THE WIND ENSEMBLE AND ITS MUSIC DURING I THE FRENCH REVOLUTION (1789-1795) Thesis for the Degree of‘Ph. D. ' MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY David Paul Swanzy W . 1966 " ' ”a” "IIIIILIIIIIIIIII‘LIIIIIIIIIII IV ‘ I mun y Michigan Stan University .._. .. _¢—-l _ .,_.- This is to certifg that the thesis entitled THE WIND ENSEflBLE AND ITS MUSIC DURING THE FRENCH REVOLUTION (1789-1795) presented by David Paul Swanzy has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph. D. degree in Music Education (”A I f //g/ ifuc(( Major plrofessor Date January 25 , 1966 0-169 ROUM {33E ONLY; a medi recent by fir such a heft); One Iota Tfiusi This ABSTRACT THE WIND ENSEMBLE AND ITS MUSIC DURING THE FRENCH REVOLUTION (1789—1795) by David Paul Swanzy The wind ensemble is constantLy fighting for status as a medium for conveying high—quality artistic expression. In recent years its repertoire has been enriched by original Works by first—rate composers who have recogniZed the potential of such a group as well as its need for outstanding works. With this ever—increasing number of excellent compositions, however, comes a problem of program balance. A few works for band written before 1900 give some variety, but still the number of available works is small. Oftentimes they lack the artistic quality so desperately needed. Transcriptions lend a degree of assistance to this problem, but most works are more acceptable when performed by their original medium. Every publication of good original band music written before 1900, then, is especially important to its repertoire. One source which has provided, as yet, only a portion of its total production in recent publications for modern band is the music written during the early years of the French Revolution. This music, written for an organized group approaching our modern is? I'M David Paul Swanzy band in terms of instrumentation as well as in size, was written and performed by some of the finest musicians in France at that time. Gossec, Méhul, Catel, Lesueur, Cherubini, and others composed forty or more works for wind instruments in addition to countless pieces for chorus with band accompaniment. To expose the details of these achievements and to establish the importance of these works to the evolution of the modern band are the problems with which this paper deals. To establish that the developments in the field of wind music during the French Revolution were unique and to set the stage for this productive time, a concise but informative history of the wind enSemble and its music before 1789 is presented. Instrumentations and various uses of the wind ensemble are given in some detail, and musical examples are presented when necessary. This is follOWed by a detailed historical study of the events surrounding the eventual establishment, in 1795, of the National Conservatory of Music in Paris——events which are directly connected to the production of a sizable quantity of music for a sizable group of wind instrumentalists. An analytical study of ten of these Works, together with full scores constructed from their original Separate parts, concludes the study in order to determine the music's content and quality and to establish the size and instrumentation of the performing groups at that time. By an examination of the instrumentation of these works and by considering documentary evidence concerning the availability i David Paul Swanzy and use of various numbers of instrumentalists for the performances of theSe works, it was determined that, on occasion, over a hundred musicians were called upon to perform.together, although instru— mentations varied from.work to work. Further, the quality of these works, established by analysis of the ten representative works and compared to the standard of the time, was considered acceptable when recognizing functional limitations such as brevity, loudness, and simplicity. Finally, because of the uniqueness of these developments in the field of wind music and because of the quality and amount of the music produced, these early contributions support an artistic existence of the modern band. The works have more than just a functional quality; they are artistic creations of talented composers. Present—day performances of these works are possible through modern editions for band, some already published and even more, undoubtedly, yet to come. Their usefulness for concert band as well as for smaller wind ensembles seems quite appropriate when the scarcity of such music from that time is considered. THE WIND ENSEMBIE AND ITS MUSIC DURING THE FRENCH REVOIUIION (1789—1795) BY David Paul Swanzy A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Music 1966 @Copyright by David Paul Swanzy 1966 ACKNOWIEDGMENTS To J. Murray Barbour the writer expresses his deepest ‘.\ feelings of gratitude and appreciation for his learned opinions and constructive criticisms concerning the early stages of the present research. His efforts, though terminated by ill health, Will be felt for some time by those who enjoyed the benefits of his resourcefulness in the field of musioology. To the members of the guidance committee—JWilliam.R. Sur, Robert Sidnell, Merrell Sherburn, and'Walter Hodgson——the writer is indebted for their tireless efforts not only in reading and evaluating this work but also in building a foundation in one who otherwise would have found the present task impossible. Finally, without the encouragement and support of my wife, Who silently endured the necessary hours and listened patiently to the problems, and without the arrival of my son, who unknowingly made the task all the more important, this dissertation would have had little personal meaning. ii TABLE OF P ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . I IIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPIES . . IIST 0F.APPENDICES . . . . . Chapter I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . Statement of The Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . Hypothesis . . . . . . Limitations . . . . Scope of The Problem . Order of Presentation II. ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT ENSEMBIE PRECEDING THE Introduction . . . . CONTENTS n u o - a a o a - OF THE WIND FRENCH REVOIUTION . . . . o o o h o o o o o o o o ' Pre—Seventeenth Century Developments . . . . . NoneMilitary Uses Military Uses Use of Nobility The Seventeenth Century . . . . . . . . . . . Non~Military Uses The March——Civil and Military Military Uses Page ii vi mrww —q 22 III. IV. The Eighteenth Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 Early Eighteenth Century Mid—Eighteenth Century late Eighteenth Century Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . h8 AN HISTORICAL SURVEY OF FRENCH WIND MUSIC WRITTEN DURING THE REVOLUTION (1789—1795) 51 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 Bernard Sarrette and the Music Corps of The National Guard (1789—1792) . . . . 53 Initial Circumstances Bernard Sarrette Establishment of the Music Corps The Early National Fetes The Free Music Schoo of the National Guard (1792~ 1793) . . . . . . . 60 Establishment of the School Administration and Function of the School Public Fetes and Performances (1792—93) The National Institute of MDsic ...... . . 69 Proposal of the Institute Late 1793 Concerts and Festivals Steps Toward Definite Establishment Sarrette's Arrest Performances in 179h Internal Organization of the Institute Birth of the Conservatoire . . . . . . . . . . . 96 Situation and Proposal Establishment Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 AN.ANAIETICAL STUDY OF TEN REPRESENTATIVE WORKS OF FRENCH WIND MUSIC WRITTEN DURING THE REVOLUTION . 105 Introduction . . . ......... . . . . . . 105 Melody and Texture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10? iv HaI'mOIV ' ' Harm A Modu \ Harm Nonh Ham Rhythn . Form . K: Gos: L. .‘ Méh1 Jad: I, \ Oat! \ l Gos: X. 1 Cat Lef Méh ‘ Use of Ins \ \ Ins Inc‘ ' Con x; i > V. DIPHGATU MADE EVDT \ . SlZe and 2 K I A Of the Pe: Quality 0; 00: Su Importanc Suggests Conclusic Nmm A , , ”FENDER . . Harmony . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 Harmonic Content Modulation Harmonic Progression Nonharmonic Tones Harmonically Related Techniques Rhythm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 Form . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120 Gossec: Symphonic Militaire L. Jadin: Symphonic Méhul: Ouverture Jadin: Ouverture Catel: Ouverture Gossec: Marche Lugubre X. Lefévre: Marche Militaire Catel: Marche Militaire Lefévre: Pas de manoeuvre Mehulx Le Chant du Depart Use of Instruments . . . . . . . . . . . . 128 Instrumentation Individual Uses Combined Use of Instruments V. IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS MADE EVIDENT BY THIS STUDY . . . . . . . . 11m... Size and Instrumentation of the Performing Groups . . . . . . . . . . lh7 Quality of the MUsic Produced . . . . lh9 Comparison to the Standard of the Time Success of Early Performances Importance to the Modern Band . . . . . . . . 158 Suggestions for Performance . . . . . . . . . 160 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163 APPENDIX A . . . . . . . . . . 167 APPENDDCB. . ..278 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283 Emple ,_.v - Symphonic I l\> - 01d Flemis w - Flourish f 42" . AlleIlg for V1 - Intrade fc O\ ' March of 1 \7 ~ Marche de: OD - MaI'Sch Fri \0 - Marche, J 10' Mill‘ch in 1 ‘ To‘hles de 12‘ A Favorit V Example 1. Symphonic a Six, Orlando Lasso ..... . . . 2. 01d Flemish Dance Song . . . . . . . . . . . 3. Flourish for Trumpets . . . . . . . . . . . b. Aufzug for Trumpets . . . . . . . . . 5. Intrade for Five Wind Instruments, Pezel . . 6. March of the Town of Wbrms . . . . . . . . . 7. Marche dcs Mosquetaires du Roi de France . . 8. Marsch Prinz Anton . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9. Marche, J. J. Rousseau . . . . . . . . . . . 10. March in Eb, Frederick the Great . . . . . . . . 11. Toqucs de Guerra . . . . . . . ..... 12. A Favorite March and Quickstep, R. Baillie . IIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPLES vi Page 10 18 19 21 21L 26 30 33 35 36 39 APPENDIX A: FULL Gossec: S; Jadin: Sy. Catel: Ou Catel: Ma Jadin: Ou Méhul: 0n Gossec: 11 Lefevre: Lefevre; I I I I I I Méhul: LI 7,; . . 4 APPENDIX B: 8m Méhul; 0 I I I I MeIhul: 0 Méhul; 0 Eur LIST 0F.APPENDICES Page APPENDJXA:FUILSCORES................167 Gossec: Symphonic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168 Jadin: Symphonic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 Catel: Ouverture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190 Catel: Marche Militaire . . . . . . . . . . . . 213 Jadin: Ouverture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220 Méhul: Ouverture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239 Gossec: Marche Lugubre . . . . . . . . . . . . . 262 chevre: Marche Militaire . ....... . 266 chevre: Pas de manoeuvre . . . . . . . 270 Mchulz Le Chant du Depart . . . . . . . . . . . 273 APPENDIX B: SEPARATE PARTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 278 Méhul: Ouverture, Tuba Corva . . . . . . . . . . 279 Mehul: Ouverture, Buccin a Coulisse . . . . . . 280 Méhul: Ouverture, Buccin en fa . . . . . . . . . 281 expression has 0 importance to h with Justificati repertoire been I stun of some past is enough U by transcription: specifically for but most of than originally intent Fortunatl recent years due Writing for this observed, and th These two observ mmber of bands opportunities 1‘ for shaping the toward artistic CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Statement of The Problem The band's place as an acceptable medium for artistic expression has often been questioned by musicians who relate importance to historical contributions. It has been argued, and with justification, that only in recent years has the band's repertoire been enriched by original works of first-rank composers. A study of some of the programs of leading bands from a few years past is enough to sUpport these claims. These programs, dominated by transcriptions, contain very few superior works written specifically for band. The transcriptions provide some quality, but most of them would be more acceptable if performed by their originally intended medium. Fortunately, band programming has greatly improved in recent years due to the interest of our leading composers in writing for this medium. The potential of such a group has been observed, and the band's need for good music has been obvious. These two observations, coupled with the fact that the vast number of bands throughout the country provide unlimited Opportunities for having new compositions performed, are responsible for shaping the attitudes of musicians as well as the public toward artistic acceptance of the wind ensemble. 1 With the being written to but one who dos to superior orig to conteuporary give some varie before the tenant Every before 1900, the One source whic total productio music written music, written band in terms of unparalleled den This in itself i that some of the hunpe were an i instance, one 01 time, wrote at I addition to twat for the mmerou: the revolutions: couposers such provided forty countless piece 2 With the ever—increasing number of excellent compositions being written for band, however, comes a problem of program balance. Must one who desires to subordinate the place of transcriptions to superior original band works devote almost all of his programs to contemporary music? A few works for band written before 1900 give some variety, but the repertoire of original works written before the twentieth century is small. Every publication of good original band music written before 1900, then, is especially important to the repertoire. One source which has provided, as yet, only a small portion of its total production in recent publications for modern band is the music written during the French Revolution (1789—1795). This music, written for an organized group approaching our modern band in terms of instrumentation as well as size, offers an unparalleled development in the early history of band literature. This in itself would not be so outstanding except for the fact that some of the greatest composers and performing musicians in Europe were an integral part of this productivity. Gossec, for instance, one of the most important French opera composers of the time, wrote at least eight works for wind instruments alone in addition to twenty—five or more hymns and songs with band accompaniment for the numerous open-air festivals that became an important part of the revolutionary celebrations. Along with Gossec, reputable composers such as Mehul, Catel, Iesueur, Cherubini, and others provided forty or more works for wind instruments in addition to countless pieces for chorus and band. the National Guard the National Gone literature which Esther, this effo music as an accep therefore a credi In present and contributions c of badgmund mete: order to place ads: this the stage is 1 Mather concise b' up to that time. Although q giants as Giovanni P°int in a directi Modern band. It :1 are included withc 3 a; Exposing details of this historical development and establishing the importance of its contributions to the literature and evolution of the modern band are the problems with which this paper dealS. gypothesis The period beginning with the establishment of the Band of the National Guard in Paris in 1789 and culminating in the birth of the National Conservatory of Paris in 1795 offers a source of band literature which is significant both in quantity and quality. Further, this effort marks a giant stride toward establishing wind music as an acceptable means of conveying artistic expression and is therefore a creditable effort which should be so recognized. Rewiring In presenting an accurate picture of the related developments and contributions of the period 1789~1795 in Paris, a certain amount of background material is necessary. Limits, however, must be set in order to place adequate concentration in one major area. Because of this the stage is set for the contributions during the Revolution by a rather concise but informative history of wind ensemble development up to that time. Although quite significant to wind literature, works by such giants as Giovanni Gabrieli, Johann Pezel, and later, Haydn and Mozart, pOint in a direction that emphasizes small wind ensembles rather than the modern band. It is with this in mind that their incomparable contributions are included without the emphasis they normally would deserve. k—¥— .) F N; N n r "“ r I ‘ I L s, . u .1 .-i “b- F“) 3— )1 u; 73': : Q. ’—- _...‘ rm 7 ' Y I _. i, ; '7 ' ; K H d . ’LI. rr .-.. r 1: ”- i {a & . ’ _‘- 1r: - 1 _ ‘ ______ _ ~ w - # i 1 ' fl L fl' ‘ D '- ‘7' v 9-. ’- 4“ 4 5 v ' . l-F ; . ‘ ’- r“ ~ V -- . n; "r _{ , ,_ g t . 7 I, ‘L ‘ A -lAr‘. — d g .— Q r .__ vial? d .. Y ‘ Y” j _‘ J19“ c —: t " : ~ fl 3 i _ ‘ ff“): —._ h“ h: — N h M ’ c ; j ‘ A; , J .. ‘.- r ‘ A ‘ ‘— v ' Il-‘V ) ' —. M .r- . _ - ’ 7 . { , . e ‘ ‘_ J v . .. 4;, ’- .. I f _ u ‘ -. L .— _' i p ’ pf the comm“?! in whom“ 11113 ml to set the stage Although it *5 discussion of 8 “at us accompaniment if be established, the instruments as the? P andmnsieel W135 except in cjmmstan Finally: it contributions of 0’“ would show relative except for b11615?“ developments in Pas In presen‘ and literature °£ Paris, develop”! understandiilg a significant 3. Analysis of eel it} Because of the great surges of popular enthusiasm in the early days of the Revolution, most of the contributions to wind literature are dated between 1789 and 1795. With the establishment of the Conservatory in 1795, a new era is born and new directions seem prominent. This limits the scope of this paper to thesa dates except to set the stage for these events. Although it is impossible to completely eliminate the discussion of a vast amount of Revolutionary Works for chorus and band accompaniment if the proper perspective of this study is to be establiShed, the writer is dealing primarily with the wind instruments as they perform alone. For this reason, analysis and musical examples will be notably limited in that direction except in circumstances that suggest comparative study. Finally, it is accepted that a comparable study of the contributions of other countries could be evaluated in ways that would show relative or equal importance. This study, however, except for background material, is dealing solely with the developments in Paris during the French Revolution (1789—1795). Scope of the Problem In presenting a detailed historical study of the organization and literature of the wind ensemble dining the French Revolution in Paris, developments will be pointed out which will assist in understanding the true atmosphere and conditions from which came a significant advancement in wind bands and their literature. Analysis of selected works will be used toypoint out not only r‘V. ‘— L l"; .,,.h, r,‘ _ .J. . '2 ‘ I _ . '5 .« ." _'—. .7 t I..- :r‘ ' .L. " r‘ . _~ jq g , .. ’TJ. " j. 7"") ’1 3' 7' - A“ ._u_ --.' m .. " "' no.1”? vwffe~~ , _,_. r l 1‘ .. '. ' "~ "’V — L __ __ . :.r r.) f- - ' 'r' .- ' .‘.~ "I .fi._ . 3-5 __ ‘.; I ‘— -V . _ . ,.,_ r r'-- — . I u L—'— "" ‘ _ -_r~ . j - e. . - LP a 7 :1) - ”' _.r__.. - l I J t _ ,- ‘ k <' 7 ’L’ - of“) _"":U._’ .- n 5 _ _ . ._ r .' r' 3 ‘ b” _ .- .':‘.> " ' "‘ “I? ‘ _ V r- . r '. .- II . I" _ ”I. 3 it ~ a _— ~ r: v (av: j ,3 —- W, _=r Ti' . :— 3‘ rs .c" "3'.“ r“0 7" j?“ c i i- " "if .-c . qt: 9 - Mr) “H r “—2 ‘J “E ‘3‘ L n a - ‘ - 1r ’ . 2; De. t ' .r —' ' ' r- . ‘ ’ j- r, L: —‘ A ' 'l r A an 1‘) J I . V' ‘ 3- A; \l'. . . . r F : J 3“ : j “ .V 1,. j j r '1“, ‘ ' , 7 _ _ rr ' . "c. 1 - r " : ' ‘7‘ 5 J a 3’ 7 11'. w - > '. r ' - 'jJ" : I '\ \ ,_-, " ”V _ .-. ‘4: ._ t e " .—I— (Ll J the type of mic pro mums and styles 1:1th in the form to that time Will he meheneive idea 0 music during the 33 Chapter 11 wind nusio produced Revolution. Early mre embassies res Revolution. Mill their oontrihutio rather than for ’01 chapter II and develomentS T years1789—1795 ii the Band of the N! Guard, the Natiom Conservatory, 6&0 development. Ins attention, and at toward these dew 5'. the type of music produced, but also its relation to the acceptable standards and styles of the time. In addition, introductory material in the form of a concise history of the wind enSemble up to that time will be included in order to give the reader a comprehensive idea of the relation of the wind ensemble and its music during the Revolution to its development in earlier times. Order of Presentation Chapter II is included in order to set the stage for the Wind music produced in Paris during the early years of the French Revolution. Early developments are concise but informative with more emphasis reserved for developments iJmnediately preceding the Revolution. Military and non—military uses are evaluated for their contributions to the development of the modern wind ensemble rather than for their musical quality. Chapter III is a detailed historical study of the events and developments relative to the Wind music written during the years 1789~1795 in Paris. Emphasis is given to organization of the Band of the National Guard, the Music School of the National Guard, the National Institute of Music, and the beginning of the Conservatory, each of which is dependent on the preceding development. Instrumentation and concerts receive special attention, and attitudes of the musicians as well as the public toward these developments are presented. The importance of this music to the revolutionary movement as well as the dependence of a: Lib/3", . .. ., , {— - a.» "at ~ in: 2 . . , .-._ .. ‘ ' ~ tennis on the rave " ':‘ 2- . ._ _ . "f " ' chapterlv . _. c -_ n ”r ,. '_ _‘ _[ __-£_\'.- written firing the '- ,_- ‘ ' '_f;-- _-‘ ’ c," andthemnctioml - - , thatnm special 6 ‘ .— I _ 2.. ‘3. . :w’i: _-. V .2 r ,2 ”v 1: ‘f K quality, or Simply b ._ ..— «if: .. a: L‘-' 'I' I ‘ ' ’ , fl ’ Chapter V co . _' L . evidenthy this 31311 ' . ._ '2' j _; .. » mdernband. Comp a A , . r' .— '_- _r' ' j , ,, ‘ , , .. T— _ ; _ usadwhenapoint U .. I" ’ 1‘ ‘A , t _ r‘. . ,. r 72' "l ' " , . A ' . ’ ‘v ” - ‘ _ ‘ _n 1 L ‘ 2 ff “ f ' fl ’1 ~ 1.5-" :fi” ’ p ’n. ‘1'" V :2 , . o -— I ‘ P ’ i ’ i -. " ' ; -- J .r 3 I — , _ g ’— 2; ' a -_ «r; -— (I :1 .._ - ’ . — r ') " r " ’1 , I V — - r' ,. - ‘ " a ’L .— t‘ r‘ ‘ . - .. . ,I “ ’ ,_-..— , ‘- ' V 1 I .1 ,, .t c — —— H F ) -J~ ‘ .. n F .‘ ‘ A - ,. g‘ - ' . ‘- ’ C I- : v .—-‘ g ‘i ' 1 ‘1 - ._ ) _'- : J -: ‘ v . — t . r. ’ _ J L'— 5" ‘ :rrr “ .4 —f- g t - i I l' ‘ __-— u— 3 —'.- r r ’ .' ' ‘ ’ U — ‘ - ‘l’ 6 the music on the revolutionary situation is shown. Chapter IV includes an analytical study of wind music written during the French Revolution in order to establish style and the functional use of instruments. Representative works that have special significance in terms of instrumentation, quality, or simply because of their repeated use are included. Chapter V contains implications and conclusions made evident by this study With an emphasis on the importance to the modern band. Compari80ns to established works of the time are used when a point concerning style can be made more clearly. pm'pose, such as a in the prehistoric experimented with and by groups of the enelntion of e: conthmed developml aptly states, "one ancestry of the W1 times, but this is doubt, Curt Sachs} Writers have cont: lRichard Bacon, Inc. , 1962 20wt Sac W. H. Norton 8: Cr Jinthorv (New lurk: n. r. g CHAPTER II ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE WIND ENSEMBLE PRECEDING THE FRENCH REVOLUTION Introduction The Wind ensemble obviously has its origins in the earliest developments of simple instruments which produced sound by the action of human breath. Primitive constructions for this purpose, such as a hollow animal's horn or bone, were present even in the prehistoric epoch. Later, man‘s interest increased as he experimented with changes in pitch both by the use of finger—holes “E and by groups of instruments tuned to different pitches. Certainly i the evolution of each wind instrument had a direct bearing on the continued development of the wind ensemble. But, as one author aptly states, "one could . . . stretch a point and find the ancestry of the wind band in early historic or even prehistoric times, but this is hardly useful or enlightening."l Without doubt, Curt Sachs,2 Anthony Baines,3 and several other notable writers have contributed greatly to man’s understanding of the lRichard Franko Goldman, The Wind Band (Boston:.Allyn and 2Curt Sachs, The History of musical Instruments (New York: W .'W. Norton & Company, Inc., l9hO ). 3Anthony Baines, woodwind Instruments and their History (New York: W‘. W} Norton & Company, Inc., 1957). 7 evolution of inetrw earlier development priate for this stu tinent contribution H845 : '- '- " u Non-Hill Uses fit I V Little is] ' T5 —. { oi the wind ensemb . . ’ .- :r w ‘ ' re 3‘ J :’ , - found that suggest If ,— -,.= 3: I" ‘ ' ., .2- ’ _: : .mnreguiariy _ ' A J: .. :~L if A, : . .4- , if: -. J i time. In fact, t ',-_~; ~ ’ a” a ; 4”“ ’. 1:”: j q ; .. " speeiiieallyfor ,7: 3 I y' ” , .3»: .' f i a ': Battleiirsi‘orw , fr "1' c ,— fl , 5 ., . ' 7' . ’ ‘9 i 5-": "- ‘ endinnihali Pado ; ' ’ r ' ' the pitch or the ‘ - . ’ ) ,3 — .: 4 '~’ “ ‘1. oiiinstmuents to ,4. n: , U ’ 7 9 Gertaini . 35" t f ’ g— -' .. a J '2' ‘ .. z . ' -.( specifici‘unctior if? .. .v - - ' . _ rituali‘unctiont " " ' _ t :i if: . .: ' .. _ j”. .'-_r 7 a “ " - thirteenth and fl ,. .. 3 momentum . ..-.- ' Q“. V _ e ~ galoubet, German ;_ ,3 3125?? '-" ' J - : .. .. ’ ' and. Iterange ‘jfff‘ : :33 ) _ E ‘- _—- , ‘ '- '- its} . ' {KEV «- <' .1 I: t H I. hRiOhBI'! _ _ A. .7 Pitunn Publishii """ (i ,fi." (7- " ‘ ‘ 38.0115, # 8 evolution of instruments. However, a limited study of the earlier developments, based on accurate evidence, seems appro— priate for this study, reserving emphasis for the more per— tinent contributions in the wind ensemble’s long history. Pre-Seventeenth Century Developments Non—Military Uses Little is known about actual performance or function of the wind enSemble before the fifteeth century. Nothing is found that suggests traditional repertoire, fixed instrumentation, or even regularly organized groups of performers before this tine. In fact, the first compositions definitely composed specifically for wind instruments were probably the two Battle.Airs for Wind Instruments written by.Andrea Gabrieli and.Annibali Padoano in 1580.)4 Earlier practice was to indicate the pitch of the different parts by clef only, leaving the choice of instruments to the performers. Certain instruments, however, did become associated with specific functions long before this time. The drum assumed a ritual function with various primitive peoples,5 and in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries pipes and tabors Were as~ sociated with entertainment and dancing. This pipe (French: galoubet, German: SchWegel) had only three holes at the lower and. Its range was about an octave and a fifth, and certain #Richard Franko Goldman, The Band's Music (New York: Pitman Publishing Corp., 1938), p. . SSachs, 2p. git., p. 3h. \\ tone, replaced t A standa mde in "choirs" J.l. Kappey, th music, states t human voice, was this is true, a the sake of to of the instrumer the style of V0( N0. 1, included characteristics In the the usual emplc can198, castles, fourteenth cen‘ of its citizen were retained “- 6J. A. 1891.1.) , pgibig. chromatic alterations were possible with cross—fingering. One person played both instruments at the same time; the tabor, a small—size drum, hung on the left arm while the player held the pipe in the left hand, leaving the right hand free to beat the drum. The pipe and the tabor retained this function until the fifteenth century, when the bagpipe, because of its powerful tone, replaced them.6 A standard practice was to have each kind of instrument made in "choirs" or sets of from four to six different sizes. J..A. Kappey, the late nineteenth—century authority on military music, states that this custom, based on the standards of the human voice, was rather detrimental to music.7 Whether or not this is true, a mixture of different kinds of instruments, for the sake of tonal color, was rarely attempted. Therefore, most of the instrumental music until the eighteenth century was in the style of vocal music and generally in four parts. Example No. 1, included on the following pages, exhibits these earLy characteristics of instrumental music quite well. In the fifteenth century English towns were becoming the usual employers of waits, who were originally watchmen in camps, castles, and other fortified places. Even as early as the fourteenth century towns employed a few musicians for the benefit of its citizens. At Basel, for instance, three pipers (fislulatJres) were retained to play at certain hours.8 waits were_regarded as 6J. A. Kappey, Military Music (London: Boosey and 00., 189k), pp. 28—29. "“"" “' " , 7Ibid., p. 19. 8Ibid., p. u. lO =3 _ E: E a :— grams; No. 1— cent-Ma ll No, l - cont'm __ ==I... .!...§...“I§Is salsa-Elsie.ES Elm. NIE- NWIE-E ELHE... . ti; / ExnmPk. NM - $242125} Elnmpk W 13 .l - Mud Exampk. N0 HM micians prim-i on ohm or signal six waits and that 1525, were 01' the shows. The city during the next fe and six oornetts curtail, the prede and keyboard inst insignificant as these bands were groups of wind i in many of the la performers previo there is evidence had musicians who city as early as The wait: watchmen, assumec the city honored festival seasons 9Walter Elizabeth to Cha 3 J P- . 10.1. 1‘. (London: J. M. I 1h musicians primarily, since they played some kind of horn as an alarm or signal. Records show that London, in lh75, employed six waits and that their usual instruments, at least until 1525, Were of the double—reed family, commonly referred to as shawms. The city purchased a sacbut in 1526 and several others during the next few years. In 1568 a complete set of recorders and six cornetts were obtained, and in 1597 three sacbuts and a curtal, the predecessor of the bassoon, were added. Strings and keyboard instruments were also used.9 Though small and insignificant as far as serving an artistic purpose is concerned, these bands were primitive efforts necessary for the development of the bands of the future. Similar instances of organized groups of wind instrumentalists have been cited by musicologists in many of the larger cities of fifteenth—century Europe, the performers previously having been roving minstrels. In fact, there is evidence supporting the fact that the city of Chester had musicians who were regulated within the confines of the city as early as 1210.10 The waits, in addition to their original functions as watchmen, assumed other duties including furnishing music when the city honored visiting sovereigns, playing during the great festival seasons before the houses of the mayor and sheriff, 9 walter L. Woodfill, Musicians in English Society from Elizabeth to Charles I (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1953), p. ion. 10 F. Russell and J. H. Elliot, The Brass Band McVement J. (London: J. M. Dent, 1936), P 7- and presenting a s unsettled once a took place in 0th bands consisted dances, and music The Stadtmusiker——to waits. These wet either at the top high in church 5 every hour, to b and to raise the played a sacred They also engage sink, fife, and their apprentice: or more performs meters and supp festivals, the 1) dance music for nation, they pls times a day-«at the citizens of events, such as llfloodf 15 and presenting a series of public concerts. The waits of London assembled once a week for rehearsals, and similar occurrences took place in other cities.11 The general repertoire of town bands consisted of hymn tunes, settings of popular songs, dances, and music for processional purposes. The Turme: or tower musicians (Stadtpfeiffer——town fifers, Stadtmusiker——town musicians) in Germany paralleled the English waits. These watchmen, who were kept in every town, resided either at the top of specially constructed towers or in chambers high in church steeples. Their job was to sound the zink at every hour, to blow a signal to warn of an approaching enemy, and to raise the alarm in case of a fire. On feast days they played a sacred tune at early dawn and a secular one at midday. They also engaged apprentices whom they taught to play the zink, fife, and other instruments. TheSe watchmen, together with their apprentices, organized themselves into bands of six or more performers. In time they assumed the function of band— masters and supplied the musical accompaniments at all church festivals, the processional music at civic pageants, and the dance music for public holidays. Especially after the refor~ nation, they played a chorale with zinken and trombones three times a day——at morning, noon, and evening—— in order to remind the citizens of their prayers at these hours. Certain seasonal events, such as Christmas, the beginning of the New Year, and llWoodfill, 2p. EEP" pp. 163~167 school vacation, aonethnes assists served as a basis for its functions for existence eve it assumed an ar rinthnical signs. before the fifte order by some ar arcades (1096— comunication, g other instruments were used by the for inflaming thu and unmediate ef. instnments and 1glimmer 13s. a. Music (London: W lb'ffi‘reder Wisconsin: Lebla 15s. c. 1950), p. 10. 16 school vacation, were also recognized in this way, and they sometimes assisted at the performances of sacred plays.12 Military Uses An important use of the wind ensemble before the fifteenth century was to stir warlike emotions. This "military music" served as a basis of later developments of the wind ensemble, for its functional purpose was maintained as its primary reason for existence even when, during the late eighteenth century, it assumed an artistic flavor. Although standard musical and rhythmical signals by trumpet and drum were practically unknown before the fifteenth century, they often sounded to convey an order by some arbitrary predetermined signal.l3 During the Crusades (1096—1271) the trumpet was employed as a means of communication, giving it a dignity awarded to no other instrument.”-L Other instruments, such as horns, shawms, drums, and cymbals, were used by the Saracen army to play, not for signaling, but for inflaming the souls of the warriors. This idea had a strong and immediate effect on Western armies, which adopted these instruments and their additional function.ls l2Kappey, 2p. £23., pp. lh—lS. 13H. G. Farmer, The Rise and the Development of Military Music (London: W} Reeves, 1912), p. 61: lLLFrederick Fennell, Time and the Winds (Kenosha, Wisconsin: Leblanc Publications, Inc., l9§E5, p. 6. 15H. G. Farmer, Military Music (New York, Chanticleer Press, 1950), p. 10. “"““"‘"" The fife a msic where rhythm The fife was meet Genena as early a So highly did the demnd soon outra expected of fifer prisoners... such draws an of the enenie any secrets t instrmnents, approach, as calling that obedient to when as they sound their I The side- instmnent and he its manipulation “Sachs , 17Farmer 183122- 19Arounc‘ cylindrical to c the holes, until conform to the 1 of acoustics, c: P- 271. 1? The fife and drum.also became associated with military 16 music where rhythm and loudness were more important than melody. The fife was mentioned among the martial instruments of the Germans as early as 1511, and in 153h it appeared in France.17 So highly did the fife‘s popularity run in England that the demand soon outran the supply. When one considers what was expected of fifers and drummers, their scarcity is understandable. All captains must have drums and fifes and men to use same, who shall be faithful, secret and ingenious, of able personage to use their instruments and office of sundry languages; for oftentimes they be sent to parley with their enemies, to summon their forts or towns, to redeem and conduct prisoners ... . which of necessity requireth language. If such drums and fifes should fortune to fall into the hands of the enemies, no gift or force should cause them to disclose any secrets that they know. They must oft practice their instruments, teach the company the sound of the march, alarm, approach, assault, battle, retreat, skirmish, or any other calling that of necessity should be known. They must be obedient to the commandant of their captain and ensign, when as they shall command them.to come, go, or stand, or sound their retreat or other calling.18 The side—drum.was almost twice as large as the present instrument and had no snares. The fife was non—chromatic, and its manipulation was very rudimentary.l9 16Sachs, pp. 333., p. 290. 17Farmer, The Rise . . .,pp. 88—93. lBIbid. 19Around 1650 the bore of the fife was changed from cylindrical to conical, thus encouraging a smoother tone. However, the holes, until the early nineteenth century, were cut to conform to the reach of the fingers rather than to the laws of acoustics, causing intonation problems. ,Apel, o . cit., p. 71. ——_ Use by Nobility Town hand because their use the rule forbiddi were imposed by l and Kettledrumuer its hereditary pa empire. The meml taught and untaug apprenticed and h The latter, who y usual (:61me 31E the same band hr; at court or at fr Field tm generally able t. Many of the 01d the influence of dating from the EXAM Pk No. 2‘ 18 Use by Nobility Town bands could employ neither trumpeters nor kettledrummers because their uses Were restricted to "noble purposes." Whenever the rule forbidding their employment was broken, heavy penalties were imposed by law upon the offending town. The Guild ofTrumpeters and Kettledrummers was of ancient origin and the Elector of Saxony its hereditary patron; he had jurisdiction over it throughout the empire. The members divided themselves into two distinct groups: taught and untaught. The former composed all who had been properly apprenticed and who had received from four to seven years of training. The latter, who were field trumpeters and drummers, sounded only the usual cavalry signals. The lower grade was not permitted to play in the same band with the higher, nor were they to sound their instruments at court or at fetes.2O Field trumpeters, although not "learned” musicians, were generally able to enliven the march of their corps with a few tunes. Many of the old folk~songs of the European nations bear traces of the influence of trumpet music.2l Example No. 2 for two trumpets, dating from the fourteenth century, gives evidence of this. 139th Cen'lvrf i EXAMPle N0. 2, Old Flemish. Dam“. Song 21 . ngaPPGY, 22. 233., pp. lS—hB. Ibid. ‘7 The duties The journeyed Wit entering a town 01 chairs at dinner 2 on their trumpets of a wild noisy SI playing any Varia‘ and finishing wit flutter-tongued. trurpeters held t in their caps, ar 19 The duties of the high grade were strictly regulated. They journeyed with their lords and played fanfares whenever entering a town or castle. They often stood behind their master’s chairs at dinner after having announced the meal with a flourish on their trumpets. These "flourishes" (Example No. 3) consisted of a wild noisy sort of arpeggio on the g chord, each trumpeter playing any variation he liked, within certain general limits, and finishing with "trcmmetting”——a long—held note which was flutter—tongued. Kettledrums were usually used also. These trumpeters held the rank of officers, wore the feather of nobility in their caps, and were provided with horses and grooms.22 ‘ Ethvtc Floor-{sh {or “rapes": I 22Ibid. The member: to divulge their a: tonguing, to any 0 society was broken the town of Augsbu The large bands emphasizes 1 of the King of Ca: had five. In the tnmpets in addit two V1015, two ta trombones. Court two lutes, two be three virginals, and Sixteen ’6er WW consisting together with th In the s attempt was made bands, Previousl some of differer \ BEE: “uni 2 Q: 1 / \I‘L is 20 The members of this guild of trumpeters were bound never to divulge their art of playing, which included double and triple tonguing, to any outsiders. Their exclusive attachment to high society was broken in 1h26 when the Emperor Sigismund granted to the town of.Augsbury the privilege of keeping town trumpeters.23 The large number of trumpeters present in royal court bands emphasizes their popularity. In 1293 the court orchestra of the King of Castille had four. The band of King Edward III had five. In the services of King Henry VIII were fourteen trumpets in addition to three lutes, three rebecs, one harp, two viols, two tambourines, one bagpipe, four drums, and two trombones. Court bands of Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth included two lutes, two harps, one rebec, six vialles, two flutes, one to three virginals, one bagpipe, three timpani or drums, six trombones, and sixteen trumpets. In 1680 Elector of Saxony had a trumpet corps consisting of nineteen trumpeters and three kettledrummers together with their apprentices.21L In the second half of the sixteenth century the first attempt was made to enlarge the very limited capacity of trumpet bands, previously made up of trumpets in Eb or D, by adding some of different pitches.2S Example No. h is an early work using several pitched trumpets. 23Ibid., pp. 15—18. Zhlbid. 25Ibid., p. 79. 21 England Starting Hi to give concerts: 1 of court pr esentati and princesses in 1 music, to assist i‘ add to the majesbT death of Charles I twenty-four to sev flutes, sacbuts, l: cornetts, numberec In 1582 ti twenty-ion flutes organs, three tror harp. The prefer: mMmmsmm period show a den Huber of seeming ion The inter m the wind ensen \ ”noon: 27Sachs, 22 The King's Music became an important musical group in England starting with Henry VIII (1509—15h7). Their duties were to give concerts, to play dinner music, to perform betWeen acts of court presentations, to accompany dancing, to instruct princes and princesses in music, to train boys for the royal service of music, to assist in the services of the Chapel Royal, and to add to the majesty of many of the great ceremonials. Until the death of Charles I in 16h9, The King’s Music numbered from twenty-four to seventy—eight musicians. Wind instruments, including flutes, sacbuts, bagpipes, recorders, shawms, hautboys, and cornetts, numbered twenty in ltSliO.26 In 1582 the orchestra of the Berlin court possessed twenty—four flutes, seventeen reed pipes, nine cornetts, seven organs, three trombones, seven viols, four virginals, and one harp. The preference of wind instruments to strings in this instance was usual at this time. Most collections from this period show a dominance of wind instruments, and a surprising 2 number of seemingly identical instruments are also present. 7 The Seventeenth Century Non—Military Uses The interest of the royal courts and the various municipalities in the wind ensemble continued well into the seventeenth century. 26Woodfill, 9p. Egg., pp. 225—2h8. 27Sachs, pp. 333., pp. 302—303. Town bands functiOI century, and instr recorders, two cor Norwich, were not caliber as Giovanr. wrote impressive w and cornetts, and medium which had 1 applications. Bra several numbers 0: included four tro] four choral parts Unfortuna cornetts, initiat become an establi Scheidt returned parts fop "any Sc similar inStmner works of PEZe1._] tmnfllones, 131! C .L omens, and mu ' J. inunnnentation i \ 29Kapp ey 30G01 dma 23 Town bands functioned very similarly to those of the previous century, and instrumentations including four oboes, three recorders, two cornetts, and three trombones, as in the city of 28 Norwich, were not uncommon. In addition, musicians of such caliber as Giovanni Gabrieli, Johann Pezel, and J. G. Reiche wrote impressiVe works for ensembles consisting of trombones and cornetts, and this gave a fresh artistic approach to a medium which had been previously associated mainly with functional applications. Brass with voices was a common combination as in several numbers of Kruger’s Psalmodia Sacra (1585), which included four trombones in a highly colored style combined with four choral parts and simple organ accompaniment.29 Unfortunately, writing specifically for trombones and cornetts, initiated in the late Renaissance by Gabrieli, did not become an establishment, and composers like Frescobaldi and Scheidt returned to the former practice of writing instrumental parts for "any sort of instrument" with the understanding that Similar instruments were to be used.30 Of note are the published Works of PeZel~—Intraden a h (1683) for one cornett and three trombones, Hora Decima (1670) in five parts for trombones and cornetts, and Funfstimmige Blasende Musik (1685) for the same instrumentation (Example No. 5). J. G. Reiche added to this 28Farmer, Military Music, p. 20. 29Kappey, op. cit., p. 55~ 3OGoldman, The Wind Band, pp. 22—23. HM . a e” __ m till: u . m ....r m um fl III I‘ E ..= _ ~ 1 Lu. EKHMP'Q. ”00 5 2h Intr‘GdO— for Fr". Wt’na Instruments . '5 limited repertoire cornett and three other composers o to specify wind i Queen Mary, Match and occasional wc Philidor were otl From the the written mi 11. W0 sections of . eight time. lat in the subdomina Variety of forms was gradual, Fc Mrches: 1) the in French) Whic} M3753 2) the m in F38] Double.quick Ma: for emulating shawls pOSitio in Germ, Mime \. but? ”to its fl: 25 limited repertoire by his collection of Quatricinia for one cornett and three trombones in 1696. Only infrequently did other composers of note in the seventeenth century have a desire to specify wind instruments alone. Purcell's Funeral Music for Queen Mary, Matthew Looke's Music for the Coronation of Charles II, and occasional works by Johann Schein, Samuel Scheidt, and Andre— Philidor were other rare instances of this type.31 The March——Civil and Military From the Thirty Years'War (1618—16h8) dates the origin of the written military march. At first it consisted of only one or two sections of a strongly marked melody in either common or six— eight time. Later a third section was added, called trio, usually in the subdominant key. The extension of the march into a variety of forms, each of which had a distinct character and mood, was gradual. For military purposes there were four kinds of marches: l) the Slow March (Parade Marsch in German, Pas Ordinaire in French) which was primarily for review and grand parades, M.M.=753 2) the Quick March (Geschwind Marsch in German, Pas Redouble in French) for soldiers on the march, M.M.=ll8; 3) the Double-quick March (Sturm Marsch in German, Pas de Charge in Frendh) for stimulating troops in the final attack or for storming an enemy’s position, M.M.=lh03 and h) the Funeral March (Trauer Marsch in German, Marche Funébre in French) for escorting a comrade's body to its final resting place.32 31Goldman, The Wind Band, pp. 206—207. 32Kappey, 92. 333., pp. 68—69. _ q..._—...,.-_. -.. Some of t? military music bu (Encample No. 6), W33 Einmpit N0. 6 \\ + I M‘ .. Small w t . ° Seienteenth. time the Privi' 33% 26 Some of the oldest known marches, however, were not military music but of civil origin. The March of the Town of Worms (Example No. 6), dating from the fifteenth century, is of this type.33 EXAmPk_N0. b HAWK 0.; 4%.; Town 9‘ Wormc Ezfluwi-k cad”), Military Uses Small wind bands became quite an important status symbol instrument for this purpose was the kettledrum. In fact, for a time the privilege of owning this instrument in the French armies i i i i i to seventeenth—century army officers, and a most decorative 33Ibid., pp. 71—73. was reserved for fighting against and fifes were us and kettledrums v trumpets played I: were written in i fact that in Gen teen trumpeters : century.36 Fren. similar to those the trumpeters a band, played upo Signalling}? The Side soldiers in step “certainty vhic was made Of a hc W0 and a half 1 at both SHdS w: traced by stret. lrbeau, in Orch. \— \\ 31LFaline: 36Fal‘me 37 Kappe 27 was reserved for the regiments who had actually won it in fighting against the enemy as a trophy of war. More often drums and fifes were used in association with infantry, and trumpets and kettledrums were reserved for the cavalry.3h The cavalry trumpets played mainly in unison, but a few works, some by Lully, were written in two or three parts.35 Already mentioned was the fact that in Germany the Elector of Saxony had a corps of nine— teen trumpeters and three kettledrummers around the middle of the century.36 French cavalry regiments also had their trumpet bands similar to those of past centuries. The members consisted of the trumpeters attached to each squadron who, when massed as a band, played upon their regulation trumpets usually reserved for signalling.37 The side—drum had particular importance in keeping soldiers in step, the theory being that this helped to prevent uncertainty which might hinder performance in battle. The drum was made of a hollow Wooden barrel, which sometimes was brass, tWO and a half feet long and about the same width. It was covered at both ends with two stretched skins, fastened with hoops, and braced by stretched cords. No snares were used. In 1588 Thoinot Arbeau, in Orchesographie, suggested that the drummer, holding 3hFarmer, Military Music, p. 20. 35Michel Brenet, "French Military Music in the Reign of Iouis XIV," The Musical Quarterly, III (1917), pp. 3hO—357. 36Farmer, Military Music, p. 18. 37Kappey, pp. 333‘! p. 79. the drum nearlir h' leaning on it, shl first four counts drum stick; on th followed by three were to step with (2 its cg ) rhythm during the were rests. In 1636 i that the (trimmer the drum to aim; Particularly ama: could not be con and variety coul on the sides of Three ma the beating sue a strok of the "brok strohes ' 811cc titling C Very ”T of Wind bands fl reign of Imus 1 28 the drum nearly horizontally under his left arm with his elbow leaning on it, should play in groups of eight counts. On the first four counts, four notes were played with a stroke on one drum stick; on the fifth, the two sticks sounded together, followed by three counts of silence. The marching soldiers were to step with the left foot on 222 and the right on fiy§,38 ( 2 ififif7 {é ). The drummers, however, could vary the rhythm during the first five counts as long as the last three were rests. In 1636 Mersenne, in his Harmonie Universelle, stated that the drummer’s skill was improved by moving the position of the drum to almost a vertical one near the left leg. He was particularly amazed that the strokes were so fast that they could not be counted. The roll, therefore, had become a reality, 'and variety could be obtained by playing either in the middle or on the sides of the head.39 Three manners of attacking the sound were practiced: the beating of the "round beat," in which the sticks give a stroke one after the other, and the beating of the ”broken beat," in which each stick strikes two strokes successively; lastly, the "mingled beat," consisting of two strokes by one hand for one by the other. Very important in the seventeenth—century development of Wind bands for a military use were the oboe bands during the reign of Louis XIV of France. These bands consisted of oboes 38Michel Brenet, 123. 222‘. 39lb id . holbid . and druuS, their two drum parts. roughly comparabl but of much harsh almost as large a practice of using for acceptable i1 oboes to each pa; by the officers . treasury provide Lully, w nine years, was Inuis' military 1101138 Was endows ac(”fillets set ( Wig malt such arran; The ide: England. In 16 units soon foll also was infille commits \ imam heMiche 53%| 29 g and drums, their music being written in four—part harmony with two drum.parts. The oboes Were of various sizes, which were roughly comparable to our modern oboe, English horn, and bassoon but of much harsher quality and non—chromatic. Its reed was almost as large as one used by the modern bassoon,1L1 but the practice of using a matched set of instruments at least provided for acceptable intonation. Although it is not certain, two oboes to each part were probably used. Such a group was financed by the officers of the companies involved, since the public treasury provided only one drum for each company of foot soldiers.h2 Lully, who had already been in the king's services for nine years, was given the task of composing and arranging all of Louis’ military music. Each corps belonging to the king’s house was endowed not only with a particular march but also with a complete set of drum beats and instrumental pieces.h3 MEEEEE des Mousquetaires du Roi de France (Example No. 7) is one of many such arrangements. The idea of the oboe in military music soon spread to England. In 1678 the Horse Grenadiers had six,hh and the other units soon followed suit. Indications are strong that Germany also was influenced by these oboe bands by the late seventeenth century.L5 Lil—Farmer, The Rise . . ., p. 176. l*2Michel Brenet, 2p. git., p. 3&3. h3Ibid. tharmer, The Rise . . ., p. 189. hsFarmer, Military Music, p. 22. llllllllllllllllllll .aeeeee A du i201 ale Frame. Arr. Lully, [6‘0 w it Hi i l Early Eighteenth France re Germany assumed i engagement of Ge countries to fol". Royal Dragoon’s ‘ Bands at the state were a eSPeCially renow such a useful ad members of which the most promine instrumentation instrumentation consisted 0f twv two or three ba usual Combinati With its reed u into the mouth as a melodic i, by the Curtal g of the bassoon. century. The ] hafnium; instru 31 The Eighteenth.Century Early Eighteenth Century France remained the leader in military music until Germany assumed this role early in the eighteenth century. The engagement of German musicians in foreign bands encouraged other countries to follow their lead. In 1776, for instance, the Royal Dragoon‘s trumpeters Were all foreigners}t6 Bands attached to various regiments at the expense of the state were at first a privilege granted to a very few especially renowned regiments. However, they were found to be such a useful addition that in time every regiment had one, the nerbers of which Were called "oboe—ists" because the oboe was the most prominent instrument. There was no fixed plan in the instrumentation of hhese regimental bands, but the most frequent instrumentation at the beginning of the eighteenth century consisted of tw0 flutes, two oboes, tw0 horns,one or two trumpets, two or three bassoons, and a bass trombone. This was also the usual combination which town bands had adopted at this time.h7 With its reed under lip control instead of being taken entirely into the mouth as with the shawm, the oboe became more useful I as a melodic instrument. The bombard group had been replaced 3 by the curtal and later, by the bassoon. 'With the development ‘ of the bassoon, the trombone fell into neglect for most of the century. The horn was assuming more and more importance as a harmony instrument, taking over this role from.the oboe. M60. Ffoulkes, "Notes on Early Military Bands," Society for Army Research Journal, XVII (1938), pp. 188—200. l”Kramer, 22~ 232-, p- 75- A further of the clarinet 1 Although not 1151] ample of the u; Saxon hand, @ 1730.1L9 There i emple which we century. The ha to a second base is certainly su; The horns and t] assumes a melod: and oboes doubl. more useful in mstmentation but the Change tI'umpe‘ts remit The adx Military music S‘mstituted for Music not Yet 1 0f the Honours? three oboes3 a Artillery Band \ hBFarn chm 32 A further significant contribution was the development of the clarinet which, by 1725, was in fairly common use.48 Although not using the most frequent instrumentation, an early example of the use of the clarinet is a work written for a Saxon band, Marsch Prinz Anton (Example No. 8), dated 1720— 173O.h9 There is the obvious omission of percussion in this example which Was typical of Germany military hands by mid— century. The bassoons handle the bass part alone; very similar to a second bassoon part in modern arrangements, this bass line is certainly superior to Lully's due to the improved instrument. The horns and trumpets are treated similarly, but the horn assumes a melodic role when pitch limitations permit. Clarinets and oboes double each other frequently, but the clarinet is more useful in the upper range. 'With the change of key, thinner instrumentation results because of the limitations of the brass, but the change to horns in G minimizes this difficulty as the trumpets remain tacet throughout this section. The advent of these new and improved instruments into military music did not augment size; the new were merely substituted for the old, the possibilities of the use of military muSic not yet being fully realized. As late as 1731 the band of the Honourable.Arti11ery Company had only one curtal and three oboes, and it is not until 1762 that the famous Royal Artillery Band was formed, including two trumpets, two horns, haFarmer, Military Music, p. 27. L9Kappey, op. cit., pp. 76—77. a. a ._._.__. if.“ a is .... a it :Qamgfia M m... W“... n." t .. a ’\ ”Ansel, Prowl. Austen .m mm... mm». a“... ~ . -...J:.~ E a Engages tw0 bassoons, and had to be profici Mid-Eighteenth Us A typical quartet of oboes; were sometimes a; Serpent or contr: were not unoommo J. J. Rousseau f oboes 031‘17 the horns and hassOc ‘ 1"- \ Ethyl: NM 2 man Hod!g lly- ‘ 1::E=.=.'—'.._;; '--&:=.-.: Not So of Handelxs Mus tflmpets, three It has mSSiVe \ Sums 51Go 1d 35 two bassoons, and four oboes or Clarinets. These players also had to be proficient on the flute, violin, ’cello, and bass.50 MidéEighteenth Century A typical mid-eighteenth—century band was a double quartet of oboes, Clarinets, horns, and bassoons, to which were sometimes added one or two flutes a trum et basset—horns J P J J serpent or contra—bassoon, and drumsSlalthough smaller units were not uncommon. Example No. 9 is a march by the Versatile J. J. Rousseau for this typical instrumentation. Here the oboes carry the melody alternately with the Clarinets, and the horns and bassoons fill out the harmony and supply the bass line. fi—M _, Example N0 9 'Hflwcka T 3‘. Rouse-w Mottm \\ Not so typical was the original score to the overture 0f Handel‘s Music for the Royal Fireworks (l7h9) for three trumpets, three horns, twenty—four oboes, and twelve bassoons.52 It was massive in the treatment and most confidently tutti, 5onussoll and Elliot, 22. 333., p. 21. SlGoldman, The Wind Band, p. 2h. 52lbid., p. 205. although there it instruments whic In 1763 to organize his as two oboes, ti solidified a mO‘ regular harmoni prominent compo lt_l_S_il_< combinati the value of mi amateur compose and bassoon. 1 Enhvit ”On '0 36 although there were serene and imitative movements for other instruments which followed. In 1763 the King of Prussia, Frederick the Great, began to organize his bands on a new scale, specifying their instrumentation as two oboes, two Clarinets, two horns, and tw0 bassoons. This solidified a movement in that direction which made possible a regular harmonic basis for military music that appealed to the prominent composers of the day. This was the so—called Harmonie— Musik combination. Frederick the Great had a strong belief in the value of military music and was a flutist as well as an amateur composer.53 Example No. 10 was written by him for oboe . l and bassoon. Name in £5 a, M. gm+ 4 EXAmpk NO. lo S3Ernest Eugene Helm, Music at the Court of Frederick the Great (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1960), p. 62. 37 The Harmonie—Musik combination strongly influenced works for woodwind ensembles of the leading composers during the last half of the eighteenth century. szart’s Serenade No. 11 in Eb (K. 375) and Serenade No. 12 in c minor (K. 388) are for this instrumentation. His Serenade No. 10 in Bb Major (K. 361) for two oboes, two clarinets, two basset—horns, four French horns, two bassoons, and a contra-bassoon should also be noted.Sh Haydn also wrote several Divertimenti for this combination. Other music for woodwinds by outstanding composers developing from this period includes six sonatas for two flutes, two clarinets, two horns, and bassoon by C. P. E. Bach and Parthia for tw0 oboes, two horns, and bassoon by Karl Ditters von Dittersdorf; J. C. Bach wrote two marches for two clarinets, two horns, and two bassons, and four marches for the Harmonie— Musik combination.55 Meanwhile, a revival of drum and fife bands was taking place in England by 17h8. They were even used in the cavalry, although the trumpets retained a more prominent position because their mouthpieces insured easier management.56 St‘LOther related works for woodwinds by szart include: Divertimenti No. 3 (K. 166) and No. h (K. 186) for two oboes, two 0 rinets, wo English horns, two horns, and two bassoons; Divertimenti No. 5 (K. 187) and No. 6 (K. 188), No. 9 (K. 2ho), No. I2 (KS'EEE);'K0. 1h (K. 270), and No. 16 (K.“§8§) for two oboes, two horns, and two bassoons. 55Other composers whose works were produced both in this , century and in the early nineteenth, namely Pleyel (1757—1831), ; Gyrowetz (1763—1850), Rossetti (17hh~1792), Danzi (1763—1826), Reiche (1770—183h), Beethoven, and Schubert, were strongly influenced by the Harmonie—Musik combination. Goldman, The'Wind @, p. 205. 56Russell and Elliot, op. cit., p. 20. ’ h \ \ / l < > . \ , (I > f \ \ .' ) :\ h ) l< - :. l ) f ‘ \ \ l I 38 There is an interesting note in 1776 when some "fifers" are noted in the King’s Own Regiment of Horse, and again in 1782 at an inspection of the same regiment it is recorded that "the trumpeters are mostly fifers". . In.America the fife and drum Were the only source of martial music for the Continenta1.Army in 1776. Each company had a fife and drum, and various beats and calls Were standard, based on those of the British.58 In 1766 several English regiments with oboe bands of six to eight performers and three or four drums were converted into cavalry units, but they unofficially retained their oboes and even added bassoons and horns to them.59 In France the Harmonie—Musik formula was the rule, but the instruments were frequently doubled, as in 1762 when the French Guards had their bands increased from.eight to sixteen.60 An odd type of military band of the period was that of Spain, which in 1769 consisted of two fifes, two clarinets, and drums. The band was actually more of a direct descendant of the earlier military bands than the more sophisticated Harmonie— Musik group561(Example No. 11). t n 57 570. Ffdulkes, 22. EEE~: pp. 188—200. 58W. C. White, A History of Military Music in America (New York: Exposition Press, 19hh), pp. 1h—26. 59Farmer, Military Music, p. 28. 60Ibid., p. 29. 6leichard Frank Goldman, The Concert Band (New York: Rinehart and Co., 19h6), p. 32. ti ME. 2%: Wm: :e: 5.: E .......... 39 Solo; G¢MPAIA de 60¢ rm ho No significant results were obtained with Wind instruments in the United States before the nineteenth century although scattered efforts were made. In 1773 Mr. Josiah Flagg (1738—179h), a composer, performer, and concert manager, established a band of Wind players and vocalists in Boston consisting of over fifty members, but it was not successful since church music was almost the only acceptable music at that time.62 In 1750 J. A. Mares, a Bohemian horn virtuoso and a member of the Imperial Court Band of the Empress Elizabeth of Russia, conceived the idea of a band in Which each member played only one note. The first band consisted of thirty—seven musicians, each assigned to a note of the chromatic scale of three octaves. The first performance took place in 1751 with immense success, and the program consisted of fanfares and other simple pieces. Horns made of wood covered with leather were used for the purpose of softening the sound. The instruments were made as perfectly in tune as possible, and the sound of each note was given the utmost care. Because of this it is said that the performances of this band with regard to shading and intonation were among the most perfect ever heard. The number of pieces was increased to sixty, and their training was so careful that by 1775 pieces of the best composers of the time were performed.63 62White, pp. 233., p. 1h. 63Kappey. 22- 233-, pp. 63—6h. By the m prominent ini‘lue Janizaries, who that nation was states adjacent oi Janizaries h; more 5%th - lower, and one unison or octav accompanying th W0 Small kettl drum (one side (tum stick, the llnaccented beat 8111311 ones, am At the Sultan had pre: band to cement long, they Wer For a tithe it . perCUSSion pla \ my . . em in which a S 651m “at hl By the middle of the eighteenth century another rather prominent influence on the military bands of Europe was the Janizaries, who formed the nucleus of the Turkish armies when that nation was in the zenith of its power against the western states adjacent to the Turkish frontier. In the past each corps of Janizaries had a band which generally consisted of three or 61; more zarnas, two or more Similar instruments pitched an octave lower, and one or more fifes. These instruments played in unison or octaves and produced a very piercing sound. In addition, accompanying these melodic instruments were one large kettledrum, two small kettledrums, three or more tenor drums, one bass drum (one side of which was beaten with a heavy felt—headed drum stick, the other side with a kind of brush, sounding the unaccented beats), one pair of very large cymbals, two pair of “ small ones, and several triangles.65 it: At the close of the seventeenth century the Turkish Sultan had presented to the King of Poland a complete Janizary band to cement good relations. Frederick II of Prussia also obtained one. ,Although these bands Were not kept intact for long, they were instrumental in introducing additional percussion into all the regimental bands of the European powers. For a time it was considered ”good stylen to have these 66 percussion played by three or four turbaned and bedizened negroes. 64A small kind of schalmey with a particular cup mouthpiece ‘ y in which a small but very hard reed is enclosed. 3 65Kappey, 9p. EEE" p. 81. 66Ibid. Their influence cymbals were ac' drum and tambou two tambourines cymbals and has was in Mozart': (179i) that tn true military 1 for twelve ins the emergence the Harmonie-M . --—___. percussive inc The ba 1783 of Sight and two bassoc from the Horse “35 mounted 3 a for other fun. of the band, . of the I‘eig'lme Would play is the Wishes of Germans Was 6 \ 67 Far A2 Their influence was felt strongly in British bands, where cymbals were added to the Twenty—fourth Foot in 1777, bass drum and tambourine added to the Roya1.Arti11ery in 1782, and two tambourines to the Coldstream Guards in 1785. .Although cymbals and bass drum had been used once or twice earlier, it was in Mozart's Seraglio (1781) and Haydn’s Military Symphony (l79h) that the Janizary influence was first felt outside of true military music. Michael Haydn even wrote a Turkish march for twelve instruments and percussion. One of the reasons for the emergence of other types of band instruments than thosa of the HarmonieeMusik was the necessity to balance With these new 67 percussive inclusions. F7“: late Eighteenth Century The band of the British Coldstream Guards consisted in ‘l 1783 of eight performers: two oboes, two clarinets, two horns, and two bassoons. Their only duty was to play for the parade from the Horse Guards to St. James Place, While the King’s Guard was mounted, and then back again. When they refused to perform for other functions, the officers, who had to subscribe the pay of the band, wrote a letter to the Duke of York, Colone1~in—Chief y of the regiment, suggesting that a band be organized which F would play for occasions as they desired. The Duke consented to the wishes of his officers, and a band entirely composed of Germans was employed, consisting of four clarinets, two horns, 67Farmer, Military Music, pp. 33~37- two oboes, two i negroes employs (Jingle Johnny) of band that we Regimen the War Office allowed only a regiment to be expenses for no officers of eal which encourag professional In This enthusias The R0 1792' In 1795 bassoons, two Percussion.70 from sixteen . in the lesser. for the Edinb. Solid ins-[3mm h3 two oboes, two bassoons, one trumpet, and one serpent. Three negroes employed to beat tambourines and carry a crescent (Jingle Johnny) were added shortly after. This was the type of band that was:flourishing in Germany at this time.68 Regiments of the line were allowed to raise bands, but the war Office considered it purely a matter of luxury. It allowed only a certain number of private soldiers of each regiment to be trained as musicians and specified that all expenses for music, instruments, and bandmaster be paid by the officers of each corps. Rivalry between regiments developed, which encouraged wealthy officers to engage highly trained professional men and to obtain the best instruments possible. This enthusiasm resulted in superior bands.69 r; The Royal Artillery Band consisted of ten players in 1792. In 1795 it had two horns, four or five clarinets, two bassoons, two oboes, two serpents, a flute, and a trumpet with percussion.7O In 1788 the French Guards increased their band from sixteen to twenty—four.71 Small bands were also numerous in the lesser—known units; Example No. 12, composed by R. Baille for the Edinburgh Volunteers in 179h, features a small but solid instrumentation. 68Kappey, 22~ 233-. p- 87- 69110 id . 70H. G. Farmer, History of the Royal Artillery Band, 1762— (Ibndon: Royal.Arti11ery Institution, 195h), p. uh. 71Farmer, Military Music, p. 29. “think ”0' kiln-c ‘ tlii""-‘-=" .I' u . A payoff-la Arm/a Avid Qul’ckdep LLB Emmok. m. 52.- Q'nkvwed ml. to fix on h6 EXAM "‘ Pi c “0' ’2. ‘. ‘d/ Com! nu There playing in pub century. InV eleven players side down, anc groups. In 1' were used for The i: woodwind, pm the Duke of Y about the re_ the brass.7h not introduce eighteenth (:5 bands much ea were used , pj Commemoratio: be borrowed ; in England.7 Cone the last dec Practically \ 72Gc 730K The TED A? There are records of bands of eight to twelve members playing in public concerts and parks in the late eighteenth century. In Vienna in 1781 a public concert was given by eleven p1ayers~~ the Harmonie—Musik combination with trumpet, side drum, and bass drum.72 Court events demanded larger groups. In 1782, for example, thirtyesix instrumentalists were used for a fete in honor of the Grand Duke Paul of Russia.73 The introduction of the serpent as the bass of the woodwind, previously mentioned in connection with the band that the Duke of York employed for the Coldstreams Guards, brings about the re—introduction of the trombone for that purpose for the brass.7u It is a remarkable fact that the trombone was not introduced into military bands until the last decade of the eighteenth century, although they were found in village church bands much earlier as in Norwich in 1622. When they finally were used, players were extremely scarce. For the Handel Commemoration in 178A, Burney says that the trombones had to be borrowed from the King's Military Band as the only performers in England.75 Concerning the mechanics of the Various instruments in the last decade of the eighteenth century, woodwinds were practically non—chromatic, although the system of "forking" 72Goldman, The Cencert Band, p. 3h. 73Goldman, The'Wind Band, p. 25. 71‘Russell and Elliot, op. cit., p. 22. 751bid. and half—closi The oboe had i in g and T, be and French he] latter ceased placed under ' hand, making 1 shell with a i rested low on march but was a program of The s times of the ensemble up 1 W Particula instI‘llmental in four part: Were Seldom ( 0f instnmen. Wind artistic 6ij Significance \ 76F. ir8 and half—closing of the holes did bridge the chromatic gaps. The oboe had two or three lever keys, and the flute, clarinet in g and F, bassoon, and serpent had four keys. The trumpet and French horn still employed just the overtone series; the latter ceased to be held with the bell in the air and was placed under the right arm.where it could be closed by the hand, making more pitches available. The bass drum had a shell with a width that was sometimes twice its diameter. It rested low on the abdomen. Percussion was a specialty on the march but was tacet when the band stood in a circle to perform a program of serious music.76 Conclusion The setting was now right for the musically active times of the French Revolution, but the development of the wind ensemble up to that time had not proceeded steadily or followed any particular direction. Before the eighteenth century most instrumental music was in the style of vocal music and generally in four parts. The various tonal colors of the instruments were seldom exploited, even to the point of leaving the choice of instruments to the performers. Wind ensembles gradually attained status as a means of artistic expression in their various non—military uses, but the significance of wind instruments in military music was in their 76Farmer, History of the Royal.Arti11ery Band, 1762—, p. 59. ability to ins contribution, important func ages. This we French Revolui would not have During which seem to music of the l instmmentati< military musi the armies of remained fair instruments w being the uSe No. 8) as ear centfivy inst: will: cOllibine horns , and be the Turkish 5 Music of thin Percussion .1] they Sometm ”31‘ group, li9 ability to instill patriotic spirit and emotion. This contribution, however, was not a developmental one but an important function of military music even in the late middle ages. This was to be of primary importance to the music of the French Revolution, and perhaps without this element the music would not have been significant. During the eighteenth century certain events took place which seem to appropriately lay the foundation for the wind music of the French Revolution. .Although there was no fixed instrumentation in the early part of the century, the use of military music had become quite wide-spread and acceptable in the armies of various countries. Further, these wind groups remained fairly up—to—date as far as the development of better instruments were concerned, one excellent example of this being the use of the clarinet in Marsch Prinz Anton (Example No. 8) as early as 1720. By the middle of the eighteenth century instrumentation became standardized——the Harmonie— Mugik combination of a double quartet of oboes, clarinets, horns, and bassoons. Also at this time the Janizary bands of the Turkish armies became a strong influence on the military music of Europe through their use of a rather large number of percussion instruments. When these instruments were adopted, they sometimes overbalanced the small eight~piece Harmonie— Mggik group, thereby making necessary a larger body of wind instrumentalists. The tr more important various milita pageantry and position for a One signifiicar artistic creai non-military r This was left the French Rea 50 The traditional use of a larger body of musicians for more important occasions and the rivalry that developed betWeen various military units which frequently took the form of pageantry and display were final steps which insured a secure position for a larger and more competent body of musicians. One significant step remained, and that was the fusion of an artistic creativity, which was already well—established in non—military music, and the functional military uses of music. This was left to the situations and developments surrounding the French Revolution. AN in 17' Guards, becam Tears would d Guard: the Na Conservatory Purpose, more TEVOlutionary was one of no literature, V‘ advanced inst PBdagog'lcal l a philosophic foundation fc SilSemble. The : ability to p] the city and CHAPTER THREE AN HISTORICAL SURVEY OF FRENCH WIND MUSIC WRITTEN DURING THE REVOLUTION (1789-1795) a 2/ Introduction In 1789 forty—five musicians, formerly of the French Guards, became the nucleus of a group whiCh in the next six years would develop into the Free Music School of the National Guard, the National Institute of Music, and finally the Conservatory of Music. Although it is evident that their gfi purpose, more often than not, was to take advantage of the t ,i revolutionary situation for their personal gain, the result 1 was one of notable contributions in the field of wind band literature, valuable technical developments in wind instruments, advanced instrumentation previously unheard of, acceptable pedagogical procedures applicable especially to wind instruments, a philosophical basis for the medium of the band, and a firm foundation for what is considered today’s concert band or wind ensemble. The success of such an organization depended on its ability to prove to the various political groups in control of the city and nation that music could serve a functional purpose. 51 The real "sel in stirring e: the splendor . to revo lution' however, woul after its use: fact that Par many outstand Paris for som Which promise. Iuling body. 0f the Revo lu- Certainly thi, patriotic Cit partiCjLPation However’ the ; party in POWe: that they her. situation for taking Sides : Names to in these d, 52 The real "selling point" of this music was in its usefulness in stirring enthusiasm for a popular cause and in adding to the splendor of the various festivals that became so important to revolutionary France. All of its acceptance and success, however, would have been forgotten and of little importance after its usefulness had diminished had it not been for the fact that Paris was a center of opera activity. Therefore, many outstanding composers and performers, having resided in Paris for some time, were immediately available to a group which promised some monetary support as well as favor with the ruling body. Further, the unsettled state of opera, because of the Revolution, caused a considerable amount of unemployment. Certainly this group of musicians was not without its share of patriotic citizens, and this remained its admitted reason for participation and artistic production throughout the Revolution. However, the fact that they would swing their support to the party in power——and this changed quite often—~is enough to show that they were more interested in taking advantage of the situation for personal reward and security of life than in taking sides in a bitter struggle for survival. Names such as Gossec and Mehul are constantly referred to in these developments, and they deserve special mention since they produced the majority of the related music that is considered worthy. They were, in fact, musicians of considerable fame and have a place in music history outside of these contributions, especially in the operatic field. Formal: reviews provic performed. A'. patriotic song independent w: demanded large preferred to : of sound. Conti msic school ' Guard give co although not ' Init‘ ' w Exams Suggest that, was, if not y A Te of the} military When their arn next day music3 la \ lJul‘ ii‘en . - W: JG] ’ p. 3. 53 Formal concerts with printed programs and newspaper reviews provide a wealth of information concerning the music performed. .Although the festivals were dominated by numerous patriotic songs and hymns, most concerts included several independent wind compositions. The open—air concerts necessarily demanded large groups of performers, and wind instruments were preferred to strings for the simple reason of greater volume of sound. Continued monetary support and the establishment of a music school to be operated by the musicians of the National Guard give conclusive evidence that the venture was successful although not without considerable and continuous effort. Bernard Sarrette and the Music Corps of The National Guard (1789—1792) Initial Circumstances Examples of the use of music in various civic affairs suggest that, even in the early stages of the Revolution, music was, if not yet highly organized, at least conspicuous. A Te Deum was sung at Notre Dame the day after the fall of the Bastille between the rumbling of cannon, drums, and military music.1 When the National Guard went out for the first time with their arms and uniforms, people heard military music. The next day a cortege was escorted by guards with drums and music; later an official party consisting of the Mayor of 1Julian Tiersot, Les fétes et les chants de la Revolution fran aise, trans. Ferdinand Mveng and David SwanZy (Paris: Bachette, W3. Paris and accompanie soldiers a This 6 increasingly i ensemble due 1 (hard, who, or of Music. Bernard Sarre‘ Altho Mehul were to dominant figu cOI'PS was Ber old when the the administx Obvious music Sarre desirable $01 fortune in t1 recruitment ( respe Ct, 311d; \ Co David SwanZy 3Tie St Paris and representatives of the Commune went to Versailles, accompanied by a detachment of one hundred and fifty soldiers and twelve musicians. This emphasis on military music in Paris was to become increasingly important to the early development of the wind ensemble due to the initiative of the musicians of the National Guard, who, only a few years later, founded the Conservatory of Music. F“ 29, Bernard Sarrette Although names of such notable composers as Gossec and thul were to be associated with this group of musicians, the dominant figure in the organization of this outstanding music corps was Bernard Sarette. Sarrette was only tWenty~four years ‘6 A V.“ ,, ; old when the Revolution broke out in 1789. He was a clerk in .3 the administrative office of the French Guards and had no obvious musical interest.3 Sarrette was described as one who would work to reorganize desirable foundations which had been destroyed and to make a \. Yet his activities in regard to the fortune in the process. recruitment of soldiers and musicians must have been viewed with respect, judging from his appointment to Captain soon afterward. 2Constant Pierre, B. Sarrette et les origines du Conservatorie National de Musique et de Baclamation, trans. Ferdinand Mveng and David Swanzy (Paris: Librarie Delalain Freres, 1895), pp. 16—17. 3Tiersot, 2p. £§£., pp. 3—12. On July 1. soldiers lh he was his distr The distr details 0 He was also a Guards, who h their cause. The n considered to probably no 6 of French mi] There is We cannoi We are t} weakest : Cons! many times, ; label of net with the kin and the Nati. Jthe musiCian Provide for who 00111 d me the COWe W83 attracte \ “a wt 55 On July 13, 1789, Sarrette enlisted one hundred and fifty soldiers in the district of Filles—Saint—Thomas. On July 1h he was seen recruiting soldiers, conducting them to his district, and arming them at the Chelsea Hospital. The district charged himhto command and provide for the details of these troop . He was also appointed major of the musicians of the French Guards, who had looked to him for leadership and to champion their cause. The musicians of the French Guard at this time were considered to be the best that France had ever had. This was probably no exaggeration, considering J. J. Rousseau's description of French military music in the eighteenth century. There is one thing which must be noticed, and that is that we cannot find any trumpeter in France who plays well. we are the strongest nation in Europe, but_we have the weakest military music. Conscious of the revolutionary situation and joining, many times, in its actions, the French Guards had assumed the label of national soldiers rather than continue to be associated with the king. The officials of the Commune of Paris approved, and the National Guard was informally initiated. This left the musicians unemployed, since the National Guard did not provide for them. In desperation the musicians sought a leader who could make their cause known to the National Guard and to the Commune of Paris. It was to this situation that Sarrette was attracted.6 2«Luau. 5119101. 6Ibid. Establishmen Sarr musicians fr but occasior relationship to provide 1 all the Natz' It i by the 1 with pu‘t city cor French ( to any ( off the consent salarie: lHStI‘um: Would be Guard m1 Sar: Some dealer. 1“931)0r1sib11 national Suj debt to pm A s conHume of for them, a 330) 1150, 0 d9 de’clamat rimel‘ie 56 Establishment of the Music Corps Sarrette succeeded in obtaining support for the musicians from the district of Filles—Saint—Thomas at first, but occasionally they were sent into other districts. This relationship continued until the Commune of Paris, deciding to provide for their living, formed a common music corps for all the National Guard in May of 1790. It was abnormal for the music corps to be maintained by the residents of one district when it was charged with public services. Consequently, on May h, 1790, the city council, considering that the musicians of the old French Guards had continued to operate without belonging to any company, instructed the Property Department to pay off the expenses presented by Sarrette who, with the consent of Lafayette, had agreed to provide for their ;_ salaries, their clothing, and the upkeep of their LE instruments. Mbreover, they decided that some measures would be taken to satisfy the future needs of the National Guard music. Sarrette, although not a wealthy man, had appealed to some dealers and friends for credit under his guarantee and responsibility.8 He had already seen the possibilities of \ national support of a music corps and was willing to go into debt to prove their effectiveness. A short time later the adoption of the music by the Commune of Paris was an accomplished fact. A house was rented for them, and annual salaries for the musicians were stipulated—— 330; £50, or ShO livres according to classification.9 7Pierre, 92. 333., p. 18. 81b1d., p. 19. 9Constant Pierre, Le Conservatoire National de Musique et de déclamation, documents historiques et administratifs recueillis ou reconstitues, trans. Ferdinand Mveng and David Swanzy (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1900), p. 81. The Early Nat The n the identity procession of The 1'.- National this will formed a In ti of the Revolt of the storm soldiers of J: from all the attended this Prominence or interest of 1 revolutionary; W, n11 that Was all‘( on A] in a Patriot; v W \ 101334 PI" 02 izincetons ] 57 The Early National Fetes The newspaper of the Commune gives the first proof of the identity of the National Guard music in its report of the procession of the Fete—Dieu on June 3, 1790. The holy sacrament was preceded by a big part of the National Guard music and by many drums. The sounds of this military music, mixed with the songs of thiochurch, formed a diVine concert of the highest maJesty. In the summer of 1790 the first of the great festivals of the Revolution took place. The occasion was the anniversary of the storming of the Bastille, and delegations of citizen— soldiers of the newly—formed National Guard converged on Paris from all the provinces. It is estimated that 300,000 people attended this ceremony of July lh. Political songs came into prominence on this occasion, and from this time dates the interest of the patriots in the new sacred literature of revolutionary hymns.ll One only needs to examine Gossec's Te Deum, written for this occasion, to see the artistic productivity that was already associated with this movement. On August 8 a dOZen of the group were asked to participate in a patriotic fete, and on September 20 they performed the Marche lugubre by Gossec at the parade ground for the funeral loPierre, B. Sarrette . . ., p. 20. llCornwell B. Rogers, The Spirit of Revolution in 1789 (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, l9h9), pp, 222- 223. honors of th iull score, instnmentat two horns, t drum, and te in 1790 by G 'hm clarinet Obviously ea exemplified ' was written ; five musicia: and that the on the wish copied for t} On St accePlanes o; Guard accomp, three local 4. 00130er 13’ E \ 12001 aper. généra 9b 10 I‘ . 8 a 58 honors of the citizens killed at the Battle of Nancy.12 The full score, included in the appendix of this paper, gives the instrumentation of two piccolos, tw0 clarinets, two trumpets, two horns, three trombones, two bassoons, one serpent, bass drum, and tenor drum. Parts printed for another work written in 1790 by Gossec, Marche religieuse,13 include two flutes, two clarinets, two horns, two bassoons, serpent, and trumpet. Obviously each occasion had varied importance and emphasis, as exemplified by the different instrumentations, and each composition was written for specific uses. It is assumed that the forty; five musicians, formerly of the French Guards, were available and that the parts were often doubled, especially when performed on the outside, although no indication of the number of parts copied for this particular performance has been found. On September 18, during a festival celebrating the acceptance of the constitution,11L the musicians of the National Guard accompanied a hynm by Gossec sung by the choruses of three local theaters. The acceptance was again celebrated on October 13, and again the musicians were used. Not only were l2Constant Pierre, Les Hymnes et chansons de la Revolution: apergu general et catalogue avec notices historiques, analytiques et bibliographiques, trans. David Swanzy (Paris: Imprimerie nationals, 190E}, pp. 839—860. l31bid ’ 11LKing Louis XVI accepted the constitution on September 1h, 1791. This constitution was drawn up by the National Assembly which was formed in June of 1789 by the Third Estate of the Estates-General of Louis XVI. The Third Estate, in contrast to the clergy and the nobility, was made up of representatives of the middle class. In 1789 they had become powerful enough to control the governing body. Wind instrum works such a in the 29.29 hymns accomp independent every event nearly every faith found hymns which They were a course of g] medium duer Pastime; so] then existi: Parties as , of a politi On Guard was p earlier Sta memes W0 Therefore, to the Mini and PropoSE WhiCh “01116 \ 15} 16; l7I EIZ:———:————————————————————_________________—__—'i 59 Wind instruments used as processional music but also to accompany . works such as these.15 This method had been inaugurated by Gossec in the Te Deum performed on July 1h, 1790. In fact, patriotic hymns accompanied by wind instruments were more numerous than independent instrumental works. Songs were written for almost every event of any importance throughout the Revolution, and nearly every phase of reform and every aspect of revolutionary faith found expression either in them or in the more elaborate hymns which were composed as a part of the revolutionary cults. They were a convenient way of showing how the people felt in the course of great social and political changes. The use of this medium during the Revolution was anything but an incidental pastime; songs were perhaps the most potent form of self—expression then existing, and they were exploited by the revolutionists of all parties as a major agency of propaganda. Some three thousand songs of a political nature came out between 1789 and 1800.16 On October 1h, 1791, the bill which organized the National Guard was publicly announced, but music was not mentioned. In an earlier statement (May h) the city officials had decided that some measures would be taken to satisfy the future needs of this music. Therefore, a delegation from the music corps presented a petition to the municipal council. In it they asked for their continuation and proposed a plan for the institution of a military music academy 17 Which would train men for all the troops of the armies. 15Pierre, B. Sarrette . . ., p. 21. 16Rogers, 2p. 312., pp. 5—6. l7Pierre, B. Sarrette . . ., p. 2h. Howe‘ musicians c0] of their pm] the opportun: participated \ Simon, Lefew bassoon, com} wind instrume on January 2: The n When we 1 the most he profit that the Pilblic fe a more e} deserves . The W In re the establisk Guard Were Se to attract fa . The n. 11 .18th by ”9 wQuid 60 However, without any official sanction, Sarrette and his musicians continued to function. During the time of the consideration of their proposal (October 17, 1791, to June 9, 1792), they had the opportunity to attract further public attention.- Many of them participated in the concerts of the Lycee des Arts. Gebauer, Simon, Lefevre, and Horace performed a work for clarinet, horn, and bassoon, composed by Gebauer, and songs by Gossec accompanied by wind instruments closed the concert.18 The Chronique de Paris, on January 23, 1792, commented on this performance. The merit of this performance can be evaluated easily when we think that the men who participated were probably the most talented wind instrument performers in Europe. we profit from that circumstance and pay homage to the zeal that the music of the National Guard showed during the public fetes, and we ask the National.Assembly to establish a more expansive institution which this great empire deserves. 9 The Free Music School of the National Guard (1792—1793) Establishment of the School In regard to the petition of the music corps concerning the establishment of a music school, the musicians of the National Guard were seconded by the Chronique de Paris, which attempted to attract favorable public opinion. It stated: The music of the National Guard deserves to be disting- uished by the influence it has had over the Revolution . . . We would not have known the consequence of this powerful l8Ihid. l9ihid., pp. 25—26. 61 art if we had not believed that the sums of money for its progress Were well used . . . Iafayette stated several times that he owed more to the music of the National Guard than he did to bayonets. These musicians have, in fact, participated in all the public ceremonies and in many of the actions of the Revolution. Gossec can therefore be called the musician of the Revolution, seconded by Sarrette with a zeal which is above all praise. There are now, among the instrumentalists 050this music corps, some artists of superior talent . . . Charles Villette, recalling that these musicians had participated wholeheartedly in the magnificence of the ceremony of July 11 in memory of his uncle, Voltaire, also gave support in the same newspaper. We need the Zeal of that brave citizen, Sarrette, who gathered the musicians. 'We should encourage the establishment of a military music academy . . . The sons of the members of the National Guard21 would receive free music lessons. In three or four years we could hear five or six hundred young citizens singing with their teachers, and together they could set up civic concerts which would be worthy of the best days 32 Athens and would attract attention from all of Europe. The petition for the school, presented originally to the municipal council, was referred finally to the general council of the department,23 and on June 9, 1792, a decision was reached. 2OTiersot, pp. 213., pp. 66~67. 210ver 68,000 of the inhabitants of Paris, with a population of 575,000, Were in the National Guard. 22Pierre, B. Sarrette . . ., pp. 2h~25. 23France was divided into eightyathree departments, as decreed in 1790. 62 According to their offer, the music corps agrees to train one hundred and twenty pupils of the sixty battalions, the sons of the citizens serving in the National Guard, between ten and sixteen years of age for those who have not received any musical training, and between eight and twenty years of age for those with a background in music . . . For the internal government of the school, the superintendents of the National Guard will present a regulation which will then be approved by the municipal council and by the general council of the department. The municipality will not pay for any expense for the pupil‘s education except for prizes which will be2h awarded annually to distinguished music students. Administration and Function of the School The pupils of the newly established Free Music School of the National Guard were required to take an examination upon entering in order to determine their aptitude and interest for a particular instrument. They attended two hours of solfeggio classes in addition to instrumental instruction each Week. A copying class was also offered to facilitate the copying of the music necessary for their studies. The students, along with their teachers, were required to participate in the national fetes.25 Other stipulations accompanied the June 9 decision. Students will take their lessons only at the time indicated except in the case of extraordinary circumstance. 2LLPierre, Le Conservatoire . . ., pp. 83—8h. 25Pierre, B. Sarrette . . ., p. 27. 63 Students not complying with the established rules will be suspended from school for eight days, twenty days, or a month, depending on the gravity of the offense. In case of a repeated occurrence, they may be dismissed, on a decision of a committee composed of the music commander, five teachers, and four pupils. There will be a yearly public performance in the presence of the municipal council. Every pupil must possess tge physical qualities necessary for the profession.2 The education of the students proceeded very Well, according to the following report in early 1793. The Music Corps of the National Guard of Paris . . . has already trained thirty—two students who have been sent to Regiments 102, 103, and 10h, and to the battalions of national volunteers. It has just accepted an additional one hundred and two pupils . . . This institution is directed by Sarrette and {h some other teachers Whose zeal is above all praise. ; The performance of the pieces . . . during our .f different patriotic celebrations proves their ' talents. This institution, though it deserves high praise, is still insufficient. It teaches \ only the playing of Wind instruments, but we also need schools Where the art of singing and2$he art } of stringed instruments can be perfected. Although the purpose of the music school as stated in the initial proposal was to train musicians for military functions, their use seemed pointed more toward a real educational basis Without obligation except to participate in the various local celebrations. Just how talented the accepted pupil was or how proficient the product of the school became was not definite, 26Pierre, Le Conservatoire . . ., pp. 83—8h. 27Pierre, B. Sarrette . . ., p. 30. L; 61; although the stated requirements and pedagogical procedures indicate relatively high standards. No reference was made to just how long these students remained under the direct instruction of the school, but the above quote stated that thirty~two were sent out from the school in January of 1793. This would have provided about seven months of obviously intensive instruction. Even so, this was little time to develop musicianship except for the fact that the decision establishing the school indicated that some of the students were already relatively mature musicians. Several statements also establish the fact that musicians from the school served the national cause in ways other than in the local fetes after this period of internship. In a later 3% speech Sarrette uses the fact that the school trained musicians ‘ for the troops in battle as a major selling point of a nationally— supported school. According to a decision reached by the Committee of Public Safety‘zgt their meeting of October 21, 1793, Sarrette was commissioned to form a music corps needed by the Western.Army. This certainly did not displease Sarrette, since he had been seeking the opportunity to provide the school‘s services to the authorities. 28The Committee of Public Safety functioned as the executive committee of the National Convention. In 1792 the National Convention was elected to draft a new constitution. This group replaced the National Assembly as the governing body of France. 65 In concordance with the request of the deputies of the Western.Army who want a company of twenty—one musicians, the Committee of Public Safety decides that Sarrette is commissioned to gather the musicians, to equip them, and to make all the different acquisitions in accordance with the expense record accepted by the committee. He will arrange the organization of these musicians, the type of their services, and he will have them sign an engagement contract . . . He will, moreover, use the most convenient means to 55nd these musicians and equipment to Saumur promptly. In November of 1793 the total number of teachers in the music school was fifty—four, headed by four administrators. Considering the fact that the decision of June 9, 1792, provided for the training of one hundred and twenty pupils, a ratio of nearly two students to every teacher suggests that the school was not the most important part of the musicians’ duties, but that their performances in the various festivals were still quite necessary. The faculty was further increased with thirteen supplementary people and some teachers of the Ecole Royal de Chant Who joined the newly organiZed National Institute of Music on November 21, 1793. Listed below are all of the teachers in the school at this time together with their relative rank in the organization, their instrument, and the subject taught. Administrators: Bernard Sarrette, Captain, Commandant; Francois Gossec, Lieutenant, Music Master; Jean Xavier Lefevre,30 29Pierre, Le Conservatoire . . ., p. 85. 30X. Lefevre was one of the leading representatives of the Paris school of clarinet playing Which relied on a hard, voluminous tone and brillant execution. In this school the reed was placed against the upper lip, a practice which persisted until 1831. Lefevre is credited with the addition of the sixth key on the clarinet——the 0 key. 66 Assistant Music Master, clarinet; Michel—Joseph Vinit (or Véhy), Master Sergeant, Secretary. Sergeants: .Antoine Buch, horn; Thomas Delcambre, bassoon; Francois Devienne, flute. Corporals: Jean Meric, clarinet; Francois Simonet, bassoon; Philippe Widerkehr, trombone. Teachers of the First Class: Ernest Assmann, timpani, clarinet, solfeggio, administrator in 179M; Ignace Blasius, bassoon; Brielle; Simon Catel,3l composer, solfeggio, harmony;.Andre Chelard, solfeggio, clarinet; Frederic Duvernoy, horn; Georges Duchs, clarinet, solfeggio;.André’ Gallet; Joseph Garnier; Matthias Gerber, clarinet; Frangois Guthmann, trumpet, solfeggio; Charles Hervaux, horn; Antoine Hugot, flute; Joseph Kenn, horn; Louis Lefevre, clarinet; Gabriel Leroux, solfeggio; Jean Mathieu, serpent; Etienne Ozi, bassoon; Jacques Pagniez, solfeggio; Jacques Schneitzhoeffer, flute, oboe; Guillaume Schwent, horn, solfeggio; Philippe Schwent; Henry Simrock, horn, solfeggio; Etienne Solere, Clarinet; Georges Stiglitz; Iouis Tulou, bassoon; 0thon Vandenbroeck, solfeggio, horn; Nicolas Vauchelet, trumpet; Gaspard Veillard, serpent, bassoon. Teachers of the Second Class: Ferdinand Adrien, solfeggio; Pierre Delcambre; Michel Gebauer, oboe; Etienne Horace; Claude Jerome; Marie Ialoire; Antoine Layer, clarinet; Arnauld Le Gendre, solfeggio, clarinet; Jean Paillard, horn, Iouis Voisin, clarinet. Teachers of the Third Class: Pierre Angée; Gabriel Hardouin, trumpet; Felix Miolan, oboe; Frangois Paocher; Nicolas Rochetin; Marie Sarazin, bassoon; Frederic Schreuder; JeanéMarie Hostie.32 Even without valid information concerning complete instrumentation 31Simon Catel (1773-1830) studied with Gossec and, in addition to his notable music for wind instruments, composed ten operas, one ballet, and wrote a text on harmony used at the Conservatory. 32Pierre, B. Sarrette . . ., pp. 36—37. 67 provided by performing teachers and possibly supplemented by students, a partial list of available instruments is exposed in this listing: eleven clarinets, seven horns, seven bassoons, three flutes, one trombone, one timpani, three trumpets, two serpents, and three oboes. Public Fetes and Performances, 1792~l793 On July 1h, 1792, the musicians of the National Guard participated in the annual celebration of the fall of the Bastille. For this, Gossec had written two compositions which were played—~1e Chant du 1h juillet and Hymne a la Liberté: The words to these hymns were written by M. J. Chénier, famous ‘ VJ poet and writer of the play Charles IX,33 and also a member .p of the National Convention. Yk On August 26, in the gardens of the Tuileries, there was a funeral ceremony in memory of the "brave citizens killed at the attack of the palace on August 10 for the conquest of i liberty and equality.“3h Here the musicians again played Gossec‘s March lugubre, which was immediately followed by a “powerful music.“35 The musicians of the National Guard also attended the civic festival decreed in memory of the French armies of Savoy on October lh and other patriotic celebrations in 1792.36 33Charles II, first produced in November, 1789, initiated a flood of revolutionary plays. 3hPierre, B. Sarrette . . ., p. 30. 35Ibid. 36Ibid. F__7_i 68 A series of public performances started in 1793 with the funeral of Michel Le Peletier, a Jacobin deputy murdered on January 20. After the speech of a municipal officer, the music of the National Guard filled the air with mournful sounds of a moving and gloomy music, and during the descent of the coffin, thousands of voices sang a mournful chorus of Chéhier and Gossec. The musicians' participation in the July 1h celebration was outlined at a meeting of the municipal council on July 6. As soon as the cortege enters the hall of the ConVention, the National Guard musicians will play a symphony. After the speech which will be given by the procureur general of the Commune, the same band will play a second symphony. The teachers of the music school and their students will then perform a three—part hymn followed by a large chorus.38 The National Convention also decided that there would be a republican festival in Paris 0n.August 10. Not only was the music corps asked to perform their usual pieces of music, but it was also to organize and direct the entire supplementary elements of the ceremony. 0n.August 3 Sarrette received authorization to hire, for the occasion, the following: (1) one hundred and fifty musicians for the orchestras of performance, dance, and pantomime at a cost of ten livres per musician for the performance and five livres for the preliminary rehearsals; (2) twelve musicians for the direction of each orchestra, at a cost of twenty livres per musician; (3) a first violinist who would direct the apcompaniment of the pantomime, at a salary of fifty livres.3 371bid., p. 31. 381bid., p. 32. 391bid., p. 33. /\ 69 A salary of one hundred livres was a1SO authorized for the head director. In addition to the above listed instrumentalists, payments of tWelve livres to each of thirty musicians in the chorus, one hundred and ten livres to the students of the music school for their dinners, and one thousand livres for the copying of music were made. The organs of four churches were brought to Federation Field, and each organist received fifty livres.ho The National Institute of Music (1793—1795) Proposal of the Institute Sarrette and his musicians had become firmly established through the assistance of the municipal government. By making their services available also to the National Convention for a nominal fee, has they had done in.August of 1793, a new possibility became apparent. They envisioned an even more stable situation if the National Convention would give permanent monetary support to their cause. On November 8, 1793, a delegation from the general council of the Commune of Paris, accompanied by all of the musicians of the National Guard, was received by the Convention. After an introductory speech, the group performed a march causing considerable enthusiasm};l Then Sarrette was allowed to speak in behalf of the musicians. hOIbid. hl”It was not unusual for the National Convention to relax from its busy schedule by reviewing various performances related to the national cause. They entertained numerous delegations at their sessions and frequently permitted these visitors to perform in their presence. On July h, 1793, for example, groups of young citizens tWice regaled the Convention with song. On the following day several delegations together sang a Hymn to Liberty and other patriotic songs accompanied by drums and musical instruments." Rogers, 2p. pip. p.18. 70 The music corps of the National Parisian Guard, formed by the union of the finest artists in Europe in the field of wind instruments, asks for the establishment of a national music institute where, under the auspices of the Republic, the artists will be able to maintain and improve their knowledge . . . The musicians have two primary functions—~the operation of a music school and performances in the public festivals. Concerning education, the result we obtained in the . . . music academy formed under the auspices of the municipality shows what this kind of institution can become if it is developed by more powerful means. The artists who are so indispensable for the performances in our national holidays will be trained in that institute. There will be three or four hundred musicians placed in the heart of the Republic who will be sent to the fetes cele— brated throughout the Republic, and they will bring character and energy there . . . The union of the artists on the National Guard . . ., dominated by the principles of liberty and equality, performs all of its civic duties. They know how to cultivate their art and how to make it a respected part of festivities . . . In a newly—created national institute, we will not only participate in the festivities of the public holidays, but we will also perform magnificent public concerts. The result of this kind of institution will be invaluable because it will give choirs of young boys and girls the opportunity to adorn our plays and our celebrations, no less magnificent than the spectacles of Greece where music and poetry were majestic ornaments. Liberty reigns in a republic which is established on virtue . . . The last and more interesting motive of this institution will be found in the ones who, trained in the institute, will have a less transcendent talent. They will join that part of the society which, after having worked hard at their various jobs, will celebrate the virtues and the flavors of the revolution under the holy tree of liberty. The proposition of Sarrette, obscure in its initial considerations, and explained with a ludicrous and nonsensical thierre, B. Sarrette . . ., p. hO. 71 phraseology, rallied the convention members, who were already convinced that music for national holidays was desirable. He was applauded and the proposition was immediately adopted}L3 Before leaving, the musicians played Hymne de la Liberté, words by Chéhier and music by Gossec. Then Sarrette announced that the students also Wished to be heard, adding that the recruitment of musical talent fromGermanymL could now cease because of the newly—trained group of young French musicians. The students played a symphony, followed by the air, ga;i£a.h5 It was even suggested by some of the members of the Convention hBIbid. uh"Despite domestic upheaval and foreign invasion, a fairly considerable number of German artists continues to reside in Paris. And when the Conservatoire, in 1795, replaced the music of the Garde Nationals of 1793, an imposing minority left over from this aggregation of wind instruments, teachers in our national school of music, bore Germanic names. The reason was that, in the course of the 18th Century, the military bands had been recruited in great part from.among Swiss and German musicians, who were pointedly superior to the French in this particular field. So . . . we find in the band of the Garde . . . the three Blasiuses, Beer, Buch, Domnich, Guthmann, Kern, Asmann, Gerber, Schneitzhoeffer, Schreuder, the two Schwents, Simrock, Stiglitz, Widerkehr, Vandenbrock, the two Gebauers, and Eler." J. G. Prod‘homme, "Austro—German Musicians in France," Music Quarterly, XV (1929), pp. 190—191. 115"The lyrics of Ahl 3a ira were written by the street Singer, Ladre, to a popular new dance tune, Le carillon national of Bécourt. The optimistic expression "ca ira" i"it will succeed", was a favorite of Benjamin Franklin, to whose influence has been attributed the popularity of the slogan in Paris. The song remained in vogue throughout the Revolution; it appeared in a great number of editions and parodies, the words being revised and adapted to changing circumstances. The text, at first cheerful in tone, became sinister indeed in certain of the later versions." Rogers, 92- cit” p. 8. 72 that the usefulness of such an institution in all departments be investigated, but this motion did not win favorable supportlt6 late 1793 Concerts and Festivals On November 19 Sarrette and Gossec, representing all the musicians, met with representatives of the Committee of Public Instruction of the National Convention in order to present written invitations to a concert which was to take place the next day at the Feydeau Theater. For the first time these artists were going to perform a concert devoted exclusively to music. One of the requirements of the Free Music School of the National Guard, as stated in June, 1792, was an annual public concert in the presence of the members of the municipal council. When he organized this concert, Sarrette wanted to conform to that obligation and, at the same time, to create a favorable opinion for his institution by a brilliant demonstration of the talents of the musicians of the National Guard. In addition to the various invited officials, a group of spectators was attracted to the concert by the reputation of the artists whose names had been announced. The Journal de Paris wrote a day later: Never before has Paris presented such a complete reunion of talents of the first order in the field of wind instruments; people have never heard such lovely music with such effectiveness.h7 LL6Pierre, B. Sarrette . . ., pp. h3—hh. Maia, p. 1.7. 73 The same newspaper also listed the compositions performed, together with corresponding comments. Ouverture)‘L8 for wind instruments by Catel, student of Gossec, with an absolutely new character. Its results are terrific. Symphonie concertante for flute, oboe, horn, and bassoon by Devienne, performed by the composer, Sallantin, F. Duvernoy, and Ozi with such perfection that we would not have imagined it within the capabilities of these artists had we not known that anything is possible to artists who do not disdain polishing the gifts of nature by constant practice. Symphonie concertante for ten wind instruments, in which the famous Gossec joined together the merits of a difficult and harmonious composition, full of life and grace. Hymns patriotique by Catel in which we have notiCed how pleasing the accompaniment of all the wind instruments is for the listeners; its sound, Which is similar to the sound of the voices themselves, makes the harmony parts easier to hear. March funébre by Gossec. 0 salutarish9 by Gossec, transcribed for three horns. Trio for two Clarinets and bassoon by X. Lefevre. Ronde nationals et l’Hymne a la Liberté'by Gossec.SO On December 10 the musicians of the National Guard participated in a civic festiVal which took place in the Temple de la Raison in front of Notre Dame to which the National Convention had been invited by the municipality. They played the following seven pieces of music. hBThe full score to an overture by Catel, known to have been performed on December 10, 1793, is included in the appendix. This may Very well have been the same selection. h9This work was originally written in 1782 for three voices. 50 Pierre, B. Sarrette . . ., p. M7. 7b Ouverture51 by Catel; Choeur, ode patriotique by CEtel; symphonic concertante by Gossec; Air des Marseillaise, 2 harmonized by Gossec; Marche fun8bre by Gossec; Choeur by Gossec; and Ouvertur by Mehul. With all the available resources, instrumentation of these numbers on the last two concerts still indicated reservations about consistently using a large group of wind instrumentalists, although quite a diversity was evident. Catel's Ouverture had parts for piccolo, two clarinets, two trumpets, two horns, bass trombone, two bassoons, and timpani. The instrumentation of the symphonie concertante by Devienne included four solo instruments, and two other selections were written for only three instruments. The entire instrumentation of Gossec’s symphonic concertante for ten wind instruments can not be established because several parts have been lost, but probably the instruments were piccolo, flute, clarinet, two oboes, two horns, two bassoons,and serpent. Méhul’s Ouverture parallels Catel’s with the addition of a serpent. 51See Appendix for full score. 52Written and composed by Rouget de Lisle on April 2h, 1792. ”So violent was the language of this revolutionary hymn that it served to prompt Frenchmen to ruthless acts of hatred and vengeance in the course of civil strife, as well as to incite them in their national struggles to sublime acts of patriotic devotion. On November 2h, 1793, the Public Safety Committee decreed that the Marseillaise should be played at all theatrical performances in the Republic regularly on all the décadi (tenth day under the new revolutionary calender) or at any time the public may demand it." Rogers, 2p. git., PP. 12—21. 53See Appendix for full score. 5LLPierre, B. Sarrette . . ., p. 5b. 75 Gossec, on the other hand, at times extended the instrumentation with several additional parts, but he had more experience with this type of concert than the other composers. For his March funebre be copied the following parts: piccolo, two; clarinet, two; trumpet, one; horn, one; trombone, three; bassoon, two; serpent, one; tuba corva, one; tam~tam, and drum or timpani. Another view of a festival, in memory of the victories of the French armies, is given in detail below in order to see music's importance to the total ceremony. The day (December 30) began at seven o'clock with a salvo of artillery from the west end of the Ile de Paris . . . The procession was formed. First in the order of march came a detachment of cavalry, preceded by trumpeters . . ., then forty—eight cannon, drawn by artillery—men of the sections; groups of citiZens representing Popular Societies, Revolutionary Committees, the law—courts, the commune, the department, and the ministers, all carrying appropriate banners. They were followed by the Conquerors of the Bastille. Then came the fourteen triumphal cars. In front of them marched girls dressed in white, With tricolor sashes, carrying laurel—branches. Between them marched armed detachments from the sections, led by flag—bearers and chanting songs of victory. After them marched the members of the Convention, surrounded by a tricolor ribbon—— symbol of their unity—— held by the oldest and the youngest soldiers in the country. Last of all, pgpceded by the band of the National Guard, came David's masterpiece, the car of Victory . . . The procession marched first to the Temple de l'Hhmanité, where the bands played, and the President of the Convention made a speech to the Invalides; then on to the Champ de la Federation (Champ de Mars), where a hymn was sung in the Temple de 1'Immortalité, and the White—robed girls laid 55David was the leading painter of the Revolution who arranged much of the artistic features for the various fetes. He was also a member of the National Convention. 76 their laurels on the triumphal cars. Finally, cheered by the ”warlike music" of the band, and the "triumphant chanting" of the people, the General Council of the Commune led the wounded warriors back to the gcivil and fraternal banquet" that ended an edifying day.5 Steps Toward Definite Establishment During the intermission at the concert of November 20 for governmental officials, Sarrette gave a speech, profiting by the presence of some members of the National Convention. This music must be considered in three different ways; in the public fetes, as a military music, and in the field of education. There is no Republic without national holidays and no national holiday without music. The first of these truths is proved by the kind of government and by the example of all the peoples who preceded us. This truth has been felt so deeply that a decree established celebrations in a very positive way. Everyone knows the effects of music and its power over feelings . . . Instruction is very necessary because not all music prompts the result we expect for the fetes and battles, and further, all the instruments must not be used indifferently. The composers discuss their works in the Institute, and they adopt or reject the different characters which can be given to their compositions according to the expected result. In the same Institute we train the students for performance in our fetes. Others are trained who must be sent to the departments for their festivals or to the armies to entertain the warlike spirit in the garrison and in battle. Because the public spectacles must be guided in order to excite and keep the republican spirit in the souls of the spectators, music has an important role, and education will help us to place well~trained musicians in these various public fetes . . . 56J. M. Thompson, The French Revolution (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1955), pp. hlh—Elg. 77 Because the national holidays can only be held in the open air, stringed instruments cannot be used. The quality of their sounds does not allow them.to be heard. "We must then prefer the wind instruments only, over which the atmosphere does not have the same influence; their volume of sound is eight times greater than the volume of stringed instruments. This institute has already proved its usefulness, not only through the musicians it has trained, but also by its discoveries in the instrumental area. The composers, who are accustomed to producing music for theaters and concert halls, noticed that they did not have the same results in open air when the same instrumentation was used. They searched for a solution. From the ancient Greeks they reconEtructed the tuba corva and from the JeWS, the buccin. 7 The tuba corva was a part of the ornaments of the ancient coach of Voltaire. Its given shape and dimensions were calculated by the composers, and the sound which was needed was produced very successfully. The second instrument, the buccin, produces an absolutely new and terrific sound. 'We can hear this instrument at a quarter of a mile away. There are only three notes possible, but §8construction allows the musicians to change pitch. Sarrette also pointed out in his speech that J. J. Rousseau had favored an institute such as they were planning. A day after this memorable speech the Committee of Public Instruction and the Committee of Public Safety allowed thirteen S7Grove’s Dictionary of Music and Musicians suggests that the cornu, a Roman instrument, was the basis, at least in name, for both the buccin and the tuba corva. Originally called buccin as an early Roman signalling instrument made of an animal's born or wrought in metal, it became the cornu in late classical usage. The cornu was a longer instrument than its predecessor, curved in a wide circle with a tube gently expanding and terminating in a trumpet~like bell beside the player’s head. The tube length was approximately eleven feet, with a wide and shallow mouthpiece limiting the range to three or four of the lower partials (g,b,d’(f’),g'). Sarrette refers to this instrument as the tuba corva. The earlier term was revived for the buccin, Which was really just a fancy design of trombone, the bell curving upwards in imitation of the cornu and terminating in a painted dragon's head. Sarrette implies that the buccin was more limited in range than the trombone, however. 58Pierre, B. Sarrette . . ., pp. h8—h9. 78 artists to join the music group on a provisional basis. Composers: J. Francois Lesueur and Etienne Méhul for 125 livres per month. Teachers of the First Class: Frederic Blasius, violin; Pierre Blasius, violin; Jacques Cornu, serpent, bassoon; Henry Domnich, horn; Francois Gebauer, bassoon; Alexandre Hardy, bassoon; Rodolphe Kreutzer, violin; Henry Levasseur, Violoncello; Pierre Marciliac, solfeggio, trombone; Joseph Roget, solfeggio, ba Esoon; Francois Sallantin, oboe; for 71 livres per month. 9 Quite conspicuous, in addition to the notable composers, Were the string teachers who appeared with the Institute for the fhstthm. As were the other musicians, they were paid by the City of Paris for a few months. However, the Committee of Public Instruction, in March of l79h, decided that all of the musicians would be paid by the state—~a real stride toward definite establishment at the national level. Only two regular appointments were made until the decree establishing the Conservatory of Music in.August of 1795—— Cherubini and Charles Duret—-, but many artists such as Dalayrac, Hermann, L. Jadin, H. Jadin, Berton, and P. Rode, were provisionally admitted to the National Institute during the years Nut—1795.60 Sarrette was constantly seeking additional monetary allotments for his musicians. On January 10, 179A, he presented a plan to the Committee of Public Instruction concerning state 59Pierre, Le Conservatoire . ., p. 92. . . ., p. 53. 60Pierre, B. Sarrette 79 subsidy for publishing selected music of the national holidays.61 The "Magasin," as the association was called, hoped to bring out, in the form.of a monthly serial, scores for the decadal and national festivals. Before the support of the state, merchants were paying composers tw0 or three hundred livres for manuscripts from which the merchants realiZed as much as forty or fifty thousand. .After agreeing that the proposal would improve public spirit and offer a means of strengthening the moral effect of civic festivals, the committee decreed that 550 copies of the proposed serial would be provided to the government for a sum of 33,000 livres. The new publication, Musique a l'usage des fetes nationales,62 consisted of twelve issues and contained scores by Catel, Cherubini, Gossec, Lesueur, Mehul, and others. The Magasin, encouraged by its success in obtaining a subsidy for its serial publication of music for festivals, projected a second enterprise. The new plan called for the issuance of a collection of songs and romances civiques in the form of a journal. The Committee of Public Safety viewed the proposal favorably, and on July 9, l79h, decreed: The.Association of.Artists, Musicians, and Composers shall distribute to the various armies of the Republic, on land and sea, 12,000 copies of patriotic songs and hymns such as are suitable for prOpaggting the republican spirit and the love of public virtues. A 63 611bid., p. 56. 62The only existing complete set of the twelve issues is in the library of the Conservatoire in Paris, and this is the only known source for much of this music. 63Rogers, op. 332., pp. 21—23. 6th id . —7———i" 80 for the support of this journal for one year the government paid in installments a total of over 60,000 livres.65 This type of government subsidy for music of a patriotic nature was not unusual, and it contributed greatly to the spread of patriotic songs and hymns. Another example of this was the Convention's purchase, at a cost of over 2,000 livres, of 2500 copies of Imbault's elaborately prepared edition of hymns sung at the Festival of.August 10, 1793. For the Festival of July it, 179A, it subsidized the distribution of 8000 copies of la bataille de Fleurus and Chant du depart; in 1795 it paid Perrin 1200 livres to furnish the forty-eight sections of Paris with 12,000 copies of his hymn in honor of Jean Jacques Rousseau.66 During this time the National Institute of Music was in a very uncertain position because it was under the control of both the City of Paris and the State. Although the National Convention had agreed to establish a national institute, and some steps had been taken toward financial obligation, it had not arrived at a decision concerning its organiZation. Sarrette continued to appeal to the Committee of Public Instruction to improve this position with some success. The committee arrived at the following decisions on March 19, l79h. (l) The refunding of an amount of h570 livres to Sarrette for the expenses he personally paid until February 19. (2) The extra payment of an amount of 1200 livres every month since February. 65Ibid. 66Ibid. 81 (3) The Committee of Public Safety is delegated to control the use of this money. (h) Sarrette is to justify the number of musicians of the National Guard. Another decision of the same committee in the following month shows even more headway toward the complete establishment of the National Institute of Music. The Committee of Public Safety decides that the national house called Menus, situated on Berger Street, will 68 henceforth belong to the National Institute of Music. . . Sarrette's Arrest Howaver, a more serious development had occurred that ‘6 was to hinder the Institute’s progress for some time. On March ‘ 25, 179A, Sarrette was arrested for certain political accusations, later found to be untrue. The following letter written by Vény, Secretary of the Music of the National Guard, was partially responsible for his release a month later. The importance of this accusation seems to be rather insignificant as far as music is concerned, but the incident emphasizes Sarrette's indispensability to the Institute. During the absence of Sarrette I will take care of all the useful and necessary interventions in order to accelerate the execution of the orders of the Committee of Public Safety . . . I will try . . . to justify the confidence given to me by my unfortunate friend (Sarrette). 67Pierre, Le Conservatoire . . ., p. 95. 68Ibid., p. 95—96. r—___ But . . . I must remind you that only Sarrette had the direction of this useful institution. Gossec and the other artists who were his colleagues spend all of their time in teaching because they trusted in Sarrette for the administration and the continuation of the institute he had founded. For a month I have been able to take the place of Sarrette because I know almost everything about his actions. If, in order to continue my own obligations, I cease to carry out his functions, this institution will surely meet a lot of troubles . . . I forsee the necessity of this . . ., and in order to maintain the Institute, I request that Sarrette obtain his temporary freedom with a guard for the tgme the organization of the music corps will last . . . 9 To this request Gossec added, "I ask that this letter be considered carefully."7O Vény’s request was granted. Sarrette began to work immediately for his unqualified release. He sent the following request to the General Security Committee. Sarrette, arrested by a decision of the General Security Committee . . ., was given his temporary freedom with a guard in order to execute the orders of the Committee of Public Safety concerning the training of the music corps for the service of the Northern.Army. He asks for his liberty from the General Security Committee and the return of full ownership of his house, which contains some music scores absolutely necessary for the organization of the national festivals and the people’s concerts demanded by the Committee of Public Safety. He reminds the committee that his funds do not allow him to provide for the expense of a guard. He therefore asks for justice. This request was followed by a declaration of the staff of the National Institute of Music, attesting to the innocence 69Pierre, B. Sarrette . . ., pp. 68—69. 70Ibid. 71Ibid., p. 71. :w—— w ‘7 83 of Sarrette and to the needs of the Institute, and was signed by Gossec, Mehul, and Lesueur. Immediately the General Security Committee decided to give Sarrette his unconditional freedom.72 Performances in l79h For some unknown reason the students' concert that Sarrette had decided to give on March 19, l79h, was postponed until May 30. He chose the Feydeau Theater for this presentation and asked for the necessary permission from.the Committee of Public Safety on May 2h. The National Institute of Music plans to give a concert on May 30 at 5:30 p. m. In this concert the students trained for a year in the Institute will be heard before a part of them goes and Serves the armies of the Republic. As the Feydeau Theatre is the only one which is nicely arranged for a musical performance, the Institute asks the Committee of Public Safety to requisition the hall for this day, and to have it prepared as usual for the concerts given by the administration of that theater.73 Among the pieces of music presented at this concert were Stances by Gossec; Ouverture by Mehul; Choeur patriotique by Gossec; marche militaire by Lefevre; symphonic by Devienne; and the second symphonie concertante for flute, oboe, horn, and bassoon by Geveaux.7h Again a glance at various instrumentations seems appropriate, especially in view of a few new circumstances which were developing. , 72ibid., p. 72. 73Pierre, Le Conservatoire . . ., p. 96. 7hPierre, B. Sarrette . . ., p. 77. F_,________r_w 8h Parts for Gossec’s Stances included eight first soprano and eight second soprano voices, accompanied by two first clarinets, two second clarinets, two first horns, two second horns, two trumpets, two bassoons, and one serpent. Accompaniment to Gossec's Choeur patriotique included two flutes, two clarinets, two horns, two bassoons, one serpent, and timpani. LefEVre’s parts to marche militaire included two clarinets, two horns, two trumpets, three trombones, two bassoons, one serpent, and timpani. Of special note are the parts copied for Devienne‘s symphonie. String parts were in abundance, classically balanced with woodwinds with two serpents (five first violins, six second violins, five violas, five violoncellos, two basses, two oboes, two hrons, two serpents, bassoon, and timpani). On May 15 a decree from the Committee of Public Safety asked the Committee of Public Instruction to take all of the necessary measures for the execution of the Festival of the Supreme Being, to be held on June 8. Sarrette receiVed a hymn from the Committee of Public Safety on June 3 which was to be set to music by Gossec for this ceremony. This particular hymn, with words by Chéhier, was for mass participation by the public. Some writers reported: I The members of the Music Institute went into the street to teach the hymn . . . Gossec was charged with the market area; Zimmermann and Lesueur exploited the boulevards; Méhul stood in front of the Institute entrance; and all of them, standing on a chair or landmark, sang at the top of their voices with the accompaniment of a violin . . . 5 75£Ei§-, pp. 79—80. 85 Although it seems unusual to have such notable musicians resort to this type of public display, other accounts of similar tactics support the idea that this was a popular device for presenting political songs to the people. Mention was made in the Chronique de Paris of a patriotic song which had been sung on the Pont—Neuf "to the great pleasure of all those present and of the singers, who made a considerable sale."76 The singers sold brochures-~leaflets of two or four pages—~which carried the words, and sometimes the music, of the pieces of their repertoire. The Chronique de Paris also reported the following record of an observer. Yesterday evening as I passed by the Pont—au—Change, I saw a man on a platform, surrounded by a great crowd of spectators . . ., playing the violin and singing familiar airs and patriotic stanzas. It was the general practice of these street singers to adapt new words to airs which were already popular. In fact, of the approximately 3000 songs of the French Revolution which are known, only 150 were written to new music.78 Certain of these new airs were also used repeatedly with new words to Heat the changing times, such as the Chant du depart which served forty revolutionary songs, and the Marseillaise, the most frequently re—used of all.79 76Rogers, pp. 323., pp. 7—11. 77Ibid. 78Ibid. 79Ibid. 86 Another practice developed at this time which furthered the vast circulation of patriotic songs was their use in the public theaters and opera houses. Early in the Revolution actors adopted the practice of singing one or more partiotic songs in the course of a performance, and, if the songs were well~known, the audience would join in unison. Particularly popular was the singing of political songs at the intermissions. Also, by 1790, propaganda plays with revolutionary themes were produced, and in the course of many of these, patriotic songs relating to the development of the story were interpolated.80 An appeal from the National Institute of Music to the schools was made so that the young pupils could also learn the songs for the Festival of the Supreme Being. We ask you to send the primary school students of your section to the Institute on Joseph Street this :fternoon at 3:00 ozclock to rehearse the hympl, . . to e sung at the Festival of the Supreme Being. According to the plans of the painter, David, who had arranged the artistic features of many of the fetes,82 the students of the National Institute formed the fourth group with a hundred drums. The music corps, which preceded the members of the National Convention, were to play patriotic tunes. 8OIbid., p. ll. 81Pierre, B. Sarrette . . ., p. 80. 82Lydia Hoyt Farmer, A Short History of the French Revolution (New York: Thomas I. Crowell & Co., 1889), p. 533. 87 At the reunion field, this group played Hymne a l’Etre supreme and then a grande symphonie. Trumpet players were placed on a column to indicate to the crowd the beginning of each stanza of the Marseillaise, sung by some groups gathered on the hill and led by a choir of professional singers.83 On June 29, after receiving word of the victory at Fleurus, the National Convention authorized a celebration of the successes of the armies of the Republic. That same night the National Institute was requested to perform civic songs in the Tuileries Gardens. On this short notice the group could only perform music of their common repertoire. However, Catel quickly composed Hymne la Victorie sur la bataille de fleurus. Hymne a l‘Etre supreme and Hymne des Marseillais were also sung by a large chorus.8h For the annual ceremonies of July 1h and.August 10 the Committee of Public Safety allowed Sarrette to use all of the musicians of the theaters of Paris who were necessary for the formation of a large band. During the preparations for these two events the National Convention, on July h, received word of new victories won by the armies of the North. Prompted by this information, theipresident of the Convention.Announcedz The National Institute of Music will celebrate the victories about whéch you have just heard at 8:00 p. m. in the national gardens. 5 83Pierre, B. Sarrette . . ., p. 81. Bthid., p. 85. 853mm, p. 86. 88 Because the artists were preparing for the festival of July 1h, it was possible to meet this immediate demand in grand style. Seventyeeight singers, selected from the choruses of the theaters of Paris, and thirty instrumentalists were used. Performed on this program were Hymne a l’Etre supreme, Hymne a la Victoria, Hymne i la Liberte, all by Gossec, and 8? Ia bataille de Fleurus and Chant du departaéby Mehul. With these last few impromptu festivals a new way of celebrating was introduced which gave considerably more importance to the Institute. Instead of the music being just a part of an expansive organization of symbolic corteges, parades, and speeches, it now became the primary element in the ceremonies because of its value and reputation as an ever— ready organization requiring little preparation. An additional consideration was that, with less planning necessary, more festivals could now be permitted. Sarrette took advantage of these developments by showing the importance of his performing staff of musicians and by supplementing his group with other musicians for special occasions. One hundred and eighteen supplementary musicians for the celebration of the fall of Ostende on July h had already been used.88 On July 9 another supplementary group was approved by a decision of the Committee of Public Safety. 86For this festival the National Convention subsidized the distribution of 8000 copies of la bataille de Fleurus and Chant du depart. Rogers, 9p. £33., p. 2h. 87Pierre, B. Sarrette . . ., p. 86. 88Ibid. 89 The National Institute of Music is allOWed to engage 2hO musicians for the playing of wind and stringed instruments for the concert of July 1h. These musicians W881 receive an allowance of fifteen livres per person. The National Institute of Music occasionally went to unnecessary trouble and expense because of planned festivals being cancelled. One such festival, scheduled on June 18, was postponed until July 18 because June 18 was too near the time of the Festival of the Supreme Being. Then the festival was again postponed until July 28 and again until August 7 because of the political unrest due to the fall of Robespierre. Finally, the festival was entirely cancelled because it was scheduled too near to the one on August 10.90 The National Institute proposed the following program to the Committee of Public Safety to be performed on July 1h. Ouverture de Démophon, Hymne h l’Etre supréme, Ouverture d’Iphigenie, La bataille de Fleurus, Chant du depart, Choeur d‘Ernelinde, the last movement of the Symphony in C by Haydn, march de Chateauvieux, Marseillaise Hymn, Ha ira, Carmagnole, and Le pas de chargejI The Committee of Public Safety requested that two compositions be performed in addition to those listed by the Institute: Ie Pas de Charge des Sans—Culottides and a Haydn minuet. For another work performed at this time, Pas de Charge du 10 Aout (composer unknown), the large number of parts copied testify to the elaborate instrumentation of this concert: twenty first violins, twenty second violins, fifteen violas, twelve 891mm, p. 88. 9OIbid., p. 92. 9libid., p. 89. 9O violoncellos, six basses, six flutes, four first clarinets, three first horns, three second horns, two first trumpets, four second trumpets, eight bassoons, ten serpents, and two timpani.92 This concert, more diversified than ever before, was made possible by the use of additional musicians, many of them certainly players of stringed instruments. One hundred and thirty—five supplementary instrumentalists were used, mostly musicians from.local theaters. Ninety—eight vocalists of the various theaters were also employed.93 0n.August 5 the Committee of Pubiic Safety presented the plan for the festival of the Storming of the Tuileries on August 10, in which the main part was to be a concert, followed by civic songs and dances. Included on the concert were Catel’s Hymne a la Victorie sur la bataille de Fleurus, Mehul’s Le chant des Victories, Rouget de Lisle's La Marseillaise, Gossec‘s Hymne a l’Etre supréme and Hymne a Egalite,M€hul's Chant de depart, Ouverture9h by I. Jadin, Ouverture95 by Mehul, and Symphonie en ut by Gossec.96 Jadin’s instrumentation was quite outstanding, compared to similar selections in the past, and Gossec continued to extend his large instrumentation to the limit. Jadin’s parts to Ouverture included two piccolos, two flutes, two oboes, two clarinets, two trumpets in C, two 92Pierre, Les Hymnes . . ., pp. 839—860. 93Pierre, B. Sarrette . . ., pp. 90—91. 9hSee Appendix for full score. 958ee Appendix for full score. 96Pierre, B. Sarrette . . ., p. 93. 91 horns in C, trombone, two bassoons, serpent, and timpani. Gossec‘s Symphonie en ut was a landmark in band instrumentation: six piccolos, six first clarinets, six second clarinets, third and fourth clarinets (oboes), two first horns, two second horns, six bassoons, four serpents, six bass viols, a buccin or tuba corva, and three trombones. For the next national festival, schedule for September 21, a double purpose was cited since there had been several officials who had complained about the large number of fetes. The removal of the remains of Marat, a political leader who had been assassinated, was made to coincide with the celebration of the victories of the Republic. A march guerriere for the arrival of the Convention at the—Eatianal_g§rdEn followed by an overture by Catel began the concert. Next was Le chant des Victories by Chénier and Méhul and Hymne a la Fraternité by Desorgnes and Cherubini, both receiving their first performance at this time. Then the Symphonie9 of L. Jadin and the Chant du depart concluded the first part of the ceremony.98 The second part of the concert included "a large chorus for the glory of the martyrs of liberty and its defenders"99 by Cherubini with words by Chénier. Eighteen thousand printed copies of the various hymns were distributed for the celebration.100 975ee Appendix for full score. 98Pierre, B. Sarrette . . ., p. 9h. 99Ibid. loorbid. 92 On October 10 J. J. Rousseau‘s remains, to be trans— ferred to the Pantheon, reached Paris and was met by a delegation from the National Convention, escorted by the National Institute of Music playing Rousseau’s du Devin du Village. The next day, to announce the arrival of the National Convention, the band played Marche militaire101 by X. Lefevre. For the cortege the Institute played some songs by the philosopher, and later played Hymne a J. J. Rousseau by Chenier and Gossec.102 With the festival of October 21, 1'evacuation du territoire, the last one of the year, the Institute recovered its more important role. Processions in which the Convention was an important part were disliked, and the excessive length of the ceremonies tired the people. ConsequentLy, on the proposition of Chenier, military parades took the place of these spectacles.103 For a November 7 concert Sarrette again invited the members of the Committee of Public Instruction to the Feydeau Theatre. This program was particularly interesting in that it shOWed more variety in both the type of works performed and the composers represented. Although wind music still dominated, vocal solos, duets, choruses, and the use of strings Were more evident than ever before. 101See Appendix for full score. IOQPierre, B. Sarrette . . ., p. 95. 10311318 . 93 Ouverture pour instruments a ventloh by MEhul, previously played on December 10, 1793. Air by Langle, sung by Rosine, student of the School of Song. Nouvelle symphonie concertante by Devienne for flute, oboe, horn, and bassoon. Choeur patriotique by Lesueur. Ouverture pour instruments a vent by Catel.lQ§ Duo by Cherubini, sung by Rosine and Richer. Nouvelle symphonie concertante for violin and Violoncello by Kreutzer. La bataille de Fleurus, a grand choeur by Catel.lo6 For comparison the following accompanying instrumentation is given for Lesueur's Choeur patriotique: two piccolos, two flutes, twenty clarinets, four oboes, four trumpets, six horns, six horns in C, six bassoons, three serpents, three trombones, one tuba—corva, one tam~tam, four bass viols, and ten bassoons on the chorus parts. A record of thewparts copied for Catel‘s Ouverture gives another excellent source in determining instrumentation at this time: first piccolo, two; second piccolo, two; first flute, two; second flute, two; first clarinet in C, seven; first born in F, three; second horn in F, three; first trumpet in F, one; second trumpet in F, one; trombone, thSee Appendix for full score. 105See Appendix for full score. 106Pierre, B. Sarrette . . ., p. 101. 91L three; first bassoon, four; second bassoon, four; serpent, four; timpani, two; and four string basses. As of earlier performances, reviews of this concert were excellent, and again advantages of the institute were pointed out. The advantages of this institute are innumerable. It is impossible to present a greater gathering of talent . It could very well become the outstanding first~rank school of this kind in Europe. 07 Internal Organization of the Institute The last few months had been demanding ones for the musicians, but Sarrette had organized the administrative duties of the Institute quite well. For the national holidays Gossec, Mehul, and Cherubini were assigned the task of composing and choosing the pieces to be performed. Delcambre was responsible for the copying of the approved compositions. Devienne, F. Duvernoy, Ernest Assmann, and Pagniez took charge of every detail concerning performances, including the transportation of instruments and gathering the supplementary musicians. Sarrette kept up correspondence with the authorities, issued orders concerning performances, and cared for the functions of the Institute. Devienne, F. Duvernoy, Pagniez, and Ernest Assmann were concerned with supervision of teachers and students.108 l07Ibid., pp. lOQ—loh. lOBIbid., pp. 96-101. 95 Except on the tenth and fifteenth day of each month the students had to attend classes daiLy from 8:00 a. m. to 1:00 p. m. There were twenty—two classes of solfeggio, three of violin, two of cello, one of bass, three of flute, three of oboe, eleven of clarinet, five of bassoon, six of horn, two of trumpet, one of trombone, and one of timpani. The more advanced students gathered together every ten days for group rehearsals under the direction of Lefevre and Catel. Gossec, Mehul, Issueur, and Cherubini assisted in teaching and in the general organization during these rehearsals.lo9 As the number of students (eighty in 179h) exceeded by little the number of teachers (sixty), the teachers spent little time in teaching. They were occupied, however, by the holiday festivals as well as by the theaters to which they were attached. In addition the magasin, with its printing and monthly deliveries, demanded much of their spare time. In July the Committee of Public Safety had provided a house on Montmartre Street for the magasin because it had previousLy been operating in a cramped situation in the halls of the house on St. Joseph Street.110 The year 179h had been a fruitful one for the Institute. There had been much work in organizing and securing supplementary people. In addition the holidays had been long and tiring, 109Ibid. 110Ibid. """"""""""'""""""““————____ ‘_""""""'—"""""""""""""""""“"'““iIII|-Il§ 96 often beginning at daybreak and lasting into the evening. In four and one—half months there had been nine festivals, and for these festivals fifteen new works had been composed.111 Birth of the Conservatoire Situation and proposal Along with the glowing reports accompanying the November 7 concert came two objections concerning the general organization of the Institute. First, it was stated that several promising artists had been refused teaching appointments for no obvious reason. Secondly, it was suggested that artists serving one of several theaters of Paris as well as the Institute found it impossible at times to meet both demands. These objections were of a type which occur frequently in almost any comparable situation and deserved little concern. Nevertheless, Sarrette felt obligated to reply, stating that the musicians who had spent so much of their time in establishing the Institute acquired, in effect, the right to occasionally inconvenience the theaters which employed them, especially since it was in the national interest. Further, it was argued that the ones who had given so much time for so little monetary reward or public recognition should be given job priority when the Institute was, at last, stable. Finally, it was pointed out that one could hardly question the appointment of such a musician as Cherubini when filling a vacant teaching position.112 lllIbid. 112mm,, pp. 105—110. 97 Late in 179h and well into 1795 payment to the Institute was delayed by the Committee of Public Instruction because of similar questions concerning the Institute's administration. Obviously, these same objections had reached the committee. With these came another question. How was the choice made concerning the pieces to be played at the various festivals? The composer Martini had objected to Sarrette's elimination of one of his works, and other objections stated that Gossec’s music dominated all performances.ll-3 Although these conflicts threatened the very existence of the Institute, it had the effect of exposing to the Convention the dangers and problems confronting an institution approved without definite frameWOrk. With this new enlightenment the Committee of Public Instruction requested immediately a proposal for the definite organization and administration of the Institute. The musicians were prepared. The establishment, as proposed by the administrators of the Institute, was to be considered as a means of public music instruction as well as a body of musicians available for the national festivals. The administrators were to be named by the members of the Institute, under the direct surveillance of the Committee of Public Instruction. The supervision of teaching was to be delegated to a secretary, a master composer, and four other assisting 113nm. , pp. 111—112. 98 composers. Other staff included a clarinetist who would conduct the orchestra, one hundred and twenty-four professors, a librarian, and a music copyist.11h In further structuring the organization, four sections were to be formed: Section One: solfege——18 classes of 10 students each. Section Two: Instrumental classes-—f1ute: 8 classes (professors), 32 students; clarinet; 26 classes, 10h students; oboe: 6 classes, 2h students; first born: 6 classes, 2h students; second horn: 6 classes, 2h students; trumpet: h classes, 16 students; buccin: one class, A students; trombone: one class, h students; bassoon: 18 classes, 72 students; serpent: 6 classes, 2h students; contra—clarion: one class, h students; percussion: one class, 12 students; violin: h classes, 32 students; Violoncello: 3 classes, 2h students; bass: one class, 8 students; harpsichord: h classes, 32 students. Section Three: Singing—~vocalization: 3 classes, 30 students; simple singing: 3 classes, 2h students; declamatory singing: 3 classes, 18 students. Section Four: composition—~theory: 1 class; practice: 3 classes, accomplishment: 1 class. The number of students cannot be determined u til abilities of admitted students have been evaluated. According to this minute analysis of classes and number of students, one hundred and twenty—seven classes would be taught by one hundred and twenty—nine professors teaching four hundred and fifty—two instrumentalists, seventy—two vocalists, one hundred and eighty students in solfege, and an luthid., pp. 117—118. 115Ibid. r l . ._ o ‘ I. ~ 1 g . l " ' a. \ C . x " .. r _ x \ " \ ' x . \ - r. z .- 99 undetermined number of composition students. The students were to be required to pass solfege before proceeding to the other courses. Both sexes were to be accepted in solfege, singing, harpsichord, and composition. Admission was to depend upon talent, intellect, and age (eight to fourteen for those with no training; eight to twenty for those with a background in music).116 As far as performances at the various national festivals were concerned, at least one hundred musicians could be available: one conductor, six flutes, thirty clarinets, ten oboes, six first horns, six second horns, four trumpets, two buccini, two tubae corvae, three trombones, eighteen bassoons, six serpents, four contra~clarions, and two timpani. The remaining twenty—five professors were to sing or conduct the groups of students in the festivals. In the concerts they would play stringed instruments or sing.117 Wbrks to be performed were to be written by the master composer or the four assisting composers, but any composer could submit a work for consideration to a selection committee of nine members, five from the Institute, and four chosen by the composer himself. A library of music was to be established to collect all of the outstanding music of the Republic and 1161mm, p. 119. 117ihid. 100 to send out printed copies on request as well as to gather a collection of antique instruments. In connection with this was a plan to teach the art of making instruments. Instruction in printing was also suggested.118 Sarrette and Gossec were largely responsible for the enormous proposal, and many of the details were still intact in the decree establishing the Conservatory of Music. Establishment On April 13, 1795, after over two more months of delay, the Committee of Public Instruction renewed its payments to the Institute. Festivals continued, but the ceremony connected to '53 the celebrations of past years became more solemn and less l“ I elaborate. Details were not planned in advance, and most of the Works performed were repititions of past performances. Eighteen new compositions in 1795 as compared to nearly fifty in 179A testify to this decrease in productivity.119 The decision to alter the name of the institute had been a gradual one, Chenier suggesting to the Convention that E the name "Central Institute" was more appropriate than just "Institute." The general feeling, however, was to prevent any confusion with the National Institute of Arts and Sciences 5 already established, so the name of Conservatory of Music was 118Ibid., pp. 118—120. 119Ibid. ! 101 used in the formal decree that established it on August 3, 1795. The purposes of the Conservatory were clearly stated: to celebrate national festivals and to train pupils in all branches of musical art. Also, a group of musicians in the neighborhood of the legislative body was to be furnished.120 In the decree 115 teaching positions were established, only a few short of the proposed l2h.. Six hundred pupils of both sexes were to receive free instruction. This teacher— student ratio was certainly commendable, and made it possible to follow very closely the plan of small classes in the various sections of instruction which had been proposed. 1 As for the administration of the Conservatory, five inspectors of instruction chosen from among the composers were to be appointed by the National Institute of.Arts and Sciences. With these five, four other professors ware to be elected by the Conservatory itself. Teachers were to be appointed by competitive examination only, the examination supervised by the National Institute of.Arts and Sciences. These adopted policies, although not in complete agreement with Gossec's and Sarrette's proposals, provided outside supervision that would help prevent objectionable situations such as there had been in the past.121 120John Hall Stewart, A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1951), pp. 622—6EH. 12libid. 102 The proposal of a library together with the division of an instrument collection was adopted, although instruction of instrument making and printing was not included. The expense of the Conservatory was to be met by public funds, and definite salaries for all positions were established. The stipend of each inspector of instruction is established at 5,000 livres per annum; that of the secretary at h,OOO livres; that of the librarian at 3,000 livres. Three classes of stipends are established for the other artists. Twenty—eight positions at 2,500 livres shall constitute the first class; fifty—four positions at 2,000 livres shall constitute the second class; and twenty—eight positions at 1,600 livres shall constitute ; the third class. 3 After twenty years of Service, members . . . shall have one—half of their stipend as a pension; after which time, each year of service shall augment said pension by one—twentieth of the said stipend.l These annual salaries were somewhat low as compared to other teaching positions throughout France. Professors in the established Central Schools received 3000, hOOO, or 5000 livres, depending on population. HOWever, it must have been adequate because teachers in the primary schools were paid between 1000 and 1500 livres.123 Other monetary evaluations are obvious at this point, but the issuance of 122Ibid. 123Ibid. 103 Assignats as currency inflated the economy to a point which makes comparisons of fees and salaries at various times useless. The decree left no doubt that the Convention had elected to establish a solid foundation for preserving the art of music. Out of a confusing time had grown a contribution that they could point to with pride. No doubt it was created primarily to provide a republican propagandist agency for the training of musicians, but intelligent musicians had been included in its foundation, and a broader educational function was already becoming a reality. Conclusion The French Revolution, then, had become the setting of the fusion of the unrefined but stirring ceremonial uses of military music and the more artistically expressive aspects of "serious" music. This unique combination had been made possible by several developments and circumstances not the least of which was the long history of the use of military music to instill patriotic emotion and excitement. The efforts of such an ambitious person as Bernard Sarrette were quite necessary to control the tide of favor of“. a governing body which was constantly changing and always looking for ways of gaining public support and recognition. When Sarrette provided an ever-ready means of gaining the peoples attention in the form of a musical organization which 10h could also inflame patriotic spirit by its stirring music, it was left to such musicians as Gossec and Mehul to add the artistic qualities to the already established functional uses. This was done in two ways. First, these musicians composed music which functioned as emotional rousers but which also became the medium for their artistic expression. Secondly, the need for more and better musicians to perform these works brought about a continued development of a music School which culminated, in 1795, with the establishment of the Conservatory of Music. The results of these efforts, which undeniably were partially based on a desire to take advantage of the revolutionary situation for personal gain, were strong and lasting. The conservatory remains intact today, and the organizational development of the revolutionary performing groups was a giant stride toward one of the largest musical developments in modern history——the concert band. Further, the music written during this clouded and confusing situation provides a body of acceptable music for the present—day concert band from.a time when very little was written for this medium. CHAPTER IV AN ANAIITICAL STUDY OF TEN REPRESENTATIVE WORKS 0F FRENCH WIND MUSIC WRITTEN DURING THE REVOLUTION Introduction In the present research numerous compositions have Ibeen found which were written specifically for wind instruments. Thirty-nine works by sixteen composers, including five "symphonies", nine overtures, fifteen marches, and ten with the title Pa§_de manoeuvre, were dated between 1790 and 1795 and were written by musicians directly associated with the music of the Revolution in and around Paris. In addition to these works, countless hymns and songs accompanied by wind instruments were written during this time. The piano scores to all of these works except one1 are to be found in most major libraries in an 1899 publication by Constant Pierre—~Musique des Fetes et ceremonies de la Revolution Frangais . Full scores, with few exceptions,2 have neither been found nor constructed prior to the present research, but most of the parts to the works have been preserved in the Bibliothéque Nationale in Paris. L30ssec's Marche Lugubre, the score of which is included in Appendix.A. ZAn autographed score of Catel's Marche Militaire has been found, and a reproduction is included in Appendix A. 105 106 To obtain the most useful collection of a cross-section of these compositions, the writer eliminated those which seemed less significant historically and musically. In addition, a need was felt to have the leading composers represented and also to include works of all types. With these limitations in mind, the following Works were chosen to be a representative cross—section of the total output of these composers at this time: Gossec: Symphonie Militaire; L. Jadin: Symphonie; Catel: Ouverture; L. Jadin: Ouverture; Méhul: Ouverture; Gossec: Marche Iugubre; I: Lefevre: Marche Militaire; Catel: Marche Militaire; X. Lefevre: Pas de manoeuvre; and Méhul: Le Chant du Depart. All of these works are included in.Appendix.A in full score, constructed from separate parts available at the Bibliotheque Nationale. Analysis has been divided into five sections: melody and texture, harmony, rhythm, form, and timbre (use of instruments). The reasons for emphasizing certain of these musical elements become obvious as one examines the content of the ten works. While melody and rhythm are just as important as form and harmony, they seem less significant in giving the reader an insight into the creativity that produced these works. Even more important, it is the writer‘s opinion that, due to the uniqueness in these works of the use of instruments, the emphasis should lie in that direction. 107 Melody.and Texture Melodic writing in these works is based primarily on the diatomic scale and the chords involved. The melodies are usually stepwise except in the case of broken—chord melodies (Gossec: Symphonic Militaire, measures 60-63). On occasion, however, chromaticism seems to take over for short passages (Jadin: Ouverture, measure 1h3). .Angular melodies of more of an extent than those found in Jadin’s Ouverture, measures 7h—81 or 180—190, are not found in these works. The texture is primarily homophonic with a single melody found in the upper voice most of the time, but contrapuntal sections do occur. Imitative devices of a contrapuntal nature as in measures 26—27 of Catel's Ouverture are an exception rather than the rule. Sequential patterns are often used for melodic productivity (Catel: Ouverture, 51—55). In the principal theme of the same work (31~37), the melodic and rhythmic pattern of the first two measures is used as the material for the next two measures. In fact, repetitions of motives, phrases, and periods are responsible for a bulk of the melodic material (Catel: Ouverture, entire introduction). Melodic lengths are usually built around the four measure phrase, but three measure phrases are not too uncommon (Jadin: Ouverture, 50—55)- They usually fall in the less lyrical passages, however. /\ N 108 Melodies are sometimes of a lyrical quality in contrast to the more frequent chordal and scale passages; these lyrical melodies are especially popular as second themes in the sonata— allegro forms. There are sometimes markings, such as the dglce indication in measure 7h of Jadin's Ouverture, to suggest a change of mood from a previous chordal section and almost always a softer dynamic marking at the beginning of the more lyrical sections (Jadin: Symphonic, 136; Catel: Ouverture, 12h). A variation of a previously stated theme is a possibility (Jadin: Ouverture, 175—182), but more often the melody is in its original state or simply presented in a different key. Melodic contour, the examination of which has been lhnited to the more lyrical melodies, usually reaches its high point near the middle of the phrase (Jadin: Ouverture, 212-215; Catel: Ouverture, 31-37). Occurring almost as often are those that start high and descend (Jadin: Ouverture, 33—110; Méhul: Ouverture, 85—92). Less frequently do they start high, proceed downward, and then return to the high register at the end (Jadin: Symphonie, 31—35). W Harmonic Content As expected, the vast majority of vertical sonorities are major and minor triads functioning as tonic and dominant harmonies. In fact, in the shorter works only rarely does a 109 supertonic, subdominant, or leading—tone triad project any color into the progressions, and non—dominant Sevenths and secondary dominants are exceptional. The three marches, §§§_d§ manoeuvre, and even Gossec’s Symphonie Militaire to a lesser extent, fall into this harmonic pattern. The first movement of Gossec’s Symphonie Militaire, more extended than the last two movements, manages a brief period in measures 33—37 when secondary dominants break the harmonic monotony, but what follows in the next two movements of any interest at all is one dominant ninth chord, three secondary dominants, and a submediant triad. The other more extended Works offer many exciting harmonic passages, however. The mediant triad, much less frequent than any of the other diatonic triad possibilities, usually appears in the more complex harmonic situations. It appears in measure 70 of Catel's Ouverture, lasting a full measure before proceeding to the subdominant. In measure 239 of the same work, it lasts two beats following the supertonic triad and then progresses to the dominant. Diatonic Seventh chords occur quite frequently on all scale degrees. The dominant seventh is, of course, the most used one, and the mediant seventh is a rarity. The leading— “ tone seventh is used occasionally, especially in its fully— 110 diminished form in minor. Measure 275 of Mehul’s Ouverture . is an example of its use, lasting one full measure between measures of tonic harmony in a minor key and made more complex by a tonic pedal in the bass. The supertonic seventh is more popular as a secondary dominant, but its unaltered form occasionally occurs. Measure 91 of Mehul's Ouverture and measure 20h of Jadin's Ouverture show this chord functioning .traditionally as it moves to the dominant. The diminished form of this seventh chord occurs in minor keys with some regularity (Jadin: Symphonie, 106 and 121). The subdominant seventh is uSed only rarely in either major or minor, a major form being in measure 5'of Gossec's Marche Lugubre and a minor form in measure 117 of Jadin’s Symphonie. In this last example it introduces a series of seventh chords in an extended sequence. The submediant seventh is more frequent. In Méhul's Ouverture (110) it occurs in a modulatory section, acting as a pivot between the keys of F and C and assuming the function of the supertonic seventh in the new key. In Jadin's Ouverture (8) its color is emphasized in a dramatic chordal introduction, preceded by the minor dominant and then followed by the subdominant after a three measure duration. In a melodic minor key it appears as a major chord (Jadin: Symphonie, 86). Very rarely do diminished seventh chords assume non—dominant functions. One notable exception to this (Jadin: Ouverture, 129) occurs on the i raised supertonic, chromatically bridging a movement from the supertonic seventh to the tonic. 111 The minor dominant in a minor key is not infrequent. In Catel‘s Marche (18) it serves as a pivot from C minor to D minor. In Méhul’s Ouverture (17h) it again is used in a modulatory section. Jadin's Ouverture makes dramatic use of it in measure 5, and later (202) it is immediately followed by its major form. The minor subdominant in a major key appears briefly in a chromatic passage in Jadin's Ouverture (lh3). Another interesting harmony occurs in measure ho of Jadin's Symphonic when a major triad is built on flat six in a major key. This suggests a chromatic modulation or change of mode, but the key nevertheless remains stationary. Ninth chords are almost nonexistent, but two are j present as dominants. In measure 69 of Gossec‘s Symphonic Mifiauea(bmuem;Mnfl1flflkmsadmflmmtsmmmm,ami ‘1 another is found in Gossec’s Marche Iugubre (36). Secondary dominants are frequent and of almost every description. V of V, V7 of V, vii07 of V, viiO of V, and \ viiO7O of V are all extensively used. The dominant seventh of the subdominant also occurs often (Méhul: Ouverture, 120) and usually is prepared by the tonic triad. The dominant of the supertonic (Jadin: Ouverture, 130), the dominant seventh of the supertonic (Méhulz Ouverture, 166), the leading—tone 112 seventh of the supertonic (Mchul: Ouverture, 309), and the leading—tone of the supertonic (Catel: Ouverture, 73), are «equally conspicuous. 'Without exception these secondary dominants ‘ move directly to the supertonic. The viiO of VI (Catel: Ouverture,,'a65),'-'_theyii07o of vi (Jadin: Symphony, hh), and the V7 of VI (Méhul: Ouverture, 137) are all used one or two times. The first example resolves to another secondary dominant; the others move to the submediant triad. The augmented sixth chords occur many times but seem to be more popular with certain composers than others. Measure 129 of Jadin's Ouverture presents an example of an Italian sixth chord, progressing in a chromatic passage from the tonic and resolving to the dominant of the supertonic. Catel's 2% Ouverture has one instance of an Italian sixth chord built-on the lowered sixth scale degree (25). Here it moves chromatically) . ' ‘ d from a supertonic chord and resolves in a traditional manner (Vto the dominant. Eight examples of the German sixth were found, not \ counting consecutive repetitions, with four of them being in Jadin's Ouverture. The one in measure 123 occurs on flat six and resolves to the tonic in second inversion, its preparation being the minor form of the tonic. Measure lhh presents a similar situation, but it is prepared by the subdominant and 113 complicated by an accented passing tone in the upper voice. In measure 256 the German sixth chord resolves to the tonic in second inversion after being exploited for a full tw0 measures, both melodically and rhythmically. In Mehul's Ouverture (176) the German sixth occurs in sequential passages of a chromatic nature. The French sixth is found only once (Méhulx Ouverture, 318). At first it appears incomplete following the dominant triad, but it is filled in for the last beat of the measure by a downward resolution of the upper voice, moving directly to the dominant. Modulation Modulations were quite frequent in these works, especially to the dominant and back again. In major keys numerous examples of modulations to the major dominant occur (Mehul: Ouverture, measures 10, h9 and 111), and most of them.return to the tonic before venturing to another key. One of several exceptions to this appears in Jadin‘s Symphonic where the key of F major modulates to C major (2h) and then moves on to A minor (77), D minor (85), A major (96), D minor (105), and finally to F major again (136). Minor keys move equally well to major or minor dominant keys. In measure 258 of Jadin‘s Ouverture, F minor modulates in C minor, but five measures later the mode is changed to major. In Jadin‘s Symphonic (96) the modulation is to the major dominant. 1111 Modulations to the relative major or minor are also frequent. Marchc Lugubre is constantly moving from D minor to F major and back again. IMehul’s Ouverture (131, 279) and Jadin’s Symphonic (77, 126) are further examples of this rather common modulation. .A change of mode on the same key center also found unlimited usage. Catel's Ouverture (195—200) uses a series of chords in a.minor mode while basically being - in.A major. In contrast, Jadin's Ouverture is in C minor for over twenty measures (189—211) and then shifts to C major for an equal length of time. The introduction to Mohul’s Ouverture also has a long section in F minor which shifts to its parallel major at the.A11cgro Vivace. The same work has a similar occurrence between measures 259 and 27h. .In Jadin’s Ouverture (250) an unusual modulation takes place from C major to F minor. Mehul's Ouverture makes the same shift in measure 17. In the way of a chromatic modulation, an interesting shift in tonality occurs in Catel’s Ouverture (153) where G major shifts without pivot chord to Eb major. .After establishment, Eb major moves back to G major by way of G minor. These shifts with roots a third apart prove very effective but are seldom used. Harmonic Progression In the discussion on harmonic content, it was necessary to show that the most used chords were the basic triads. Similarly, by far the most used harmonic progressions are those that move 115 around the circle of fifths toward the tonal center. The progressions up a second and down a third are less frequent, but still these three accepted formulas for harmonic movement are in the vast majority. There are, however, situations which arise involving less traditional progressions, and these provide interest for an otherwise traditional analysis. Secondary dominants which do not resolve to their tonic are more frequent than expected. In Jadin's Ouverture (259) the vii°7O of V moves directly to the tonic. In the same work (281) the viiO of V moves to a minor subdominant in the key of v C major followed by the tonic. Then, in the next beat, vii°7O of iii also resolves to the tonic. Both diminished chords (K are identical, hWOever, except that the first is without the root of the last. In Mehul’s Ouverture every other measure ‘ between 157 and 168 is made up of secondary dominants which resolve to triads other than their own tonic. In Catel‘s Ouverture (265) the viiO of VI moves to the viiO of ii and then on to the supertonic. In Jadin‘s Ouverture (110) the V7 of ii moves to the V7 of V and on to V to create a continuous movement around the circle of fifths. Occasionally a movement away from the tonic develops. In Lefevre's Marche Militaire (30) the dominant seventh moves to the supertonic before resolving to the tonic. The same progression occurs in Catells Ouverture (53—5h). Several 116 series of movements away from the tonic occur when long sequences are involved. Measures lOl—103 and 239—2hl in Jadin‘s Ouverture are two examples of V progressing to I by way of IV, iii, and ii. Similarly, Mohul's Ouverture, in measures 286 and 287, progresses from the submediant to the dominant to the subdominant in a sequential pattern. Nonharmonic Tones Although some types of nonharmonic tones occur frequently (passing tones, neighboring tones) and others appear with a rarity that makes them insignificant (free tones, escape tones, antitipations), pedal points and suspensions occur with such regularity that their use is important to the style. Appoggiaturas are less apparent but still occasionally used (Jadin: Ouverture, 13S). Pedal points are used extensively. Marche Lugubre is full of them in its short span (measures 2, 13—15, 18, 20, 21, h5, and h6). Méhul's Ouverture also offers some excellent examples. ‘Measure 120 contains a tonic pedal in the last beat with a leading—tone triad. Measure 95 also has a tonic pedal with leading—tone harmony which lasts an entire measure. In measure 265 a tonic pedal is superimposed on dominant harmony for a full measure. In Jadin’s Ouverture (163) a dominant pedal sounds for one beat with its own secondary dominant _.‘ . ‘ \§ 117 harmony. The symphony by the same composer contains a tonic pedal with dominant harmony (6h). In Catel’s Ouverture,;measures 13—19 have a sustaining dominant pedal which sounds every third measure with the viiO of V. JMeasure 137 also has a tonic pedal with dominant harmony, and measures 19h—203 contain a dominant pedal followed by three measures of tonic pedal. Suspensions are also frequent. Measure 21 in Mehul’s Ouverture contains a Db suspension for the first two beats, prepared as a seventh of a dominant seVenth and resolving to the third of its tonic triad. Jadin's Ouverture contains multiple examples. In measure h7 a suspension identical to the one described above (the h—3 suSpension) is the beginning of a series of four suspensions over a dominant pedal. .Another chain of suspensions of an ornamented nature falls in measures 86 and 87——two 7—6 suspensions followed by a 9—8 suspension. In measure 162 a h-3 suspension with dominant harmony falls on the third and fourth beats, prepared by the root of the tonic triad. Still another h—3 suspension occurs on tonic harmony in measure 219. In Jadin’s Symphonic, a 9—8 suspension with tonic harmony is prepared by the fifth of the dominant seventh chord. In Catel’s ’0uverture, measures hh—50 contain the most extended chain of - Suspensions found in these works. The fifth of the tonic triad prepares a 7—6 suspension on the first inversion of the viiO of V, followed by a figure which sounds and appears as a suspension, "but which theoretically is a chromatic movement that changes the -_~-. ». “w 118 color of the leading—tone chord from minor to diminished. rThis in turn prepares a h—3 suspension over tonic harmony, and again an apparent suspension serves to change the tonic chord to minor. This prepares a 7—6 suspension in the first inversion of the diminished supertonic triad. One other suspension chain seems important enough to relate here. In measures 68—70 of the same work, a h—3 suspension on dominant harmony is followed / by a 9—8 suspension on the submediant triad, and its resolution prepares a h—3 suspension on mediant harmony. Harmonically Related Compositional Techniques The sequence, more than any other one device, serves these composers in their development of material. Briefly, the sequence referred to by the writer concerns the systematic transportation of a melodic, rhythmic, and harmonic pattern in a series. Examples of non—modulating sequences are numerous. In measures 286—288 of Mehul's Ouverture a melodic and rhythmic pattern repeats itself three times, each time built on triads one scale degree lower. Jadin’s Ouverture (102—103) contains a similar movement downward in Seconds but repeated four times (IV—iii—ii—I). Modulating sequences are also prevalent. In Méhul's Ouverture (157—169) a bridge passage is built on a four measure sequence, presented three times, and moving up each time in seconds to a new key. In the same work measures 216—227 119 present a four measure phrase, repeated three times with tonal centers moving up the interval of a fourth each time. This sequence is immediately followed in measures 229—237 by four repetitions of a non—modulating sequence two measures in length, ascending in seconds each time. Many other sequences could be cited, including the even more frequent type in which the pattern is based on a single chord. However, these are more related to melody than to harmony. Exact repetitions of short motives and phrases are common. More interesting harmonically are the repeated melodic and rhythmic patterns which are harmonized in various ways. Measures 9h—99 of Catel’s Ouverture are an example of a two measure I’rhythmic motive repeated three times. The first time the harmonic analysis is I—vi—ii—V; the second time it is I- IV—viiO —V/vi; » and the third time the progression is I— IV—vii0 folloWed by a pivot chord to a new key. .A similar occurrence takes place in Jadin‘s Ouverture (195—200). Ream Tempo is very consistent. There are neither accelerandos nor ritardandos, and only between major sections does the tempo change. When it does change, there is great contrast without any subtlety. Tempo markings are Allegro Maestoso, Allegro, Allegro Molto, Allegro Vivace, Lento, or Largctto. 'With the exception of Gossec’s Symphonic Militaire, with three movements, no more than two tempi are exploited in one work. 120 Meters have little contrast. Gossec's Symphonic Militaire uses out time and a rare example of 6/8; Jadin‘s Symphonic is entirely in 3/h. Catel's and Jadin’s overtures use h/h and out time; Méhul’s uses triple meter and out time. “Dotted rhythms._ ”are quite prevalent, and the regular recurrence of accents presents a well—marked flow in the rhythm. Syncopation, however, allows a degree of rhythmic interest and is characteristic of many of the themes presented. Mehul‘s first theme in his overture (37) depends on syncopation for its effectiveness. An even better example of the usefulness of syncopation is in an extended passage of Jadin‘s Ouverture (183—211). Except for passages involving syncopation, rhythm can be described as exceedingly simple. No complexities between parts occur, and the flow is broken only occasionally by rests or sustained chords. Form Gossec: Symphonic Militaire This work is the only one of the so—called "symphonies" which even approaches a multi—movement form. The over—all structure is a three—movement work of some brevity, arranged in an appropriate fast—slow-fast manner. When compared to any symphony for orchestra from this time, it is evident that the symphony in terms of monumentality and musical depth is far from realized. IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIlllIllllII------——______________l 121 The first movement contains tw0 sections. The first section, presented without introduction, is in a short binary form.which is repeated. Its tonic key, F major, is abandoned in the last five measures for the dominant in preparation for the second section. The second section, also repeated, is nothing more than a brief (twelve measures) contrast in C major which immediately returns to a repetition of the first bars of the opening section. Without modulating to C major again, however, the movement quickly concludes with a short codetta built on the tonic six—four and dominant chords. The second movement is a slow, ternary form in the tonic key of F. The first section, only four measures long, is repeated. The second section consists of an eight measure period which suggests only briefly the dominant key at its ( cadence. This immediately returns to the first four measure phrase in an exact repetition. The last section is repeated thus giving a very simple AABABA form. The only real interest \ structurally is its extreme simplicity. The last movement, marked Allegro, is binary with both sections repeated. The first section begins in the dominant key of C and ends in G. Its twenty measures are nothing more than five phrases each four measures in length and each having little relationship with any of the other phrases. Two of the phrases are really just two measures repeated. The second 1| .. 122 section is also in the key of C major with no more interest than the first section offered. What is interesting is that this movement, which concludes the symphony, ends in the key of C major While the first and second movements are in F major. It is the writer’s opinion that although Gossec possibly had a fourth movement in mind, only these three movements were a reality. Knowing the situations that surrounded the birth of these works, it is understandable that monetary limitations or simply a matter of time could have brought the Work to an abrupt halt. L. Jadin: Symphonic In contrast to the composition previously discussed, this symphony is a one—movement work. HoWever, its structure is much more complex and could be considered an adequate first movement of a multi—movement work. Unfortunately, there seems to be little doubt that it or any of the other symphonies written for this medium, with the exception of Gossec‘s Symphonic Militaire, were written with more than one movement in mind. Its form is a Well—constructed sonata—allegro movement. A nine measure introduction, at first seemingly an immediate statement of the first theme, appears again only in the code concluding the entire work. The label introduction in this respect seems more appropriate than giving it an importance that an opening theme .41.... . 1.1114114]. _ a J .. 1! T if sin... .21.... r .r..~. I... . T...- I.3... 123 in the composition would normally have. Theme I of the exposition is stated in measure 10, consisting of an eight measure theme in the key of F followed by a six measure transition to the dominant key in preparation for Theme II. Theme I is lyrical and marked piagg in contrast to the fortissimo introduction, but the dotted eighth and sixteenth rhythm on the third beat in triple meter gives it a character which is easily distinguishable. Theme II is a1SO soft and lyrical, but its opening period has nothing of the character of Theme I. After the opening eight bars of this theme group, however, Theme I is presented, changed only in key, harmony, and melody at the cadence points. This has the effect of limiting the amount of material presented in the exposition so that the work will meet the obvious requirement of abbreviated length while still meeting the formal requirements of this standardized form. It further serves this purpose by making the return of only Theme Group II necessary in the recapitulation. Using the dotted eighth and sixteenth note motive, the exposition is extended by a repeated eight measure harmonic section which moves into a fourteen measure codetta based on the rhythm of the first period of Theme II followed by the dotted figure again. The exposition, which ends in the key of C, is repeated in its entirety. The development section, from measure 77 to measure 135, is far from insignificant in size. It continues to develop the dotted eighth and sixteenth motive originally presented in \ l' I h ' . f | . . ' I . .. ~‘ ‘ ' . i _ . n 'I ‘ ‘ _, ,4 ... ..v 1 ' ‘ . I . ._ .l —. I - V o - I I _ I . ‘ ,.. I u .I r. - - - . . '. . . \. . I ‘ _ x ‘. r - - ' .p r _ . . . ‘ , ‘ I. ‘ , r. I . r u . . ‘ I ‘ _ h - ‘ . . _. ' ~ ~ ~ ' . I . . . A. ~ ' . I ‘ . 1 . 1 _ . ¥ . t. I _ _ , . ‘ . _ v I V w . . I | . A h V . ' , ..... \ 1 _\ I - ' 12h Theme I through the use of lengthy sequences and increased harmonic interest, moving through the keys of.A minor, D minor, and.A major. .A melodic sequence is again used, based on the opening motive of Theme II, and even a short contrapuntal development of this motive is evident. After a short codetta closing the development and a final fermata on the dominant seventh of F major, Theme II returns in the tonic for the beginning of the recapitulation. The form of this section, actually set up in the exposition, is almost an exact repetition of Theme II, which includes Theme I and its extensions in the tonic keyu A twenty—five measure coda, containing repetitious four measure phrases built on tonic and dominant harmonies, concludes the work with a reference to the opening introductory bars. The development and recapitulation are repeated. Méhul: Ouverture After a slow introduction, Theme I, characterized by rapid eighth note figures and syncopation, modulates to the dominant for the lyrical second theme (77). .A codetta section built on a triplet motive follows (120—125), and then the development is under way with a rhythmic treatment of Theme I (127—156). .After a chromatic bridge section (157-191), a passage developing a simple three note motive from.the last half of Theme II almost assumes the character of a new theme through its strong establishment in D minor. This, however, 125 is short—lived, and a sequential section develops Theme I (216—258). Then Theme II is presented in its entirety in the tonic key for the recapitulation (259) Without another reference to Theme I. The coda follows (301), which is the triplet motive of the codetta of the exposition repeated three times with intervening bridge material. Jadin: Ouverture This overture is an unconventional form similar to the previous one. .Aftcr a slow introduction, Theme I is exposed in the tonic key and moves to the dominant (33—73). Following a fermata a more lyrical second theme is presented in the dominant (7h—105) which leads to a lengthy bridge passage built from a chromatic motive before stating the closing theme (125— 1h2). .A codetta follows (1h2—158), based on a chromatic melody. Thcdevelopment, starting in measure 159, begins With a sequential treatment of the codetta followed by a transfiguration of Theme I (167—175) and an extended treatment of a syncopated figure (183—211) found only briefly in Theme II of the exposition (86- 87). .After another fermata, the recapitulation begins, stating Theme II in the tonic, never once referring to Theme I of the exposition. Measure 263 states the closing theme followed by an almost exact repetition of the codetta of the exposition to close the work. 126 Catel: Ouverture Of the three overtures studied formally, this one more closely follows the conventional pattern of the sonata—allegro form. .After a slow introduction in C minor, Theme Iof the J~~exposition is presented in C major. Following two repetitions of this theme with varying transitions between, Theme II is presented in G major in measure 12h. This.more lyrical theme is repeated in measure 1h0 and is followed by a closing section which also ends in G major at measure 182. .After a brief transition which could hardly be considered a development, measure 221 presents Theme I repeated only once but followed by an elaborate transitional section to Theme II, now in the tonic (297). The coda is based on motives from.the closing section of the exposition. Gossec: Marche Lugubre This work, written in slow, duple time, is in binary form, each section being repeated. The use of similar percussion parts in both sections prevents little in the way of rhythmic contrast. Tonality shifts from D minor to F major in the opening section and then returns during the concluding section. The first section provides little interest melodically while the second section creates some melodic interest in the concluding ten measures in the bass part. 127 X. Lefévre: Marche Militaire This march is in the standard ternary form. Section I opens in F major, moves to C major, and is repeated. Section II presents a contrasting theme in C major and immediately returns to the first half of Section I in F with both sections II and I being repeated again (AABABA). Phrase lengths vary occasionally, both by extension and sequential development. Catel: Marche Militaire This march is almost an exact replica in form of the one discussed above. Interest, however, is derived from more effective use of modulations in the second section. .Although the first section moves from.F major to C major in preparation i“ for the second section, the second section immediately shifts to C minor. It then modulates to D minor and on to Bb major before returning to F major for the recapitulation of Section I. only the first half of Section I appears in concluding the work. LefEVrex Pas de manoeuvre Although shorter than the marches, this work is very similar in style and form. It is in ternary form; the first section is in F and repeated, and the second section in C is immediately followed by an exact repetition of the first section. The second section and return to the first section. are also repeated (AABABA). 128 Méhul: Le Chant du Depart 'This work, although not in direct line with the emphasis of this research, seems none the less necessary in order to give one representative selection of a great number of similar hymns and songs accompanied by wind instruments written at this time. .An introduction in the key of C is played by winds, consisting primarily of broken chords and fanfare—like motives at march tempo. Then the soprano voices enter, accompanied by a lighter orchestrated wind group but still with fanfare-like passages. Following the verse of eight lines, a refrain of three lines now in three part harmony (alto doubles soprano an octave lower) closes the work. 'Words for seven verses are available, each to be followed by the refrain. The soprano part and accompaniment to the refrain are an exact repetition of the last twelve measures of the verse, but contrapuntal devices, especially an independent bass line, make the refrain much more interesting for the vocal parts. Use of Instruments Instrumentation Without question the uniqueness of these works lies in their instrumentation. Chapters II and III unhesitatingly point to the fact that the composers were writing for a larger group of wind instruments than ever before. Not only were more parts written for a fuller instrumentation, but also more than 129 one instrument to a part was always a possibility and, in many cases, a proven fact. In both of the symphonies examined in detail, two piccolos, two clarinets, two trumpets, two horns, two bassoons, and a serpent have separate parts. In addition, Jadin’s includes a bass trombone and Gossec‘s calls for two oboes, timpani, and two flutes in place of the two piccolos in the second movement. The latter also suggests that a double baSS could double the serpent part. The three overtures examined contain similar instrumentations. Jadin’s includes two piccolos, two flutes, two oboes, two' ‘ clarinets, two trumpets, two horns, one trombone, two bassoons, serpent, and timpani. Parts to Catel's Ouverture are less in number due to the omission of flutes and oboes. A further difference is the use of a bass trombone in place of the trombone 'in Jadin‘s work. Much more exciting is the instrumentation of Méhul's Ouverture. In addition to the usual pairs of clarinets, piccolos, horns, bassoons, and trumpets, together with serpent and timpani parts, parts for tuba corva and buccin are included. Marches are similarly scored. Lefevre's MEEEEE uses two piccolos, two clarinets, one trumpet, two horns, one trombone, one serpent, and two bassoons as does his Pas de manoeuvre. Catel‘s uses only one piccolo and has no trombone part, but includes two trumpets, cymbals, and bass drum. Gossec‘s uses pairs of —_q 130 piccolos, clarinets, bassoons, trumpets, and horns, with serpent, tenor drum, bass drum, and three trombones. In addition another rare tuba corva part is included. Le Chant du Depart, in addition to the vocal parts, includes two clarinets, two bassoons, two trumpets, two horns, serpent, and timpani. Individual Uses The clarinet, always in C, covers virtually all of the melodic passages in the upper voices, and very seldom is it given an extended rest. Both clarinet parts play through the entire three movements of Gossec's Symphonie with no more than a single measure’s rest in the last movement. .Although the work is not too extended, the constant use of the clarinet emphasizes its importance in a melodic sense. Chromatic passages are readily covered by the clarinet, too, as in measures 101— 103 of Jadin's Symphonie. The range of both the first and second parts varies from e to f"’. The lower range, however, is seldom exploited (Me’hul, Ouverture, 17—18). In fact, it has been said3 that the clarinet was invented and developed for its upper register. A study of Mozart's Serenade No. 10 for Wind instruments (K. 361) confirms this fact; he rarely exploits this instrument’s rich I lower quality at all. 3Anthony Baines, Woodwind Instruments and Their History (New York: Norton & Company, Inc., 1957), pp. 117—118. ,7 131 One of the most used technical devices in the clarinet parts is the tongued scale passage at a fast tempo. Both parts in Gossec's Symphonie frequently contain fast scale passages, and fast slurred passages of a glissando nature are found in Lefevre’s Marsha. Trills are also frequent but never complicated. For instance, a trill on eH in the last movement of Gossec's Symphonie offers no problem. Grace notes, as in measure 25 of Jadin's Symphonie, are easily executed, with the octave grace figure (Jadin: Ouverture, 57) being the most difficult. Fast, angular passages are occasionally written, as in measures 132—lh0 of Catel's Ouverture, but patterns are regular and lie on the instrument well. Solo pasSages are frequent (Jadin: Ouverture, 33), and the clarinet's lyrical quality is always exploited in these instances. Only occasionally will both clarinet parts be delegated an accompanying position; measure 7h of Jadin’s Ouverture presents an excellent example of a sustained passage of whole notes accompanying a lyrical oboe melody which lasts nearly thirty measures. The clarinet diSplays its unlimited use of notes outside the key of C major in Jadin's Ouverture, measures 180—211. In this section, the notes eb", bb', c#", ab", and f#" are written for the first clarinet without regard to possible awkwardness on the part of the player. Note, however, should be made of the fact that the second clarinet remains tacet during the entire passage. a——————————---------———————————""""""‘""::]IIIIIIIIIIII!|EIE 132 All parts are for clarinet in C which is not at all unusual for the time. Mehul uses C clarinets in his Symphony in D Major for orchestra; further, the general feeling was that the piercing sound of the C clarinets was more compatible with the style of military music. Adding to the shrill quality was the fact that the mouthpiece was played in an inverted position with the read in front.)‘L The mechanism of the clarinet was quite well developed by the time of the French Revolution. The A key, register key, and low E key were a part of Denner’s clarinet by 1720. By the middle of the eighteenth century the f#and g# keys had been added. To complete the clarinet of this time, X. Lefevre, the {Q same person who composed two of the works included in this study, had introduced a sixth key for c#.5 The piccolo also is used for melodic passages in the upper ranges. However, rests are much more frequent than in the clarinet parts, leaving many melodic passages to the clarinet \ alone but being most effective in chordal passages. written range in both parts is from dl to f”', sounding an octave higher. Amazingly, the piccolo remains in its low middle range, i.e., c"—a”, most of the time in both parts. Especially striking is the second piccolo part in Catel’s Ouverture (37) hCurt Sachs, The History of Musical Instruments (New York: W} W} Norton & Company, Inc., l9hO), p. h12. SIbid. , pp. hll—hl3. 133 where a melody is played at the very bottom of the instrument's range; fortunately it is marked pianissimo. On occasion the flute is added to (Jadin: Ouverture) or substituted for (Gossec: Symphonie, second movement) the piccolo. In these cases the range is from f’ to a"‘. lWhen the flute is used it assumes solo passages of a type not delegated to the piccolo (Jadin: Emmerture, 82—90). Technical passages are less frequent than with the clarinet, although rapid scale passages are not unusual (Jadin: Ouverture, 51-52), and trills are fairly common (66—69). Less common are broken chords played at a fast tempo (Catelt Ouverture, 105—108). :An unusual occurrence is the piccolo in Bb ipwgatelisw”'” Narghe where only one part is written. In all other examples, [the/flutes and piccolos are in C. This Bb piccolo was not too unusual for the time, being one of several sizes of one—keyed 6 flutes especially suitable for military bands. In spite of the chromatic keys which were added to the flutes in the last quarter of the eighteenth century, the one—keyed instrument (d#) held its own into the early part of the nineteenth century, and comments concerning its faulty intonation as late as the last half of the eighteenth century are numerous.7 This would apparently be a logical reason for its subordination to the more highly developed clarinet. 6Baines, pp. 223': p. 29h. 7Carse, 2p. 222., p. 87. —:—_7 13h The oboes, always used in pairs, are specified in only two of the ten works~-Gossec’s Symphonic and Jadin‘s Ouverture. The general character of these parts is strikingly similar to the clarinet parts. For a majority of the time an exact duplication is apparent. Passages which feature the oboe while the clarinet is excluded are short as well as rare (Gossec: Symphonie, 39). In chordal sections the oboes, on occasion, will play notes different from the clarinet parts to fill out the chord. The only other reason for difference is their more limited range, as in the second movement ofTGossec‘s Symphonie. Here the oboe is limited to cI while the second clarinet moves on down to f with ease. Range of the oboe parts is c'—d"‘. Technically, the oboe is not exploited to the extent of the clarinet. Only one solo passage for first oboe is found (Jadin: Ouverture, 7h—81), and although quite lyrical, it is fairly short. ’ The mechanism of the oboe around 1760 was limited to tw0 keys (0‘, eb‘).8 The maximum.volume was less than on modern instruments, but the lower notes played pianissimo were easier due to a slightly larger reed. The tone quality was less brilliant but fuller. Because of the need for cross—fingering, smoothness in playing was difficult to achieve.9 The fact that 8Baines, pp. git., pp. 278—283. 9Ibid., p. 2hl. 135 the oboe, although it held a privileged position in the Baroque Period, assumed second place to the clarinet is further emphasized by the fact the Mozart re—scored his Symphony in G Minor to lO substitute clarinets for oboes. The bassoons, also usually specified in pairs, are the foundation for the entire group of winds. They can also join, on an equal basis, the upper woodwinds in Chordal sections as high as a‘. The rangg used in both first and second bassoon parts is C to a1 with no particular preference given to either high or low range. The second bassoon often functions as a bass instrument while the first is treated more lyrically, but both can shift immediately from a sustained bass to a running eighth and sixteenth note line in tenor and bass ranges (Jadin: Ouverture, 50-60). Technically, the instrument is treated without limitation. In Gossec's Symphonie, measure 15 calls for both bassoons to set up a bass line built on octave leaps for three and a half measures,'uypical of contemporary bassoon parts. In the third movement of the same work, the two bassoons are again doubled in the opening measures on a very rapidly tongued eighth note figure in out time. Broken chord accompanying passages are occasionally used in extended sections (Catel: Ouverture, lhO— 152). Probably the most exciting andflifficult bassoongpart lOKarl Geiringer, Musical Instruments (New York: Oxford University Press, l9h3), p. 210. 136 in this collection is found in measures 192—215 of Mehul's Ouverture where the first bassoon is called on for over twenty measures of staccato eighth notes in out time at a tempo marked .Allegro Vivace. This section utilizes almost the entire range of the instrument, using both scale and broken—scale figures. Without question this part rivals the clarinet in its interest. Like the clarinet, the bassoon was being improved mechanically in the last part of the eighteenth century. .Added to the four keys of the earlier bassoon (F, G#, D, low Eb) were the Eb and F# keys.ll Very seldom are the bassoons given an extended rest. Gossec’s Symphonie only allows one measure rest in the entire three movements, and Jadin's only'has a single two measure rest. Sustained passages with no chance for a breath are also common, such as a pedal in the second bassoon (Jadin: Symphonie, 9-15). The horn parts, always in pairs and present in all scores, are in F or C, depending on the key of the work. written range is from.g to aH and repetitious eighth note figures on notes of the overtone series by far eXCeed any uses as a melodic instrument. Both instruments are kept relatively busy, but it is not unusual for them to drop out for several measures rest (Jadin: Ouverture, 13—27). .Although both Gossec and Jadin have no use for fH or f#", Catel's Ouverture makes use of both pitches 11Carse, 2p. cit., pp. 189—190. 137 without hesitation. Also in the same work is the use of Ab’ and at in the second horn part (211—220). The best example of the horn used as a melodic instrument occurs in the opening measures of Mahul's Ouverture where the second horn opens with a broken—chord solo immediately answered by the first horn an octave higher. Then in measure 29 the first horn is given the most daring part found in these works. The passage is a downward scale movement starting on ab" and followed by g, f, eb, d, c, and b. In the same work this same A flat is 4 follOWed by.A natural (3hl-3h2), but no other composers even j i attempt such a part. The fact that the A flat and A natural lie quite high in the instrument’s range is not too astonishing, but lg the use of ab’, eb", and b’ can only be understood when the ) mechanics of the instrument during this period are considered, since these notes are not in the overtone series. Even the pitch of the notes bb‘, f#”, and all are not exactly in tune with the series. These notes, of course, are excellent examples of the use of the technique of "stopping" the instrument. It is striking that only Méhul exploited this technique, which dates back to the middle of the eighteenth century. This technique virtually closes the gaps between the partials of the overtone series.l2 With the development of stopping came also the smooth, veiled quality [now associated with the horn. Stopping involves placing the hand l2Sachs, pp. 233., p. h2h. 138 into the bell which either raises or loWers the note in the series one—half step, depending on how far the hand is inserted, but the resultant sound suffers to some extent.13 The two trumpet parts, in either F or C, hold no melodic interest at all and have quite conservative ranges (c’—g"). Rhythms are accentuated in fortissimo passages and extended rests are frequent with only isolated uses in dynamic levels less than farts. No part ventures out of the harmonic series and only Gossec’s Symphonie uses f”. It is regrettable that a composer like Méhul could have written so well for horn and then have treated the trumpet solely for accentuation of fortissimo passages. The trumpet employed the same types of crooks as the horn for changing key (F and C in these works), but the art of "clarino playing" of the Baroque Era no longer existed. The instrument was thus confined to the middle register without the assistance of the "stopping" technique to cover the diatonic scale.ll'L This would have destroyed the instrument's characteristic brilliancy.15 Further proof that the composers no longer trusted the trumpeters as they did in the Baroque is the fact that szart, in his Divertimento No. 5 (K. 187), for two flutes, five trumpets, and four timpani, gave the melodic parts to the flutes.16 13Carse, 2p. git., p. 216. theiringer, 22. 233': p. 223. l51FrancisW. Galpin, A Textbook of European Musical Instruments (New York: John de Graff, Inc., 1937), p. 267. 16Hermann Pietzsch, Die Trompete (Ann Arbor, Michigan: The University Music Press, l900 , p. O. 139 The trombone was the least consistently used instrument. In Jadin’s two works, Catel’s Ouverture, and Lefevreis_ya££h§, only one trombone is specified. In Gossec’s Marche Lugubre, ’"“'th£ee trombones are called for. The other works exclude the trombone completely. When used alone, the instrument is used to double the bass parts of the second bassoon and serpent, and Catel even specifies a bass trombone.‘\Gessee,iinwhis Narghe Lugubre, treats them in an entirely different manner, exploiting rthe full range of the instrument and using three parts. This, however, is a special type of music of a solemn nature, and the trombones were traditionally used in these instances. Mechanics of the trombone certainly were not the cause of its limited use; it was as technically proficient as the modern instrument. The serpent was included in every work, and it undoubtedly served as an excellent bass instrument second only to the bassoon ’AVin technique. For instance, the very interesting second bassoon part in Gossec’s Symphonie is doubled by the serpent except for rapid octave leaps (15—18) and one measure of a more technical nature that would fall in the instrument's upper range (6). Jadin‘s Symphonie doubles the serpent with the second bassoon exactly. Méhul does likewise in his Chant du Depart. Catel's score to his march even has the part on the same staff without distinguishing between the two parts. Lefevre’s two pieces, however, double serpent and trombone on the same part. lhO The serpent’s used range is from.C to g’. Jadin's Ouverture eliminates the rapid passages present in the bassoon parts (56—62) and keeps a strict upper limit on the instrument's range. In fact, when the trombone is included as in this work, the serpent part often resembles this one more than that of the bassoon. In Catel’s Ouverture, however, it is busier than the 4 trombone but less involved than the bassoon.) In Méhul's Ouverture, scored with a trombone, the serpent takes on more of the character of a bass instrument than the bassoon. At the beginning of the Allegro Vivace, for instance, the second bassoon breaks away into the tenor range for a short section while the serpent continues the bass part. In the same work it is not eliminated in a (t _ pianissimo Section (17—18) in the lower part of its register and J ‘“ is constantly expected to observe all dynamic changes in both high and low range. The serpent must have suited composers well in this capacity, for its use lasted well into the nineteenth century when other bass instruments were coming into existence. The instrument, with six finger holes, produced a major scale with a flated seventh with some care in adjusting intonation by the use of the lips. The lips were also used to obtain the semitones along with the possibility of some half—holing and fork—fingering. Introduced near the end of the eighteenth century, and possibly in existence during the French Revolution, were three keys for B, F#, and C#.17 l7Carse, pp. 223., pp. 268—272. lhl Tw0 timpani are generally used except in the marches. Gossec’s Symphonie calls for the notes F and C in the first movement and C and G in the last movement. Mehul’s Ouverture, also in the key of F, calls for F an octave lower. Rhythms are never complicated, and when dynamic markings are used, they are almost always forte or fortissimo. Rolls are often called for, and rests are frequent because of the pitch limitations of the instrument. Méhul's Ouverture shows a rare example in measure 17 of a crescendo roll, marked 22222 at its beginning. Other percussion includes the bass drum and cymbals used in Catel's M33229 and bass drum in combination with the tenor drum.in Gossec’s Marche Lugubre. In both cases the bass wN drum is used to accent thaflstESE; beats. In Gossec’s M33322 Lugubre it is further used in alternating loud and soft—passages (12:1h)i% The tenor drum is treated as a solo instrument to open the same work. Cymbals in Catel’s Narghe are used in the fortissimo passages on every beat. All of these extra percussion instruments are a direct result of the Janizary music introduced in Europe earlier in the century (see p. hl, Chapter II). By far the most unique of instruments used in these pieces are the tuba corva and the buccin. Gossec’s Marche Lugubre calls for tuba corva and Méhul’s Ouverture has a part for tuba corva and two parts for buccin. The parts are all bass parts used to reinforce fortissimo passages. In Gossec's Marche Lugubre _the tuba corva part is restricted to three written notes—~c', g', lh2 and e', although three crooks (c, bb, a) are specified to make more notes possible. written notes in Mehul’s Ouverture for the tuba corva are c’, e’, and g, using C and Bb crooks. Undoubtedly there was no standard notation for this instrument since Gossec's was in treble clef and Méhul's was in bass. Grove’s suggestion that the range was from g to g' would make both possible as non— transposing parts. The buccin parts are more difficult to decipher.18 One, labeled Buccin a coulisse (slide) en Ut, is written in the bass clef and is probably nothing more than a bass trombone. The other, labeled Buccin en Fa, is written in the treble clef and limits itself to the written notes of c‘, g', c”, and e", which is amazingly similar to the tuba corva part. Combined Use of Instruments The entire structure of these works seems to be built around the first clarinet part. In Catel’s Marche Militaire, for example, the melody is always in the first clarinet part, which is never tacet. The piccolo doubles this part when it is called for, but never is it independent of the clarinet. It also drops out for frequent rests, leaving the clarinet alone as the only instrument on the melody. The second clarinet part even seems to be a filler part. In the same respect it is the 18See Appendix B for copies of the buccin and tuba corva parts to Méhul's Ouverture. . ., in." 1&3 first bassoon part that contains the bass line in its entirety. The other bass instruments, when playing, only double this instrument and drop out occasionally to leave the first bassoon to carry this line alone. In this same work the second bassoon and serpent parts open the Work by doubling the first bassoon, but soon the first bassoon takes a contrapuntal line in the tenor register as the serpent and second bassoon continue the sustained bass line. From there to the conclusion they are exactly alike except that the first bassoon takes a sixteenth note tunn for a beat as the other two instruments rest (2h). Lefevre’s works are also built entirely around the first clarinet and bassoon parts. An additional comment concerning Lefevre‘s Marche Militaire is necessary, however. .A voice quite independent of these tw0 basic parts develops in the second clarinet. It offers a rhythmically active figure in the opening measures which no other part contains; all other voices are strongly doubled in unison or in octaves. Two measures later the second piccolo doubles with this part for a time, but it is 7 - evident that the clarinet, not the piccolo, is the important 1 1.; instrument; the piccolo frequently drops out at the ends of I : phrases while the second clarinet continues. Conclusive evidence of the second clarinet‘s independence comes in measures 16 and 17, where it is the only instrument to have a broken—chord o /'\ _,____,_-, ._ ,7 l 11th eighth note figure accompanying the first clarinet part. There are a full two beats in each of these two measures where only the clarinets are playing. In Lefevre‘s Marche Militaire the two bassoon parts double the bass line in octaves or unison most of the time. The first bassoon, however, will occasionally venture away from.the bass line (13) to cover a tenor line. The piccolo parts are dependent on the clarinets, and the second bass00n rarely does anything that the first bassoon is not covering. Serpent and trombone are almost identical to the second bassoon, and the trumpets and horns have to be satisfied with filling in harmonies when possible. The trumpet does occasionally get to sound a short rhythmical figure that is not covered in the other parts, but this is the only interest in an extremely boring part. The piccolo‘s dependence on the clarinet is not so evident in the larger works, although the piccolo is less inclined toward independent passages than the clarinet. In Catel’s Ouverture, for example, measures 105—108 double both piccolo parts in a rapid, angular, eighth note passage not present in the clarinet part, but this type of piccolo writing is rare. The similarity of the bassoon, serpent, and trombone parts of Catel’s Ouverture is even more evidence to suggest that the bassoon was the primary instrument of the group. The serpent 1h5 occasionally drops out as the bassoon continues, but the trombone part is full of rests and frequently has a simplified version of the bassoon part. In Lefevre‘s Marche Militaire the relationship of the two horn parts is consistently the interval of a sixth, fifth, or an octave. Unisons and thirds are used but rarely. 0n the other hand, the two trumpet parts in Catel‘s Marche Militaire are in unison most of the time. When flute parts are included, as in Jadin's Ouverture, more independence of parts usually results because the first flute is sometimes treated as a solo instrument. The second flute, however, carries on in much the same manner as the piccolo, rarely doing more than doubling the second piccolo part. The treatment of the oboe in relationship to other parts is best exemplified in Jadin’s Ouverture. Measure 7h is a rare example of a solo, but the usual treatment is to double the clarinet without venturing into either the extreme high or low range. In Méhul‘s Ouverture, which is the only example in these works of the use of the buccin, two buccin parts join a tuba corva part to add weight to the fortissimo passages. Melodic doubling between other instruments is rare. Such an instance is the opening of Méhul’s Ouverture, where the horns’ opening motive is later doubled an octave higher by the clarinets. .» . r . - -v_ . ... ~ ' " ‘ ‘ . . V . - ' ’I‘ r' . I ' . ' ‘1\; l“, , . ' . I ‘ ' l . r h .‘ - . , . . , - ‘fl ' n I.. 1 I - . J . . _ I \r- . I. " I‘ ~ .4 ‘I r I . l 1 ‘ - ‘ I I. S ' -. ' - (i. _ . '.' u. . - . . . s ' _ . - ' ' " I ) . - . _ . ~ .‘ . . . 1 - ' ‘ ’l . - . . . . - .‘ ' - ' ' -- . 8 I ‘ . I . . u .I‘ I - I. r. . . _ ._ _ ._ _ _-_ . . ~ .' a — .. " ‘ - I h . . If " ' " " ‘ ‘r " 'I h ‘ . I ’ i v ~ . ~ - - ‘ | ' ~ . ." .‘ H.- A '. --. . . .- ~ ' -. ' — I l r ‘ I..-Ip- : r ‘ \ I 1‘ . \ ‘ 0 . , , . . —- - ‘ l " | - u - ' I “ ~ 7 - I I. h 'I. ' ' n ' ‘ I V v I " r ', ‘ . ' - l . . r," . ~‘- . 8 I. 1 v I. ~ >\" :- r. ‘ . ,. r . . ., . \ "" V “I l . - - - . " .. . '. K J. "I'- . I ' -.' -\ v .\ I" I. - '2 . ‘ ’ . ' fl lhé This example is made possible by Méhul's use of the horn as a solo instrument. It is one of the most effective uses of instrumental doubling for the purpose of color found in these works. Another unique doubling occurs in measure 31 where the first horn has a Scale passage doubled an octave lower by the first bassoon with no other instrument playing. Measures 157-185 in Méhul’s Ouverture offer another impressive combination of instruments. Here the first clarinet is doubled by both piccolos against an opposing line in the second clarinet part; first bassoon and first horn add support in an accompanying role. In measure 176 the second clarinet even crosses over the first clarinet part and remains the higher of the tw0 parts for several measures. Before this point the first clarinet and piccolo had dropped out for five measures, leaving the second clarinet in sole possession of a simple exchange of figures with the bassoon and horn. Dynamic markings are so frequent and full of so many sudden changes that they are important to the character of the style. Ferte often alternates with piapg every two beats (Lefevre: Marche Militaire, 5—6) or every other measure, and crescendos over the length of one measure are not uncommon (Lefevre: Marghe Militaire, 22, 2h, 26). Forte markings are even repeated without a change in dynamics in succeeding measures as if to remind the 1h? players. Mehul‘s Ouverture (50) over—énphasizes the repetition of fortissimo markings to a point that suggests that they mean more than just fortissimo—~possibly sforzando. Measure lh2 of Jadin's Ouverture is another example of an unusual occurrence in dynamic markings. F'FF is immediately followed by P which is then followed by a one—measure crescendo to FF. CHAPTER V IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS MADE EVIDENT BY THIS STUDY Size and Instrumentation of The Performing Groups The use of the instruments and the different parts copied for the ten analyzed works have been given in detail in the previous chapter. The parts copied for each of the compositions do include some variety, but undoubtedly additional instruments were used to double parts in their range and within their capabilities even if not specified. Méhul's Ouverture suggests that violins play an octave higher on the first clarinet part when notes are written below their range. This would seem to imply that strings, when available, doubled on wind parts. The fact that this is the only time it is suggested is no reason to discard this possibility; it is the only time that the part ventured below the violin’s range. A final observation in this regard is that some instruments are instructed to play together on one part as the second bassoon and serpent do in Catel‘s Marghe or as the serpent and trombone do in Lefevre’s two works. It would follow, then, that this type of doubling was also a possibility, whether or not the additional instruments are called for. M761.» lh8 The availability of a large number of wind instrumentalists is another reason to assume that the groups were larger than the single part for each instrument indicates. It has been pointed out in Chapter III that forty—five musicians were made available by the French Guards as early as 1790. Even more impressive, the available teachers of the Music School of the National Guard in 1793 included at least eleven clarinets, seven horns, seven bassoons, three flutes, one trombone, three trumpets, two serpents, three oboes, and timpani. Finally, musicians that could be made available from the National Institute of Music in 1795 included six flutes, thirty clarinets, ten oboes, twelve horns, four trumpets, two buccini, two tuba corvae, three trombones, eighteen bassoons, (k and six serpents. It would have been foolish not to have used the available talent in as many performances as possible, especially when the governing body, who wanted elaborate performances to stir patriotic Spirit, attended these first performances. Other facts are even more conclusive. For a concert on November 7, l79h, parts copied for Catel’s Ouverture included ~"two/forfirst piccolo, two for second piccolo, two for first :flute, two for second flute, seven for first clarinet, seven for second clarinet, three for first horn, three for second horn, one for first trumpet, one for second trumpet, three for trombone, four for first bassoon, four for second bassoon, four for serpent, M9 // \xtwo for timpani, and four for double bass. Other examples given in some detail in Chapter III are similar, with the use of string parts on occasion. In concluding, then, it is necessary to state that some variety is evident in the instrumentation and size of the groups. The facts point to an occasional use of a great number of musicians, both winds and strings, and that whatever instruments were available were put to use. Numbers of from a dozen to over a hundred are mentioned in Chapter III in this connection. Quality of the Music Produced Comparison to the Standard and Style of the Time (h In comparing these Works to their accepted contemporary standard, several introductory comments about such an examination are necessary. First, the outstanding French composers, although particularly fruitful in the field of ppera, were so overshadowed ' by such giants as Haydn and Mozart that the acceptable standards of the time as we know them are quite definitely toward a more "universal” music. Both Mehul and GOSSeC are well known in the operatic field, but their significance lies in the fact that Paris was to establish itself as the operatic capital of Europe during the first half of the nineteenth century, thus paving the way toward nationalistic romanticism.1 Secondly, the concept of lDonald Jay Grout, A History of Western Music (New York: w. w. Norton & Company, Inc., 1960), pp. 515—5h6. 150 a band at that time was a group for playing open—air music, the function of which was to stir mass enthusiasm rather than to express artistic quality. The characteristics of the music, therefore, were necessarily brevity, loudness, simplicity, large size, and attractiveness to the masses both in looks and in sound. It is, indeed, because of these necessities that their developments are an integral part of the modern band’s development- The aspect of loudness made winds preferable to strings; larger groups were also a direct result. If this had not been true, these developments would not have been unique. Since festivals often occurred without warning and for no other reason than to instill patriotic spirit, works were stnple for the sake of ease of performance as well as for the fact that the composer was Working on limited notice. As for attractiveness, instruments such as the buccin, with its painted dragon’s head, were used even to the sacrifice of quality of sound. These functional causes for this creativity must be weighed before evaluating the music‘s quality. In this light, to see even a small amount of artistic creativity is significant. The outstanding favorable aspect of this music as compared to its contemporary standards was in the use of the individual instruments. Few examples of Haydn or Mozart use the clarinet more advantageously than do these works. Thanks to 151 the efforts of Lefevre, the new mechanisms and technical possibilities of the instrument were common knowledge to the players as well as to the composers. Haydn, in his Symphony Ng;_92, writes less technical material for the clarinet than is included in these Revolutionary works. He even subordinates it to the oboe, which was less technically proficient though more traditionally used. The fact that symphonic composers such as Haydn base their writing on the dominance of the violin gives the clarinet a less important role. In the analyzed works the clarinet rarely stops playing; with symphonic works such as Haydn‘s Symphony No. 99 it frequently rests and is utilized much more as an accompanying instrument to the other winds and to the strings. The use of the clarinet's range is very similar. Rarely is the clarinet's lower range in Haydn’s work exploited, which is also true of the Revolutionary examples. Tongued scale passages are also prevalent in both. Solo passages, so numerous in the examined works, are much less frequent with Haydn, again because of the dominance of strings and of the uses of the flute and oboe in this capacity. It should not be concluded, however, that the extensive use of the clarinet was unique with these works. 'When the clarinet was placed in a more demanding situation, such as in Mozart's Serenade No. 10 (K; 361) for wind instruments, it is called on without hesitation.“ . ”~11 ' 3' pf. I .. .. v _ ‘ . I . I -ll - ' I.. ‘L‘ . ,. ‘>' I . I. . 1- . . - . ‘ ’ ' ' l- - . : i 5 '- ' 1 . . . n " " ' ' ' .I . . -- - . I .r ‘ I . , - '-.'- I . . u. ' | . - ' .. . 'I' ~ . I .. - I . I. - . - .' ~ ' “ " - u . . . ‘ | r ' ' r I l ’ . A I ~ ' . . . I . i ‘ . I X- ' ‘ I . ‘ ' . I I > k. . ' . I . - J . nll : —“ ' . '- . I I . t I ‘ . I _ .- ' .'. . . ‘ . ‘ I ”I . . u . ‘ ' ‘ “I' I u u ‘I . i - ' I . l h . h r \ ' ' l i 1 .1 ‘ ‘ I ‘ . - I u. ' ' l - - .- . .:' . -' ' . r .. fl . _ n.‘-' - ”I . ‘ . h . I . ‘ \l . - I l r- I _ ‘ _ I. ' ‘ . . . .. < A” \ .\ l I, ‘ . ‘ I .. . I "" J ‘H ‘ . A I l I i .‘ . ‘ H A. . ‘ l52 The use of the piccolo in preference to the flute in these works is unique. However, its value as an instrument for military music is apparent. It produced the shrill, loud type of sound that these works demanded, and it had an historical association with this type of music. The flute, which became an established part of the orchestra with Haydn, is more of a solo instrument in Haydn than in the ten analyzed works. Its subordination suggests that its carrying powar in the open air was less than that of the clarinet. The oboes, quite important to most of the classical composers, have less importance in these works; only two of the ten include them. The similarity to the clarinet parts is standard for this time, and a point has been made of the fact that tone qualities of clarinet and oboe were more alike than today. The main difference in quality of sound—-the clarinet’s more powerfUl and shriller sound-—certainly was a major reason for the clarinet’s preference in open—air music. What is more important, the clarinet was easier to play than the oboe because of its more highly developed key mechanism, and simplicity was a factor in these works. Bassoon parts are very standard for the-time. Rapidly tongued scale passages, octave leaps, and broken—chord accompanying passages are all characteristic of bassoon writing to be found in Haydn and Mozart. .Also, the use of the instrument both as a tenor and as a bass is characteristic of the period. \ J. J I 2'. "r1 153 Horns and trumpets achieve about the same degree of importance as they do in standard works of the period, although rests are more extended in the standard Works. The wind ensemble of the Revolution gave no hint that the brass would someday dominate. Musicians must have thought about the additional power that more brass would have given; the reconstruction of the tuba corva and buccin suggests this. But they spent no time in exploring the uses of an instrument such as the keyed trumpet, known to have been in use as early as 1770. As to the limited use of the trombone in these works, the standard symphonic works also omit trombones except when connected to religious, solemn, or ceremonial occasions.2 Burney cites the fact that both instruments and players were difficult to find for the Handel commemoration in 1781;.3 The extensive use of the serpent was unique for the thme, but its occasional use was normal. Haydn had specified the serpent, along with two oboes, two horns, and three bassoons in one of his partitas for the military band of Prince Eszterhazy in the 1780’s. As in most cases, however, its use at this time was related to military music. Both the tuba corva and the buccin were reconstructed ancient instruments for the purpose of grandeur and display for the various fetes of the Revolution. In actuality, the buccin QGarse, 313. 113., p. 258. 3J. F. Russell and J. H. Elliot, The Brass Band Movement (London: J. M. Dent, 1936), p. 22. . g r f‘) _,. -. u h. , . I h . ' 15h was nothing more than a fancy trombone with the bell curving upward and terminating in a painted dragon‘s head. Its distorted shape caused its tone quality to suffer, however.h The fact that the part labeled Buccin en FaS was written in the treble clef for a limited number of notes in the overtone series (0’, g’, c”, e") suggests that it may have been an instrument similar to the tuba corva instead of a distorted looking trombone. The tuba corva was an entirely new construction for playing a limited number of notes in the bass range, the idea being taken from the Roman poppy. The EEEEE was a long instrument curved in a wide circle with a tube gently expanding and terminating in a trumpet—like bell beside the player’s head. The tube '% length was approximately eleven feet, with a wide and shallow mouthpiece limiting the range to three or four of the lower partials.6 Texturally, these works are less complicated than the i standard orchestral works of the time. Especially in the development sections, composers such as Haydn make elaborate use of contrapuntal devices.7 This also is true with orchestral works by composers such as Méhul. His Symphony No. 2 in D Major, hFrancis'W. Galpin, A Textbook of European Musical Instruments (New York: John de Graff, Inc., l937), p. 2hl. 5See Appendix B for copies of the buccin and tuba corva parts to Méhul’s Ouverture. 6Sir George Grove, Dictionary of Music and Musicians (London: Macmillan, l95h). 7Karl Geiringer, Haydn, A Creative Life in Music (New York: WD'W. Norton & Company, Inc., l9h6), p. 225. ..... . . 1 .u . . .. . .,) I .- -‘ fl .. 4 u I..! l . ..n. I . 7"! I. :x" 'I“. - 1'... ’I O ' . ‘ 1 :‘I--.“: u . .... l ‘ . ' . . ... 1 " .' _.. . --..... . . - I i') . I ._.‘ . . mlwn. ' 155 for example, is full of imitations and sequences, especially in the first movement. Unfortunately very few sections of a contrapuntal nature are used in the ten analyzed works, and it must be conceded that the composers were almost excluding this texture for the sake of simplicity at the cost of making their works less interesting musically and less artistically created. BecauSe of this it also follows that melodic writing suffered, although these melodies have all the characteristics of good classical writing. Rhythmically, simplicity was also overstressed to the point of falling below the standard of the time. The standard style, although regular in its rhythmic approach, offered many possibilities for contrast of which these works just do not make use. For instance, a shift to borrowed division marks much of the works of Mozart (Serenade No. 10, closing measures of Movement VI), but only once in the analyzed works (Mehul: Ouverture) was it considered. Three against two, as in Haydn‘s \ Symphony No. th, second movement, is unheard of in these compositions. Another occurrence in this same movement of Haydn which is never exploited in the examined works is a modification of tempo for a brief period. As far as form is concerned, it would be foolish to assume that such abbreviated works as the ones labeled "symphonie" could be compared to the classical symphony as a whole. This o‘ 1" ,_. '._)' " -.( I... .-.-,_ . .-.' 'T . ‘ .._— ‘ _': )r: _‘ . . -. ' -." 156 nomenclature was just a means of conveying the fact that the composer was writing an instrumental work within a strict formal structure rather than the more numerous accompanied hymns and songs. Even Gossec‘s Symphonie with its three movements does not approach the dimensions of a true symphony. In fact, the other symphony and the overtures are more complex structurally. To use the open—air festivals, the purpose of which was to inflame patriotism, as inaugurations for long works demanding extended attention would have been professional suicide. The overtures were patterned after the opera overtures of the time which consisted of a single movement with a slow introduction in sonata form without repeats.8 Since these composers were connected with the opera houses and known as opera composers by the public, the composers were making use of a form that was Well known to them while publicizing their place in the operatic field. It fell to the element of harmony to give the composer something by which he could express his artistic talents while still meeting all of the limitations that were to be observed. Harmonic creativeness could be achieved in a short, simple work. In fact, it has already been pointed out that the homophonic style, with its basis on harmonic content, is more often used than 8Donald Francis Tovey, Forms of Music (New York: Meridian Books, Inc., l9h3), p. 165. .l. I) . . .' . .. . . A J .u _l . a . u —. J . - |I I l -J l - Il-l'v ._ . - .- .. . -. . . . ._,.. . .. . . .i _ _ . , _ . ' . . n . . . . ..- .. . . .. _ '. . . ‘ ‘ _.' ' - _, _ . . . . I . - . ‘I u . . I.. n. . .. .n.. . 1 v . _ '- .. - ' _ u . _.o a l 4 I A .J . ‘ . . A I I—l. - .. ..- " ‘ A - - ' - n . '! \ n _' . __ . I- . l _ ' . '. .. ‘ . ‘ ' . . . _ - .. ...JA . _ . . .'. .'- _ . . - . ‘. . H...- .'I' .- __ 1 ' .'.: 1. I r- ' ,. . . . ' . r' .- . ' . n . . . _ . . . ..' . _ . | ~ I u h, _ - ' . ._ . n I ‘ - . - . . - _ , _ _ - _ . . -‘ u . . . _ g - . . . , .h - 157 a linear texture. Further, the degree of success in harmonic writing was not based on the medium in which it was employed. Without hesitation, then, these composers used the standard harmonic formulas of the time, demonstrating their knowledge of the classical harmonic style. Examples of the less used chords such as the mediant triad, the augmented sixth chords, seventh chords of all descriptions, secondary dominants, and altered chords are numerous and quite properly used. Modulations add interest as often as in many of the standard works of the time, and harmonic progressions are as daring as can be expected. Success of Early Performances The very fact that the music was successful and that ‘ h; initial reactions were quite favorable add to the hypothesis that the quality of music was acceptable for the time in which it was written. On January 23, 1792, the Chronique de Paris had stated that the merit of a performance given a day earlier was due to the participation of the most talented performers in Europe. A later performance for the civic authorities was said to have caused "considerable enthusiasm." The Chronique de Paris, in June of 1792, suggested that "people have never heard such lovely music with such effectiveness" as in a recent concert of wind music. It also stated that Catel’s Ouverture was of an absolutely new character and that its results were terrific.9 9Constant Pierre, B. Sarrette et les origines du Conservatorie National de Musique et de Déblamation, trans. David Swanzy and Ferdinand Mveng (Paris: Librarie Delalain Freres, 1895), pp. 2E—h7. 158 The ’frequent: use of some of the works at least suggests that they were written well enough to be effective. Gossec‘s Marche Lugubre was played for several known funeralsxx and celebrations—~September 20, 1790; April 1h, 1791; July ll, 1791; June 3, 1792; August 26, 1792; October 1, 1796; and September 6, 1799.10 Importance to the Modern Band To examine these Works in detail means little until their relative importance to the band has been established. What effect does their existence have on contemporary bands, or even better, what effect should they have? This modest quantity of music offers to the modern band a repertoire of works from the classical period written especially for winds. Without doubt the works are not for the modern conception of a wind ensemble, but neither were the orchestral works of Haydn and Mozart conceived for the twentieth century orchestra. This does not prevent their present usage in either instance. Along with this it should be remembered that the music was not written by second—rate composers or unknowns. The circumstances prevented certain characteristics, but many aspects have been pointed out to establish that the music was of an acceptable quality for its time. 10Constant Pierre, Les Hymnes et chansons de la Réyolution: aperqu général et catalogue avec notices historiques, analytiques et bibliographiques (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, l90h), pp. 839—860. 159 The band is constantly fighting for status as a medium for high—quality artistic expression. Bringing to the attention of serious musicians some of the historical facts concerning the bandls artistic use assists in raising this status. In this respect, few developments are as significant as those during the French Revolution. The problem of program balance in modern bands is one that the knowledge and use of these works should help to Solve. This is the most functional importance to be cited through this study. Until recent years transcriptions dominated the band concerts. The band held very little interest for the artistic composer, and outstanding original band works were rare. Recently the band has attracted first—rate composers, and they have produced outstanding modern works. Programs made up entirely of contemporary music, although solving the problem of the acceptance of the band as an artistic medium, create the problem of unbalanced programming. .A constant diet of twentieth century music is a controversial one. Even musicians tire of too much of the same kind of music, and the general public is repelled without some variety. This is a sound argument for the continued use of transcriptions, but it is also logically applied to these original band works written over one hundred and fifty years ago. » it . . . “- ‘ . . ‘ ‘ f I I. ‘ I . - h f ,_ . .. . ‘ A > - 7‘ - I A ‘ ‘ . .. ‘ - ‘ . ' ‘ - .-. I . ' . . . . I . . . r ’ I ' - V , . r > - .r- . . I. I . - . .. | , . _ . J - .- I . V 1 r I ' ‘ . ‘ . i . - .'. . t . r . A I I I ‘ - I I V A ~ ' ‘ u . l . V . 1 ' . '_ ‘>O|- N ' “ . . 1 ' > ‘ r . . ~J J . V r I I l . 1‘ . 1. .. .- . V . ‘ ' y . - g I ' ‘l r - I -. I ,J .- ‘ ‘ . I I . ‘O I '1 ‘ ‘ ' . A r I ‘I r . . , .. . ~ - . I I . J _- . I I ' f ‘ ' I ). . -.‘ 160 Suggestions for Performance Excellent editions for modern band of several of these Revolutionary works have been published in the last fifteen years. They have already become so established in the modern band’s repertoire that many bands have some familiarity with this valuable source, and most directer's know of at least one work of Gossec, Catel, or Jadin. The published works at this writing are: Catel, (Goldman, R. F.), Overture in 0, Mercury Music Corporation, 19583 Gossec (Goldman~Leist), Military Symphony in F, Mercury, 1950; Méhul, Overture in F, Southern Music Publishing Company, 1952; and Jadin (Schaefer), Symphonie for Band, Shawnee Press, 1963. Richard Franco Goldman’s edition of Gossec’s Military Symphony in F (Symphonic Militaire) is a good example of how effectively these works can be scored for the modern band without losing their character as classical works. Phrasing, dynamics, and tempo have been well preserved along with the \V formal and harmonic structure of the compOSer. Obviously, care and much time was taken to preserve the uniqueness of this music, for this edition is too similar to the original score to have been anything less than a conscientious effort at preserving Gossec's original intentions. What could very well be an even more important use of ,these works is for performance by a smaller wind ensemble. In the last decade there has been a definite organizational move 161 in that direction through the successes of such groups as the Eastmen Wind Ensemble and the Pittsburgh Wind Symphony. In contrast to the traditional concert band, groups which more closely resemble the combined wind and percussion sections of the orchestra seem to have more appeal to Serious composers. Stravinsky’s Symphonies of Wind Instruments was conceived for such a group over forty years ago, and many modern composers write for groups of wind instruments without the traditional concert band in mind (Schuller: Symphony for Brass and Percussion). Regardless of the acceptance or development of the wind ensemble, many present—day concert bands, when playing music of the Classical Period, use a smaller instrumentation to give as much authenticity as possible to the performance. This technique in regard to orchestral performances of works of the Classical Period is traditional as well as desirable. Except for the fact that the composers of the French Revolution were striving : for a fuller sound for open—air performances, these Revolutionary works were likewise conceived for a smaller ensemble; the analysis of the use of instruments in the previous chapter suggests that a small number of independent parts were actually written, and other instruments doubled for greater volume of sound. Méhul‘s Ouverture, for example, could be performed quite authentically by treating the specified instruments as solo instruments. Because the serpent part doubles the bassoon part, it could be eliminated; the tuba corva and buccin parts could .'.fl s . .- .. . .. I J l. , . t r. . . - . I . ' I / . ‘ . .'. . , .J . J v ”I; . H ‘r. o . . ." I ‘4. -' " . — “J. ., l ' I 162 also be excluded, since they were uSed only for power in fortissimo passages. If no doubling at all were desired, piccolo and trumpet parts could likewise be excluded, since they reinforced the clarinet and horn parts respectively. The remaining instruments, if this extreme reduction is realiZed, are two clarinets, two bassoons, and two horns with optional timpani. To conclude this particular line of thought, most of these numbers would make rather delightful works for woodwind sextet or octet, and such arrangements would be within the scope of their original classical conception. Adaption for a small wind ensemble could also be possible with similar results by remaining faithful to the number of parts specified and substituting a tuba for the obsolete serpent and flute for the less desirable piccolo. Doubling could be used sparingly on clarinet parts and even less on other parts, thus providing an acceptable arrangement for a group of twenty to thirty—five instrumentalists. The artistically reconstructed edition for wind ensemble should always be accompanied by a generous amount of program notes. The topic of the French Revolution in itself creates interest for the listener, and the circumstances surrounding the first performance should be cited. Nor only will the listener become more involved with the performances of these works, but he Will be made aware of the fact that the wind ensemble does have a respectable background as a medium for artistic expression. a”); .. .. r , Iv . ,A ' ,. . .‘. . 1 ,. ..,|. 1' \1 . .1._ A 1 , ..1 .,. ,. J _,. I ' J , . ,. .' I a I. . .. 163 Conclusion Many ideas for further research indirectly related to this topic become evident when studying the material included in this dissertation. The complete history of the wind ensemble has only been rarely attempted by such notable writers as 12 and Kappey;l3 such a study could be valuable Farmer,ll Kastner, as well as interesting. .Although the present paper presents more related material on the subject until 1795 than any known specialized work yet published, an additional body of material comparable in size covering from 1795 to the present would be necessary in order to present an up—to—date history of the wind ensemble. Further, the period from l789 to 1795 in Paris, although much more important than previous writers have recognized, would receive less emphasis than the present work has given to it if it were to find its rightful perspective within the over—all history of the wind ensemble. Further research relative to the historical significance of the Revolution is the investigation of the developments of the Paris Conservatory immediately after 1795 regarding the wind band as Well as pedagogical developments. Also, Napoleon's relation to music was not important until after 1795. 'With such 11H. G. Farmer, Military Music (New York: Chanticleer Press, 1950). 12J. G. Kastner, Manuel General de Musique Militaire (Paris, n. n., l8h8). 13J. A. Kappey, Military Music (London: Boosey and Company, 189M). , ,. . 1 1 . 1' ‘1 11 .(, . .r" .1 . \ . - . .. . . .1“,- u ‘. 1: . '1'. " .4 .- n1 ,1 .,V, V . ,,.|~ , .1. .. . :1") 16h an important figure, it is obvious that early nineteenth century developments in music, eSpecially in military music, were influenced by his related feeling and actions. English and French sources, upon which the majority of this paper is based, naturally emphasize their importance in the over-all contributions to the wind ensemble. The English are especially guilty of this, and many times it is felt that they give themselves undue credit. ‘With this in mind, there can be no doubt that a detailed study of wind literature of countries other than France or England would produce events comparable in importance to those which took place in Paris during the Revolution. it A complete study comparing the wind music of such composers as Gossec and Mahul to their orchestral and operatic works is one which could give additional information concerning their attitudes toward the wind ensemble and their feeling of its importance as a truly artistic medium. The present paper ‘\ ;' deals somewhat with this problem, but further research involved with this aspect alone would be quite valuable. Financial matters frequently make an interesting study, and just enough of this has been included in this paper to really create a desire to investigate the financial status of the musicians involved in the Revolution. Their financial status as compared to the status of other people at that time and also 165 to present—day musicians would be elightening. In the present study there is little doubt that a few were profiting from the unusual situation in a grand manner and many others living adequately because of it, but more evaluation and information are needed for definite conclusions. Does the specific instrument on which a composer performs affect his composition in regard to that particular instrument? Although this question can be asked of any composer, it would I certainly be a valid one with the musicians of the Revolution because teaching and performing Were a major part of their job. Finally, one cannot mention revolutionary music Without including a discussion of the vast number of hymns and patriotic songs produced, but they have been de—emphasized in the present study in order to concentrate on wind music. HoWever, they were more important in many respects than wind music, especially in regard to understanding the historical significance of the time. Cornwell B. Rogerslh has even written a history of the Revolution based on revolutionary hymns and songs. The sources are numerous and the possibilities for research topics almost endless. This paper has attempted to point out the fact that the establishment of the Band of the National Guard in 1789 in Paris was the beginning of a period of some six years that was significant l)‘LCornwell B. Rogers, The Spirit of the Revolution in 1789 (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University'Press, I§E9). 166 for the medium of the band. Thirtyanine works for wind instruments alone, plus countless others accompanying voices, establish that there was a quantity of material which exceeded any parallel development. Further, its degree of quality was established by the observations of first performances, by the fact that outstanding musicians performed and composed the works, and by the contents of the ten analyzed works, although not altogether matching the standard of the time due to the functional limitations. By citing developments of military music prior to the Revolution, it was established that the Revolutionary developments were unique and critical for the band’s final development. Also, the observations of the happenings that surrounded the creation of the performing organizations and their music suggested that the circumstances cause by the French Revolution were pertinent to the existence of its military music. , ,4 A m m M cl cl 4» 72,4 59'? cl oh 8» ”A If P V? P P 4. 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M arch 273 LE CHANT Du DéPART Me'HuL 01 at Eu 711+ 1411 73's,, .. . ‘ n . 1 {Re-EMA to L; 1 l A l———I——l .--_.-_--, m -—_. _— .: 1 9 A —_-- --v'-m - _—.———_——- I If s V A E _. J 1 a. 2‘ a E .dm. _l—l_—l— -I—_—I _ _-—r_—- .- ———- _ 1 r : 11......- I—-—_r _----.I—I ———— --—-- _.'- n 1 I I Tiff. \I i 4’11: 1144' _' ‘--—’--l-- c/ A ‘ tr -r‘ —1r~.. .— .— ———-—1—_. v .—- . "LI—_.‘“ 4'- .L ._ .‘. -v .1“- - - - "¢—_‘.— -.._ I. 1 _— ......--m..—-.. _.'__.. w..-“ n.1, a f . “.7. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY Adkins, H. E. Treatise on the Military Band. London: Boosey & Company, 1931. Apel, Willi. Harvard Dictionary of Music. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 19hh. Baines, Anthony. Musical Instruments Through the Ages. Baltimore: Penguin Books, Inc., 1961. . 'Woodwind Instruments and Their History. New York: W}'W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1957. Baker’s Biographical Dictionary of Musicians. Fifth edition. Revised by Nocolas Slonimsky. New York: G. Sohirmer, 1958. Biancolli, Louis (ed.). The Mozart Handbook. New York: The World Publishing Company, 195E. ng\Brenet, Michel. "French Military Music in the Reign of Louis XIV," The Musical Quarterly, III, 1917, BRO—357. Burk, John N. Mozart and his Music. New York: Random House, 1959 . Carse, Adam. Musical Wind Instruments. New York: Da Capo Press, 1965. Einstein, Alfred. Mozart. Trans. Arthur Mendel and Nathan Broder. London: Oxford University Press, 19MB. Eitner, Robert. Quellen~Lexikon. Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 1901—0 . . W rut Farmer, H. G. History of the Roya1.Artillery Band, 1762-. London: Royal Artillery Institution, 195R. gfi . Military Music. New York: Chanticleer Press, 1950. M") . The Rise and Development of Military Music. London: W3 Reeves, 1912. 283 _W,‘ 28h 1‘1 .1.“! \ I M” Farmer, Iydia Hoyt. A Short History of the French Revolution. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell & Company, 1889. Fennell, Frederick. Time and the Winds. Kenosha, Wisconsin: Leblanc Publications, Inc., 195E. Ffoulkes, C. "Notes on Early Military Bands," Society for Army Research Journal, XVII, 1938, 188~200. Galpin, Francis W1 A Textbook of European Musical Instruments. New York: John de Graff, Inc., 1937. Geiringer, Karl. Haydn, A Creative Life in Music. New York: W1 W1 Norton & Company, Inc, 19h6. . Musical Instruments. New York: Oxford University Press, 19h3. Giles, Ray. Here Comes the Band. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1936. fva Goldman, Richard Franko. The Band‘s Music. New York: Pitman Publishing Corporation, 1938. Lfé 0‘, “J . The Concert Band. New York: Rinehart and Company, 1A_____i 6_______________ 9h. . The'Wind Band. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Inc., 1962. Green, Douglas M. Form in Tonal Music. New York: Holt, Rinehart and'Winston, Inc., 1965. Gregory, Robin. The Horn. London: Faber and Faber, 1961. Grout, Donald Jay. A History of'Western Music. New York: 'W.'W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1960. “ Grove, Sir George. Dictionary of Music and Musicians. London: Macmillan, 195A. Hawkins, Sir John. A General History of the Science and Practice of Music. New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1963. Helm, Ernest Eugene. Music at the Court of Frederick the Great. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1960. Kappey, J. A. Military Music. London: Boosey and Company, 189h. 285 Kastner, J. G. Manuel General de Mhsique Militaire. Paris: n.n., 18h8. Langwill, Iyndesay G. An Index of Musical Wind-Instrument Makers. Edinburgh Scotland: Lyndesay G. Langwill 1962. , , MacPherson, Stewart. Form in Music. London: Joseph Williams, Limited, n.d. Manifold, John. The Amorous Flute. London: Workers' Music Association, 19E8 Menke, Werner. History of the Trumpet of Bach and Handel. Trans. Gerald Abraham. London: W. Reeves, 193R. Pierre, Constant. B. Sarrette et 1es origines du Conservatorie National de Musique et de Declamation. Trans. Ferdinand Mveng and David Swanzy. Paris: Librarie Delalain Freres, 1895. . Le Conservatoire National de Musique et de déclamation, documents historiques et administratifs recueillis ou reconstitues. Trans. Ferdinand Myeng and David Swanzy. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1900. . Les Hymnes et chansons de la Revolution: Aper u général et catalogue avec notices historiques, analytiques, et bibliographiques. Trans. David Swanzy. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 190R. . Le magasin de musique a 1‘usages des fetes nationalis et du conservatoire. Paris: Fischbacher, 1895. Musique des Fetes et Ceremonies de la Revolution Francaise. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1899. Pietzsch, Hermann. Die Trompete. Trans. John Bernhoff. .Ann Arbor: The University Music Press, 1900. Prod'Homme, J. G. "Austro—German Musicians in France," Music Quarterly, XV, 1929, 190-191. gix? Rogers, Cornwell B. The Spirit of the Revolution in 1789. //, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 19h9. ”7x. Russell, J. F., and Elliot, J. H. The Brass Band Movement. =’ London: J. M. Dent, 1936 r; . Thompson, J. M. The 19 286 Sachs, Curt. The History of Musical Instruments. New York: W3 W} Norton in Stewart, John Hall. Revolution. & Company, Inc., 19h0. A Documentary Survey of the French New York: The Macmillan Company, 1951. French Revolution. Oxford: Basil BlackWell, Tiersot, Julien. Les fetes et les chants de la Revolution francaise. Trans. Ferdinand Mveng and David Swanzy. Paris: Hachette, 1908. Tovey, Donald Francis. Forms of Music. New York: Meridian Books, Inc., Tyndall, Robert E. l 19h3- Musical Form. Boston:.A11yn & Bacon, Inc., White, W. C. A History of Military Music in.America. New York: Exposition Press, 19hh. Woodfill, Walter L. to Charles I. Musicians in English Society from.E1izabeth Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1953. NICHIGQN STQ E U u111111211/1111?! 7‘ 31293 02 J 1% 11133111 6 99