implications for the black experience
seem even much more serious. Yet, if it is the case that the white
press outnumber their black counterpart by far out of all proportions,
the ratio of the black electronic media to those that are white owned,
Operated, and controlled, seems even more infinitesimal. There may be

a number of small, black owned radio stations in some large metrOpolitan

139

areas, such as New York, Chicago, Detroit, and Los Angeles. But
it is equally evident that the bulk of all the radio broadcasting
networks aimed at an effective audience, across the nation, are
white controlled. But matters seem even more serious when the
distribution of TV networks and their control are considered.

It is common knowledge that most of the major TV networks also
have, and control, affiliated radio networks. The three major TV
networks which dominate American electronic media--the Columbia
Broadcasting Service (C.B.S.), the National Broadcasting Company
(N.B.C.), and the American Broadcasting Company (A.B.C.)-—in fact
control a chain Of radio networks across the nation. And all of
these are white-controlled. To the extent that the electronic media
exert by far greater impact on the general public than the press, it
seems reasonable to assume that they constitute the major reality-e
creators in our mass society. And granting, as some analysts have
suggested,3 that the major effect of the media consists in the re—
inforcing Of already existing tendencies or Opinions, it seems trite
to suggest that the electronic media are better equipped to do this
most effectively. And this does not contradict the claim Of Hartmann
and Husband, that a major effect of the media is the creation of
awareness;'4 for opinion reinforcement is essentially an intimate

aspect of the process of awareness creating, or what has been char-

5

acterized as the '

'consciousness industry."
But the power of this "consciousness industry" over the general

public seems to be most manifest in the film industry. Perhaps the

1ND

film or movie industry is as powerful as, if not more powerful and
more influential than, the television, with regard to this phenomenon
of image--and awareness—creation. Carmichael and Hamilton, in this
respect, underscore the role Of the film industry in image and aware-
ness creation, when they allude to the Hollywood image Of black
(Africans) as man-eating cannibals.6
The primary role of the film industry is not just that of mere
entertainment--although it must be conceded a significant aspect Of
that role. But more than anything else, the indsutry assumes no
less insignificant role in education, preservation and perpetuation
of sanctioned cultural artifacts. But not only does the industry
play the role Of a purveyor Of culture, it also constitutes an
integral part of the entire cultural apparatus responsible for the
determination and creation Of these artifacts in the first place.
It can be said, then, that the film or movie industry features promi-
nently in the definition and creation of reality in society. '
Commenting on the American movie industry, Richard Collins
characterizes Hollywood as "archtypically the temple of distortion
and the high altar. . .where sacrifices of truth and historicity
are made to the aggrandized reputations Of criminals."7 And in the
particular case of Hollywood's portrayal of the machinations of the
"The James Brothers"--Jesse and Frank James—-he Observes:
Around the spectacular career Of the James Brothers an
accretion of legends and myths has gathered and precise
differentiation of myth and history is no longer possible.
History and myth are customarily regarded as antithetical.
Myth is emphatically a question Of belief, true Of those
with pre-existing convictions, and false for those without:

rather, mythology pervades and informs responses to experi-
ence and Offers models for its comprehension and ordering.

lhl

What seems more significant here is not so much the fact of
the distortion of historical facts to the aggrandizement of
criminality, or the position Of mythology to inform responses to
experience, as well as a model for comprehension; rather what
seems important is the issue of the cultural basis for the deter-
mination of criminality, and of whose cultural interest is served
by the creation of the myths and construction of models for the
comprehension and ordering Of experience. In other words, to
answer the question of the influence of the film industry on the
black American experience, in particular, one might begin by
addressing the question of the role of black Americans in the
American movie industry.

There is no denying the fact that black Americans have featured
prominantly and extensively in the movie industry. But while the
role Of black actors and actresses as entertainers have attained
world renown, the central question would seem to be: has this fact
contributed positively to the enhancement Of black culture? Has the
role of blacks in the American movie industry served to educate the
general public on the historical realities that have defined the
black experience? In other words, have the roles of blacks in the
movie industry served the needs of the black audience?

While these questions may fail to elicit categorical answers,
nevertheless, the Observations of Hartmann and Husband, regarding
the role Of blacks in American TV, seem quite suggestive; and what
they say Of the television is equally-~if not more--applicab1e to
the movie industry. Thus, the authors write:9

It would seem that blacks in American television drama are

pet functioning as represefifatives of any distinctive‘black
culture; rather they are merely blaEK’skins'ifi'fihitE‘rOIesT'

 

 

 

1H2

Their presence does not add materially to the nature of the
values which are displayed. . .The attempt to inject blacks
to American TV succeeded, but if any conscious attempt to
inject a black perspective based upon the black experience
was made, it failed because white ownership and white pro—
duction could not know what constituted that experience.
A_black perspective would result ip_black characters voicing
the values 9£_black Americans derived from their experience
pf_oppression and their growing sense pf_identity (emphasis
added).

 

 

 

They therefore identify the problem facing the American television
(and film industry) as consisting in one Of "the inevitable failure
Of a white dominated medium trying to serve the needs of a black
audience."10

The point is that a white dominated movie industry cannot, con-
ceivably, be expected to serve the best interests Of a dominated black
cultural public, the rather conspicuous roles Of black characters--
mainly as entertainers..notwithstanding. Thus, the American movie
industry cannot be said to have contributed to the healthy growth of
the black American experience. If anything, the industry has mediated
the distortion of the realities which define that experience. It
seems rather trite to state that the film industry is, for all prac-
tical purposes, white dominated. It would not seem to be contributing
significantly here to attempt to adduce statistical information,
regarding the ownership and control Of the major movie houses which
constitute the bulk Of the movie industry operating across the nation.

But the knowledge Of the fact that the major bulk Of the media
being white dominated seems fundamental in examining and understanding
their coverage of issues pertinent to the black experience. In part-
icular, it sheds light to our understanding of their coverage of the
life activities of Malcolm X and King. For instance, could it have

been mere chance that every January 15, and april 4, there are always

11:3

news items on major networks and the press, in reference to the
anniversary Of King's birth and assassination, respectively; and
no such news items are carried on May 29 and February 21, regarding
the corresponding respective anniversaries Of Malcolm X's birth
and assassination?

Granted that internal and external factors have impinged on
the black American experience, the attempt in this chapter has
been to focus On the latter. In doing so, the emphasis has been
on the media, primarily the press, the electronic media, and the
film industry. While not by this limitation implying the complete
irrelevance Of other sources, the assumption is that these, as major
channels of mass dissemination and acquisition of knowledge and general,
information,constitute the principal purveyors of culture, and as
such, central to awareness creation, and reality definition and
determination. If it is the case that the dominant white culture
has substantially impinged upon the black experience, then it seems
reasonable to assume that the dominantly white media of mass com—
munication, as described in the foregoing, and as an integral part
of the dominant cultural apparatus, have mediated the nature and
course Of the black experience. It is in the light Of this that,
in the following--and concluding-chapter Of this work, the con-
sideration of the general issue Of ideologies, the media, know-

ledge acquistion, and cultural publics, is undertaken.

CHAPTER TEN: IDEOLOGIES AND KNOWLEDGE ACQUISITION.

THE MEDIA, PUBLICS, AND SOCIAL CHANGE--CONCLUSION.

In their work on propaganda, Hummel and Huntress suggest
that, insofar as all propaganda begins with the audience, the
analysis of propaganda begins with the analysis Of the target
audience.1 But in the sense in which they use the term,2 what
is true of propaganda seems equally applicable to ideology. It
is therefore suggested, in other words, that hardly any true under—
standing of an ideology could be gained without some insight into
the public(s) it is addressed to.

If this study has made any major contributions to Sociology
generally—~and the Sociology of Knowledge in particular—Pone of these,
perhaps, consists in its highlighting the public or audience, as an
important component of an ideological system. The public is a part
of the essential stuff that ideology is made of. For, not only does
an ideology require a mind or minds to conceive the ideas that shape
it, but it also has perhaps greater need for a public to develop it,
and to give it sustenance.

An Obvious implication which this carries for the sociology of
knowledge is that, in trying to assess the merits of an ideological
system through the perspectives of a public, one is, at one and the
same time, engaged in two levels Of analysis Of "reality construction."

For, not only are the ideas embodied in the ideological system based

JMS

on a body Of knowledge deriving from the realities defined for the
ideologist; but it is also the case that the views expressed by that
public are based on another body of knowledge, deriving from the
situational realities which define its total experience.

But there are many publics involved in what might be described
as the total ideological framework, to wit: the public associated
with the ideologist, the public to which the ideology is addressed,
and the public associated with the intermediary agents and agencies.
Admittedly, these various "cultural publics" could overlap with one
another, as was indicated in Chapter Three of this work. Since, as
Mills has pointed out, knowledge and power are very intimately related,
and that the reality defined for any public is determined by men of
power,3 it seems that, implicit in all ideological conflicts, is a
struggle for power. This is, of course, the central thesis of Mannheim's
distinction between "ideology" and "utopia," as indicated in Chapter
Two of this work (ESPEEQ'

' with which

The "ruling groups" and the "oppressed groups,‘
Mannheim, respectively associates "ideology" and "utopia"4 conform to
the concept of "cultural publics" introduced here. His concept of
"relationism" is an apparent attempt to deal with the problem of the
fact that the determination Of the true merits of an ideology is
vitiated by the fact of the "penetration of the social process into

5 This further underscores Mills' remark

the intellectual sphere."
regarding the complexity of the process through which a public makes
up its mind6 on any given issue, and reflects, in turn, the ramifica-

tions of the situational realities which constitute a major source of

the knowledge and ideas that inform the opinion or views of the

146

members Of a public.

Perhaps the most significant aspect of the characterization
of "ideologies" and "utopias" by Mannheim consists in the fact that,
while the former "never succeed de_fe££p in the realization of their

" the latter do "succeed" in transforming the

projected contents,
existing historical realities through "counteractivity."7 Here,
then, lie the implications of ideologies and publics for social
change. For, granting Mills' intimation that "public opinion" serves
as a tool for the legitimation of authority,8 then the prospects for
effecting a change in the existing realities depend, more or less,

on the degree to which a given ideology can be impressed on a public.
And if the primary role of the media consists in reinforcing the

10 then

existing Opinions,9 as well as in the creation Of awareness,
the extent to which the media influence the process of social change,
would depend on the effectiveness with which the media—defined sources
are brought to bear on the situationally—defined sources of knowledge
and ideas available to the members of the public.

It is in the light of the foregoing that the true meaning of
the teachings of King and Malcolm X, to the black public, can be under-
stood in terms, not only of what the two men meant to that public, but
also of how that public relates to the public of the dominant media.
Perhaps the real impact of the media here, consists, not so much in
the fact that the black public is persuaded to accept the knowledge
and ideas disseminated directly through these channels, regarding the
specific occurrences or event—situations, in society-«which could very

well be the case-—as it does in the fact that they form a crucial

component of the dominant, white, "cultural apparatus" that impinges on

1148

the shaping Of the total black experience. And insofar as the situa-
tionally-defined sources of knowledge available to the black public
derive from this black experience, then the dominant media have
contributed significantly to the shaping of the opinion which this
public holds for the ideologies of King and Malcolm X.

Every decision we make involves a choice of one form or the
other. If even in a situation, one refuses to make a decision, that
stance of the so—called "neutrality" or non—committal stance, in
itself, implies a choice. It is also the case that, in every case
of choice or decision-making, one accepts something, while at the same
time, rejecting something else. But it is in the nature Of "things"
that everything has something "good," as well as something "bad," about
it. Choice—making, therefore, involves-—explicit1y or implicitly—-the
assigning of priority for the "good" aspects of what one accepts over
the "bad" things about it. Conversely, the rejection Of something
else presumes a priority assignment, in which the "bad" aspects of
that Object, by far obscure its "good" parts.

In the present exploratory undertaking I have opted for a
questionnaire survey. The rationale for this Option has already been
elaborated upon (epppe, Chapter Six). But this should not be con-
strued as a categorical rejection of the merits of alternative options
through which the information bearing pertinently on the research
problem could otherwise have been adduced. In consequence, a brief
consideration of the relative merits of some of these other options
seems in order.

Perhaps, among the alternative options that could have been

adopted for a research undertaking, such as embarked upon here, the

1149
most significant would be the method of "content analysis." Although

there are many and varying definitions11 of content analysis, it would
appear that they all address one central theme, to wit: the attempt
to elicit some relevant meanings-—manifest or latent-—from communica—
tion. The presumption here, of course, is that "communication" can
allude to a letter, a treatise, a speech, or any other form of docu-
mentary material. In a sense, then, content analysis constitutes an
integral part of documentary research.

Content analysis would, therefore, seem particularly suitable
for a comparative study and evaluative analysis of ideologies. For,
as North and his associates point out: "It may be used to study con—
flicting goals or the content of ideologies. It may also be used. . .
to gain systematic information concerning the cognitive and evaluative
or affective states of those persons whose decisions are binding upon
the state they represent."12 And on its other uses, Holsti underlines
its application as a tool to infer aspects of culture and culture
change.13 There is no denying the fact that, using this method of
analysis, one could gain a great deal of insight, not only into the
major preoccupations which mark the respective ideological systems
associated with King and Malcolm X, but also into the circumstances
that defined their relationships with the various cultural publics
which they represented, as well as those their ideologies were aimed
at.

Another alternative option would have been the use of other
forms Of documents, such as televisionlogues, radiologues, or news-

paperlogues, reflecting Opinion polls elicited from various segments

of the public, over the actual period spanning the life activities of

150

King and Malcolm X. Like other forms Of documentary research, these
approaches have the advantage Of being immune from the problems of
reactivity encountered in survey and related research methods designed
to obtain "life data." In other words, with documentary research, one
does not have to worry about the authenticity of the information
adduced from the data, or what is otherwise identified as the problem

H

of "put-on's, to which survey research is highly susceptible.

But it is also the case that, with a documentary research,

such as 'content analysis,’ it is almost impossible to determine the
fact and extent of the role Of the mass media in the moulding and
development of ideologies. In other words, in content-analyzing any
given document, the impact of the media on a particular form of
ideology underlined therein, is difficult to determine, unless in
cases where specific reference is made to some aspects of the media
and their coverage and mode of news dissemination.1" Also, docu-
mentary research approach, such as the use Of media-logues, could also

' as against "pri-

engender the criticism Of reliance on "secondary,'
mary" sources, the latter being conceived as a major advantage Of
survey research.

It is in the light of the foregoing, and in conjunction with
earlier elaborations that the particular research option adopted for

this research undertaking should be considered on its own merit. Thus,

notwithstanding its shortcomings, its merits are also equally affirmed.

Conclusion

 

The character of this research undertaking has been, in the
main, exploratory, insofar as it has not been guided by any a_priori
formulations, or predictive propositional statements. However, it has
proceeded on the simple assumptions that: ideologies are constructed
on a system Of ideas deriving from some body of knowledge--the recep-
tivity of these ideologies or systems of ideas they comprise, by a
public, is predicated on some form of judgment or assessment by that
public; this evaluation process is based on some ideas deriving from
some body of knowledge; in either case, there can be only two sources
to this body Of knowledge; and these sources are identified as media
defined, or situationally defined.

The empirical efforts here have been premised on the assumption
that, if the form and extent of the media sources can be determined,
then the situationally-defined sources are also determined. But
while the nature of the data used here, as well as their design, has
precluded the possibility Of making this determination with exactitude
and precision, it is nevertheless the case that the results have cast
more light on the pattern Of their relative contribution to the
shaping of the Opinion Of the public.

But the question does not seem to be completely resolved, in
view of the role, as Hartmann and Husband point out, of the media as

"interpreters of the world."15 For, if as one respondent claims (R.30),

151

152

King is favoured over Malcolm X because he is "better known" than the

" according to another (R.71),

latter and "loved more than Malcolm,
could it have been,as a female respondent intimates (R.56), because
Malcolm X did not have "the Opportunity to really reach and be
accepted by the mass of black people"? If so, could it be because
Malcolm X's world was interpreted to the public differently from the
interpretation offered of King's world by the media, in a manner that
made the teachings of the latter appear more appealing to the black
public, than do those Of the former?

Perhaps an important contribution Of this study to Sociology--
and the Sociology of Knowledge, more specifically--consists in the
suggestion that a sociology of knowledge that seeks to deal adequately
with these and related questions and issues, should strive to ascer-
tain the basis Of the knowledge which informs the Opinion of a public
regarding any social issue. For instance, granting Malcolm X's
charge16 that he was portrayed as a "violent" man, and King as espous-
ing the ideology of "non-violence," the question could be raised

'

regarding what constitutes "violence,' with reference to the lives

and activities of these two black leaders. Could it be that the
distinction between "violence" and "non-violence" consists in the
media interpretations of these two worlds of realities and activities?

In this respect the Observations of one reader Of a newspaper

17

seem quite instructive:

Following each assassination or assassination attempt on a
public figure the American media proceeds (sic)_pp relentlessly
bombard the American public with entreaties calling for intense
probing. . .to determine the cause of such murderous deeds. . .
Why, we are asked, in Our ultracivilized, Judeo—Christian
society, are men, even those with such divergent philosophies
as Gov. George Wallace and Dr. Martin Luther King, subjected

 

153

to death in exchange for exercising a constitutional right?

Such goings—on, which usually last a month after each
assassination would lead one to conclude that violence

is something which has just recently reared its ugly head
on the American scene and that is so new and so alien to
us that we find ourselves thoroughly confounded by it.
Rarely does one hear e_media representative examine, 25:
for that matter even mention the relationshipof recent
assassinations to the three hundred years of violence

that have characterized this nation and on which it was
founded. Instead. . .the media often omit the fact that
the same people now being called on toiexamine themselves
and their society in the aftermath of a vicious attempt
against the life of Gov. Wallace, are the direct descen-
dants of those who systematically annihilated over one
million American Indians. . .who enslaved, mutilated and
murdered millions of blacks without pang of conscience. . .
who take pleasure in the slaughter Of animals under the
guise of sport. . .responsible for thousands Of deaths and
maimings of innocents in Vietnam, Of scores at Attica. .
who overturn school buses with their precious cargoes of
black children, who blow up churches and, indeed whose very
heritage and mode Of existence is bathed in blood and sat-
urated with death (emphasis added).

 

 

The point of the above remark consists, not so much in the sug—
gestion that the media influence the creation of social issues, as it
does in the intimation that they determine, to a large degree, the
relevance accorded to these issues. And it further underlines the
charge by Hartmann and Husband, that it is the "white public" which
dictates newsworthy events in the United States.18 For the dominant
media are, for all practical purposes, white—controlled; and they
form an integral part of the dominant, white, "cultural apparatus"
which has constituted a major influence in the shaping of the black
experience. One may also consider in this light, Malcolm X's indict—
ment against the Columbia Broadcasting System-~but more generally,
against the entire media system-~for the "hate" image with which many
in the American public had come to associate the black Islamic com-

19
munity with which he was associated-~The Nation of Islam. And one

154

reader of another newspaper notes, in the same vein: "We should be
aware that more information is thrown away everyday than is printed
. . .Editors are the people who decide what to print and what to

throw away. Editors, too, are humans with biases and weaknesses."20

In conclusion, then, it could hardly be viewed as presumptuous
to say that, if the protest thoughts of King have been received more
by the black public, than it has those of Malcolm X, the role of the
media in determining that choice has not been insignificant.

And while the society remains polarized into "the ruling
group"--the white society--and "the oppressed group"—-the black com-
munity—~to invoke Mannheim's typology,21 there will contine to be
"ideologies" (representing the stance of the ruling group) and
"utopias" (associated with the oppressed group), the voice of dissent
and protest. This study has concerned itself primarily with the
utopias identifying black ideologies. It has been argued that the
black ideologies are a product of the black American experience. But
that experience is a composite of many factors, including, among other
things, the African cultural heritage Of black Americans as well as
the situational realities of the American political, economic, and
social scene. And, in a larger sense, the black experience has also
been impinged upon by the dominant white cultural rubric, through its
all-pervading cultural apparatus. Black views and opinions have been
informed, not only by the internal factors deriving from the black

experience, but also by the external circumstances associated with

the dominant cultural apparatus.

155

If anything, the conclusion here is to the effect that, not
only are the protest ideologies of King and Malcolm X understandable
in terms of these external and internal factors; but also, the public
response--particular1y the black public's response--to their respective
ideological systems should be understood in terms of these inter- and
intra-cultural dynamics. For, it is a fact that the various sub-
cultural publics that comprise the black American community, as well

as their lives, have been fashioned by these forces.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

NOTES

Chapter 1

Sammuel F. Yette, The Choice. The Issue of Black Survival in
America. New York. G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1971; p. 130.

Roderick W. Pugh, Psychology and the Black Experience. Monterey,
California: Brooks/Cole Publishing Company, 1972; p. 7.

Ibid.

Corretta Scott King, _y Life with Martin Luther King, Jr.
New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1969; p. 335.

Andrew Billingsley, Black Families in White America. Englewood
Cliffs, New Jersey. Prentice-Hall, 1968; p.115. Also, Lewis
M. Killian, The_Impossib1e Revolution? New York: Random
House, Inc., 1968; p. 169.

 

Floyd B. Barbour (ed.), The Black Power Revolt, Boston, Mass.:
Porter Sargent Publishers, 1968; p. 192.

Malcolm X, The Autobiography pf_Malcolm X, New York: Grove
Press, Inc., 1965; p. 459.

 

Ibid., p. 1.

James H. Cone, A Black Theology p£_Liberation. .New York and
Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1970; pp. 77, 96.

 

 

Corretta Scott King, _p, cit., p. 356.
Lewis M. Killian, pp. cit., pp. 47, 56, 57.
Ibid., pp. 94, 98.

The Greater Milwaukee Star, Vol. VIII, #15, Wednesday, April 10,
1968; p. 4.

The Realist, February, 1967, p. 22.

 

Louis E. Lomax, The Negro Revolt. New York: The New American
Library, 1963; p. 96.

 

156

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.
21.

22.

23.

24.

157

William H. Grier and Price M. Cobbs, Black Rage. New York:
Basic Books (Bantam ed.), Inc., 1968: p. 168.

 

Martin Luther King, Jr. , Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos Lr
Community? New York: Harper &* Row Publishers (Bantam ed.)
1968; pp. 146 seq.

 

Malcolm X, _p, cit., pp. 377—8.

Harold Cruse, The Crisis Lf the Negro Intellectual. New York:
William Morrow, and Company, Inc. , 1967; p. 226.

 

 

William H. Grier and Price M. Cobbs, loc. cit.

_—

Malcolm X, loc. cit.

See, for instance, Sammuel F. Yette, 22, cit., pp. 27 seq. Also,
George Breitman and Herman Porter, The Assassination Lf Malcolm
X. New York: Merit Publishers, 1969. It is rather remarkable
that, in the wake of Dr. King 8 assassination in April 1968,
the official mood of the nation was such that President Lyndon
B. Johnson deemed it serious and urgent enough to summon a
special joint session of the U. S. Congrees--albeit, a congrees
that never met.

 

While Georgia is King's home state, as well as the center of his
life activities, New York's Harlem contains the largest con-
centration of Blacks in the nation. It could very well be
argued that this act of recognition by the New York author-
ities suggests the general acceptance of King's leadership,
by the plurality of black Americans.

This is, obviously, a means of institutionalizing his philosophy
of "non-violent direct action."

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

158

Chapter 2

See, for instance: (1) Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann, The
Social Construction 2: Reality. New York: Doubleday and
Company, Inc., 1966 (Anchor ed. .1967); pp. 5 seq.; (2) Karl
Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia: An Introduction to the Sociology
of Knowledge. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1966;
p. 278.

 

 

 

 

H. Stuart Hughes, Consciousness and Society. New York: Random
House (Vintage edition), 1961; p. 74.

Arthur P. Mendel (ed.), Essential Works of Marxism. New York:
Bantam Books, 1961; pp. 23, 31.

 

Karl Marx and Friedrick Engels, The German Ideology (R. Pascal,
ed.). New York: International Publishers, Inc., 1939; p. 14.

Ibid., p. 15.

Ibid., pp. 16, 19. See also, John Lewis, The Life and Teachings

of Karl Marx. New York: International Publishers, 1965; pp.
104, 105.

Karl Marx, The Class Struggles in France: 1848-1850. New York:
Labor News Company, 1924; p. 87.

 

 

Louis Althusser, Egg Marx. New York: Random House (Vintage ed.)
1970; p. 234.

Ibid.,p. 107.

See, for instance: Norman Birnbaum, "The Sociological Study of
Ideology (1940—1960): A Trend Report and Bibliography," in
Current Sociology, Vol. 9, #2, 1960; p. 94; Raya Dunayevskaya,
Philosophy and Revolution. New York: Delacorte Press, 1973,
p. 199; Robert Tucker, Philosophy and Myth in Karl Marx.
Cambridge University Press, 1972; p. 123.

 

 

 

Arthur Child, "The Problem of Imputation in the Sociology of
Knowledge," Ethics, Vol. 51, January 1941; pp. 214-15.

Karl Mannheim,gp; cit., p. 239.

Ibid., p. 74.
Ibid., p. 36.

Ibid., p. 87.

Franz Adler, "The Sociology of Knowledge since 1918," Midwest
Sociologist, Vol. 17, Spring 1955; p. 8.

 

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

34.

35.

159

Franz Adler, "The Range of Sociology of Knowledge," in Howard
Becker and Alvin Boskoff (eds.), Modern Sociological Theory
igDContinui§y_and Change. New York: The Dryden Press, 1957;
p. 406.

 

 

George Gurvitch, The Social Frameworks of Knowledge. New York:
Harper and Row, Publishers, 1971; p. 22.

 

Ibid., pp. 23-27, 37 seq.

Werner Stark, The Sociology o£_Know1edge-fén_Essay iE_Aid g£_§_
Deepe£_Understanding_g£_the History g£_1deas. London:
Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1971; p. 141.

 

 

 

Ibid., pp. 77 seq. Also, p. 48.
Ibid., p. 80.
Ibid., pp. 69-70; 247.

Alfred Schutz (Maurice Natanson, ed.), Collected Papers, Vol. I
The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1971; passim.

 

Ibid., pp. 310—16.

Alfred Schutz (Arvid Broderson, ed.), Collected Papers, Vol. II.
The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1971; p. 131.

Robert K. Merton, Social Theo£y_and Social Structure (Revised &
(enlarged ed.), New York: The Free Press, 1957; p. 456.

 

Ibid., p. 457.

Charles P. Loomis and Joan Huber Rytina, "Marxist Dialectic and
Pragmatism: Power as Knowledge," American Sociological Review,
Vol. 35, #2, April 1970; pp. 308-18.

 

Ibid., p. 308.

John Walton, "Discipline, Method, and Community Power: A Note on
the Sociology of Knowledge," American Sociological Review,
Vol. 31, #5, Oct. 1966; pp. 684-89.

 

Ibid., p. 684.

Ibid., p. 685.

John Walton, "Substance and Artifact: The Current Status of
Research on Community Power Structure," American Journal 93
Sociology, Vol. 71, January 1966; pp. 430-38.

 

Terry N. Clark, William Kornblum, Harold Bloom, and Susan Tobias,
"Discipline, Method, Community Structure, and Decision—Making:
The Role and Limitations of the Sociology of Knowledge," Ihg
American Sociologist, Vol. 3, #3, August 1968; pp. 214-17.

 

36.

37.

38.

39.

40.

41.

42.
43.

440

45.
46.

47.

48.
49.

50.

51.

52.

53.
54.

55.

56.

160

James B. McKee, "Some Observations on the Self-Consciousness of
Sociologists," in James E. Curtis and John W. Petras (eds.),
The Sociology_g£_Know1edge: A_Reader. New York: Praeger
Publishers, Inc., 1970; pp. 531-44.

 

Ibid., pp. 533 seq.

T. B. Bottomore, "Some Reflections on the Sociology of Knowledge,"
The_Briti§h Journal 2£_Sociology, Vol. 7, #1, March 1956;
pp. 52-8.

Ibid., pp. 52, 56.

C. Wright Mills, "Methodological Consequences of the Sociology
of Knowledge," American Journal gg Sociology, Vol. 46, #3,
November 1940; pp. 316-30.

 

Irving L. Horowitz (ed.), Power, Politics and People--The Collected
Essays gf_g, Wright Mills. New York: Oxford University Press,
1963; pp. 405-615.

 

Ibid., p. 424.
Ibid., p. 450.

Arthur Child, "The Existential Determination of Thought,"
Ethics, Vol. 52, January 1942; pp. 153-54.

Ibid., pp. 177, 183.

Ibid., p. 184.

Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann, The Social Construction 9:
Reality--A_Treatise i§_the Sociology g£_Know1edge. New York:
Doubleday and Company, Inc. (Anchor edition), 1967.

Ibid., pp. 14-15.

Ibid., p. 87.

Robert A. Rothman, "Textbooks and the Certification of Knowledge,"
The American Sociologist, Vol. 6, #2, May 1971; pp. 125-27.

Ibid., p. 127.

Hans M01, "The Dysfunctions of Sociological Knowledge," The
American Sociologist, Vol. 6, #3, August 1971; pp. 221-23.

Ibid., p. 222.
T. M. Bottomore, loc. cit.

By contrast, C. Wright Mills maintains that experience is socially
organized. See Irving L. Horowitz (ed.), pp, cit., p. 593.

Ibid., loc. cit.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

l6.

17.

18.

161
Chapter Three

 

Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann, The Social Construction 9f
Realigy, New York: Doubleday & Company (Anchor ed.), 1967, p.4.

 

H. Stuart Hughes, Consciousness and Society; The Reorientation 9L
European Social Thought 1890-1930. New York: Random House

 

 

Ibid., p. 10.
Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann, _p, cit., p. 4.

Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure. New York:
The Free Press, 1957; pp. 439-55.

 

Ibid. , pp. 440-420
Peter L. Berger, et al, _p, cit., p. 3.

William Hummel and Keith Huntress, The Analysis 9£_Propaganda.
New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1949; p. 3. C. Wright
Mills (Irving L. Horowitz, ed.), Power, Politics and People.
New York: Oxford University Press, 1963; p. 405.

 

Paul Hartmann and Charles Husband, Racism and the Mass Media,
London: Davis-Poynter Ltd., 1974; p. 61.

 

c. Wright Mills, 9p. £13., pp. 415-16.
1134., pp. 405—422.

Ibid., p. 406.

g2;g,, p. 407.

Karl Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia: A2 Introduction £9_the Sociolggy

 

 

 

g£_Knowledge. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., and
London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1966; pp. 63-4.

C. Wright Mills (Irving L. Horowitz, ed.), pp, cit., p. 606.
Ibid., p. 611.

William B. Monroe, Jr., "Television: The Chosen Instrument of the
Revolution," in Paul L. Fisher and Ralph L. Lowenstein (eds.),
Race and the News Media. St. Louis, Missouri: Freedom of
Information Center, University of Missouri, and the Anti—
Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, 1967; p. 88.

 

John Rex, Race, Colonialism and the City. London and Boston:
Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1973; p. 219.

 

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.
25.
26.

27.

28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.

40.

162

Bernard C. Hennessy, Public Opinion. Belmont, California:
Wadsworth Publishing Company, Inc., 1965; p. 271.

 

Lewis Wirth, "Consensus and Mass Communication," in Daniel
Kubat (ed.); Paths p£_Sociolpg}cal Imagination. New York:
Gordon and Breach, 1971; pp. 117-18.

 

C. Wright Mills (Horowitz, ed.), pp, pi£,, pp. 410 seq.

Louis Wirth, lpp, p15,

See C. Wright Mills, pp, p15,, p. 592.

Paul Hartmann and Charles Husband, pp, p35,, p. 60.

C. Wright Mills, pp, p15,, p. 595.

12293, p. 577.

The possibility should, of course, be allowed, of the overlap in
membership of more than one public. For example, the
"ideologist" here could belong to the black "public,'I
the Christian "public," and the "learned public."

Paul Hartmann et. al., pp, p23,, pp. 153-54.

1232:, pp. 195 seq.

C. Wright Mills (Horowitz, ed.) pp, pip,, p. 578

$21§., p. 591.

12293, p. 582.

Peter L. Berger, et al., pp, p}p,, passim.

C. Wright Mills (Horowitz, ed.), pp, p1p,, pp. 590 seq.

ngp,, p. 597

lhig" p. 580.

22223: p. 611.

gpgg,, p. 595.

Ibid., pp. 594—95.

John Rex, _p, cit., p. 236.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

163

Chapter Four

 

Malcolm X, 9p_Afro-American Histopy, New York: Betty Shabbazz
and Merit Publishers, 1967; pp. 15-16.

 

Ibid., pp. 25 seq.

W. E. B. DuBois, The World and Africa. New York: International
Publishers, 1965; pp. 44 seq.

 

Ibid., pp. 44-45.

John H. Bracey, Jr., et. al., Black Matriarcpy: Myth pg Reality?
Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Company, Inc.

1971; pp. 20-51.

Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power: The
Politics p£_Liberation ip_America. New York: Random House
(Vintage Books), 1967; p. 25.

 

Lerone Bennett, Jr., Before the Mayflower: p_History p§_ppp_Negro
ip_America, 1619-1964. Baltimore, Maryland: Penguin Books,
1966; pp. 29 seq. Also, Andrew Billingsley, Black Families
ip_White America. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-
Hall, Inc., 1968; p. 48.

 

 

Andrew Billingsley, Ibid., loc. cit.
Lerone Bennett, Jr., loc. cit.

Charles V. Hamilton, The Black Preacher ip_America. New York:
William Morrow and Company, Inc., 1972.

 

Ibid., pp. 32 seq.
Andrew Billingsley, pp, pip,, p. 49.

Ibid., pp. 52 seq. See also, John Rex, Race Relations 1p.
Sociological Theopy. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson,
1970; pp. 41 seq.

 

 

Malcolm X, pp, cit. pp. 33-9.
Ibid., p. 35.

Charles V. Hamilton, _p, cit., p. 34.

 

W. E. B. DuBois, The Souls p£_Black Folk. Greenwich, Connecticut:
Fawcett Publications, Inc., 1961 (first published, 1903);
p. 150.

18.

19.
20.
21.

22.

23.
24.
25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.
32.

33.

164

W. E. B. DuBois, "The Talented Tenth," in Booker T. Washington,
et. al., The Negro Problem. New York: James Pott & Company,
1903; pp. 33- -75, as quoted in Francis L. Broderick and August
Meier (eds. ), Negro Protest Thought in the Twentieth Century.
Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1965; p. 44.

 

 

 

Charles V. Hamilton, pp, cit., pp. 34—5.
W. E. B. DuBois, pp, cit. (1961), p. 142.
Andrew Billingsley, pp, cit., p. 116.

James H. Cone, Black Theology and Black Power. New York: The
Seabury Press, 1969; p. 93.

 

Ibid. , pp. 94-95.
Ibid., p. 117.

Ibid.

Benjamin Mays, The Negro God. New York: Atheneum Publishers,
1968; pp. 19, 21, as quoted in Charles V. Hamilton, pp, cit.,
pp . 45-6 .

 

(G. Franklin Edwards, ed.), E. Franklin Frazier, On Race Relations:

 

Selected Writings. Chicago: The University of—Chicago Press,
1968; p. 276.

 

C. Eric Lincoln, The Black Muslims in America. Boston: Beacon
Press, 1961; p. iv.

 

See, for instance: Louis E. Lomax, When the Word Is Given. . .
New York: The New American Library, 1964; p. #41 C. Eric
Lincoln,o pp_. cit., pp. 10 seq. ; Essien U. Essien-Udom,
Black Nationalism-—A Search for an Identity_ in America.

New York: Dell Publishing Co. , Inc. - 1964; pp. 18-19.

 

 

 

Louis E. Lomax, The Negro Revolt. New York: The New American
Library, 1963; pp.181-182; Louis E. Lomax, pp, pip,, (1964),
p. 61; C. Eric Lincoln, pp, cit. pp. 107-08; Malcolm X, Ipp
Autobiography of Malcolm X. New York. Grove Press, Inc.,
pp. 236- 38; Essien U. Essien-Udom, pp, cit., pp. 85- 86.

 

 

C. Eric Lincoln, pp, cit.; Louis E. Lomax, pp, cit. (1964), p. 61.
C. Eric Lincoln, Ibid., pp. 11, 12.

Essien—Udom, pp, cit., p. 9.

34.

35.
36.
37.

38.

39.

40.

41.

42.

43.

44.

45.

46.

47.

48.

165

Nat Turner was a black slave preacher-activist, who led the
abortive Virginia slave revolt in 1831. For details of this
historic episode, see William Styron (ed.), The Confessions p:
Nat Turner, New York: Random House,‘1967. Also, Joanne
Grant (ed.), Black Protest--Histogy, Documents, and Analyses.
New York: St. Martin's Press, 1970; pp. 53-9.

 

 

Charles V. Hamilton, pp, cit., p. 46.
E. Franklin Frazier, pp, cit., p. 278.
Louis Lomax, pp, cit. (1963), p. 58.

Robert Hill, The Strengths pg Black Families. New Yokr: Emerson
Hall Publishers, Inc., 1972; pp. 33-34.

 

 

Henry Lee Moon, "Beyond Objectivity. The 'Fighting' Press,"
in Paul L. Fisher and Ralph L. Lowenstein (eds.), Race ppp_
the News Media. Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith,
1971; p. 133.

 

Martin E. Dann, (ed.), The Black Press, New York: Capricorn Books,
1972; pp. 34-35.

 

Ibid., pp. 20 seq.

The Crisis, Vol. 1, #1, November 1910 (editorial).

 

Charles S. Johnston, "The Rise of the Negro Magazine," in
Journal pp_Negro Histopy, Vol. 13, #1, January 1928, pp. 7-
21.

 

Ibid., p. 8.

See, for instance, Joanne Grant (ed.), pp, cit., pp. 89-92;
103 seq.

Ibid., pp. 180-184. See also, Martine Dann (ed.), _p, cit.,

_-.—

pp. 236-291.

David E. Christensen, "The Negros' Changing Place in Southern
Agriculture," in Francis Redding et al, (eds.), Tpp_Negro ip_
American Sociepy, Tampa, Florida: Florida Grower Press,
1958; p. 45.

 

Ibid., pp. 44-45. See also, Andrew Billingsley, _p, cit.,
pp. 72 seq.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

166

Chapter Five

 

Peter I. rose, in "Forward" to Lewis M. Killian, The Impossible
Reyplution? New York: Random House, Inc., 1968; p. ix.

 

 

Quoted in Ralph McGill, "W. E. B. DuBois," Atlantic Monthly,
November 1965; p. 79.

 

Ibid.

Pertinent here, is perhaps the remark attributed to Alexander
Walters: "There are certain things which those of us who
live in the South can accomplish and certain other things
which those of us who live in the North can accomplish. We
may take different methods to reach the same ends, but the
results will be for the common advantage." Alexander Walters,
_y Life and Work (New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1917);
as quoted in Francis Broderick and August Meier (eds. ) Negro
Protest Thought Ln the Twentieth Century. Indianapolis: The
Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc. , 1965; p. 19.

 

 

 

 

C. Eric Lincoln (ed. ), Martin Luther King, pp,, A Profile. New
York: Hill and Wang, 1970; p. xvii.

W. E. B. DuBois, The Souls of Black Folk. Greenwich, Connecticut:
Fawcett Publishers, Inc., ~1961; p. 89.

 

Andrew Billingsley, Black Families Ln White America. Englewood
Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice—Ha11,l963; pp. 114,115. For
more details regarding King's household, see also, pp. 109-117.

 

 

 

For details on Garvey and the movement associated with his name
see, for instance: Amy Jacques Garvey, Garvey and Garveyism.
New York: The Macmillan Company (Collier edition), 1970;
Essien U. Essien—Udom, Black Nationalism--A Search for an
Identity ip_America. New York: Dell Publishing Co., Inc. ,
1964; pp. 48-59.

 

 

 

Louis E. Lomax, When the Word is Given. . .New York: The New

“w.“—

American Library, 1964; p. 49.

Malcolm X, The Autobiography pp_Malcolm x, New York: Grove
Press, Inc., 1965; p. 3.

 

C. Eric Lincoln, The Black Muslims pp_America. Boston: Beacon
Press, 1961; p. 190.

 

Malcolm X, pp, cit., p. 10

Martin Luther King, Jr., Stride Toward Freedom. New York:
Harper and Row, Publishers, 1958; p. 17.

 

Ibid., pp. 4-6.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

34.

35.

36.

167

Malcolm X, pp. pip., pp. 11—13.

lpflflr’ p. 21.

gpgg,

122g,, p., p. 22.

This is, perhaps, a good illustration of what Ryan calls 'victim

blaming.’ See William Ryan, Blaming the Victim. New York:
Random House (Vintage edition), 1971.

 

Philip S. Foner (ed.), The Voice pf Black America. New York:
Simon and Schuster, -972; p. 919.

C. Eric Lincoln, (ed.), loc. cit.
Malcolm X, _p, cit., p. 25.

Louis E. Lomax, _p, cit., p. 50. Also, C. Eric Lincoln, pp, cit.,
p. 191.

Malcolm X, pp, cit., pp. 35-7.
Ibid., pp. 36-7.

See Charles V. Hamilton, The Black Preacher ip_America. New York:
William Morrow & Company, Inc., 1972.

 

Andrew Billingsley, loc. cit.
Ibid., p. 116.

Louis E. Lomax, pp, cit., p. 50. See also, C. Eric Lincoln,
pp, cit., p. 191.

For more details on this, see Malcolm X, pp, cit., pp. 39-265.
Quoted in Essien U. Essien-Udom, pp, cit., p. 195.

Martin Luther King, Jr., pp, pip,, pp. 28-38. See also: Joanne
Grant (ed.), Black Protest--History, Documents, and Analyses.
New York: St. Martin's Press, 1968; pp. 276-80; Louis E.
Lomax, The Negro Revolt. New York: The New American Library,
1963; pp. 16-17.

 

 

Martin Luther King, Jr., pp, cit., p. 29.
Ibid., p. 50.
Ibid., pp. 41-460

Ibid., p. 154.

168

Lewis M. Killian, gp._git., p. 168.
C. Eric Lincoln, op, cit., p. iv.

See, for instance; Louis E. Lomax, op, cit. (1964), p. 41; C.
Eric Lincoln, gp,cit., pp. 10 seq. Essien U. Essien, Udom,
_p, cit., pp. 18-19.

Louis E. Lomax, op, cit. (1963), pp. 181-82; Louis E. Lomax, op,
cit. (1964), p. 61; C. Eric Lincoln, _23 cit., pp. 107—08;
Malcolm X, op, cit., pp. 236-68; Essien U. Essien-Udom, _p,

41.

42.

43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.

49.

50.

51.

52.
53.
54.
55.
56.

57.

cit., pp. 85-86.

For full details on this episode, see Malcolm X, op, cit.,

pp. 151-235.

w. Haywood Burns, "The Black Muslims in America: A Reinterpreta-
tion," in Race-~The Journal of the Institute pg Race Relations.

 

 

Vol. v, fif‘ifily 1963; pp. 26337.
lElQ': p. 28.
lhid., p. 29.
C. Eric Lincoln, pp, 315., p. 28.
121$.
gg;g., p. 78.

Ibid., p. 79.

James H. Cone, §_Black Theology g£_Liberation.

 

 

Philadelphia B New

York: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1970; pp. 236-37.

Louis E. Lomax, op, cit. (1964), p. fi2.
cit., p. 163.

Albert B. Cleage, Jr., Black Christian Nationalism--New Directions
for the Black Church. New York: William Morrow & Company, Inc.,

 

1972; p. 17.
Malcolm X, 92,.git., p. 176.
Martin Luther King, Jr., op, cit., pp.
lhid,, p. 79.
Malcolm X, _p.-gi£., p. 176.
lgid,, p. 177.

Martin E. Dann (ed.), The Black Press:
Capricorn Books, 1972; pp. 95-6.

Also, Malcolm X, g2,

73, 77—81, 98.

1827-1890.

New York:

169

Chapter Six

 

In other words, of the total of 400 in the original sample, to

whom questionnaires were mailed, only 191 completed and

returned their questionnaires. There were some~-a few—-
questionnaires that were returned as complete "blanks;"

these were not included in the figure of 191 eventually

used for the study.

This, in a sense, accords with Billingsley's claim that, at least

in the urban centers of the nation where most of the black
population is concentrated, half of the black American popu—
lation would be considered lower class. See Andrew Billing-
sley, Black Families i§_White America. Englewood Cliffs, New
Jersey; Prenticelflall, Inc., 1968: pp. 122-23.

 

 

See, for instance, Gudmund R. Iversen, Statistics and Sociology.

 

 

Indianapolis: The Bobbs—Merrill Company, Inc., 1972; pp. 10-
12.

Ibid., p. 9.

10.

ll.

12.

l3.

14.

15.

16.

17.

170

Chapter Seven

 

Crime and Justice ip_Metrgpolitan Albuquerque--A_§9pg££ p£_thgp_
Criminal Justice Program. Institute for Social Research and
Development, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque: 1971;
pp. 3, 6. (Referred to subsequently as ISRAD Report.)

 

 

 

 

See Barbara J. Richardson, Black Directory for the State of New
Mexico, 1973. Unfortunately, information regarding the pub-
lisher of this directory is not provided, nor is the book
paged.

 

Ibid.
ISRAD Report, 9p, cit., pp. 3-5.

Brian A. Young,"The History of the Black in New Mexico from the
Sixteenth Century through the Nineteenth Century Pioneer
Period." Master's Thesis: University of New Mexico, 1967.

Ibid., passim.
2239:: pp. 78 seq., 108—110.

The University of New Mexico, and the previously owned (Catholic)
University of Albuquerque, are the two major institutions.
However, there are other smaller institutions, such as the
Southwest College, and the Technical Vocational Institute
(TVI).

ISRAD Report, loc. cit.,

Barbara Richardson, pp, cit. Unfortunately, the figures for the
other institutions were not available to this researcher.

All of the above figures were obtained from the Institutional
Research Department of the University of New Mexico.

_—

Barbara Richardson, pp, cit.

112.11..

All of the 172, incidentally, are listed as females.
Barbara J. Richardson, _p, gig,

Ibid.

Within the Southwest, Arizona is, of course, where their activities
are centered, and from where, perhaps, the activities of the
entire Region are coordinated.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

171

There are, in actual fact, four TV stations: apart from the
three major stations affiliated with the national broad-
casting companies, there ls the University station—-§NM§:TX.
It is estimated that there are some 19 AM and FM radio stn—
tions in the area; while none of these is black-owned, managed.
or operated, there is known to be, at least, one radio station
exclusively serving the Spanish—speaking community of Albu-
querque. See for instance, Seer's Catalogue (an Albuquerque
publication) Vol. 3, #18, August 29—Sept. 12, 1974; p. 1.).

Barbara J. Richardson, pp. cit.

I am indebted to Mrs. Helena Quintana, the director of Ethnic
Studies Department of the University of New Mexico's
Zimmerman Library, for this information,

F. Madison Strait, et al., New Mexico Segregated Schools.
Albuquerque: National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People, and Albuquerque Civil Rights Committee, 1949;
p. 1.

Ibid., pp. 21-22.

 

The Civil Rights Status p£_Minority Groups in Clovis, New Mexicof—

 

 

A_Summary p£_§_Meeting p£_the New Mexico—State Advisory Com-
mittee pp_the U. S, Commission pp_pivil_Rights, 1969.

 

 

Barbara J. Richardson, pp, cit.

10.

Of

172

Chapter Eight

 

the total of 400 in the original sample, to whom questionnaires
were mailed, only 191 completed and returned their question-
naires. There were some questionnaires that were returned
completely "blank;" and, as such, these were not included in
the figure of 191 eventually used for the study.

During his 1973 visit to the University of New Mexico, Stokely

In

C.

Carmichael responded to a statement from a member of an
audience he was addressing, by remarking that he considered
himself flattered, in being compared with, or even considered
a disciple of, Malcolm X.

introducing the Post-Prison Writings of Eldridge Cleaver, the
editor, for instance, notes in part: "To Eldridge Cleaver,
recently released from prison and trying to carry on the work
of the murdered black leader, Malcolm X, the sight of armed
Black Panthers inspired awe, pride, and confidence. . .The
Black Panther Party had been organized in Oakland, California,
by Huey Newton and Bobby Seale. Inspired py_the writings of

 

 

 

Malcolm X. . .They formulated a political philosophy and

wrote the Ten Point Program of the Black Panther Party"
(emphasis added). Black Defiance-—Black Profiles in Courage.
New York: William Morrow & Company, Inc., 1972; p. 222.

 

 

Wright Mills (Irving L. Horowitz, ed.) Power, Politics, and
People. New York: Oxford University Press, 1963; p. 578.

 

Ibid., p. 595
Ibid. , pp. 596—980

Ibid., p. 597.

Among those respondents who indicated a regular habit of reading

C.

newspapers, none expressed any preference for any black
newspaper or magazine. And, although no black-owned or
black~managed paper is published in the Albuquerque area,

it is also the case that, while some of the respondents
indicated that they subscribe to such papers as The New York

 

Times, or The Washington Post, there was no corresponding

 

interest for say, The New York Amsterdam News, or The Chicago

 

 

Defender, or even Muhammad Speaks. f

 

wright Mills, pp, cit., p. 589.

The numbers in the parenthesis simply allude to the numbering

codes used to identify the respondents. Actually the com-
pleted questionnaires are numbered in the chronological order
in which they were returned to, and received by, this in-
vestigator.

173

11. John Rex, Race Relations 13 Sociological Theogy, London:
Weidenfeld and Nicolson (World University Series), 1970;
pp. 63-4; 66.

 

 

12. For more on the problem of reactivity in social research, see
for instance, Eugene J. Webb, et al, Unobtrusive Measures:
Nonreactive Research Ip_the Social Sciences. Chicago:
Rand McNally & Company, 1966.

 

 

 

174

Chapter Nine

 

Graham Martin, "The Press," in Denys Thompson (ed.), Discrimination

 

and Popplar Cpltpre. London: Heinemann Educational Books, Ltd.,
1973; p. 98.

 

Martin E Dann, The Black Press: 1827-1890. New York: Capricorn
books, 1972; p. 8.

 

See, for instance, Denys Thompson (ed.), pp, pip,, p. 58; C.
Wright Mills (Irving Louis Horowitz, ed. ), Power, Politics
and People: The Collected Essays of C. Wright Mills. New
York: Oxford University Press, 1963; —p. 595. -

 

 

 

Paul Hartmann and Charles Husband, Racism and the Mass Media.
London: Davis—Poynter Ltd., 1974; p. 127.

 

Ruth S. Hamilton, and Richard Thomas, in a section of a working
paper, entitled "The Black Experience and the Quest for a
Decent Society," (Michigan State University, 1974), talk
about the "Consciousness Industry.”

Stokely Carmichael & Charles V. Hamilton, Black Ppwer: The
Politics of Liberation in America. New York: Random House
(Vintage Books), 1907; pp. 38— 39.

 

 

Richard Collins, "The Film," in Denys Thompson (ed.), pp, cit.,
p. 225.

Ibid., p. 2270

Paul Hartmann and Charles Husband, pp, cit., p. 196.

Ibid., p. 197.

10.

ll.

12.

13.

14.

15.

175

Chapter Ten

 

William Hummel and Keith Huntress, The Analysis pg Propaganda.
New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1949; p. 28.

They define propaganda as "any attempt to persuade anyone to a
belief or to a form of action," (Ibid., p. 2), and this is,
precisely, what ideology does, in effect.

C. Wright Mills (Irving L. Horowitz, ed.), Power, Politics and
People. New York: Oxford University Press, 1963; pp. 580,
594-5, 606, 611.

 

Karl Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia-:Ap_1ntroduction pp_the
Sociology p£_Knowledge. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World,
Inc., and London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, Ltd., 1966; p. 36.

 

 

121g,, p. 240.

C. Wright Mills, pp, pip,, pp. 577-8.
Karl Mannheim, pp, p15,, pp. 175-76.
C. Wright Mills, pp, p35,, p. 580.
lpgg,, p. 595.

Paul Hartmann and Charles Husband, Racism and the thiss Media.
London: Davis-Poynter, Ltd., 1974; pp. 94-5; 127.

 

See, for instance, Ole R. Holsti, Content Analysis for the
Social Sciences and Humanities. Reading, Massachusetts:
Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, 1969; pp. 2-3.

 

Robert C. North, et al., Content Analysis: A_Handbook with
Applications for the Stugy p£_International Crisis. Evanston,
Illinois: Northwestern University Press, 1963; p. 38.

 

 

 

 

Ole R. Holsti, pp, cit., pp. 80 seq.

Consider, for instance, Malcolm X's charge that the C.B.S. TV
network was responsible for the "hate" image, in which the
black Islamic group, the Nation of Islam, is portrayed.
Malcolm X, The Autobiogpappy_p£_Malcolm x, New York: Grove
Press, Inc. 1966; pp. 238 seq.

 

Karl Mannheim, Ideology_and Utopia: Ag Introduction pp_the
Sociology pp_Knowledge. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World,
Inc., and London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. 1966; pp. 36 seq.

 

 

APPENDICES

Appendix 6.]

 

PLEASE YOU ARE REQUESTED TO TAKE A FEW MINUTES
OF YOUR TIME TO COMPLETE THIS QUESTIONNAIRE.

This survey is designed to enable the researcher to compare
and evaluate the protest thoughts of Malcolm X and Martin Luther
King, Jr., as well as the impact their teachings have had on Black
protest struggles, generally within the last two decades. It is
understood that the information given in the questionnaires will
be kept confidential; and no name associated with any specific
information will be divulged or otherwise made public, without
written permission from, pp_authorization py the ipdiyidual con-

 

 

cerned.
1. Name
2. Address and Phone Number (please indicate whether you live in

the N.E., S.E., N.W., S.W. section of the city.)

3. Sex

4. Age: (a)
(b)
(C)
(d)
(e)
(f)

5. Marital Status:

Under 20 years

20-25
25-35
35-40
40—45
over 45

(a)
(b)
(C)
(d)

6. Do you have any children?

7. Income

Single (Never Married)

Married and living with spouse
Separated but not divorced
Divorced

Indicate the number of children.

(Less than $5,000.00)
($5,000.00 - $10,000.00)
($10,000.00 - $15,000.00)
($15,000.00 — $20,000.00)
(Over $20,000.00)

176

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18A.

177
Occupation
Years of schooling

Do you belong to any religious groups, or church? If 2222
please indicate what church.

Do you consider yourself an active member of this church or
religious group?

Do you belong to any political party? If Yes, please indicate
which party.

Are you registered to vote?
Have you ever voted:

(a) in any local elections;
(b) in any state elections;
(c) in any national elections

Have you ever run for any public office?

(a) locally;
(b) in the state;
(c) nationally

Do you

(a) read newspapers regularly (please indicate which paper)

(b) listen to radio news regularly

(c) Watch TV regularly (please indicate your favourite channels
or stations).

Do you agree that Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, Jr. were
two of the most prominent Black leaders of our time?

How did you first come to know or hear about Malcolm X

(a) through reading newspapers;

(b) listening to radio news

(c) watching TV news

(d) through friends and/or relatives

(e) through other means (please specify)

‘1 II II III
‘ i II «III
I! ..|[I

188.

19A.

19B.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

178

How did you first come to know or hear about Martin Luther King

(a) through reading newspapers

(b) listening to radio news

(c) watching TV news

(d) through friends and/or relatives

(e) through other means (please specify)

Did you ever listen to, or hear Malcolm X speak

(a) life
(b) -on radio
(c) on TV

Did you ever listen to, or hear, Martin Luther King, Jr. speak

(a) life
(b) on radio
(c) on TV

Have you ever read any speech or book by Malcolm X? Have you
listened to any taped recordings of his speeches?

Have you ever read any speech or book by Martin Luther King?
Have you listened to any taped recordings of his speeches?

Do you think Malcolm contributed to the cause of Black struggles
more than King?

Do you think both leaders contributed equally to the cause?

Do you think Malcolm X understood the problems and situation
of Black Americans more than Martin Luther King?

25.A.Do you think that the teachings of Malcolm X were:

(a) relevant to the actual needs of Blacks
(b) not relevant to the actual needs of Blacks?

25.B.Do you think that the teachings of Martin Luther King were:

(a) relevant to the actual needs of Blacks
(b) not relevant to the actual needs of Blacks?

26.

27.

28.

29A.

29B.

30A.

303.

31.

179

Do you think:

(a) Malcolm X was a more popular leader than King?

(b) King was more popular?

Do you feel there should be national holidays

(a) in honor of Malcolm X

(b) in honor of Martin Luther King?

Do you think that

(a) Malcolm X's teachings have had any impact on the Black
movement of today

(b) Martin Luther King's teachings have had any impact on
the Black movement today?

Do you think that the Muslims have done anything useful for
Blacks as a whole?

Do you think that the Southern Christian Leadership Conference
has done anything for Blacks as a whole?

Do you think Black leaders are

(a) too religious
(b) religious enough
(c) not very religious?

Do you think that Black people are

(a) too religious?
(b) religious enough?
(c) not very religious?

Do you have any other comments? Please indicate.

180

Appendix 6.2

 

 

CODE BOOK
Variable Column Question Variable
List C.C. Item Name
Q1 1—3 1 I.D. Number
Q2 4 2 Residential 1. N.E.
Zone 2. S.E.
3. N.W.
4. S.W.
8. No answer
Q3 5 3 Sex 1. Male
2. Female
8. N.A.
Q4 6 4 Age 1. Under 20
2. 20-25
3. 26—35
4. 36—40
5. 41—45
6. Over 45
8. N.A.
Q5 7 5 Marital 1. Single, never married
Status 2. Married, living with
spouse
3. Separated, not divorced
4. Divorced
5. Widowed
8. N.A.
Q6 8-9 6 No. of 88. N.A.
Children
Q7 10 7 Income 1. Below $5,000.00
2. $5 — 10,000.00
3. $10 — 15,000.00
4. $15 — 20,000.00
5. Over $20,000.00
8. N.A.
Q8 11 8 Occupation . Lower Class

Middle Class
Upper Class
N.A.

mLa-JNH

181

Var. List C.C. 9. Item_ Variable Name

Below Elem. Educ.
. Elem. Educ.

Below High School
High School

Below College

. College

N.A.

Q9 12 9 Education

mO‘MbWNr-I'

1"

Yes
No

Q10 13 10 Religious
Affiliation

N

. Yes
No
N.A.

Q11 14 11 Act. Rel.
Member

mNH

H

Yes
No

Q12 15 12 Political
Affiliation

N

p...

Yes
No
8. N.A.

Q13 16 13 Voter Reg.

N

[.4

Yes
No

Q14 17 14 Voting Rec.

N

. Yes
No
. N.A.

Q15A 18 15A Pub—Off—L

mNH

H

Yes
No

Q15B 19 158 Pub-Off—S

N

Yes
.No
0 N.A.

Q15C 20 15C Pub-Off-N

CD NJ—‘

Q16A 21 16A Pap-News Yes

0 N.A.

182

BELiEE 03- ~1wm Emuwflsflfle_-

_— - —.—-._- ...- .——.~---~.—- '“m.

Q168 22 16B Rad-News 1. Yes
2. No
3. N.A.

Q16C 23 16C TV-News '1. Yes
2. No
8. N.A.

Q17 24 17 Prom-X K 1. yes
2. no
8 N.A.

Q18A1 25 18Al X—Paper 1. Yes
2. No
8. N.A.

Q18A2 26 18A2 X-Radio 1. Yes
2. No
8. N.A.

1. Yes
2. No
8 N.A.

Q18A3 27 18A3 X-TV

Q18A4 28 l8A4 X-Friend 1. Yes
2. No
8. N.A.

Q18A5 29 18A5 X-Other 1. Yes
' 2. No
8. N.A.

Q1881 30 1881 K-Paper 1. Yes
2. No
8. N.A.

Q1882 31 1882 K-Radio 1. Yes
2. No
8

O N.A.

183

Var. List C.C. Q. Item Variable Name

p-a

Yes
No

Q1833 32 1833 K-TV

N
0

Q1884 33 1884 K-Friend 1. Yes
2. No
8. N.A.

1. Yes
2. No
8. N.A.

Q1885 34 1885 K-Other

Q19Al 35 19Al Dir.-X-Live 1. Yes
2. No
8. N.A.

1. Yes
' 2. No
8. N.A.

Q19A2 36 19A2 Dir.-X—Rad

Q19A3 37 19A3 Dir.-X-TV 1. Yes
2. No
8. N.A.

Q1981 38 1981 Dir-K-Live 1. Yes
2. No
8. N.A.

Q1982 39 1982 Dir-K-Rad 1. Yes
2. No
8. N.A.

1. Yes
2. No
8. N.A.

Q1983 40 1933 Dir-K—TV

Q20 41 20 X-Write 1. Yes
2. No
8

O N.A.

184

Var. List C.C. 9. Item Variable Name

Q21 42 21 K-Write 1. Yes
No

N
0

Yes

No

N.A.

No Opinion

Q22 43 22 XK-Cont

\OCDNH

Yes
No
N.A.
N.0.

Q23 44 23 XK-Equal

\OQNH

X Understands
K Understands
Both Understand
n.a.

N.O.

Q24 45 24 XK-Under

\OQUNH
.0000

Yes
No
N.A.
N.O.

Q25A 46 25A X-Relev

\OCDNH

Yes
No
N.A.
N.O.

0258 47 258 K-Relev

\OODNH

Q26 48 26 XK-Pop X more popular
K more popular
Equally popular
N.A.

NCO.

mmwNH

Q27 49 27 XK-Pop For X only
For K only
For both
For none
N.A.

N.O.

\DmwaH

185

Var. List C.C. '9. Item Variable Name

Q28A 50 28A X-Teach 1. Yes
2. No
8. N.A.
9. N.0.

Yes
No
N.A.
N.O.

Q288 51 283 K-Teach

\OCDNI-J
0.0.

Yes
. No

N.A.
N.O.

Q29A A 52 29A Mus-Impac

\OQDNH

Yes
No
N.A.
N.0.

Q298 53 298 SCL-Impac

\OmNH

Q30A 54 30A B-Lead-Rel Too Rel.
Rel. En.
Not Rel. En.
. N.A.

N.O.

\OCDLQNH

0308 55 308 BP-Rel Too Rel.
Rel. En.
Not Rel. En.
N.A.

N.O.

\OCDUONH

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