L ' .
L MENTAL RETARDATION As 'A FUNCTION OF RAGE *
SEX AND SOCIAL ECONOMICSTATU‘S. G i '

Thesis for the Degree of PhD. , :
MIGHAGAN STATE UNIVERSITY *
JONAS GHENAUAT, 1R.
’ 71-3970 ' ’ ‘

I I -
’ ..‘ -\:}I‘.I‘ ‘,.. 4‘; ‘._., “A flung”: ., A... WW...» . .A/ Amt
“3,. ,1 (Aggy, ”who,“ AIR {Env‘unhhfdtn ".2". Arman“ ' w' |.n'.£
v — 4Q "A . u - t. A “ ‘ ‘

" iv...” \.
AREA A wan-R

1%.: _ b , ,uumu
4m". 4‘ “R an:

‘| ”“33“ y. mu , '1', “w M‘ '
AER» 43.455193} {*fr‘: flint-3'43. u. . A. . A. A

A? =3iffiifiiflmfl'fifi‘:mgggfiqgimgsyt;~g;{:g‘.3{.¢i§1}‘gg¢3:b{3:55;

 

 

 

 
  
 

Uni;

   
 

1w

This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

Mental Retardation as a Function_of
Race, Sex and Social Economic Status

presented by

Jonas Chenault, Jr.

)5
.fi’
gr

€73.

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Doctor of Phil. degree in Education

;,« ~7 ,
(2‘26 ZZ/ZCXC / 21' ”Eb/(19%»

Major professor

 

0-169

LIBRA R Y
Michigm State 5

37313:"

ABSTRACT

MENTAL RETARDATION AS A FUNCTION OF RACE,
SEX AND SOCIAL ECONOMIC STATUS

BY

Jonas Chenault, Jr.

The present study examined the concept of educable’
mental retardation as a function of race, sex and socio-.
economic class over time in an urban school system. A
systematic randomly drawn sample of 858 test protocols and
case histories were drawn from the file records of the
Detroit Public School Psychological Clinic. The total
sample consisted of 326 Blacks, 276 Caucasians, 585 males
and 273 females. All subjects had been administered an
individual psychological evaluation and subsequently recom-
mended for placement in classes for the educable mentally
retarded in the Detroit Public School System during the
time span of September, 1911 to January, 1970. Cases
where organic brain damage was recorded by the clinic
physician were excluded from the sample.

The results obtained indicated the following:

1. The concept of educable mental retardation, as
used by the Detroit Public School System for special

class placement was found to vary as a function of sex,

Jonas Chenault, Jr.

socio—economic class and time blocks. Race was not found
to be a significant variable.

2. The exit pattern (e.g. return to regular grades)
of students classified as educable mentally retarded was
found to vary as a function of race.

Sex and socio-economic class did not contribute
significantly to the variance noted in E.M.R. students'
exit patterns.

3. The delay in placement of certified educable
mentally retarded students did not vary as a function of
race, sex and socio-economic class.

4. The initial age and grade of students at the
time of psychological examination varied only partially
as a function of race, sex and socio-economic class.

More specifically, age at the time of evaluation
varied significantly with socio-economic class and time,
but not with sex or race.

Grade at the time of evaluation varied significantly
With race and time, however, no significant main effects
‘were found in its relationship with sex or socio-economic
class.

5. Measured intelligence of educable mentally re—
tarded students, over time, varies negatively with the
length of time spent in special classes despite an initial

increase in first retest scores.

Jonas Chenault, Jr.

6. Within special classes for students classified
as educable mentally retarded, Blacks and Caucasians dif-
fered significantly only as a function of the student's
place of birth.

The factors of number of schools attended, mobility,
semesters repeated in regular grades prior to special
class placement, and the number of siblings in the family
were not found to be statistically significant.

Based on the findings of this study, the following
conclusions have been made:

1. The concept of educable mental retardation, as
used by the Detroit Public School System for the placement
of students in special classes, has fluctuated signifi-
cantly over the forty-nine year time period examined.
Moreover, the findings of significant main effects for
sex and socio-economic class indicate that males from low
socio-economic status homes are more likely to be diag-
nosed and placed in classes for the educable mentally re-
tarded than females from comparable socio-economic back-
grounds. Although race was not found to be a significant
factor in special class placement, the disproportionate
increase of Blacks found in special classes over time
SUggest a differential placement practice along racial
lines, particularly as the trend relates to Black males.

2. The exit pattern for E.M.R. students placed in

Special classes was found to vary as a function of race.

Jonas Chenault, Jr.

This finding is indicative of a school policy which
basically retains Black students in special classes once
they are diagnosed and placed. Caucasian students, on
the other hand, were found to have access to exist such
as transferring to parochial schools, moving from the
school district, or entering the job market.

3. Students from high socio-economic homes are
more likely to be referred at an earlier age for psycho-
logical evaluation if retardation is suspected.

4. Social promotion appears to have become a more
prevalent practice as the racial composition of the
school system changed from Caucasian to Black.

5. Measured intelligence, over time, for the E.M.R.
student appears to follow the same fluctuative pattern
as the Self Concept of Academic Ability of E.M.R. stu-
dents.

6. A significant proportion of Black students found
in classes for the E.M.R. have migrated to Detroit from
southern states, while their Caucasian counterparts have

migrated primarily from the Appalachian region.

MENTAL RETARDATION AS A FUNCTION OF RACE,

SEX AND SOCIAL ECONOMIC STATUS

BY

Jonas Chenault, Jr.

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

College of Education

1970

A
I ‘N ; .
. , . .
- f" ‘
1" . ‘- v.7

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

To Drs. Wilbur B. Brookover and Robert L. Green,
my guidance committee chairman and co-chairman, I extend
my deep appreciation for their unyielding support and
encouragement.

To the other members of my doctoral committee, Dr.
Lawrence Lezotte and Dr. Sigmund Nosow, I am thankful for
their limitless patience, guidance and encouragement.

I am further indebted to the many friends whose
assistance, encouragement, and suggestions helped the
way for this research project. Specific thanks are due
to Mr. Marvin Beekman, Director of Special Education for
the State of Michigan, and Professor Juanita Collier of
'Wayne State University for their concern and constant
support throughout the research project.

To my wife, Mildred, and daughters, Stephanie and
Jill, loving thanks for their understanding, patience,
and encouragement.

Lastly, but serving as the basic motivator, I thank

my father, whose early planting has achieved fruition.

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS. . . . . . . . . . . .

LIST OF
Chapter

I.

II.

III.

IV.

TABLES O O O O O O O O O O O 0

HISTORY O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Historical Origin . . . . . .
Current Theoretical Dispute . . . .
Hypothesis. . . . . . . .. . .
Theory . . . . . . . . .
Definition of Terms. . . . . . .

REVIEW OF LITERATURE . . . . . . .

Review of Relevant Psychiatric Epidemio-
logical Research. . . . . . .
Review of Related Research and Litera-
ture. . . . . . . .
Review of Non- Empirical Literature. .
Summary. . . . . . . . . . .

METHOD 0 O O O O O O O O O O O

The Sample. . . . . . . . . .
Major Variables . . . . . . . .
Data Collection Procedure. . . . .
Instrumentation . . . . . . . .
Data Analysis Procedures . . . . .
Summary. . . . . . . . . . .

ANALYSIS OF THE DATA AND RESULTS . . .

Hypotheses and Results. . . . . .
Hypothesis
Hypothesis
Hypothesis
Hypothesis
Hypothesis
Hypothesis

Summary. . . . . . . . . . .

C‘U‘lubWNI-J

iii

Page

ii

18

32
37
41

43

43
45
46
46
48
48

50

.50

50

59
61
65
69
71

Chapter Page

IV. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . 74

Summary of Research Hypotheses . . . . 75

Summary of Method . . . . . . . . 75

Summary of Research Findings. . . . . 77

Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . 79

Discussion. . . . . . . . . . . 80

Implications for Future Research . . 83
Implications for Future Special Education

Programs . . . . . . . . . . 84

BIBLIOGRAPHY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

APPENDIX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96

iv

Table

4.1

4.2

4.3

LIST OF TABLES

Composition of sample pOpulation by race, sex
and socio-economic status . . . . . . .

Composition of the Detroit Public School Sys-
tem by race and age during the U. S. census
years 1910-1960 . . . . . . . . . .

Socio-economic status distribution by race,
sex and time block . . . . . . . . .

Mean I.Q. scores by race, sex, socio-economic
class and time block. . -. . . . . . .

Analysis of variance of I.Q. scores on the
basis of race, sex and socio-economic class .

Chi square values for exit pattern of E.M.R.
students as a function of sex, race, and
socio-economic class. . . . . . . . .

Selected categories of type of action taken
by race . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Mean values and variances for delay in
placement as a function of race, sex, soc1o-
economic class and time blocks . . . . .

Analysis of variance for delay in placement
as a function of sex, race, socio-econom1c
class and time. . . . . . . . . . .

Mean values for students at the time of
evaluation by age and grade . . . . . .

Analysis of variance for age at time of
evaluation . . . . . . . . . . . .

Analysis of variance for grade at time of
evaluation . . . . . . . . . . . .

Pearson product-moment correlations between
variables l-l-, N = 64 — 861 . . . . . .

V

Page

51

51

52

54

55

56

57

60

60

62

64

64

67

Page

Chi square values comparing Black and Cauca-

sian E.M.R. students on birth place, mobil-

ity of school and residence, grade repeats

and number of siblings in family. . . . . 69

Means and standard deviations for Black and
Caucasian E.M.R. students for mobility of
residence and schools attended . . . . . 70

Summary of hypotheses and sub-hypotheses
found to be significant at the .05 level . . 73

vi

CHAPTER I

HISTORY

Special Education in the United States during the
last twenty years has greatly increased the number of
classes serving the handicapped. Most authorities would
agree that the greatest growth spurt of special educa-
tion programs has occurred during the Post-World War II
period. Mackie (1969) in reporting the increase in
special education programs during this period states,

Pupil enrollments in the total program of
special education in the United States in-
creased almost 500 per cent between 1948 and
1966, five times faster than the 70 per cent

increase in the nation's school-age popula-
tion during the same period (Mackie, 1969,

P- 4).
Historical Origin

Historically, the origin of public school sponsored
SENecial education classes for the mentally retarded in
tide United States can be traced back to the early part
(Di? the twentieth century (Kanner, 1964). The theoretical
3rCM3ts of special education, however, have a chronology
‘WTIich reflects the influence of Plato, Aristotle, Itard,
EEsquirol, Darwin, Galton, and Binet, among many. Col-

lenztively, these diverse theories of human nature, when

buttressed with the statistical methodology of Quetelet,
form a normative model which has been employed as a justi-
fication for establishing social, educational, and psy-

chological policies for dealing with "deviant behavior."

Indeed, it is felt that,

. . . the history of research upon intelligence

provides an instructive example of the close
link between science and the society in which
it is rooted (Tuddenham, 1963, p. 515)-

Interest in the concept of mental retardation and
education during the early nineteenth century received
a fresh impetus following Itard's alleged attempts to

train the famous Wild Boy of Aveyron (Humphrey and

Humphrey, 1932). The subsequent publication of Esquirol's

Des Maladies Mentales in 1838 set the stage for scien—
tific inquiry into the differential classification of the
feeble-minded which previously had been characterized by

investigation and theorizing "dominated by the anatomical

.preoccupations of the phrenologist" (Tuddenham, 1963,

ED. 472). In conjunction with and extension of Esquirol's

I?osition was Alfred Binet's and Th. Simon's development

<>f the first intelligence tests. Binet and Simon, in

Chascribing their charge from the French Minister of Public

Ilistruction state:

In October, 1904, the Minister of Public In-
struction named a commission which was charged
with the study of measures to be taken for in-
suring the benefits of instruction to defective
children. After a number of sittings, this
commission regulated all that pertained to the
type of establishment to be created, the

conditions of admission into the school, the
teaching force and the pedagogical methods to
be employed. They decided that no child sus-
pected of retardation should be eliminated
from the ordinary school and admitted into a
special class, without first being subjected
to a pedagogical and medical examination from
which it could be certified that because of
the state of his intelligence, he was unable
to profit, in an average measure, from the in-
struction given in the ordinary schools (Binet
and Simon, 1905, p. 281).

The development and revision of the Binet Scales
of general intelligence provided a pragmatic tool for
clinicians and educators faced with the problems of
mental classification, social planning and pedagogy. It
is perhaps ironical that despite the original purpose of
the Binet scale, which was the classification of abili-
ties, that its adoption and use would be extended to
cover etiology and eugenics. The question of purpose
and limitation of the original scale is clearly stated
by Binet and Simon in the following manner:

Our purpose is to be able to measure the in-
tellectual capacity of a child who is brought
to us in order to know whether he is normal or
retarded. We should, therefore, study his
condition at the time and that only. We have
nothing to do either with his past history or
with his future; consequently we shall neglect
his etiology, and we shall make no attempt to
distinguish between acquired and congenital
idiocy; for a stronger reason we shall set
aside all consideration of pathological anatomy
which might explain his intellectual deficiency.
So much for his past. As to that which con-
cerns his future, we shall exercise the same
abstinence; we do not attempt to establish or
prepare a prognosis and we leave unanswered
the question of whether his retardation is
curable, or even improvable (Binet and Simon,
1905, p. 283).

 

In the United States, H. H. Goddard's translation
and use of the 1905 and 1907 Binet Scales at the Vine-
1and Training School for the Feeble-minded set the tenor
for incorporating psychometry in the special education
pedagogy of the early twentieth century. Goddard's
zealous advocacy of Binet's approach to the measurement
of intelligence, coupled with his subsequent publication

of The Kallikak Family in 1912, set the stage for a

 

hereditarian thesis. Based upon the genealogical history
of the Kallikak family, Goddard attempted to link and
interpret the high incidence of feeble-mindedness, in-
digence and deviance found in the Kallikaks to genetics.
Canceling the initial acceptance of Goddard's thesis,
later research findings indicated that: (1) Goddard's
research model was biased-~e.g. selection factor, (2)
environmental factors contributed greatly to the develOp-
.ment of intelligence--e.g. Iowa Studies, and moreover (3)
that genetic transmission of mental abilities has a
(Inestionable influence on the development of intelligence.
In a decade of psychology whose big event was the
tISe of intelligence tests for military screening purposes
Cluring World War I (Boring, 1950), Goddard's role as a
"fisocial reformer" is perhaps best summarized in the
ft>llowing statement taken from Tuddenham's historical
interpretation of Goddard's views as gleaned from Goddard's

kNDqu Human Efficiency and Levels of Intelligence:

Stated in its boldest form, our thesis is that
the chief determiner of human conduct is a uni-
tary mental process which we call intelligence:
that this process is conditioned by a nervous
mechanism which is inborn: that the degree of
efficiency to be attained by that nervous
mechanism and the consequent grade of intelli-
gence or mental level for each individual is
determined by the kind of chromosomes that come
together with the union of the germ cells: that
it is but little affected by any later influ-
ences except such serious accidents as may des-
troy part of the mechanism (Goddard, 1920, p. 1).

From this base Goddard then "proposes a sweeping
program of social reform":

It is no useless speculation that tries to see
what would happen if society were organized so as
to recognize and make use of the doctrine of
mental levels . . . it is quite possible to re-
state practically all of our social problems in
terms of mental level. . . . The great advantage
of having every man doing work on his own mental
level would prove fundamental. Testing intelli-
gence is no longer an experiment or of doubted
value. It is fast becoming an exact science.

The facts revealed by the Army tests cannot be
ignored. Greater efficiency we are always work-
ing for. Can these new facts be used to increase
our efficiency? No question! We only await the
Human Engineer who will undertake the work
(Goddard, 1920, p. l).

The appeal of Goddard's reform rhetoric permeated
'theeteacher training institutions, training institutions
fkbr the feeble-minded and even the "citadels of experi-
Irlental psychology on university campuses." The residual
(Di? this genetically based premise (Shuey, 1958; Garrett,
15961; Jensen, 1969) has lingered despite the efforts by
SCnne (Spitz, 1945, 1946; Hunt, 1961; Pettigrew, 1964) to
reBfute the hereditarian thesis. As a consequence, the

GEiltonian conceptual and methodological models can still

 

"w.

‘7‘

u...

be observed in education policies today as they apply to
the mentally retarded (Dunn, 1968) and to the "culturally
disadvantaged" (Baratz and Baratz, 1970).

Application of the normative model to the public
school population, particularly within the field of spe-
cial education, has developed along an ever-growing con-
tinuum. Located on this continuum is the subset of in-
tellectual deviance whose upper and lower limits are set
by psychometric classifications. Estimates of the preva—
lence of children enrolled in local public schools in
need of special education indicate that the upper range
or gifted children represent 2.0% of the population, while
the mentally retarded represent 2.3% of the population
group (Mackie, 1969). Within the latter category, ap-
proximately 50% of this subset population represents what
is further classified as the upper range of educable
mentally retarded (I.Q.s of 50 to 75) (Mackie, 1969). It
has been estimated by some (Dunn, 1969; Hurley, 1969)
'that within this group, 60 to 80 percent of those children
ilabeled mentally retarded are "children from low status

kmackground--inc1uding Afro-Americans, American Indians,

“Maxicans, and Puerto Ricans . . and children from non-

ITliddle class environments." The determinants of educa-
1Dility, in addition, are confounded by the increasing
1‘number of "disadvantaged students" attending the urban

ENlblic schools (Schwebel, 1968). It has been predicted

that by 1970, one out of every three students attending
the large city schools will be "culturally deprived"
(Reisman, 1962). Given this phenomenon plus an increase
of over 400% over the past 20 year span in the number of
special education classes currently available for the
educable mentally retarded, it would appear that the
classificatory intersection between the upper range of
educable mentally retarded and the urban disadvantaged
school population represents either a shifting conceptual
definition of mental retardation or a general decline in
the intellectual ability of the general population. Evi-
dence discrediting the latter premise (Montagu, 1945;
Tuddenham, 1948) forces one to focus on the conceptual

definition of mental retardation (Shulman, 1968).

Current Theoretical Dispute
The need for a re-examination of the concept of

Inental retardation presents a serious challenge to the
tOtal community, particularly in light of recent court
decisions regarding ability grouping practices (Hobson
"- Hansen, 1967) and cultural biases contained in psycho-
ITletric instruments (Diana v. State Board of Education,
19'70). The educational implications of these court deci-
Sions, plus the tenor of other cases pending (Schwan v.
Ioansing School Board, 1970; The Detroit Board of Educa-
thDn v. The State of Michigan, 1968) have provided the

impetus for re-examining the public school's role in

providing equal educational opportunities for all stu-
dents. Investigations relative to the impact of racial
isolation and equality of educational opportunity, des-
pite the raising of serious questions concerning the
future of urban educational policies (Pettigrew, 1967;
Coleman, 1966) have failed to deal with the issue of
mental retardation as it relates to equality and acces-
sibility to education in urban areas. Scant attention
has been paid to the psycho-social determinants of edu-
cability, particularly to interactions between these
determinants and the past and current educational poli-
cies utilized by school systems in the classifying and
placing of "special children" in "special programs."
Questions have been raised about the association
between pathologies and social class (Hollingshead and
Redlich, 1958; Leighton, §£;§l,, 1963; Dohrenwend and
Dohrenwend, 1969). There is belief, however, that the
distribution of Special education, too, has followed
E“Dcio-economic, ethnic, and racial lines (Dunn, 1968;
Pkercer, 1965). Social class and the functions of special
EEducation have followed a normative model which has sub-
Semquently led to a differential distribution of the
InGantally retarded among the poor and culturally different.
To some (Dexter, 1958; Dunn, 1963; Mercer, 1965)
SENacial class placement for the educable mentally re-

titrded, particularly in urban areas, has been interpreted

as being imposed on the culturally disadvantaged and cul-
turally different student.

Broadly interpreted, the theoretical positions of
Hollingshead, Redlich, Becker and Dexter imply that
deviant behavior such as mental retardation is a label
created and defined by the rest of society. Moreover,
the labeling process of deviancy has been viewed by some
as ". . . not a quality of the act the person commits,
but rather the consequence of the application by others
of rules and sanctions to an offender" (Becker, 1964,

P- 3)."

The purpose of this study is to examine the dis-
tribution of the educable mentally retarded as a func-
tion of race, sex, and socio-economic status in an urban
public school system. Specifically, this study will
focus on the empirical manifestations and conceptual
definition of educable mental retardation as employed
.by the Special Education Division in the Detroit Public

fSchool System since the inception of special education

iJi the Detroit Public School System.

Hypothesis

In consonance with the theoretical implication and

research findings (Hollingshead and Redlich, 1958;

Dexter, 1958, 1960) the basic hypotheses which will be

examined in this study are that:

10

1. The concept of educable mental retardation
based on measured I.Q., as used by the
Detroit Public School System for special
class placement, will vary over time as a
function of race, sex, and socio-economic
class.

2. The exit pattern (return to regular grades)
of students classified as educable mentally
retarded will vary as a function of race,
sex, and socio-economic class.

3. The delay in placement of certified educable
mentally retarded students will vary as a
function of race, sex, and socio-economic
class.

4. The initial age and grade of students at the
time of psychological examination will vary
as a function of race, sex, and socio-
economic class.

5. Changes in measured intelligence of educable
mentally retarded students will vary as a
function of the length of time spent in
special classes.

6. Within special classes for students classi-
fied as educable mentally retarded, Blacks
and Caucasians will differ as a function of
the students' (a) place of birth; (b) number
of schools attended; (c) mobility; (d) semes-
ters repeated in regular grades prior to

special class placement; (e) number of sib-
lings in the family.

Theory

Mental retardation, in general, refers to a global
(havelopmental deficit which is manifested in behavioral
Euui intellectual maladaptation. Benton (1964) in dis-
‘mlssing the theoretical considerations of the concept of
mealItal retardation points out the complex relationships
exiSting between exogenous and endogenous (Strauss and

‘werner, 1941) determinants when psychological evaluations

11

are used for classificatory purposes. Fundamental to any

psychological evaluation is its theoretical basis and

classification. Since most conceptual frameworks usually
allow for some degree of flexibility in interpretations,
it has been posited that classifications of mental re-
tardation are of a tentative nature and are "arbitrary
.Language systems which vary according to their intended
ENJIPOSG" (Heber, 1959). The concept of mental retarda-
tixon (Heber, 1959) has, over time, demonstrated a broad
fJJexibility (Farber, 1968).

Currently, mental retardation is defined by the
.Anuerican Association on Mental Deficiency in the follow-
ing sentence:

Mental retardation refers to sub-average gen-

eral intellectual functioning which originates
during the development period and is associated

‘with impairment in adaptive behavior (Heber,
1959, p. 3).

A further examination of the definitional source

(Heber, 1959) discloses that:

. . . an individual may meet the criteria of
mental retardation at one time and not at
another. A person may change status as a re-
sult of changes in social standards or condi-
tions or as a result of changes in efficiency
of intellectual functioning, with level of
efficiency always being determined in relation
to the behavioral standards and norms for the
individual's chronological age group (Heber,
1959, p. 4).

Thus mental retardation represents a descriptive
andrelative concept based on intellectual functions and

behavioral expectancies, which are interpreted as

12

maladaptive to a particular culture or social milieu
(Edgerton, 1968). DeSpite the divergent theoretical in-
terpretations of mental retardation which have ranged
between a quasi biological model (Goddard, 1921; Jensen,
1969) and one of social pathology (Doll, 1941), these
two positions are not as extreme as they may appear. The
itheraction and inseparability of genetic and environ-
nuzntal factors has been examined and appears to be a
nmxre promising theoretical position (Heber, 1964; Kirk,
l£158; Newman, Freeman and Holzinger, 1937; Skodak and
Skeels, 1949) . Common to both models, moreover, are the
‘tkueoretical constructs of maladjustment and developmental
deficit which are ‘used to infer retarded intellectual
and social development. Although a great deal of re-
search has been conducted within the field of mental re-
tardation, the thrust has originated primarily from a
Irleidically based model. Consequently, scant attention
has been paid to the adoption and use of a psycho-social
approach. In order to formulate a rigorous theoretical
Position, it is necessary to draw from research conducted
inthe area of mental illness which, broadly speaking,
j-$the theoretical counterpart of mental retardation
Within its respective field. Both constructs can also
beViewed as deviant or maladaptive within the intellec-
tua1 and social spheres of normal expectancy. In addi-

tion, the incidence of mental illness has been

l3

interpreted as a function of race, sex and social class
(Hyde and Chisholm, 1944).

Epidemiological investigations of the incidence of
psychiatric disorders within different social classes,
similar to mental retardation research, have utilized
either a medical or social pathology model. A number of
these large-sample size studies have found a positive
association between social class and incidence of psy-
chiatric disorders (Paris and Dunham, 1939; Clark, 1949;
Hollingshead and Redlich, 1958; Pasamanick §E_al., 1959;
Clausen ahd Kohn, 1960; Srole gt_al., 1962; Leighton
et_al., 1963). Although these investigations vary metho-
dologically, their findings all tend to confirm the
presence of a differential distribution of psychiatric
disorders within a defined scheme of social stratifica-
tion.

Hollingshead and Redlich (1958) and the Meyers and
Roberts (1959) investigations appear to be the most
relevant studies for providing quantitative and quali-
tative explanations of the differential distribution of
psychiatric disorders as a function of social class.

The investigators formulated five hypotheses which repre-
sented a synthesis of the ecological, sociological, and
psychiatric determinants of mental illness within an
urban setting. Specifically the hypotheses under exami-

nation were:

l4

1. The prevalence of treated mental illness is
related significantly to an individual's posi-
tion in the class structure.

2. The types of diagnosed psychiatric disorders
are connected significantly to the class
structure.

3. The kind of psychiatric treatment administered
by psychiatrists is associated with the
patient's position in the class structure.

4. Social and psychodynamic factors in the de—
velopment of psychiatric disorders are correla-
tive to an individual's position in the class
structure.

5. Mobility in the class structure is associated
with the development of psychiatric diffi-
culties.

Several of the assumptions couched within the
Hollingshead and Redlich hypotheses can be related spe—
cifically to the concept of mental retardation. First,
mental illness and mental retardation are socially de-
fined conditions which represent a trichotombus (socio-
logical, psychological and medical) based diagnosis.
Second, the social, psychological and educational diag-
nostician can be viewed as an agent whose social and pro-
fessional ideology often distracts and deters from mean-
ingfully defining problems (Davis, 1938; Allport, 1942;
Mills, 1943; Haase, 1954). Third, given that "our society
is characterized by a system of stratification," we can
expect a disproportionate distribution of maladaptive

behavior across social class and cultures which perhaps

represents more diagnostic bias than incidence of deviant

15

or maladaptive behavior (Davis, 1938; Allport, 1942;
Auld, 1952; Rose, 1949; Haase, 1964; Dexter, 1958).
Drawing from the theoretical position advanced in
the field of psychiatric illness, the concept of educable
mental retardation can be treated as a socially defined,
adjudicative educational process which can be correlated
with socio-economic class, race, sex, mobility and cul—

tural acclimation.

Definition of Terms

 

The following terms are defined as they will be
used in the study:

1. Educable mentally retarded--refers to any stu-
dent whose school medical records do not indi-
cate observable organic brain damage following
a medical examination by the clinic physician,
and who has been administered a psychological
evaluation and subsequently placed in a spe-
cial class for the educable mentally retarded.

2. Exit pattern--student's return to a regular
grade class which the public school officials
feel is commensurate with his current level of
academic functioning.

3. Delay in p1acement--refers to the legnth of
time lapse between the psychologist's recom-
mendation of special class placement and the
actual time of placement in a special educa-
tion class for the educable mentally retarded.

4. Measured intelligence-~refers to the resultant
intelligence quotient attained from an indi-
vidual psychological evaluation administered
by a school psychologist.

5. Mobility--the number of recorded residential
moves a student has made from birth to the
time of psychological evaluation.

16

Number of schools attended--refers to the num-
ber of schools attended in Detroit and else-
where that have been recorded on the student's
permanent school record.

Semesters repeated in the regular grades--
refers to the total number of listed grade
failures by semester for an individual's school
history.

Socio-economic status--refers to the equal
weighting of parents' occupation and educa-
tional level (see Appendix A).

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

The effects of race, sex and socio-economic class
on the incidence of mental retardation found in the urban
school population are well established. However, the
labeling process used by school systems has received
scant attention, particularly as this process relates to
the defining of deviant behavior. Kitsuse (1964), in
delineating the process of deviancy, states

. . . deviancy may be conceived as a process

by which the members of a group, community, or
society (1) interpret behavior as deviant, (2)
define persons who so behave as a certain kind
of deviant, and (3) accord them the treatment
considered apprOpriate to such deviants (Kitsuse,
1964, p. 88).

The applicability of Kitsuse's conceptual framework
to the label of mental retardation appears most appro-
priately suited for the present study. However, a paucity
of relevant studies in mental retardation exists and
therefore the research to be reviewed will consist of only
studies germane to Kitsuse's theoretical position. In
consonance with the theoretical parallels outlined in

Chapter I, the review of the literature will focus only

on appropriate psychiatric and educational research which

17

18

lends itself to conceptualizing the problem of social

class and mental retardation.

Review of Relevant Psychiatric
Epidemiological Research

 

 

A number of large scale epidemiological studies
have been conducted which have attempted to relate the
distribution of psychiatric illness to population char-
acteristics--e.g. age, sex, ethnicity, and class. More-
over, it can be safely assumed that new insights into
mental illness have emanated from the findings of medical
epidemiologists and social scientists who have investi-
gated the ecological and demographical corollaries of
mental illness. Interlaced with epidemiology is the role
of etiology which, in a logical sense, determines epi-
demiology.

Perusal of the literature in psychiatric epidemology
discloses that most of the large-scale epidemiological
studies conducted have been based on two methodological
approaches, namely extensive interviews and/or the re-
viewing of hospital records.

One investigation frequently cited by psychiatric
epidemiologists as a classic example of a research effort
designed to examine the relationship between sociological
and psychiatric variables was conducted by Paris and
Dunham (1939). Utilizing the theoretical conceptualiza-

tions of Park and Burgess (1925), the investigators

19

examined the incidence and distribution of admissions to

mental hospitals from Chicago of two main functional psy-

choses (i.e. schizophrenics and manic depressives) and

attempted to correlate and interpret Specific demographic

indices with the differential distribution for these two

diagnosed mental disorders within ecological and social

disorganization theory. Data from a sample of 7,253

cases provided strong evidence for the investigators to

conclude the following:

(1) A comparison of the distribution of the

(2)

(3)

(4)

rates of the schizophrenic and manic-
depressive psychoses shows them to be un-
like each other in almost every respect.

The schizophrenic rates show the typical
ecological pattern and are concentrated in
the disorganized areas of the city, while
the manic depressive rates do not show a
typical pattern nor any definite concentra-
tion in the disorganized and poverty-
stricken areas of the city.

There is a tendency, although not clearly
defined, for the manic depressive cases
to come from a higher cultural and eco-
nomic level as compared with the schizo-
phrenic cases.

The schiZOphrenic rates showed a skewed fre-
quency distribution, while the manic de-
pressive rates showed no such skewness in
their distribution (Dunham, 1939, p. 101).

Furthermore, the investigators, in teasing out and

examining the distributive relationship of race, sex and

national origin to the incidence of these functional

psychoses, noted that the distribution of these variables

20

followed a pattern similar to that noted for the two
broad psychiatric classifications.

Dunham (1964), in a further attempt to investigate
the relationship of social class to one particular mental
disorder (schizophrenia) examined first-admission patients
from two Detroit sub-communities covering a two year
period but separated by a twenty year span (1936-1938 and
1956-1958). Using a method developed by Hollingshead and
Redlich (1958), Dunham defined social class by "combining
the respective weights for occupation and education of
the heads of the households." Dunham's adaptation of the
Hollingshead and Redlich weight basically was derived
from the following multiple regression equation:

X1 (Estimated class position) = .183X2 (Residence)

+ .154X3 (Education) + .269X4 (Occupation) + .884

(Hollingshead and Redlich, 1958, p. 394).
By omitting the constant (.884), the approximate weights
of 6, 5, and 9, respectively, were used to weight the
factors X2, X3, and X4 by Hollingshead and Redlich (1958).
The total sample consisted of three diagnostic groups:
(1) schizophrenics, (2) non-schizophrenics and (3) all
additional psychiatric cases. Although analyses of the
data indicated a higher proportion of schizophrenics in
the lower social class groups, when the two sub-
communities were compared individually and in total
across social class groupings excluding the lowest social

class group, the incidence rates approached parity. The

21

investigators consequently theorized that the incidence
of schizOQhrenia is not inversely related to the class
structure but rather is the result of social selection
factors e.g. birth, achievement, personality, education.

Hollingshead and Redlich (1958), in attempting to
examine the relationship between social class and the
treated prevalence of mental illness interviewed a 5
percent sample of all households in the metropolitan area
of New Haven, Connecticut. A systematic random sample of
3,559 interviews served as basic data for examining the
relationship between social class position and (1) preva-
lence of treated mental illness, (2) types of diagnosed
psychiatric disorder and (3) the type of psychiatric
treatment administered.

By assigning approximately equal weights to the
respondent's area of residence, occupation and education,
an "Index of Social Position" was derived. Weights were
determined by the use of multiple regression analysis.
Utilizing this process, the investigators divided the
population into five social classes arranged in a hier-
archial order. Social class was treated as an independent
variable; the psychiatric diagnosis and treatment of a
patient's illness served as the dependent variable.

The major finding of the Hollingshead and Redlich
study was the presence of a systematic relationship be-

tween social class and the treated prevalence of mental

22

illness. A closer examination of this relationship sug-
gests that the lower class (unskilled and semi-skilled
workers of low education) had higher prevalence rates in
the diagnostic categories of phobic-anxiety reactions,
schizophrenia, and organic psychoses. While schizo-
phrenia was the predominant psychotic disorder in all
classes, the proportion of schiZOphrenics found in the
two lower social classes was less than that reported in
earlier studies (Clark, 1949; Paris and Dunham, 1939).

Statistically significant findings were reported by
the investigators for the three hypotheses under test.

In concluding, Hollingshead and Redlich emphasized the
changing role and redefinition of psychiatry, particularly
as it related to the lower social class.

Another large-sample size type study conducted by
Parker and Kleiner (1965) attempted to investigate the
effects of race and social class on the incidence of
psychiatric illness as a function of goal-striving be-
havior. Basically, this research effort represented a
replicative extension of an earlier study by Malzberg and
Lee (1956) on migration and mental disorders among
Negroes. The Malzberg and Lee hypothesis that: Negro
migrants represented a disproportionate number of first
admissions to private and public mental hospitals in New
York, provided the impetus for the Parker and Kleiner

study.

23

Two groups, both systematically drawn from the
Philadelphia Negro community, served as representative
samples of the non—mentally ill and mentally ill popula-
tions. Both groups were interviewed in depth (206 items--
of which 15% were open ended). In addition, each re-
spondent between twenty-five and twenty-nine years of
age was asked to respond to a projective test (Need
Achievement Test) which functioned as a measure of his
"achievement motive" (Atkinson, 1958).

Social class was operationally defined by the in-
vestigators on the basis of differential weights assigned
to education, income and occupation. These criteria and
weights were derived from the respondents ranking of
eight "potentially relevant criteria for status position."

Essentially, the findings of the Parker and Kleiner
investigation indicated that the total combined variables
considered simultaneously only accounted for 41% (i.e.
multiple correlation coefficient of .64) of the variance
associated with mental disorder, despite the presence of
a positive relationship between race, social mobility and
social class in both the ill and community samples. Spe-
cifically, the investigative yield disclosed a consistent
trend of high psychiatric symptoms associated with up-
wardly and downwardly mobile groups. The groups' mani-
festations of high stress, low self-esteem and discrepant

reference group orientation was interpreted as antecedent

24

conditions to mental illness. The highest rate of ill-
ness was noted in the native Philadelphia Negro and
thereby supported the investigators' initial "hunch,"
which was based upon their questioning of an earlier
study by Malzberg and Lee (1956).

One of the most comprehensive large scale psychia-
tric epidemiological investigations performed to date has
been the Midtown Manhattan Study (Srole, Langner, Michael,
Opler and Rennie, 1962). Drawing from a population of
110,000 peOple ranging in age between 20 and 59, the in-
vestigators obtained extensive interview data from a
random sample of 1,660 persons (1.5% of the population)
residing within the Midtown New York City district. The
project consisted essentially of three phases: "The
Sociography Operation, describing the community; The
Treatment Census, a collation of all records of psychia-
tric treatment of Midtowners; and the central operation,
The Home Interview Survey" (Langner and Michael, 1963,
p. 47).

Sociographic data taken from available federal,
state and municipal sources--e.g. U. S. Census, was used
to describe the community and its peOple. In addition,
key informants in the community, participant observers
and relevant commentaries on life in Manhattan were used

as descriptors.

25

Psychiatric facilities were surveyed in order to
determine the prevalence and incidence rates for both
hospitalized and ambulatory psychiatric patients who
were Midtown residents within the previous five year span.

The Home Interview Survey consisted of administer—
ing a 65 page questionnaire to 1,660 individuals. Ques-
tionnaire items represented two theoretical models: (1)
stress--i.e. "noxious or potentially noxious factors,"
and (2) strain--i.e. "reaction to the stress." Of the
415 items, each item theoretically represented a hypo—
thesis. Approximately half of the questionnaire items
were environmentally based items which were designed to
relate psychiatric impairment to specific demographic
stress factors.

In addition to the Home Interview Survey, each of
1,660 questionnaires was rated independently by two psy-
chiatrists. The rating procedure, however, was con-
trolled so that "symptomatic" information could be
evaluated independently from "social functioning" infor-
mation. This procedure reduced rating difference (symptom
vs. socio-cultural background) to 25%.

The investigative yield of the Midtown Manhattan
Study disclosed the presence of many positive relation-
ships between demographic factors and the incidence and
degree of psychiatric impairment. For the sake of brevity,

however, perhaps the most significant finding was:

26

"socio-economic status is more closely associated with
mental disturbance than any other demographic factor"
(Langner and Michael, 1963, p. 75).

Contrary to the New Haven Study (Hollingshead and
Ridlich, 1958), the Midtown Manhattan Study found the
highest rate of treated cases in the highest social
class. This finding was interpreted, however, as an
index of availability of psychiatric service as well as
a favorable orientation toward psychiatric treatment.

In marked contrast to the Midtown Manhattan Study
(Srole, Langner, et_al., 1962) is the Stirling County
Study (Leighton, gt_al,, 1963), another large sample
size psychiatric epidemiological investigation which
attempted to examine the relationships between socio-
cultural environment and psychiatric disorder within a
rural setting. Moreover, the investigators chose to
conduct a prevalence rather than an incidence study-—
i.e. people with a psychiatric disorder as of a given
time.

The setting for the Stirling County Study was a
rural county located in the northeastern section of
Canada. Demographically, the county could be described
as a small (population of 20,000) bay community composed
primarily of French Acadians and English speaking peOple
whose primary source of livelihood is fishing and

secondary industries related to fishing.

27

Methodologically, this study also differed from
previous investigations in that 10 indices were used to
rate the sample communities on a sociocultural integration-
disintegration scale. Essentially, the investigators
sought to examine the relationship between sociocultural
disintegration and its effect on personality. A 10%
probability sample (1,015) of heads of households over 18
years of age, approximately equally divided between males
and females were interviewed. All respondents had resided
in the area for at least six months prior to the inter-
view. Additional information was obtained from observa-
tions by the interviewer, independent judging protocols
by two psychiatrists, impressions from at least one com-
munity source--i.e. long term residents (20 years or more)
and hospital and other institutional records.

Succinctly, the Stirling County Study provided evi—
dence to support hypotheses framed within a quasi
psychiatric-social disorganization theory in which psy-
chiatric disorder is a function of sex, age and socio-
cultural disintegration.

Contrary to previous studies (Srole, gt_al., 1962;
Hollingshead and Redlich, 1958; Paris and Dunham, 1939),
the investigators found that the prevalence rate of psy-
chiatric disorders within the disintegrated community
represented a significant proportion (59%) of psychiatric

disorders. This higher prevalence of psychiatric

28

disorders has, however, raised considerable questions and
criticism in terms of criterion and concurrent validity
(Dohrenwend and Dohrenwend, 1969), particularly since the
cross validation attempt (Leighton, et_al., 1966) was
further confounded by a selection factor.

Few epidemiological studies have focused spe-
cifically on ethnic differences, particularly in terms of
demographic characteristics as corollaries of the inci-
dence and prevalence of psychiatric disorders. The omis-
sion or limited number of various ethnic groups has been
viewed by some as a serious sampling problem. One rather
intensive review of the literature (Dohrenwend and
Dohrenwend, 1969) noted that of 44 community studies con-
ducted between 1917 and 1963, only 8 provided comparative
data for Negroes and whites. Moreover, the results from
these 8 studies were evenly divided--i.e. "4 showing
higher rates for Negroes and 4 showing higher rates for
whites" (Dohrenwend and Dohrenwend, 1969, p. 57).

The Washington Heights Studies (Dohrenwend and
Dohrenwend, 1965, 1967) represented an attempt to investi-
gate the relationship between different ethnic groups,
demographic characteristics and rate of psychiatric dis-
order within a social causation frame of reference--i.e.
psychiatric disorders thought to be the result of en-

vironmental stress.

29

Washington Heights, a section of Manhattan in New
York City, is composed primarily of (in order of size)
Jewish, Negro, Irish, and Puerto Rican residents. The
history of assimilation of ethnic groups in New York City
probably typifies the assimilation patterns found in most
large urban communities, particularly if one ignores
specific ethnic group origin and instead focuses on the
assimilative patterns of ethnic groups as a function of
demographic and historical trends over time. Dohrenwend
and Dohrenwend describe the social history of New York
City's immigration pattern and socio-economic development
in the following manner:

As an example, the history of New York City
has been marked by great successive waves of
new immigrant groups: the Irish and Germans in
the 1840's, the Jews and Italians starting in
the 1880's, the Negroes after World War I, and
the Puerto Ricans after World War II. With the
possible exception of non-Jewish Germans, the
initial conditions of these new groups in the
city have been those of poverty, slums, and
working-class jobs. The Jews, the Irish, and
to a lesser extent, the Italians have moved up
over succeeding generations into relatively
affluent and largely middle-class circumstances.
In this process of assimilation, the three
ethnic groups have achieved a substantial share
in the wealth and power of the city.

In sharp contrast to these now relatively
advantaged ethnic groups are the Negroes and
Puerto Ricans, who are concentrated geographi-
cally in the city's slums and occupationally
in its low-paying unskilled and semi-skilled
jobs (Dohrenwend and Dohrenwend, 1969, p. 57).

The initial Washington Heights study consisted of

a probability sample (1,283 respondents) drawn from a

30

previously conducted survey which contained a probabil-
ity sample of 1,713 Washington Heights residents. By
selecting only respondents between 21 and 59 years of
age, the investigators were able to approximate the
sample size and age range of the Midtown Manhattan Study
(Srole et_al., 1962). Further replicating the Manhattan
Study was the investigators' use of 22 symptom interview
items taken from the Midtown Study interview schedule.
Interview data were obtained on 90% of the sample. Edu-
cation and income were treated as separate but primary
indices of social class, because of varying income across
ethnic groups.

The second Washington Heights Study, conducted
approximately two years after the initial investigation,
sought to examine the relationship of ethnicity and
social class to the rate of personality disorder--i.e.
"alcoholism, sociopathic traits, and the early stages of
paranoid schizophrenia" (Dohrenwend and Dohrenwend, 1969,
p. 66). A small probability sub-sample of subjects was
drawn from the first study. However, unlike the initial
study, the selection of subjects (heads of household)
was based on sex and ethnicity. Control for these two
variables was further utilized by assigning interviewers
to respondents of the same sex and race. Interview items
providing clues of these traits were selected from the

Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory. In contrast

31

to the first study, social class was not treated as a
composite of education and income.

For purposes of clarity, the findings of the two
Washington Heights studies will be reviewed as one,
since the second study basically represents an extension
of the initial study. Essentially, the investigative
yield of the two studies did not provide sufficient evi-
dence to allow rigorous conclusions to be drawn regard-
ing the etiological basis of psychiatric disorders within
the four ethnic groups. A major problem which developed
out of both studies was the consistently higher rate of
symptoms on all measures reported by Puerto Rican re-
spondents relative to their class counterparts in the
other ethnic groups. Scores on the Psychophysiological
Symptom Index (e.g. cold sweats, headaches), the 22 Mid-
town items, and Social Desirability Ratings (i.e. rating
symptoms as desirable or undesirable) suggest that Puerto
Rican and Negro respondents tend to interpret "mal-
adaptive" behavior differently than their Jewish and
Irish social class counterparts. This amount of differ-
ence between the four ethnic groups remained despite the
investigators' controlling for educational level. The
investigators, as a consequence, concluded:

In other words, the differences in results

obtained on the various symptom indices may be

a function of cultural differences in the types
of symptoms used to express distress as well as

32

or instead of cultural differences in willing-
ness to admit symptoms when they are present
(Dohrenwend and Dohrenwend, 1969, p. 88).

Review of Related Research
and Literature

 

Empirical research specifically dealing with the
process of labeling an individual as educable mentally
retarded is at a minimum. In order to explore the im-
plications of the labeling process, it becomes neces-
sary to examine studies which incidently touch upon the
labeling process. In addition, there is a small number
of theoretical articles which discuss the educational,
social and psychological implications of being labeled
mentally retarded.

Towne and Joiner (1966), in examining the conse-
quences of special class placement on the self-concept-of
ability of educable mentally retarded students, noted
that the students' reference group appears to be a key
variable in terms of the labeling process and its impact
on self concept of ability. The investigators theorized
that a student's initial high score on the self concept
of ability measure suggests a change in reference group
which initially provided "a number of Opportunities for
aggrandizement of self" (Towne and Joiner, 1966, p. 117).
However, as the student became acclimated to his newly
expected role and continued to interact with "normal"

students, a decline in his self concept of ability was

33

noted. This reverse--i.e. initial increase in self con-
cept of ability followed by a decline in self concept--
suggests that placement in Special classes for students
classified as educable mentally retarded is primarily a
function of reference groups and the student's level of
interaction with "regular" and "special class" students.
An interesting interpretation of this process based upon
an illustration by Goffman (1952) had been previously
developed (Towne and Joiner, 1965).

Another investigation (Mercer, 1965) sought to
examine the differences in family acceptance and career
patterns of individuals labeled as mentally retarded.
Two groups of institutionalized retardates matched on
intelligence quotient, age, sex, ethnic status and year
of admission were studied. Essentially, the groups dif-
fered only in that one group had been released to their
families, while the other group remained as patients in
a state hOSpital. The families of both groups were then
interviewed. Social class was defined and weighted
according to the Hollingshead and Redlich system. Basi-
cally, the results of this investigation disclosed that
divergent definitions existed regarding the parental
labeling of mental retardation. Moreover, this labeling
process appeared to be a function of social class and
age--i.e. lower status children were labeled retarded

generally after school age. For the higher status

34

patients, the labeling process occurred at an early age
and was less likely to be questioned by the primary group.
An important consequence of the patient's primary group's
level of acceptance of retardation as normal or deviant
was noted in that the lower status patient's families
(primarily Mexican American and Negro) held higher expec-
tations for their children (46%) fulfilling the usual
adult role than did the higher status group (6.9%).

The dynamics of social class labeling and institu-
tional placement for the mentally retarded individual,
particularly as it related to his life Space, was des-
cribed by Mercer in the following manner:

Behavior which was perfectly acceptable in his

primary social system may now be judged as evi-
dence of "mental retardation." At this point he
is caught up in the web of official definitions.
However, because he has primary social systems
which may not agree with these official labels,
he may be able to return to that segment of the
social structure which does not label him as
deviant after he has fulfilled the minimum re-
quirements of the official system. That is, he
can drop out of school or he can "serve his
time" in the state hospital and go home (Mercer,
1965, p. 33).

A comparable parallel can be drawn between the
mentally retarded patients reported in the Mercer study
and the "The Six Hour Retarded Child"--i.e. children who
are classified as retarded during the six hour school day

on the basis of I.Q. tests, without regard to the child's

ability to perform outside the classroom.

35

Results similar to the Mercer study were noted by
Shulman (1967, 1968). In an attempt to explore and
modify the vocational development of urban educable men-
tally retarded adolescents, the investigator conducted
an experimental and longitudinally designed study within
a sheltered workshop. The sample originally consisted of
approximately one-third Negro. However, by the termina-
tion of the study, only 33 of the original 55 subjects
were available for the follow-up interview. Of this
group, 8 were Negro and 25 were white. Subjects were
administered an annual five day diagnostic assessment
test battery which provided data on vocational, intel-
lectual, social and personal behaviors. In addition, a
daily rating scale was used to rate work behavior of the
subjects during their five day evaluation session.

Fundamentally, the results of this study raised
serious question concerning the validity of diagnostic
evaluation and special class placement policies. Shulman,
in summarizing the findings of his study, states:

The fact that, though indistinguishable on the

basis of typical measures used by the public
school, the Negro and white subjects in this
study turn out to be so radically different, may
suggest that many of the "color blind" practices
in our big city public schools are inappropriate.
Apparently identical phenotypic mental retarda-
tion was seen to mask very different genotypes

for Negro disadvantaged and white advantaged
youngsters, respectively (Shulman, 1968, p. 240).

36

Enlarging further upon these findings, Shulman discusses
the educational implication of these findings in the
following manner:

Our findings raise serious questions about the
effectiveness of present methods for identifying
and subsequently re-educating children who are
intellectually handicapped in our urban public
schools. Moreover, the advisability of tradi-
tional modes of "special education" in these
areas must be questioned. It seems clear that
all education should be special or none of it.

The incidence of misclassification in using cur-
rent criteria appears unnecessarily high. Our
most intelligent decision may well be to do away
with all "Special classes" in the inner city
until we develop better means of identifying the
etiologies of educational handicaps and thus more
adequate methods of remediating them (Shulman,
1968, p. 240).

Another empirical investigation which appears ap-
propriate for review was conducted by Rosenthal and
Jacobson (1966). In a rather unique experimental study,
the investigators examined the effects of teacher ex-
pectancies on the intellectual growth of elementary
school children in a San Francisco school. The research
hinged upon the results obtained from a newly initiated
testing program designed to "predict academic blooming."
In reality, however, the test administered was the
Flanagan Tests of General Ability. Teachers were given
the names of students whose test results suggested that
they were "academic spurters"--i.e. "those, who during
the academic year ahead, would show unusual intellectual

gains." In addition, the investigators requested that

the teachers not discuss the test findings with either

37

the students or the students' parents. Following the
initiation of the study, students were retested at four
month intervals twice. The teachers were also asked to
rate all of their students on nine variables ranging
from prediction of future success to the need for social
approval.

Analysis of the data from this study led to the
"self-fulfilling prophecy or Rosenthal effect." More
specifically, the investigators' interpretation of the
results were:

The results of the experiment just now des-

cribed provide further evidence that one per-
son's expectations of another's behavior may
serve as a self-fulfilling prOphecy. When
teachers expected that certain children would
Show greater intellectual development, those
children did show greater intellectual develop-
ment (Rosenthal and Jacobson, 1966, p. 246).
Review of Non-Empirical Literature

Perhaps one of the most controversial articles to

appear in recent Special Education literature was one

written by Dunn (1968). In a scathing and provocative

indictment of the current practices of special education,

Dunn states:

In lieu of an abstract to this article, I would
like to preface it by saying this is my swan
song for now--as I leave special education and
this country for probably the next two years. I
have been honored to be a past president of the
Council for Exceptional Children. I have loyally
supported and promoted special classes for the
educable mentally retarded for most of the last
20 years, but with growing disaffection. In my

or.

I.

 

.1.
(I)

'1‘

38

view, much of our past and present practices are
morally and educationally wrong. We have been
living at the mercy of general educators who
have referred their problem children to us. And
we have been generally ill prepared and ineffec-
tive in educating these children. Let us stop
being pressured into continuing and expanding a
special education program that we know to be un-
desirable for many of the children we are dedi-
cated to serve (Dunn, 1968, p. 5).

To develop this position, Dunn then proceeded to
examine and discuss the mislabeling and placement prac-
tices used by school systems to classify children from
non-middle class environments--i.e. Afro-Americans,
American Indians, Mexican and Puerto Rican Americans,
as mentally retarded. He posited that 60 to 80 percent
of these students have been mislabeled and relegated to
a second class educational status. Citing supportive
evidence, Dunn referred to the (l) Skelly Wright decision
regarding the abolishment of educational tracking in the
District of Columbia, (2) Coleman Report and the educa-
tional implications for racially integrated schools,

(3) inconclusive status of efficacy studies on the men-
tally retarded, (4) questionable validity of psychometric
assessment and (5) the "Rosenthal Effect" and its appli-
cability to labeling a child "handicapped."

As an alternative to current Special education pro-
grams for the midly retarded (50 to 75 I.Q.) student,
Dunn proposed establishing a moratorium on the increasing

number of self contained Special classes. In lieu of

Special classes, he proposed establishing "Special

 

39

Education Diagnostic and Prescription Generating Centers"--
i.e. a cadre of educational specialists, in cases war-
ranted by a large school population. A second alternative
recommendation was the use of a diagnostic generalist, if
establishing a center was not feasible. Third, if neither
of the aforementioned alternatives were possible, a quasi
prescriptive clinical teacher could provide the necessary
service.

Augmenting the three alternatives outlined, Dunn
further recommended that psychometric and diagnostic pro-
cedures become better standardized, particularly as they
relate to individual cognitive modes and the correspond-
ing instructional techniques. Emanating from this pro-
cedure, Dunn envisioned a-chain of Special Education Cur-
riculum Development Centers jointly sponsored and shared
between colleges and universities and state and local
school systems, e.g. Michigan State University Instruc-
tional Materials Center.

Theorizing that special education programs have
been inadequate primarily because current educational
treatment has not been based on a conceptual model, the
writer then discussed the developing of an educational
taxonomy. A skeletal taxonomy was outlined by Dunn con-
sisting essentially of brief reviews of educational re-

search in eight basic input areas.

40

Although the Dunn article is probably one of the
most frequently cited articles today, perusal of the
literature does indicate that Dunn's position is not
unique. Though differing in interpretation, several
writers (Dexter, 1956, 1958, 1960; Szasa, 1960, 1970;
Towne and Joiner, 1965) have explored the dimensions of
mental retardation and mental illness from a non-
empirical but theoretically based point of view. Among
the commonalities found in these articles has been the
focusing of discussions on the relative nature of
socially defined behaviors within a given milieu, par-
ticularly in terms of the amount of discrepant behavior,
be it social or intellectual as perceived by the labeler
and the labeled.

Dexter (1956, 1958, 1960), in a series of articles
on mental retardation, attempted to delineate the need
for developing a social theory of mental retardation
based upon the premise that mental retardation is a
consequence of "socially prescribed or acquired roles
and statutes" (Dexter, 1958, p. 921). His writings ex-
plored the use of systematic observation and recording
as a means of better understanding the behavior of the
retarded. In formulating a social theory of mental re-
tardation, the writer outlined and related five proposi-
tions which incorporated the following constructs:

social problems, learning, and self concept. By

41

examining the interaction of these constructs, Dexter
posited that a new definition of mental retardation would
be established. This redefinition, the writer contended,
would be the result of field studies on role development
of the retarded.

Towne and Joiner's (1965) interpretation of Goff—
man's construct "cooling the mark out" illustrates the
procedure used by the labelers to condition the labeled,
is an example of redefining new roles and expectancies

for the student designated as educable mentally retarded.

Summary

Drawing from the empirical research and theoretical
discussions cited in the previous sections of this chapter,
the conceptual definition of educable mental retardation
and functional mental illness can be viewed as a socially
defined phenomenon which has been sanctioned and vali-
dated with psychiatric and psychometric measures of ques-
tionable validity. Moreover, although the investigations
and discussions reviewed acknowledged the important role
of cultural and ethnic differences, the evidence to date
appears scant and limited in terms of its generaliz-
ability and applicability to the increasing number of
disadvantaged and culturally different groups found in
urban areas.

In recent years, investigation attempting to fur-

ther define the determinants of educability for the

42

culturally different have provided the impetus for re-
examining frequently accepted educational policies such
as tracking and psychometric evaluation. One promising
method of examining the effect and impact of special
class placement for the educable mentally retarded is

to examine the application of this concept to a changing

urban population over time.

CHAPTER III

METHOD

The presentation of research method in this chapter
is divided into four sections. In the first section, a
description is given of the sample used in this study.
Secondly, each major variable investigated is operation-
ally defined. Third, a brief description of the psycho—
metric instruments used for diagnostic purposes is pre-
sented. Fourth, the procedures used for data collection

and analysis are outlined.

The Sample

 

The population from which the sample was drawn con-
sisted of all students referred and evaluated by the
Detroit Public Schools Psychological Clinic between the
years of 1911 and 1970. Based on the Psychological
Clinic's filing system, approximately 190,000 student
records are on file. Each individually assigned file or
case number represents a specific case of a student who
was referred by a school official for some form of edu-
cational evaluation due to maladaptive or potentially
maladaptive behavior--i.e. poor academic progress, poor

social adjustment.

43

44

In most cases involving students referred for an
evaluation based on learning problems, an individual in-
telligence test is administered and case history data are
recorded by the school psychologist. On the basis of the
test results and case history data, an educational recom-
mendation is made by the psychologist (e.g. student to
continue in the regular grade, placement in a class for
the educable mentally retarded, exclude from regular
school attendance).

In addition to the psychological evaluation, every
student is given a cursory medical examination by one of
the clinic physicians. If, in the physician's judgment,
additional diagnostic measures appear necessary, a recom-
mendation is made specifying what appears to be in need
of further study. The physician's report and recommenda-
tions are also included in the student's records.

Individual student records selected for this study
were based on the following criteria:

1. Students who, after having been administered

an individual intelligence test, were recom-
mended for special class placement for edu-

cable mentally retarded students.

2. Students whose medical records did not indi-
cate the presence of organic brain damage.

3. All students were enrolled in the Detroit
Public Schools.

4. Students who were evaluated by a member of the
Psychological Clinic staff between the period
of September, 1911 to January, 1970.

45

The total N was 858: 585 males and 273 females;

326 Blacks and 532 Caucasians.

Major Variables

 

The major variables in this investigation were:

(1) the concept of educable mental retardation, (2)

race, (3) sex, and (4) socio-economic status.

Operationally, these variables were defined in the

following manner:

1.

Educable mental retardation--Certification and
placement of a student in special education
class for the educable mentally retarded.
Certification, as used in this definition,
refers to the assessment process, whereby a
student is administered an individual intelli-
gence test (e.g. Stanford Binet, Wechsler In-
telligence Scale for Children, Detroit Test

of Learning Aptitude) and on the basis of I.Q.
and "other factors" is recommended for special
class placement. The general range of intel-
lectual retardation considered to be educable
has been an I.Q. between 50 and 75.

Race--Race was defined as the pyschologist's
judgment of the race of the student. Racial
identification was generally recorded by the
examining phychologist on the test protocol
and case history form.

Sex--Sex, like race, was defined on the basis
of the examining psychologist's recording on
the test protocol and case history form.

Socio-Economic Status—~Socio-economic status
was determined by using a weighted scale where
the student's father (or whoever supports the
family) was assigned a value on the basis of
his education and occupation. The value
represented a composite score which consisted
of the equal weighting of occupation and edu-
cation (Reiss, 1961) (see Appendix A).

46

Data Collection Procedure

In January of 1970, the data collection process was
started. A sample size of 858 (approximately 1/2 of 1%)
was systematically drawn from the population. The point
of entry into the file records was determined by using
a table of random numbers. The point of entry served
as the base number. Proceeding from the established
base number, every two hundredth case was examined. If
the case examined met the sample criteria, the pertinent
data were recorded. In instances where the case did not
meet the sample criteria, the procedure employed was to
examine each consecutive case until an eligible case was
located, recording the data, and subsequently returning
to the base number before proceeding to the next two
hundredth case.

Assisting in the data collection process were two
psychologists from the Detroit Public Schools Psychologi-

cal Clinic staff.

Instrumentation
Primarily three individual intelligence tests were
Ilsed to evaluate students in order to determine their
(aligibility for special education classes for the edu-
Cnable mentally retarded during the time Span examined.
Tame instruments were (1) Stanford Binet Intelligence

Scnale, (2) Detroit Test of Learning Aptitude and (3) the

 

47

Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children. A brief des-
cription of each instrument is given below.

1. Stanford Binet--An intelligence scale designed
to cover the levels of mental development from
ages 2 to 18. Levels are graduated in diffi-
culty. Below the six year mental age level
most test items are of the performance (non
verbal) type, e.g. matching, reproducing
figures. From ages 6 to 18, test items become
more verbal and abstractly based, requiring
skills in verbal reasoning power, word defini-
tions and deductive-inductive reasoning.
Standardization of the Binet has been extensive.*

2. Detroit Tests of Learning Aptitude--A local
intelligence test developed but not adequately
standardized (Buros, 1939, p. 1045) for use in
the Detroit Public Schools for screening stu-
dents suspected of mental retardation. The
examiner selects and administers 9 subtests
from a battery of 19 subtests. The median
test score functions as the mental age. Con-
version tables are then used to determine the
I.Q. A graph is then plotted on the test
protocol which indicates the difference be-
tween the subject's chronological age and
median subtest score. Normative data, though
available for the various subtests, is accepted
on face value, since no statistical interpre-
tation is provided in the test manual.

3. Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children--A
strong competitor with the Stanford Binet
Scale, The WISC, like the Stanford Binet, is
based on the theory that psychometric evalua-
tion should provide a measure of general mental
ability. Generally, the instrument is used to
evaluate students between 8 and 15 years of
age, although the tests' lower limits extend
below this range. Items are not grouped by
difficulty level. The WISC'S eleven subtests
are classified as either Verbal or Performance
scale tests. Scores are provided for each
major classification area in addition to a

*Intercorrelation between the Stanford Binet and
‘Vechsler Intelligence Scale for Children = .82.

48

total or Full Scale I.Q. score. Similar to
the Binet, the WISC has been subjected to ex-
tensive research. Standardization procedures
have also been extensive.

Data Analysis Procedures

 

Data were coded and punched on IBM cards and pro-
cessed through the CDC 3600 computer at the Michigan
State University Computer Center. Since the sample in-
cluded both discrete and continuous variables the analy-
tic techniques used were (1) analysis of variance, (2)
Chi-Square, and (3) the Pearson product-moment correla-
tion. All tests of significance were carried out at the

.05 levels.

Summary

A systematic randomly drawn sample of 858 test
protocols and case histories were drawn from the file
records of the Detroit Public Schools Psychological
Clinic. All subjects had been administered an individual
psychological evaluation and subsequently placed in a
class for the educable mentally retarded in the Detroit
Public School System during the time span of September,
1911 to January, 1970. Cases where organic brain damage
was recorded were excluded from the sample.

The major variables used in testing the hypotheses
were: (1) the concept of educable mental retardation,

(2) race, (3) sex, and (4) socio-economic status.

49

The data were coded and punched on IBM cards. Sub-
sequent analyses were performed using the CDC 3600 computer
at the M.S.U. Computer Center. The specific analytic
techniques used were: (1) analysis of variance, (2) Chi-

square and (3) the Pearson product-moment correlation.

CHAPTER IV

ANALYSIS OF THE DATA AND RESULTS

This chapter contains the results of the statistical
analysis of the data. Each hypothesis is restated and
accompanied by the results of the analysis. A summary of
the findings will be found at the end of the chapter.

Of the original 858 subjects in the sample p0pu1a-
tion, a number of subjects were excluded from the various
analyses because of incomplete information. However, due
to the large sample size and random distribution of dropped
cases through the sample, it was felt that a reduction in

the N did not bias the results of the study.

Hypotheses and Results
A descriptive summary of the sample group for this

particular analysis is given in Tables 4.0, 4.1 and 4.2.

Hypothesis 1

 

The concept of educable mental retardation based on
measured I.Q., as used by the Detroit Public School Sysf
tem for special class placement, will vary over time as

a function of race, sex and socio-economic class.

50

51

TABLE 4.0.--Composition of sample population by race, sex
and socio-economic status.

 

Socio-economic

 

 

 

 

Race Sex Status

Male Female High Low

Black

N = 245 160 85 37 ”_208 '

Percent of Total Sample 22.7 12.07 23.44 ‘76.56

34.80 ?.'? 1,;

Caucasian

N = 459 327 132 128 331

Percent of Total Sample '67.14 18.75 18.18 47.01
65.19 ?4"‘ ’

Total N = 704 487 217 165 539
Percent of Total Sample 69.17 30.82 23.43 76.59
100 1’ ‘ Q ’«5. u If " , ' t"

 

TABLE 4.l.--Composition of the Detroit Public School Sys- 1
tem by race and age during the U.S. census years 1910-1960.

 

Percent of

 

C$2::S Blacks Peggigi Of White Total Total
1910 685 .8, 76,973 99.2 " 77,658
1920 4,094 2.5"“ 152,853 . 97.5 13: 156,947
1930 17,929 6," 263,524 94 1 ‘ 281,453
1940 24,208 9.7 224,192 90.3 248,400
1950 44,604 175' 211,214 83 1« 255,818
1960 109,128 48.2 133,677 51.8 - 242,805

Grand 1 :1 E ‘ 3

Total 200,648 » Q /‘/ ;'~" 1,062,433

 

1Based on ages 5 to 14 years.

52

TABLE 4.2.--Socio-economic status distribution by race,
sex and time block.

 

 

 

High Low
Black Black
Time Block Male Female Time Block Male Female
1 (1911-1936) 3 2 1 27 15
2 (1937-1953) 9 4 2 45 21
3 (1954-1970) 3 _1_g 3 67 13.
Total 21 16 139 6
Percent of
Grand Total 2.98 2.27 19.74 9.8
Caucasian Caucasian
Time Block Male Female Time Block Male Female
1 34 17 1 126 56
2 53 6 2 59 35
3 13 _§ 3 42 11
Total 106 28 ‘227 I04.
Percent of
Grand Total 14.20 3.94 32.24 14.77
Grand Total 121 44 366 173

(N=704)

 

Results.--To test Hypothesis 1, a multi-variate
analysis of variance (Manova) for unequal cell sizes was
used.*

As indicated in Table 4.0, there is a dispropor—

tionate number of low SES male students in E.M.R. classes.

 

*All subsequent references to the multivariate
analysis of variance technique are based on the use of
Finn program.

53

A ratio in excess of 2 to 1 is noted between the male and
female subjects placed in special classes for E.M.R. stu-
dents. Further inspection of Table 4.0 indicates that on
the socio~economic class measure, a ratio in excess of 4
to 1 between the low and high class groups was noted,
thereby suggesting a differential distribution between the
two socio-economic classes. These findings were consistent
for both Black and White E.M.R.'s. Specifically, an in-
verse diStribution was noted between the Black and Cau—
casian E.M.R. subsamples. More specifically, Blacks
represented 34 per cent of the total sample despite a
variation in the racial composition of the school system
over time. The implications of this disproportionately
large number of Black students suggests the presence of

a differential distribution along racial lines.

Table 4.3 lists the mean I.Q. values by race, sex,
socio-economic class and time blocks. Inspection of
these data discloses that, irrespective of race, males
(ié69) had higher scores than females (R567) on the
initial intelligence test used for special class place-
ment. Across social economic class, I.Q. was found to be
higher for the high socio-economic groups (Ré7l.19) than
'the lower groups (E267.51). A similar pattern of differ-
Aences in means was indicated across race and sex--i.e.
“the Caucasian mean I.Q. values for both males (3569) and

ifenmles (3&67) were higher than the corresponding mean

54

values for Black males (i368) and females (i566). Com-
paring the time blocks discloses mean I.Q. value differ-
ences between the three time periods specified. Thus,
the initial mean I.Q. score of E.M.R. students, over

time, has fluctuated over the 49 year period examined.

TABLE 4.3.--Mean I.Q. scores by race, sex, socio-economic
class and time block.

 

 

Variable Mean I.Q.

Black - Both sexes 67.42

Male 68.00

Female 66.31
Caucasian - Both sexes 68.88

Male 69.535

Female 67.272
Males - Both races 69.032
Females - Both races 66.898
Socio-economic class

High 71.19

Low 67.51
Time Block

Period 1 (1911-1936) 66.47 Grand Mean

Period 2 (1937-1953) 70.69

Period 3 (1954-1970)

Total N = 704

_—

The analysis of variance findings summarized in
Table 4.4 indicate that significant main effects were
found at the .05 level for sex, socio-economic class and

time blocks. These findings support the inferences drawn

55

TABLE 4.4.--Ana1ysis of variance of I.Q. scores on the
basis of race, sex and socio-economic class.

 

 

. Between F- Degrees Level of
variable .2:::. Statistics Frzidom 5:222:1-
Sex 668.0587 3.9602 1,680 .0470*
Race 308.8471 1.8308 1,680 .1765 NS
Socio-economic 1466.7782 8.6950 1,680 .0034*
Class
Time Blocks 1096.6591 6.4950 2,680 .0017*

 

*P beyond the .05 level

from the descriptive data previously presented, namely:
the sex of the E.M.R. student, his social class status
and the time period during which the initial certifying
psychological examination was administered account for a
significant portion of the variance associated with in-
telligence test scores.

Based on the findings listed in Table 4.4, Hypothesis
1 was rejected at .05 level for three of the four inde-
pendent variables noted. These results support hypothesis
that the initial intelligence measure used to certify
E.M.R. students will systematically vary as a function of
sex, socio-economic class and time period but not as a

function of race.

56

Hypothesis 2

 

The exit pattern (e.g. return to regular grades) of
students classified as educable mentally retarded will
vary as a function of race, sex and socio-economic class.

Results.--Tab1e 4.5 summarizes the chi square values
calculated when comparing the type of exit pattern of
E.M.R. students as a function of race, sex and socio-
economic class. As is readily apparent, the only signifi-
cant chi square value obtained was that of race. The
absence of significance on the other variables suggest
that the type of exit pattern taken by E.M.R. students
does not show any systematic variation between the ob-
served and expected frequencies found for sex or socio-
economic class across action taken. Due to the extremely
large chi square table (21 x 3), a complete table of ob-
served frequencies was not included. However, those cate-
gories containing extreme values which appeared applicable

to the hypothesis are contained in Table 4.6.

TABLE 4.5.--Chi square values for exit pattern of E.M.R.
students as a function of sex, race, and
socio-economic class.

 

Obtained chi Value required for

 

Variable square value SlgnlfDEaISSeIt the
Sex 30.416 31.4104 N.S.
Race 37.766 31.4104 *
Socio-economic class 43.994 55.7585 N.S.

 

*P beyond the .05 and .01 level

57

TABLE 4.6.--Selected categories of type of action taken by race.

 

 

 

 

 

Race
Action Categories Black Caucasian
A* B* C* D* A? B? C* D”

Cat. 1 Left school overage (dropout) 26 27 22.6 7.6 54 53 23.9 15.8
Cat. 2 Moved from school district 9 12.1 7.8 2.6 27 23.9 11.9 7.9
Cat. 3 Committed to Wayne County

Training School 7 6.9 6.1 2.1 13 13.3 5.8 3.8
Cat. 4 Excluded from public school

attendance ll 9 1 9.6 3.2 16 17.9 7.1 4.7
Cat. 5 No record of placement in

E.M.R. classes 8 9 4 7.0 2.3 20 18.6 8.8 5.9
Cat. 6 Transferred to parochial

school 0 0 0 0 13 8.6 5.8 3.8
Cat. 7 Recommended to continue in

E.M.R. classes 20 12.1 17.4 5.9 16 23.9 7.1 4.7
Cat. 8 Trial placement in regular

grade 4 l 7 7.8 1.2 l 3.3 .4 .3
Cat. 9 Contact with legal authorities 2 2 4 1.7 .6 5 4.6 2.2 1.5
Cat. 10 Recommended for work at age 16 3 6.7 2 6 .9 14 10.3 6.2 4.1
Cat. 11 Retested for E.M.R. class

placement because first in-

telligence test score was in

normal range of intelligence 3 6.4 2 6 .9 16 12.6 7.1 4.7
Cat. 12 Referred to the Michigan Divi-

sion of Vocational Rehabili-

tation 6 1.7 5.2 1.8 3 6 1.3 .9
Total N = 341 Blacks, 115; 99 90.4 27.3 193 87.6 58.1

Caucasians, 226

*A = Observed frequency
B = Theoretical frequency
C = Percent of subgroup (i.e. racial group) total
D = Percent of total group (i.e. both races)

58

InSpection of Table 4.6 indicates the following

according to race and action taken:

Certified E.M.R. Caucasian Students

 

a.

b.

tend to be more prone to moving from school
district than Blacks.

transferred to parochial schools in greater
numbers than Blacks.

represented a smaller portion of the number of
students recommended to continue in E.M.R.‘
classes after some form of subsequent re-
evaluation.

represented a larger proportion of E.M.R. stu-
dents who, after certification as E.M.R., were
not subsequently placed in E.M.R. classes.

constituted a smaller prOportion of the number
of E.M.R. students placed back in a regular
grade situation on a trial basis.

were more frequently recommended to be released
from school at age 16 in order to work.

once suspected of retardation, were frequently
retested until the test results fell within
the range necessary for special E.M.R. class
placement.

were less frequently referred to the Michigan
Department of Vocational Rehabilitation Ser-
vices.

In contrast to the above inferences, Black students

certified as E.M.R. were:

less likely to move from the school district.
not found to transfer to parochial school.

more likely to be placed in E.M.R. class after
initial evaluation and certification.

represented a greater proportion of the E.M.R.
student population recommended to continue in
special E.M.R. classes.

59

e. less frequently recommended to be released from
school at age 16 in order to work.

f. seldom retested after the first evaluation be-
cause their first test score was in the normal
range of intelligence.

9. referred to the Michigan Department of Voca-
tional Rehabilitation in greater proportion
than their Caucasian counterparts.

Although Hypothesis 2 cannot be rejected in total,
the finding of a significant relationship between race and
type of action taken supports a portion of the hypothesis.
Clearly the race of an E.M.R. student does affect the
route and type of subsequent action taken by the school

and/or family following the initial evaluation and certi—

fication of a student as E.M.R.

Hypothesis 3

 

The delay in placement of certified educable mentally
retarded students will vary as a function of race, sex and
socio-economic class.

Result§.--The delay in placement data are presented
in Table 4.7. The mean value for each factor is presented
by sex, race, socio-economic class and time period. An
analysis of variance of the delay in placement data is
presented in Table 4.8.

There were no significant differences noted between
the mean values at the .05 level.

The results indicate that over time, sex, race and

socio-economic class have not contributed significantly to

60

TABLE 4.7.--Mean values and variances for delay in place-

ment as a function of race,

sex,

and time blocks.

Mean delay in placement1

socio-economic class

 

Variable Variance

Black - Both sexes 6.04 877.01

Male 6.85 658.02

Female 4.46 218.99
Caucasian - Both sexes 6.21 1809.30

Male 6.49 1343.44

Female 5.54 465.85
Males - Both races 6.60 2001.46
Females - Both races 5.14 684.85
Socio-economic class

High 5.80 620.93

Low 6.28 2065.38
Time Block

Period 1 (1911-1936) 5.85 994.57

Period 2 (1937-1953) 6.02 1096.84

Period 3 (1954-1970) 7.08 594.90

Total N = 436

 

1

All values are presented in months

TABLE 4.8.--Ana1ysis of variance for delay in placement as
a function of sex, race, socio-economic class and time.

 

 

f

Between Group F- . Deggies Sigiifi-

Mean Square Statistic Freedom cance
Sex 196.18 3.2052 1 and .0742
413 N.S.
Race .9678 .0158 1 and .9000
413 N.S.
Socio-economic 29.0714 .4750 1 and .4911
class 413 N.S.
Time Blocks 53.0507 .8667 2 and .4211

413 N.S.

 

61

variance associated with delay in placement of students in
E.M.R. class in the Detroit Public Schools. Only modest
differences were noted between the race, sex and socio-
economic mean values. Though not statistically signifi-
cant, an unanticipated trend toward an increase in the
length of time prior to placement was noted. Examination
of the cell frequencies and the wide range in the within
cell variances provided a tentative explanation for the
lack of more definitive results. Additionally, the broad
range of the within cell variance values and cell sizes

may have accounted for the lack of significant findings.

Hypothesis 4

 

The initial age and grade of students at the time of
psychological examination will vary as a function of race,
sex and socio-economic class.

Results.--In Table 4.9, the mean values for age and
grade of the students at the time of psychological evalu-
ation are presented. These data, as presented, allow for
a comparative inspection between the age and grade across
the factors of sex, race, socio-economic class and time
block. The grade values are based on a ten month school
year. Thus, a value of 3.2 represents a value of third
grade - second month.

Inspection of Table 4.9 indicates that students are

generally referred for an evaluation during the latter

62

TABLE 4.9.--Mean values for students at the time of evalu-
ation by age and grade.

 

 

 

Mean
Variable
Age Grade

Black - Both sexes 10.61 3.76

Male 10.62 3.65

Female 10.61 3.97
Caucasian - Both sexes 10.442 3.10

Male 10.34 3.09

Female 10.69 3.14
Males - Both races 10.43 3.27
Females - Both races 10.66 3.46
Socio-economic class

High 9.83 3.09

Low 10.71 3.40
Time Block

Period 1 11.05 3.13

Period 2 10.09 3.20

Period 3 10.20 3.80

Total N 688 660

 

 

63

portion of the third grade. Approximately six months
difference was noted between the grade at time of re-
ferral between Black and Caucasian students. Male Blacks
were, however, referred earlier than female Blacks, while
male Caucasians were referred later (8 grade months) than
female Caucasians. In contrast to these findings was the
early referral of high socio-economic students for evalu-
ation compared to the lower socio-economic student group.
Over time, the mean age for referral has dropped while the
grade at time of referral has increased. Thus, students
are now referred for an evaluation at an earlier age but
this generally occurs at a higher grade.

The analysis of variance summary listed in Table
4.10 indicates that significant main effects were found
to exist between age at the time of evaluation and socio-
economic status and time blocks. Grade at the time of
evaluation (Table 4.11) was found to vary with race and
time blocks. These findings support the observations
made above regarding the reported mean values and posited
inferences. Specifically, low socio-economic class Black
students were referred for a psychological examination
when in a higher grade than Caucasians. Moreover, the
data strongly suggest that this referral pattern which
systematically varies as a function of time and socio-
economic class represents a changing school policy which

may be attributed to a social promotion type policy--i.e.

 

mmvo. omo one N Hmvo.m momm.ooHH mxooam oEHB

 

.m.z mmma. omo one A ooob.a oopo.~vo mmeao owEonooelowoom

mooo. omo one H mmom.va mmao.momm eoem

.m.z ovom. omo one A wmao.a ommo.mao xem
eoneoHMflnmem Eooeenm

mo He>eq mo meeumeo oapmflueumlm onenvm new: neozumm

 

64

.n0flueoae>e mo eEHu ue eoenm How eonewne> mo mwmhaendlu.aa.v memes

 

 

Hooo. voo one N Hvom.oH mmmm.hhaoa mMOOHm oEHB

vooo. voo one H mmma.ma voom.vmoma mmeao OHEonOooIOfloom

.m.z memo. voo one A moao. mhmv.moo ooem

.m.z meme. woo one a mamo.a vam.mboa xom
eowwomwwmmem mosmwwwmmo owumwuepmum onesom neez neezuem

 

.noeueoae>e mo eEflu ue woe now eoneene> mo memhaen<:|.ofl.v mamme

 

 

65

Black students were promoted on to the next grade rather
than retained when in academic difficulty. The dis-
proportionate number of Blacks reported in Table 4.0 con-
stituting the low socio-economic group and the changing
racial composition of the E.M.R. student population
(Table 4.2) over time lends additional support to the
hypothesis regarding social promotion, i.e. promoted re-
gardless of achievement level, and ethnicity.

As is indicated in Tables 4.10 and 4.11, Hypothesis
4 can only partially be rejected by the data. More spe-
cifically, the amount of variance found for age at the
time of evaluation can partially be accounted for by the
variances associated with socio-economic class and time
blocks. Grade at the time of evaluation, however, was
found to partially vary as a function of race and time

blocks.

Hypothesis 5

Changes in measured intelligence of educable men-
tally retarded students will vary as a function of the
length of time spent in Special classes.

Results.--To test Hypothesis 5, Pearson product-
moment correlation coefficients were computed for the
following variables:

1. First I.Q. score

2. Age at the time of placement

 

 

66

3. Age at the time of first retest
4. Second I.Q. score
5. Age at second retest
6. Third I.Q. score
7. First I.Q. difference
8. First time period spent in E.M.R. classes
9. Second I.Q. score difference
10. Second time period spent in E.M.R. classes
Operationally, variables seven through ten were de—
fined in the following way: 3
First I.Q. difference (Var. 7) = (Var. 1) First I.Q. score
minus (Var. 4) Second I.Q. score
First time period spent in E.M.R. classes (Var. 8) =
(Var. 3) age at first retest - (Var. 2) age at

time of placement

Second I.Q. score difference (Var. 9) = (Var. 1) First
I.Q. score - (Var. 6) Third I.Q. score

Second time period spent in E.M.R. classes (Var. 10) =
(Var. 5) Age at second retest - (Var. 2) age at
time of placement
In Table 4.12 are listed the Pearson product-moment

correlation coefficients found to be significant at the

.05 level (values obtained > .250, with 62 degrees of

freedom).

It was found (Table 4.12) that the correlation be-
tween the length of time spent by E.M.R. students in

Special education classes and the differences in I.Q.

over time vary negatively (r = -.68). Moreover, despite

67

.memmeao .m.z.m
nfl gnome oownom eswu onooem H OH aeonenemmflo euoom .O.H onooem u m “memmeao
.m.z.m nw unemm oownem eEHu women n o “mononemmwo .O.H umuflm u b xenoom .O.H

omens u o «umeuen onooem mo eswu ue eoe u m aenoom .0.H onooem u v “umouen umuem
mo eswu we owe u m Nuneeeoeam mo eEHu ue eme u N “whoom .O.H umuflm u H meaneflne>«

 

 

no. u oa.m.vH “ma. u o.oa.vn “me. u m.v.NH «no. u m.N.HH 0H
meaneflhe> oopomaem no mnowueHoHHoo Heflunem m
em. m
mo. mo.l h
Nv.l o
om. o
no. hm.l em. v
No. mm.| no. om. m
mv.| ov. va. N
mo. mm. H
0H m m h o o v m N a «oHQeHHe>

 

.Hom I so u z .uaua meaoewne> neesuen mnowpeaenhoo uneEoEIuooooum nonneem||.NH.e names

68

the limited number of E.M.R. students with retest data,

the trend indicates that the longer an E.M.R. student
remained in special classes, the less likely were his

intelligence test scores to vary from the original test

score. The mean I.Q. values for the three testing indi-

cated a modest increase between the initial and second

I.Q. scores (2.13 points) followed by a decrease (6.5

points) on the third measure of intelligence. Supporting
these findings was an r value of -.68 found between the
first I.Q. difference (defined as first I.Q. score minus

tflie second I.Q. score) and the first time period spent in

Special education class for E.M.R. students. The lack of

Euiditional data supporting this finding was attributed to

true greatly reduced number of students who had not been

aChninistered first and second retests. Of the original

8531 subjects receiving an initial intelligence test, only

3:37 received a second evaluation. Third evaluations were

reduced to 77, thereby indicating that the probability of
‘311 E.M.R. student receiving two additional psychometric
evaluations following his initial certification and place-
Infitnt in an E.M.R. class is approximately 11 to 1 against
his receiving such service.

Hypothesis 5 was found to be significant at .05

level as based on the above results.

69

Hypothesis 6

 

Within special classes for students classified as
educable mentally retarded, Blacks and Caucasians will
differ as a function of the students' (a) place of birth;
(b) number of schools attended; (c) mobility; (d) semesters
repeated in regular grades prior to special class place-
ment; (e) number of siblings in the family.

Results.--Table 4.13 contains the chi square values

obtained.for each of the components of Hypothesis 6.

THABLE 4.13.--Chi square values comparing Black and Cauca-
ssian E.M.R. students on birth place, mobility of school
and residence, grade repeats and number of
siblings in family.

Obtained Degrees Value required

 

Variable chi square of for significance
value Freedom at .05 level
Place of birth 209.026 45 67.5048 *
Number of schools
at‘lz:ended 11.046 11 19.675 N.S.
Mobility 14.210 15 24.995 N.S.

gemesters repeated

111 regular grades

Prior to special

czléiss placement 14.171 8 15.5073 N.S.

1Number of siblings
111 the family 22.495 14 23.684 N.S.

 

 

*1) beyond .001 level

70

As is indicated in Table 4.13, the only factor which
clearly differentiates between the two racial groups of
E.M.R. students is place of birth. The majority of both
groups were born in Detroit. Of the Black subsample, 55
percent were born in Detroit. Caucasians native to Detroit
represented 64.5 percent of their subsample population.
Inspection of the individual cells disclosed that the
majority of Blacks not born in Detroit were born in the
South. The states contributing highest by order to the
E.M.R. Black population were found to be Mississippi,
Georgia and Alabama. Caucasian E.M.R. students by con-
trast, migrated to Detroit from Illinois, Tennessee,
Kentucky and West Virginia.

Mobility of residence and the number of schools
attended by E.M.R. students did not indicate a signifi—
cant difference along racial 1ines. Both groups varied
only slightly from the total group mean values. These

data are reported in Table 4.14.

TABLE 4.14.--Means and standard deviations for Black and
Caucasian E.M.R. students for mobility of residence
and schools attended.

 

 

 

Mobility of Residence School Mobility
Mean SD Mean SD
Blacks 2.6 1.9 2.6 1.8
Caucasians 2.5 2.1 2.4 1.6
BOth races 2.5 2.0 2.5 1.7

‘

71

A lack of significant difference was also found be-
tween the number of semesters repeated in the regular
grades prior to placement. This finding does, however,
raise questions which can be interpreted as support of
the presence of a social promotion policy for Black stu-
dents. The respective mean values for Black and Caucasian
E.M.R. students indicated that Black E.M.R. students re-
peated slightly less regular grade semesters than their
Caucasian counterparts. The observed values (Blacks,
§$2.8, sd=l.6; Caucasians, i53.2, sd=l.8) found suggest
that perhaps differential promotional policies account
for the differences in mean and standard deviation values.

Similar to the above, no significant differences
were noted between race and family size. Regrouping of

the data also failed to produce significant results.

Summary

In this chapter, the research findings concerning
the relationship between the concept of educable mental
retardation and sex, race, socio-economic class and time
have been presented. In addition, the results from a
number of component or sub-hypotheses have also been pre—
sented. The groups of students studied varied in size
according to the dependent variable under test because of
incomplete data on some variables. However, the Ns were

sufficiently large to insure that statistical power was

72

not lost as a consequence of reduced Ns. A summary of
the hypotheses found to be significant is presented in

Table 4.15.

73

TABLE 4.1S.—-Summary of hypotheses and sub-hypotheses
found to be significant at the .05 level.

 

Hypothesis 1:

Results:

Hypothesis 2:

Results:

Hypothesis 4:

Results:

Hypothesis 5:

Results:

Hypothesis 6:

Results:

The concept of educable mental retarda-
tion, as used by the Detroit Public School
System for special class placement, will
vary as a function of race, sex and socio-
economic class.

Significant results were found for: sex
(.0470), socio-economic class (.0034),
and time blocks (.0017).

The exit pattern (e.g. return to regular
grades) of students classified as educable
mentally retarded will vary as a function
of race, sex and socio-economic class.

Significant results found only for race
(.01).

The initial age and grade of students at
the time of psychological examination
will vary as a function of race, sex and
socio-economic class.

Age at the time of evaluation: signifi-
cant results found for socio-economic
class (.0004), time blocks (.0001).

Grade at the time of evaluation: signifi-
cant results found for race (.0002), time
blocks (.0485).

Measured intelligence of educable mentally
retarded students, over time, will vary as
a function of the length of time spent in
special classes.

r=-.68 between the first I.Q. difference
and the first time period in E.M.R.
classes. r=.69 between the second I.Q.
score difference and the first I.Q. score.

Within special classes for students clas-
sified as educable mentally retarded,
Blacks and Caucasians will differ as a
function of the student's place of birth.

Place of birth was significant at .001
level.

 

CHAPTER V

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Special classes for students certified as educable
mentally retarded have increased approximately 400 per-
cent (Mackie, 1969) across the United States during the
past 20 years. In the state of Michigan during the fiscal
year 1969~70, 55 million dollars was expended for the
Operation of special education classes. Of this sum,
classes for the educable mentally retarded accounted for
over 50 percent ($34 million) of the total amount paid to
local school districts. A significant portion of these
funds were paid to large urban school districts, all of
whom operate extensive Special Education Departments.
DeSpite the question raised by some (Dunn, 1968; Dexter,
1958, 1960: Shulman, 1968) regarding the frequent mis-
diagnosis of culturally different students and the ef-
ficacy of existing programs, classes for the educable
mentally retarded continue to expand.

The purpose of this study was to examine the concept
of educable mental retardation as a function of race, sex
and socioéeconomic class over time in an urban school

system.

74

75

Summary of Research Hypotheses

The research hypotheses investigated were:

1.

The concept of educable mental retardation
based on measured intelligence, as used by the
Detroit Public School System for special class
placement, will vary over time as a function of
race, sex and socio-economic class.

The exit pattern (e.g. return to regular grades)
of students classified as educable mentally
retarded will vary as a function of race, sex
and socio-economic class.

The delay in placement of certified educable
mentally retarded students will vary as a
function of race, sex and socio-economic class.

The initial age and grade of students at the
time of pyschological examination will vary as
a function of race, sex and socio-economic
class.

Measured intelligence of educable mentally re-
tarded students, over time, will vary as a
function of the length of time spent in special
classes.

Within special classes for students classified
as educable mentally retarded, Blacks and
Caucasians will differ as a function of the
students' (a) place of birth; (b) number of
schools attended; (c) mobility; (d) semesters
repeated in regular grades prior to special
class placement; (e) number of siblings in the
family.

Summary of Method

A systematic randomly drawn sample of 858 test proto-

cols and case histories were drawn from the file records
of the Detroit Public School Psychological Clinic. The
total sample consisted of 326 Blacks, 276 Caucasians, 585

males and 273 females. All subjects had been administered

76

an individual psychological evaluation and subsequently
recommended for placement in classes for the educable
mentally retarded in the Detroit Public School System dur-
ing the time span of September, 1911 to January, 1970.
Cases where organic brain damage was recorded by the clinic
physician were excluded from the sample.

Major variables were operationally defined as
follows:

1. Educable mental retardation--certification and
placement of a student in special education classes for
the educable mentally retarded. Certification, as used
in this definition, refers to the assessment process,
whereby a student is administered an individual intelli-
gence test--(e.g. Stanford-Binet, Wechsler Intelligence
Scale for Children, Detroit Test of Learning Aptitude) and
on the basis of I.Q. and "other factors" is recommended
for special class placement. The general range of in-
tellectual retardation considered to be educable has been
an I.Q. between 50 and 75.

2. Race--Race was defined as the psychologist's
judgment of the race of the student. Racial identifica-
tion was generally recorded by the examining psychologist
on the test protocol and case history form.

3. Sex--Sex, like race, defined on the basis of the
examining psychologist's recording on the test protocol

and case history form.

77

4. Socio-economic status--Socio-economic status was
determined by using a weighted scale of the head of the
student's household (usually father) a value was assigned
on the basis of his education and occupation. The value
represented a composite score which consisted of the equal
'weighting of occupation and education (see Appendix A).

The data were coded and punched on IBM cards. Subse-
quent analyses were performed by using the CDC 3600 com-
puter at the M.S.U. Computer Center. The specific analytic
techniques used were: (1) analysis of variance: (2) chi
square: (3) the Pearson product-moment correlation. All
decisions pertaining to tests of significance were made

at the .05 level.

Summary of Research Findings

1. The concept of educable mental retardation, as
used by the Detroit Public School System for special
class placement was found to vary as a function of sex,
socio-economic class and time blocks. Race was not found
to be a significant variable.

2. The exit pattern (e.g. return to regular grades)
of students classified as educable mentally retarded was
found to vary as a function of race.

Sex and socio-economic class did not contribute
significantly to the variance noted in E.M.R. students'

exit patterns.

78

3. The delay in placement of certified educable
mentally retarded students did not vary as a function of
race, sex and socio-economic class.

4. The initial age and grade of students at the
time of psychological examination varied only partially
as a function of race, sex and socio-economic class.

More specifically, age at the time of evaluation
varied significantly with socio-economic class and time,
but not with sex or race.

Grade at the time of evaluation varied significantly
with race and time, however, no significant main effects
were found in its relationship with sex or socio-economic
class.

5. Measured intelligence of educable mentally re-
tarded students, over time, varies negatively with the
length of time spent in special classes despite an initial
increase in first retest scores.

6. Within special classes for students classified
as educable mentally retarded, Blacks and Caucasians dif-
fered significantly only as a function of the student's
place of birth.

The factors of number of schools attended, mobility,
semesters repeated in regular grades prior to special
class placement, and the number of siblings in the family

were not found to be statistically significant.

79

Conclusions

 

Based on the findings of this study, the following
conclusions have been made:

1. The concept of educable mental retardation, as
used by the Detroit Public School System for the placement
of students in special classes,has fluctuated significantly
over the forty-nine year time period examined. Moreover,
the findings of significant main effects for sex and socio-
economic class indicate that males from low socio-economic
status homes are more likely to be diagnosed and placed in
classes for the educable mentally retarded than females
from comparable socio-economic backgrounds. Although race
was not found to be a significant factor in special class
placement, the disproportionate increase of Blacks found
in special classes over time suggest a differential place-
ment practice along racial lines, particularly as the

trend relates to Black males.

2. The exit pattern for E.M.R. students placed in
special classes was found to vary as a function of race.
This finding is indicative of a school policy which
Jbasically retains Black students in special classes once
'they are diagnosed and placed. Caucasian students, on the
(other hand, were found to have access to exits such as
izransferring to parochial schools, moving from the school

(iistrict, or entering the job market.

80

3. Students from high socio-economic homes are more
likely to be referred at an earlier age for psychological
evaluation if retardation is suspected.

4. Social promotion appears to have become a more
prevalent practice as the racial composition of the school
system changed from Caucasian to Black.

5. Measured intelligence, over time, for the E.M.R.
student appears to follow the same fluctuative pittern as
the Self Concept of Academic Ability of E.M.R. students

6. A significant proportion of Black students found
in classes for the E.M.R. have migrated to Detroit from
southern states, while their Caucasian counterparts have

migrated primarily from the Appalachian region.

Discussion

 

The purpose of this study was to examine the concept
of educable mental retardation as a function of race, sex
and socio-economic class in an urban public school system.
Although the results appeared, at various points, to be
obscured to a degree by yielding only partially significant
findings, they do suggest that of the three independent
variables (race, sex and socio-economic class) all were
found to significantly account for part of the variance
associated with conceptual definition of retardation on

either a placement or treatment level.

81

The impact of special class placement on the E.M.R.
student's self concept of academic ability has been in-
terpreted (Towne and Joiner, 1965) as a function of change
in reference groups. Similarly, it appears that the fluc-
tuations in the E.M.R. student's I.Q. score can also be
interpreted as a function of changing reference groups and
lowered self concept of academic ability. Moreover, the
change appears to vary as a function of the length of time
spent in the regular grades prior to placement in special
class. That is, if a given student did not enter an E.M.R.
special class until late in his academic history, the like-
lihood of his testing higher on the retest is increased.
Conversely, students entering special classes at an earlier
grade and age test lower on the retest.

Combined with the age factor and early placement is,
perhaps, the socio-economic class factor noted by Mercer
(1965), namely that higher socio-economic status groups
are more accepting of retardation as an irreversible con-
dition and consequently develop a set of expectancies
which are not in conflict with the normative model used in
Special education classes. The finding that the higher
socio-economic groups were placed earlier in special
classes and retained longer supports Mercer's position.
However, this appears generalizable primarily for Cauca-
sian E.M.R. students. Blacks, contrary to Caucasians,

appear to be diagnosed and placed on the basis of a lack

82

of acculturation which is interacting with a deficit of
academic and intellectual skills. The action taken toward
Black students, once placed, however, suggest a redefining
of these factors into medically based handicaps; thus, the
greater referral to the Division of Vocational Rehabilita-
tion in contrast to recommending entrace into the job
market at age sixteen.

The question of predicting what will be the composi-
tion of an urban school district E.M.R. class can be in-
terpreted in the following manner. Students placed in
urban special education class for the E.M.R. will gen-
erally represent an ethnic or cultural group which has
little power in determining the type of label or process
of labeling imposed upon them. Although a small portion
of the urban E.M.R. students will come from high socio-
economic status homes, the majority of the E.M.R. stu-
dents will be from groups who are not acculturated to the
degree that their voices are heard at the decision-making
level. However, as these groups gain in economic and
political power, they are generally replaced with a newly
arrived low socio-economic group who then assume the label
of being ethnically or culturally different. The incidence
and proportion of retardation found in the new group gen-
erally will increase disproportionately until the hier-

archial structure is changed.

83

Implications for Future Research

 

In view of the findings of this study and of the

relationship of these findings to other studies in mental

retardation and mental health, a number of research ques-

tions to further examine this relationship are presented.

1.

What is the incidence of organic brain injury
across social class?

What Specific social and academic behaviors
were used as a basis for referral for initial
psychological evaluation of E.M.R. students?
Are there specific sub-test variational pat—
terns between ethnic groups and socio-economic
classes within an E.M.R. population?

Is there a correlation between the school psy-
chologist's socio-economic status and the type
of educational recommendation made?

Can reference group manipulation vary the I.Q.
scores of E.M.R. students?

Is there a relationship between the length of
time spent residing in an urban area and the
number of migrant students placed in E.M.R.
classes?

Would a follow-up study of former urban E.M.R.

students indicate stability of intelligence and

socio-economic status?

84

Implications for Future Special
Education Programs

 

 

One implication of this study for future special
education programs appears to be that the concept of E.M.R.
as presently used minimizes the socio-cultural variables
which are quantitatively interpreted as forms of devianCy
within a normative model. Limited attention appears to
have been given to the qualitative variations found within
and between diverse socio-economic and racial groups;
particularly in terms of how these differences affect diag;
nostic and pedagogic interpretation. These limitations
underscore the need for differential diagnosis and develop-
ment of educational programs which acknowledge the psycho-
social undergirds of mental retardation. Moreover, the
need for viewing the E.M.R. population as a heterogeneous
rather than homogenous group is vital to the implementing
of appropriate educational programs.

Second, a refocusing and redefining of the present
definition of E.M.R. appears in order; particularly along
the dimension of adaptive behavior. The developing of
quantitative and qualitative instruments which are sensi-
tive to adaptability are needed before we can really focus
on what retardation represents.

Thirdly, the imposed label and resultant shift in
expectancies needs to be re-examined within a "normal

classroom setting." If the data as reported in this study

85

are indicative of the efficacy of segregated E.M.R.
classes perhaps the need for additional classes can be
reduced by revising the behavioral criteria used in certi—
fying and placing students in E.M.R. classes. In conjunc-
tion with this approach, there could be a reverse reim-
bursement pattern, i.e., students experiencing learning
problems would be retained in the regular grades but pro-
vided with additional remedial services. Such services
could be reimbursable and transferable across school dis-
tricts if operated on a county or regional level.

Finally, special education E.M.R. classes have fre-
quently represented a terminal placement for students.
The data from this study provide strong evidence that in
some urban E.M.R. classes once a student is placed in
special classes the probability that he will be re-
evaluated for future educational planning is remote. A
recommendation for legislation making periodic re-
evaluation mandatory would no doubt greatly reduce this

lack of service to the E.M.R. student.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

86

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Allport, G. W. The use of personal documents in psy-
chological science. New York: Social Science Re-
search Council, 1942.

 

 

Anastosi, A. Differential psychology. New York: Mac-
millan Company, 1958.

 

Atkinson, J. W. The mainSprings of achievement-oriented
activity. In J. D. Krumboltz (ed.), Learning and
the educational process. Chicago: Rand McNally
and Company, 1965.

 

Auld, B. F. Cultural influences on personality test
responses. Psychol. Bull., 1952, 49, 313-332.

 

Baratz, S. and Baratz, J. C. Early childhood interven-
tion: The social science base of institutional
racism. Harvard Educational Review, 1970, 40, 1
29-50.

Becker, Howard S. Social problems: A modern approach.
New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1966.

Becker, Howard S. The other side: Perspectives on
deviance. New York: The Free Press, 1964.

Benton, A. L. Psychological evaluation and differential
diagnosis. In R. Heber and H. Stevens (eds.),
Mental retardation: A review of research.~ Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1964.

Binet, A. and Simon, T. Upon the necessity of establish-
ing a scientific diagnosis of inferior states of
intelligence. In J. F. Rosenblith and W.

Allinsmith (eds.), The causes of behavior: Readings
in child psychology and educational psychology.
Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Inc., 1964.

Binet, A. and Simon, T. The development of the Binet-
Simon scale. In J. Rosenblith and W. Allinsmith
(eds.), The causes of behavior: Readings in child
psychology and educational psychology. Boston:
Allyn and Bacon, Inc., 1964.

87

88

Bloom, B. S. Stability and change in human characteris-
tics. New York: John Wiley, 1964.

 

 

Brookover, Wilbur B. and Erickson, Edsel L. Society,
schools and learning. Boston: Allyn and Bacon,
Inc., 1969.

 

Brookover, W. B., Erickson, E. L., and Joiner, L. M.
Self-concept of ability and school achievement,
III. Final Report of Cooperative Research Project
No. 2831, Michigan State University, East Lansing,
1967.

Buros, O. K. (ed.). The fifth mental measurements year-
book. Highland Park, New Jersey: Gryphon Press,

Cassidy, V. M. and Stanton, J. E. An investigation of
factors involved in the educational placement of
mentally retarded children. Columbus: Ohio
University Press, 1959.

 

Clark, R. E. Psychoses, income and occupational
prestige. Am. J. Soc., 1949, 44, 433—440.

 

Clausen, J. A. and Kohn, M. L. Relation of schZOphrenia
to the social structure of a small city. In
B. Pasamanick (ed.), Epidemiology of mental dis-
order. Washington, D.C.: American Association
for the Advancement of Science, 1959.

Coleman, J. S. Equality of educational opportunipy.
Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office,

1966.

Cronbach, L. J. Essentials of psychological testing.
New York: Harper and Row, 1960.

Davis, K. Mental hygiene and the class structure.
Psychiatry, 1930, 1, 55-65.

 

Deutsch, Martin, Katz, Irwin, and Jensen, Arthur R.
Social class, race, and psychological‘develOpment.
New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, Inc., 1968.

Dexter, L. A. A social theory of mental deficiency.
gm. J. Ment. Def., 1958, 62, 920-928.

Dexter, L. A. Research on problems on mental sub-
normality. Am. J. Ment. Def., 1960, 64, 835—
838.

89

Dexter, L. A. The sociology of adjudication who defines
mental deficiency. Am. Behav. Sci., 1960, 4, 13-15.

 

Dohrenwend, Bruce P. and Dohrenwend, Barbara Snell.
Social status and psychological disorder, a casual
inquiry. New York: Wiley Interscience, 1969.

Doll, E. A. The essentials of an inclusive concept of
mental deficiency. Am. J. Ment. Def., 1941, 46,
214-219.

 

Doll, E. A. The measurement of social competence.
Minneapolis: Educational Testing Bureau, 1953.

Dunn, L. M. Special education for the mildly retarded--
is much of it justifiable. Excep. Children, 1968,
35, 5-22.

Faris, Robert E. L. Handbook of modern sociology.
Chicago: Rand McNally and Co., 1964.

Faris, R. E. L. and Dunham, H. W. Mental disorders in
urban areas. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1939.

 

Garrett, H. E. The equalitarian dogma. Mankindguarterly,
1961, 1, 253-257.

Goddard, H. Human efficiency and levels of intelligence.
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1920.

Goddard, H. The Kallikak famil . New York: The Mac-
millan Company, 1912.

Goffman, Erving. On cooling the mark out. Psychiatry,
1952, 15, 4, 451-463.

Goldstein, H., Moss, J. W., and Jordan, L. J. The
efficacy of special class training on the de-
velopment of mentally retarded children.
Cooperative Research Project No. 619, Institute
for Research on Exceptional Children, University
of Illinois, Urbana, Illinois, 1965.

Gough, H. C. A sociological theory of psychopathy. In
S. Spitzer and N. K. Denzin (eds.), The mental
patient: Studies in the sociology of deviance.
New York: McGraw-Hill, 1969.

Haase, W. Rorschach diagnosis, socio-economic class and
examiner bias. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,
New York University, 1956.

 

90

Hays, W. Statistics for psychologists. New York: Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, 1963.

 

Helmuth, Jerome. Cognitive studies. Vol. I. New York:
Brunner/Mazel Inc., 1970.

Helmuth, Jerome. Disadvantaged child. Seattle: Special
Child Publications of the Seattle Sequin School,
Inc., 1967.

Hoch, P. H. and Zubin, G. (eds.). Comparative epidemi-
ology of the mental disorders. New York: Grune
and Stratton, 1961.

Hoffman, Lois Wladis and Hoffman, Martin L. Child
development research. Vol. 2. New York: Russell
Sage Foundation, 1966.

 

Hollingshead, August B. Social class and mental illness.
New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1964?

Hollingshead, August B. and Redlich, Frederick. Social
class and mental illness. New York: John Wiley
and Sons, Inc., 1958.

Humphrey, G. and Humphrey, M. The wild boy of Aveyron.
New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1932.

Hunt, J. McV. Intelligence and experience. New York:
Ronald Press, 1961.

Hurley, Rodger. Poverty and mental retardation. New
York: Vintage Books, 1969.

Hutt, Max L. and Gibby, Robert Givyn. The mentally re-
tarded child. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Inc.,
1965.

 

Hyde, R. W. and Chisholm, R. M. Studies in medical
sociology. III. The relation of mental disorders
to race and nationality. New England J. Med.,
1944, 23, 612-618.

Inequality in education. Harvard Center for Law and
Education, No. 3 and 4, 1970.

Jensen, A. R. How much can we boost I.Q. and scholastic
achievement. Harvard Educational Review, 1969,
32, 1, 1-123.

91

Kanner, L. A history of the care and study of the
mentally retarded. Springfield, Illinois: Charles
C. Thomas, 1964.

 

 

Kirk, S. A. Early education of the mentally retarded.
Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1958.

 

Kitsuse, J. I. Societal reaction to deviant behavior:
Problems of theory and method. In S. Spitzer and
N. K. Denzin (eds.), The mental patient: Studies
in the sociology of deviance. New York: McGraw-
Hill, 1968.

 

Klineberg, O. Negro intelligence and selective migra-
tion. New York: Columbia University Press, 1935.

 

 

Leighton, Dorothea, Harding, John S., Macklin, David B.,
Macmillan, Allister, and Leighton, Alexander. 222
character of danger: Psychiatric symptoms in
selected communities. Vol. III. New York: Basic
Books, Inc., 1963.

 

Lemert, E. M. Paranoia and the dynamics of exclusion.
Sociometry, 1962, 25, 2-20.

 

Mackie, Romaine. Special education in the U.S.! statis—
tics 1948-1966. New York: Columbia Teachers
College Press, 1969.

 

Malzberg, B. and Lee, E. S. Migration and mental disease.
New York: Social Science ResearCh Council, 1956.

Mercer, J. R. Social system perspective and clinical
perspective, frames of reference for understanding
career patterns of persons labelled as mentally
retarded. Social Problems, 1965, 13, 18-34.

 

Merton, Robert K. and Nisbet, Robert A. Contemporary
social problems. New York: Harcourt, Brace &
World, Inc., 1966.

 

Meyers, Jerome K. and Roberts, Bertram H. Family and
class dynamics in mental illness. New York: John
Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1959.

Montagu, M. F. A. Intelligence of northern Negroes
and southern whites in the First World War. Am. J.
Psychol., 1945, 58, 161-188.

 

92

Mussen, Paul H. Handbook of research methods in child
development. New York: John Wiley and Sons,
Inc., 1960.

 

 

Newman, H. H., Freeman, F. N., and Holzinger, K. J.
Twins: A study of heredity and environment.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1937.

 

Nisbet, J. D. and Entwistle, N. G. Intelligence and
family size, 1949-1965. Brit. J. Educ. Psychol.,
1967, 31, 2, 188—193.

 

Opler, Marvin K. Culture, psychiatry and human values.
Springfield, Ill.: Charles C. Thomas, 1956.

Park, R. E. and Burgess, E. W. Introduction to the
science of sociology. Chicago: University of
of Chicago Press, 1924.

 

Parker, Seymour and Kleiner, Robert J. Mental illness
in the urban Negro community. New York: The
Free Press, 1966.

 

 

Pasamanick, B. (ed.). Epidemiology of mental disorder.
Washington, D.C.: American Association for the
Advancement of Science, 1959.

Passow, A. H. (ed.). Education in depressed areas.
New York: Teachers College Press, 1963.

Pettigrew, T. F. Agprofile of the Negro American.
New York: D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc., 1964.

Pettigrew, T. Racial isolation in the public schools:
A report of the United States Commission on Civil
Rights. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing
Office, 1967.

Postman, Leo. Psycholggy in the making. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1963.

Prehm, Herbert J., Hamerlynck, Leo A., and Grosson,
James (eds.). Behavioral research in mental re-
tardation. Eugene: University of Oregon School
of Education, 1968.

 

Reiss, A. G., Duncan, 0. D., Holt, P. K., and North, C. C.
Occupations and social status. New York: The Free
Press of Glencoe, 1961.

Riessman, Frank. The culturally deprived child. New
York: Harper and Row, 1962.

93

Riessman, F., Cohen, J., and Pearl, A. (eds.). Mental
health of the poor. New York: The Free Press,
1964. _

 

Rose, A. M. A social-psychological theory of neurosis.
In S. Spitzer and N. K. Denzin (eds.), The mental
patient: Studies in the sociology of deviance.
New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968.

 

 

Rose, A. W. Projective techniques in sociological re-
search. Social Forces, 1949, 28, 175-183.

 

Rosenberg, Bernard, Gerver, Israel, and Howton, F. Wm.
Mass society in crisis. New York: The Macmillan
Co., 1964.

 

Rosenblith, Judy F., and Allinsmith, Wesley. The causes
of behavior: Readings in child development and
educational psychology. Boston: Allyn and Bacon,
Inc., 1962.

Sexton, Patricia. Education and income. New York:
Viking Press, 1961.

Sexton, Patricia. The American school. New Jersey:
Prentice-Hall, 1967.

Scheff, Thomas J. Mental illness and social processes.
New York: Harper and Row, 1967.

Scheff, T. J. The role of the mentally ill and the
dynamics of mental disorder: A research framework.
In S. Spitzer and N. K. Denzin (eds.), The mental
patient: Studies in the sociology of deviance.
New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968.

Schwebel, Milton. Who can be educated. New York: Grove
Press, Inc., 1968.

Shuey, A. The testing of Negro intelligence. Lynchburg,
Virgifiia: Bell, 1958.

Shulman, L. S. The vocational development of mentally
handicapped adolescents: An experimental and
longitudinal study. Project No. 5-0981, U. S.
Office of Education, Bureau of Educational Research
Services, College of Education, Michigan State Uni-
versity, 1967.

 

94

Skodak, M. and Skeels, H. M. A final follow up study of
100 adoptive children. J. Genetic Psychol., 1949,
15, 85-125.

Spitz, R. A. Hospitalism: An inquiry into the genesis
of psychiatric conditions in early childhood.
Psychoanalytic Study of Children, 1945, 1, 53-74.

Spitz, R. A. HOSpitalism: A follow-up report. Psycho-
analytic Study of Children, 1946, 2, 313-342.

 

Spitzer, S. P. and Denzin, N. K. (eds.). The mental
patient: Studies in the sociology of deviance.
New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968.

Srole, Leo, Langne, Thomas, Michael, Stanley, Opler,
Marvin, and Rennie, Thomas. Mental health in thg
metropolis. The Midtown Manhattan Study, Vol. I.
New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., 1962.

 

Stevens, Harvey and Heber, Rick. Mental retardation.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964.

Strauss, A. A. and Werner, H. The mental organization of
the brain-injured mentally defective child. Am.
J. Psychiat., 1941, 91, 1194-1202.

 

Szasz, T. S. The myth of mental illness. Am. Psy-
chologist, 1960, 15, 113—118.

 

Towne, R. C. and Joiner, L. M. Special education for
the educable mentally retarded: A means for
"cooling the mark out." Presented at the meet-
ing of the Council for Exceptional Children,
Portland, Oregon, 1965.

Towne, R. C. and Joiner, L. M. The effect of Special
class placement on the self-concept of ability
of the educable mentally retarded child. Project
No. 32-32-0410-6001, U. 8. Office of Education,
East Lansing, Bureau of Educational Research Ser-
vices, College of Education, Michigan State Uni-
versity, 1966.

 

95

Tuddenham, R. D. The nature and measurement of intel-
ligence. In L. Postman (ed.), Psychology in the
making. New York: Alfred A. KnOpf, 1963.

 

U. S. Department of Commerce and Labor, Bureau of the
Census. Thirteenth census of the United States
taken in thegyear 1910. Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office, 1913.

 

 

U. S. Department of Commerce and Labor, Bureau of the
Census. Fourteenth census of the United States
taken in thegyear 1920, Vol. II, population,
1920. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing
Office, 1922.

 

 

U. S. Department of Commerce and Labor, Bureau of the
Census. Fifteenth census of the United States:
1930, population, Volume III, Part 1. Washington,
D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1932.

 

 

U. S. Department of Commerce and Labor, Bureau of the
Census. Sixteenth census of the United States:
1940, popuiation, Volume IV. Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office, 1943.

 

 

U. S. Department of Commerce and Labor, Bureau of the
Census. United States census of pgpulation:
1950, general characteristics, Michigan.
Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office,
1952.

U. S. Department of Commerce and Labor, Bureau of the
Census. U. S. census of population: 1960,
general population characteristics, Michigan,
data on age, race, household relationship, sex and
marital status. Washington, D.C.: Government
Printing Office, 1961.

 

Walker, H. M. and Lev, J. Elementary statistical methods.
New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1958.

Weinberg, K. S. (ed.). The sociology of mental dis-
orders: Analyses and readings in psychiatric
sociology. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company,
1967.

 

 

APPENDIX

96

APPENDIX A

SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS SCALE

Education

 

Eighth grade or less
Some high school

High school graduate
Some college

College graduate
Post—graduate education

Occupation

 

Labor (unskilled labor)

Service workers (waiter, maid)

Operative (semi-Skilled, e.g. machinist)

Technical, craftsman (foreman, mechanic,
bricklayer)

Manager, official, proprietor, minister

Professional

Unemployed

Prison

Combined Weights (Education and Occupation)

 

12
11 equal 1
10

9

8 equal 2
7

6

5

4

3 equal 3
2

97

Weight

O‘LflfiWNH

Weight

ALuRHH

oooun

"IllifllllllfillillfifilES