tum: I've- :guitizté'ététittaijtia~aézé2525ittgiii -;-| . I g. yfiIIéghts: “93:25:252-254 ~ 1 r t ' ' " 'J.,- 9-, ------ AN ANALYSIS OF EARNINGS AMONG PERSONS 0F SPANISH ORIGIN IN THE MIDWEST Dissertation for the Degree of Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY RICHARD SANTOS 1977 I III IIZIIIIILIIIII II II I III IIILIIII I; I .m w _ _H I .I - I.» am 2.1 '88:} C. 5?: DFI‘. '13 2012 '07 21 [1'4 ABSTRACT AN ANALYSIS OF EARNINGS AMONG PERSONS OF SPANISH ORIGIN IN THE MIDWEST By Richard Santos Five states in the Midwest (Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Ohio and Wisconsin) have a substantial and increasing Spanish origin population, even though relatively little is known about their economic performance in this major industrial area of the United States. This study is an initial effort to analyze earnings of Spanish origin persons using a human capital approach to examine the earnings structure of the Spanish origin population in relation to their supply characteristics. An econometric earnings model examined the effects of certain human capital characteristics and other independent variables on (l) labor force participation, (2) weeks worked, (3) total earnings, (4) occupational earnings level, and (5) an occupational earnings ratio. The data source for the study was Public Use Samples of Basic Records from the l970 U.S. Census (5 percent, l/lOO census files). During the 1970 census, 5 percent of the households in the states under study were asked to reveal type of Spanish origin (Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Central or South American, other Spanish), if applicable. Using the census data, the earnings and other related Richard Santos ‘characteristics of the group are described and compared. In addition, a randomly selected white group was also selected from the data files for comparative purposes. However, the major statistical analysis of the econometric earnings model focused by sex on all Spanish origin persons, the Mexican-American group separately, and the randomly selected_white comparative group. The major results of the study revealed that certain types of investments in human capital can positively influence total earnings, the decision to participate in the labor force, number of weeks worked, and type of occupation obtained for all the groups under study. This type of investment may include additional years of schooling, voca- tional training, job related experience, and improved health. Despite these favorable findings for improving the economic performance of the groups under study, similar investments do not necessarily produce similar economic returns for each of the groups. Even when similar human capital characteristics are assigned to the male group, the Spanish origin and Mexican origin groups earned as much as one-fifth less than the white group. Since the male groups did not vary sub- stantially in labor force participation or weeks worked, this unex- plained earnings differentials indicates that discrimination is a factor contributing to the economic performance of the Spanish origin groups in the Midwest. In adopting a manpower policy to improve the economic perfor- mance of all Spanish origin persons in the Midwest, the results of the study indicate that governmental action must pay close attention to the following: (a) maintaining favorable labor market conditions, Richard Santos (b) providing manpower opportunities in the area of education, voca- tional training, and labor market information, (c) pursuing strong affirmative action policies to create employment opportunities in certain types of occupation and industries, and (d) continuing research activities into the economic performance of Spanish origin persons in the Midwest, especially in comparing the performance of native Spanish origin residents to recent Spanish origin settlers and foreign Spanish origin immigrants. AN ANALYSIS OF EARNINGS AMONG PERSONS OF SPANISH ORIGIN IN THE MIDWEST By Richard Santos A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY College of Social Science School of Labor and Industrial Relations 1977 This report was prepared for the Employment and Training Administration, U.S. Department of Labor, under research and development (Grant) No. 91-26-73-23. Since (grantees) con- ducting research and development projects under Government sponsorship are encouraged to express their own judgment freely, this report does not necessarily represent the official opinion or policy of the Department of Labor. The (grantee) is solely responsible for the contents of this report. 11' Par Mis Padres - Santiago y Rita iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The research efforts of this dissertation were greatly enhanced by the following types of contributions and supportive assistance: (l) the academic contributions and assistance of the Ph.D. dissertation committee and other faculty members at Michigan State University, (2) the computer and technical assistance of the Computer Institute for Social Science Research at Michigan State University, (3) typing and editing assistance, (4) financial and administrative support, and (5) other supportive assistance. While I I alone bear responsibility for any possible error or misjudgment in the dissertation, the recognition of certain individuals and organizations for their contributions and assistance in the areas listed above is warranted. Dr. Michael E. Borus (School of Labor and Industrial Relations) chaired the Ph.D. dissertation committee and he provided invaluable assistance and academic support during my entire research efforts. The other committee members of my dissertation included Dr. Robert W. Jackman (Political Science), Dr. Daniel H. Kruger (School of Labor and Industrial Relations), and Dr. Lester Manderscheid (Agri- cultural Economics). Dr. Joseph Spielberg (Anthropology) was the Dean's representative from the College of Social Sciences during my dissertation defense. Each committee member provided academic support iv at each stage of my dissertation and I express my sincere appreciation to the committee for their efforts. Other faculty members in the School of Labor and Industrial Relations at Michigan State University who commented on the disser- tation or provided assistance were Dr. Steven M. Director and Dr. Einar Hardin. The presentation of the dissertation at a research seminar provided by Dr. Hardin greatly benefited my research analysis. Computer and technical assistance was provided by the Computer Institute for Social Science Research at Michigan State University. Specifically, the following individuals provided computer or technical assistance: Dr. James L. Phillips (CISSR), Dr. Leighton A. Price (CISSR), Beverly Braden (CISSR), and Andy Johanson of Computer Applications Programs. The efforts of Beverly Braden were invaluable as she secured the data from the public use sample tapes and was in charge of the computer research operations of the dissertation. Pat Sorenson typed the early chapters of the dissertation and Signey Nelson edited various drafts of the dissertation. The dissertation was financially supported by a Ph.D. disser- tation research grant from the U.S. Department of Labor, Employment and Training Administration. Administrative support for the disser- tation was provided by Assistant Dean Charles Hanley, College of Social Science, and Dr. Jack Stieber, School of Labor and Industrial Relations. Dean Donald Weston, and Professor James Lyon in the College of Human Medicine, also provided administrative support by allowing a half time leave of absence from my duties in the Office of Health Services Education and Research in order to complete my research efforts. Finally, there is a category of assistance called "other supportive assistance," which even though it contains too many persons to name individually, is just as important as the other types of assistance usually provided in a dissertation. This type of support includes such things as a "shoulder to lean on," Poccasional threats," encouragement, friendship, and an occasional meal and beverage. Without this type of support from professors, friends, and family, this dissertation would have never been completed. To all those individuals and organizations who assisted and supported my research efforts in the areas listed above, I am most grateful and appreciative. Richard Santos vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES ......................... ix LIST OF FIGURES ......................... xiii Chapter I. THE SCOPE OF THE RESEARCH ................ l Introduction ...................... l Statement of Problem .................. l The Spanish Origin Population ............. 3 Spanish Origin Persons in the Midwest ......... 8 An Earning Analysis in the Midwest ........... l3 Outline of the Study .................. 14 II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ................. l8 Introduction ...................... l8 Economic Overview ................... l9 Economic Performance in the Midwest .......... 26 Summary of Literature Review .............. 30 III. THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS AND THE RESEARCH DESIGN. . . . 35 Introduction ...................... 35 A Theoretical Framework ................ 36 The Human Capital Concept ............... 4l A Structure of Earnings ................ 42 Hypotheses to be Tested ................ 44 Data Source ...................... 46 Selection of Variables ................. 49 Analytical Framework .................. Sl Limitations of the Study ................ 57 IV. DESCRIPTION OF THE SAMPLE GROUPS ............. 63 Introduction ...................... 63 Geographical Origin and Citizenship Status ....... 65 vii Chapter Page Demographic Characteristics .............. 73 Education and Vocational Training ........... 8l Labor Force Status ................... 87 Hours Worked ...................... 90 Employment Aspects ................... 94 Weeks Worked in T969 .................. 105 Total Earnings in l969 ................. l05 Summary ....................... ‘. ll2 V. ANALYSIS OF THE EARNINGS DATA .............. ll5 Introduction ...................... ll5 Labor Force Participation in 1970 Survey Week ..... 120 Weeks Worked in l969 .................. l25 Total Earnings in l969 ................. l3] Occupational Level in l969 ............... l38 Occupational Earnings Ratio .............. l45 Summary of Results ................... l5l VI. DISCUSSION OF RESULTS AND CONCLUSIONS .......... l6O Introduction ...................... l6O The Earnings Profile Model ............... l6l Comparison of Total Earnings .............. l64 Review of Hypotheses .................. l66 Manpower Implications ................. 170 Final Notes ...................... l77 BIBLIOGRAPHY .......................... T84 APPENDICES 3-A. Public Use Samples of Basic Records from the l97O Census ........................ l9l 3-B. Letter of Transmittal, U.S. Commission on Civil Rights ........................ T94 viii .HIINI‘AIAINAIII Table 1-1 LIST OF TABLES Persons of Spanish Origin in the Midwest ........ Selected Data for Study on Spanish Origin Persons. . . . Operational Definitions of Selected Dependent Variables. . The Civilian Non-Institutional Spanish Origin Sample in the Midwest by Descent and Sex ........... Spanish Origin by Place of Birth and Descent ...... Detailed Place of Birth of Spanish Origin by Descent . . . Citizenship Status of Spanish Origin by Descent ..... Spanish Origin by Residency Five Years Ago ....... Detailed Residency Five Years Ago of Spanish Origin by Descent ...................... Racial Classification of the Spanish Origin by Descent . . Age Distribution of the White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent ...................... Mean Age of White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex ........................ Marital Status of White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent ........................ Mean Age First Married for White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex ............... Type of Household for White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent ...................... Urbanization of White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent ........................ ix Page 50 53 64 66 68 68 7O 71 72 75 76 77 78 79 80 4-22 4-23 4-24 4-25 4-26 4-27 4-28 4-29 Health Disability of White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex ................... Mean Highest Grade Attended by White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex ................ Highest Educational Grade Attended Among White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex .......... Vocational Training of White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex ................... Area of Vocational Training of White Group and Spanish Origin by Sex ...................... Labor Force Status and Unemployment of White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex .......... Labor Force Participation of White Group and Spanish Origin by Sex and Age .................. Average Number of Hours Worked During the T970 Survey Week of White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex ......................... Hours Worked During l97O Survey Week of White Group and Spanish Origin by Sex ................ Type of Employment of White Group and Spanish Origin . . . Last Type of Occupation Reported for White Group and Spanish Origin Males by Descent ............. Last Type of Occupation Reported for White Group and Spanish Origin Females by Descent ............ Mean National Occupational Earnings Level of White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex ....... Last Industry Reported for White Group and Spanish Origin Males by Descent ................. Last Industry Reported for White Group and Spanish Origin Females by Descent ................ Worked in l969 Among White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex ................... Page 82 82 84 86 88 89 91 92 93 95 96 97 101 102 103 106 Table 4-30 5-1 5-2 5-3 5-7 5-8 Average Number of Weeks Worked in 1969 of White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex ......... Sources of Earnings of White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex ................. Mean Total Earned Income in l969 of White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex ........ Distribution of Total Earned Income in l969 for White Group and Spanish Origin by Sex ............ An Econometric Earnings Model ........... Final Equation for Male Labor Force Participation by Descent in T970 Survey Week .............. Final Equation for Female Labor Force Participation by Descent in 1970 Survey Week ............. Final Equation for Number of Weeks Worked for Males in 1969 by Descent .................. Final Equation for Number of Weeks Worked for Females in 1969 by Descent .................. Final Equation for Total Earnings in l969 of Males by Descent ...................... Final Equation for Total Earnings in l969 of Females by Descent ...................... Final Equation on Occupational Level for Males by Descent ........................ Final Equation on Occupational Level for Females by Descent ........................ Final Equation on Occupational Earnings Ratio for Males by Descent ...................... Final Equation on Occupational Earnings Ratio for Females by Descent .................. Summary of Selected Regression Results by Coefficient Sign for Males .................... xi Page 107 108 110 111 116 121 124 127 129 132 135 140 143 146 149 152 Table Page 5-13 Summary of Selected Regression Results by Coefficient Sign for Females ..................... l53 6-l Adjusted Coefficients of Determination for the Earnings Model by Descent and Sex ................. l63 xii LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 3-1 A Structure of Earnings .................. 43 3-2 A Summary of the Research Framework ............ 56 xiii CHAPTER I THE SCOPE OF THE RESEARCH Introduction A job is an important piece of property in this country. Over 90 percent of the U.S. labor force earns their livelihood directly from wages and salaries. However, this has not always been the case. In earlier periods, a substantial proportion of the population earned its livelihood from the land and later on were self-employed in offices, stores and service activities. As the nation developed into a more urbanized and industrialized economy, self employment declined, and working as an employee in business, industrial firms, and government significantly increased to transform the economy into a job economy. To millions of Americans, a job represents the most important economic activity in their lives since the quality of their lives are determined by their jobs.1 Statement of Problem To persons of Spanish origin, the central means for under- writing a particular standard of living are also provided through the job, even though they may not obtain the same benefits accruing to other members of the job economy. In a job oriented society, the earnings obtained from working are the major economic resources that determine among other things: what type of neighborhood and school 1 district a person is going to reside, the need for public assistance, social mobility, and the purchasing power of the household. Since earnings accrued from a job determine the standard of living, it is important to understand the dynamics of earnings in a job economy, especially among groups of individuals such as Spanish origin persons whose economic performance in the job economy has not been commen- surate with the majority population. One approach to gauge the econ- omic performance among persons of Spanish origin is to analyze the structure of their earnings. Analyzing the economic performance among persons of Spanish origin through their earnings however involves a very complicated process. Earnings are directly related to labor force status (i.e., employed, unemployed, not in labor force), the number of hours and weeks worked, and the wage rate. These in turn are influenced by the levels of education, training, and other human capital skills, the person's occupation and industry, and demand conditions in the labor market. The process of analyzing the various factors which contrib- ute to and are associated with earnings is thus a complex and dynamic process. Various relationships such as the effect of human capital skills on earnings and occupational level require study. Labor force participation among persons of Spanish origin also needs to be examined, especially as it relates to earnings. In addition, the effect of education, a form of human capital investment, on earnings and its relationship to occupational attainment, a prime determinant of earnings, should be analyzed. \I \I ‘II ‘I \II J I l \l ‘l ‘1 ‘1 ‘I IN’II‘EI ‘II I‘I'IIIAI‘IIIII‘ [ I N N I Unfortunately, very little analytical research on the factors contributing to or associated with earnings among the second largest minority group in the nation has been undertaken. A paucity of data, regional concentration of many Spanish origin groups, and a lack of awareness of the Spanish origin population among manpower researchers have all contributed to the neglect of research in this area in varying degrees. While these factors have hindered manpower research on the Spanish origin population, the need for additional research on earnings among persons of Spanish origin is nevertheless fully warranted. Factors which are associated with and contribute to earnings need to be identified in order to form a base of knowledge to facilitate manpower efforts in ameliorating the economic situation of Spanish origin persons. However, before an analysis of earnings among persons of Spanish origin can be undertaken, an understanding of the Spanish origin population is required. In the next sections of this chapter a brief background of the Spanish origin population, their migration to the Midwestern part of the United States, and the need for an analysis of earnings of Spanish origin persons in the Mid- west is presented. The Spanish Origin Population Numerical estimates of persons with a Spanish background in the continental United States range, depending upon the source (e.g., school census, migrant programs, Spanish origin spokesmen, Cuban resettlement data), from nine to sixteen million persons.2 The U.S. Census Bureau, however, officially estimated that in l970 approximately nine million persons with a Spanish background resided in the 50 states and the District of Columbia, representing about 5 percent of the population.3 The term "persons of Spanish background or origin" generally implies individuals who are Mexican American, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Central and South American, or from other Spanish ancestry. In 1972, the ethnic composition for this heterogeneous population was 5.3 million Mexican Americans, l.5 million Puerto Ricans, and 630,000 Cubans. In addition, 1.8 million were classified as Central Americans, South Americans, and others of Spanish origin.4 Persons of Mexican origin or descent consequently represent by far the largest group, nearly three-fifths of the estimated Spanish background population. Classifying the various ethnic groups into one broad encom- passing category as Spanish origin for Census purposes runs the risk of over generalization since this broad category entails quite a heterogeneous group. For example, not all Spanish origin persons speak Spanish even though their ancestry has a common Spanish language heritage.5 Racially, the population is also quite diverse and includes blacks and other racial groups as well as whites. In addition, this diverse population includes recent immigrants, such as the majority of Cubans who have entered the United States since T959, as well as families long established in this country. Some Spanish origin groups can trace their ancestry in this country before the landing of the Mayflower. Diversity within the various ethnic groups extends further into the nomenclature for classifying these groups. While the Census Bureau and other governmental units employ a wide range of classifications (e.g. Persons of Spanish Origin, Spanish Surname, Spanish American, Hispanic, Spanish Speaking), some groups and indi- viduals use other terms such as Latin Americans, "Latinos," Chicanos, "Niuyorricans," and "Raza” to describe and identify this population. Moreover, the various identifying terms invoke various feelings of pride and have different connotations. While it is apparent that considerable controversy exists over the actual number of Spanish origin persons and that a wide range of diversity characterizes this population, Spanish origin persons do represent the second largest minority group in this country, and in spite of their diversity have an overall sense of group identity which is enhanced by a common language heritage and similar cultural values. Furthermore, there is little controversy over the fact that persons of Spanish origin have not enjoyed full economic and social equality. For example, data from the l973 Manpower Report of the President notes that in l97l, the median income for all families of Spanish origin was $7,500, compared to $l0,300 for all American families. Puerto Rican families reported a median income of only $6,200. In addition, the unemployment rate for the Spanish origin population during March T972 was reported over 8 percent, about a third above the overall national rate.6 Despite their disproportion- ately low family income and high unemployment, the socio-economic situation of Spanish origin persons has not received wide-spread national attention and concern. It has been only within the last several years that national efforts have been directed to ameliorate the economic problems faced by persons of Spanish origin. One possible explanation for this lack of a national per- spective on persons of Spanish origin arises from the regional per- spective usually assigned to this group since this population is heavily concentrated in certain parts of the country. For example, Mexican Americans or Chicanos, who comprise the largest segment of this population reside primarily in five southwestern states--Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, California, and Colorado--although significant numbers have moved to other states especially in the Midwest. On the other hand, Puerto Ricans are more commonly found on the Eastern seaboard while Cubans are largely concentrated in Florida.7 While nearly three-fourths of the Spanish origin population in this country resides in five states (California, Texas, New York, Florida, and New Mexico) and helps explain the regional parochialism usually assigned to this population, Spanish origin groups have tended, especially since World War 11, not only to move to more urbanized industrial areas but also to become more geographically dispersed throughout the nation. For example, the 1973 Manpower Report of the President notes that every state has some Spanish origin residents, ranging from 2,000 in North Dakota to over 2,500,000 in California. In addition, 3T states report a Spanish origin population of at least 20,000 people. As for urbanization, 46 cities now have l0,000 or more Spanish origin inhabitants.8 [((I'II II. The movement of Spanish origin persons into areas outside their traditional geographical concentration has extended into the Chicago area, the northern parts of Indiana and Ohio, and southern Michigan. Five Midwestern states (Wisconsin, Illinois, Michigan, Indiana and Ohio) have over three-quarters of a million persons of Spanish origin according to the T970 census. Spanish origin organizations, however, claim that the actual number may well exceed a million. Regardless of the actual number, the Midwest is an area of the country that has a sizeable and increasing Spanish origin population that includes Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and others of Spanish origin. Even though the Midwest has a substantial and increasing Spanish origin population, not much is known about their economic performance in this major industrial area of the United States. For example, are earning differentials between Spanish origin groups and whites in the Midwest less than in other geographical areas where the Spanish origin have traditionally resided? Has the labor force participation increased among the Spanish origin groups, especially among females, as a result of a predominantly industrial-manufacturing environment? This type of inquiry into the earnings of the Spanish origin persons would yield considerable insight into some of the major factors influencing economic performance of the Spanish origin population. Prior to undertaking a research inquiry into earnings among Spanish origin persons in the Midwest, however, it is important to understand the historical aspects of the migration of Spanish origin persons to the Midwest, especially if the search for work and better economic opportunities are the major reason for migration. The development of a historical perspective in this type of research inquiry permits a more well developed analysis of their economic performance. Spanish Origin Persons in the Midwest The Spanish origin population has generally settled in the Midwest either through (a) direct migration from a "Spanish country” such as Mexico or Cuba; (b) migration from a region of the country with a large Spanish origin population such as New York City or South Texas; or (c) settling out from the migrant labor stream. The location of Spanish origin persons in the Midwest is reflected in Table l-l which presents the Spanish origin population by group for five Midwest states. 45ccording to the_l970 C inois has fithe largest Spanish origin population 5 ' 393,000 or approximately 45 percent of the Spanish origin.population_in_these \\ _,,,.~#-——~—-’s states. The largest category of Spanish origin persons in these \\. states is the Central and South American group, approximately 334,000 persons. While this is a sizeable group, it does cover a broad spectrum of Central and South American countries. In contrast, the much more narrowly defined category, Mexican origin, has over 300,000 inhabitants in these states. If one categorizes Spanish background by country of origin, Mexican Americans are the largest sub-group of Spanish origin persons in the Midwest. In explaining the presence of large numbers of Spanish- speaking people in the Midwest and their increasing attraction to Diversity within the various ethnic groups extends further into the nomenclature for classifying these groups. While the Census Bureau and other governmental units employ a wide range of classifications (e.g. Persons of Spanish Origin, Spanish Surname, Spanish American, Hispanic, Spanish Speaking), some groups and indi- viduals use other terms such as Latin Americans, "Latinos," Chicanos, "Niuyorricans," and "Raza" to describe and identify this population. Moreover, the various identifying terms invoke various feelings of pride and have different connotations. While it is apparent that considerable controversy exists over the actual number of Spanish origin persons and that a wide range of diversity characterizes this population, Spanish origin persons do represent the second largest minority group in this country, and in spite of their diversity have an overall sense of group identity which is enhanced by a common language heritage and similar cultural values. Furthermore, there is little controversy over the fact that persons of Spanish origin have not enjoyed full economic and social equality. For example, data from the l973 Manpower Report of the President notes that in l97l, the median income for all families of Spanish origin was $7,500, compared to $l0,300 for all American families. Puerto Rican families reported a median income of only $6,200. In addition, the unemployment rate for the Spanish origin population during March T972 was reported over 8 percent, about a 6 Despite their disproportion- third above the overall national rate. ately low family income and high unemployment, the socio-economic situation of Spanish origin persons has not received wide-spread national attention and concern. It has been only within the last several years that national efforts have been directed to ameliorate the economic problems faced by persons of Spanish origin. One possible explanation for this lack of a national per- spective on persons of Spanish origin arises from the regional per- spective usually assigned to this group since this population is heavily concentrated in certain parts of the country. For example, Mexican Americans or Chicanos, who comprise the largest segment of this population reside primarily in five southwestern states—-Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, California, and Colorado--although significant numbers have moved to other states especially in the Midwest. On the other hand, Puerto Ricans are more commonly found on the Eastern seaboard while Cubans are largely concentrated in Florida.7 While nearly three-fourths of the Spanish origin population in this country resides in five states (California, Texas, New York, Florida, and New Mexico) and helps explain the regional parochialism usually assigned to this population, Spanish origin groups have tended, especially since World War II, not only to move to more urbanized industrial areas but also to become more geographically dispersed throughout the nation. For example, the l973 Manppwer Report of the President notes that every state has some Spanish origin residents, ranging from 2,000 in North Dakota to over 2,500,000 in California. In addition, 3l states report a Spanish origin population of at least 20,000 people. As for urbanization, 46 cities now have 10,000 or more Spanish origin inhabitants.8 The movement of Spanish origin persons into areas outside their traditional geographical concentration has extended into the Chicago area, the northern parts of Indiana and Ohio, and southern Michigan. Five Midwestern states (Wisconsin, Illinois, Michigan, Indiana and Ohio) have over three-quarters of a million persons of Spanish origin according to the l97O census. Spanish origin organizations, however, claim that the actual number may well exceed a million. Regardless of the actual number, the Midwest is an area of the country that has a sizeable and increasing Spanish origin population that includes Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and others of Spanish origin. Even though the Midwest has a substantial and increasing Spanish origin population, not much is known about their economic performance in this major industrial area of the United States. For example, are earning differentials between Spanish origin groups and whites in the Midwest less than in other geographical areas where the Spanish origin have traditionally resided? Has the labor force participation increased among the Spanish origin groups, especially among females, as a result of a predominantly industrial-manufacturing environment? This type of inquiry into the earnings of the Spanish origin persons would yield considerable insight into some of the major factors influencing economic performance of the Spanish origin population. Prior to undertaking a research inquiry into earnings among Spanish origin persons in the Midwest, however, it is important to understand the historical aspects of the migration of Spanish origin .mmpmpm cmpmcs msu cw cvmwco cmwcmam we mcomgmm .oump mzmcmu mg» mo :mmgzm .m.: "mugsom Noo.Nno.m mom.~mo.F omm.mom.~ coo.¢¢m mom.m~¢.~ mm¢.~mm.¢ Page» .m.: o—o.m¢m omm.mm www.mmm mom.mm mo¢.omp mcm.oom Favounzm muw.~m Nom.¢ mmp.mm oqm w¢~.n wom.w_ cwmcoummz mmm.mm~ Nm¢.NP Nom.~o mom.~ mnm.om mmm.m~ owzo ono.Fm— oem.¢~ mmw.Pm Non.m Now.m www.mm :mmw50wz NN¢.N_~ mmm.m mm~.mo mmp.p mo~.m «mo.om acmencm vom.mmm mmm.mp mm~.mo~ omn.o~ 55¢.nm mF¢.omp mwocwppH cpmpco :mupgms< . . . :muvm cmupgme< emmeeam emepo eeaom new caezu . epaum Pmuoh ngucmu ougmza cmuwxmz .ummzuwz mcu cw :wmwgo smegmam mo mcomgmmii.—-F mpnmh 10 the area, it appears that the desire to improve their economic and working conditions plays a strong and primary motivating force for the various Spanish origin groups with the exception of Cubans since they represent an exiled group. In the case of Mexican Americans, a survey in the Chicago area supports the prospect of improved economic conditions as the primary motivating force for migrating to an urban area.9 Many Mexican immigrants and Mexican Americans from the Southwest were attracted to the rapidly increasing manufacturing jobs, railroad construction, and harvesting of sugar beets and other agricultural cr0ps in Northern and Midwestern states. In Chicago and the Calumet region, the steel industry through the use of "recruiters" brought Mexicans by the train and car load.10 The recruited workers may have come with the desire to return but many instead remained. The development by agricultural interests of a migrant farm labor force, of which the overwhelming majority are of Mexican origin, also accounts for the large number of Mexican Americans .currently residing in the Midwest. Extensive efforts at labor recruitment were practiced by the agricultural industry. The Beet Growers Employment Committee, for example, was formed in l938 to 1] While the com- recruit workers for the Michigan Sugar Company. panies never contracted with workers directly and disclaimed responsibility for their welfare, they nevertheless maintained an economic interest in their supply of labor. Recruitment efforts were successful and by the early forties, it was estimated that as 11 many as 15,000 Mexican American farm workers were coming to harvest Michigan's seasonal crops.12 While there have been efforts to document the migration of Mexican Americans into the Midwest, few systematic studies exist 13 For on the Midwest settlement of other Spanish origin groups. example, even though Puerto Ricans now reside in all 50 states, with Chicago having the second largest mainland Puerto Rican community, migration information is usually centered on the New York State area 14 This situation and emphasizes the Puerto Rico/mainland migration. is understandable since most of the migration to the mainland occurred immediately after World War II, and settlement occurred exclusively in New York City. It was not until after T950 that Puerto Rican communities began to appear in other metropolitan areas of the country. Migration outside the New York area is reported more frequently among second generation mainland residents than first generation residents, probably reflecting greater labor market infor- mation among the former concerning other locations on the mainland. While a scarcity of specific information exists on these Puerto Rican communities, it is reported that a disproportionate number of them reside in the deteriorating cores of large urban areas, and that a smaller but significant group are migrant farm workers, returning to the island yearly or settling in the North East and North Central states.15 Cubans on the other hand experienced their major influx into the United States since 1959, with nearly two-thirds of the approxi- mately 600,000 Cubans immigrating as refugees. Florida has the 12 largest Cuban population; an overwhelming 5l percent of the Cuban ‘5 Illinois, immigrants since l960 have settled in that state. however, is one of the five states with the largest Cuban population. As for pinpointing the exact migration pattern of persons who are of Central and South American extraction and others of Spanish origin, the task is extremely difficult since the groups are quite large and diverse. These individuals may derive their Spanish origin from such diverse countries as Costa Rica, Panama, Haiti, Colombia, and Chile to name just a few. While persons from these countries may have common cultural and language traits, differences are evident. There has been, however, virtually no efforts to document the migration and implications of Central and South American origin persons to this country. In summarizing the migration origins of the nearly three- quarters of a million persons of Spanish origin who currently reside in five Midwestern states, it is apparent that geographical origins and periods of migration vary for the various Spanish origin groups. Spanish origin settlements in Midwestern communities were prompted not solely by expanding employment in industry and agriculture but also through effective labor recruitment practices by these industries in the economically depressed areas where Spanish origin groups, especially Mexican Americans, have historically resided. While these factors help explain Spanish origin settlements, it must be noted that migration is a complex phenomenon and a subject which is beyond the scope and purpose of this research. Nevertheless, the Midwestern industrial states do appear to offer a contrasting economic situation 13 to Spanish origin persons since they have been traditionally con- centrated in economically depressed areas such as South Texas and Puerto Rico. In addition, Midwest states are generally character- ized by relatively high wages, industrialization, unionization and even though subject to dispute, greater perceived opportunities in the area of civil rights. A priori, one might expect the Midwest to provide an economic and social environment which offers better opportunities to persons of Spanish origin for advancement. Income statistics lend support and the 1970 U.S. Census notes that four of the five Midwest states in l969 reported higher median income of Spanish origin males l6 years and older than any other state in the country with a population 17 Reflecting on this of l00,000 or more Spanish origin persons. favorable economic climate in one of the Midwest states, one study concluded that the state could expect an above average growth in its population of Spanish origin persons.18 However, an assessment of the economic situation including the supposedly favorable economic climate for persons of Spanish origin in the Midwest has yet to be fully explored. An Earning Analysis in the Midwest While there has been a need to analyze earnings among persons of Spanish origin especially in areas outside their traditional geographical residence, research efforts on persons of Spanish origin in the Midwest have largely been hindered by a paucity of data. Moreover, available studies on this population in the Midwest have generally adopted a case study approach which limits the ability to x 14 19 For generalize and at times produces inconclusive results. example, a case study of East Chicago revealed little support for the assertion that the Midwest urban environment had contributed to important differences between the position of Mexican Americans in the Midwest and the Southwest.20 Results also appear to vary on this issue depending on whether they focus on recent immigrants or people with longer residence status. In addition, a comparative assessment among the various ethnic groups of Spanish origins in similar economic environments has generally been omitted from most studies; although one report indicates that people of Central and South American extration and others of Spanish origin tend to have higher income, better jobs, and more education than the other Spanish speaking groups.2] Outline of the Study An analysis of earnings among persons of Spanish origin should focus on the role of human capital factors, such as education and experience, in explaining earnings. The analysis should also examine the earnings of recent arrivals as compared with those of longer residence status. What are the earning differentials, if any, between Spanish origin groups? How do the earnings of Spanish origin groups compare with those of the overall white population? An analysis of the various factors associated with earnings among persons of Spanish origin would reveal many insights into these types of questions. Prior to analyzing the earnings among Spanish origin persons in the Midwest, an overview of the literature on the economic 15 performance of Spanish origin groups, especially as it relates to the Midwest, is essential to a complete understanding of the earning structure of the Spanish origin. Chapter 11 presents an overview of the major research and findings which have focused on the economic performance of the various Spanish origin groups with special emphasis and relevance in the states under study. Chapter III reviews certain theoretical considerations involved in analyzing earnings and outlines the basic research design of the study. Chapter IV describes and compares the social and economic characteristics of the various sample groups under study. Chapter V analyzes the earnings data utilizing the basic research design of the study. Chapter VI examines the manpower implications of the major findings of the study. Overall, the study is undertaken with the realization that an adequate knowledge of the earnings situation for Spanish origin persons is required to insure that manpower policies reflect efforts to achieve economic parity with other groups in the region. A thorough understanding of the economic performance of Spanish origin persons is especially warranted if migration by Spanish origin persons to the states under study is to persist. FO0TNOTES--CHAPTER I 1The concept of a job economy is taken from Dr. Daniel H. Kruger, Michigan State University School of Labor and Industrial Relations, and I express my appreciation to Dr. Kruger for sharing his well developed concept on the importance of a job. 2The Spanish origin overview draws considerably from the following articles and reports: Henry Ramirez, "America's Spanish Speaking: A Profile," Manpower, Vol. 4 (September, 1972), 31-34; P.M. Ryscavage and E.F. Mellor, "The Economic Situation of Spanish Americans," Monthly Labor Review, Vol. 96 No. 4 (April, 1973), 3-9; 1 Department of Labor, Manpower Report of the President 1973, section on "Spanish-Speaking Americans: Their Manpower Problems and Opportunities," 85-103. 3U.S. Department of Labor, Manpower Report of the PreSident, 1973, p. 87. 41bid. 5Henry Ramirez, op. cit., p. 31. O3 Manpower Rppprt of the President, 1973, p. 86. 7Ryscavage and Mellor, op. cit., p. 3. 8Manpower Report of the President, 1973, pp. 88-89. 9Daniel 0. Price, "Rural to Urban Migration of Mexican Americans, Negroes, and Anglos," International Migration Review, Vol. 5 (November, 1973), 286. 10Julian Samora and Richard A. Lamanna, Mexican Americans in a Midwest Metropolis: A Study of East Chicago, Advance Report #10 to the Mexican American Study Project, Division of Research, Graduate School of Business Administration, University of California at Los Angles, 1967, p. 71. 16 17 11Carey McWilliams, ”Mexicans in Michigan," Common Ground (Autumn, 1941), 6. 12 Ibid., 5. 13For some sources on Midwest migration, see Nancy Saldana, Mexican Americans in the Midwest: An Annotated Bibliography (Michigan State University, East Lansing: Department of Sociology, July 1969), 44-49. 14An excellent article on Puerto Rican migration, see J. Hernadez Alvarez, "The Movement and Settlement of Puerto Ricans Within the United States, 1950-1960," International Migration Review, Vol. 2, No. 2 (Spring, 1968), pp. 40-51, and a1so Joseph P. Fitzpatrick, Puerto Rican Americans: The Meaning of Migration to the Mainland (New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1971), pp. 72-76. 15Magdalena Miranda, Puerto Rican Task Force Report (New York: Council on Social Work Education, 1973), pp. 6-7. 16 17U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Population: 1970 Subject Reports, Final Report PC(2)-1C, Persons of Spanish Origin (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 19731T7 (Wisconsin does not have a population of 100,000 or more Spanish origin)persons and therefore no median income was reported for that state. 18David I. Verway, "Spanish Michigan," Michigan State Economic Record (Michigan State University, East Lansing: Bureau of Business and Economic Research, Vol. 15 (January/February, 1973), p. 7. Manpower Report of the President, 1973, p. 85. 19For a bibliography on Mexican American employment in the Midwest see Saldona, Mexican Americans in the Midwest, pp. 30-34, and also Harvey M. Choldin and Frafton D. Trout, Mexican American in Transition: Migration and Employment in Michigan Cities (Michigan State University, Department of Sociology and Pural Manpower Center, East Lansing, 1969). 20 21 Samora and Lamanna, op. cit., p. vi. Ramirez, op. cit., p. 32. CHAPTER II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Introduction Literature on the economic performance of Spanish origin persons has not been abundant for a variety of reasons. Until recently Spanish origin persons had not received widespread national attention, and their socioeconomic problems have largely been regarded in a regional context. Empirical research and data on the economic performance of the Spanish origin population usually focus on those geographical areas such as the Southwest, historically associated with large numbers of Spanish origin persons. Research on the Spanish origin population has also been hindered by inadequate data bases and problems in properly identifying the population under study. Moreover, these studies rarely focus on comparative data among persons of Spanish origin because of the regional perspective, i.e., Cubans, Puerto Ricans and Mexican Americans are not generally found together in large numbers within a region. Indeed, the major research on this population has predominantly concentrated on Mexican Americans in the Southwest. Again, due to a paucity of data and lack of awareness of the Spanish origin population among manpower researchers, the Midwest for the most part has been generally dis- regarded in research on the economic performance of Spanish origin persons. 18 1ni‘llr- “girlie: I nu. .18.:‘0‘4 . e . . D. 19 Nevertheless, the relatively few studies which have been generated on employment and earning related issues are worth reviewing before an analysis of earnings is undertaken. The first section of this chapter highlights the literature regarding general employment and earnings outside the Midwest but with applicability or relevance to the Midwest, and the next section isolates major research pertaining to earnings in the Midwest states. Economic Overview The 1973 Manpower Report of the President presents the most recent and succinct manpower profile of the Spanish origin population, largely based on data from the 1970 Census. By various measures of economic performance--earnings, income, employment--persons of Spanish origin lag behind the general population. Salient findings in the manpower profile indicated that approximately 20 percent of the Spanish origin adults age 25 and older were classified as illit- erates, the population was overwhelming urban (84 percent), and it was relatively young with a median age of 20, eight years younger than the median for the total population. While the Manpower Report presents a general descriptive profile of manpower, several recent articles in the Monthly Labor Review, also for the most part utilizing 1970 Census data, focus on more refined economic aspects of the Spanish origin population. Ryscavage and Mellor in a Monthly Labor Review article note that the average earning per Spanish American worker, especially among primary workers, was lower than 1 that of white workers. In the case of Puerto Ricans, the woman was often the primary worker in the family. These lower earnings 20 primarily account for the income differentials between the Spanish 'origin population and the white population. Another Monthly Labor Bgyigg_article utilizing quarterly data from the Current Population Survey finds higher unemployment rates among Spanish origin workers in comparison to white workers.2 A more in depth article has examined various factors which are associated with occupational standing of Spanish surnamed workers, an indication of their economic performance.3 Based on the 1960 Census data and data from the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, it was shown through use of regression techniques that factors directly affecting the behavior of the employers such as affirmative action mandates, are more significant in explaining the occupational standing of Spanish surnamed workers than factors relating to the worker himself or the community. A recent dissertation, while not focusing on all Spanish origin persons, comparatively examined the labor force participation 4 Using 1960 Census tract data, the rate (L.F.P.R.) of urban poor. sample includes Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans. The purpose of the study was to examine the significantly different patterns of labor force participation among urban poor--poor whites, blacks, Mexican Americans, and Puerto Ricans--and determine if the difference was due to different economic environments. The results showed the differences in L.F.P.R. among the urban poor was generally not a significant result of economic environments but rather a result of educational attainment.5 21 Another comparative study using 1960 Census data analyzed the effects of education on income among selected ethnic groups that included Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans.6 Half of the differ- ence between the income among the selected ethnic groups and the white group could be accounted for in terms of education. In the case of Mexican Americans, more than half of the income difference could be accounted for by educational differences. Moreover, the study found considerable support for the notion that labor market discrimination is directly related to the observable physical appearance dissimilarity between the ethnic group and the majority population. One study by Martin T. Katzman has developed an econometric model to explain ethnic differences in economic performance.7 It attempts to explain differences in performance among 14 ethnic groups including Puerto Ricans and Mexican Americans in the nation's nine largest Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas. The study concludes that Mexican Americans are the least successful group in terms of economic performance. Puerto Ricans also earn less, are underemployed, and underpresented in all the white collar employment but fare better than the Mexican Americans. In another study by Katzman examining discrimination and the economic performance of Negroes, Puerto Ricans, and Mexican Americans in several metropolitan areas, he also suggests that color discrim- ination does not account for all of the underachievement of the 8 minority groups. In the case of Puerto Ricans and Mexican Americans, the data indicates that second generation Puerto Ricans complete I - IDI- iwrl bu!‘oi.!~ 22 more years of schooling, have more businessmen, and enter clerical and sales jobs at a higher rate than Mexican Americans. The research suggests that this underachievement results from the distinct sub-cultura1_patterns (emphasis mine) and the reaction of the white middle class to these patterns. Data from one study in the New York SMSA suggest that Puerto Ricans achieve lower earnings relative to whites with similar 9 Findings from educational attainment or in similar occupations. the study suggest that earning differences among various racial groups arise not from employer related discrimination but rather from real skill differentials. The study notes if adjustments for skill differences between Puerto Ricans, blacks, and whites are taken into account the earning differentials among the groups are eliminated in the New York SMSA. The results raise the possibility that earning differentials may originate before entry into the labor market, especially during the early schooling period when minorities receive low quality education. Even though the research mentioned above represents most of the comparative research on economic performance of Spanish origin persons, there also has been some analytical research on factors associated with income and earnings for particular groups of the Spanish origin category, especially among Mexican Americans. Walter Fogel has done considerable research on the economic relationship be tween income, education, and discrimination among Mexican Americans 10 in the Southwest through the use of income ratios. Fogel's research is reported in two Advance Reports of the University of 23 California, Los Angeles Mexican American Study Project and the results are also presented in the Mexican American People, the results of the UCLA study.n In one advance report, Fogel examines the relationship between education and income in an analytical and comparative frame- work and notes that average earnings of Mexican Americans have been 12 However, in high relative to their educational preparation. terms of income differentials between Mexican Americans and the white population, education accounts for only a part of these differentials. Some of the findings which are reported in the Mexican American People are:13 (1) income does not increase with age; (2) there is low labor force participation by women, possibly due to cultural factors; (3) payment of the same wage rate to all persons employed in the same job classification exists in some geographical areas and certain industries associated with higher earnings, but wage standardization is also associated with low minority group employment, and; (4) there is limited support for the notion that earnings ratios of Mexican Americans would be high where they represent a large portion of the total labor supply and low where they account for a small portion. Two recent articles appearing in the Social Sciencepggarterly also focus on income related issues among Mexican Americans in the Southwest. One of the articles examines some factors associated with income for Mexican Americans in Austin, Texas, using Duncan's theoretical model of contrasting the income producing effects of status inheritance with those of racial discrimination.14 The 24 findings based on data obtained from this locale indicate that status inheritance and education explain more of the income dis- crepancy between whites and Mexican Americans than between whites and blacks in the Duncan study. The other article examined the income difference between Mexican Americans and whites attributed respectively to educational and occupational differences and to minority status.15 Using 1960 U.S. Census Data, the study examined the cost of being a Mexican American male worker after educational and occupational differentials with white males were taken into account. The economic cost of being a Mexican American in comparison to a white worker was found on the average to be $900. The major thrust of these studies appears to be in the area of discrimination and the relationships between education, occupation, and income. Other studies addressing the issue of job discrimination among Mexican Americans in the Southwest are the ones undertaken by Schmidt and Blair, respectively. Schmidt examines Equal Employment Opportunity data in 20 counties and offers evidence supporting a job caste system that walls off white collar employment for Spanish surnamed workers even in areas where their number in the population is proportionately greater.16 Blair on the other hand uses rates of return from schooling among Mexican Americans and whites in Santa Clara County, California to determine the possibility of discrimination.17 He concludes that the disadvantages evident in the rates of return to schooling among Mexican Americans appear to lie on the employment market side, rather than on measurable 25 18 In other words, the disadvantages status schooling effects. arises primarily from lower wages paid to Mexican American employees in comparison to other employees. Not all economic research on Mexican Americans employ human capital factors or the presence of labor market discrimination to explain low earnings among Mexican Americans. One researcher notes that the economic assumption of a rational income maximizing individual may not apply to Mexican Americans: ...In the case of the Mexican American, traditional values have been strongly influenced by a folk or rural culture in which organized and continuous striving for future monetary gains plays little part. Satisfaction of present wishes and needs tends to take precedence over long range planning which requires immediate sacrifices.19 In contrast, other research has concluded that it is erroneous to think that any significant difference in the desire to participate in the labor force exists for Mexican Americans and whites.20 Schmidt feels that it is just that Mexican Americans are not able to fulfill that desire and to reap the same benefits that the majority population is able to extract from the job economy. Research on earnings and income among Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and others of Spanish origin has been even less abundant and more 2] In the case regionalized than the research on Mexican Americans. of Puerto Ricans, research on their income and earnings on the mainland focuses on New York State and has generally been descriptive. Puerto Ricans in New York City, according to one writer, have become 22 the "industrial reserve army" of that city. Most of the remaining research extended to Puerto Ricans on the island. 26 Research on Cubans and their employment situation has been concentrated in one area, Florida. A recent dissertation examined the economic adaptation of a sample of Cuban refugees that included 23 It found more professional, white collar, and skilled workers. successful adaptation among civil and electrical engineers, archi- tects, and similar professions where there was an absence of clear restrictions on entry such as licensing or specific educational requirements. However, even in areas or professions where no restrictions of entry prevailed, earnings still favored the U.S. practitioner. Overall there was a paucity of literature on the economic performance of Cubans. However, this was even more so for the broad category of Spanish origin persons described as "Central and South Americans" and "Others of Spanish Origin." Very little research outside published census reports focus on the employment and earnings situation pertaining to these groups of Spanish origin persons. Economic Performance in the Midwest The literature on employment and earning characteristics of Spanish origin persons in the Midwest has generally been descriptive and without much Comparative depth, even though there are some 24 In the comparative category, two surveys, notable exceptions. one using Census data for Michigan and the other household interviews in Detroit, have examined some employment and earnings aspects of the Spanish origin population. The Michigan survey article based on Census data notes higher income for the Spanish origin population under 26 years of age in comparison to the same age group of the 27 white population.25 However, this income advantage changes after 25 and declines in comparison to the white population. The research explains these phenomena by suggesting that prior to 25 years of age most whites are in school while young Spanish origin persons tend to be working. Among professionals, income differentials were also noted, especially among physicians of Spanish origin. The Detroit survey found Spanish origin persons concentrated in manu- facturing, construction, and transportation industries.26 Besides the comparative findings on Spanish origin persons, there have been numerous studies on Mexican Americans in the Midwest. These studies generally focus on a specific geographical area, by state or city. Samora and Lammana, as part of the UCLA Mexican American Study Project, have done research on Mexican Americans in 27 Using 1960 Census data and employment data from a East Chicago. large local employer, they found no conclusive evidence to support the assertion that Mexican Americans in East Chicago are able to obtain better social and economic benefits in comparison to those in the Southwest. They argue that California, because of its better economic environment, has a stronger migration attraction than the Midwest. However, Samora and Lammana do find an availability of good, steady but unskilled work for Mexican Americans in East Chicago. Full economic integration, nevertheless, is thwarted because an apparent barrier exists for Mexican Americans between skilled and unskilled work. In Saginaw County, Michigan, Olen E. Leonard undertook a 28 study of 290 "Spanish speaking" families in 1960-1961. The study 28 revealed nearly 80 percent of the urban heads of household performed unskilled work. Yet despite this concentration, earnings according to Leonard approached the national level for all employed persons. Like Samora and Lammana, Leonard discovered no apparent major hurdle in obtaining unskilled or semi-skilled work for Spanish speaking persons in Saginaw County. However, he found a prevalent and con- siderable absence of Spanish speaking people in skilled work. Two sets of sociologists, Shannon and Shannon in Wisconsin and Choldin and Trout in Michigan, have studied the process of acculturation and absorption of Mexican Americans into a Northern industrial society.29 Shannon and Shannon present findings pertaining to a longitudinal study of economic absorption and cultural integra— tion of Mexican Americans and Negroes in a predominantly white 30 They found that Mexican industrial locale, Racine, Wisconsin. Americans were earning less money than whites or blacks, even though, generally, findings in other locales have indicated that Mexican Americans earn more than blacks. In spite of this situation, Mexican Americans in Racine, Wisconsin still earned more money than Southwest urban Mexican Americans which indicates a generally higher wage rate in Northern areas. In addition, Shannon and Shannon found that higher levels of education and longer periods of residence in Racine are associated with higher earnings for the white popula- tion but not for the black and Mexican American residents. In Michigan, Choldin and Trout also examined the urbanization 31 process of settled Mexican Americans. A total of 695 heads of household were interviewed in eight counties outside the Detroit 29 Metropolitan Statistical Area, an area where half of the Michigan Spanish origin population resides. The exclusion of Detroit from the sample may explain why 40 percent of the sample over the age of 16 were engaged in migrant farm work before settling in Michigan. Over half of the jobs held by Mexican Americans were in the motor vehicle and kindred metal fabrication industries. Unionization was extensive in the Choldin and Trout study, with 75 percent of those sampled claiming union membership in their present or last job. Of these union members, more than half belonged to the United Auto Workers Union. In summary, the Choldin and Trout study portrays an economic transition for Mexican Americans, a movement from field work into factory work. It leaves economic welfare issues such as economic performance due to migration and transition to further research. Mark Erenburg examines the economic performance of Mexican Americans residing in Wisconsin. However, the study focuses on the economic benefits obtained by ex-migrant workers who settled in 32 Using a Wisconsin, in comparison to current migrant workers. control group of Mexican American migrant workers (N=65) and a group of settled out migrant workers (N=l96) the net economic returns, calculated by using benefit cost techniques, from staying in Wisconsin over a four year period (1963-1966) in comparison to con- tinuing harvesting crops on a seasonal basis was $5,488.81. During this time period, the data indicated a faVorable net return ($1,568.20 on an annual basis) for those Mexican American migrant workers who decided to settle in Wisconsin. While the results indicate favorable 30 economic performance for Mexican American farm workers who decide to settle in Wisconsin, the small sample size may restrict any broad generalizations. In addition, the favorable findings apply only to migrant workers and consequently an extension of these results may not necessarily apply to Mexican Americans who were not migrant farm workers in origin or farm workers who may have settled at different time periods. Further research is warranted on the economic performance of these individuals. Summary of Literature Review A cursory review of the research pertaining to earnings and income among persons of Spanish origin, especially in the Midwest, reveals the following major points: (1) the research is generally of a descriptive and survey nature; (2) the case study approach which emphasizes regional or geographical areas characterized by a large population of Spanish origin persons is most predominant; (3) some of these areas and regions such as South Texas are character- ized by adverse socio-economic conditions; (4) virtually no compara- tive inquiry among the different groups within the Spanish origin population exists; (5) there is no significant employment and earnings research available on the large and broad Spanish origin categories, ”Central and South Americans" and "Other Spanish origin;" (6) there is a presence of income differentials among Spanish origin persons in comparison to the majority population with no clear con- census as to the factors influencing these differentials and; (7) there has been limited use of statistical regression techniques to analyze income and earnings. 31 For Mexican Americans in the Midwest, research findings indicate higher earnings in comparison to other regions and a pro- portionately large number of workers concentrated in unskilled and semi-skilled jobs. To determine whether there are actual barriers to the skilled and professional categories of employment in the Midwest as reported by several survey studies, requires further inquiry. From the literature review, it tentatively appears that one group of Spanish origin persons, Mexican Americans, who are now declining as the seasonal, agricultural workers of the Midwest, are rapidly becoming factory workers. An inquiry into the earnings of Spanish origin persons in the Midwest also reveals the need for a comparative assessment of economic performance, i.e., Spanish origin population vis-a-vis the white population. By comparing the economic performance of each Spanish origin group to the white population through a comparative earnings framework, considerable knowledge on the factors influencing earnings among Spanish origin persons could be obtained. In addition, more appropriate manpower strategies to achieve economic parity could be adopted as public policy. FOOTNOTES--CHAPTER II 1P.M. Ryscavage and E.F. Mellor, op. cit., pp. 3-9. 2Roberta V. McKay, "Employment and Unemployment Among Americans of Spanish Origin," Monthly Labor Review, Vol. 97, No. 4 (April, 1974), 12-16. 3Jerolyn R. Lyle, "Factors Affecting the Job Status of Workers With Spanish Surnames," Monthly Labor Review, Vol. 96, No. 4 (April, 1973), 10-16. 4Larry Bruce Sawyers, "The Labor Force Participation of the Urban Poor (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Michigan, 1969). 5Ibid., p. 106. 6Walter A. Fogel, "The Effect of Education on Low Educational Attainment on Incomes: A Comparative Study of Selected Ethnic Groups," Journal of Human Resources, Vol. 1 (Fall, 1966), 22-40. 7Martin T. Katzman, "Opportunity, Subculture and the Economic Performance of Urban Ethnic Groups," American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 28, No. 4 (October, 1960), 351-366. 8Martin T. Katzman, "Discrimination, Subculture, and the Economic Performance of Negroes, Puerto Ricans, and Mexican Americans," American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 27, No. 4 (October, 1968), 371-376. 9Albert W. Niemi, Jr., "Wage Discrimination Against Negroes and Puerto Ricans in the New York SMSA," Social Science QuarterLy, Vol. 55, No. 1 (June, 1974), 112-120. 10Walter A. Fogel, Education and Income of Mexican Americans in the Southwest, Advance Report #1, 1965, and Mexican Americans in Southwest Labor Markets, Advance Report #10, 1967. Reports submitted to the Mexican American Study Project, Graduate School of Business Administration, University of California at Los Angeles. nLeo Grebler, Joan W. Moore, Ralph C. Guzman, The Mexican American People (New York: Free Press, 1970) specifically chapters 9 and 10. 32 33 lealter A. Fogel, Education and Income of Mexican Americans in the Southwest, p. vii. 13These findings are best reported in chapters 9 and 10, Grebler, Moore, Guzman, op. cit., pp. 206-207 and 237-246. 14J. Allen William, Peter G. Beeson, and David R. Johnson, "Some Factors Associated with Income Among Mexican Americans," Social Science Quarterly, Vol. 53 (March, 1973), 710-715. 15Dudley L. Poston and David Alvirez, "On the Cost of Being A Mexican American Worker," Social Science Quarterly, Vol. 53 (March, 1973), 697-709. . 16Fred H. Schmidt, Spanish Surnamed American Employment in the Southwest (Washington, D.C., U.S. Government Printing Office, nogdate given), a study prepared for the Colorado Civil Rights Commission under the asupices of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. 17Phillip M. Blair, Job Discrimination and Education: An Investment Analysis (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1972). 18 Blair, op. cit., p. 138. 19Paul Bullock, "Employment Problems of the Mexican American, Industrial Relations, Vol. 2, No. 3 (May, 1964), 39. 20Fred H. Schmidt, "Job Caste in the Southwest," Industrial Relations, Vol. 9, No. 1 (October, 1969), 103. 2lFor some further references on Puerto Ricans see the economic section of Paquita Vivo, Puerto Ricans: An Annotated Bibliography_(New York and London: Xerox, 1973). 22Andres Torres, "Puerto Rican Employment in New York," New Generation, Vol. 53, No. 4 (Fall, 1971), 17. 23Raul Moncarz, "A Study on the Effect of Environmental Change on Human Capital Among Selected Skilled Cubans," (Ph.D. Dissertation, Florida State University, 1969). 24For well documented bibliographies on Spanish origin groups in the Midwest see Gilbert Cardenas, La Raza in the Midwest and Great Lake States (Centro de Estudios Ch1canos E Investigaciones Sociales, University of Notre Dame, 1974) and Nancy Saldana, op. cit., especially the section on employment report of the Mexican American Study Project. 25 David I. Verway, op. cit., pp. 3-7. 34 26Charles L. Lebeaux and Gumecindo Salas, Latino Life and Social Needs: A Detroit Survey (Archdiocese of Detroit, 1973). 27Julian Samora and Richard A. Lammana, op. cit. 28Olen E. Leonard, Changes in the Spanish Speaking Labor Force of Saginaw County, Michigan (Mississippi State University Social Science Research Center Report #22, State College, Mississippi, September, 1968). 29Some of the work by these researchers include: Lyle W. Shannon et al., Economic Absopption and Cultural Integration of Immigrant Workers (Ibwa City: Department of Sociology and Anthro- pology, University of Iowa, 1966); Lyle and Magdaline Shannon, Minority Migrants in the Urban Community_(Beverly Hills and London: Sage Publications, 1973); and Harvey M. Choldin and Grafton D. Trout, Mexican Americans in Transition: Migration and Employment in Michigan Cities, Department of Sociology and Rural Manpower Center, Michigan State University, 1969. 30 Lyle and Magdaline Shannon, op. cit., pp. 80-112. 31Choldin and Trout, op. cit., pp. 172-221. 32Mark Edward Erenburg, "A Study of the Potential Relocation of Texas Michigan Migratory Farm Workers to Wisconsin," (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Wisconsin, 1969). CHAPTER III THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS AND THE RESEARCH DESIGN Introduction Earnings of Spanish origin persons or any other population group may be influenced by a multitude of social, political, and economic factors. An analysis of earnings, therefore, requires a theoretical understanding of these factors. Without the guide of an appropriate theoretical framework, an analysis of earnings runs the risk of becoming ambiguous and without foundation. Consequently, a study on earnings, regardless of the objectives (e.g., identifying factors which significantly influence earnings, determining why some groups of people earn less or more than others) needs an appropriate theoretical perspective since the earning process is such a complicated and dynamic one. Earning differentials, for example, may reflect among other things productivity differences caused by discrimination and differences in such human capital skills as educational attainment and training.1 Just as there are a host of factors and conditions influencing earnings, economic theories of earnings also entertain a number of varied themes. Some of the major theoretical considerations which are useful in understanding the 35 36 earning process are presented in order to obtain a better framework for analyzing earnings among persons of Spanish origin.2 A Theoretical Framework While a cursory review of economic theories explaining the earnings structure reveals varied themes, a common analytical framework can also be observed. It is apparent that a basic supply and demand analytical framework emphasizing the market conditions for labor constitutes the essence of several economic theories. This theoretical perspective should not create much surprise since earnings, from an economic viewpoint, represent a set of prices influenced by supply and demand conditions.3 Various research efforts examining the structure of earnings consequently adopt a theoretical perspective based on either supply or demand conditions found in a labor market. Explaining earnings consequently focuses on either the importance of investing in people (labor supply) or the demand conditions present in the labor market as ways to influence earnings. For example, some labor market theorists argue that in the short run demand conditions most certainly influence the earnings for a particular type of labor, especially if the supply of labor is relatively inelastic.4 However, in the long run, there are at most only a few occupations for which the long run supply is strictly limited since it may be easier to influence supply of labor through education and training programs. Consequently con- siderable research emphasizes supply conditions as prime factors in influencing earnings. 37 It is important to understand the effects of adopting a theoretical framework which emphasizes either supply or demand conditions. Recent research into the low earnings of the working poor by Barry Bluestone et al. have vividly indicated the implica- tions and consequences, especially during the last two decades, of adopting either a supply or demand theoretical framework of analysis 5 Bluestone et al. note that in in the area of earning structures. the 1950's, for example, labor market research emphasized the demand or industry side of wage determination. Research efforts focused on explaining wage differentials between comparative industries and regions. The objective was to develop models which could measure the effects of such market structures as unionization, profits, market concentration, and labor/capital ratios on wages. Since there was little attention paid to the human capital skills of labor, efforts to ameliorate differential earnings of workers obviously emphasized modification in the structure or institutional framework of an industry.6 In contrast the early 1960's witnessed considerable attention 7 Prior to this to the supply side of wage and income determination. time, the possible effects of human capital investments on earnings had largely been ignored. The development of the human capital school, led by such noted economists as Theodore Schultz and Gary Becker, dramatically spurred research efforts to measure the effects on earnings of such factors as skills, education, health, mobility, and experience.8 It was therefore quite natural to observe policy 38 recommendations advocating upgrading of education, health, and skills as a vehicle for increasing income. More recently the advocates of the importance of economic and institutional conditions in the labor market have suggested the 9 presence of a "tripartite economy" to explain low earnings. The schema of this analysis includes a central or core economy, a 10 The central or core peripheral economy and an irregular economy. economy is characterized by industries with considerable economic and political muscle. The peripheral economy has considerably less power and influence; its other characteristics include small firm size, labor intensity, lack of unionization, and low wages. The irregular economy incudes those activities not visible in national income accounts. While some jobs in the irregular economy are illegal, most of the activities include a wide range of daily con- tract work such as gardening, cleaning,and non-unionized employment. Levels of earnings in this schema are dependent upon the worker's ability to obtain employment in one of the "tripartite economies." Researchers, however, who attempt to explain earnings on a strict theoretical model such as the derived demand for labor from the product market, human capital theory, or a "tripartite economy" encounter some real world complications by the presence of such factors as discrimination, monopsony conditions, imperfect mobility 1] Of these of labor, and inadequate labor market information. conditions the issue of discrimination has received considerable attention from researchers as a vehicle for understanding earning differentials. From an economic perspective, discrimination has 39 traditionally been viewed as an attitude or prejudice which leads employers not to apply the same standards and wage rate for all qualified applicants.12 Employers are thus deemed to have a taste for discrimination and consequently income differentials arise as a result of different wage rates for the same job. Another view of discrimination suggests that income differ- entials arise not from different wage rates for comparable work, but rather from the presence of structural barriers to higher paying jobs.13 Certain groups in society according to this economic theory are ”crowded" into certain industrial and occupational positions 14 The "crowding which reap comparatively fewer economic benefits. theory" focuses on the interaction of social institutions and other processes determining which individual and groups obtain certain jobs. The "crowding theory" thus suggests that within homogeneous industrial and occupational groups, no differences among wage rates for different racial groups should exist. Discrimination and other theoretical themes are without a doubt quite useful in better understanding the structure of earnings and just as important in developing an appropriate theoretical framework for analyzing earnings among Spanish origin persons in the Midwest. Establishing an adequate insight into the Spanish origin population and also understanding the various theoretical frameworks allow a more discriminating assessment of the factors to be included in an analysis of earnings. Nevertheless, full adoption of the various theoretical themes to explain earnings and their subsequent testing extend beyond the proposed scope of research. Since this 40 study is an initial effort to analyze earnings of Spanish origin persons in the Midwest, careful consideration must be given to examining the relationship between the supply or human capital characteristics of the population under study to their structure of earnings. Consequently, the proposed scope of research will adopt a human capital approach in order to emphasize the characteristics of the Midwest Spanish origin population in relation to the earnings process. This choice of theoretical perspective does not evolve from an assessment that other theoretical themes fail to explain earnings adequately. Indeed, the other theoretical perspectives may explain more comprehensively the earning situation for Spanish origin persons and other wage earners. Furthermore, the adoption of a human capital approach as a theoretical framework should not a priori indicate the favoring of public policies designed to eliminate low earnings solely through upgrading of skills. Instead the decision to adopt a human capital theoretical framework is premised on the notion that this framework will more adequately permit an initial exploratory assessment of the Spanish origin population's earnings in relation to their supply characteristics. Furthermore, once the exploratory assessment relating the character- istics of the Spanish origin population to its performance in the job economy is concluded, the stage for additional research into other theoretical themes to explain further its structure of earnings is established. 41 The Human Capital Concept The concept of human capital emphasizes rates of return on earnings of individuals for particular investments such as additional schooling. The human capital approach underlines a person's invest- ment behavior as a major force in explaining differences in earnings. Theodore Schultz, a leading proponent of human capital theory, con- veniently classifies human capital activities into such investments as (l) schooling and higher education, (2) post-school training and learning, (3) pre-school learning activities, (4) migration, (5) health, (6) information, and (7) investment in children (population).15 A person's total investment in human capital may include many if not all of these types of human capital. Human capital theory therefore provides an excellent theoret- ical framework for analyzing earnings among the Spanish origin population in the Midwest. It not only provides an assessment of the population characteristics in relation to their earnings structure but also lends itself to manpower considerations such as the type and combination of skill investments possibly required to achieve greater earnings. Research of this nature should also explore the role of human capital theory in explaining the various elements involved in the earnings process such as labor force participation and occupational attainment. For instance, what is the relationship between education, a form of human capital investment, and earnings and what is its relationship, if any, to occupational attainment, a prime determinant within the earnings process. 42 In this type of theoretical framework, the research emphasis is not solely on the finding that a human capital investment such as education affects earnings but also addresses the effects of education on the other elements of the earnings process. For example, is the education—earnings relationship a result of occupa- tional screening via education? This particular human capital approach which emphasizes process can be of considerable utility in examining factors associated with earnings. Earnings among persons of Spanish origins can thus be examined not only for the relationship between investments in human capital and earnings, but also on the relationship of human capital investment on other elements of the earnings process such as labor force participation. A Structure of Earnings Assessing earnings among Spanish origin persons in the Midwest requires not only an appropriate theoretical framework but also a model specification of the earnings process. Figure 3-1 displays some of the basic elements involved in the earnings process. Earnings within this structure are related among other things to a person's labor force status, type of work, and amount of work available. Obviously, the model is far from being complete in total specifica- 16 Nevertheless, even this elementary model can be used for tion. examining the influence of certain human capital elements such as education and health on earnings and also on some of the other components of the earning structure. For example, whether a person enters the labor force or not could be a function of human capital considerations. The same or different human capital considerations 43 .mmcwcgmm mo mcauuzcum <1-._-m mgzmwm A... .;p_ae= .eoepapaew .emeu ace--._-e p_eae 65 Sample Census Tapes in the five states under study. Sampling was proportional to the number of Spanish origin persons selected from each of the states, and the white non-institutional civilian control group between the ages of 16 and 64 years consisted of 2,516 persons: 1,211 males and 1,305 females. With the selection of the groups for study, the purpose of this chapter is to compare (1) geographical origin and citizenship status, (2) demographic charac- teristics, (3) educational and vocational training skills, (4) labor force status in the 1970 Survey Week, (5) hours worked in the 1970 Survey Week, (6) employment aspects, (7) weeks of work in 1969, and (8) total earnings in 1969 of the Spanish origin groups under study. When appropriate and relevant, characteristics among the Spanish origin groups will be compared to the white reference group. Geographical Origin and Citizenship 209213. In examining the geographic origins of the Spanish origin sample, 64 percent of the sample were born in the United States, with an additional 14 percent of the sample born in a U.S. territorial possession (Puerto Rico in almost all cases). Spanish origin persons born in a foreign country comprise about 22 percent of the sample. While overall nearly 78 percent of the Spanish origin sample were born on U.S. soil, considerable diversity exists among the various Spanish origin groups in terms of birthplace. Table 4-2 shows birthplace for the various Spanish origin groups. As evident from the table, 89 percent of the Puerto Ricans in the five states under study were born in a U.S. territorial possession, presumably 66 -- -- -- -- -- o.ooF pepeeea ommv mam many Pop 0mm Nmm— Lanszz 4mo umzoumz mmzoqm wmzogm Pouch cm>mz vmmggmz ummggmz pcmummo mshmucH szum>mucH tam: new: mgmpcmac mwmz xgmsmga mgasmcm mmmEmJ cum; mpmz cum: . pouch aaocw mmmEmu «Fez umEmm xmmsmu gmzpo rucmnmzz pcmummo 0401mmso: mo ma>k .ucwummo an :mmmco zmmcmgm new aaoco mums: Low vpocmmao: mo meme--.mm-m ememm 80 Table 4-13.--Urbanization of White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent. DEGREE OF URBANIZATION Descent Reside in Reside in Reside in Central Urban Area SMSA City of an SMSA Mexican # 1430 1395 997 American % (92.1) (89.9) (64.2) Puerto Rican # 678 674 590 % (98.3) (97.7) (85.5) Cuban # 177 181 127 % (92.7) (94.8) (66.5) Central & # 1393 1417 728 South American % (77.4) (78.8) (40.5) Other # 298 284 138 % (86.1) (82.1) (39.9) ' TOTAL Spanish # 3976 3951 2580 Origin % (86.9) (86.3) (56.4) White # 2065 2017 920 % (82.1) (80.2) (36.6) SMSA. Approximately 87 percent of the Spanish origin sample resided in an urban area in comparison to 82 percent for the white group. However, only 37 percent of the white group resided within the central city of a Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area in comparison to over half (56 percent) of the Spanish origin sample. As is evident in Table 4-13, Puerto Ricans are the most urbanized with nearly 98 percent of their population residing in both urban and Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas. Furthermore, 86 percent of the Puerto Rican sample resided within a central city of a Standard 81 Metropolitan Statistical Area. The least urbanized Spanish origin group was the Central and South American category, with only 77 percent of its population residing in an urban area and only 41 per- cent of its population living in the central city of an SMSA. Demographic data on health status among the groups under study specifically as it relates to employment is presented in Table 4-14. Approximately 10 percent of the Spanish origin persons (N = 433) indicated that they had a health condition or disability limiting the kind or amount of work they could do at a job which was slightly higher than that of the white group, 9 percent. In addition, 3.5 percent of the Spanish origin sample indicated that their health status prevented them from doing any work at all. Among the Spanish origin categories, Puerto Rican males had the greatest percentage (13 percent) of any Spanish origin category with a disability that limited the kind or amount of work. In contrast, Mexican American males and Central and South American females had the lowest percen- tage, 9 percent and 8 percent, respectively. Education and Vocational Training Educationally, males and females in the white sample each had the average highest grade attended, exceeding the 11th grade in comparison to 9.8 years for both Spanish origin males and females. Table 4-15 presents average number of years of schooling attended by descent and sex. Of all the groups under study, Puerto Ricans and Mexican Americans, regardless of sex, had on the average the least years of school attended. Cuban males had the highest 82 Table 4-14.--Hea1th Disability of white Group] and Spanish Origin2 by Descent and Sex. Male Female Number Percent Number Percent White 121 10.0 104 8.0 Mexican American 71 8.8 72 9.6 Puerto Rican 47 13.3 37 11.0 Cuban 8 9.1 12 11.7 Central 8 South American 81 9.7 76 7.9 Other 22 12.7 17 9.8 1Total White (number) 225; (percentage) 8.9. 2Total Spanish (number) 443; (Percentage) 9.7. Table 4-15.--Mean Highest Grade Attended by White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex. Descent Mean Grade Total White 11.8 White Male 11.9 White Female 11.7 Total Spanish Origin 9.8 Spanish Origin Males 9.8 Spanish Origin Females 9.8 Males Females Mexican American 8.6 8.8 Puerto Rican 8.3 8.3 Cuban 11.3 10.7 Central & South American 11.0 11.0 Other 10.9 10.3 83 average number of schooling years attended, 11.3, of the Spanish origin groups. The distribution of educational attainment as noted in Table 4-16 varies considerably for each of the Spanish origin groups. Educationally, the data indicate that Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans among all the Spanish origin groups had the lowest number of school years attended. In comparison, the Cuban, Central and South American, and "other” category had nearly the same type of educational distribution as the white group. For example, overall 20 percent of the Spanish origin males and 17 percent of the females indicated the sixth or lower grade as their highest grade attended during their educational preparation. However, only 6 percent of the Central and South American males and 3 percent of the white males attended only a sixth or lesser grade of schooling. In contrast, slightly over 32 percent of the Mexican American males and 29 percent of Puerto Rican males indicated the sixth or lower as their highest grade attended. Mexican American and Puerto Rican females also had the highest percentage of persons indicating sixth or less as their highest educational level attained, 28 percent and 34 percent respectively. Using attendance of the 12th grade or a higher grade as an index for educational attainment, those data reveal that only 40 percent and 44 percent of the Spanish origin males and females, respectively, fell within this category in comparison to approximately 65 percent for both white males and females. Again, considerable diversity exists among the various Spanish origin groups since Puerto Rican males had only 22 percent of their respondents indicate they Ill-III.- l‘lilll- 84 £3.th mpmzr mom, mmmm mm. mmm mop mmm meme. _Pm_ .mmm mmm mmm mm «mm moms smV mumgu mmpom m _mememu a . z pmeemmz mzwmmmm .xmm can pcmummo ma :mmmeo zmmcmam can nsocu mums: mcoe< umucmua< mumeu chompmuznm pmmsmmziu.omie mmnmm 85 achieved this level of education attainment. Mexican American males were close behind this percentage with nearly 29 percent of their males attending beyond the 12th grade. In terms of college attendance, 15 percent of the Spanish origin males and 10 percent of the Spanish origin females attended college in comparison to 30 percent for white males and 24 percent for white females. Among the Spanish origin groups, about 35 percent of the Cuban males had attended college but only 5 percent of the Puerto Rican males had ever attended. Mexican American males also had a low percentage which have ever attended colleges, only 9 percent. Among white males, over 30 percent had attended college. The educational data for the various Spanish origins reveals different levels of educational attainment for the groups under study. Unfortunately, it is impossible to measure quality of schooling for the various groups. Furthermore, how does one compare ten years of schooling in the United States to the same number of years obtained in Cuba or Mexico among those persons who immigrated to this country? As for vocational training, 21 percent of the Spanish origin males and 18 percent of the Spanish origin females, in comparison to 29 percent of the white males and 23 percent of the white females, indicated that they had completed some type of vocational training, as noted on Table 4-17. However, vocational training seemed to be more prevalent for the Cubans, about one-third of both males and females had received some type of vocational training. By contrast only 11 percent of the Puerto Rican males and females had been involved in some vocational training. Of the 462 Spanish origin 86 momm ummm mm, mom mop mmm men * pouch m.mm o.~m m.om m.mn o.oo «.mm w.mm N ooom mom— cum men we now mew m oz «.mm o.mm —.mm N.~N o.¢m m.m_ N.¢_ x mom er mm mom mm mm mo. * mm> mMV<2mm .m ppm? mem mum mmm mm «mm mom m Punch N.om m.mm m.mo _.mm 0.50 o.ow m.mm & omm mmum FNP moo mm mmm mmo m oz w.mm m.o~ p.om m.o~ o.mm o.__ m.¢m x mom was mm emu mm mm arm * mm> mm4ni.mmie mpnmp. 87 males who indicated having some type of vocational training, nearly half (47 percent) indicated that their area of training had been in trades and crafts. Table 4-18 presents areas of vocational training by descent and sex. The category of training second most important for males was in the area of business and office work where approxi- mately 12 percent indicated vocational training. Nearly half of the 419 Spanish origin females who had indicated some type of vocational training had their training in business and office work (45 percent). For females the next largest area of training was in nursing and related health fields, about 17 percent. Among whites, half of the males and females received their training in trades or crafts and business office related work. Labor Force Status During the 1970 Survey Week, the white group on the average participated in the labor force slightly more than the Spanish origin sample. The labor force participation rate (L.F.P.R.) among those of Spanish origin was 67 percent in comparison to 68 percent for the whites. Table 4-19 gives the L.F.P.R. and unemployment rate for each of the Spanish origin groups and the white group by sex. As would be expected there is considerable difference between the rates for men and women; white males and females respectively had a rate of 86 percent and 51 percent in comparison to 88 percent and 47 percent, respectively, for the Spanish origin males and females. Spanish origin males, regardless of descent, had approximately the same participation rate or slightly higher than the white males. (I llllr II II, N I HI. I ..l (I‘ IT ll 88 Table 4-18.--Area of Vocational Training of White Group and Spanish Origin by Sex. SEX TF§in1A Spanish White Spanish White 9 Origin Male Male Origin Female Female Business, Office # 57 51 188 140 Work % 12.3 14.1 44.9 45.9 Nursing, Other # 20 4 69 43 Health Fields % 4.3 1.1 16.5 14.1 Trades & Crafts # 220 177 66 34 % 47.6 49.0 15.8 11.1 Engineering or Science Technician, g ?? 5 fi? 6 ? 4 3 9 Draftsman ° ° ° ° ‘ Agriculture, # l8 8 11 6 Home Economics % 3.9 2 2 2.6 2.0 Other Fields # 25 16 16 12 % 5.4 4.4 3.8 3.9 Not Reported # 69 63 63 67 % 14.9 17.5 15.0 22.0 VOCATIONAL TRAINING 89 Table 4-19.--Labor Force Status and Unemployment of White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex. Labor Force Participation Rate Unemployment Rate Descent Male Female Male Female Mexican American 87.3 42.6 4.0 7.0 Puerto Rican 86.2 40.8 5.2 13.1 Cuban 87.5 68.0 10.4 11.4 Central & South American 90.4 50.3 3.1 5.1 Other 83.8 49.7 4.1 2.3 Overall Spanish Origin 88.0 47.2 4.1 6.8 White 86.3 51.2 2.3 4.0 Total Spanish Origin L.F.P.R. = 67.3 percent Total Spanish Origin Unemployment = 5.1'percent Total White L.F.P.R. = 68.1 percent Total White Unemployment = 3.0 percent Central and South Americans had the highest participation rate, 90 percent and the "other" category had the lowest participation rate, 84 percent. All female Spanish origin groups had at least 40 percent of their women in the labor force. Of the females, Cubans have the highest participation rate, 68 percent, and Puerto Ricans the lowest, 40 percent. Unemployment for the Spanish origin sample for the survey week was 5 percent in comparison to 3 percent for the white group. Among the males, the Spanish origin had an unemployment rate of 4 percent in comparison to 2 percent for the white. Spanish origin females had an unemployment rate of 7 percent while the white women 90 had a rate of 4 percent. As evident from Table 4-19 Puerto Rican females, Cuban females and Cuban males tended to have the highest unemployment rates, 13 percent, 11 percent, and 10 percent, respec- tively. It should be noted, however, that only small numbers of persons are involved in these categories. In the total Spanish origin sample, there are only 81 males and 75 females unemployed. The unemployment rates for Puerto Rican and Cubans are based upon only 34 and 16 observations, respectively. Age appears to affect the labor force participation of the Spanish origin group and the white group but slightly differently as evident in Table 4-20. The Spanish origin males had a greater labor force participation than the white group in the 16-17, 21-25 and 55-64 years of age categories. Between the ages of 26 and 54 years, the white males had a slightly higher L.F.P.R. than Spanish origin males. Spanish origin females had lower labor force par- ticipation than the white females with the exception of the 26-34 age group. Peak L.F.P.R. occurred bimodally at 18-20 years of age and 45-54 years of age for both Spanish origin and white females. Presumably it is between these years when the burden of child care accounts for the reduced L.F.P.R. among women. Hours Worked Among the employed persons, the Spanish origin sample and whites differed only by one hour in the number of hours worked during the 1970 Survey Week; 39 and 38 hours, respectively. Within the Spanish origin groups and in comparison to the white group, 91 Table 4-20.--Labor Force Participation of White Group and Spanish Origin by Sex and Age. L.F.P.R. (Percentage) Age Group . MALE FEMALE gigglgh White 35931:" White 16-17 years 39.2 33.8 26.9 41.5 18-20 years 66.3 68.0 52.3 55.8 21-25 years 92.5 86.3 47.5 54.9 26-34 years 95.7 96.1 44.7 41.2 35-44 years 96.1 98.0 49.7 53.1 45—54 years 92.3 95.9 58.5 59.0 55-64 years 89.9 82.1 44.4 48.6 there is very little overall difference in hours worked, except for male and female differences, as indicated in Table 4-21. However, the distribution of hours worked during the survey week in Table 4-22 indicates that both Spanish origin males and females had a higher percentage working a 40 hour week than white males and females. As for full-time workers, i.e., 35 hours or more, about 87 percent and 73 percent of the employed Spanish origin males and females, respectively, were full-time workers in comparison to 85 percent of the employed white males and 65 percent of the white females. While both the employed Spanish origin group and white group tend to be full-time workers, there appears to be a slightly greater percentage of part-time workers among the white females in 92 Table 4-21.--Average Number of Hours Worked During the 1970 Survey Week of White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex.* Descent Mean Hours Total White ‘ 38.3 White Male 41.0 White Female 34.0 All Employed Spanish Origin (N = 2814) 39.1 Spanish Origin Males (N = 1839) 41.0 Spanish Origin Females (N = 975) 35.6 Male Female Mexican American 40.7 35.6 Puerto Rican 39.8 36.6 Cuban 41.3 37.6 Central & South American 41.9 35.2 Other 40.3 34.8 *Computed only for those individuals who worked one or more hours during the 1970 Survey Week. 93 Pmmm a_mm emm mmmp m_m mmm as=m onmp mcmgao umxgoz mgaozii.--¢ m—nmh 94 comparison to the Spanish origin females. For example, about 26 percent of the white women in comparison to 20 percent of the Spanish origin females, worked in the range of 15 to 34 hours. This difference in part-time work may indicate that Spanish origin females enter the labor force more as a result of economic necessity. Economic pressures could thus prevent them from being flexible in hours worked and accepting part-time work. Employment Aspects Data were available for both the white and Spanish origin sample on type of employer in their last job (except those who had never worked and those not in the labor force during the survey week who did not report the last year worked or who last worked in 1959 or earlier). Table 4-23 notes that for both the white group and the Spanish origin sample, private companies were the most frequent employers, employing about 69 percent of the white group and 73 percent of the Spanish origin group. Government employment accounted for about 10 percent of the whites and 7 percent of the Spanish origin sample. Persons in the groups under study were also asked to report the occupation at which they worked the most hours during 1970 Survey Week or their last occupation since 1959. Tables 4-24 and 4-25, respectively, present the occupational distribution for males and females. While nearly half (49 percent) of the Spanish origin males who had worked during the last ten years were employed in two occupational classifications (craftsmen and kindred workers, and 95 Table 4-23.--Type of Employment of White Group and Spanish Origin. SPANISH ORIGIN WHITE Type Of Employment Number Percent Number Percent Private Company 3326 72.7 1730 68.8 Federal Government 90 2.0 48 1.9 State Government 78 1.7 63 2.5 Local Government 155 3.4 145 5.8 Self-Employed, Not Inc. 109 2.4 106 4.2 Self-Employed, Inc. 16 3 26 1.0 Working Without Pay 13 3 l3 5 Not Applicable (Persons who never worked, persons not in labor force, not reporting year last worked, ~persons not in labor force, who last worked 1959 or earlier) 791 17.3 385 15.3 TOTAL 4578 100.0 2516 100.0 96 TABLE 4.24.--Last Type of Occupation Reported for White Group and Spanish Origin Males by Descent. 8 t 3 .m .-' ... L“...- T f DESCENT ype 0 . . Central OccupatTOn Mex1can Puerto Total Total . . Cuban 8 South Other . . American Rican American Spanish White Professional, Technical # 35 9 14 89 25 172 181 and Kindred Workers % 4.6 2.7 16. 11.2 16.0 8.1 15.7 Managers and Adminis- # 14 4 7 43 ll 79 135 trators except Farm % 1.8 1.2 8. 5.4 7.1 3.7 11.7 Sales Work # 12 8 l 33 7 61 76 % 1.6 2.4 1. 4.1 4.5 2.9 6.6 Clerical and Kindred # 43 24 13 53 8 141 97 Workers % 5.7 7.1 15. 6.6 5.1 6.6 8.4 Craftsmen and Kindred # 134 43 12 157 28 374 244 Workers % 17.7 12.8 14. 19.7 17.9 17.6 21.1 Operatives, except # 267 151 23 186 37 664 163 Transport % 35.2 44.9 27. 23.3 23 7 31.2 14.1 Transport Equipment # 41 23 1 74 7 146 65 Operatives Z 5.4 6.8 l. 9.3 4.5 6.9 5.6 Laborers, Except # 125 37 2 80 17 261 69 Farm % 16.5 11.0 2. 10.0 10 9 12.2 6.0 Farmers and Farm # 2 O O 12 O 14 22 Managers % .3 0 O 1.5 O .7 1.9 Farm Laborers and # 15 5 O 5 6 31 5 Farm Foremen % 2.0 1.5 O .6 3.8 1.5 .4 Service Worker, Exc. # 65 32 10 65 10 182 97 Private Household % 8.6 9.5 12. 8.1 6.4 8.5 8.4 Private Household # 2 O O 1 O 3 1 Workers % .3 O O .l O .1 .1 Not Classified # 3 O O O O 3 O % .4 O O O O .1 O COLUMN TOTAL 758 336 83 798 156 2131 1155 *Excludes the experienced unemployed who last worked more than ten years ago; N = Spanish; N = 56, White. 120. 97 TABLE 4-25.--Last Type of Occupation Reported for White Group and Spanish Origin Females by Descent.* DESCENT Type of . Central . Mex1can Puerto Total Total Occupation . . Cuban & South Other . . American Rican American Spanish White Professional, Technical # 27 18 11 6O 17 133 128 and Kindred Workers % 5.4 8.7 12.9 8.2 12.6 8.0 13.1 Managers and Adminis- # 4 2 O 16 2 24 3 trators except Farm % .8 1.0 O 2.2 l 5 1.4 3.1 Sales Work # 31 12 2 51 11 107 73 % 6.3 5.8 2.4 7.0 8.1 6.5 7.5 Clerical and Kindred # 130 38 21 257 42 488 409 Workers % 26.2 18.3 24 7 35.1 31 1 29.5 41.9 Craftsmen and Kindred # 13 4 2 22 6 47 18 Workers % 2.6 1.9 2.4 3.0 4 4 2.8 1.8 Operatives, except # 183 103 35 143 31 495 147 Transport % 36.9 49.5 41.2 19 5 23.0 29.9 15.1 Transport Equipment # l O O l 1 3 3 Operatives % .2 O O 1 .7 .2 .3 Laborers, Except # 10 2 6 3 23 6 Farm % 2.0 l O 2.4 .8 2.2 1.4 .6 Farmers and Farm # O O O O O O 1 Managers % 0 O O 0 O O .l Fann Laborers and # 9 O O 2 1 12 6 Farm Foremen % 1.8 ' O O .3 7 .7 .6 Service Workers, Exc. # 8O 23 9 155 18 285 140 Private Household % 16.1 11.1 10.6 21.2 13.3 17.2 4.3 Private Household # 6 2 2 18 3 31 3 Workers % 1.2 1.0 2.4 2.5 2.2 1.9 1.3 Not Classified # 2 4 1 l O 8 2 t .4 1.9 1.2 .1 0 .5 .2 COLUMN TOTAL 496 208 85 732 135 1656 976 *Excludes the experienced unemployed who last worked more than ten years ago, N = 797, Spanish; N = 329, White. 98 operative workers except transportation), white males had only 35 percent of their workers in these two occupational classifications. Examining the occupational distribution by Spanish origin group, Puerto Ricans and Mexican Americans had over half of their males employed in the craftsmen and operative occupational classifications. However, it should be pointed out that these are broad occupational classifications and include considerable number of occupations. For example, within the craftsmen and kindred workers classification one can find such occupationas as telephone linemen and repairmen, sign painters, shoe repairmen, automobile body repairmen, and electricians to name a few occupations. In the laborer category Spanish origin males had twice the representation as the white males (12 percent to 6 percent). Within the Spanish origin groups, Mexican American males had the greatest concentration of laborers, 17 percent. The number of Spanish origin males employed as farm labor and foremen was low, 1.5 percent for the entire sample. The white group was represented by a greater percentage in the professional, technical, and kindred occupations than the Spanish origin group. The white males had about 16 percent of their workers employed in professional, technical, and kindred occupations in comparison to 8 percent for the Spanish origin males. Among the Spanish origin male groups, the distribution within the professional categories was more varied, ranging from a low of 3 percent for the Puerto Ricans to 17 percent for the Cubans. In fact, all of the Spanish origin males with the exception of 99 Mexican Americans (5 percent) and Puerto Ricans (3 percent) had at least 11 percent of their individuals working in a professional, technical and kindred classification. The large percentage of Cubans in the professions may be explained by the fact that many of the Cuban refugees who fled Cuba were professionals. Females had a contrasting distribution from the males as noted in Table 4-25. Sixty percent of the Spanish origin females are employed in two occupational classiciations: clerical and kindred, and operative occupations. White females had nearly the same percentages (57 percent) as the Spanish origin females employed as clerical and kindred workers and operatives, except transportation. Within these two occupational classifications, distribution differences existed among the Spanish origin females. Mexican, Cuban, and Puerto Rican origin females were more represented in operative occupations in comparison to either white females or the other Spanish origin female groups. In the clerical and kindred occupations, all the Spanish origin female groups lagged behind the white female in representation. Only the Central and South American females approach the distribution of the white clerical work. The Spanish origin females may face employment and discrimination barriers in clerical work as a result of the social skills and public interaction required in these occupations. The proportion of Spanish origin women employed in the professional category ranged from 5 percent for Mexican origin to 13 percent for both the Cuban and "other" category. Among white females, the professional distribution was 13 percent. 100 As a further assessment of occupational distribution among the groups under study, the occupations were assigned the mean earnings of the experienced national civilian labor force who worked 50-52 weeks in the respective occupation in 1969 in order to create an occupational hierarchy based upon average annual 2 Table 4-26 presents the average earnings in an occupation. occupational level in terms of earnings for the Spanish origin and white groups by sex. White males were in occupations which averaged earnings of $9,379 in comparison to $8,157 for the Spanish origin males. However, considerable diversity was apparent among the Spanish origin male groups. Puerto Rican and Mexican origin males were in occupations with the lowest average earnings, $7,347 and $7,607, respectively. While Mexican origin and Puerto Rican males lagged about $2,000 less than the white occupational level, Cuban and "other" Spanish origin were within $200 of the white occupational level. Central and South Americans origin were on the average in occupations paying $675 less than whites. There was less of a spread in occupational level for the women. White females were in occupations which averaged earnings of $4,889 as compared to $4,570 for the Spanish origin female. Cuban females with occupational earnings of $4,864 approached the white occupational earning level most closely of all the Spanish origin female groups. Mexican origin females were in occupations with the lowest average annual earnings of the Spanish origin groups, but still only $442 less than the white female occupational level. 101 Table 4-26.--Mean National Occupational Earnings Level of Whi Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex.* te Sfl Male Female Total White $9,378.98 $4,898.92 Total Spanish Origin (N = 3775) 8,157.36 4,569.81 Mexican American 7,606.97 4,456.97 Puerto Rican 7,346.65 4.684.19 Cuban 9,145.66 4,863.68 Central & South American 8,704.36 4,564.60 Other 9,243.40 4,655.20 * A person's occupation was assigned the national average earning in that occupation based on Census data from the experienced national civilian labor force who worked 50-52 weeks in 1969. Regarding the industrial distribution of the groups under study, excluding those who last worked more than ten years earlier, the data in Tables 4-27 and 4-28 reveal that more than half (54 percent) of the Spanish origin males were employed in manufacturing as compared to 39 percent of the white males. Among the Spanish origin males, Puerto Ricans had the largest percentage (67 percent) of employment in manufacturing, followed by Mexican origin males (61 percent). Cuban males had nearly the same percentage as the white males employed in manufacturing. Wholesale and retail trade generated 15 percent of the employment for Spanish origin males and 17 percent for the white males. Among Cuban males, wholesale and retail trade provided 21 percent of their employment. Professional 102 TABLE 4.27.--Last Industry Reported for White Group and Spanish Origin Males by Descentf ’ DESCENT Central Type of Mexican Puerto Total Total . . Cuban 8 South Other . . Industry American Rican American Spanish White Agriculture, Forestry # 23 7 O 21 7 58 33 and Fisheries % 3.0 2.1 O 2.6 4.5 2.7 2.9 Mining # 3 O 1 4 1 9 7 % .4 O l 2 4.5 6 .4 .6 Construction # 46 5 . 3 61 9 124 87 % 6.1 1.5 3.6 7.6 5.8 5.8 7.5 Manufacturing # 459 226 33 363 69 1150 449 % 60.6 67.3 39.8 45.5 44.2 54.0 38.9 Transportation, # 46 14 2 65 9 136 81 Communication and % 6.1 4.2 2.4 8.1 5.8 6.4 7.0 other utilities Wholesale a Retail # 102 46 17 136 28 329 200 Trade % 13.5 13.7 20.5 17.0 17.9 15.4 17.3 Finance, Insurance # 5 2 3 l7 3 3O 54 and Real Estate % 7 6 3.6 2 1 1.9 l 4 4.7 Business and Repair # 7 10 3 16 l 37 52 Services % .9 3 O 3.6 2.0 .6 1 7 4.5 Personal Services # l9 5 2 18 O 44 28 Z 2 5 1.5 4 2.3 O 2.1 2.4 Entertainment and # 5 2 O 8 1 16 6 Recreation Services % .7 6 O l O .6 8 .5 Professional and # 31 16 16 64 23 150 106 Related Services % 4.1 4 8 19 3 8.0 14 7 7.0 9.2 Public Administration # 9 3 3 25 5 45 52 % 1.2 .9 3.6 3.1 3.2 2 1 4.5 Not Classified # 3 -- -- -- -- 3 O t .4 -- -- -- -- l O COLUMN TOTAL 758 336 83 798 156 2131 1155 *Excludes the experienced unemployed who last worked more than ten years ago. TABLE 4-28.--Last Industry Reported for White Group and Spanish Origin Females by Descent.* 1(13 LESLIE}. Type of Central Mexican Puerto Total Total Industr . Cuban a $0 th Other . y American Rican American Spanish White Agriculture, Forestry # 10 O O 4 l 15 9 and Fisheries % 2.0 O O 4. .7 .9 .9 Mining # O O O 0 O O l % 0 O O O 0 O .1 Construction # 5 O O 8 2 15 13 % 1.0 O O l. 1.5 . 1.3 Manufacturing # 208 111 40 198 50 607 239 % 41.9 53.4 47. 27. 37.0 36. 24.5 Transportation, # 15 2 4 15 l 37 44 Communication and % 3.0 1.0 4. 2. .7 2. 4.5 other utilities Wholesale & Retail # 99 43 13 185 35 375 245 Trade % 20.0 20.7 15. 25. 25.9 22. 25.1 Finance, Insurance # 21 3 3 55 6 88 72 and Real Estate % 4.2 1.4 3. 7. 4.4 2. 7.4 Business and Repair # l6 3 3 15 1 38 28 Services % 3.2 1.4 3. 2. .7 2. 2.9 Personal Services # 29 ll 4 65 6 115 46 % 5.8 3 4. 8. 4.4 6. 4.7 Entertainment and # 2 O O 5 O 7 7 Recreation Services % .4 O O . O . .7 Professional and # 82 26 16 164 28 316 243 Related Services % 16.5 12.5 18. 22. 20.7 1 24.9 Public Administration 4 7 5 1 l7 5 35 27 % 1.4 2.4 1. 2. 3.7 l 2.8 Not Classified ' # 2 4 1 l o 8 2 % .4 1.9 l. . O . .2 COLUMN TOTAL 496 208 85 732 135 1656 976 *Excludes the experienced unemployed who last worked more than ten years ago. 104 and related services was another industry that provided con- siderable employment (19 percent) for Cuban males but not for the other male groups (except "other" Spanish origin males).3 Finally, less than 2 percent of the Puerto Rican and Mexican origin males were employed in a public administration capacity as compared to 4 percent for Cubans and 5 percent for white males. Manufacturing also played a large role in generating employ- ment for Spanish origin females, accounting for 37 percent of total employment as compared to 25 percent for whites. Within the Spanish origin groups manufacturing accounted respectively for 42 percent, 47 percent, and 53 percent of employment for Mexican origin, Cubans, and Puerto Rican females. About 25 percent and 22 percent, respectively, of the employment for the white and Central and South American origin groups was in professional and related services which includes employment in offices of physicians and dentists, hospitals, and other social organizations. Among Mexican and Puerto Rican females, professional and related services accounted respectively for 17 percent and 13 percent of employment. The comparative under-representation in this industry by Mexican and Puerto Rican females may be explained by the nature of the jobs in this industry. While jobs in dentists' and physicians' offices, libraries, and hospitals require certain minimal educational requirements, they also require certain social skills and public interaction. Even though Mexican and Puerto Rican females have the lowest educational attainment of any of the groups under study, 105 these two groups may not be employed because of the social and public interaction required in this industry. Weeks Worked in l969 Differences among the Spanish origin sample and the white group in terms of percentage of each group who worked in1969 and the number of weeks worked were minimal.except for differences by sex. A near equal percentage of the white males (92 percent) and the Spanish origin males (91 percent) indicated they worked for at least a few days in 1969. Among the females, 59 percent of the whites and 55 percent of the Spanish origin worked that year. Puerto Rican females had the lowest percentage (46 percent) of any of the groups working in 1969. Table 4-29 presents the number and percentage of each group who worked in 1969. Overall, the Spanish origin and the white groups worked about the same number of weeks in 1969, 46 for males and 38 for females. Table 4-30 presents the average number of weeks worked for the groups by sex. Of those who worked in 1969, Central and South Americans averaged the most weeks worked among the males, 47 weeks. Among the females, Cuban averaged the least weeks worked, 43 weeks. Total Earnings in l969 Total earned income for a person in 1969 was computed from three different sources: (1) earnings from all jobs attributed to wages, salaries, commissions, bonuses and tips; (2) earnings attributed to self employment such as non-farm business, professional practice, or partnership; and (3) earnings from farm ownership. 106 Table 4-29.--Worked in 1969 Among White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex. WORKED IN 1969 Descent Yes No Total Male Female Male Female Mexican # 726 388 77 361 1552 American % (90.4) (51.8) (9.6) (48.2) Puerto # 315 153 39 183 690 Rican % (89.0) (45.5) (11.0) (54.5) Cuban # 82 7O 6 33 191 % (93.2) (68.0) (6.8) (32.0) Central and # 775 575 58 391 1799 South American % (93.0) (59.5) (7.0) (40.5) Other # 150 104 23 69 346 % (86.7) (60.1) (13.3) (39.9) TOTAL Spanish # 2048 1290 203 1037 4578 Origin % (91.0) (55.4) (9.0) (44.6) White # 1114 770 97 535 2516 % (92.0) (59.0) (8.0) (41.0) 107 Table 4-30.--Average Number of Weeks Worked in 1969 of White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex.* Descent Mean Weeks Total White 43.0 White Males ‘ 46.0 White Females 38.7 Spanish Origin (N = 3338) 42.6 Spanish Origin Males (N = 2048) 45.5 Spanish Origin Females (N = 1290) 38.1 Males Females Mexican American 44.8 36.9 Puerto Rican 45.5 38.0 Cuban 44.0 42.9 Central & South American 46.6 38.2 Other 44.1 38.3 *Computed only for those individuals who actually worked one or more weeks in 1969. Persons who worked without pay or had no income in any of these sources were excluded. Table 4-31 presents the number and percentages of persons who worked in 1969 by source of earned income. About 97 percent of both the Spanish origin males and females who worked in 1969 had earned income attributable to wage, salaries, commissions, bonuses, and tips in comparison to 94 percent for white males and 96 percent for white females. Self employment generated earnings for about 8 percent of the white males and 5 percents of the Spanish origin females. Farm ownership provided earnings for less than 108 TABLE 4-31.--Sources of Earnings of White Group and Spanish Origin by Descent and Sex. SOURCES OF EARNINGS* . Number Total Self Farm W k d J b . inolggg 0 Employment Ownership E::g;232 MALES White Male # 1114 1048 88 35 1112 % (100) (94.1) (7.9) (3.1) (99.8) All Spanish # 2048 1979 109 30 2040 Origin % (100) (96.6) (5.3) (1.5) (99.6) Mexican # 726 713 17 2 724 American % (100) (98.2) (2.3) (.2) (99.7) Puerto # 315 307 13 0 313 Rican % (100) (97.5) (4.2) (0) (99.4) Cuban # 82 77 9 O 81 % (100) (94.0) (11.0) (0) (98.8) Central & # 775 738 57 28 773 So. American % (100) (95.2) (7.4) (3.6) (99.7) Other # 150 144 13 O 149 % (100) (96.0) (8.7) (O) (99.3) FEMALES White # 770 741 21 l 760 Female % (100) (96.2) (2.7) (.1) (98.7) All Spanish # 1290 1263 40 4 1281 Origin % (100) (98 0) (3.1) (.3) (99.3) Mexican # 388 384 8 0 385 American % (100) (99.0) (2.1) (0) (99.2) Puerto # 153 150 3 O 152 Rican % (100) (98.0) (2 O) (O) (99.3) Cuban # 70 7O 2 O 70 % (100) (100) (2.9) (O) (100) Central & # 575 557 25 4 571 So. American % (100) (96.9) (4.3) (.6) (99.3) Other # 104 102 2 O 103 % (100) (98.0) (1.9) (0) (99.0 *Percentage distribution of sources