Mlcmems ANTEés'ELiUMI “f~ 1-} L CASS COUNTY 183551-879: Dissertation for‘fh’e-Degree ofiph‘ép; , _ ' MICHIGAN.STATEUNIVERsm_ _. _ ‘ BENJAMINCALVIN W'LSON..:JR;.- . _ , ‘ I ,,,, . ’73” ,3 ‘ Way-:- . 'I'b This is to certify that the thesis entitled Michigan's Ante—Bellum Black Haven: Cass County, 1835—1870. ' presented by Benjamin Calvin Wilson has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. degree in History (M ‘fi' Majé professor Date January 15, 1975 LIBRARY {’3 Michigan State J; "n7fl'3u VP“! 1-».— M‘y V ' ‘ 3.va fi‘”:'—T’.‘T y1:”; [1%] ABSTRACT \\gj§\ MICHIGAN'S ANTE-BELLUM BLACK HAVEN -- CASS COUNTY 1835-1870 BY BENJAMIN CALVIN WILSON, JR. Upon emancipation in the ante-bellum era, most of the ex—slaves migrated to developing urban sites in the free states. Many assumed that employment and freedom were duly accorded to all in such locations. But, those areas were not the asylums they sought, for steady work and freedom were privileges enjoyed solely by the white inhabitants. Although Michigan generally acted accordingly, Cass County was an exception to that rule. Unlike whites in other Michigan areas, most of the citizens of that county were not hypersensitive about the presence of large numbers of blacks because they were too busy carving farmsteads out of the wilderness. This paper presents some topics in the social history of blacks in that rural county, between the years 1835-1870, where many privileges granted to whites were also extended to the ex-slaves. In compiling the dissertation,materials gathered by the siblings of earlier settlers, the county's historical society, news— papers, diaries and memoirs of prominent nineteenth-century residents, the published county histories, legal documents, church records, the Benjamin Calvin Wilson, Jr. Federal and state census returns, and secondary sources were relied upon heavily in answering some important questions which were crucial to understanding the black history of that county. Also the interviews with the direct descendants of the earlier settlers were very fruitful. For example, most of the pictures and freed papers in the appendices were provided by some of the informants. Furthermore, on some occasions they assisted in separating fact from fiction. With their aid plus the aforementioned sources, the following significant conclusions emerged: first, despite the state's black laws, some whites in the county were willing to tolerate the presence of the ex-slaves in large numbers; secondly, the agricultural existence of most of the ex-bondmen made them economically more stable and independent than the freed blacks who lived within the more racially hostile urban environments. Also, the research suggested that once the emancipated arrived many vigorously worked and on some occasions fought, either with or without white assistance, to create and maintain a haven there. Ironically, only a few of the former slaves were able to live comfortably and receive some privileges in that asylum. It was purposely designed that way by some of the black settlers. ‘ MICHIGAN'S ANTE-BELLUM BLACK HAVEN -- CASS COUNTY 1835—1870 BY BENJAMIN CALVIN WILSON, JR. A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of History 1974 © Copyright by BENJAMIN CALVIN WILSON, JR. 1974 ii TO FIVE BLACK QUEENS Patricia Ann Nikki Kai Ayanna Tene Mama Sharon Renee iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to express to my adviser at Michigan State University, Dr. James R. Hooker, sincere gratitude for his assistance in the accomplishment of this project from the original decision to research the blaCk settlements in Cass County to the writing of the disserta— tion. Thanks are extended, also, to the members of my doctoral com- mittee: Dr. James R. Hooker (chairman), Dr. Douglas Miller, and Dr. Justin Kestenbaum. In addition, I extend thanks to the following libraries and archives plus their personnel for the courteous and efficient assist- ance given in supplying materials: (1) Bentley History Library (Dr. Robert Warner and Ms. Mary Jo Pugh); (2) Burrage Library (Mr. Charles Marx); (3) Burton Historical Collection of the Detroit Public Library; (4) Cassopolis Public Library (Ms. Mary L. Watts); (5) Dowagiac Public Library (Mr. Mark Ames); (6) General Motors Institute Library (Ms. Susan Thorpe and Ms. Betty Fines); (7) Jackson County Library (Mr. David Morris); (8) Logansport Public Library (Ms. Janet Carr); (9) Michigan State Archives (Dr. Martha Bigelow); (10) Michigan State Law Library; (11) Michigan State Library (Mr. Richard Hathaway); (12) Michigan State University Library (Mr. Walter Burinski); (13) Michigan State University Rare Book Room; (14) Monroe County Library; (15) Mount Clements Library; (16) Niles Community Library (Ms. Ann Frese); (17) Southwestern Michigan College iv Library; (18) University of Michigan Law Library; (19) Wayne State University Library (Mr. Wesley Schram); (20) Webster Memorial Library (Ms. Olga Stegemans; (21) Western Michigan University Archives -- Division of the Michigan State Archives (Mr. Wayne iMann); (22) William Clements Library of the University of Michigan. Further, I am grateful for the use of historical materials borrowed from: (1) Ms. Gladys Ash (unpublished manuscript on Chain Lake Baptist Church); (2) Mr. Frank Burmeister (copies of the nineteenth-century Cassgpolis National Democrat); (3) Mr. Lee Dodd (chairman of the Cass County Historical Society); (4) Mr. Orlando James (c0py of Irvin James freed papers and deed to the family's first real estate investment); (5) Ms. France Lawson (genealogical records of the Lawson family); (6) Mr. Rebert Mathews (the tax assessment rolls of blacks in the 18603); (7) Ms. Bertha Newsome (pictures of Buckingham Drygood Store, The Revels family, and the township's first black doctor); (8) Ms. Saunders (picture of Mr. Vaugh); (9) Ms. Rosella wade (unpublished manuscripts on blacks in Cass, The History of Bethel A.M.E. Church and pictures of an aunt, Ms. Griffin, a minister, and "Hog" Bill Allen). Thanks should also be attributed to: (1) Mr. Kenneth M. Poe (county clerk who made available the civil and criminal records of Cass for the 18508 and 18603); Ms. Sally A. Foust (Register (sf Deeds who presented the deed books of the county); Tally J. Richards (Drain Commissioner who gave me a soil map) and; George B. Wiersma (Conservation Technician who explained the soil types). Special appreciation is expressed to: (1) Mr. Frederick ££llJfiu (2) Ms. Emeline Anderson; (3) Ms. Gladys Ash; (4) Ms. Marguer- ite Berry; (5) Mr. Elwood Bonine; (6) Mr. Frank Burmeister; (7) Mr. Clyde Byrd; (8) Mr. Clarence Haines; (9) Mr. Guylor Haines; (10) Ms. Hazel Hawkes; (11) Mr. Orlando James; (12) Ms. Frances Lawson; (13) Mr. William Lawson; (14) Mr. Robert Mathews; (15) Ms. Bertha Newsome; (16) Ms. Granville Nicholson; (17) Mr. Frederick Sackrider; (18) Ms. Edna Saunders; (19) Mr. Crawford Stewart; (20) Ms. Bessie synder; (21) Mr. Delbert Vaughn; (22) Ms. Rosella Wade and; (23) Brother Cornelius X. Those informants, the majority being descendants of the first black arrivals, responded to an oral questionnaire about their family's history. On most occasions, they also provided valuable information on how the area's whites reacted to the coming of their forefathers, the problems they encountered in buying land in the nineteenth century, the effects of the slave raid, and the reasons for the development of the black aristocracy. Even though many of them were octogenarians, they proved to be very knowledgeable on the history of blacks in the region. Furthermore, the data supplied by that group was used to cross check the contentions posited by some writers who made studies on that area. They also assisted in separat— ing the facts from fiction. Had it not been for their courtesy, tolerance of the writer's naivete, and individual acts of kindness, the study would not have been successful. For those unwilling to help in reconstructing their history, please do not complain for you also had a chance to influence the finished product. For assistance in various matters regarding the dissertation, I wish to thank my friends Mr. William Edington (Chairman of the Humanities and Social Science Department at General Motors Institute), Dr. Robert Carter, Ms. Leslie Doane, Ms. Betty Fines, Ms. Susan Thorpe, Ms. Marilyn Wilson, Ms. Madeline Anthony, Dr. David Bertolotti, and Mr. Edward Preville. Even though they critiqued the work, the errors and awkward sentences are mine. And for the patience shown by one of my severest critics —- my wife -- Pat —— and my daughter -- Nikki -— I express the greatest thanks and love. INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I. CHAPTER II. CHAPTER III. CHAPTER IV. CHAPTER V. CHAPTER VI. CHAPTER VII. EPILOGUE . APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II APPENDIX TO CHAPTER III APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VI BIBLIOGRAPHY INTERVIEWS TABLE OF CONTENTS 0 o O o O 0 THE MIGRATION 0F ANOMALIES TO MICHIGAN AND THE RURAL HAVEN —- CASS COUNTY 0 LAND, PRIDE, AND INDEPENDENCE . THE REACTION TO "THEM" o O o o o o o o PREDATORS, PREY, AND PROTECTORS (KENTUCKY KID— NAPPERS, FUGITIVES, AND ABOLITIONISTS IN CASS). FOR THE ELEVATION OF THEIR STATUS . . . . . . NEITHER BLACK, NEGRO, NOR WHITE SUMMARY AND 0 CONCLUSION viii -- BUT "COL'D" 26 54 80 109 125 138 143 146 161 174 181 194 234 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Appendix to Chapter III Page NUMBER I. BUCKINGHAM'S DRYGOOD STORE 0R NEWSOME'S DRY- GOOD STORE O O C O O C O O C O O . O I O O O O O O 175 NUMBER II. CALVIN'S FIRST COL'D DOCTOR . . . . . . . . . . . . 176 NUMBER III. ONE OF THE MINISTERS AND FAMILY OF A CALVIN CHURCH. 177 NUMBER IV. CHAIN LAKE BAPTIST CHURCH . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178 NUMBER V. FRONT VIEW OF CHAIN LAKE BAPTIST CHURCH . . . . . . 179 NUMBER VI. MOUNT ZION A.M.E. CHURCH . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180 SOME MULATTO SETTLERS IN ANTE-BELLUM CALVIN . . . . 188 MRS. WADES' AUNT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189 MRS. GRIFFIN, ONE OF CALVIN'S OLD SETTLERS . . . . 190 JAMES VAUGHN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 "HOG" BILL ALLEN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192 MR. WADE'S MOTHER'S COUSIN AND FAMILY . . . . . . . 193 ix LIST OF TABLES Appendix to Chapter I NAMES OF SOME OF THE RUNAWAY SLAVES . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix to Chapter II AGRICULTURE PRODUCTION - 1850 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . AGRICULTIIRE PRODUCI‘ION - 1860 a o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 TABLE I. OCCUPATIONS OF HEADS OF BLACK FAMILIES IN CALVIN AND PORTER TOWNSHIPS - 1850 and 1860 . . . . . TABLE II. COMPARATIVE COMPUTATION . . . . . . . . . . . . TABLE III. COMPARATIVE TAX COMPUTATIONS . . . . . . . . . 167 168 171 172 173 LIST OF CHARTS Appendix to Chapter I CHART CHART CHART CHART CHART CHART CHART CHART CHART I. II. III. IV. VI. VII. VIII. BLACK POPULATION OF MICHIGAN . . . . . . . . . FREE BLACK PERSONS IN MICHIGAN -- 1841 . . . FREE BLACK PERSONS IN MICHIGAN -- 1850 . . . . FREE BLACK PERSONS IN MICHIGAN - 1854 . . . . FREE BLACK PEOPLE IN MICHIGAN —- 1860 . . . . FREE BLACK PEOPLE IN MICHIGAN -- 1861 . . . . FREE BLACK PERSONS IN MICHIGAN -- 1865 . . . . BLACK AND WHITE POPULATION 0F TOWNSHIPS WITHIN COUNTY . O I O C I C O O O O O O O O I O O 0 0 BLACK AND WHITE POPULATION 0F TOWNSHIPS WITHIN COUNTY C C I O . O I O O O O O O O I O O O C I Appendix to Chapter II CHART CHART I. II. CRIMINALS AND PAUPERS IN CASS COUNTY . . . . . CRIMINALS OR PAUPERS IN CASS COUNTY . . . . . xi 149 150 151 152 153 159 160 170 LIST OF MAPS Appendix to Chapter I MAP I. UNDERGROUND RAILROAD ROUTES IN CASS COUNTY . . MAP II. UNDERGROUND RAILROAD ROUTES IN MICHIGAN . . . . Appendix to Chapter II MAP I . SOIL CHART O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 MAP II. BLACK RESIDENT LANDOWNERS OF CALVIN TOWNSHIP -- MAP III. BLACK NON-RESIDENT PROPERTY OWNERS IN CALVIN TOWN- SHIP-".1867 0.000.000.00..... Appendix to Chapter III THE PERCENTAGE OF FREE MULATTOES IN MICHIGAN -- 1860 . . FREE MULATTOES IN MICHIGAN -- 1860 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 xii 1867 162 165 166 186 187 INTRODUCTION The literature on Afro—Americans has increased considerably since the advent of the "new militancy." In reference to population 'mObility, most writers have concentrated on the larger urban areas, the loci of greatest black migration. Studies on ghetto existence in such places as Seattle, Chicago, Philadelphia, and -- of course -- Harlem by RiChard Morrill, Gilbert Osofsky, Kenneth Clark, E. Franklin Frazier, W. E. B. Dubois and others, exemplify that contention. Not surprisingly, most research on either nineteenth —- or twentieth- century black Michiganites1 has focused on Wayne County -- the Detroit area -- where approximately 40-50 percent of Michigan's black popula- tion always has resided. The abundance of primary sources pertaining to those inhabitants, especially those in the nineteenth century, hitherto has attracted the attention of most scholars. Consequently, many blacks were disregarded, the most notable case being those in rural areas where at least 60 percent of Michigan's nineteenth-century black population resided. Cass County, where the oldest and largest of such communities was located, is a case in point. 1Style Manual, Revised edition January, 1967 (Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1967), p. 72. xiii This project will attempt to uncover some of the nineteenth— century black social history of that often overlooked county. The study also will evaluate and record the movement of blacks into Cass between 1835-1870, the impact of northern life on them, the problems of their adjustment to the new environment, and the socio—economic characteristics of those emigres. Furthermore, this treatise seeks to interpret as well as to recount and describe the major events, movements, and personalities which affected black existence in that rural area. Attention also will be given to the development of Calvin Township, the county's "black retreat" in the pre—Civil War era. The question "was Cass a nineteenth—century haven for blacks" is the crux of the study. The investigation of these topical areas should lead to a successful completion of the project at hand. How— ever, to comprehend the topic completely, it is essential that the reader realizes that the mass exodus of freed blacks was attributed directly to slaveholders who perceived those ex-slaves as a threat to the peculiar institution. A survey of secondary materials revealed that only a few historians attempted to deal with the aforementioned problems which the nineteenth-century black settlers of Cass encountered in book form. The majority of the writers directed their attention to the history of Cass and its relationship to other parts of the state. Occasionally, some devoted a few pages of their research to blacks in that county; but, after mentioning the Underground Railroad Routes that traversed the county and the operators of that clandestine system, reference to blacks simply disappeared. The wide scope of this project seeks to rectify that unfortunate short-coming. xiv The dissertation will be divided into the following chapters: (1) Migration of "Anomalies"2 to Michigan and the Rural Haven; (2) Land, Pride, and Economic Independence; (3) The Reaction to "Them"; (4) Predator, Prey, and Protectors (Kentucky Kidnappers, Fugitives, and Abolitionists in Cass); (5) For the Elevation of Their Status; (6) Neither Black, Negro Nor White —- but "col'd"; (7) Summary and Conclusion. However, before detailing Cass County's black history, it is essential that a general description of ante-bellum Michigan be given to impress upon the reader the hostile environment which most blacks generally had to cope with. That description follows in chapter one. 2In the ante-bellum years, there evolved a fixed conception of the status of blacks in the socio—economic order of America. According to their white defined roles all blacks were supposed to be slaves. Naturally an abhorrence developed for those who were in other positions. Freed slaves were anomalies in the structured American society. Being "free" was for whites only. XV Chapter I THE MIGRATION OF ANOMALIES TO MICHIGAN AND THE RURAL HAVEN —- CASS COUNTY Michigan was an unsettled territory during the first decade of the nineteenth century, and it attracted few settlers. In 1810, approximately 1005 newcomers lived in the region.1 The erroneous con— clusions made by the Federal government appointed engineers was one of the principal reasons for the territory's small population. These surveyors assumed and then informed their authorities that Michigan, excluding Detroit, was mostly swampland and that it therefore was unsuitable either for bounty lands for American war veterans or general settlement.2 With the opening of the Erie Canal in 1825, many people realized that the surveyors had made hasty judgments. Soon thereafter, the number of immigrants increased significantly. The ease by which residents of the East could reach Michigan via Buffalo was one of the forces which induced thousands of families to sell their previous homesites and migrate west by water caravans. In that same year, what lMostly trappers, these people lived either in small remote forest communities or in the vicinity of Fort Detroit. George J. Miller, "Some Influences in the Settlement of Michigan and in the Dis— tribution of Its Population," Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, vol. XLV, no. 5 (1913), p. 239. Alfred Mathews, A History of Cass County Michigan (Chicago: Waterman, Watkins, and Company, 1882), p. 31; Harold Stevens, "The Influence of New England in Michigan," Michigan Histopy Magazine, Vol. xrx (Autumn, 1935), pp. 323—353. 1 I'lillllifiks_ 2 is now Cass County received its first non-Indian settlers.3 Within five years after the initial settlement, nearly a 1000 people had come to establish homes there.4 By January 1827, approximately three—fourths of the arrivals had come from New York and other northeastern points —— either Massachussetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut or Rhode Island; and by 1837, New Englanders and New Yorkers constituted about two- thirds of the total population of that county.5 Between 1830—1845, land fever spread throughout Michigan. Everyone who could afford to, purchased "wild land."6 Speculation eventually became rampant, especially in the southernmost counties.7 Therefore, it can be surmised that land grabbing, among other reasons, contributed to the growth of southern Michigan's population.8 By 1845, 3Early Cass County: A Brief History for Use by Teachers, com— piled by Olive Dickeson, et. a1. (Niles: Niles Area Community Re— sources Workshop, 1960), p. 6; Robert J. Furlong, "Know Your Michigan," Plaid and Khaki (April 1955), p. 6; G. P. Graff, The People of Michigan (Lansing: Michigan Department of Education, Bureau of Library Services, 1970), p. 9; Nathan Gordon Thomas, The Second Coming in the Third New England (The Millennial Impulse in Michigan, 1830-1860) required dis— sertation for the Ph.D. at the University of Michigan (East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1967), p. 145. 4Harold B. Fields, "Free Negroes in Cass County before the Civil War," Michigan History Magazine, Vol. XLIV (1960), p. 375; George K. Hesslink, Black Neighbors: Negroes in a Northern Rural Community (Indianapolis: The Bobbs Merrill Company, Inc., 1968), p. 31. 5"Settlement of Southern Michigan, 1805-1837," Michigan History Magazine, Vol. XIX (Spring and Summer, 1935), pp. 190-214. 6When Michigan lands were first offered for sale in 1818 the standard price per acre was two dollars, one—fourth to be paid down and the remainder in three annual payments. In 1852 the credit system was abolished and the price reduced to a dollar and twenty—five cents per acre. 7"Autobiographical Notes by E. Lakin Brown," ed. by his daughter A. Ada Brown, Reprinted from Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections V01. XXX (Schoolcraft, Michigan, 1906), p. 45. 8In early 1840'S,southern Michigan was attractive to many new arrivals because the 26 organized counties possessed structured govern- ments, civilization, and growing populations. The remainder of terri- tOIY'was still wilderness and "uncivilized." 3 for example, the greatest population density occurred in the southern counties of the lower peninsula, three—fifth or 185,925 of the state's population lived there; while 116,596 residents were scattered through— out the remaining Michigan areas.9 Only four out of the 31 counties had over 20,000 residents, Wayne, Oakland, Washtenaw and Lenawee; eight others had 10 to 20,000 settlers.10 Significantly, the history of migration to the area also reveals that black families contributed to the settlement and development of ante-bellum Michigan. This chapter will focus on a general description of that migration, the white reaction to their presence, and the arrival of blacks in Cass County. Attention also will be directed to the Quakers of that area. Without doubt, as will be indicated, they were responsible for the presence of many blacks in that county. Their assistance, moreover, was one of the reasons why the region became a haven, where some of the hopes and dreams of the former bondmen materialized. Blacks have been in Michigan since the eighteenth century (1790).11 Like their southern brethren, most of them were 9Amos H. Hawley, The Population of Michigan 1840 to 1860: An Analysis of Growth, Distribution and Composition (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1949), p. 56. 10Birt Darling, "Lansing Centennial 1859—1959," Souvenir Historical Program Lansing Centennial. llVide. Harley Lawrence Bigg, "Slaves in Old Detroit," Michigan Histopy Magazine, Vol. XVII (Spring 1843), pp. 144-145; John Dancy, "Negro People in Michigan," Michigan Histogy Magazine, Vol. XXIV-XXV (1940-1941), p. 221; History of the Negro in Michigan, Federal Writers Program, Michigan History Collection - Bentley Historical Library, University of Michigan (n.p.: n.d.) Ann Arbor, p. 6; Reginald Larrie, Conmrs of Black Histopy (New York: Vantage Press, 1971), p. 54. 4 slaves.12 Only a few were freed —- roughly less than five percent. By the 1800's, however, the number of free blacks began to increase with each decennial census (Chart I). The first freed black emigres arrived in 3 their numbers became the region between the 1820's and the 1830's;1 larger between 1830—1840 and assumed even greater proportions just prior to the Civil War.14 The first freed slave settlements, composed principally of western New Yorkers and Yankees, were in the rural areas of Michigan; small black communities could be found in the regions surrounding Detroit and in the counties to the west and southwest -- Cass, Kalamazoo, Calhoun and Washtenaw.15 Since some of the former slaves arrived with skills commonly practiced in urban areas, naturally the developing towns and cities 12For an interesting account of their status in territorial Michi- gan, vide. The History of the Negro in Michigan, . . ., passim; Dorothy Emmet, The Civil and Political Status of the Negro in MicEIgan and the Northwest Before 1870, required thesis for Masters Degree in History (Detroit: Wayne State University, 1935), passim; T. A. Kneip, Slavery in Early Detroit, required thesis for Masters Degree in History—TDEEFBit: University of Detroit, 1938), passim; William Renwick Riddell, "A Negro Slave in Detroit when Detroit was Canadian," Michigan History Magazine, Vol. XVII (Winter 1934), pp. 48—53; Reginald Barrie, Corners of Black History, . . ., passim; W. B. Hartgrove, "The Story of MarIa Louise Moore and Fannie M. Richards," Journal of Negro History Vol. I, No. 1 (January 1916), pp. 23-33. 13G. P. Graff, The People of Michigan (Lansing, Michigan: Michi— gsm Department of Education, Bureau of Library Services, 1970), p. 13. 14Michigan Manual of Freed Men's Progress, compiled by Francis H. Diarren (Detroit, Michigan, 1915), p. 34. 15David M. Katzman, Before the Ghetto: Black Detroit in the NdJaeteenth Centupy, required dissertation for the Ph.D. at the Univer— si;ty of Michigan (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1969), p. 8; Darvid M. Katzman, "Early Settlers in Michigan," Michigan Challenge, Vol. VIII, No. 9 (June 1968), p. 11. 5 of Michigan appeared attractive.16 In addition, the close association of farm labor with slavery was another motivating force that possibly caused many blacks to shy away from rural life.17 One historian surmises that the "employment in urban districts was in the nature of job work and services in unskilled trades [to] which the free negroes [sic] were adaptable . . .. Negroes served best in many menial capacities."18 However, his generalizations were not always applicable. In Ingham County -- the Lansing area —- for example, Thomas Nichols was a chef; Tubias Miller a baker; Samuel Clemens a blacksmith; Charles Davis a mason; Tim Wilson and William Butcher barbers; and Alexander Jones an apprentice barber.19 Without doubt, these occupa- tions required some training. Nevertheless, Ingham County in the ante-bellum years was not a population center. Developing industry within areas like Wayne, Washtenaw -- the Ann Arbor area -- and other counties acted like lodestones in attracting immigrants; eventually, those locales became population centers for blacks as well as whites (Charts II-VII). 16Just prior to the Civil War, Michigan had 1979 manufacturing establishments producing at the rate of $500 or more annually. Mostly, concentrated in and around Detroit, the businesses encompassed heavy industry, including railroad equipment, shipbuilding, and a growing ‘number of boiler shops, foundries, machine and iron and steel products. AflJ.facets of the businesses needed a tremendous amount of manpower. IFrank B. Woodford, Father Abraham's Children: Michiggn Episodes in the Civil War (Detroit: Wayne State University, 1961), p. 3. 17George W. Williams, The Histogy of the Nggro Race in America :frem 1619 to 1880, Vol. II (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1882), p. 397. 18John H. Russell, Freg_Negroes in Virginia, 1619—1865 (New York: Dover Publication, 1913), p. 150. 19United States Census Population Schedules for Ingham County, 1 850 and 1860. 6 But the sudden thrust of blacks into the disorganized urban areas of the time often produced friction. For example, with each inroad they made into industry and residential districts, their presence led to white resentment and bitterness. Economically, some white Michiganites perceived blacks with alarm as rank aliens who intended to cheapen labor.20 The false pride and hysteria exhibited by whites led to violent riots in urban Michigan areas. For example, in 1833, 1839, 1850 and 1863 anti-black disturbances occurred in Detroit. Further— more, on at least one occasion, white citizens of Ypsilanti drove blacks out of their city.21 20Harold A. Lett, "Migration Difficulties in Michigan," Southern Workman, Vol. 56 (May 1927), p. 232. These economic tensions were not aIways spontaneous, as they were sometimes created and carefully nurtured by excessively capitalistic employers, eager to see laborers divided along racial lines. Vide Allan Spear, "The Origins of the Urban Ghetto, 1870-1915," Key Issues in the Afro—American Experience, Vol. 11, ed. by N. I. Huggins, D. M. Fox, M. Kilson (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc., 1971), p. 163. 21For interesting accounts of the Detroit riots vide. The Colored People of Detroit; Their Trials Persecutions and Escapes Containing Sketches of the Riots of 1833 1839,1850 and 1863 with a full account of the loss of life and burnipggpf Negro tenements in the later year, and the conviction. Imprisonment and Release of William Faulkner; ngether with some Information Concerning the Concoction of the John Brown Raid (n. p., n. d. reprinted from the Detroit Daily Post, January 1 and February 7,1870), pp. 1-16; A Thrilling Narrative from the Lips of the Sufferers of the Late Detroit Riot, March 6, 1863, with the Hair Breadth Escapes of Men, Women and Children, and Destruction of Colored MenTs Property; Not Less Than7815,000 (Detroit: Published by the author, 1863), pp. 1—22, Michigan State Library; The Underground Railroad, a mimeographed copy, M. A. Goddard, Presented to the Ypsilanti Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution (April 1913), pp. 1-14. Michigan Historical Collection, Bentley History Library, Ann Arbor;J. M. Ragland, "The Negro in Detroit," Southern Workman, Vol. 52 (November 1923), pp. 533—540; Harold A. Lett, "Negro Welfare in Michigan," Southern Workman, Vol. 55 (May 1926), pp. 206—208. 7 White hatred was manifested not only in the developing urban areas, but also in some of the small towns throughout Michigan.22 Newspapers of such places occasionally carried either articles, editorials, or letters from private citizens about the dreadful pro- spects of amalgamation with the subordinate race, the fear of complete inundation of the "fatherland" by those inferior people, or the possibility of political domination by blacks.23 For example, on 11 October 1832 the editor of Detroit's Democratic Free Press and Michigan Intelligencer complained that the city was infested with black thieves. He even suggested that the citizens unite in the task of watching the dangerous freed slaves.24 Expressing an opinion that was common to many white Michiganites of that era, Eliza Mason, a Detroit house wife, wrote: "I never did like Negroes and this has given me a more horrible idea of them -- the children on going from school are as much afraid of them as we used to be of Indians."25 Furthermore, the Coldwater Sentinel of Coldwater, Michigan on 29 September 1857, boldly and unreservedly suggested that the Federal government re—enslave all free 2 Africans in America. 6 Some irate citizens, assuming that the media 22Berwanger, Frontier Against Slavery (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 196 , pp. - . 23"Letter from the Pontiac Female who Married the Negro," Lansing State Republican, 24 May 1859, Vol. V, No. 5, Whole No. 213, by '—~_—'-' Hosmer and Kerr (Lansing, Michigan), p. 22; The Niles Republican, 10 September 1859, Vol. XVIII, No. 24, Whole Nam (Niles, Berrien County, Michigan), p. 3; The National Democrat, 17 May 1856, Vol. VI, No. 3, by William Van Antwerp (cassapoIIE, Cass County, Michigan), p. 2. 24 25D. M. Katzman, Before the Ghetto: Black Detroit in the Nineteenth Century, . . ., p. 14. E. H. Berwanger, The Frontier Against Slavery, . . ., p. 36. 6The Lansing State Republican, Tuesday 29 September 1857, Vol. 111, No. 3, Whole No. 127, by Hosmer and Kerr (Lansing, Michigan), p. 2. 8 had little or no effect, frequently bombarded their elected state officials with appeals to do something about the black peril. A case in point was illustrated by Mr. Beeson: . . . and 106 other . . . Citizens of Berrien County, requesting such action by this conven— tion [second constitutional convention of 1850] as will check the emigration [sic] of slaves into this state from other [regions]; and also a remonstrance against the submitting of any provision granting the right of suffrage to any other than free white citizens.27 Yet sometimes simultaneously, whites petitioned their legis— lators in behalf of the ex—slave inhabitants of Michigan28 as the following petition from Curtis Emerson, Seth C. Beech and 91 others indicate (circa late 1840's). We the undersigned, believed that taxation and representation are twin sisters and ought of right to go hand in hand. So believed the illustrious men that laid the foundation of the Republic. For said they: 'we hold these truths to be self- evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalien— able rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness . . .. Therefore, we the undersigned, believing that the laws of this state, regulating the elective franchise, draw an odious and invidious distinction between the taxpayers . . solely and entirely on . . . complexion, for which they are not and should not be held responsible. For the above . . . reasons they [blacks] have been cut off from all participation in the body politic, while they have been compelled to pay . . . taxes . . . without enjoying the political immunities, rights and privileges of a citizen. Believing said laws to be anti-republican, unjust and oppressive, 27Report on the Proceedings and Debates in the Convention to Revise the Constitution of the State of Michigan (Lansing: R. W. Ingals, State Printer, 1850), p. XXXVII. For similar anti-black petitions vide Report on the Proceedinggand Debates in the Convention to Revise the Constitution of the State of Michigan, . . ., pp. XXXI, 241—244, 291, 492. 28Dorothy Emmer, The Civil and Political Status of the Negro in Michigan and the Northwest Before 1870, . . ., p. 52. 9 . . . we would pray you to take measures for submitting the question to the people at their state election.29 Fearing the continuous growth of the black population between 1840—1860 (Chart I appendix), larger numbers of whites began contribut— ing to the American Colonization Society (hereafter called the A.C.S.).3O Undoubtedly, that increase in the ex—slave population led to the development of paranoia; many whites assumed and were convinced that larger numbers of blacks would cause the social structures of Michigan cities to crumble. 0n reviewing the colonization activities in the state, "a . . . resident [representing a contingent of that group] in 1851 asked why Michigan's Negroes were not encouraged to emigrate. If they appealed to the white citizens for aid, their request would not be ignored because the whites did not want Negroes as residents."31 29Documents Accompanying the Journal of the Senate of the State of Michigan, (Lansing: Hosmer and Fitch, Printers to the State, n.d.) pp. 1-3. In 1850, a black suffrage referendum was presented to the citizen, 72 percent of the voters refused to concede the franchise to blacks. E. H. Berwanger, The Frontier Against Slavery . . ., p. 40. Furthermore, on 13 February 1855, the Michigan Legislature passed the Personal Liberty Law which called upon the prosecuting attorneys to use all lawful means to protect and defend every person claimed as a fugitive slave. According to the law, no sheriffs or prison keepers were to detain alleged fugitives in any of the state's jails or prisons. Vide. History of the Neggo in Michigan, Federal Writers Program, . . ., passim. 30In 1854, Michiganians donated $10.50 to the A.C.S. In 1859, the society received approximately $202.50 from donors living in Michi- gan. Vide. The African Repository, Vol. XXX (Washington: published monthly by the American Colonization Society, 1854), p. 384; The African Repository, Vol. XXXV (Washington: Published monthly by the American Colonization Society, 1859), p. 384. The primary purpose of that‘ organization was to remove the freed blacks to Liberia. For material relative to the A.C.S. Vide. The African Repository and Colonial Journal, Vol. XX—XXIII, No. 3 (Washington: Published by the American Colonization Society, March 1847), passim; et al. A branch of the society was organized in Livonia, Michigan, in the 1850's. 31 E. H. Berwanger, The Frontier Against Slavery, . . ., p. 53. 10 Some whites, especially those in the urban areas, wanted it understood that Michigan's government was made for the benefit of their race only. As a result of the continuous prodding and various other reasons, law makers responded to the "dire needs" of their con— stituents. They developed black laws which attempted to make the administration "of the white folks, by the white folks, and solely for the white folks."32 Even though they were proscribed by restric— tive laws, blacks could own property, testify in courts and establish their own schools and churches.33 Since it was extremely difficult in urban environs either to secure training in the skilled trades or to secure meaningful employ— ment, many blacks who may have desired occupations in the cities were forced into other fields. Moreover, early records of slum conditions, 32To this writer's knowledge no indepth study of Michigan's ante— bellum black laws has been written. However, general descriptions of the laws can be found in D. M. Katzman, Before the Ghetto: Black Detroit in the Nineteenth Century, . . ., passim; RiEhard Cole, "A Legal Study offiWhites and Blacks in the MIEEIEEH Territory," an unpub- lished mimeographed paper. Michigan History Collection, Bentley History Library; Dorothy Emmer, The Civil and Political Status of the Negro in Michigan and the Northwest‘before’1870: . . ., passim. They contended that the following were examples of such laws: (1)—Immigrating blacks had to possess freed papers and post a $500 bond (1827); (2) in 1836, they were prohibited from voting and in the 1840's miscegenation was forbidden. Originally, Michigan's black laws were strengthened by a community's folk mores. For example, in some areas white customs enforced by legal or extra legal groups, forbade blacks from residing in certain areas, dining at certain eating houses, working on certain jobs, or attending certain schools. Vide. Eugene H. Berwanger, The Frontier Against Slavegy, . . ., pp. 32—38. 33In 1836, for example, Reverend William S. Monroe came to Detroit and organized the second Baptist Church. He remained as its pastor until a dissension occurred in 1844. After leaving this church he organized St. Mathew's Episc0pal Church. It was in this second church that Frederick Douglass delivered his famous spring lecture in 1859 against slavery. John Brown was present at this Detroit meeting. Vide. John Marshall Ragland, "The Negro in Detroit," Southern Workman, Vol. 52 (November 1923), pp. 533—540. ll riots, and antagonistic treatment dealt out to other ex—slaves was widely known and probably diverted many blacks elsewhere in Michigan. Unlike citizens of the urban areas, some whites in rural Michigan counties encouraged and even welcomed black emigres to their communities.34 A striking example was ante—bellum Cass County, located in southwestern Michigan. This rural settlement appeared attractive to many blacks because of the religious conviction of some of its white citizens, namely the Quakers or Friends. To digress briefly, certain happenings among the Friends became a significant adjunct to the black history of that county, as will be explained below. By the late 1820's, over 100 Quaker families migrated and then settled in Cass County;35 they included such prominent families as the 3['Some whites possibly tolerated the presence of black squatters because some ex—slaves contributed to the development of the territory. Since a large percentage of Michigan was woodland, frequently white and black settlers would unite when faced with common difficulties. Such a predicament arose when local Indians attempted to assert themselves. It is interesting to note that during the administration of Governor William Hull (circa 1807), the territory's first administrator, blacks were employed "to keep Indians in their place." Black Michiganites campaigned against the Sauks, the Kickapoos, the Mascoutens and other Indians. Vide. Norman McRae, Negroes in Michigan During the Civil E23 (Lansing, Michigan: Published by the Civil War Centennial Observance Commission, 1966), p. 3. 35Because of slavery, many Quakers considered continued residence in the South as untenable. As early as 1812, approximately 20,000 Quakers migrated north and by 1843 there were 18,000 in Ohio, 30,000 in Indiana, and roughly 10—15,000 in Michigan. Many continued their earlier abolitionist commitments in their new homes. Vide. C. P. E. Krunm, Early Immigration and Current Residential Patterns of Negroes in Southwestern Michigan Dissertation for Ph.D. in Geography at the [hiiversity of Michigan (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1969), pp. 22-23. 12 Joneses, the Bonines, the Bogues, the Easts, the Osborns, the Shugarts and the Jameses, all of whom urged blacks to migrate to the county. Yet ironically most of those Friends who settled in Cass were native Southerners, but, implacable foes of the "Peculiar Institution" from d.36 whence they fle In 1829, their numbers were so large that a township within the county was named in honor of William Penn?7 While the greater percentage of that sect was identified with Penn Township, there were large concentrations of Quakers in other parts of the county. Some purchased homesteads near Birch Lake, while others bought land in the areas that became the townships of Jefferson, Calvin, and Porter (Map No. 1L38 They held their first religious meetings in the homes of Stephen Bogue and William and Rachel East. However, by 1837, they constructed a meeting house-school in Penn Township. By 1841, the Cass County Quakers were placed under the supervision of the Indiana Yearly Meeting. Soon thereafter, other meeting houses were erected in the county which was attributed either 39 to their population increase and, or, to the Indiana assembly. For example, meeting houses appeared in Vandalia, in Prairie Grove in 36George Hesslink, Black Neighbors: Negroes in a Northern Rural Community, . . ., pp. 29-47. 37Berenice Vanderburg, "Kentucky Slave Raid Raised Quakers' Ire," Dowagiac Daily News, 27 November 1971 (Dowagiac, Michigan). 38Interview with Mrs. Bertha Newsome (16 November 1973), Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan; Cassopolis Vigilant, V01. 1, No. 1 (16 May 1872), Cassopolis, Michigan, p. 3; Reminiscences of Levi Coffin (Cincinnati, Ohio: Western Tract Society, 1876), p. 368. The county was divided in 1830, into four townships; LaGrange, Ontwa, Penn, and Pokagon. In 1841 Cass County had fifteen townships (Map No. l). 39Mae R. Schoetzow, A Brief History of Gags County (Marcellus: IHJblished by the Marcellus News, 1935), p. 56. 13 Penn Township, and near Birch Lake.40 Not only were these Quakers highly religious but also many Friends maintained strongly the ideals of personal freedom and equality. Like most Friends in America, those in Cass were among the first in the region to appreciate the evils of human bondage and the discrimination practiced against freed blacks. Hence, many did not hesitate to condemn or work towards the eradication of the poisons of slavery and racism that besmirched America.41 Their concerns for blacks acquired a missionary zeal. For example, in 1841 a few members of the Birch Lake Meeting House, under the leadership of Stephen Bogue, became so conscientious that they refused to use goods produced by slave labor.42 They also withdrew from the apathetic larger Quaker assembly and organized a society known as the "Anti—Slavery Friends."43 AoEverett Claspy Papers, Cass County Library (Cass0polis, Michi- gan); Cassopolis Vigilant, 13 July 1872, Vol. 1, No. 6 (Cassopolis, Michigan), p. 2. 41Some scholars felt that slavery and discrimination were con- demned by Friends because of guilt feelings. In the early eighteenth century, slaves were owned also by members of the society. Vide. Herbert Aptheker, "The Quakers and Negro Slavery," Journal of Negro Histogy, Vol. XXV, No. 3 (January 1940), pp. 331-362; G. D. Houston, "John Woolman's Efforts in Behalf of Freedom," Journal of Negro History, Vol. II, No. 2 (April 1917), pp. 126—139; Herbert Aptheker, 'The Quakers and Negro Slavery," Journal of Nggro History, Vol. XXV, No. 3 (July 1940), pp. 331-363. Nevetheless, the Quakers of the region were not the only religious sect that refrained from using goods produced by slave labor. For example, the Reverend Luther Humphey neither ate nor used anything made in the south. As a substitute for sugar he separated the juices from a portion of his corn crop and boiled it down to a sweetened molasses. H. S. Rogers, The History of Cass County, from 1825 to 1875 (Cassopolis, Michigan: W. H. Mansfield Vigilant Book and Job Printing, 1875), p. 332. 43H. East, Recorded by Miss C. Bonine, from reminiscences of her father, A Short Histogy of Vandalla, Cass County Historical Society Papers (Cassopolis, Michigan: n.d.), p. 30; "Looking Back in Dowagiac," Dowagiac Daily News (16 July 1960), Dowagiac Public Library; L. H. Glover, A Twentieth—Centugy History of Cass County, Michigan (Chicago: The Lewis Publishing Company, 1906), pp. 385—386. In some cases the local Quaker Meeting Houses were threatening to disband because of the radical slavery views and actions of its members. 14 That group also struggled to make themselves helpful to the abolitionist movement, especially the underground railroad activities of the larger community, while still maintaining their testimonies of love and reconciliation. The anti-slavery Friends of the county, because of their over-zealousness in the abolition movements, which other members of the sect considered radical, were disciplined by the Indiana Yearly Meeting.'+4 Without doubt, it can be asserted that had it not been for their friendly character, it is questionable whether freed blacks would have gained a foothold in Cass.45 Not surprisingly, it is within a few miles radius of the Birch Lake Meeting House that the nucleus of the county's black population settled.46 44The Story of the Birch Lake Quakers, Calvin Township, Cass County Michigan. Cass County Historical Society Papers located in the Cass County Library (Cassopolis, Michigan), p. 7; Alice Osborn Letter, Michigan Historical Collections, Bentley History Library, Kin Arbor (26 January 1967), p. 2; Quaker Records of Michigan. Birch Lake 1841— 1915, Cass County Library, Cassopolis, Michigan. 45Interview with Mrs. Bertha Newsome (16 November 1973), Calvin Township, Cass County; Interview with Mrs. Emaline Anderson and Robert Mathews (26 November 1973), Vandalia, Cass County; Lois W. Welch, A Diamond Sparkles (Davenport, Iowa: Bowden Brothers, Inc., 1970), taken from an interview the authoress had with Mr. Orlando James in the Appendix, p. XXX; Charles Adam Weissert, Notes on Cassopolis Michigan, Michigan Historical Collections, Bentley History Libra , Ann Arbor. James 0. Wheeler and Stanley D. Brunn, "An Agricultural Ghetto: Negroes in Cass County, Michigan, 1845-1968." Geographical Review, Vol. LIX, No. 3 (1969), p. 322. 46There was a strong correlation in Michigan between the location of Quaker settlements and the location of black settlements. There were such colonies in most of the following Michigan towns: Birch Lake, Penn, Vandalia, Wheatland, Adrian, Logan, Raisin, Rollin, Palmyra, Tecumseh, Farmington, Ypsilanti, Greenfield, Plymouth, Livonia, Battle Creek, and Hickory Grove. There was also a strong correlation in Michigan between underground railroad routes and black settlements. This too might be attributive to the Quaker influence on many under- ground railroad routes. Vide. C. P. E. Knuth, Early Immigration and Current Residential Patterns of Negroes in Southwestern Michigan, . . ., pp. 138-141. 15 In no part of Michigan was the anti-slavery spirit more vigorous and aggressive than in Cass County; here was a vital and quietly main- tained junction of the underground railroad (hereafter referred to as the U.G.R.R.) routes that traversed Michigan (Map No. 1).47 Since they 47Ted G. Foster, "Village of Scio was StOp of U.G.R.R.," The ‘Lansing State Journal (Lansing, Michigan: 28 April 1955), pp. l7-and 25; A. Mathews, Histogy of Cass County_Michig§p (Chicago: Waterman, watkins and Company, 1882), p. 382; Most Worshipful Prince Hall Grand Lodgg Office and Accepted Masons CelEbrating the First Lodge, Number 6 Niles and Chain Lake Micigan (Sunday 10 July 1960: n.p.), pp. 1—36 Niles Community Library; History of the Negro in Michigan, Federal writers Program, . . ., passim. For information relative to the under— ground railroad activities in Michigan Vide. Martha Aiken, "The Under— ground Railroad," Michigan History, Vol. 6, pp. 597-610; Charles Barnes, "Battle Creek as a Station on the Underground Railroad," Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, Vol. 38, pp. 279-285; John Chavis, "Freedom via Detroit - Movement on the Underground Railroad," Negro History Bulletin (October 1963), p. 30; Mildred E. Danforth, AfQuaker Pioneer: Laura Haviland: Spperintendent of the Underground Railroad (New York: Exposition Press, 1961), passim; Laura S. Haviland, A Woman's Life Work (Cincinnati: Walder and Stowe, 1881), passim; Pamela S. Thomas, "A Station on the Underground Railroad," Michigan History, Vol. 37, pp. 178-182; N. G. Thomas, The Second Coming in the Third New England (The ‘Millennial Impulse in Michigan 1830+1860), required dissertation—for the Ph.D. at Michigan State University (East Lansing, 1967), pp. 159- 160; Blanche Coggan, "The Underground Railroad in Michigan," Michigan Centennial Histogy, Vol. 1 (Chicago: Lewis Publishing Company, 1939) pp. 352-361; Monroe Salutes Its Black Citizens, Our Heritage Day IMichigan Week (20 May 1969), passim. Negroes in Michi an History; edited by John Green (Detroit: McManchan Company, 1969 , passim. Interview of Mr. and Mrs. Edward Vergho, Monroe County, 11 June 1968; Interview of Mr. Bernard Lazette, Monroe County, Michigan, May 1958; History_of_the Ngggo in Michigan, . . ., passim; Fred Landon, "The Fugitive Slave Law and the Detroit River Frontier," From the Detroit Historical Society Bulletin (November 1950), pp. 5-9; M. A. Goddard, “The Underground Railroad," Paper presented to the Ypsilanti Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution (April 1913), pp. 1-13. Michigan History Collection, Bentley Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor; Ted G. Foster, "Village of Scio Was StOp on the Underground Railroa ," The LansipgTState Journal (28 April 1955), pp. 17 and 25. Dflchigan State Library Vertical Files, Lansing, Michigan; Directory of Cass County, Michigan, p. 6; The Underground Railroad: A Compilation cm.the Underground Railroad System in Michigan for Escaped Slaves, paper IBurton Collection, Detroit Public Library, Detroit, Michigan, passim. {Correspondence regarding the underground railroad in Detroit, paper, Burton Collection, Detroit Public Library, Detroit, Michigan, "Why, How and When: An Historical Fragment Regarding the Operations of the Underground Railroad in Macomb County, Michigan," Libretta Green, 16 Burton Collection, Detroit Public Library, Detroit, Michigan, passim; ‘W. M. Cockrum, The Histogy of the Underggound Railroad (Oakland City, Indiana, 1915), passim; W. S. Wright, Pastime Sketches (Logansport, Indiana: ---, 1907), passim; James L. Hawks, "The Negro in Battle Creek, Michigan," passim. Olivet College, Olivet, Michigan; The Tyler Family, An Article of a Local Pioneer Negro Family, Webster Memorial Library, Covert, Michigan; Marion Grahan, "The Historic Cellar," The Jackson Citizen Patriot, 22 December 1972; "Grandmother 65 Pieces Together Story of Underground Railroad," Jackson Citizen Patriot, 20 November 1960, p. 10 Gerald Sorin, "The Historical Theory of Political Radicalism: Midhigan Abolitionist as a Test Case." Thesis required for degree at Wayne State University, n.d., passim; Larry Gara, The Libergy Line (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1961), passim; Olive Gilbert, Narrative of Sojgurner Truth (Chicago: Johnson Publishing Company, 1970), passim; Arthur Huff Fauset, Sojourner Truth, God's Faithful Pilgrim (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1938), passim. Hertha Ernestine Paull, Her Name Was Sojourner Truth (New York: Appleton Century Crofts, 1962), passim; "Pipe Stone Township Played Important Part in Underground Railway," Journal Era, Berrien Springs, Michigan, 12 September 1959, p. 6; "The Underground Railroad in Berrien County," Rose Burkett, Niles Daily Star, Niles, Michigan, n.d. Held in the Niles Community Library; Carter G. WOodson, "Freedom and Slavery in Appalachian America," Journal of Negro History, Vol. I, No. 1 (April 1916), p. 147; Caroline R. Humphrey, "Laura Smith Haviland," Michigan History Magazine, Vol. V, nos. 1 and 2 (January-April 1921), p. 177; "The Underground Railroad," The DemocratigrEgppunder; Marshall, Michigan (8 February 1855), p. 1; "Bank Now Stands on Site Where Escaped Slaves Hid," Detroit Free Press, iDetroit, Michigan (28 March 1937); "Historic Underground Railway Depot Destroyed," Detroit Free Press, Detroit, Michigan (20 September 1931), p. 4. "Historic Underground Railway Depot Destroyed," Th2 Detroit Free Press, Detroit, Michigan (20 September 1931), p. 4; —-- Farmington Enterprise, Nathan H. Power, Farmington, Michigan (30 May 1924), p. l; "Fleeing Slaves Used Underground Route," Dr. Phillip IMason,.Ann Arbor News, Ann Arbor, Michigan (31 January 1961); Henrietta Buckmaster, Let My People Go (Boston: Harper Brothers, 1941), passim; "Kern's Site Once Underground Road Center," Detroit Free Press, Frank W. ‘Wbodford, Detroit, Michigan (29 January 1961), Section A, p. 3; Nathan M. Thomas Papers, CorreSpondence 1836-1839, p. 2. Michigan History Collection, Bentley Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor; Nathan M. Thomas Papers, Correspondence 1836-1839 (Zanesfield 11 month let 1837), p. 1; Nathan M. Thomas Papers, Correspondence to Cassopolis 29 August 1848. l7 actively opposed slavery, some of the county's Quakers became prime movers in aiding its clandestine operations. Those Friends participat— ing in the workings of the U.G.R.R. were united by their shared beliefs in a "Higher Law," a divine law which viewed slavery as a moral wrong and impelled them to work zealously toward the eradication of slavery and its twin —— racism. However, not only Quakers helped the fugitives to freedom, but so too did some of their non—Quaker neighbors, who called their contributions "organized anarchy against legal oppression."£'8 Several important branches of the U.G.R.R. led into Michigan (Map No. 2).49 Two routes originated in Kentucky and Missouri, and eventually cut across Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio. From the latter a line probably came into Michigan from the Cincinnati area, following the Ohio River into eastern Indiana and proceeding northwest into Young's Prairie, which is located in Cass County. Three other lines from Indiana 48Everett Claspy Papers, Cass County Library (Cassopolis, Michigan). 49A historian of the underground railroad has compiled a list of 47 station masters in Michigan. Lenawee was the county that had the largest number, twelve; Washtenaw and Wayne had eight each; St. Joseph, seven; Calhoun, four; Cass, three; there were two in Oakland and one each in Kalamazoo and Genesee counties. Vide. G. N. Fuller, "The Underground Railroad in Michigan," . . .. p. 354. One can safely assume that the majority of the agents were Quakers because the aforementioned counties all had a sizeable population of this group. There were underground railroad stations in the following Michigan towns: Cassopolis, Young's Prairie, White Pigeon, Flowerfield, Vicks— burg, Schoolcraft, Climax, Battle Creek, Marshall, Albion, Parma, Hickory Grove, Jackson, Michigan Center, Leoni, Grass Lake, Francisco, Ann Arbor, Dexter, Scio, Geddes, Morenci, Adrian, Tecumseh, Ypsilanti, Plymouth, Monroe and Detroit. All lines converged at Detroit, where the fugitive could remain or be ferried across the Detroit River to Canada (Map No. 2). Vide. Histogy of the Negro in Michigan, Federal Writers Program, . . ., p. 29. That portion of Canada most easily reached by fugitives was the lake—bound region lying between New York on the east and Michigan on the west. Incidentally, there were secon- dary routes in Michigan which are'still being uncovered. Probably, two routes were in Eaton and Ingham counties. There are two road markers in those areas which indicate underground railway activities —— respectively they are labeled Guinea and Africa roads. 18 carried runaways through or near the county.50 By necessity, the principal ports of entry into Michigan were either at Bristol, Indiana, which is on the Cass County border or at Bertrand, Indiana, which is near Niles. These Indiana cities were necessary cogs in the U.G.R.R. because within their boundaries were two bridges which crossed the Sto Joseph River;51 that waterway bordered portions of the two states. Since the majority of the station keepers on one of those routes traversing Cass County were Friends, historians appropriately labeled it the "Quaker Route."52 For example, four active stations were in the homes of members of that sect; one was at the home of Stephen Bogue who lived halfway between Cassopolis and Vandalia; a second was at the home of Zachariah Shugart who lived in the village of Vandalia; the third was at the home of Ishmael Lee who lived about a half mile south of Cassopolis and; the fourth at the home of Josiah 50James 0. Wheeler and Stanley D. Brunn, "Negro Migration into Rural Southwestern Michigan," Geographical Review, Vol. 58 (1968), p. 218; Blanche Coggan, "The Underground Railroad in Michigan," . . p. 125; Robert J. Furlong, "Know Your Michigan," Plaid and Khaki, (April 1955), p. 8; History of the Negro in Michigan, Federal Writers Program, . . ., p. 29; G. N. Fuller, "The Underground Railroad in Michigan," . . ., pp. 352—361; H. S. Rogers, History of Cass County, From 1825 to 1875 (Cassopolis, Michigan: W. H. Mansfield, Vigilant Book and Job Print, 1875), p. 130; Mae R. Schoetzow, A Brief History of Cass County, . . ., p. 59; George N. Fuller. Index to the Sites on Cass County Map, vertical file, Michigan State Library, pp. 5— 82; Con— cerning Cass County, Michigan State Library, vertical files on Cass County; A. Mathews, History of Cass County, Michigan, . . ., p. 109; Rose R. Burnett, "The Underground Railroad in Berrien County, Benton Harbor, Michigan," Held in the Niles Community Library, Niles, Michigan (n.p. n.d.); The George Fox Papers, "The Underground Railway Operations Described, n.d., no name of paper given; Southwestern Michigan Library, Dowagiac, Michigan. Charles Adam Weissert, Notes on Cassopolis, Michigan, Michigan Historical Collections, Bentley History Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan; H. East, Short Histopy of Vandalia, . . ., passim. Shhe George Fox Papers, "The Underground Railway Operations Described," . . ., assim. 52Berenice Vanderburg, "Kentucky Slave Raid Raised Quakers' Ire,. . . 19 Osburn who lived on the northwest end of Shavehead Lake in Calvin Township.53 These men generally "received fugitives from E. McIlvain, 54 H agent at Niles . . .. From their depots, slaves usually were spirited to the dwelling of Dr. Nathan M. Thomas of Schoolcraft, Michigan.55 The number of runaways who passed through Cass County, between 1830—1860, and who were aided by either Quaker or non-Quaker abolitionist, probably was not less than 1000. Dr. Thomas estimated that he had assisted at least 1000 on their journeys to the North Star -- Canada (appendix).- Eventually some fugitives realized that alliances with Cass County Quakers would assure their freedom. Moreover, since the 53The George Fox Papers, "The Underground Railway Operations Described," . . . 54H. S. Rogers, History of ngg County from 1825 to 1875 . . ., p. 132. Even though there were underground railroad operators in Niles, many runaways tried to avoid the heavily populated areas of that city and South Bend, Indiana, because pro-slavery sentiment in those cities was strong. 55Portrait and Biographical Record of Berrien and Cass Counties, Michigan (Chicago: Biographical Publishing Company, 1893), pp. 216 and 244; A. Mathews, History of Cass County, Michigan, . . ., p. 379; Beatrice Brown, "Cassopolis, Michigan Boasts of Its Role in the Underground Railroad," The Pittsburgh Courier, Vol. XL, No. 27 (Saturday 2 July 1949), p. 6; G. N. Fuller, Index to the Sites of Cass County Map (Mimeographed paper), Vertical Files, Michigan State Library, p. 6. Ella Thomas's History of the Underground Railroad with several pages of Pamela Thomas's History of Anti—Slavery contained in Nathan Macy Thomas Papers, Michigan Historical Collections, Bentley History Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan. In the 1850's, Thomas prophesied that, "Slavery cannot continue to exist under our government. If it is not put down by the ballot, it will go down in blood." Beatrice Brown, "CaSSOpolis, Michigan Boasts of Its Role in the Underground Railroad, . . ., p. 6; A. Mathews, History of Cass County Michigan, . . ., p. 110. Dr. Thomas usually forwarded t e run- aways to the home of Erostus Hussey, a Quaker in Battle Creek. Later, Hussey carried the fugitives on toward Detroit and then Canada. At first slaves came singly or in twos and threes to the Thomas's house. However, larger caravans, led by Quaker conductor Shugart was not out of the ordinary. Vide Ella Thomas' 9 History of the Underground Rail— road,. . ., p. 25; Beatrice Brown, "Cassopolis, Michigan Boasts of Its Role in the Underground Railroad,. . ., p. 6 20 sympathies of some county citizens were with the runaways, a few took advantage of the friendly atmosphere and remoteness of the area and, consequently, found occupations and built homes there. For example, in 1836 a fugitive slave named Lawson Howell arrived in the county with Dr. Henry Way, 3 Quaker preacher. Apparently, that fugitive pioneered the movement which made Cass a refuge for the black race.57 Within two years, Ezekial Anderson, Willis Brown and Jesse Scott, the latter two being runaways, migrated to the county?8 By 1847, there were at least fifty runaway residents there.59 Nevertheless, the U.G.R.R. routes which traversed that county brought relatively few permanent residents there.60 Other sources contributed to the growth of the black population. In 1847 John or Sampson Saunders, from Cabell County, Virginia, emancipated his inherited slaves.61 That act of manumission greatly 57Cass County, Calvin Township Papers of Pioneers, 1805—1921, Papers on Negroes 1828-1929. Michigan Historical Collection, Bentley History Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan. Contrastingly, the census of 1830 reveals that two black males with unknown civil status resided in the county. 58Cass County, Calvin Township Papers of Pioneers, 1805—1921, Papers of Negroes 1828-1929, . . .. Ezekial Anderson came to the county after having served in the United States Army. C. P. E. Knuth, Early Immigration and Current Residential Patterns of Negroes in South- western Michigan, . . ., p. 16. 59A. Mathews, A History of Cass County, Michigan, . . ., p. 110; John Dancy, "The Negro People in MichiganP’Michigan History Magazine, Vol. 24 (1940), pp. 222—223. 60Interview with Mrs. Frances Lawson and Mr. William Lawson 15 November 1973, Pokagon Township, Cass County, Michigan; Interview with Mrs. Rosella Wade, 23 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 6JWilliam and Jane Pease, Black Utopias: Negro Communal Experi- ments in America (Madison, Wisconsin: The State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1963), p. 28; James D. Corrothers, In Spite of the Handicap, an Autobiography (New York: G. H. Doran, Company, 1916), p. 18; John Dancy, 'The Negro People in Michigan," . . ., p. 233; Everett Claspy, Hm Negro in Southwestern Michigan (Ann Arbor, Michigan: Braun- Brumfield, 1967), p. 4. 21 ' affected the black population growth of Cass County, and, the ensuing events became a legend. Because of his northern education and close association with young men of independent spirits, contends William C. Gregg, Saunders viewed slavery as a repulsive institution. At the age of 30, a deceased uncle willed conscience-strickened Saunders ten men, q the wives of five of them, and two minors. As the inherited estate became more solvent economically, Saunders worked out a scheme which would give his inherited slaves their freedom without leaving them destitute. But one after another his plans proved impracticable such as: purchasing land in the neighborhood for their settlement, setting aside part of his plantation, or transporting them to Africa. He had thought, too, of the possibility of sending them to a Caribbean ' island - either Santo Domingo, Haiti, Jamaica, or Bermuda. ] Determined that none of his blacks would ever toil in another southern field, he chose Michigan, after three years of searching, as the desired haven. Through correspondence with Governor Steven T. Mason,63 and from travelers and writers, Saunders learned much about the state. The slaves, nonetheless, knew nothing of his plan, so, when they discovered Saunders' intentions, they became bewildered; many could not comprehend his determination to start a colony of freed 62Perhaps other factors contributed to Saunders' moral commit— ment -- the money involved in maintaining 40 slaves might have been a case in point. 63After surveying the governor's letters no substantial evidence was uncovered about the gentlemen attending school together. 222 Steven T. Mason Papers, William Clements Library, Ann Arbor; Thg Steven T. Mason Papers, Burton Collection, Detroit Public Library, Detroit, Michigan. 22 men in Michigan.64 However, they did realize that their master and mistress were kind. To continue the account, upon visiting Detroit, Saunders was received cordially by Governor Mason. The executive advised him to examine the possibility of locating a site in the southern part of the state, west of Battle Creek, where a county had been named in honor of General Lewis Cass. Informed about the beautiful small prairies, the strips of hard timberland, the rich soils and the plentiful supply of wild game, Saunders reasoned that the prairies of Cass could become the home for his inherited blacks.65 There was, however, one drawback which shocked Saunders; Michigan's zero and sub-zero weather. This was something terrible to contemplate. Consequently, he assumed that to send black families, conditioned to mild climates and totally dependent, into a land of severe cold where fuel and warm clothing were necessary, would mean certain suffering for "his blacks." Soon thereafter, Saunders met a young Ohioan, who was traveling through Virginia. He, in exchange for the Saunders' hospitality, gave the slaveholder much valuable information pertinent to surviving in the 64Saunders was not the only master who emancipated and settled his slaves in free territories. For example, Edward Coles, Samuel Gist, and John Randolph did the same. The Virginians purchased land for their manumitted slaves in Edwardsville, Illinois, Brown County, Ohio, and Mercer County, Ohio. Vide. W. Pease and J. Pease, Black Utopias: Negro Communal Experiments in America, . . ., passim. 65One historian mentions that the Saunders' will stipulated that his slaves be liberated and be given land in Indiana. The executors of the will were to purchase the property. The citizens of the Hoosier state, however, forced elected state officials to develop laws for— bidding the presence of black in the state. The doors were slammed shut on the executors of that will. Eventually Cass County was chosen instead. D. M. Katzman, "Rural Blacks in Michigan," Michigan Challenge Vol. IX, No. 9 (June 1969), p. 31. 23 rigorous Michigan winters.66 Eventually, in 1849, the Saunders' ex-slaves, approximately 41 in number, reached Cass a few days before Christmas.67 They, however, were preceded by large migrations of freed blacks from elsewhere. Logan County, Ohio,68 also contributed heavily to the black population of the county. Due to the overcrowdedness and increasing hostility in that area, many blacks followed the migration trails of some of their former Quaker neighbors to Cass. Most of them were not 69 Quakers, but simply sought a friendly environment. In 1845—1846, 66William C. Gregg Papers, entitled, "Reminiscences of Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan," a semi-fictional account of the Saunders colony of freed slaves (n.d.), pp. 3—46. Michigan History Collection, Bentley Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. After cross checking with other references, the historical validity of three points in the excerpt are questionable. They are: (1) the friendship of Saunders and Mason which developed in school, (2) the meeting and, (3) Saunders visit to Detroit. 7Booker T. Washington, The Story of the Negro: The Rise of the Race from Slave , Vol. I (New York: Negro University Press, (1969) p. 246; C. P. E. Knuth, Early Immigration and Current Residential Patterns of Negroes in Southwestern Michigan, . . ., p. 76; History of the Negrg in Michigan, Federal Writers Program, . . ., p. 22. 68The majority of the Logan County black settlers were originally from North Carolina, however, anti—freed slave decrees forced them to leave the lands of their nativity. Vide. L. H. Glover, A Twentieth Centugy History of Cass Coungy, Michigan, . . ., p. 288; Charles Adam Weissert. Notes of Cassopolisz Michigan. Michigan History Collections, Bentley Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan; one source indicated that 73 black families came to the county from that Ohio region. H. B. Fields, "Free Negroes in Cass County before the Civil War," Michigan Histopy Magazine, Vol. XLIV (1960), pp. 375—384. 690. M. Katzman, "Early Black Settlers in Michigan," . . . Michi— gan Challenge, Vol. VIII, No. 9 (June 1968), p. 11; Early Cass County: A Brief History for Use by Teachers, compiled by Olive Dickeson, et. a1 (Niles Area Commission Resources Workshop, 1960), p. 12; R. Lehnert, "Muslims Build for Tomorrow," Michigan Farmer (September 4, 1971), p. 6; "Looking Back in Dowagiac — First Fugitive Slave," Dowagiac Daily News (July 23, 1960). 24 Cass County received a group of blacks composed of the Hardy Wades, Newsom Tanns, Nathan Boons, Crawford Byrds, Turner Byrds, Harrison 70 Ashs, and others. Later, yet a different group arrived from the western Ohio area, led by Kinchen Artis, a black Quaker. Among these settlers were some Allens (circa 1848 or 1849).71 According to county folklore, still another party was escorted to the county by Friends from somewhere beyond the Appalachians (circa 1848-1850). Since mid—nineteenth-century America had no macadamized roads, migra— tion to the county was both strenuous and tiresome, as the following excerpt indicates. In the spring of 1848 the family started to Michigan by covered wagon. They took their horses and cattle, it was necessary for some of the family to lead the cows and others rode horses and still others had to walk. One child James, was afflicted, this proved to be an added hardship during the trip . . .. 2 73 Even though they had to migrate through wildernesses, many willingly gave up their previous earthly possessions to invest in the Quaker— created haven in Cass County. For example, in 1854, more new black emigres, from Ohio and other northern states made the hazardous treks 70Cass County, Calvin Township Papers of Pioneers, 1805-1921, Papers on Negroes, 1828-1939, History pr“tfie Colored People of Calvin Township, written 1939. Michigan Historical Collections: BEhtley Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan. 71Michigan Manual of Freedmen's Progress, Compiled by Francis H. Warren, Secretary of Freedmen's Progress Commission (Detroit, Michigan, 1915), p. 290. 2Allen Family [Cass County] Genealogical Material. Michigan Historical Collection, Bentley History Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan. 3Rosanna Wilson, Bio ra hical Sketch of William Allen of Cass County, manuscript (n.d.), Michigan Historical Collection, Bentley History Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan. For similar information Vide. Historical Record of the Lawson Family, information held by Mrs. Frances Lawson (Pokagon Township, Cass County Michigan). 25 to the county. Among the new arrivals were the families of Isaac Stewart, Samuel Hawks, James Mitchell, William Lawson, C. W. Bunn, Jesse W. Madrey and others. Most of these black emigres settled in Calvin Township. Eventually, Calvin's growing black population attracted others with similar backgrounds and experiences.74 The extent of the migration and the distribution of blacks can be better understood from the Federal Census of 1840, 1850, and 1860. The county's black population grew from five in 1840 to 389 in 1850 and 1368 in 1860.75 Two—thirds of the blacks who arrived during that era were located in Calvin and Porter Townships (Charts VIII and IX). In sum, it is fair to speculate that had it not been for the Quakers in Cass many blacks who eventually came there would have migrated and settled either in Canada or elsewhere. Even though its first black settlers were coincidental, many runaways, like those who planned migrations to the area, felt safe because they had pacifist protectors in the remoteness of Cass County. It is,moreover, a lasting tribute to the Quakers that, after encouraging blacks to immigrate to the county, they continued to assist the ex-slaves. The acquisition of property serves as a good example. 74Interview with Orlando James, 29 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan; Interview with Mr. William Lawson and Mrs. Frances Lawson, 15 November 1973, Pokagon Township, Cass County, Michigan. 751n that time period the white population numbered 5710 -- 10,518 -- 17,895 respectively. Chapter II LAND, PRIDE, AND INDEPENDENCE In ante-bellum Michigan, many citizens of the larger community generally considered the ex—slave inhabitants as either "idle, thiev- ish, roguish or indolent." Despite the economic prescriptions and the stereotypical attitudes which they encountered daily, some blacks succeeded in a few instances in the business life of Michigan.1 A small portion even made a comfortable living and acquired a few thousand dollars worth of property. But a perusal of the evidence reveals that most of them filled the lowest paid and least re— warding occupations; they worked mostly either as barbers, team- sters, liverymen, caterers, launderers, domestics or hair dressers.2 "Most of the first . . . black businessmen in Detroit," for example, "were entrepreneurs who had turned services or lVide. The History of the Negro in Michigan, Federal Writers Program, . . ., passim; Dorothy Emmer, The Civil and Political Status of the Negro in Michigan and the Northwest before 1820, . . ., passim; Michigan Manual of Freedmen's Progress, compiled by Francis H. Warren, . . ., passim. 2In most cases native whites shunned these service jobs, for many assumed that they were demeaning and degrading. If ordered to perform such tasks, they would quit —- declaring that they were not "niggers." For information relative to the economic status of ante—bellum ex—slaves, yet similar to the plight of black Michiganites Vide. John Hope Franklin, "The Free Negro in the Economic Life of Ante-Bellum North Carolina, Part I," Journal of Negro History, Vol. XIX, no. 3 (July 1942), pp. 239—257; J. H. Franklin, "The Free Negro in the Economic Life of Ante—Bellum North Carolina, Part II," Journal of Negro History, Vol. XIX, no. 4 (October 1942), pp. 359—375; Leon Litwack, "North of Slavery," in America's Black Past, ed. by Eric Foner (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1970), pp. 142—164. 26 27 skills into small businesses . . .."3 Furthermore, David M. Katzman mentions that real estate was one of the major sources of investment among them. For example, William Lambert acquired large land holdings in what became downtown Detroit (circa 1840 or 1850). Economic success and property acquisition, nevertheless, was not unique only to nineteenth-century black Detroiters. Samuel Clemens of Ingham County held real estate in Vevay and Dansville Townships. On 7 December 1849 he sold ". . . a tract of land being the southwest quarter of section number ten in township two north of range number one east containing 160 acres of land."4 This property is located near Dansville. He purchased, on 3 June 1854 "the northeast quarter of section twenty-four containing 160 acres in township two north of Vevay one west of the town of Vevay in the county of Ingham . . .."5 Translated, this means that Clemen's tenancy was near the township of Mason. But, he was not the only black prOperty holder in that county between the late 1840's-1860's; Tobias Miller, Wilson Turner, Tim Wilson and William Butcher also held estates, ranging in value from $125 to $500.6 3D. M. Katzman, Before the Ghetto: Black Detroit in the Nineteenth Centupy, . . ., p. 178;—for supplementary data vide. ’"Origins and Leaders: The Early Roots of Black Life in Detroit," Detroit Free Press (Sunday 9 December 1973), pp. 18, 48; John Chavis, Then Came Freedom . . . Detroit and the Emancipation Proclamation, Reprinted courtesy ofjfietroit Historical Society (Detroit, Michigan: Detrok Historical Society, n.d.), pp. 1-5. 4Record of Deeds, Vol. 9, Ingham County, Ingham County Court House, Mason, Michigan. 5Record of Deeds, Vol. 12, Ingham County, Ingham County Court House, Mason, Michigan. Black property acquisition was not peculiar only to Michigan or any northern state. A striking illustration was printed in the Lansing Republican of 14 April 1857. It stated that according to ="The New Orlean [sic] Crescent . . . free negroes [sic] of that city were possessed'of’property fb—fhe—amount of $4,000,000. Usually, ex-slaves in the south were better off economically than their northern counter- parts because competition for menial occupations never materialized." 6Federal Census schedule 1850 and 1860 for Ingham County. 28 Without doubt, most of the ex-slaves who owned property in Michigan during that era possessed small land holdings worth a few hundred dollars or less. Individuals like Lambert, moreover, com- prised only a miniscule percentage of the area's total freed slave population —- most of those who were owners compared best with either Miller, Turner, Wilson, or Butcher. The vast majority of them, during the entire period, were without any property whatsoever.7 Tragically, they only owned the clothes that were on their backs and their abilities to labor. Without massive economic assistance, it was clear that the vast majority of these proverty-ridden urban blacks would remain economically subordinate, and dependent upon whites for employment. This generalization, furthermore, was applicable also to the fortunate black businessmen who acquired a fashionable white clientele in several Michigan cities. To maintain a good reputation, they were required to show proper reapect to their white patrons; therefore, continuous economic success for them meant barring other blacks from their establishments. Any acceptance of the anomalies led to business suicide. The growing tendency of other ex-slaves with similar skills to congregate in urban areas, the intensifying racial, discrimination of the cities, and the accelerating rate of urban job competition between blacks and immigrants plus a few other reasons, caused many urban black businessmen to realize that they could not depend always on white purses. A case in point occurred in the late 1840's when they were confronted with a new and more serious challenge to their economic positions —- the Irish newcomers. 7Vide. Federal Census Schedule 1850, 1860, and 1870 for Michigan, preferably wayne, Washtenaw, Ingham, and Calhoun Counties. 29 After removing much of the stigma attached to certain unskilled ' trades formerly manned by ex-slaves, Irishmen forced many blacks into unemployment. Not only were they driven from the respectable position, but from the menial ones as well. During the crisis, married black dependent merchants frequently summoned their wives to supplement or provide the families' income. Striking examples were the emergence of married black washerwomen.8 Without their assistance many urban black Michiganites would have either starved or would have been forced by indigence to commit economic crimes. Inspite of this, some ! ex-bondmen found work opportunities in rural Michigan areas where their competition rarely provoked undue animosity.9 Some acquired real property and eventually became economically independent. The territory's greatest concentration of ante—bellum black property owners was in Cass County; there, continuous kowtowing to whites for economic gains, fear of competition, and confinement to demeaning service occupations became a relic of the past to those who procured property. This chapter will detail their acquisition of property in that county, the significance of land ownership to the ex—slave inhabitants and the economic existence of independent Cass County black farmers. Once again, had it not been for Quaker assistance many freed slaves who migrated to the area possibly would have been like the majority of their unfortunate urban brethren. 8Vide. Carter G. Woodson, "The Negro Washerwoman, a Vanishing Figure," Journal of Negro History, Vol. XV, no. 3 (July 1930), pp. 267-277. 9E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro in tpg United Stapgp, . . ., passim. 30 In the ante-bellum years, most blacks placed tremendous emphasis on rectifying the prejudicial accusations that negrophobes created about their race. For this reason, among others, they sought to do everything feasible that would make the race worthy of white resPect. Many assumed that some of the myths could be disproved through black economic advancements. "Accumulate money," William Lloyd Garrison informed a black audience, "For money begets influence, and influence respectability."10 This standard abolitionist advice was accepted wholeheartedly by most of the former slaves as one of the con- querors of stereotypes and discrimination. Those influenced by such rhetoric, and other stimuli, consequently focused their attention on the acquisition of wealth. Some of the black emigres to Cass County, also influenced by anti-slavery crusaders, responded in a manner similar to the larger freed slave community. But, since that county was decidedly rural, they assumed that wealth could be acquired best through the ownership of real property. Before purchasing land, however, the ex-bondmen had to meet certain qualifications: they had to be acceptable to white sellers; they had to be industrious; they had to have good credit; 0Leon F. Litwack, North of Slavepy (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1961), p. 171. For similar opinions concerning economic wealth and an expectant change in social treatment dealt out to ex- slaves vide. Martin Robison Delaney, The Condition, Elevation, Emigration and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States (New York: Arno Press and the New York Times, 1969), p. 45; Francis L. Broderick, "The Growing Dilemma: Separatism and Integration, 1865- 1925," in Key Issues in the Afro-American Experience, Vol. II, ed. by N. I. Huggins, D. M. Fox, M. Kilson (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc., 1971), p. 99. 31 and they had to know their "place" and stay in their "place."11 In some parts of the county, because of the Quaker—black relationship, those requirements -- especially the latter —— were disregarded. In other cases the previous stipulations were bent slightly. The kindness and tolerance exhibited by the Quakers12 provided many with an opportunity to implement the preachings of Garrison plus an opportunity to challenge their convinced attackers. Their acquisitions, nevertheless, would have been more difficult if the qualification were enforced rigorously by all the citizens of the county. In the beginning (circa late 1830's—early 1850's) some of the black newcomers arrived in Cass in poor circumstances. Frequently they started their economic lives by working for Friends until a set amount of money was accumulated. Then, they usually purchased acre- age, thereby becoming independent.l3 To some Quakers, providing work opportunities fulfilled a dual purpose; for them, it served either as a practical advantage or as a humanistic gesture. By supplying employment or land to be worked on a crop-sharing arrangement, Quakers enhanced their own agricultural well being and also contributed to the economic liberation of some blacks. "The Negro—Quaker relation," C. P. E. Knuth further contends, "might well be described as a symbiotic compact based on the religious ideals and economic needs of early frontier life."14 11E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro in the United States, 15th edition (New York, New York: MacMillan Co., 1971), p. 221. 12R. Lehnert, "Muslims Build for Tomorrow," . . ., p. 6. 13Cass County. Calvin Township. Papers of Pioneers. 1805—1921, Papers of Negroes, 1828-1939. History of tpg Colored People of Calvin Township, . . ., pp. 1-2. 14C. P. E. Knuth, Early Immigration and Current Residential Patterns of Negroes in Southwestern Michigan, . . ., pp. 36—37. air-“r" 32 In effect then, in some sparsely settled regions of the county, the co-operation between the two groups made possible the attainment of some goals neither could have accomplished alone —- cleared Quaker fields and black land ownership. Through the possession of land, many blacks realized a pride and fulfillment that they had never known before, ownership of something tangible.15 Others had different rationales for their compulsion to own land, for example, Isaac Stewart simply had no desire to continue work- ing for another. Instead, he desired to head his own undertaking without persistent white hand—outs.l6 Irvin James always had been a relatively independent farmer in North Carolina and Indiana; the continuation of his occupation required acreage.l7 Inspite of their numerous motiva— tions,18 land to most ante-bellum blacks of the county . . . played a crucial role . . . in two important ways. First of all, it was easier to get along by farming one's own land than it was to manage by working for meager wages in the white man's field . . . secondly, but just as importantly, land was a symbolic goal of freedom, . . . [and] a necessary and complementary part of becoming equal in . . . society. 15G. P. Graff, The People of Michigan, . . ., pp. 13—15. 16Interview with Mr. Crawford Stewart, 28 November 1973, Dowagiac, Cass County, Michigan. Interview with Mr. Orlando James, 29 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 8One writer suggested that farming appeared to have been the pre- ferred occupation of the refugee blacks because it was the pursuit followed by their masters who were independent. Further, he mentioned that because of slavery, they were best adapted to that trade. Vide. W. H. Siebert, The Underground Railroad from Slavepy to Freedom (New York: Russell and Russell, 1898), p. 223. 19Robert H. Abzug, "The Black Family During Reconstruction," in Key Issues in the Afro—American Experience, Vol. II, ed. by N. I. Huggins, D. 2; Fox, M. Kilson (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc., 1971), Pa I hm¥___ 33 An excellent example of Quaker assistance to the black emigres may be observed in the case of William Allen, who was an agricultural laborer employed by William Jones of Penn Township. After five years of working and saving, Allen purchased his first 40 acres of wooded land in Calvin Township at the government price of $1.25 per acre. Soon thereafter (circa 1851—1852) he and his wife, Winnie, cleared and fenced in one acre. On this tract they planted corn20 which Winnie took care of while William returned to the Jones' farm. Earning and saving nearly 50 cents a day, the Allens eventually accumulated enough money to invest in another 40 acres of unimproved and uncultivated land in the same township. This time they paid the advanced price of $7.00 per acre.21 Evidently, either because of his tenure, productive ability, diligence or other virtues, Jones made him a foreman.22 Besides Jones, he also worked for and bartered with Zachariah Shugart for necessary items, as indicated in that Quaker abolitionist's account book. William Allen, Debtor 1850 12 Month 2 - For 1 pare [sic] of shoes $1.25 12 - For 1 pare [sic] of shoes .75 2 Mon[th] 12, 1 1851 [sic] on settlement[ 1 9 9 Book square 20One writer speculates that corn was nearly always the initial crop planted by black farmers because it was a good staple that could be grown easily. Equally important, it was a hoe crop, he continues, that required limited cultivation and growable in partially cleared areas. C. P. E. Knuth, Early Immigration and Current Residential Patterns of Negroes in Southwestern Michigan, . . ., p. 82. 21Rosanna Wilson, Biographical Sketch of William Allen, Mimeo- graphed manuscript, . . ., pp. 1-2; Allen Family [Cass County] Geneo— logical Material, . . ., passim. Occasionally, both men and women had to work; ladies toiled as servants in the community for 25 to 50 cents per week, the men received the mentioned sum, but, sometimes the pay was in provisions such as meal and meat. "Transplanting Free Negroes to Ohio from 1815 to 1858," Documents, Journal of Nggro Histogy, Vol. 1, no. 3 (July 1916), p. 305. 2 2L. W. Welch, A Diamond Sparkles, . . ., pp. XXXII-XXXIII Appendix. 34 William Allen, Creditor 1850 12 Mo[nth] 2 — For 2 gallons of molasses $1.25 — For 2 gallons of molasses .50 2 Mon[th] 12 — For 2 gallons of molasses .25 $2.00 2 Mon[th] 12 on settlement, ] book square.23 9 Without doubt, Allen was not the sole beneficiary of Quaker largesse; Marmaduke Ash, Irving James, and others also received their assist- ance.24 Like Allen, many former agricultural laborers became property owners in the county, especially in Calvin Township.25 William Jones, nevertheless, was not the only identifiable Quaker who contributed to black economic development. James Bonine, one of the more widely known abolitionists among the Michigan Friends, also made use of benevolent exploitation. However, he rendered more assistance to the fugitives rather than to those legally free blacks. Bonine, an underground railroad operator and owner of roughly 1000-1500 acres,26 convinced many fugitives that the vast distance that separated the county from the lands of bondage meant safety. He later suggested that they settle on his land and work for him. Many runaways 23Zachariah Shugart's Account Book (4 October 1838—2 December 1850), Niles Community Library, Niles, Michigan. 2['Vide. "Marmaduke Ash Is Dead, " Cassopolis Vigilant (Cassopolis, Cass County, Michigan, n.d. ), Vertical files in Cass County Library, Cassopolis, Michigan; L. W. Welch, A Diamond Sparkles, . . ., pp. XXX— XXXI Appendix. 25Reginal Larrie, "Corners of Black History," Article from The Detroit Free Press (Detroit, Michigan, n. d. ), Material supplied by Mr. Orlando James, 29 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 2 6Interview with Ex-senator Elwood Bonine, 17 December 1973, Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan. % 35 i took advantage of his offer and a settlement, called Ramptown27 —— where the majority of them resided —— developed on Bonine's property. Many escaped slaves cleared much of his land in exchange for the use of five acres, a cabin, and the right to grow their own crops.28 Once they accumulated a certain sum of money, probably earned by selling some of their crops, by selling cords of wood, by selling charcoal,29 or by selling their speciality —- labor -— some eventually I purchased real estate in Calvin Township. However, the vacancies created by those departing Ramptown were filled easily by other hungry and tattered fugitives. Even upon his death—bed, Bonine insisted that his stories or both. Knuth states that the name suggests information about the nativity of its black population. The term "Ramp" is a description of half-breeds from Virginia and the Carolinas, who probably migrated to Cass County. H. East mentions that the name came from the wild leeks or "ramps" which grew abundantly in the woods near the site. To some fugitives, the ramps served as a staple article in their diets until other crops were grown. C. P. E. Knuth, Early Immigration and Current Residential Patterns of Negroes in Southwestern Michigan, . . ., p. 75; H. East, Recorded by Miss C. Bonine, A4§hort History oYEVandalia, . . ., p. 23. Some of the inhabitants of Ramptown were employed by other friends, such as, the Bogues and Joneses, Some of the Bogues employees were quattered also by Shugart. Vide Zachariah Shugart's Account Book, 6 mo[nth] 17, 1848, Niles Community Library, Niles, Michigan. 28Helen Hibberd, The Underground Railroad in Northern Indiana, Mimeographed paper (South Bend, Indiana,fil§3§); Interview with Ex—Senator Elwood Bonine, 17 December 1973, Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan. H. East, Recorded by Miss C. Bonine, A Short History of Vandalia, . . ., p. 23; Duane De Loach, "Cass Markers Recalls Stirring Underground Railroad Days," . . . Between the late 1840's and early 1850's, approximately 100 cabins were erected in the Ramptown settlement. \ 27The name Ramptown probably was derived from one of the following 29Charcoal was made by burning wood in an open pit, later, dirt was ‘ piled atop of the burning wood. After the wood beneath the soil was cool, i the product was finished. Interview with Mr. Crawford Stewart, 28 Novem— ber 1973, Dowagiac, Cass County, Michigan. The cabins of Ramptown were , torn down in 1887 or 1897. Where they once stood is now a part of the i 1500 acre Bonine farm, east of Cassopolis. While plowing one day, Mr. } Elwood Bonine unearthed several foundations that were probably the F historical evidence of Ramptown's existence. Interview with Mr. Elwood _ Bonine, 17 December 1973, Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan. L______—__ “a. P-fi- - — 36 heirs continue the practical altruism that finally made many self- sufficient.30 Some non—Quakers,31 also assisted blacks to become landowners. The citizen most active in encouraging them to purchase real property was George Redfield, a native New York Speculator who settled in the county. In the 1830's, he purchased from the federal government 8 to 10,000 acres of uncleared land in various townships; he owned 3000 acres in Calvin, 1000 acres in Jefferson, 1000 acres in Mason, and numerous other tracts in various parts of Cass. He still retained 2000 acres, moreover, for his personal use, of which 800 acres were under cultivation;32 the remainder he disposed of from time to time by selling to black settlers on long-term credit, thus giving them a chance to improve and make their payments from crops grown on the land. On a few occasions, he supposedly had payments deferred over twenty years.33 30Interview with Mr. Clyde Byrd, 19 November 1973, Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan. . S. Rogers, R. Russell, and Imley and Beach were examples of other non—Quakers who contributed to the economic growth of some freed slaves. Vide. Tax Assessment Roll, Records of Cass County 1850, Vol. 6 of 37, Michigan State Historical Commission (Lansing, Michigan). 32H. S. Rogers, Histogy of Cass County, frgm 1825 to 1875 . . ., p. 324; Portrait and Biographical Record of Berrien and Cass Counties Michigan, . . ., p. 391; Michigan Constitutioggl Convention of 1850, ed. by F. W. Stevens, of the Detroit Bar, reprinted from Detroit Saturday Night (n.d.), pp. 20-21; Real Estate holding of George Redfield, Tract Book of Cass County, State of Michigan, Roll No. 3 Records of Michigan State Library (Lansing, Michigan: 11 July 1956) Charles Adam Weissert, Notes on Cassopolis, Michigan, . . ., p. 1. 33H. S. Rogers, History of Cass County, from 1825 to 1875, . . ., p. 324. 37 An example of his practical friendship and fairness for the former slave is demonstrated in the following deed between Redfield and William Lawson.3 George Redfield and wife to William Lawson. Deed. Received for Record April 10th 1863 at 12 o'clock a.m. This indenture made this 9th day of March in the year . . . 1863 Between George Redfield and Jane E. Redfield of the town of OntwaT, County of Cass . . . parties of the first part an William Lawson of the town of Calvin . . . named party of the second part . . . in consideration of the sum of 400 dollars to them in hand paid by the said party of the second part . . . sold . . . unto the said party of the second part his heirs and assigns forever the following described tract of land . . . the south half of the southeast quarter of section 21 in town 7 south of Range 14 west containing 80 acres of land . . ..35 As indicated, Redfield charged Lawson five dollars per acre, which was 36 not excessively fortunate.37 the standard price he charged blacks Not all of the large non—Quaker landowners or their agents who transacted business with the ex—slaves were as kind and sympathetic as Redfield. George Turner, an attorney for George Beach and his wife 34Redfield's strong sympathies for blacks can be attributed to two sources; his first wife was a Quakeress and he had worked among blacks in Georgia prior to his migration North. During his four years in the South, he became knowledgeable about slavery and the character of its adherents. Though heartily desiring the discon— tinuance of the institution, Redfield never adopted radical aboli— tionists' views. He believed that slavery gradually would decay if it was left alone; freedom, he assumed, consequently would follow without bloodshed and sectional animosity. C. P. E. Knuth, Early Immigration and Current Residential Patterns of Negroes in South— western Michigan, . . ., p. 103; A. Mathews, History of Cass County, Michigan, . . ., p. 276. 35Record of Deeds. Liber 26. Cass County. Register of Deeds Office, Cassopolis, Michigan, p. 597. Vide. Record of Deeds. Liber 26. Cass County. Register of Deeds Office, Cassopolis, Michigan, p. 553. 37One informant stated that George Redfield charged one of her ancestors, Samuel Hawkes eight dollars an acre. Interview with Mrs. Bertha Newsome 20 November 1973 Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 38 Sophia Imley of Hartford, Connecticut, for example, took advantage of 38 That family paid 460 dollars39 the illiterate Irvin James' family. twice for a tract which included the, "west half of the southeast quarter of section 14, in town 7 south of range 14 west supposed to contain 80 acres of land . . . in Cass County . . .."40 The attorney kept the first 400 dollars. Pulling themselves up from the depths of deprivation through purchasing land was the general rule among most ante-bellum black inhabitants of the county. Even if they were defrauded, many continued their upward climb like the James. Inspite of this, there were exceptions to that darkened form of the Horatio Alger mystique. Some, like the Saunders' ex—slaves, were furnished with economic assistance by their former masters.41 In the latter part of 1849, John Saunders purchased approximately 476—750 acres in Calvin and Porter Townships, costing an estimated 38Interview with Mr. Orlando James, 29 November 1973 Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 39James accumulated that sum by selling wool, sweet potatoes, and cured tobacco throughout the county. Interview with Mr. Orlando James, 29 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 40Taken from Warranty Deed. Signed, sealed and delivered in the presence of Joseph Smith and Ass Kingsbury, 28 December 1858. A copy of the document is a possession of Mr. James. 41William C. Gregg, papers, undated, entitled, "Reminiscences of . Calvin Township, . . .," p. 44; William Pease and Jane Pease, Black Utopia: Negro Communal Experiments in America, . . ., p. 28; James D. Corrothers, In Spite of the Handicap, An Autobiography, . . ., p. 18; 223; Everett John Cancy, "The Negro People in Michigan, . . ., p. Claspy, The Negro in Southwestern Michigan, . . ., p. 4; HistoEy of the Negro in Michigan, Federal Writers Program, . . ., p. 22; A. Mathews, Histogy of Cass County, Michigan, . . ., pp. 386-387; G. Hesslink, Black Neighbors: Negroes in a Northern Rural Community, . . ., p. 44; Richard M. Dorson, American Negro Folktales (New York, New York: Fawcett World Library, 1968), pp. 19-27. Each scholar has cited a different figure concerning the amount of money Saunders spent. 39 $12,050—15,000, for his former slaves.42 This tract was divided into parcels of roughly 18—21 acres for each individual.43 Young children and elderly people received equal shares. Also a small log cabin was erected for each family on their plots. However, by the mid—1850's, since most of the Saunders were illiterate and possessed little knowl— edge of business, many lost their lands either to unscrupulous whites, to pious Quakers, or to shrewd blacks.44 Recorded evidence reveals that the principal gainers from the Saunders naivete were other ex—bondmen, ironically, most of the buyers carried the Saunders surname. Between 1850—1860, Daniel, Solomon, Mary, John, and William, for example, had increased their land holdings by as much as six or eight times.45 One writer claims that land entries for Cass County on 17 October 1853, 19 October 1853, 23 November 1853, and 24 November 1853 indicated that Daniel, Mary, and Solomon each instituted surveys of large land parcels respectively embracing 3442, 1508, and 7424 acres eachf+6 Without doubt, someone erred. Calvin Township, where the majority of the Saunders were located, always has been six square miles by six square milesf‘7 Since 42Vide. Record of Deeds, Liber L, Cass County, Register of Deeds Office, Cassopolis, Michigan, pp. 403—404, 404—405, 405-406, 407, 466—515, 625-626. The monetary figure was derived from the deeds. The aforementioned deeds reveal that lands were bought in the following townships; Calvin, Porter, North Porter and LaGrange. 43 surname. 44C. P. E. Knuth, Early Immigration and Current Residential Patterns of Negroes in Southwestern Michigan, . . ., passim. 4SFederal Census Schedule, 1850 and 1860 for Cass County. 46C. P. E. Knuth, Early Immigration and Current Residential Patterns of Negroes in Southwestern Michigan, . . ., p. 77. 47Interview with Mr. Frederick Sackrider, Agricultural Extension Agent for Cass County, East Lansing, Michigan 13 September 1973. Michigan State Union Building. Eventually, the former slaves adopted their former master's 40 there are 624 acres in a square mile the total acreage for the whole township always has been 22,464. If the aforementioned individuals had surveys instituted on 12,372 acres, land holdings approximately half the size of Calvin Township was examined for them. Inspite of this, by 1850 only nine adult Saunders owned property in the county, worth approximately $2600; by 1860, eleven adult Saunders owned prOperty worth $10,100 and; by 1870, five adult Saunders owned property worth $8440.48 There were several reasons why most of them lost their land. Even though Saunders gave each of his former slaves acreage, one informant mentioned, no records or existing stories indicate that they were provided with farm supplies. Without the necessary tools, clearing unimproved and uncultivated land was nearly impossible. Even though the Quakers oftentimes loaned them tools, an axe or a shovel was a pretty important implement that was used daily. Furthermore, one anonymous interviewee related, seeds were not a part of that arrange- ment.49 One writer felt that the sudden change in status, from dependent slaves to independent freemen was the principal reason why many lost their possessions.50 Another informant speculated that some lost their holdings because they were the possessors of prime flat lands, 48Vide. Federal Census Schedule, 1850, 1860, and 1870 for Cass County. Interview with anonymous Calvinite, 3 December 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. The outfit of a farmer in that era was very primitive and simple. A yoke of oxen, an ox cart, a sled, a plow, a log cabin, a shovel and a hoe, a scythe, a rake and a pitch fork was about all that was required. Autobiographical notes by E. Lakin Brown, edited by his daughter A. Ada Brown. Reprinted from Vol. XXX, Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections (Schoolcraft, Michigan, 1906), p. 9. 50Booker T. Washington, "Two Centuries Under Freedom," Outlook Magazine, Vol. LXXIII (January—April 1903), pp. 294—295. 41 desired by the c0unty's white inhabitants.51 Nonetheless, by the early 1900's, nearly all the Saunders had lost their land endowments.52 In 1903, for example, when Booker T. Washington visited Calvin, desirous of observing the utilization of his Tuskegee philosophy, he observed that the bare mention of a Saunders family would quite likely cause a quiet smile to creep over the face of one of the old [black] inhabitants who did not belong to that group. These people not only had not held their own materially, . . . a few years [after] . . . get[ting] planted in their free homes . . . a few of the young men began developing habits of idleness . . ..53 As illustrated, many Saunders did not take advantage of their gift, perhaps, if they had been forced to "hussle" for their property wealth, respect for ownership would have ensued. During the time when some of the Saunders were losing their property, recent black arrivals, who had gotten over the initial experience of freedom, were ready to settle down to the business of purchasing land. The expertise54 that some of these people brought with them and the monies eventually accumulated, enabled many to purchase and hold large possessions of land. But, since they were one of the later groups of nineteenth-century migrants to Cass County, their land selection was limited. White pioneers who arrived earlier held 51Interview with Mrs. Emaline Anderson and Robert Matthews, 29 November 1973, Vandalia, Cass County, Michigan. 52The land once owned by one of the Saunders is now the possess- ion of Turk Carter. This does not imply that his ancestor took advantage of some of the Saunders' ex-slaves. Interview with Bill and Francis Lawson 15 November 1973, Pokagon Township, Cass County, Michigan. 53Booker T. Washington, "Two Centuries Under Freedom," . . ., p. 295. 54Since many of the former black residents of Logan County were farmers many had accumulated some expertise in that field. Interview with Mr. Orlando James, 29 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 42 most of the county's superior flat farm lands.55 Furthermore, because of the difficulties involved in clearing heavily timbered lands, many whites chose the Open prairies for their homesites.S6 Another barrier which made acquisition of prairie land nigh impossible for blacks was cost; during the 1850's-1860's when black migration and settlement in Cass was at its peak, flat lands sold for roughly 30 to 50 dollars per acre.57 Because many of the black emigres had sold their real property in their previous homes, most of them arrived in the county land hungry and were willing to jump at any available tract proffered. In the 1830's, much of the land in eastern Cass -- principally in Porter and Calvin —- was purchased for speculative purposes. Many white owners delayed its development in hopes of obtaining higher profits. Throughout the decade of the 1830's, land prices increased; however, by the 1840's, the demand, and, consequently the price for real estate declined. Therefore, during the era of greatest black migration large tracts of virgin land suddenly became available in eastern Cass at prices ranging from $4.00 to $5.00 per acre. For the black arrivals, the unimproved land in the two townships appeared attractive because 55Since they made those acquisitions in the late 1820's and early 1830's, that land cost them only $1.25 per acre. 56Early Cass County: A Brief History for Use by Teachers, Com- piled by Olive Dickeson, et. a1., . . ., p. 7; G. Elwood Bonine and G. S. McIntyre Cass County Land-Use Committee, 1940 (Cassopolis, Michi- gan: 8 April 1940), p. 8; Interview with Mr. and Mrs. Guylor Haines, 1 December 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. One of the prominent soil types, yet not the best in Michigan, was the clay loans. In reference to crop productivity, they were the most fertile types in the county. Such land was owned by pioneer white settlers. 57State of Michiga . Gazetter and Business Directory for 1856- 1857 (Detroit: H. Huntington Lee and Company and James Sutherland, 1 6), p. 25. 43 of its cheapness; and, since sales lagged, acreage was obtainable on} very liberal credit terms.58 Furthermore, since large percentages of the available real estate was heavily wooded and the soil wet and cold, many white speculators perceived the land poor ex—slave immigrants as a welcomed relief for getting rid of their albatrosses -— which they rejected as agriculturally marginal.59 After purchasing the described acreage, some of the settlers cleared tracts and then constructed small log cabins for their families. However, the labor required in building such homes was an immense undertaking, for the primeval forest needed to be chopped off, cut up, logged and burned.60 After its completion, cultivation was relatively easy, providing that the essential farm implements were available.61 The majority of the land in the eastern townships were rolling and somewhat inclined to be broken, but the heavy and damp soil found 58C. P. E. Knuth, Early Immigration and Current Residential Patterns of Negroes in Southwestern Michigan, . . ., p. 81; James D. Dorrothers, In Spite of the Handicap, An Autobiography, . . ., p. 18. The available lands were located principally in Calvin and Porter Townships. According to Frank Anthony Renkiewicz, Poles who migrated to ante— bellum St. Joseph County, Indiana, also faced problems that were similar to those encountered by the ante—bellum blacks of Cass. Since they too were late immigrants to that county they acquired the heavily forested wet lands. Vide Frank Anthony Renkiewicz, The Polish Settlement of St. Joseph County, Indiana: 1855—1935, dissertation for the Ph.D. at the University of Notre Dame in Modern History (South Bend, Indiana: University of Notre Dame, 1967), pp. 3-7. 60H. S. Rogers, Histor of Cass Count from 1825 to 1875, . . ., p. 112. Since the area was heavily wooded, lumbering became an occupa- tion pursued by some ante—bellum blacks of Cass County. By 1860, approximately nine sawmills producing 1,480,000 feet of finished boards was located in Calvin Township. C. W. Bunn, a freed black, after rela— tively heavy investments, prospered as the owner of two or three mills. An informant —— desiring to remain anonymous —— mentioned that the soils, in some places, were good and rich. Consequently, upon learn- ing about the soil fertility in those places, many whites attempted to re—purchase their "albatrosses." Perhaps, this is one of the reasons why the living relatives of some of the old patriarch lost their posses- sions. Interview with an anonymous Calvinite, 16 November 1973, Calvin Tunwhip, Cass County, Michigan. 44 there produced some fine crops; consequently many of the black farmers prospered.62 Some grew corn, potatoes, and others vegetables, while others tried their luck with the cereal grains (soil chart map in the appendix). Even if they faced dire financial straits or agricultural dilemmas, obtaining the necessities was not a difficult undertaking as indicated by the following excerpt from the Thornton Biography. One thing we never lacked [was] having enough to eat. Wheat was one—dollar a bushel. I went to the front door one day and out in the road stood a deer. I have seen four and five at one time from the house . . .. There were no tramps those days . . .. If a man could not kill a deer and have it on the same day for breakfast, he was not considered a good farmer.63 Flax and wool were the principal home grown raw materials prepared; yarns were spun, dyed and woven by wives and daughters. From the finished products, other essentials such as clothing, bedding and many household articles were manufactured. Shoes were made by cobblers traveling from house to house.64 Sometimes, if a surplus of money was available, these artisans provided footwear for the entire family. The lack of cultivated fruit was one of the privations the black pioneers had to undergo, because precious and relatively expensive land was not available for such a luxury. So, wild blackberries, 62E. L. Arnold, An Arnold Family Record: 323 Years in America, Mimeographed paper, Cass County Historical Society Papers, Cass County Library (Cassopolis, Michigan), p. 91. 63Thornton Biography, mimeographed paper, Cass County Historical Society Papers, Cass County Library (Cassopolis, Michigan), pp. 2-4. For a similar account pertaining to obtaining food Vide "Early Life Reduced to Bare Essentials," Dowagiac Daily News, Vol. 52, no. 212 (Dowagiac, Michigan) Wednesday 13 October 1948, p. 3. Some farmers, especially those who were unable to pay the cobblers, made their own shoes out of buckskin or obtained them from bartering Indians. 45 strawberries, raspberries, cranberries and crab apples, which grew in large quantities in the region, were gathered and dried by the women for those craving sweets.65 A few thrifty people made additional gains by successfully growing some marketable crops on progressively larger and larger plots of their initial land purchases which they subdivided. Excel— lent examples of the economic growth of the black settlers are evidenced in the success of Samuel Hawks, Isaac Stewart and William Allen. After cutting and selling cords of wood to his Jackson County, Ohio, neighbors, Hawks migrated to Calvin in 1853. With his savings, he purchased 80 acres in the township for 800 dollars. Before deciding to make the township his permanent residence, Hawks returned to Ohio and continued working there for six years. Eventually, he returned and acquired more real estate, which he either purchased from his savings or confiscated from those unable to honor the numerous loans which he granted.66 In 1854, Stewart bought 80 acres in Calvin, in a few years his holdings increased to 240 acres. Unlike other blacks in the county, Stewart made frequent business trips outside 67 the county; by the mid—1860's, he was the owner of lands in Kansas tOO- 65Lois Bowman, Porter Township History, Mimeographed paper, Cass County Historical Society Papers, Cass County Library, Cassopolis, Michigan, p. 14; H. S. Rogers, Histogy of Cass County from 1825 to 1875, . . ., pp. 103—104. Interview with Mrs. Hazel Hawks, 3 December 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan; Booker T. Washington, "Two Centuries Under Freedom," . . ., pp. 299-300. 67Cass County, Calvin Township, Papers of Pioneers 1805-1921. Paper of Negroes 1828—1939, History of thg Colored Pegple of Calvin Township, written 1939, . . ., p. 2; Interview with Mr. Crawford Stewart and Mrs. Gladys Ash, 28 November 1973, Dowagiac, Cass County, Michigan. 46 Without doubt, the most successful agricultural entrepreneur in the county was Allen. As previously indicated, Allen acquired his first landholding because of the generous assistance of Quaker William Jones. But as the years passed, that small farmer became one of the most successful farmers in nineteenth-century Cass County and Michigan. In 1873, for example, he began investing in livestock and eventually became the county's principal stock buyer; in that year he owned 1200 sheep, 100 hogs, many cattle, and 15 to 18 horses. Also, he raised sweet potatoes which he marketed in Niles, Kalamazoo, Battle Creek and Grand Rapids. On one occasion he carried 40 bushels of potatoes to the aforementioned cities and returned with 80 dollars. Making molasses and maple sugar was another one of his business ventures. He owned a sugar camp and a 50 foot long cabin, used for boiling the sugar ‘water. Many years he made as much as 100 gallons of molasses and 25 pounds of sugar. Through his various business dealings, Allen bought approximately 800 acres of land in Calvin and Porter Townships.68 Others with less colorful family histories, after accumulating the necessary money from crop sales, also purchased additional land.69 Elbert Wade to Green Allen: Deed. Received for record January 29, 1863 at 12 o'clock a.m. This indenture made this 29[th] day of January in the year 1863 between Elbert Wade of the County of Cass . . . and Green Allen of the County . . . aforesaid . . . in consideration of the sum of 600 dollars to him in hand paid by the said party 68Michigan Manual of Freedmen's Progress, . . ., p. 107; Allen Family [Cass County] Genalqgical Material, . . ., pp. 1-3; Rosanna Wilson, Biogggphical Sketch, undated of William Allen of Cass County, 0 o 0, pp. 1'30 69A few acquired property in the large cities of the county. T. J. Martin and C. Fabe Martin were good examples of those few. Vide Everett Claspy Papers. Colored Dowagiac Files. Southwestern Michigan College. 47 of the second part . . . release . . . that certain . . . parcel of land . . . lying . . . in the county . . . described as the west half of the southwest quarter of section eleven in Twon 7 south range 14 west containing 80 acres . . ..70 As time passed, many continued their industrious habits and business expertise as indicated by the nicknames that their contemporaries gave to them (appendix). William Allen, the livestock raiser was called "Hog Bill"; Henry Lane, the producer of animal fodder, was labelled the "Hay King"; Samuel Hawks, the land magnate, was referred to as "The Real Estater"; Charles Bunn, the timber buyer and owner of a saw- mill, was addressed as the "Lumberman."71 In an early 1900 study of Calvin, entitled, "Negro Governments in the North," Richard R. Wright, Jr., says: The Negroes, who make up the township, are, as a rule, land owners. There are 163 Negroes on the tax books; they own 8853.73 acres of land assessed at $224,062, and with a market value possibly of $400,000. Some of these were included among the landowners mentioned having property in other townships and counties also; and some own city property. The wealthiest of them owns about 800 acres in all, several pieces of city property, and has personal property amounting to more than $18,000. Several families are reported to be worth from $50,000 to $100,000 and one to be worth more than $150,000.72 In addition, during the early 1900's, "Hog Bill" entertained Mr. Booker T. Washington at his country home when that educator visited the county, and also was amused in Chicago by such men as Philip D. Armour, of the Armour Packing Company, and other notable men in the 0Record of Deeds. Liber 26. Cass County. Register of Deeds Office (Cassopolis, Michigan), pp. 389-390. For similar deeds Vide Record of Deeds Libers 26 and 28. Cass County. Register of Deeds Office (Cassopolis, Michigan). Interview with Mr. Clyde Bird, 19 November 1973, Lansing, Michigan. 72Booker T. Washington, The Story of the Negro: The Rise of the Race from Slavegy, Vol. I, . . ., pp. 248-249. 48 finished meat processing business.73 Since many of the earlier black emigres became economi- cally independent through property ownership, some willingly hired black late-comers74 who also eventually achieved economic self— sufficiency.75 Some times, the later immigrants either lived with and worked for previously established relatives or lived with and worked for patrons who had paid for their transportation to the area.76 Furthermore, since a considerable number of the earlier emigres to Calvin and Porter owned their homes, many rented portions of their land and dwellings to the new black inhabitants.77 After the proper amounts were accumulated and land purchased by the later emigres, many established black settlers continued to assist their brethren in house-raisings, in corn husking bees, in community harvesting and in defense. Motivations for rendering assistance varied with each individual, but, probably the greatest factors were pride and respect 73Michigan Manual of Freedmen's Progress, compiled by F. H. Warren, . . ., p. 107. For information relative to the agricultural expertise of others in the 1900's vide Michigan Manual of Freedmen's Progress, . . ., pp. 37-42. 74Occasionally, some of the emigres arrived with necessary funds for purchasing acreage, however, assistance was still offered. For example, if he migrated to the county with only one animal and was desirous of building a large flock, older settlers loaned them an animal of the same species but opposite sex for studding. Interview with Mr. Orlando James, 29 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 75Even though the established blacks helped, Quakers continued with their assistance to the emancipated. 760. P. E. Knuth, Early Immigration and Current Residential Patterns of Negroes in Southwestern Michigan, . . ., p. 80. 77Since he was not a farmer, Isaac Stewart -- a gunsmith -- rented portions of his farm to others. Interview with Mr. Crawford Stewart and Mrs. Gladys Ash, 28 November 1973, Dowagiac, Cass County, Michigan. _¥—— , 49 in knowing that nearly all the black inhabitants of the county could scornfully shake their fingers at their detractors and say "I told you that you were wrong."78 On the whole, the successful black farmers' sense of community or "race" found expression when they endorsed the notes of black newcomers who wanted to borrow money for property but lacked security.79 Because of their assistance, most of the new emigres were able to purchase farmsteads. After visiting a rural black settlement, Dr. Samuel G. Howe80 concluded that blacks as farmers were in better economic circumstances than ex-slaves in urban areas pursuing other occupations.8l Even the A.C.S., which usually printed nothing favorable about freed slaves, ll speculated that, . . . those colored persons who have settled in the 78Interview with Mr. Orlando James, 29 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 20n at least one occasion, an established black farmer lost part of his estate by going security for later newcomers. Vide 222 Cassopolis Vigilant Vol. VIII, no. 50, whole no. 416 (Cassopolis, Michigan), 29 April 1880. This display of kindredship was not unique only to blacks, other ethnic groups in Michigan responded similarly. For instances, the Germans that settled in the cities of Frankenmuth, Frankentrost, and Frankenlust; the English miners in Keweenaw and Houghton Counties; the Danes in Montcalm; the Finns in Houghton; the Swedes in Kent and Muskegon; the Dutch in Ottawa and Allegan and; the Hungarians in Menominee aided others with like background in their financial development. Vide George P. Graff, The People of Michigan, . . ., pp. 17, 22, 25, 31, 33, 37, and 47. Similar situations occurred in Indiana, especially among the Poles of St. Joseph County, Indiana. Vide F. A. Renkiewicz, The Polish Settlement of St. Joseph County, Indiana: 1855-1935, . . ., passim. Dr. Samuel C. Howe was a member of the American Freedmen's Inquiry Commission. In a book on Canadian blacks he lamented that the younger generation, who had never experienced slavery and who enjoyed equal civil and political rights in Canada, failed to produce any out— standing individuals in proportion to their numbers, as the white com- munity did. Vide Samuel C. Howe, The Refugees from Slavepy in Canada West (Boston, 1861), . . ., passim. 1F. Landon, "Agriculture Among the Negro Refugees," Journal of Negro History, Vol. XXI, no. 3 (July 1936), p. 305. 50 country, especially those who have been able to procure land, are "82 Without generally comfortable. Some of them are thriving farmers. doubt similar assertions could have been posited about those blacks who settled in Cass during the ante—bellum years. Since most were self- sufficient, obtaining the essentials for survival posed no serious problem to the many who owned either full graneries, packed corn cribs, developed herds or loaded smoke houses. For this reason and others, economic crimes in that rural area were virtually non—existent (appendix).83 Those who settled in the small non—rural towns in the county, working as domestics, cooks or handymen, could not boast about their severing of the umbilical cords which led to the rebirth of independent people.84 A comment on the value of the property which they possessed should shed further light on the economic status of the freed blacks in the county. Of course it is difficult for one living in the eighth decade of the twentieth century to appreciate the figures, revealing 82The African Repositogy, Vol. XXVII (Washington: Published Monthly by the American Colonization Society, 1851), p. 327. Among the former slaves in the urban areas, where the competi- tion of immigrant labor had to be met, there was much pauperism. For example, in Philadelphia in 1837 blacks formed 14 percent of the inmates in the county almshouse although they constituted only 7.4 percent of the population. Without doubt, similar figures could be found in any major city of the ante-bellum era. Usually, the percent- age in jails were about the same, for many had to commit petty crimes for their survival. E. F. Frazier, The Negro in the United States (New York: MacMillan Company, 1971), p. 595. Interview with Mr. Orlando James, 29 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan; Interview with Mrs. Bertha Newsome, 16 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. One inform- ant mentioned that in the town of Summerville, located in Pokagon, some blacks were employed as non—agricultural laborers for the Rogers, Droits and others. Since they performed such tasks very few became owners of prOperty. In effect, they remained the pawns of their employees. Interview with Mrs. Frances and Mr. Bill Lawson, 15 Novem— ber 1973, Pokagon Township, Cass County, Michigan. 51 the value of pr0perty owned by that group between the 1840's and 1870. Land values naturally were much lower during those periods; therefore, it was conceivable for an individual with 100 dollars to purchase an adequate amount of land for farming. With a few more dollars a person also could erect a cabin that would be as modern as any constructed during that era. In 1846, five blacks owned approxi— mately 320 acres, and in the following year seven more procured an additional 680 acres. By 1849, prior to the coming of the Saunders, 22 had amassed 1646 acres in Calvin Township and three owned 212 acres in adjacent Porter.85 In 1850, 35 acquired $11,750 in real estate, roughly 2611 acres in both Calvin and Porter. By 1860, 144 held $113,435 in real property, nearly 25,207 acres in the same townships. In 1870, 119 accumulated approximately $287,440 in land value, an estimated 63,875 acres in Calvin and Porter.86 85James 0. Wheeler and Stanley D. Brunn, "An Agricultural Ghetto: Negroes in Cass County, Michigan, 1845—1968," . . ., p. 323; Harold B. Fields, "Free Negroes in Cass County Before the Civil War," . . ., p. 383. 86Vide Federal Census Schedule 1850, 1860, and 1870 for Cass County. In 1850, 12 blacks in the remaining 13 townships owned 5000 dollars in real estate, totalling roughly 110 acres. During that same year, 16 non-farmers in Calvin and Porter owned 1075 dollars in real property, approximately 239 acres; 17 non—farmers in the remaining 13 townships owned 310 dollars in land, an estimated 69 acres. In 1860, 26 blacks in the remaining 13 townships possessed 28,780 dollars in land property, nearly 6395 acres. In that same year, six non-farmers in Calvin and Porter owned 720 dollars in acreage, about 160 acres. Nine non-farmers in the 13 other townships acquired 2400 dollars in property, approximately 533 acres. In 1870, eight individuals classified as farmers according to the census returned gave no information about their worth. In the given year, 22 non—farmers in only Calvin owned 19,800 dollars of land, close to 440 acres. Even though ante-bellum blacks of Cass were owners of large land holdings, all of their acreage was neither cultivated nor cleared. The estimated amount of property was obtained by dividing the assessed property value recorded on the census returns by the average price paid by black land acquirers, four or five dollars. For conveni- ence the figure four point five was employed. Usually the person supplying information to the census agent gave an estimate of all of his property, both improved and unimproved, acreage. When the tax assessor appeared the estimations decreased for wise reasons. 52 Undoubtedly, had it not been for their own industriousness and more importantly Quaker practical benevolence, it is questionable whether that many blacks would have become property owners. Inspite of this, since most of the black inhabitants of Cass County were very self— conscious -- verging on paranoia -— about their vulnerable positions on the outer rim of the larger community, many were proud of their progress and the achievements of their neighbors. They cheered, furthermore, every evidence of black economic advancement as proof belying the contentions of the negrophobes. This feeling of pride is illustrated in the following article, which was written by a black reporter for the Cassopolis Vigilant (circa 1870's). . . . William Allen, a farmer living north of town, . . . [has a] 'sheep barn,' which indeed is truly wonderful. The main part of the building is 175 feet long and 45 feet wide with an addition to the same [structure by] 70 feet long by 40 feet wide. This iumense structure now contains over 1000 sheep [,] besides room for grain; the beauty of the build- ing is [that] the stock are always out of the storm. Water is furnished by a windmill near by [and] water . . . [is] conveyed by pipes into the troughs inside the barn. Our farmers are not all dead. Can any farmer in the county winter more sheep in one build- ing? If so lets hear from him. Since many of the former slaves sought the companionship and camaderie of those with similar backgrounds, naturally, most of the county's freed-slave gravitated towards the developing black community in Calvin. Eventually, land purchased in Calvin Township -- especially in and around Calvin Center —— and land procured in adjacent Porter Township, became the foundation for a strong settlement of black 87Information supplied by Mrs. Rosella Wade, 15 December 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. Newspaper clipping from the Cassopolis Vigilant, n.d. (Cassopolis, Cass County, Michigan). 53 farmers still in pursuit of additional acreage.88 That colony, furthermore, made it inevitable that the county would attract attention, especially among local whites. Despite this, after basic economic problems were solved, many ex—slave inhabitants turned their attention to the cultural development of the county —- especially in Calvin Township. 88Reginald Larrie, "Corners of Black History," Detroit Free Press, . . .; Michigan Manual of Freedmen's Progress, compiled by Francis H. Black Warren, . . ., p. 289; David Manners Katzman, Before the Ghetto: Detroit in the Nineteenth Centugy, . . ., p. 55; William H. Pease and Jane H. Pease, "Organized Negro Communities: A North American Experi— ment," Journal of Negro History, Vol. XLVII, no. 1 (January 1962), p. 21; A. Mathews, History of Cass County, Michigan, . . ., p. 387. Chapter III THE REACTION TO "THEM" The amicable environs, the availability of low priced lands, the developing black communities within the larger area, and more importantly, the pressing desire to escape continuous harassment, caused parts of Cass County to become attractive to many blacks. Because of those factors and others, the black population increased considerably, and consequently led to the development of some white discontent in the county. Such feelings were not unique to Cass for frequently similar emotions surfaced in the adjacent communities, irrespective of the number of blacks within their boundaries.1 That little group of whites in Cass and the neighboring areas exhibited little hostility toward the small ratio of blacks within their area (circa 1836-1850), for those ex-slaves posed no threat to the white establishment; yet, that group refused to welcome larger numbers of "unrefined field hands" whom they perceived to be threatening.2 1The fear that the black newcomers might increase the numbers already established was the principle reason for the discontent. Certainly other reasons existed, such as, the attraction of slave catchers to communities, the fear of amalgamation, the possibility of loss of wealth, prestige, political domination, and others. 2L. F. Litwack, North of Slavery, . . ., p. 68; William Pease and Jane Pease, Black Utopias: Nggro Communal Experiments in America, . . ., p. 46. Ironically, those disgruntled few in the region granted more hospitality to the runaways than that accorded to the emancipated. James B. Browning, "The North Carolina Black Code," Journal of Ngggg Histogy, Vol. XV, no. 4 (October 1930), pp. 461-473; J. H. Russell,'$§g Free Nggro in Vigginia, 1619—1865, . . ., p. 72; Mr. Crawford Stewart, 28 November 1973, Dowagiac, Cass County, Midhigan. 54 55 The primary rationale for their negative reactions lay in the difficulties that they foresaw in defining the status of hundreds of ex—bondmen. But creating more fear among that group of whites Was the assumption that some of the new arrivals would challenge the community's racial order by attempting to determine "their" own destinies, completely divorced from white supervision. Since many of the manumitted sought permanent homes, that desire further contributed towards the development of other hostile responses. Moreover, it is safe to speculate that as the proportion of blacks increased, so too did incidents of prejudice and discrimination,3 partially, and in some instances totally, attributable to that small segment in the county's white population. Therefore, since neither benevolent Quakers nor abolitionists constituted a majority of the white popu- lation, it might be expected that the tremendous influx of blacks into Cass would produce an outburst of racial tensions.4 Although flare—ups occurred in other Michigan areas, there is little evidence suggesting that native whites of Cass precipitated racial confrontations5 during the ante—bellum era. A multitude of 3Frank V. Quillin, The Color Line in Ohio (Ann Arbor: George Wahr, 1913), passim. Since the number of grumblers was unknown, the increase of acts of racism proved difficult to obtain. 4Vide appendix to Chapter Two, Chart VIII. In communities with a relatively small percentage of blacks, fewer occasions of negrophobia were made evident than in those areas holding larger numbers. Even though violent incidents of racism were infrequent, does not imply that such locales' white citizens were less authoritarian and more tolerant. Vide Thomas F. Pettigrew Racially Separate or Together? (New York: McGraw Hill Book Company, 1971), p. 137. 5Without doubt, violence was/is not the only barometer for measur— ing social pressure among the races. Quite often, minorities within a given area might display an external appearance of contentment, but internally, they may be comparable to a dormant volcano. Appearances of discontent, then, were not exhibited merely through violent occurrences. ~—-_.._. .. -— 56 factors contributed to that lack of tensions. One could surmise that either the Quaker traditions or the activities of the other people involved in the U.G.R.R. partially explain the absence of identifiable frictions. Yet even more significantly, the character of most of the emigres nipped its appearance; they usually were "well—behaved col'ds,"6 which resulted in white acceptance of them without many queries and harsh feelings. Also, some writers reasoned that the absence of friction was due to the spatial separation of the races, whether voluntarily con— sented to or rigorously enforced.7 Since most of the blacks procured portions of the unoccupied lands without crowding the whites, those acquisitions prevented racial confrontations from developing in the county too. If however, crises arose that forced "them" to compete for scarce resources like acreage,8 such economic conditions might have led to racial disorders.9 Despite those reasons for its infrequence, racial turmoil was not the only barometers for measuring tolerance I in that community. Also, one would imagine that color prejudice in that rural settlement should have been non-existent because black and white contact was minimum. For example, there was no need to enter the 6Interview with ex-senator Elwood Bonine, 17 December 1973, Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan. 7William Brittle and Gilbert Geis, "Alfred Charles Sam and an African Return: A Case Study in Negro Despair," in Black Brotherhood, ed. by Okon Edet Uya (Lexington, Massachussetts: D. C. Heath and Company, 1971), p. 115. ' George K. Hesslink, Black Neighbors: Negroes in a Northern Rural Communit , . . ., p. 5; E. F. Frazier, The Negro in the United States, . . ., p. 220. 9Interview with Mr. Orlando James, 29 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. ‘..—_-_-__ _ -———-— ‘ \n -~.. 57 heavily white populated areas such as Cassopolis or Dowagiac. In Calvin there were two black owned stores where one could buy the groceries he did not raise; pants, shoes and coveralls were also obtained from those places. Located also in the township were a barbershop, two blacksmith shops, a grainery, a gristmill, harness shop and post office.10 Furthermore, for the most part, many white farmers were too busy pondering the possibilities of natural disasters.11 After evaluating some of the Michigan governmental debates, it was ascertained that farmers or officials elected from farm districts never argued that unlimited black migration would adversely affect them.12 In fact, the representatives from Cass County —— farmer George Redfield, farmer M. Robinson, lawyer James Sullivan, and others between 1850—1870 —— never became involved in arguments concern— ing "them."13 The delegates from Cass, assuming that they spoke for 10Interview with Mr. Orlando James, 29 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan; Everett Claspy Papers, Cass County Library, Cassopolis, Michigan; Interview with Mrs. Bertha Newsome, 20 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 11James D. Corruthers, Inspite of the Handicap, An Autobiography, . . ., p. 40; Interview with Mr. and Mrs. Clyde Byrd, 20’Novem5er 1973, Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan. 12Based upon an evaluation of the legislative debates in Ohio and Illinois, E. H. Berwanger avers that farmers who served in those states' government responded like the elected officials of ante-bellum Michigan. E. H. Berwanger, The Frontier Against Slavery, . . ., p. 35. The legislators from urban areas who listed their occupations as lawyers were the premier participants in discussions concerning the black issue. l3Vide Richard Cole, "A Legal Study of Whites and Blacks in the Michigan Territory," . . ., pp. 32, 33—42; Michigan Constitutional Con— vention of 1850, by F. W. Stevens, of the Detroit Bar (Reprinted from Detroit, Saturday Night, n.d.), pp. vi, 8—10; Vide the arguments con— cerning the passage or attempts to pass anti—black laws in the Journal of the House of Representatives of the State of Michigan (Lansing: George W. Peck, 1853), pp. 137—139; Report on the Proceedings and Debates in the Convention to Revise the Constitution of the State of Michigan, . . ., pp. xvii, xxxi, xxxvii, 240, 241—244, 291, 492. 58 the majority of their constituents, were concerned with other questions, primarily economic.14 Even though the county's participants in the state governmental machinery were not involved actively in attempts to . limit blacks, those ex—slave residents in Calvin, Porter and the other townships did not endeavor to have social intercourse with their white neighbors.15 Because of the diversity of opinions held and displayed by local whites in Cass, the immediate white repercussion to the increase of the black pOpulation16 was difficult to discern. It is safe to surmise, how- ever, that the majority of the whites, neither associated with the Quaker sect nor Operators of the U.G.R.R., accepted the ex—slaves rather non- chalantly.17 Some illustrations of those different responses by whites in Cass and neighboring Berrien County to the new intruders will be incorporated in the following pages. An account of the development of social institutions and their significance to the ex—slave inhabit- ants of Cass County also will be included. 14Everett Claspy Papers, Southwestern Michigan College Library, Dowagiac, Cass County, Michigan. 15Interview with Mrs. Bertha Newsome, 16 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan; Interview with Mrs. Rosella Wade, 23 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan; Interview with Mr. Orlando James, 29 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Mflchigan; Interview with ex—senator Elwood Bonine, 17 December 1973, Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan. 16James 0. Wheeler and Stanley D. Brunn, "An Agricultural Ghetto: Negroes in Cass County, Michigan, 1845-1968," . . ., p. 328. 17Interview with Mr. and Mrs. Clyde Byrd, 17 November 1973, Lansing, Ingham County, Midhigan; Interview with Mr. Crawford Stewart, 28 November 1973, Dowagiac, Cass County, Michigan; Interview with Mr. and Mrs. Guylor Haines, 1 December 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan; Interview with Mr. Clarence Haines, 16 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 59 Not surprisingly, some white citizens of Cass were very proud of the county's black settlers; they watched them develop with keen interest. Most of the whites were elated because it was simply the growth of a people in accordance with the Protestant ethic. Others were happy because such black economic evolution underminded the area's negrophobes.18 Regardless of the justifications, a large segment of the white population lavishly praised some of the blaCk inhabitants of Calvin and Porter. While visiting those communities in the early 1900's, Booker T. Washington, the Tuskegee educator, questioned a few of the leading whites to ascertain how the races reacted upon initial contact. L. H. Glover, a prominent nineteenth—century democratic lawyer from Cassopolis and former Justice of the Peace in 1862, commented that, "the first generation of [black] settlers were fine . . . none better . . .. So far as prejudice towards the colored residents . . . [was] concerned, the farther away people liveld], the greater the prejudice. As they approaclfled] it [grew] 1888."19 18There were several other reasons for the growth of that white pride, such as genuine friendship and bringing civilization to a former wilderness. The above mentioned reasons were cited frequently by all of the informants as the most important. 19Booker T. Washington, "Two Centuries Under Freedom," . . ., p. 305. In conjunction with that quotation those Cass County townships where no blacks lived were more racist; for example, in 1850 and 1960 Wayne Township had none. In the 1920's, that area became a breeding ground for the Ku Klux Klan activities. Another informant commented that that bizarre organization had members in other Cass Townships also. In 1923 unmasked Klansmen marched through Dowagiac in Cass County. Inter- view with Mr. Guylor Haines, 1 December 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan; Interview with Mr. Frederick Allen, 9 December 1973, Vandalia, Cass County, Michigan. In conjunction with the decline of racism as one approached Calvin and Porter, an informant indicated that as more blacks arrived in the township, many whites fled. Interview with Mrs. Bertha Newsome, 16 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. Contrastingly, another interviewee contended that they did not flee out of fear -- the exodus was attributed to benevolent whites who sold land to the black emigres. Interview with Mr. Orlando James, 29 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 60 Mr. C. C. Nelson, resident of the county for roughly 60 years and once employed as a postmaster, sheriff, and overseer of the poor, and Judge L. B. Des Voignes (another long-time inhabitant) filled the Tuskegee Sage's ears with laudatory comments about "them." Since Washington's race relations philosophy was essentially economic in scope, the assertion of Cass's Charles 0. Harmon was welcomed news. Some of the best people of the county live[d] in Calvin and mingle[d] with these people in a business way with no distinction. I do not think that the fact of the colored settlers being there [was] considered any detriment to the community, although white peOple from communities which [had] no colored settlers might [have been] adverse[d] to buying land there . . .. The merchants of Cassopolis [found] these people extra good customers. That may be one criticism to make — . . . they [bought] too freely for their own good. As a general thing, though, they [were] good [bill] pay[ers] and $took] . . . pride in meeting their obligations.2 Since blacks were allowed to remain in the area at the suffer- ance of whites, most of them never became obnoxious to the people of power.21 Furthermore, because they were "good ones" and aware of their powerlessness, such positive accolades —- which served a dual purpose, either as praises or indirect threats —- were bestowed upon them. In spite of this, a code of behavior for blacks appeared in a neighboring community's newspaper for whites "surrounded" by large numbers of ex—bondmen. D. B. Cook, editor of the Niles Republican, writes: . . . Our col'd [sic] population as a general thing, are inclined to be peaceable and quiet, and so long 20Booker T. Washington, "Two Centuries Under Freedom," . . ., p. 304. 21That opinion was inferred indirectly by Rosanna Wilson in, Biographical Sketch, undated of William Allen of Cass County, . . ., p. 2; Interview with anonymous Calvinite, 3 December 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan; Interview with Mr. Crawford Stewart, 28 November 1973, Dowagiac, Cass County, Michigan; G. K. Hesslink, Black Neighbors: Negroes in a Northern Rural Community, . . ., p. viii. 61 as they remain so, all will be well with them. Old 'Black Bill,‘ the oldest colored inhabitant here, with . his horse and dray, has obtained a good and honest living and enjoys the confidence of our businessmen. Such is the character of our citizenry that it would not require very much provocation to drive every saucy lazy colored man from our borders . . .. We advice [sic] our colored pepulation to mind their own business, be honest, industrious, quiet and sober, and all will be well. Otherwise, there is trouble ahead, which they know little of at present. 22 Some writers alleged that the neutral attitudes23 of non-Quakers in Cass contributed to the organization and functioning of the U.G.R.R., and aided in the settlement of some blacks in the county. In this respect, the white objectors, as previously indicated, could tolerate the presence of a few blacks, but an influx supposedly attributed to 2 amalgamationists 4 caused a great amount of consternation. Since local writers refused to incorporate the responses of negrOphobes into their literature on Cass County, negative reactions to the presence of the 22The Niles Republican, 3 July 1852, Vol. II, No. 3, whole no. 658, by D. B. Cook (Niles, Berrien County, Michigan), p. 2; For a similar expression in nineteenth-century Cass County, Vide "Personal Letter written by Ella to Aunt Sally," 7 September 1873, Cass County Historical Sociepy Papers, Cass County Library, Cassopolis, Michigan. 23Norman McRae, Negroes in Michtggn During the Civil War, . . ., p. 18; George N. Fuller, Michigan: A Centennial History, Vol. I (Chicago: Lewis Publishing Company, 1939), Chapter 26, pp. 352-361; Frank B. Woodford, Father Abraham's Children: Michiggn Episodes in the Civil War, . . ., p. 4. 24A study of anti-abolitionist mob violence containing rhetoric about the fear of amalgamation is located in Leonard L. Richards, Gentlemen of Property and Standing: Anti—Abolition Mobs in Jacksonian America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), passim. Related works are Linda K. Kerber, "Abolitionists and Amalgamators: The New York City Race Riots of 1834," New York History, Vol. XLVIII (January 1967), pp. 28-39, and Lorman Ratner, Powder Kgg: Northern Opposition to the Antislavery Movement, 1831-1840 (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1968), passim, and Allen Day Grimshaw, A Study in Social Violence: Urban Race Riots in the United States (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1959), passim. 62 large number of "them" were nearly impossible to obtain. However, it is feasible that the responses of that ante-bellum group were similar to the reactions exhibited by twentieth—century whites when they were faced with the appearance of the Black Muslims. Among that group of whites, rumors developed and fears magnified. Tales about the newcomers hawked from the county court- house to the neighborhood bars, and back to the homes about the dread— ful prospect of having black neighbors.25 Those whites who had never done so before, locked their doors, became fidgety, and watched "them” with apprehension.26 Assuming that others were responsible totally for the black increase, on at least one occasion, the discontented retaliated by placing economic pressure on white entrepreneurs whom they blamed.27 25"Muslim Cash Buys Up Farms," anonymous, no name of paper given, n.d., information obtained from Brother Cornelius X (Williams), 5 December 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 26Arthur Sills, "Black Muslims Linked to Cass Land," Kalamazoo Gazette, 2 June 1968, (Kalamazoo, Michigan). The purchase of Calvin lands by the Muslims led to some tensions; some whites apparently feared that the acquisition might be the beginning of a "black state." Furthermore, they believed that from such a base a black militia would be organized, and then invade the south. Vide Richard Lehnert, "Muslims Build for Tomorrow," . . ., p. 7. 27"Before the Civil War," for example, "William Baldwin (founder of Pokagon Township) became an abolitionist, . . . [thus hurting] H his business . . .. Vide Everett Claspy Papers, . . .. 63 For those negrophobes, interracial communities seemed to be "a nightmare come true."28 Though Cass was an area of some black freedom, occasionally some of "them" had to deal with negrophobes. Those people could make life difficult for blacks. For example, if such a person owned a grain mill and a black endeavored to have his corn ground, it was no easy 29 undertaking. However, the most vitriolic denunciations came from the community of Niles where many negrophobes were located. The harshest opinions were voiced by the editor of that county's ante- 28Their reactions were comparable to those of other Americans during that era, especially those who advocated the emancipation of slaves but not the elevation of the manumitted to levels equal with the whites. They were convinced that blacks constituted an inferior class, thoroughly incompetent in discharging the duties of citizenship. When proposals to incorporate the former slaves into the body politic or petitions concerned with removing immigration barriers were pre- sented to them or their elected representatives, the true feelings of that small segment of the white population were exhibited. Their reactions surfaced in a variety of ways. For example, in 1848 Charles Jones of Cassopolis donated approximately $10 to the A.C.S.; while others, through letters, demanded that their elected officials should stop the "black invasion." Interview with Mr. Orlando James, 29 Novem- ber 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan; C. G. Woodson, A Centupy of Negro Migration, . . ., p. 3. African Repository and Colonial Journal, Vols. XX-XXIII, no. 3, . . ., passim; Journal of the Constitutional Convention of the State of Michigan, 1850 (Lansing: R. W. Ingals, State Printer, 1850), p. 446. Michigan State University Rare Book Room, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan. Representative George Redfield, on one occasion received a petition "of sundry inhabitants of the county of Cass praying a constitutional bar to all the negro race." 29Interview with Mro Crawford Stewart, 28 November 1973, Dowagiac, Cass County , Mi chigan . L~—— 64 bellum newspaper.3o During that era, personal journalism was in vogue; news- papers often reflected the eccentricities and prejudices of their editors and paying customers. The Niles Republican31 provided a striking example of such media.32 Journalists and other contributors were responsible for that paper carrying articles relative to departure times of A.C.S. vessels,33 attacks on Ezekiel Smith, editor of the 30Niles is roughly 18 miles from Calvin Township. Interview with Mr. William and Mrs. Frances Lawson, 15 November 1973, Pokagon Township, Cass County, Michigan; Norman McRae, Negroes in Michigan During the Civil War, . . ., p. 56; "Underground Rai way Operations Described," Vertical Files, Cass County Library, from the George Fox Papers, Cassopolis, Michigan. For a few contrasting assertions about Niles, especially in reference to the U.G.R.R. Vide Linda Rosenbaum, "Family Tracers Says Slaves Used Tunnels," Niles Daily Star, 15 July 1972 (Niles, Berrien County, Michigan); Pat Gallagher, "Demolition Crews Find Underground Railroad Tunnel?" Niles Daily Star, 22 December 1970 (Niles, Berrien County, Michigan . 31Ironically, the negrophobe editor of the Niles Republican offered to sell a printing press and type print to Nathan Thomas, the Schoolcraft, Michigan U.G.R.R. operator. Vide Nathan Macy Thomas Papers, a letter dated 17 September 1842 from Niles. Michigan History Collections, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Bentley History Library. 32In reference to ante-bellum blacks, newspapers labeled Republi- can rarely attacked the ex—slaves. Generally, the writers of papers affiliated with the Democratic party were the principal villains. The following excerpt from the Cass County Republican of 3 February 1859 illustrates that notion. "From a census just taken, we learn that there are at present 932 colored inhabitants in this county, comprising about 250 families, and that they own 7541 acres . . . averag[ing] about 30 acres to the family . . .. When we take into consideration the fact that this great body of colored people annually pay into the county treasury a large amount of taxes, does it not seen a little like injustice to prohibit them from enjoying any of the privileges of citizenship." The Cass County Republican, "Colored Population of Cass County," 3 February 1859 Vol. I No. 49 (Dowagiac, Cass County, Michigan), p. 3. Burton Collection, Detroit Public Library, Detroit, Michigan. Vide The Niles Republican, 27 March 1852, Vol. X, no. 51, whole no. 644, ed. by D. B. Cook (Niles, Berrien County, Michigan), p. 2. 65 34 . Cass Advocate which was an anti-slavery press, inSinuations against the Quakers, abolitionists,35 and blacks, and more importantly, nothing complimentary about the black settlements either in Calvin or Porter Townships.36 That paper contains an article dated 8 June 1850, replete with stereotypical thoughts about Calvin's black residents. It is pretty well understood that there is a regularly organized band of coloured thieves extending from Detroit to Chicago. Their general place of rendezvous is in Cass County at the colored settlement, whither the negro [sic] who was . . . arrested was going with his plunder. They leave the cars at Dowagiac. The negro [sic] now in jail, freely confesses his own guilt, but as yet declines to implicate others. It would be well for our neighbors at Dowagiac to keep a sharp look-out, and the whole gang will soon be broken up.37 Such a press release denouncing the ex—slave inhabitants of Cass was not singular to that Niles publication. The county's own National Democrat sold many copies by making 34Vide The Niles Republican, 12 April 1845, Vol. II, no. 52, whole no. 280, ed. by D. B. Cook (Niles, Berrien County, Michigan), p. 2; The Niles Republican, 24 May 1851, Vol. IX, no. 9, whole no. 600 (Niles, Berrien County, Michigan). 5Vide The Niles Republican, 8 November 1856, Vol. XV, no. 32, whole no. 795, ed. by D. B. Cook (Niles, Berrien County, Michigan), p. 2. 36The Niles Republican, "Colored Population in Canada," 16 July 1853, Vol. XII, no. 15, whole no. 712, ed. by D. B. Cook (Niles, Berrien County, Michigan), p. 2; The Niles Republican 8 November 1856, Vol. XV, no. 32, whole no. 795, ed. by D. B. Cook (Niles, Berrien County, Michigan), p. 2; The Niles Republican, "Too Bad," 8 June 1850, Vol. IX, no. 9, whole no. 538, ed. by D. B. Cook (Niles, Berrien County, Michigan), p. 2. Epg Niles Republican, 10 September 1859, Vol. XVIII, no. 24, whole no. 887, ed. by D. B. Cook (Niles, Berrien County, Michigan), p. 3. 7The Niles Republican, "A Gang of Thieves," 8 June 1850, Vol. IX, no. 9, whole no. 538, ed. by D. B. Cook (Niles, Berrien County, Michigan), p. 2. 66 bigotry, discrimination, and prejudice marketable.38 On 9 January 1858, for example, that paper published a sarcastic article entitled, "Cass County versus the Rest of Michigan," which partially indicated the editor's opinions about black Calvinites. Mrs. Wells, a colored lady of Penn Township . . . gave birth to four children on Monday evening last. Our informants, Eld[er] E. Richardson, and the Hon [ored] P[hineas] Norton, who seem to be remarkably well posted in this matter, assure us, they are all doing well, and that their average weight was four pounds - six ounces. The father thinks he will be able to raise them, provided he can get a new milch [sic] cow; to that end, several benevolent indivi- duals have subscribed liberally. The little ebony newcomers are named respectively Mary, Matthew, Mark, and Luke. At this rate how long will it take Penn Township to re—produce (in name at least) the 12 apostles, as well as all the other saints. Even though they were mocked, ridiculed, and stereotyped by some journalists and negrOphobes within the populations of both Berrien and Cass Counties, many blacks refused to challenge their detractors. Instead, the energies of the ex—slaves were directed towards the further development of their adOpted homes. 38Vide The National Democrat, 15 March 1856, Vol. V, no. 46, ed. by William W. Van Antwerp (Cassopolis, Cass County, Michigan), p. 1; The National Democrat, 10 May 1856, Vol. VI, no. 2, ed. by W. W. Van Antwerp (Cassopolis, Cass County, Michigan), p. 2; The National Demo— crat, "A Question Settled," 12 July 1856, Vol. VI, no. e . y W. W. Van Antwerp (Cassopolis, Cass County, Michigan), p. 2; The National Democrat, 7 May 1856, Vol. VI, no. 3, ed. by W. W. Van Antwerp (Cassopolis, Cass County, Michigan), p. 2. All of the mentioned volumes of that paper are the possession of Mr. and Mrs. Frank Burmeister of Cassopolis. 39The National Democrat, "Cass County versus the Rest of Michigan," 9 January 1858, Vol. VII, no. 35, ed. by William W. Van Antwerp (Casso— polis, Cass County, Michigan), p. 2. 67 Ignoring their many disadvantages, blacks accomplished a great deal in the cultural development of Cass County —— particularly in Calvin. Within a short time after their arrival, they built schools, constructed churches, placed representatives in the local government,40 and had members in the medical,41 educational, and theological professions (Illustration No. 1 in Appendix).42 Among no people of the county, in proportion to their means and advantages, was the pursuit of knowledge more important and honored than among those ex—slaves.43 Education, some of the elderly blacks assumed, would improve the economic status of the offspring, produce literary geniuses like Phyllis Wheatley, scientific inventors like Elijah McCoy, or eloquent orators like Henry Bibb. They also believed that academic achievements would contribute to the breaking down of the omnipresent barriers of discrimination. More realistically, it was essential to some blacks because they realized that ignorant prey were inviting to 40Even though blacks held the secondary governmental jobs in Calvin until the election of Cornelius Lawson (circa 1890's—l900's), a few held jobs of importance in that ante—bellum era. An article from The Niles Republican verifies that contention. "We learn that the colored man to whom was entrusted all the property of the colored settle— ment of Cass . . . fled the county with $3 or $4000 -— leaving the settlement quite destitute." The Niles Republican, "Too Bad," Saturday 8 June 1850, Vol. IX, no. 9, whole no. 538 (Niles, Berrien County, Michigan), p. 2. The premier governmental positions in the pre—Civil War years, like township supervisor, were held principally by Quakers. 1Interview with Mr. Orland James, 29 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. One source indicated that the first black was elected to office in 1875, Richard Wright, Jr., "The Economic Condition of Negroes in the North: Negro Governments in the North," Southern Workman, Vol. XXXVII (1908), p. 486. Interview with Mrs. Bertha Newsome, 16 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 43H. B. Fields, "Free Negroes in Cass County before the Civil War," . . ., p. 380. 68 predators, especially when the latter convinced some of them to make unprofitable bargains. The illiterate Irvin James, for example, ‘victimized by the swindling attorney George Turner, donated a parcel of land in the mid-1850's for the construction of a school. Appropriately, that one—room building was called the James School.44 Other aged blacks desired schooling because it taught many how to read such essential literature as the Bible before being summoned to appear in the "hereafter."45 But since a few of the county's schools excluded or forced the former bondmen to use only designated portions of buildings,46 blacks moved to establish more of their own educational facilitiesf‘7 44Interview with Mr. Orlando James, 29 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan; One writer mentions that in 1850—1860 the census returns indicated that 85 adults in Calvin were illiterate. The returns for the subsequent decennial period suggested a decline in the illiteracy rate, suggesting that education was desired as well as necessary. H. B. Fields, "Free Negroes in Cass County before the Civil War," . . ., pp. 375-384. Between the years 1848-1863, there were approximately 100 to 619 scholars in Calvin Township. Porter had approximately 330-608 students. Records of Cass County. Justice Docket 1852—1882, Michigan History Commission, Lansing, Michigan;“VEIT_3I_3f_—- 35. State Archives, History Division; Records of Cass County. General Account Book, p. 20, 1852-1882, Michigan’History commission,_Lan§Ifi§:-— ETEHTEZE:_V31. 36 of 36, State Archives, History Division, p. 52. 45Interview with Mrs. Bertha Newsome, 16 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 46Discrimination in the field of education was neither singular to Cass nor the nineteenth century. For similar expression from the larger American community and Michigan Vide Leon F. Litwack, North of Slavery, . . ., pp. 114, 116, 119-120, 126—127; E. F. Frazier, m United States, . . ., p. 72; Mildred E. Danforth, A quEEE‘PISEEEFT"‘ Eaura Haviland: Superintendent of the Underground—REIIYEEHTT—T—T: passim; Laura S. Haviland, A Womanrs Life Work, . . ., passim. The construction— Of their own schools also instilled pride in many of the black residents. 47Integrated education was practiced generally in the county, but exceptions to that rule occurred ocasionally. Interview with Mr. Fred— erick Allen, 9 December 1973, Vandalia, Cass County, Michigan. 69 Occasionally, either abolitionists or philanthropists rendered financial aid, but more assistance came from residents like William Ford, James Coker, William Dungy and other blacks. Those persons and their contemporaries contributed to the development of Brownsville, Mount Zion, Willow Pond, Long, Calvin Center, Calvin Hill and Day schools between 1840-1870.48 As those schools opened, education became increasingly important and necessary for social status among the parents of the youths, especially if it led to more prestige and material gains.49 In the early 1900's, Wright described the facilities as, ". . . neat and comfortable, though small; like most rural schools, they [were] ungraded, but the . . . [education] . . . [was] reasonable and satisfactory. Each school [had] one teacher, who [was] colored."50 Even though disfranchisement was the lot of blacks in Michigan until the passage of the 15th Amendment, they were granted legal permis- sion to vote in school elections in 1855 and thereafter. Purportedly, the legislation that removed the ban against their participation in such elections was attributed to the organization of schools in Calvin.51 480f the mentioned schools, the one located in Brownsville was integrated. Interview with Mr. Clyde Byrd, 19 November 1973, Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan. Becoming repulsed by the idea of integrated education, one white resident of the township built a shanty in one of the adjacent townships where whites constituted the population majority. By this act, he assumed that his children could attend a real school —— a white one. However, the white citizens of the aforemen— tioned area refused to accept that blatant racist action (circa 1900's). Interview with Mr. Crawford Stewart, 28 November 1973, Dowagiac, Cass County, Michigan. Vide United States Census Population Schedules for Cass County, 1850-1870, especially the column labeled school enrollment during the census year. 50Richard Wright, Jr., "The Economic Condition of Negroes in the North: Negro Governments in the North," . . ., p. 187; During that era most teachers possessed an education equivalent to a contemporary eighth— grader. 51 David M. Katzman, ”Rural Blacks in Michigan," . . ., p. 31. 70 ‘ Surprisingly, some of "them," especially the Reverend M. T. Newson, of a Calvin church, were not satisfied with the schools established. New— son sought to establish a school for higher learning, and, more importantly, for practical education within the county. On 15 March 1856 the editor of the National Democrat printed an opinionated summary —— principally stressing the funding —- of Newson's proposed idea. We have received, from the Rev[erend] M. T. Newson, a long communication respecting the above school. We must decline publishing it, because of its length and because, in the present state of feeling on the subject, its publication would be of little benefit. Mr. N[ewson] asks for money. Had he asked for public meetings, with resolutions of sympathy . . . he could get any amount . . .. He must be satisfied with a statement of its substance. It seems [that] the colored people at Williamsville [located in Calvin Township] propose to erect a school house there at a cost of $2500, for the purpose of instruction in the higher branches of learning, and to purchase a farm worth $1500 on which the students may labor for their support while attending school. Mr. N[ewson] asks that the public assist this laudable enterprise. If the house is erected and the farm purchased, the Methodist Conference will take charge of the school and supply it with teachers. This is a perfect guarantee that the school will be properly conducted. Mr. N[ewson] has deposited a bond, with sufficient sureties that the money received by him shall be faithfully applied to forward the intended object. Mr. N[ewson] is the agent, and will receive subscriptions and furnish information. He desires all papers, in the state, friendly to the enterprise, to give a favorable notice.52 The project failed to materialize.53 Notwithstanding that fact, it was 52The National Democrat, "Manual Labor School for Colored Persons," Saturday 15 March 1856, Vol. V, no. 46, ed. by William W. Van Antwerp (Cassopolis, Cass County, Michigan), p. 2. The papers are the posses- sion of Mr. and Mrs. Frank Burmeister of Cassopolis. 53Everett Claspy, The Negro in Southwestern Michigan, . . ., p. 4. A former local writer who had expressed an interest in the black settlers of Calvin, appeared disappointed when an institution of higher learning did develop in Cass. After all, he asked, were not Quakers responsible for famous educational plants in other parts of nineteenth—century America? Evidently, as indicated from the Claspy Papers and publications, he was unaware of Newson's idea. 71 not in the field of education but in the area of religion that black Calvinites built their major institutions. As in other ante—bellum black communities, the theology preached in the churches established in Calvin was other worldly, for many of the ex—bondmen were convinced that the real world was the sole possession of white men. For example, when the rights guaranteed to all men were denied them, the former helots brought their "cases" to the religious institutions. While there, many blacks felt sure of receiving sympathy and succor. Besides saving mankind and supplying comfort to the downtrodden, the black churches54 of Cass County provided other valuable functions. First, they brought the practical learning of the schools to the people by providing a few educated ministers. The number of properly trained black clergyman in the nineteenth century was miniscule; however, some Pious individuals were available who possessed oratorical abilities enabling them to serve as ministers for their neighbors lacking "white SOphistication." The following, printed by William W. Van Antwerp, editor of The National Democrat, indicates that form of preaching Probably often delivered in those ante—bellum churches of Calvin Township. We have heard of various specimens of negro [sic] eloquence in our time, but never actually listened to an illustration till yesterday. Dropping into an African \ 54Considering that so many rural churches are now closed, it is remarkable that one of the historic churches is still active -- Bethel ‘M.E. Church. k . A 72 meeting house in the out—skirt of the city we found the sermon just commenced. The topic seemed to be the depravity of the human heart, and the sable divine thus illustrated his argument: 'Bredren when I was in Virginny [,] one day de ole woman's kitchen table . . . broke, an' I was sent into do woods to cut a tree, to make a new leaf for it. - So I took de axe on de shoulder and I wonder [sic] into de depth ob de forest. All nature was beautiful as a lady going to de wedding. De leaves glistened on de maple trees, like new quarter dollars in de mission- ary box, de sun shone as brilliant and nature looked as gay as a buck rabbit in a parsley garden . . .. I spied a tree suitable for the purpose and I raised de axe to cut into de trunk. It was a beautiful tree! De branches reach[ed] to de four corners ob de earth, and raise[d] up high [in] to de air above, and de squirrels hop[ped] about in de limbs like little angels flopping deir wings in de kingdom ob heaven. Dat tree was full ob promise, my friends, jest like a great many ob you. Den I cut into de trunk, and made de chips fly like de mighty scales dropping from Paul's eyes. TWO, three cut[s] I give [sic] dat tree, and alas, it was holler in de but! Dat tree was much like you my friends — full ob promise outside, but holler in de but! . . ..55 Second, the black churches stimulated friendship among the best <>f society; it was not uncommon that they served as meeting places where 1>lack newcomers became acquainted with mannerism of the older black Settlers. Third, they tended to raise the rude and degraded to the neat- ness and good order of the established "ones" by well-regulated meetings. Fourth, they endeavored to interest the new emigres in industry, \__. 1~ 55The National Democrat, "Practical Preaching," Saturday 24 March (:53555, Vol. IV, no. 52, ed. by William W. Van Antwerp (Cassopolis, Cass ()‘hnty, Michigan), p. 4. ¥__¥ 73 economy, moderation, and, most importantly, in temperance;56 encourage- ment of such virtues kept "them" ahead of their attackers. Fifth, they attempted to enforce all the laws and customs under the moral surveillance of God; criminal actions in Calvin, for example, were infrequent because trials and chastisement for particip— ants in minor offenses occurred in packed neighborhood churches.57 Sixth, they provided available services as a center for recreational activities; for example, on an alternating basis, social affairs happened every Saturday night at one of the churches in the township.58 Seventh, they served as depots for the U.G.R.R. and centers of abolitionists activities;59 as stations for traveling fugitives arrangements for clothing and taking care of the runaways' needs were 56Vide The National Democrat, "Good Breeding," Saturday 19 April 1836, Vol. V, no._51, ed: by William W. Van Antwerp (Cassopolis, Cass County, Michigan), p. 2. Some nineteenth-century Americans, and backers of prohibition in the 1900's, assumed that consumption of intoxicants led to human debasement. And since the ex—helots were attempting to prove to the larger communities that they were not corrupt, for them to quench the thirst with alcoholic beverages meant double jeopardy. To maintain white respect, which was gained with difficulty, older residents condemned the use of all liquors, especially by black residents. 57L. W. welch, A Diamond Sparkles, . . ., Appendix p. XXX; Inter- view with Mr. Orlando James, 29 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 58Interview with Mrs. Bertha Newsome, 16 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. The churches would have social functions for the purpose of raising money for community use. Inter— view with Mr. and Mrs. Clyde Byrd, 17 November 1973, Lansing, Ingham County , Michigan. 59Interview with Mrs. Rosella Wade, 23 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. Quite ironically, one author claimed that fugitives shied away from the freed bondmen because they were not skillful in concealing runaways or in making arrangements to forward them to Canada. Vide Levi Coffin, The Reminiscences of Levi Coffin, . . ., p. 107. ... g V” _. 74 provided by the women of the area. Finally, those black institutions in Calvin provided a field of activities wherein some of‘ "them" could acquire status and exercise leadership abilities either as deacons, trustees, stewards, or ushers. Having been released from the horrors of slavery, some of those blacks who settled in Calvin sought to thank God for their deliverance. Consequently, between 1848 and 1853, they organized and helped to 6oVide Carter G. Woodson, The History of the Negro Church (Washing- ton, D.CTAssociation for the 8?tu of Negro Life and History, 1945), C118. l-9; E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro Church in America (New York: Schocken Books, 1964), Chs. 1—2‘;"fenjamfi MayTs TheWEgro's God as Reflect— Siin His Literature (Boston: Chapman and Crimes, 1938) , Chs. 2-3; Charles H. Wesley, Richard Allen, Apostle of Freedom (Washington, D.C.: Associated Publishers, Inc., 1935) , passiw. Most worshipful Prince Hall Grand Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons Celebrating the First Masonic Pilgrimage to the Birth Place of Free Masonry Among Negroes in Michigan at Niles, Jan- uary 13, 1859. First Lodge, Harrison Lodge, No. 6, 10 July 1960. Niles a11d Chain Lake Michigan Souvenir Program (n.p. n.d.), pp. 1—36. Niles Community Library, Niles, Michigan. The mentioned services that the black churches performed are hardly complete. Some of their other functions can be obtained from E. F. Frazier, The Negro in the United States, . . ., p. 74; E. F. Frazier, "The Negro Slavegffiamily,‘r Journal of Ne ro Histor , Vol. XV, no. 2 (April 1930), pp. 198-259; George—"fl wcilshington Williams, History of the Negro Race in America from 1619 7:2131880, Vol. II (New York: QT PutTfam's Sons, 1881?, p. 132; ert Austin Warner, The Rise of the Negro Society: New Haven Negroes (New Haven, Connecticutzjale University Press, 1940), pp. 78—94. 61Lois W. Welch, A Diamond Sparkles, . . ., p. 22. Even though Quakers were present, they played no direct or significant role in the religious development of the black settlers. However, there were a few lack Quakers in the county. Kincher Artiss is a case in point. Vide uaker Records of Michigan. Birch Lake 1841-1915, Cass County Library, assopolis, Michigan, passim. Interview with Mrs. Rosella Wade, 23 Nov- e111ber 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan; William C. Gregg, ndated, entitled "Reminiscences of Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. A Semi-fictional account of the Saunders Colony of Freed Slaves," . . ., p. 48; P. L. Simpkins, "North Carolina Quakers and Blacks: Education at1d Membership," Journal of Neflgrg History Bulletin, Vol. XXV, no. 7 (November 1973), pp. 160—162; Early Cass County: A Brief History, . . ., compiled by Olive Dickeson, et. 51. 75 establish three62 churches -- Chain Lake Baptist, Mount Zion, and Bethel, the latter two were African Methodist Episc0pal Churches (hereafter called A.M.E.). All of the black religious institutions contributed to the further deve10pment of Calvin Township and also performed either some or all of the aforementioned functions for their members. Chain Lake Baptist63 was organized in the home of Turner Byrd on Saturday, July 1848 by Elder David Lee and eight other lay persons. Harrison Ash and Byrd were elected officers while Anna Byrd, Sarah Ash, Wiley Madrey, John Clark, and Katie Tann performed other adminis- trative tasks. Initially, since a structure for holding services was not available, the organizers and growing congregation worshipped in individual homes on an alternating basis. Within two years, subsequent to their organization, a log church was built; that structure eventually became the birthplace of the Michigan Regular Anti-Slavery Baptist Association (hereafter called the M.R.A.S.B.A.). According to preserved minutes of a session held at Chain Lake between 7—10 October, 1858, that church had a membership of 80. Furthermore, the secretary's notes reveal (1860) that Chain Lake, with other churches in the associa— tion, corresponded frequently with both the Amherstburg Anti-Slavery 62 Three churches were necessary because horses and wagons were the standard means of transportation in the ante-bellum period. They were located in three points for the convenience of the settlers. Interview with Mr. and Mrs. Clyde Byrd, 17 November 1973, Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan. One informant mentioned that some white churches opened their doors at all, but blacks never attended. Inter- view with ex-senator Elwood Bonine, 17 December 1973, Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan. 63Since the site selected for the construction of the church was at0p a hill which overlooked a chain of lakes, the church was named appropriately. 76 Association of Canada and with the Union Anti-Slavery Association of Ohio. At that time 75 people were members of Chain Lake Baptist Church and some of them belonged to the M.R.A.S.B.A.64 In the late 1850's, the church was incorporated under its present name in accordance with the laws of the state.65 Soon thereafter, in 1860 on land donated by Turner Byrd, a substantial frame building costing $120066 replaced the log church.67 Later a parsonage was added, built on real estate acquired from Julius Brown. Another parishioner, Charles Chavis, bought and then gave some land east of the newly con— structed buildings which eventually became the cemetery.68 In 1906, L. H. Glover, author of a Twentieth Century History of Cass County, provided the subsequent description of that "chapel amongst the crude black inhabitants of Calvin." The church house, the parsonage and the graveyard were reminiscent of a Massachussetts village. The cemetery, he continues, was laid out in family plots, and most of the graves had marble headstones that were well kept up, indicating systematic care (Illustration no. 2 in Appendix).69 64 A History of Chain Lake Baptist, original copy compiled by Mr. Carl E. Ash after interviewing Mr. Green Allen, Jr., unpublished manuscript, n.d. Mrs. Gladys Ash supplier of information. 65AHistory of Chain Lake Baptist. 66A. Mathews, A History of Cass County, Michigan, . . ., p. 389. 67Sometime in the 1950's or 1960's, Cass County lost that historical structure by fire. 8Because-of the time lapse and the incomplete church minutes, succession and tenure of the various pastors proved difficult to obtain; but, the following served for at least one year -- Reverends Lett, Jones, Stewart, Moss, and Turner Byrd. 69L. H. Glover, A Twentieth Century History of Cass County, . . ., p. 293. 77 Like the Baptist Church, Mount Zion A.M.E. Church was founded immediately after the increase of blacks in Cass. Mathew T. Newson and a group of residents organized that institution. Richard WOod, Benjamine Howley and Lemuel Archer became the first trustees; Lawson Howell, William Scott and Joseph Allen served as the premier stewards. According to the oldest records found, the Reverend George Benson delivered the first sermon. For one year, like Chain Lake Baptist, this organization held its meetings in private homes until the membership purchased an acre and a half from John Hardy Wade71 for a church site and cemetery. On this plot, they erected a log structure measuring 12 by 16 feet. Unlike -the other churches in the township, Mount Zion had two doors -- an entrance for men and one for ladies. Upon entering, ladies sat on the 72 right and men on the left. "It was a familiar custom," contends the writer of the Allen family genealogy, "for the entire family to walk to church carrying baskets of food so they could spend the entire day worshipping."73 70The History of Bethel A.M.E. Church, anonymous (n.p.n.d.), p. 3. Information obtained from Mrs. Rosella Wade, 23 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 71Vide Record of Deeds, Liber 28, Cass County Register of Deeds Office (Cassopolis, Michigan), pp. 183-184. 72Allen Family [Cass County] Genealogical Material, . . ., p. 3. Even though the Quakers played no significant role in the religious development of the black settlers, the seating arrangement in the church was derived directly from Quaker behavior. Encyclopedia Brittanica, Sub Voce "Friends, Society of," by Edward Hyslop Milligan, Vol. XVIII, pp. 938-943; Encyclopedia Americana, sub Voce "Friends, The Religious Society of," by Delight Ansley, Vol. XXIII, Illustration on page 94. 73 Allen Family [Cass County] Genealogical Material, . . ., p. 3. 78 Within a short time span another A.M.E. church was needed, attributable to the number of converts to Methodism74 and the growing black population of Calvin Township. Consequently, in 1856, an appro— priate site was located two miles from Mount Zion. The purchase of this property allowed "them" to construct a branch church, Bethel A.M.E., which catered to the needs of a small group living in Calvin Center.75 For convenience and the desire to keep the black Methodist community together, Sunday services and social functions were alternated between the two churches.76 Therefore, the Reverend George Benson became a circuit rider performing the religious services for both A.M.E. churches in the township.77 Putting aside the black contributions, some attackers remained unappeased. However, stunned newsmen frequently printed articles about the remarkable achievements of those ex-slaves in Cass County. For example, a writer for the Indiana True Democrat of Centreville (Indiana) mentions that on 13 March 1850 the anti-black New Albany Ledger (Indiana) published an article illustrating their amazing ability. An excerpt reads, "There is in Cass County . . . a large settlement of 74Blacks, especially those who "were called" to the ministry, were attracted to Baptist or Methodist Churches because education was not emphasized. Moreover, parishioners found salvation in the fiery messages of their often illiterate preachers. The emphasis upon feeling as a sign of conversion found a ready response among the Oppressed. Vide E. F. Frazier, The Negro Church in America, . . ., p. 8. 75A History of Bethel A.M.E. Church, . . ., p. 3. The settlement was called Calvin Center because its geographical location in Calvin Township. 76Interview with Mrs. Bessie Snyder, 26 November 1973, Calvin Center, Cass County, Michigan. 77Both Bethel and Mount Zion were called the Day Circuit by the Methodist ministers, and, between 1850-1860 Benson was responsible for those parishes. Vide The History of Bethel A.M.E. Church, . . ., p. 3. 79 colored peOple, . . .. They have a fine location, well tilled, farms, neat and comfortable cottages and buildings [churches, schools and stores] . . ."78 Regardless of that fact teachers and preachers helped significantly in making Calvin attractive to ex—bondmen.79 When read, such articles made it inevitable that the culturally deve10ping black communities in Cass County would attract attention in the South and North, not only among the runaways and the emancipated, but also among slaveholders and slave catchers who respected no boundaries. Therefore, when their prey entered Michigan, predators assumed that either Cass County or Calvin Township would be the likely place that fugitives would seek asylum. On three occasions, daring intruders from Kentucky appeared in the county with the intentions of capturing runaways. Those forays upset the tranquility of the county which many of "them" helped to establish. 78Indiana True Democrat, "A Settlement of Colored Persons," 13 March 1850 (Centreville, Wayne County, Indiana), Michigan Historical Collections, Bentley History Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan. 79William Pease and Jane Pease, Black Utopia: Nggro Communal Egperiments in America, . . ., p. 28; Everett Claspy Papers, . . ., passim; William C. Gregg Papers, entitled, "Reminiscences of Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan," . . ., passim. Chapter IV PREDATORS, PREY, AND PROTECTORS (KENTUCKY KIDNAPPERS, FUGITIVES, AND ABOLITIONISTS IN CASS) Between 1830 and 1860 approximately 30,000 to 60,000 slaves fled north via the U.G.R.R. (appendix).l Operators of those clandestine routes in Cass boasted that they aided at least one out of every four fugitives to cross the state. For example, two of Michigan's most successful conductors, Nathan M. Thomas and Erastus Hussey, respec- tively from Schoolcraft and Battle Creek, both estimated that they received and then aided 1500 runaways, who passed through Cass.2 The flight of this expensive farm livestock certainly represented a financial set—back for many slaveholders;3 consequently, the attraction of runaways to or through Cass naturally caused many planters to view that county with suspicion. lWilliam Pease and Jane Pease, Black Utopia: Negro Communal Experiments in America, . . ., p. 4. George Hesslink, Black Neighbors: yNggroes in a Northern Rural Community, . . ., p. 37; J. B. Woodson, A Century with the Negroes of Detroit 1830—1930, . . ., p. 17; Beatrice Brown, Cassopolis Michigan Boasts of Its Role in the Underground Railroad}'. . ., p. 6; Ella Thomas, History of the Underground Railroad, . . ., p. 25; A. Mathews, A History of Cass County, Michigan, . . ., p. 110. 3To the slaveholders, they represented $1,500,000 loss. Not included in that estimate was the money making potential of each run- away. Vide N. M. Thomas Papers, . . ., passim. 80 81 Despite that fact, many fugitives, emboldended by a false sense of security due to the remoteness of that area, decided to settle permanently in the region; as a result, the density of the black popula— tion, especially in Porter and Calvin Townships increased considerably.4 Their assumptions and the accelerated pOpulation growth spelled trouble for many. After suffering from the loss of slave resources, some planters from a northern Kentucky county (Bourbon) in the winter of 1846-1847 banded together to find an effective cure for the runaway problem.5 In 1847, a party, similar to a western vigilante group, left Kentucky and headed for Cass with the intention of capturing and then returning home with their valuable human property.6 From that date to the out- break of the Civil War, raiders from Kentucky directed forays into heavily black populated areas in Michigan. Unfortunately, the former slave settlers of Cass County were "blessed three times by the arrival of the pleasant gents from Kentuck."7 Not surprisingly, each marauding expedition had its own unique account. Even though the raiders clearly had the laws of the nation to support them, residents of Cass, both blacks and whites, did not 4Between 1847-1860, the percentage of blacks increased from approx— imately 33 percent to 93 percent. The Dowagiac Daily News, "Looking Back in Dowagiac -- The Kentucky Raid," 30 July 1960 (deagiac, Cass County, Michigan). 5In Cass at the beginning of 1847, there were at least 50 runaway residents. The number has been estimated as high as 100, but the pre- vious figure is nearer the truth. That indicates that the suppositions of the Kentuckians had a little credibility. 6L. H. Glover, A Twentieth Century History of Cass County, . . ., p. 289. 7Interview with Mr. Orlando James, 29 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 82 watch the marauders idly or passively. Those determined to see that all men live in accordance with the dictates of humanity violated a Federal law. The moral commitments of the white protectors of Cass County placed them at odds with the invading slaveholders. Confronta— tions developed between the two groups. Early in 1847, a young man calling himself Carpenter, arrived in Kalamazoo. Upon arrival, he entered the law office of Charles E. Steward, allegedly to study law. Claiming to be a native from worothester County, Massachussetts and a strong abolitionist, he attempted to gain the confidence of the regions U.G.R.R. operators for the purpose 0f gaining some significant information about the location of fugitive settlements in Michigan. While still masquerading as an abolitionist, Carpenter visited some of the sites mentioned by Steward; the black settlement in Cass was one of those areas. Pretending to be a canvasser for an eastern abolitionist news— p'E‘Der while in the county, Carpenter readily obtained admission and was even granted hospitable entertainment by some of the blacks, Quakers, and other friends of the fugitives who resided in the locale. Hence, he received firsthand information pertaining to the number, exact loCation of the runaways, and the areas in Kentucky from whence they fled. Soon thereafter, the information accumulated by Carpenter was f0Ianrded to his comrades.8 \ 8A. Mathews, History of Cass CountyI Michigan, . . ., p. 110; Levi Coffin, Reminiscences of Levi Coffin, . . ., p. 367. For infor— matZion relative to other strategies employed by raiders from Kentucky in Michigan vide The Marshall Rotafl Foundation, Five Star Final, k 83 Later, the raiders from Kentucky —- the Reverend A. Stevens, Hubbard Buckner, C. B. Rust, John L. Graves (Sheriff of Bourbon County), James Scott, G. W. Brazier, Thornton Timberlake, Bristow and, Lemon -- arrived in Battle Creek, which they assumed would serve as their headquarters.9 But upon arrival, the fatigued slavecatchers became aware that most of the settlement's citizens were hostile to "The Crosswhite Slavery Case," 9 December 1966, Vol. XVII, no. 1 (Marshall, Calhoun County, Michigan), pp. 1, 10, ll, 19; The Democratic Expounder, "Kidnapping," 19 February 1847, whole no. 532 W a cum ounty, Michigan), p. 2 Michigan Historical Collection, Bentley History Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan; C. N. Fuller, Michigan Centennial History, Vol. I, . . ., pp. 352—361; The Bimey Papers, Vol. 18, 1 January 1849 (Marshall, Calhoun County, MiChigan), p. 1, William Clements Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan; The Dibble Family Papers, 1814—1951, personal letter from Cornelia to her brother, 21 January 1849 (Marshall, Calhoun COUnty, Michigan); The Negro in Detroit, anonymous, unpublished Inanus-acript (Detroit, Michigan: Associated Charities of Detroit RJeSearch Bureau, 1920), passim, The Burton Collection, Detroit Public Library, Detroit, Michigmthur Turner and Carl R. Moses, "Colored DetI'oit," unpublished manuscript (Detroit, Michigan, n.p., 1924), 5513\8113, The Burton Collection, Detroit Public Library, Detroit, 1chigan; "The Negro in Detroit," unpublished manuscript, The Mayor's Interracial Committee (Detroit, Michigan: Prepared under the general dil‘ection of the Detroit Bureau of Governmental Research, n.p., 1926), W, The Burton Collection, Detroit Public Library, Detroit, Michi— gan; Forrester B. Washington, "The Negro in Detroit," unpublished Inanuscript, (Detroit, Michigan: Research Bureau, Associated Charities of Detroit, 1920), passim, The Burton Collection, Detroit Public Library, Detroit, Michigan; The Detroit Democratic Free Press, "Annual RePort of the Colored Vigilance Committee of the City of Detroit," January 1843, ed. by John S. Bagg (Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan), Detroit Public Library, Detroit, Michigan. 9An Audit of the Scenic Historical and Recreational Facilities 0&Cass County and Dowagiac, Michigan: A Factual History of the s°\wa_gi;ac ReLion and Cass County, Michigan, compiled by George R. Fox, ponsored by the Chamber of Commerce of Dowagiac, under the direction of the State Board of Control of Vocational Education (mimeographed telit), (Dowagic, Michigan, 1941), pp. 33—34. It was only by chance that the raiders chose Battle Creek, at first, as their headquarters. Evfin though Carpenter spent the majority of his time in Kalamazoo, the raiders decided that Battle Creek should be their headquarters. v eI‘haps that site was chosen because of the U.G.R.R. activities of rastus Hussey, who was known nation wide for his involvement with a1ding fugitives. ¥_ is, 84 slave hunters pursuing fugitives.10 Prior to their coming, Cincinnati Quaker—abolitionist Levi Coffin received a detailed description from a Kentucky acquaintance about the upcoming foray; later he tried to relay that information onward to Erastus Hussey. Without success Coffin explains, "a young man then boarding with us . . . volunteered to go [to Battle Creek] if his expenses were paid. I agreed to pay his expenses and started him at once . . .."ll But even without Coffin's news, the citizens of that Michigan community became aware of the intentions of the strangers. Consequently, the angered people, under the leadership of Hussey, drove the marauders out. Such determined Opposition caused the Kentuckians to look elsewhere for a new head— quarters; Bristol, Indiana, less than one hour away from Cass event— ually became that sought after place.12 Immediately after their forced departure, Hussey, convinced that the raiders would visit the black settlements in Cass, dispatched letters to Stephen Bogue and Zachariah Shugart warning them about their inIpending dangers. Nevertheless, it transpired that Hussey's intentions failed due to the slowness of the mails.13 From their base the raiders, heavily armed with revolvers and bCWVie knives, traveled northward and re-entered Michigan at Porter 10History of the Negro in Michigan, Federal Writers Program, ' . ., p. 41; A. Mathews, History of Cass County, Michigan, . . ., pp. 111— JJLZ llLevi Coffin, Reminiscences of Levi Coffin, . . ., p. 368. 12A Mathews, History of Cass County, Michigan, . . ., pp. 111- p. 224; B. T. ;12; John Dancy, "The Negro People in Michigan," . . ., éushington, The Story of the Negro: The Rise of the Race from Slavery, ‘ ., p. 245. 13A. Mathews, History of Cass County, Michigan, . . ., p. 111. A110 ther warning, which had its source in Kentucky, also arrived too late. ‘ 85 and then commenced to traverse the township. After reaching a point near the southeast corner of Calvin, they stopped. The Kentuckians had planned to surround their prey once they were located, overpower and carry them back to Bristol 4 where it was easy to prove that the runaways were their legal property. 5 The blacks were found easily, for the marauders had, as was afterward discovered, very accurately drawn maps designating the exact location of their prey in Calvin, Penn, and Porter Townships. Subsequently, in the darkness of night the main raiding party stealthily made their way to the places where the run- aways were hOused. On the night of 16 August 1847, the predators began their business. After leaving their wagons two miles south of Shavehead Lake, they divided into groups and proceeded to the houses Carpenter Suggested.l6 Those parties planned to seize their prey as simultane- ously as possible, hasten back to the home of Quaker operator Jefferson Osborn, join those assigned to Osborn's home, proceed together to the Point where the wagons were left, and then drive three miles rapidly Southward until crossing the Indiana state line.17 1('The predators, if they were ostracized and driven out of Bristol, cOuld have found a base and partial jurors in either Goshen, Elkhart, 01' South Bend. William C. Gregg Papers, undated, entitled, "Remini— sceflnces of Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan," . . ., p. 48. 15History of the Nggro in Michigan, Federal Writers Program, . ,,,, F 16Index to the Sites of Cass County Map, compiled by George R. Co", Vertical Files of the Michigan State Library (Lansing, Ingham Folnlty, Michigan), pp. 5-82; B. T. Washington, "Two Centuries Under reeClem," . . ., p. 37-38; "The Underground Railroad in Northern Indiana," compiled by Helen Hibberd, . . ., p. 14. 17A. Mathews, History of Cass County, Michigan, . . ., pp. 111— P. 11:2. _ 86 That Quaker's home was singled out because while Carpenter was in the county, a family of five fugitives recently had arrived there; subsequently, they decided to remain. Like other Quaker abolitionists in the area, Osborn gave employment to the runaways on his farm. Consisting of an elderly man, his wife, two sons and a daughter, the fugitive family accepted Osborn's offer and subsequently built a small house a few yards from that Friend's abode. When the raiders appeared at the fugitives' home, the males were the first persons captured; they were seized and handcuffed to a bed without a Shot being fired. While that action was occurring, the mother and daughter luckily escaped by jumping from a window and concealing them- Selves in the surrounding forest.l8 Among one of the other groups of marauders was a Baptist minister, the Reverend A. Stevens, who claimed to be the owner of anether family who settled in Cass. Not only were his slaves present 111 the region, but they had leased a piece of land from Zachariah ShUgart and built a snug home on that acreage two or three years Previous. While there a child was born. Stevens and party approached therir cabin and tried to gain entrance, but the door was locked. The reVerend demanded admittance, but the occupants recognized the voice anri refused to obey. Repulsed by the arrogance of his surly property, thfii preacher seized an axe, battered down the door and entered. DeEHPerately, the husband began fighting the intruders and, for some- tiJne he kept the predators at bay. Nevertheless, his courageous defense was to no avail; he was wounded and overpowered. During the \ 18A. Mathews, The History of Cass County, Michigan, . . ., p. Ilia. g 87 scuffle, the mother escaped through a nearby window without her child. After realizing what had happened, the clergyman picked up the babe and made it cry; the wailing lured the mother from her hiding place and led to her capture too.19 It seemed as if the raid was about to succeed, but the rapid spread of the news underminded the success of the Kentuckians plan. Alarms were sounded by freed blacks,20 members of the Osborne family,21 Stephen Bogue,22 and others. Around dusk almost every citizen in the county knew that the peace of certain Cass areas had been disturbed. And even more importantly, some of them felt that the formerly tranquil environments of those communities had to be returned to normal. At that juncture many of that area's white citizens started to act; the protectors were determined to st0p the predators. They captured the raiders' wagon which was hidden near 19Levi Coffin, The Reminiscences of Levi Coffin, . . ., p. 370. Other runaways, like the pastorTs chattel, who felt that their freedom must be maintained regardless of any suffering or sacrifice, also offered spirited resistance to the intruders: for example, a family of runaways called the ChristOphers, who lived on a fortified peninsula that jutted out into Shavehead Lake, were firm believers in their freedom. From their heavily protected defense that clan would have given the Kentuckians a fiery reception. Interview with Mr. Delbert Vaughn, 28 November 1973, CassoPOlis, Cass County, Michigan. Another example was Moses Bristow. He offered such resistance to his former master that he was subdued only after receiving a severe beating with the‘butt of a whip. H. S. Rogers; A History of Cass County, from 1825 to 1875, . . ., pp. 137-138. Duane De Loach, "Cass Markers Recall Stirring Underground Railroad Days," . . . 21Index to Sites on Cass County Map, compiled by G. R. Fox, . . ., p0 8. 22A. Mathews, The History of Cass County, Michigan, . . ., p. 112. 88 Shavehead Lake, took it to Birch Lake and sank it.23 Meanwhile, a party led by abolitionists Moses Brown and "Nigger Bill" Jones24 captured another contingent of the raiders. That group forced the slaveholder-minister, who at the time of capture was astride a horse, to exchange positions with the walking captive black mother. Then he was compelled to carry the infant and . . . whenever they passedzahouse, the people were called out to look at that child—stealer, a preacher. When they reached . . . [settle— ments] in the county . . . Bill Jones further compelled him to march up and down the street[s] and called the attention of the people to this divine who had been stealing a negro[sic] babe and taunted him so much that he actually cried with vexation.25 The party of Kentuckians who made the capture at Osborn's had intended to await the return of their comrades, but after finding themselves encircled by a group of irate farmers, the raiders became uIleasy. The growing size of the crowd caused the marauders at the QUaker'526 abode to retreat speedily to the place suggested by the main body of the Kentuckians as a rendezvous site -- Odell's Mill B 23A Short History of Vandalia, H. East Recorded by Miss Clara onine, . . ., p. 1; Underground Railway Operations Described, . . ., w. The two lakes are separated by approximately 3 to 6 miles. 2 R 4Duane De Loach, "Cass Markers Recall Stirring Underground ailroad Days," . . ., passim. 25 26Almost simultaneously, the other companies from the main 1: Hiiding party were greeted with similar receptions. A. Mathews, \Story of Cass County, Michigan, . . ., p. 112. g Levi Coffin, Reminiscences of Levi Coffin, . . ., p. 372. 89 just south of Vandalia in Calvin.27 At dawn, when a few of the smaller raiding parties reached that place, they too found themselves surrounded by crowds28 of angry farmers armed with clubs, scythes, and other farm implements. By that time the Kentucky slaveholders had captured ten runaways.29 Inadvertently, the chosen rendezvous site became the detention area, not only for the runaways, but for the Southerners as wello The guards were Brown, Jones, and 200 to 300 black and white residents of the county. 0 Among the prey, predators, and protectors tempers flared. Even though the emotions of the participants were exhibited, battle was averted because of the wise counseling of the Quakers. After a little 27Since most Quakers argued that slavery was sinful in principal, many naturally assumed that a true Christian could not abide oppressive laws that strengthened the institution. The Fugitive Slave Law of 1793 Serves as a striking illustration of such a law. For this reason they actively participated in the capture of the southerners. Furthermore, Since most of the blacks of the county were sober, industrious, honest, and intelligent, such characteristics gained them the respect of nearly eVery white in the region. Therefore, upon receipt of the alarm, the Kentuckians were confronted not only by Quakers, but by non—Quakers as Well. William C. Gregg Papers, undated, entitled, "Reminiscences of Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan, . . ., pp. 30—31; L. W. Welch, A Diamond Sparkles, . . ., p. 21; Index to the Sites on the Cass County, Compiled by G. Fox, . . ., passim. 28The estimated size of the gathering ranged from 50—300 spectators. 29Index to the Sites on the Cass County Map, compiled by G. Fox, ' . ., paSSim. 30At day break on the 17th of August 1847 that large number of pe°Ple came from Cassopolis after hearing the news from Stephen Bogue. Natllrally, their motives for participating in the defense of the b a<5ks were numerous and diverse. Some were drawn there by friendship to tlle fugitive families, while others were merely curiousity seekers. thIEEIB, including the responsible would be defendants, were motivated s: tflieir interest in the cause of liberty and by a desire to pre- HitWIe the peace and order of the neighborhood. 1L S. Rogers, A %ry of Cass County from 1825 to 1875, . . ., passim. ~ 9O coaxing from those pacifist, the Kentuckians consented to have the runaways taken to the courthouse in the county seat. The level of excitement in Cassopolis ran high at nine o'clock on the morning offb7August 1847; the crowd of 300 persons, plus the 13 Kentuckians and their ten captives entered that settlement. The news, like the alarm, spread rapidly to all parts of the county when the strange procession arrived; an immense throng of spectators congregated around the courthouse.31 The majority of the bystanders, though not abolitionists, clearly sympathized with the runaways and plainly indicated their intense disapprobation of the raiders.32 The atmosphere in the city became tenser when the circuit court com- missioner arrived; immediately be issued a writ of habeas corpus against the Kentuckians. It required that the predators show cause why the suspects should not be released from custody.33 Furthermore, indict— ments were issued against the "gents"’for attempted kidnapping and assault and battery. Since the raiders were unable, at that moment, to show any cause for the detention of the runaways, the judge per- mitted the fugitives to leave their place of incarceration.34 Upon hearing the judge's decision, the Kentuckians secured the services of George B. Turner.35 Even though the raiders had the law .—— 31The Dowagiac Daily Neyp, "Looking Back in Dowagiac —— The KentUCky Raid," 0 o o 32 33The Dowagiac Daily News, "Looking Back in Dowagiac -- The Kentucky Raid," . . . 34The Democratic Free Press, "Abduction in Cass County," Monday 30 August 1847, Vol. II, no. 80, ed. by John S. Bagg (Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan), p. 2 Michigan Historical Collections, The Bentley Library, Ann Arbor. Realizing that they were among friends, at first, the fugitives felt that it was unnecessary to flee. 35That young lawyer cheated the Irvin James family out of $400 (Xlflsz Chapter 2). A. Mathews, The History of Cass County, Michigan,. . ., p. 113. k 91 on their side, he informed them that the rendition of the fugitives was impossible because of the crowd's temperament. As an alternative, Turner suggested that the Kentuckians take the names of the responsible parties obstructing the execution of the law, and then look to them for damages.36 Mr. Turner, nevertheless, offered to take every legal step possible to insure the raiders that the law would prevail. E. S. Smith and James Sullivan37 appeared in behalf of the fugitives. After a time elapse of three days,38 the trial commenced. Circuit Court Commissioner Ebenezer McIlvain from Berrien County presided over the case in the absence of A. H. Redfield.39 In defense of his clients, Turner offered the statutes of Kentucky and the National Constitution, as evidence that slavery existed in that southern community. In addition, Turner offered oral testimony which indicated that slavery had a legal existence there. He further argued that the judge, as well as all the courts, state and national, were bound to accept the legality of the institution for it was 36H. S. Rogers, The History of Cass County, from 1825 to 1875, . . ., p. 139. 37Both of those individuals were professed abolitionists. 38A. Mathews, The History of Cass County, . . ., p. 113; G. N. FUIler, "The Underground Railroad in Michigan," . . ., p. 353. 39One informant indicated that some judges, having to swear OUt warrants against runaways, notified U.G.R.R. Operators in the area before arrest were made. While others purposedly got lost so that they were not associated with that dirty part of their job. Pre- ferring not to cap-out, McIlvain presided over the case. As previously indicated in Chapter I, that magistrate performed a vital function in the U.G.R.R° activities. He was one of the premier conductors in Niles. Interview with ex-senator Elwood Bonine, 17 December 1973, Lansing, InSham County, Michigan; D. Emmers, The Civil and Political Status of .QBE Negro in Michigan and the Northwest before 1870, . . ., p. 46. k 92 recognized by the Federal laws. Upon the aforementioned points contends Alfred Mathews, author of the History of Cass County, the young lawyer made his strongest argument, but on all points the judge decided against Turner's clients. One of the most interesting highlights of the trial occurred when Turner boldly charged McIlvain with illegal and corrupt rulings; he lamented that the judge, since he lived in Berrien County, had no jurisdiction in the Cass affair and had come to the county as the willing tool of abolitionists bent on violating Federal laws.40 Inspite of Turner's tirades, the judge released the fugitives for good, and that same day they were hurried to the farm of Ishmael Lee, where a party of 52 other runaways,41 under the supervision of Zachariah Shugart, were forwarded to Canada. An incident of some interest occurred just after the dis- gruntled Kentuckians started their journeys southward. According to Mathews, the raiders were preceded upon the road by homeward bound Josiah Osborn, which was a "blesSing in disguise." After having traveled a short distance on the road to Calvin, Osborn sighted four blacks in a cornfield lying in ambush for the raiders. After a series of questions, the Quaker ascertained that they planned to "bushwhack" the slaveholders, whom they knew would pass by. The ambushers42 were determined to execute their scheme, but that 40G. N. Fuller, "The Underground Railroad in Michigan, . . ., p. 353. Because the court records pertaining to that trial were lost, I had to SYnthesize the accounts elaborated in secondary sources and separate fact from fiction from some of the information given by the informants. 41H. S. Rogers, The History of Cass County, from 1825 to 1875, . . ., p. 141; M. R. Schoetzow, A Brief History of Cass County, . . ., p. 141; William C. Grggngapers, undated entitled, "Reminiscences of Calsvin Township, Cass County, Michigan, . . ., pp. 30-33. 42 The identities of the young men were not uncovered. 93 Friend prevailed upon them to desist from their purposes. Half an hour later the predators rode safely by the spot. Later, the ambushers denied that they had intended to murder the Kentuckians, but said they only planned to wound them and kill their horses. They further com- mented that migration to Canada would be their next step if the plan had succeeded. When asked what was their rationale for the plan, the blacks said they "wanted to give the slaveholders something to remember Michigan by . . .."43 However, there was a sequel to the unsuccessful raid. The slave owners, thus deprived of legal recourse in Cass County, brought suit in the United States District Supreme Court at Detroit in February 1848 to recover the value of their lost property. They filed suits against Judge Ebenezer McIlvain, Jefferson Osborn, Ishmael Lee, Zachariah Shugart, William Jones, D. T. Nicholson, and Stephen Bogue. After being delayed for several years, the case finally came to trial in January of 1851. The suits against the Cass area citizens were com- promised when the jury stood 8 to 4 in favor of the plaintiffs; sub- sequently, the defendants were ordered to pay $1600 for the escaped slaves, plus $2200 for damages and court cost.44 Thus nominally the Kentuckians got justice but their slaves were gone; furthermore, it 43A. Mathews, The History of Cass County, Michigan, . . ., p. 114° 44 Jefferson Osborn Papers, Correspondence, 1851, Michigan HiStOrical Collections, The Bentley Collections, Ann Arbor. 94 was mentioned that their attorneys took all of the money as fees.45 Though the protectors were successful in denying the raiders the opportunity of returning the fugitives to the South, the heavy fines caused serious economic repercussions for a few of the whites. However, at first Stephen Bogue, Josiah and Jefferson osborn and D. T. Nicholson refused the courtroom compromise, regarding any payment that might be made as "blood money."46 After being persuaded by acquaint- ances who were unwilling to see their friends and co-religionists imprisoned by a second act of defiance, the aforementioned individuals involved themselves in a plan to gain economic assistance in paying the monies. The following letter, in its entirety, indicates the change of stance by Osborn and Nicholson; it also suggests the determination of some Cass County citizens to aid their troubled neighbors. For Jefferson Osborn and D. T. Nicholson Ca1vin[,] Cass County, Michigan June 15, 1851 To all who may be interested in our behalf we would respect- fully inform every true friend of justice and humanity that in Jan[uary] 1849[,] 6 suits were commenced against us in the Circuit Court of the United States for the District of 45Duane De Loach, "Cass Markers Recall Stirring Underground Railroad Days," . . .; Index to the Sites on a Cass County an, . . ., passim. One writer Opined that the citizens of Cass and Calhoun Counties, where a similar raid and trial occurred, were forced to pay the blood money because of the indirect pressure exerted upon the Participants by presidential aspirant General Lewis Cass (a Michiganite). X$§g_Louis Martin Sears, "Cass, Lewis," in Dictionary of American BiOgraphy, Vol. II, ed. by Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone (New York: Scribner 3 Sons, 1958), pp. 562-564; The Lewis Cass Papers, Clements Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, passim; The Lewis Cass Espg£§_Burton Collection, Detroit Public Library, Detroit, passim; IE§_Lewis Cass Papers, The State Archives, Lansing, passim. 46H. S. Rogers, A History of Cass County, from 1825 to 1875, ° . ., passim. {>4 95 Michigan to recover the value of 10 men and women called slaves and for the penalties in certain cases allowed by the act of 1793 [.] Our trial has been had at great expences [sic] and the jury were [sic] unable to agree upon a verdict --The cost of the witnesses taken to Detroit amounted to nearlly] $1600 [.] Other expences [sic] of the lawyers . . . amounted to $2200 [,] all of which we have to pay. Another trial will be had in Oct[ober] . . . which will cost the undersigned a large sum of money and we feel that our all though small . . .[,] may be [,] will be taken from us [.] Should our defence [sic] be attended with success [,] we need not say that we would like the assistance of the friends of humanity in this matter [.] All know it and can see our situation as the defendants have done nothing contrary to the principales [sic] of justice [,] the Laws of their God [,] of their country. We appeal to all and ask them to contribute their mite [sic] and save us from ruin [.] By so doing [,] you'll have our sincere thanks. To be paid by the lst of October 1851, Jefferson Osborn and D. T. Nicholson Names of contributors and amounts Benaiah A. Tharp 5.00 Harrison Ash 1.00 Jackson Arkill 5.00 Green Allen 1.00 John Walker 2.00 James Allen 1.00 J. H. East 7.00 Samuel Archer .50 Turner Byrd 8.00 Aaron Marshall ? John Wade ? F. J. T. East ? Willis Brown 1.00 Wood ? Levi Tharp, Jr. ? Galloway ? Tillman Grett .50 Asa Northrup ? Hartwell Abrams .25 John Reed ?47 In paying the reparations to the raiders, some of the other protectors lost their homes. For example, the Lees were forced to move to Iowa, where they started completely anew.48 Zachariah Shugart, after his "brush with the law," also was compelled to move to Iowa."9 Several others suffered severe economic privation without being forced to leave the county. After coming to grips with reality, for example, L. 7Jefferson Osborn Correspondence, 1851, . . .; 31 others con- tributed to the financial straits of the betroubled protectors of Cass. 48Blanche Coggan, "The Underground Railroad in MichiganJ'. . ., P. 125. 49From a letter of Mr. G. B. Wilson, Elberon, Iowa, 27 February 1969, Niles Community Library (Niles, Berrien County, Michigan). 96 the Osborns were obliged to work ten years to pay off the balance of that compromise.50 Such was the price "the Quakers paid for their belief that 'in as much as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto me.'"51 Ironically, the abolitionists cause in Michigan, especially in Cass, was greatly advanced because of the incident.52 Even though he was not a resident of the county, the proceeding excerpt, by Schoolcraft abolitionist Nathan Macy Thomas, expressed the sentiment that motivated many in Cass to convert to that reform movement. Schoolcraft Jan[uary] 3, 1849 (For The Liberty Press) . . . It is no time to fatten when the slave power of the nation is putting forth its most powerful effort to extend its blighting curse over the vast regions of the west and the southern manhunter is prowing forth in pursuit of his prey and involving worthy citizens of our state in oppressive law suits for having acted in accordance with the dictates of humanity and the spirit of the age by interposing obstacles to the accomplishments of his base designs. For the prevention of such direful evils in [the] future it appears to me to become the duty of friends of freedom through out the state to put forth the 50L. H. Glover, A Twentieth Century_History of Cass County, Michigan, . . ., p. 112. 51Beatrice Brown, "Slaves Made Way Through Cass County-Under- ground Railway Flourished at One Time," The Kalamazoo Gazette (n.d.) information obtained from the Michigan State Library Vertical files. 52C. P. E. Knuth, Early Immigration and Current Residential Bgtterns of Negtoes in Southwestern Michigan, . . ., passim. 3Contrastingly, one interviewee stated that as the time elapsed, the raid and trial brought out a new characteristic in some of the protectors. He contends that since the Bogues and Bonines employed many runaways during the summer, they had to develop a scheme for getting rid of the fugitives. Mr. Byrd mentioned that his father told him a story that one of the gentlemen, would ride into Cassopolis, then gallOp back home hurriedly and tell the fugitives that the Kentuckians had returned to reclaim their property. Naturally, the runaways would start forChnada minus the goods promised to them. Interviewwith Mr. Clyde Byrd, 17 November 1973, Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan. ¥_ 97 best exertions to induce legislative action for the passage of a law prohibiting the officers and citizens of the state from aiding in the capture of the escaping fugitive from the galling yoke of Southern despotism. 54 N. M. Thomas Without doubt, others expressed similar opinions about the proba— bilities of future episodes between slaveholders and abolitionists.55 The raid and the trial also had direct effects, but not the expected results, upon the black settlers of the Cass Townships. Both merely advertised the county as a safe retreat for slaves and also caused some slave owners to hesitate before attempting to undertake a search in that region for their chattel.56 Not surprisingly, the county had gained a reputation for defending the helpless runaways. However, a few blacks in that area, as a result of the raid, became uneasy and fled to Canada,57 yet, still larger numbers of non-native ex—slaves and fugitives migrated directly to Calvin and Porter Townships from Ohio, Indiana, and even Canada. Because of the courage evinced by the Quakers, many of the new black emigres felt certain that capture by Southerners was impossible.58 Not only was the assistance rendered 54Nathan Macy Thomas Papers, correspondence 1847-1849, Michigan Historical Collections, Bentley History Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan. SSVide The William Birney Papers, Vol. 18, Marshall, Calhoun County, Michigan, 1 January 1849, "Slave Case Public Meeting in Marshall 20 December 1848," William Clements Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan. 56Cass County, Calvin Township Papers of Pioneers, 1805-1921 EQEers of Negroes 1828-1839, . . ., p. 2. 7If the raid effected the black population growth in Cass it was certainly miniscule. Vide Charts III—VII in appendix to chapter I. 58 Po 293. Booker T. Washington, "Two Centuries Under Freedom," . . ., 98 by the Friends to land—hungry blacks, a notable example of practical abolitionism, but so too was their defense against the predators from Kentucky. The repulsion of the raiders by Cass citizens created shock waves in Kentucky. The rendition of the stories told by the baffled and enraged marauders was the principle reason for the excitement. Upon returning home, the Kentuckians were received as heroes and martyrs. Public meetingswere held, their insults and treatment were rehearsed. The citizens of Cass were denounced on platforms as fanatical aboli— tionists, traitors to the country, and barbarians. In fact, not only were the residents of Bourbon County aroused to the highest pitch of frenzy, but so too were many citizens throughout the South. The proceedings of the rallies and pamphlets relating to the incidents in extravagant terms were distributed widely. Pro-slavery books, John Dancy mentions, were written in most inflammatory language and sent all over the South about the citizens of that Michigan area. The literature containing vivid descriptions of the raid and trial eventually reached the Kentucky Legislature. Soon thereafter, that appalled body of the government demanded redress from the Michigan government for infringing upon the rights of Kentuckians.59 Further- more, since some of the fugitives belonged to a personal friend of Congressman Henry Clay,the reaction of those Michiganites to the Predators was one of the factors which influenced that stateman's 59John Dancy, "The Negro People in Michigan," . . ., p. 225. *- 99 course of action on the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850.60 The Michigan Riot, the hot bed of radicalism, and the Cass County renegades were cited by that senator in detail in Congress, and proved of some significance in securing the passage of a stronger bill.61 Further, since General Lewis Cass had presidential aspirations and desired not to alienate any section Of the country, that native son agreed with that Kentucky legislator in his description of the citizens Of Cass.62 Nevertheless, the Fugitive Slave Law Of 1850 did not stop the Quakers and other abolitionists in the county from serving as protectors for runaways. The enactment of that law neither made the county 3 "big game resort" for the predators nor did it make all the citizens of Cass passive "game wardens." 60The law was a part of the Compromise of 1850, which attempted to settle the bitter strife between Opponents of slavery in the North and slaveowners of the South. All of the provisions Of the compromise helped to delay the outbreak of the Civil War for about 10 years. Since he was a skilled statesman, Clay assumed that keeping the nation united was of paramount importance. For that reason and Others, the Fugitive Slave Law became a part Of that compromise. 61The Detroit Journal, "Historic Calvin," Monday 6 January 1896 (Detroit, Wayne County, Michigan), p. 3. Information located in the Detroit Public Library. The law appointed numerous commissioners and gave those appointees the power to judge and return a person to slavery, while simultaneously denying that person the right of testifying on his behalf, the right of jury trial and habeas corpus. The commissioners got $10 if a decision favor the slaveholder and $5 if the decision was beneficial to the accused. Furthermore, if marshalls refused to make an arrest of a suspect, he could be fined $1000 and forced to pay for the fugitives. If a citizen declined to aid that law enforcer in the capture, he could also be fined $1000 and made liable for $1000 in damages. Vide Dr. Philip Mason, "Fleeing Slaves Used Underground Route," Ann Arbor“ News, 31 January, 1961, information located in the Michigan State Library Vertical Files. 62Vide W. L. G. Smith, The Life and Times of Lewis Cass (New York: Derby and Jackson, 119 Nassau Street, 1856), pp. 699-726 Michigan State Library; Sketch of the Life and Public Services of General Lewis Cass, n. a. (n.p. n. d:), p. 8 Michigan State Library; Speech of Mr. Cass Of Michrgnn on the Powers of the Government over Slavery in the Territ— ories, delivered in the Senate of the United States, 20 February 1854 (Washington: Printed at the Congressional Globe Office, 1854), pp. 1- 21° 100 While the raiders from Bourbon County were retelling their exploits among acquaintances, another Kentuckian, John Norris from Boone County was preparing a foray into Cass. That area interested Norris because he received valuable information indicating that David Powell and family, who had been runaways for two years, were located in the region. On September 1849, that predator started for the county with a party of eight men. About 10 or 11 o'clock on the 27th of September, they forcibly broke into the Powell house. Guards were stationed at the doors to prevent the escape of anyone. After battering down the door, Norris demanded that the free black visitors and inmates Of the Powell house remain silent. Finding his property, except David and his son Samuel, among the inhabitants of the house, Norris told his slaves that they would follow him back to Kentucky. Then the raiding party forced the mother and two children from their beds and compelled them tofollow Norris under gun point. The younger boys, captured with their mother, were willing to return to Kentucky, but the eldest son objected because of his recent marriage to a freed black woman. Norris then informed the son's wife that she could accompany her husband back to Kentucky. Ironically, Norris guaranteed the spouse that she would be well treated in the South. Wisely the wife declined the invitation. Lucy, the mother also objected for her husband would be left behind. Despite their arguments, they were bound with cords and hurried to Norris' covered wagons; then they started post—haste for Kentucky, after leaving a contingent Of the raiders at the house to 63 Prevent the free black inmates of the house from giving the alarm. 63The South Bend Fugitive Slave Case Involvingythe Right to a Writ of Habeas Cor us, Microcard (New York: For Sale at the Anti- slaVery Office, 1851), pp. 1-2. Michigan State University Library, East Lansing, Michigan. 101 The party took a circuitous route, passing through South Bend on the morning of the 28th of September. But, just outside of that city, they stOpped for refreshments. While the raiders were resting, the sheriff of that Indiana county and a posse of approximately 140 armed men rode up to the Kentuckians. Norris Observed that force was about to be used to take his property. If a fight ensued the marauders would not remain nonviolent. Sheriff Crocker commanded the fugitives to get into his wagon; Norris then ordered them to sit still. Immediately, both sides drew their revolvers. The sheriff informed the Kentuckians that he possessed a writ Of habeas corpus and he had no other Object than to ascertain the status Of the blacks who were with him. Norris responded by saying that any member of the posse could question the blacks about their places in society. Sheriff Crocker told the captives that they need not answer any queries, and he further mentioned to the Kentuckians that resistance was useless since they were outnumbered. Eventually, the sheriff con- vinced Norris and party to reholster their weapons and return with him to South Bend where a fair hearing would be accorded to them. Besides, the sheriff commented, it would detain the slaveholders for only an hour or two. Norris and his party consented.64 . While the group was enroute to that Indiana city, it was dis— covered, on Friday the 29th of September, that Mrs. Powell and children had been kidnapped from Cass. Consequently, several large armed parties from Cass started in pursuit; but it was not until Saturday, 64Reports of the Cases Atgued and Decided in the Circuit Court of the United States for the Seventh Circuit, Vol. V, ed. by John McClean (Cincinnati: H. W. Derby and Company, Publishers, 1855), p. 94. 102 the 30th Of September that the pursuers from that Michigan county found the right direction. During Saturday and Sunday, numbers of blacks, estimated between 75—200 arrived in South Bend. Many of them were angry, but they conducted themselves in a law-abiding manner. On Saturday, Mr. Wright Modlin,65 one of the pursuing white protectors from Cass filed an affidavit with a South Bend attorney claiming that Norris and company were guilty of kidnapping a quiet and industrious free black family from Michigan. Also, a writ for the arrest Of the Kentuckians was issued. When Sheriff Crocker and that party entered the city, the citizens of South Bend responded in a similar manner as the farmers of CassOpolis when they were confronted and annoyed by the Bourbon County raiders.66 Later that Saturday, the streets of that Indiana village were crowded with excited peOple grumbling about the trouble caused by the slave catchers. Most of the spectators were blacks from the adjacent Indiana areas and Cass County. Those ex-slaves from that Michigan community entered the village in heavily armed companies. Throughout the ensuing day the number of blacks from Cass in the crowd increased to approximately 400.67 The officers and other judicial Officials of South Bend, like those in Cass in 1847, became aware that the growing size and tempers of the crowd would not allow any delays 65Another source indicated that the affidavit was made by a white person, Wright Modlin, and by one of the blacks in custody. Rgport Of the Cases Angned and Decided in the Circuit Court of the United States for the 7th Circuit, . . ., p. 99. 6In essence, the marauders were looked upon almost universally in the North with loathing and adhorrence. The South Bend Fugitive Slave Case, . . ., p. 8. 67The South Bend anitive Slave Case, . . ., passim. 103 in securing a hearing for the fugitives. The courthouse at South Bend, whither the captives were taken and held, was at once jammed with spectators, and the streets around it crowded. When the legal procedures started, the suspected fugitives immediately were released by the decision of the trial judge; but they were rearrested and placed in jail for safe keeping. On the following day warrants were sworn out against the Kentuckians, charging them with riotous activities and other breaches Of the civil processes. Further- more, a suit in behalf of the fugitives was instituted against their masters. Meanwhile more armed blacks came to that city from Cass County and the neighboring Indiana and Michigan regions. Fortunately, a display of violence by the intense bands was avoided. Two days later the fugitives were released by the judge on a second writ of habeas corpus.68 Realizing the partiality of the judge after the announcement of his decision, Norris gathered his men around the captives. Then they seized their prey with one hand, brandished their weapons with the other and threatened to shoot anyone who would attempt to take away their property. This action occurred while the judge was still sitting on the bench and shortly before he decided to adjourn the hearing. Naturally, the sight Ofthe guns caused the spectators to become highly excited. Some sprinted out of the courthouse and spread the alarm throughout the city. During the courtroom fracas members of the listening audience encircled the Southerners and their captives, then, they demanded that the Kentuckians lay down their weapons. But, the 68W. H. Siebert, The Undetground Railroad from Slavery to Free- 292, . . ., p. 276. 104 unweilding raiders continued to flash their guns, threatening to shoot. Mr. Liston, one of their counselors (a native from South Bend) jumped upon a table and called upon the slaveholders to use their revolvers, after all, they would be justified in doing so. Convinced that escape was impossible, the Kentuckians finally re-holstered their revolvers.69 Once the slaves were released, they were surrounded by a great number of blacks. In the crowd were some Of the Powell's friends from Cass. Soon thereafter, the elated captives and acquaintances proceeded to a wagon, which carried them to Cass County where David and Samuel rejoined the former captive members Of the family. Without bidding adieu to many friends, they commenced the journey to Canada. Upon seeing and hearing that news, the slaveowner Norris declared that his rights had been violated, and, consequently vowed that he would get compensation under the law for that sham called justice.7O On the let day of December 1849, Norris commenced a suit in the United States Circuit Court, for the District of Indiana against Leander B. Newton, George Horton, Edwin B. Crocker, Solomon W. Palmer, David Jodon, William Wilmington, Lot Day, Jr., Amable Lapiere and Wright Modlin, to recover the value of his lost prOperty and other damages. Since Modlin was a citizen of Cass, the suit against him was dismissed; and since the black spectators looked alike neither Norris nor his comrades were able to recognize any of the former slaves who participated in the rescue.71 As a result Of the trial's outcome, 69The South Bend Fugitive Slave Case, . . ., p. 5. 70W. H. Siebert, The Underground Railroad from Slavery to Freedom, . . ., p. 276. 71Reports of the Cases Atgued and Decided in the Circuit Court of the United States for the 7th Circuit, . . ., p. 97. 105 the complainants from Kentucky were awarded $2856 and the court cost of $1632.66 was assessed tO the eight Indiana abolitionists.72 Like the citizens Of Bourbon County, now the citizens of Boone County had stories to tell about the "fanatics" from Cass and surround- ing areas. Furthermore, Henry Clay had more "war stories" to relate to his fellow congressmen about the perils of predators pursuing prey in Michigan and other northern areas. The Fugitive Slave Law was necessary, Mr. Clay lamented! In September of 1850, as previously indicated, the Federal government responded to the troubled slave- holders. Nevertheless, the protectors of Michigan including Zachariah Shugart,73 James Bonine,74 William Jones,75 and especially Nathan Macy Thomas of Schoolcraft plus some other unidentified Cass County activists, did not sit idly by after the enactment Of that law. On 31 January 1855, thanks to the efforts Of Erastus Hussey, a bill was introduced in the Michigan senate seeking to protect the rights of the state's black residents. The bill became Michigan's Personal Liberty Law. It directed all prosecuting attorneys to defend all persons arrested as fugitives . . .. Moreover, these persons accused of being escaped slaves were H. East, Recorded by Miss C. Bonine, from reminiscences of her father, A Short History of Vandalia, . . ., p. 35. 73From a letter of Mr. G. B. Wilson, Elberon, Iowa, 27 February 1969, . . ., assim; Interview with Mr. Orlando James, 29 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 4Interview with ex—senator Elwood Bonine, 17 December 1973, Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan. 75Interview with Mrs. Bonine, 17 December 1973, Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan. 106 entitled to the benefits of the writ of habeas corpus, trial by Jury, the right of appeal through the county courts. All costs were to be borne by the state, and local jails were not to be used to incarcerate alleged fugitives. This law also handed out still punishment for those persons who bore false witness. Anyone falsely accusing a person of being an escaped slave could be punished by a fine or imprison- ment. In all cases involving Negroes alleged to be fugitives two witnesses were required. A second act prohibited state marshalls from helping to recapture suspected fugitive slaves.76 After a month's deliberation on the bill, it eventually became law, thanks to the backing of Michigan protectors. Despite those decisions, both the Federal Fugitive Slave Law and the state's Personal Liberty Law were broken repeatedly by prO- tectors and predators until the advent of the Civil War. For example, the Lansing Republican on 9 June 1857 reprinted a letter, written by a captive fugitive from Cass (Newberg Township) to his wife;77 the original appeared in The Three Rivers Herald. The following notably indicates how slaveholders responded to the state's law. . . . My dear wife [,] I am in a bad situation. I am robbed and gagged, and carried I cannot tell where. TWO men stopped me in the road and said if I did not give up my money they would shoot me; then they took me into the 76Norman McRae, Negroes in Michigan During the Civil War, . . ., p. 19. That enactment gave additional strength to a law codified in 1827 which was designed to protect Michigan's black residents; it was called "an act to regulate Blacks and Mulattoes, and to punish the kidnapping of such person." David M. Katzman, Before the Ghetto: Black Dgtroit in the Nineteenth Century, . . ., pp. 5-6. 7The gentleman who wrote the letter was kidnapped by slave- holders on the 12th of June. He started from Newberg Township for Vandalia and was seen for the last time about two miles from that place. On the 19th, the letter referred to was received by the post- master with an insertion indicating that it was found three miles out- side Of South Bend, Indiana. 107 woods, and tied me, and kept me there until night. Then they put me into a wagon and drove all night until about day light; then they stOpped and put me into an upper room of the house and I under- stood they would drive again when night came. While sitting there and giving vent to a flood of tears, I searched my pockets and found a piece of pencil, then I looked into a small stand drawer and found this paper. Now I write these lines that I may drop them if I have an opportunity, where some one may find them. Whoever may chance to find this, direct [it] to Mary Roy, Newburgh [sic], Cass CO [unty], Mich [igan] and please write in this and letter [sic] her know where it was found. Now my dear wife, if these lines should come into your hands, do not forget to pray to our God, who worketh wonders, and who is able to deliver those who trust in him, and if I should never see you again, my prayer will be that he [sic] will bless you and my dear children, and protect their lives. I have no doubt they will take my life soon. Written by your affectionate and loving husband.78 Aaron Roy79 Because of the different opinions held by the Quakers, abolition- ists, blacks, and slaveholders in regards to human bondage, volatile situations often occurred whenever the latter appeared in the county. Even though some southerners were aware of the feelings of many in Cass, cautious slave hunters continued to visit the region until the outbreak of the Civil War.80 Inspite of the potentiality for crisis situations, the blacks of Cass continued to deal with their own unique problems, while simultaneously looking cautiously at all strangers.81 Even with 78The Lansing Republican, "Kidnapping," Tuesday 9 June 1857, Vol. 111, no. 7, whole no. 111, ed. by Hosmer and Fitch (Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan), p. 4. 9No one knows (neither the informants nor the writers of secondary sources or family genealogies) what happened to the kid- napped Roy. 80Interview with Mr. Crawford Stewart, 28 November 1973, Dowagiac, Cass County, Michigan. 81William C. Gregg Paper, undated, entitled "Reminiscences of Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan," . . ., p. 47 108 the threat of kidnapping in mind many Of them became activists in nineteenth—century reforms, especially those that attempted to contribute to the elevation of the race, not only in Michigan but throughout ante—bellum America. Chapter V FOR THE ELEVATION OF THEIR STATUS Even though some white Michiganites (circa 1847-1861) demon- strated their willingness to protect the area's black residents, some ex-slaves realized that a fight for equality was necessary. Aside from the benevolent 1855 Michigan legislature that enfranchised blacks in school-district elections and passed the Personal Liberty Laws, there were few bright days for the state's ex-slave population. Besides general discrimination against them, one reason for that dismal picture was that racial distinctions still remained in the state's laws. For example, legislation codified during the territorial days, such as, disfranchisement, exclusion from jury duty, anti- miscegenation laws, the denial Of militia duties and benefits, and other discriminatory ordinances were all affirmed in the 1850 constitution.1 Because of the presence of such laws, many ex-bondmen felt more of a need for civil protection against area whites than against slave catchers who made occasional forays into the state. 1D. M. Katzman, Before the Ghetto: Black Detroit in the Nineteenth Century, . . ., pp. 556, 30; For information relative to the cited examples vide Richard Cole Paper, 1970, entitled "A Legal Study of Whites and“ Blacks in the Michigan Territory," . . ., pp. 33—42; H. S. Rogers, The Hist9_y of Cass County, from 1825-1875, . . ., p. 126; Dorothy Emmer, The Civil and Political Status of the Ncgtp in Michig_n and the Northwest before 1870, . . ., pp. 30—31; E. H. Berwanger, The Frontier ngginst Slavery, . . ., p. 38. 109 110 Usually those whites, who were responsible for the legislative restrictions, were convinced that the former slaves had no place in the state or the nation. An article, representative of the thought of that group, appeared in The Niles Republican on 25 April 1857 states: 'That this government was created by white people, for the benefit of the white race, is not only a truth of history, but has now become a settled judicial fact.‘ Such was the assertion which we used a few weeks since in reference to the recent decision of the Supreme Court. The negro [sic] race has not only never been regarded by the gen- eral government as citizens, but in none of the states have been [sic] treated as such . . .. The black race has nowhere and under no circumstances been recognized by the white race. And it ought never to be. The history of the world shows the failure of every other effort for self-government by almost every race of men. And if it has been deemed dangerous for the most patriotic and enlightened of the Anglo-Saxon race to attempt the exPeriment to be threatened if the benighted negro [sic] are to cast in the weight of their numerical strength? . . ..2 Such expressions motivated many blacks to become conscious of the contradictions between their status and that of white Michiganites. As a result of their unrest, touched-off by their substandard social positions, came the state-wide conventions, petitions,3 referenda,4 and court tests.5 Many black Michiganites actively participated in those protest movements. 2The Niles Republican, "Shall Negroes be Made Citizensl," Saturday 25 April 1857, V61. XVI, no. 4, whole no. 819; ed. by D. B. Cook (Niles, Berrien County, Michigan), p. 1. 3The Histo_y of the Negro in Michigan, Federal Writers Program, . . ., pp. 48—49. In the Constitutional Conventions held in Lansing in the 1830's and 1850's, petitions for black suffrange outnumbered all others; N. McRae, Negroes in Michigan During the Civil War, . . ., pp. 9-10. 4 E. H. Berwanger, The Frontier Against Slavery, . . ., p. 40. 5Blanche Coggan, "The Underground Railroad in Michigan," Negro History Bulletin, Vol. 127-128 (October 1969), p. 125. 111 A notable illustration of their involvement occurred on 26-27 October 1843, when approximately 23 delegates from Jackson, Washtenaw County, Marshall and other Michigan communities convened at Detroit's First Street Baptist Church. On that date William Lambert, William C. Monroe, and Henry Jackson6 issued a call "for the purpose of taking into consideration the Negroes' Political Standing as a people, and to adopt measures for the improvement of the same."7 While there, they also deliberated on questions concerning temperance, moral reform, and slavery. Noticeably absent were representatives from Cass, for in 1843 that county had a small black population. Furthermore, when that area's number of ex—slave residents increased, some of the elderly and established black settlers8 argued that if the laws, even though oppressive, were obeyed those same laws would take care of them. They were met with laughs from the younger black men, and sometimes by the question "what would have become of all the runaways if you gentlemen had always obeyed the law."9 Nevertheless, the Opinions of those patriarchs did not deter the young questioners because many of them realized that the state's heinous laws discrim- inated against all ex-slaves regardless of their residence. Even though their actions were not as obvious as black Detroiters, many of The aforementioned were prominent black Detroiters and race leaders in that city. 7History of the Nggro in Michigan, Federal Writers Program, 0 o 0’ pp. 48-49. 8One noticeable exception to that generalization was Thomas Jefferson Martin. He was named not in honor of that president, but according to county legend, named after his father —- The Monticello Sage. 9William C. Gregg Papers, undated, entitled, "Reminiscences of Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan," . . ., p. 69. 112 the youthful black settlers of the county struck a few blows against those codes. This chapter will highlight some of their attempts to elevate the race. Since some of the younger blacks in Cass were not content with segregated living and second—class treatment, many actively sought integration with the group that enjoyed all privileges. But as previously suggested, nearly all the avenues of assimilation into the larger Michigan community were blocked by laws. In spite of the restrictions imposed on them by the state, the civil rights accorded to the freed slaves were a matter of local concern, controlled by public Opinion.10 Such was the case in Cass County. When occasional adverse feelings did spring up, they were detrimental to most ex-bondmen in that county. However, because of its Quaker population, such anti-black expressions and accompanying repercussions were a rarity. Another factor contributing to the infrequent appearance of hostile opinions was the good character of most of the black residents. For these reasons and others, the incidents of prejudice and discrimination were infrequent. Nevertheless, exceptions to that rule were discovered. On at least one occasion an incident of discrimination occurred when the landlord of the Bond House . . . got into difficulty. Three distinguished colored individuals from Cass . . . put up at his house one day this week. In the morning he provided 10Dorothy Emmer, The Civil and Political Status of the Negro in Michigan and The Northwest before 1870, . . ., p. 31. 113 them with a table in the dining ball by themselves and loaded it with the best the house afforded. This was very offensive to their dignity, they must set [sic] down at the table with his guests or have a fight. They were pointed to the table provided and were assured they should have as good fare as other people. They argued the case, but it was no time for argument, they must eat by themselves or walk out and they finally walked out . . . minus breakfast . . .. 1 Even though he housed them, those three gentlemen spread the word about that prOprietor's practices. As a result of the activities of the visitors, neither blacks nor friends of the ex-slaves in that region would frequent that establishment. Not surprisingly, that incident at the hotel was not the only illustration of youthful blacks12 of Cass demonstrating for racial reforms.13 For example, on another occasion, they raised their voices against the Oppression of all blacks in America. A slogan used by the protestors was "liberty for us and for all."14 Perhaps, the county's most active objector to the plight of blacks in ante-bellum America was Thomas Jefferson Martin. As chairman of the first convention of black men held at Battle Creek in 1860, he gave early evidence of his sterling qualities of mind and dedication to the race's uplift. No 11The Niles Republican, Saturday 10 September 1859, Vol0 XVII, no. 24, whole no. 887, ed. by D. B. Cook (Niles, Berrien County, Michigan), p. 1. 2 l Vide William Gregg Papers, undated, entitled, "Reminiscences of Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan," . . ., p. 82; Booker T. Wash- ington, "Two Centuries Under Freedom," . . ., p. 305. 13Vide The National Democrat, "Good Breeding," Saturday 19 April 1856, Vol. V, no. 51, ed. by William Van Antwerp (CassoPOIis, Cass County, Michigan), p. 2; G. P. Graff, The People of Michigan, . . ., p. 16. 14The National Democrat, Saturday 10 May 1856, Vol. VI, no. 2 ed. by William Van Antwerp (CaSSOpolis, Cass County, Michigan), p. 2. 114 . 15 race movement within the state during that era was without his support. Two years prior to the gathering, one indication of his loyalty was exemplified in his strong promotion of a West Indies Emancipation celebration and banquet that occurred in Vandalia on 2 August 1858.16 15Michigan Manual of Freedmen's ProgEess, compiled by F. H. Warren, . . ., p. 278. 16Usually a well known abolitionist delivered an address to the participants concerning the plight of blacks in ante—bellum America or Michigan. If however, a prominent speaker was not available for a festive occasion or other rallies, the activists called upon others to address the integrated gatherings. On at least one occa- sion, the participants in the crowd questioned the credibility of some of the speakers. A case in point occurred on 10 May 1856 when "a colored man named Woods lectured . . . [and] told his experience while a slave. He represented himself as having been a slave in Tenn [essee] — was owned by a very good master - has 7 children there that he is lecturing for the purpose of getting money to free them . . .. All this may, or may not be true; it is the old stereotyped tale which too many colored persons seize upon to the credulity of the whites. If we are not mistaken, this Woods is the identical negro [sic] who aided Governor Bingham in carrying on political meetings in one or two of the eastern counties of this state, and has, we believe, been forwarded by the negro [sic] worshipers [sic] of Michigan, from place to place, until he reached this village. He came here consigned to a somewhat noted negro-worshiper [sic]. . . . After the lecturer . . . told his story, the hat was passed around . . . and a small sum raised for him. Considering that the collection was taken up just at the opening of a political campaign, it was slim indeed. After the collection . . . a gentleman of high political aspirations, read what purported to be the deed of emancipation, from Woods's master, to him. The question has arisen in our mind, whether at $16 per month (the price of a good farm hand) Mr. Wood would not make money faster than be lecturing." The National Democrat, Saturday 10 May 1856, Vol. VI, no. 2, ed. by William W. Van Antwerp (Cassopolis, Cass County, Michigan), p. 2. Interview with Mr. Crawford Stewart, 28 November 1973, Dowagiac, Cass County, Michigan; The Cass County Republican, Thursday 22 and 29 July 1858, Vol. I, no. 13, ed. by W. H. Campbell (Dowagiac, Cass County, Michigan), p. 3; On many occasions, when celebrations occurred in that region, music was supplied by the Calvin Township band. That group usually was transported to the outdoor pavillion by the prettiest horses and wagon in the county. According to one informant, only one other black settlement in Michigan and Ohio had a musical ensemble. (When festive occasions were held in the black communities of Battle Creek and Kalamazoo, the band appeared and performed.) Interview with Mrs. Bertha Newsome, 20 November 1973, Calvin Center, Cass County, Michigan. 115 Furthermore, to the dismay of the area's whites, Martin and some comrades, plus their devoted white friends, conscientiously opposed the county-wide celebration of the 4th of July. When word of the upcoming affair became known on 21 June 1856, many of those black activists ser- iously questioned how the concept of independence applied to them. How could the birth of an independent nation be celebrated, they queried, when freedom was a privilege enjoyed by a select group. Soon thereafter a planned counter rally, which would demonstrate the hypocrisy in such an event, was set in motion. After becoming aware of the intentions of the men, the ladies felt that they too should be involved in the counter-celebration. Eventually, they planned to march in a procession with a portion of them carrying black flags to represent the slave- holding states and another group carrying white flags to represent the free states. Placards relating to that rally were posted throughout Cass stating the intentions and mentioning that the Honorable Zachariah Chandler17 of Detroit would address the audience about that sham 4th of July celebration. When William W. Van Antwerp, editor of The National Democrat, published an article pertaining to plans of the protesters, the news infuriated many white citizens in that county and in adjacent regions. Some thought that the organizers of the protest and its distinguished guest would desecrate an honorable American event. Despite such feelings, the counter-festivities occurred.18 17Zachariah Chandler was one of the ante-bellum Senators from Michigan. He served in the federal government from 1857 to 1869. 18The National Democrat, "By their Fruits We Shall Know Them," 21 June 1856, Vol. VI, no. 8, ed. by William W. Van Antwerp (CaSSOpolis, Cass County, Michigan), p. 2; The National Democrat, Saturday 5 July 1856, Vol. VI, no. 10, ed. by William W. Van Antwerp (CaSSOpolis, Cass County, Michigan), p. 2. 116 Once they had made some racial advances, those young black activists protected their newly acquired rights with extreme vigor. On at least one occasion, 21 November 1872, an incident occurred which partially substantiates that contention. On that day eight black men became implicated in an election day brawl. The flare-up was triggered by some white Democrats in Calvin when they questioned why inferior blacks should be allowed to cast a Republican ballot. To "add insult to their injury" the gentlemen referred to them as bucks.19 The young blacks, tired of being classified in the same category as animals, attacked. Later warrants were issued for their arrest, charging them with assault and battery. However, before their trial and conviction, some Open-minded whites, primarily supporters of the freed slaves, felt they were justified for their actions because, ". . . like white men, when they are imposed upon or attacked, they will defend themselves, as they have a right and ought to do . . .."20 Even though they were one of the least discriminated against groups of blacks in Michigan, some blacks in Cass wanted to become assimilated totally into the American mainstream as indicated by their concern for the welfare of blacks in Cass and throughout the nation. Also, some were dedicated toward the development and maintenance of a totally democratic American society. Not surprisingly, some of the efforts of the youthful demonstrators brought about changes that directly affected their well-being in the county -- especially in the courts o 19The CassOpolis Vigilant, "The Calvin Row," 21 November 1872, Vol. 1, no. 28 (CassOpolis, Cass County, Michigan), p. 2. 20The Cassopolis Vigilant, "The Calvin Outrage," 16 May 1872, Vol. 1, no. 1 (CaSSOpolis, Cass County, Michigan), p. 2. 117 Many writers, 21 concerned with the plight of ante—bellum blacks, summarized that racial discrimination infected the courts of the north before the Civil War. That contention was not applicable in Cass County. Despite major discrimination against them22 in many vital legal rights connected with the use of the courts blacks of that county did not suffer continuously from de jure discrimination. The right to have an attorney and the right to counsel as indicated in the trial of an ex-slave named Smith who was represented by Daniel Blackman is an example of the legal rights afforded to the ex—slaves.23 Further— more, on a few occasions, the testimony of blacks helped the pro- secuting attorney obtain convictions against white offenders. For example, in December of 1849, Peter and Calvary Saunders appeared as witnesses in the peeple of Michigan versus Alonzo and Benaya Mayra.24 In another case (May of 1860), the testimony of George Saunders played an instrumental role in the trial that led to the imprisonment of two white burglars and their black accomplice. Not only did he participate 21Good examples are L. F. Litwack, North of Slavery, . . ., passim; Alexis De Tocqueville, Democracy in Americq,ed. by J. P. Mayer (Garden City, New York: Anchor Book, Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1969), passim; Wilbur Zelinsky, "The Papulation Geography of the Free Negro in Ante-Bellum America, "Population Studies, Vol. III (March 1950), pp. 386—401. 2The composition of the juries is the only example of the dis- criminatory policies practiced in the Cass courts. 23National Democrat, "Quite a Coinscidence [sic]," 29 March 1856, Vol. V, no. 48, ed. by William W. Van Antwerp (Cassopolis, Cass County, Michigan), p. 2. 24Papers of Phineas Gregg of Calvin, 1849-1882, Justice of the Peace Docket Book, Michigan History Collection, Bentley Historical Library, Ann Arbor, p. 15. 118 in the judicial procedures, but Saunders was also responsible for filing the complaint.25 The black residents of that county also had a right to bail as illustrated in the case of the peOple versus Samuel, Howard, and Harry Lucas. For the crime of stealing from a dry good store in LaGrange Township, they had to pay "the sum of $75.00 with good and sufficient sureties that they would reappear at the next term of the circuit court at Cassopolis or be committed to jail."26 The right to make use of the writ of habeas corpus, the right to sue or be used, and the right to a trial by jury -- even if their peers seemed to be bleaChed -- were granted also to those settlers.27 Without doubt, some of the privileges bestowed upon the ex—slaves were granted because 25Criminal Files Cass County, no. 214, Calendar D. Law, The People versus William Garrett, Edward Smith, George Davis (1860), p. 89, Cass County Court House, CassOpolis. 26Criminal Files Cass County, no. 193, Calendar D. Law, The PeOple versus Samuel Lucas, Howard Lucas, and Harry Lucas (1859), p. 54, Cass County Court House, Cassopolis; After a perusal of some unrelated cases involving thefts committed by whites, that sum certainly was not excessiveo There were/are four terms of court each year which usually meet on the second Monday in February, the second Monday in May, the second Monday in September, and the second Monday in November. Per- haps, those sessions were used in the nineteenth century. Local Court Rules 43rd. Judicial Circuit of the State of Michi an, Cass County Circuit Court, CasSOpolis, Michigan zjgigg Criminal Files Cass County, no. 246, Calendar D. Law, The PeOple versus John Dungie (1862), p. 170; In that case Henry Wilson sued John Dungie for assault and battery. The latter nailed Wilson with a hammer; Papers of Phineas Greg of Calvin, 1849-1882, .1. ., pp. 82— 83; In the aforementioned examples, a trial by jury was accorded to the offenders. In reference to the writ of habeas corpus, that courtroom procedure was used in cases involving slave catchers, The black settlers of the county also made use of the courts in civil proceeding, such as, marriages and divorces. Vide the Civil Files for Cass County, Cass County Courthouse, Cassopolis. Conceivably, the ex-slaves willingness to participate in judicial proceedings either indicated their level of soPhistication or desire to abide by the rules of a white world they wanted to become a part of. 119 of black activists like Martin and devoted white friends. Had it not been for the efforts of that group, some blacks, especially the young, who committed offenses too serious for a churdh trial, would not have been able to take advantage of those constitu- tional guarantees.28 To those law breakers, the abilities to take advantage of those privileges were indeed a blessing. An excerpt from an 1857 issue of The National Democrat illustrates the wave of black lawlessness that swept across Cass, particularly Calvin. Within the past two weeks, no less than five warrants have been issued by a Justice of the Peace, in this village, upon the complaint of Nigger vs Nigger, of Calvin Township. The blacks of that town quarrel and fit [sic], cut and carve, among themselves . . .. In one row, James is stabbed, another nigger has the plumb [sic] end of his nose bitten off, another is assaulted and battered, another sets at defiance our valiant Rep- ublican sheriff, and swears he never will be taken, and we guess he never will be, for the nigger has got pluck to the back bone. What appears singular in these proceedings, no security for costs are taken, and the county, consequently have [sic] to shoulder witness, constable, sheriff, prosecuting attorney and Justice's Bill.29 Perhaps the most notorious troublemaker and largest bill 28At one time during the 1850's-1860's, the blacks of Cass furnished approximately two-thirds of the county's court business. Booker T. Washington, "Two Centuries Under Freedom:'. . ., p. 304; Even though they frequented the courts quite often, the exact number or percentage incarcerated in the county was unknown. Between 1850- 1860, there were roughly 22-30 prisoners held in the jails. The races of the inmates were not given. Vide The Federal Census of 1850-1860, Social Statistics, schedule 6. 29The National Democrat, "Bleeding Calvin," Saturday 21 Febru— ary 1857, Vol. VI, no. 41, ed. by William W. Van Antwerp (Cassopolis, Cass County, Michigan), p. 2; If the Social Statistics of the Federal Census of 1850-1860 included black lawbreakers, the bills accumulated by all the convicts amounted to $919 and $2693 for the respective years. The exact amount they were responsible for was a part of those totals. 120 producer in the county was Albert Saunders. After appearing before the judges (1858-1860) for stealing a gelding worth $100,30 seven dollars in cash, a pair of boots,31 assault and battery, threatening to murder, and attempted rape,32 Saunders certainly should have been grateful to those activists because at all of his trials he received a fair hearing. On the occasion of the assault and attempted rape of Sarah Howell, many blacks protested because they thought the jurors were too lenient. Saunders had, after all, fouled a woman.33 Included in that group of dissatisfied ex—slaves were many of the protesters who were responsible for judicial privileges being granted to blacks of the county.34 As a result of the case, Saunders served a prison sentence of undetermined length. 30Criminal Files Cass County, no. 155, Calendar D. Law, The‘ People versus Albert Saunders (1858), p. 282, Cass County Court House, CaSSOpolis. 31Criminal Files Cass County, no. 224, Calendar D. Law, The PeOple versus Albert Saunders (1860), p. 106, Cass County Court House, Cassopolis. 32While Lawson Howell was away, Saunders broke into his house and attempted to rape Lawson's wife, Sarah Howell. After beating the kids off and locking them outside, Saunders began tearing the clothes off the wife. She resisted his maneuvers, but, to no avail. Seeing the family's shotgun above the mantel piece, Saunders took it down, pointed it at the wife, and screamed "God damn you, Sarah Howell, I am going to get it." At this juncture Mrs. Howell unlocked the front door and ran. The gun toting Saunders was in hot pursuit. After catching her and then knocking her down, near the family's cornfield, he yelled again, "God damn you, Sarah Howell, I am going to get it." Fortunately, Wright Modlin, a neighbor, overheard Sarah's frightening plea for help and rushed to her rescue. Seeing him approach, the unsuccessful Saunders took flight. Criminal Files Cass County, no. 225, Calendar D. Law, The PeOple versus Albert Saunders, . . ., pp. 106— 107. 33Vide Criminal Files Cass County, no. 225, Calendar D. Law, The People versus Albert Saunders. The testimony of Wright Modlin, Sarah Howell, Lawson Howell, . . ., pp. 106-110. . 34Probably, other blacks, angered by the trial's outcome, were motivated by the fact that Saunders was the principal destroyer of an image that many had worked so hard to build. 121 However, before his trial and conviction, Saunders was released from jail by paying or having someone pay his bail of $500.35 As an indicator of the fairness of the Cass courts, on one occasion, it was discovered that a white man who had kidnapped and raped a black girl was assigned a similar bond of $500.36 In spite of that fact, the out- come of any trial or the amount of bond stipulated in any case involv- ing a black depended upon several factors -- one of the most important was the political affiliations of the judges and jurors.37 Nevertheless, the black settlers of the county enjoyed some judicial privileges that probably were denied other ante-black Michiganites.38 Another illustration of the activists' dedication to the race's uplift was their involvement in the Civil War. During the rebellion some Cass County free blacks with a lot of material possessions to lose, responded nobly to the call for soldiers. Over half of those liable to do military duty took up arms in defense of their county and 35Criminal Files Cass County, no. 225, Calendar D. Law, The People versus Albert Saunders, . . ., p. 107. 36Incidentally, that unidentified assailant gave the girl a social disease. ‘ 37For example, the magistrate who forced the white rapist to pay a $500 bail, if he wished to be released from jail, fined the black republican November 1872 election day brawlers $1000 each. That judge was a Democrat. The CassoPOlis Vigilant, "The Calvin Row," . . ., p. 2. 8For comparisons vide E. H. Berwanger, The Frontier Against Slavegy, . . ., passim; D. M. Katzman,Before the Ghetto: Black Detroit in the Nineteenth Century, . . ., passim; D. Emmer, The Civil and Political Status of the Negro in Michiggn and the Northwest before 1870, . . ., passim; History of the Negro in Michigan, Federal Writers Program, . . ., passim; "Blacks in “Ingham County, 1850-1860, " B. C. Wilson (Winter 1972), unpublished manuscript, pp. 1-19; E. J. Muzik, "The Influence of the Cross White Case on the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850," Michigan History_Collection, Bentley History Library, Ann Arbor, University of Michigan; W. W. Stephenson, "The Colored Schools of Detroit, 1839— 1869," Michigan History Collection, Bentley Library, Ann Arbor, Univer— sity of Michigan; N. McRae, Nggroes in Michigan Duringgthe Civil War, . . ., passim. 122 for the liberation of their brethren. Approximately 100 Cass black men volunteered and became a part of the First Michigan Colored Infantry, later known as the 102nd United States Colored Infantry (hereafter referred to as the U.S.C.I.).39 "This was a record worthy of emulation, as it was unequalled by any other nationality [in the county]. A great number of men went away and never returned, leaving large families to get along as they best could."40 However, there were a few young men with economically secure parents who did not serve. For example, Henry and Kathryn Wilson obtained a release, by paying $300 and finding a substitute from military duty for their son Macomb.41 In another case, Frances Oglesby was drafted but fled to Canada as a great many others did to keep out of the war. After General Lee's surrender, Oglesby returned.42 To many of the residents of the county, both blacks and whites, the enlistment of those ex-slaves was an encouraging and welcome sight. 39A Brief History of Cass County, compiled by Mae R. Schoetzow, . . ., p. 73. There was some discrepancy in the exact number of volunteers that came from the county. According to one source 36 inductees came from Cass. Vide Record of Volunteer's Relief Fund, 1862-1865, Vol. 35 of 36, Michigan History Commission, Lansing, Michi- gan, State Archives History Division, Department of State. Another indicated that 71 dressed in blue for a noble cause. Michigan Manual of Freedmen's Prggress, compiled by F. H. Warren, . . ., passim. 40After visiting the cemeteries adjacent to Bethel and Mount Zion, roughly ten identifiable gravemarkers bearing the initials U.S.C.I. were observed; Cass County, Calvin Township Papers of Pioneers, 1805-1921, Paper of Negroes 1828-1839, 9 . ., pp. 2-3. 41Cass Coungy, Calvin Township Papers of Pioneers, 1805-1921, Paper of Negroes 1828-1839, . . ., p. 5. Interview with Mrs. Emaline Anderson and Robert Mathews, 29 November 1973, Vandalia, Cass County, Michigan. 42The rationale for the cited desertion and military deferment payment were not uncovered; Cass County, Calvin Township Papers of Pioneers, 1805-1921, Paper of Negroes, 1828-1939, . . ., p. 3. 123 To them, the inductees would assist in removing the cancerous sore that plagued the nation. The feelings of the county's citizens were evinced whenzicontingent of the U.S.C.I. left Niles, one of Michigan's induction sites, and marched into Cassopolis. When they passed homes en route to the county seat, Cass farmers wished them well and gave them fruit. The white residents were surprised when the splendidly garbed black troopers arrived in that city. To the freed slaves who happened to be in Cassopolis, the appearance of the soldiers caused "goose pimples to rise."43 Everyone in the town scurried about to make them comfortable and welcome. For many of the men in the regiment, proudly wearing the blue uniforms, Cass was home. Without doubt, all of the fanfare certainly was appreciated.44 To the surprise of many of the soldiers, some of their detractors were among the well wishers, also handing out fruit and praise.45 At the conclusion of the war many of those negrOphobes were faced with a new problem. Some blacks from other regions of America, impressed with the descriptions of the county they overheard around ‘battlefield campfires, accompanied their comrades in war back to the county. Thanks to the efforts of the protesters who were responsible for improving the status of blacks in the county, the newcomers were able to settle down and enjoy some privileges without putting up a 43Interview with Mrs. Bertha Newsome, 20 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 44N. McRae, Negroes in Michigan During_the Civil War, . . ., p. 56; unpublished manuscript, no title, no date, held by Mrs. Rosella Wade, 23 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 45Interview with Mr. Crawford Stewart, 28 November 1973, Dowagiac, Cass County, Michigan. 124 fight. However, they were confronted with an even more strange phenomenon. For the attackers of the blacks and the older ex-slave settlers, the new emigres posed different problems. They had to be seasoned and broken in; if they were acceptable, primarily to the older patriarchs, a niche in the black caste system that deve10ped in Cass had to be carved out for them. However, before considering them as candidates for integration, they had to be sober, industrious, honest, and intelligent. Chapter VI NEITHER BLACK, NEGRO, NOR WHITE -- BUT "COL'D" Since most of the earlier black arrivals had worked diligently in deve10ping a favorable reputation in the county, many wanted to see that image continued. Built and maintained by hard work, thrift, and sobriety, many were convinced that those virtues were cherished by most of the pre-Civil War black residents and their offspring.1 How- ever, some thought that the same assumptions could not be taken for granted with regards to new emigres. The fear that new arrivals, if they refused to labor, would besmirch the community's name forced many of the older patriarchs to assist the new emigres. For that important reason . . . Mr. Allen [Hog Bill] would always take in anyone who wanted to pay his way by helping with the chores. He never liked triflers . . .. In those days the peOple of his race were always busily employed and had no time to look after other peoples business. A great number of his race said he had much respect for what they had accomplished in their brief period of free- dom. For the shiffless [sic] and the thrif- 1ers who tried to climb up by pulling some one down he had no use. 1For an example of that Opinion vide "Marmaduke Ash Is Dead," Cassopolis Vigilant (Cassopolis, Cass County, Michigan, n.d.), . . ., passim. 2Rosanna Wilson, Biggraphical Sketch, undated of William Allen of Cass County, . . ., p. 2. 125 126 But before the new ones were even considered as candidates for aid, they had to possess some essential requirements for initiation into Cass's free "col'd" society. At the conclusion of the Civil War approximately 2503 new blacks migrated to Cass.4 Those who moved there with the intentions of finding a haven were awakened rudely for a caste system, based primarily upon previous status and, more importantly, on color had developed in the county.5 3J. Wheeler and S. Brunn "An Agricultural Ghetto: Negroes in Cass County, Michigan 1845-1968, . . .", p. 318; Census and Statistics of the State of Michigan 1865. aNot only did some migrate to the area from the South, but the surrounding northern states and Canada contributed to Cass black popula- tion growth. Vide the 9th Census Schedule of the United States, Cass County, Michig33:—' 5While conducting the oral research for the project nearly all of the informants, who were direct descendants of the earlier patriarchs, indicated that an aristocracy based upon color failed to materialize in Cass. But after completing an interview with one of the settlers, "who preferred not to deal with the past," visitors arrived at the home. Since they were relatives, the source warmly received them all -- except one of the children. Possessing a flat nose, kinky hair, and a darker com- plexion than the other family members, the one-year old youngster was ignored by the informant. Later that person compared all the children, the youngster with the very prominent Negroid features was highlighted. The description of the child given by the source was hardly favorable. After being in the house for approximately two hours, he got the attention of the informant -- the one year old cried for a diaper change and a desire to take off his cumbersome winter coat. In contrast to the opinions expressed that appalling display convinced me that color con— sciousness was prevalent in the county. It is my Opinion that the expression did not blossom in the twentieth century without having strong roots in the nineteenth century. Interview with Mrs. B. Newsome (16 November 1973), Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan; Interview with Mrs. F. Lawson and W. Lawson (15 November 1973), Pokagon Township, Cass County, Michigan; Interview with Mrs. R. Wade (23 November 1973), Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan; Interview with Mr. C. Stewart (28 November 1973), Dowagiac, Cass County, Michigan; Interview with Mr. G. Haines (1 December 1973), Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan; Interview with Mrs. H. Hawkes (3 December 1973), Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan; Interview with Mrs. G. Ash (28 November 1973), 127 Even though the war had made all blacks free, the newcomers were astonished when they realized thatthe possession of freed papers were just as important to the earlier settlers as they were to ante-bellum whites (appendix). Often they demanded to inspect the documents of those seeking homes in the townships of the county. Their principal reasons for that request were either memories associated with the Kentucky raid or the fear that the newcomers were Spies intent upon betraying family secrets.6 If the papers were not available or in satisfactory order, the earlier arrivals became reluctant about accepting the new emigres. When exceptions were made, which occurred frequently, those van) were free before the great conflict held themselves aloof from the "contrabands of war."7 For example, if the manumitted of the area responded like other freed blacks who started communities in the ante-bellum years,8 they considered it demeaning to marry a person who was recently a slave. In fact, rigid caste lines were followed in the selection of one's mate.9 Were not those recently freed, the earlier arrival questioned, crude, slow witted, and lazy?10 Not only would they attract other Dowagiac, Cass County, Michigan; One of those informants claimed that the caste system was based upon residential tenure, while Anderson and Robert Mathews (29 November 1973) Vandalia, Cass County, Michigan; Mr. Clyde Byrd (19 November 1973), Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan; wealth was also important in determining ones station in the county's black social hierarchy. 6Interview with Mrs. F. Lawson (15 November 1973), Pokagon Township, Cass County, Michigan. 7The term applied to those who had been freed as a result of the Emancipation Proclamation. Without doubt,it was derisive term. E. F. Frazier, The Negro in the United States, . . ., p. 277. The speculation was necessary for many sources did not want to deal with the question of aristocracy. Usually, that question was asked while I was heading for the door. 9E. Horace Fitchett, "The Origin and Growth of the Free Negro Population of Charleston, South Carolina," Journal of Negro History, Vol. XXVI, no. 4 (October 1941), p. 43. 10 James D. Corruthers, Inspite of the Handicap, An Autobiography, . . ., passim. 128 unwanted contrabands, they further surmised, but what would become Of the communities' reputation?11 Also similar tO other black communities that started in the ante-bellum era,12 the twentieth-century offspring Of those peOple who were free before the Civil War frequently evinced strange feelings of superiority over those who were the direct descendants of slaves. For example, "one old settler, after getting his free papers, bought the slave girl he loved and came North with her; ever after, during a domestic spat, he silenced her with 'shut up, Lizzie, remember I bought you.'"13 Furthermore, one informant mentioned that a neighbor, in a heated discussion, decided to remind her that a grandmother and a great grandmother were runaway slaves.14 Since the status Of ancestors was still a sensitive point, answers to inquiries pertaining to that issue were skillfully evaded by most of the informants.15 Not surprisingly, color played an even more important part in in-group relations. Freed papers were essentials, but if the ex—slave was not "light-bright damn near white with good doing moss."l6 his chances for acceptance by the dominant "col'd" group were "slim and none." 11That Opinion was implied by Booker T. Washington in, "Two Centuries under Freedom," . . ., p. 305. 12For another example vide "The Roberts Settlement," Ebony Magazine, Vol. VII, no. 12 (November 1951), pp. 40-44. 13 14Interview with Mrs. France Lawson and Mr. William Lawson (15 November 1973), Pokagon Township, Cass County, Michigan. 15When they did answer, precious time was spent on that subject. Many felt that they had to convince me that their ancestors were as free as a few white men. Occasionally, freed papers were presented to sub- stantiate their contentions. One settler (Carl Ash) in the 1930's pre- sented a paper to the county Historical Society to prove that the first black settlers in the area were free. 16Interview with Mrs. Marguerite Berry (16 October 1973), Lans— ing, Ingham County, Michigan. Mrs. Berry is known for her writings on blacks in Michigan, especially in Mecosta County. Richard M. Dorson, American Negro Folktales, . . ., p. 21. 129 The earlier arrivals, primarily mulattoes who comprised 75 percent,17 72 percent,18 and 75 percent19 Of the county's total ex- slave population respectively in 1850, 1860, and 1870, were the prin— cipal architects and beneficiaries Of the color caste that evolved in the county (Map in the appendix). Ironically, many Of those same half-breeds who were forced to flee the areas Of their nativity (prior to the Civil War) because of skin color were now using shades of complexion to keep the new "potentially threatening" emigres outside Of the "col'd" established order. Preferring such labels as "sepia," "high yellow," "yellow," "teasing brown," "golden brown," and "Olive brown," those ex-slaves who claimed that they were part "Indian and mulatto,"20 part "Indian and Gypsy,"21 part "Dutch, Indian, Irish and colored,"22 part "Indian and Egyptian,"23 and no part African or black, perceived themselves to be superior to the darker hued blacks (illustra- tions in the appendix). Further inflating their egos were whites who assumed that the mulatto's intellectual ability and physical attrac- tiveness far exceeded that Of the darker colored ex—bondmen. For example, one writer ascertained that Bill Harris "was slow of brain," because he was "decidely black," but Eliza "was keen witted and 17E. F. Frazier, The Negro in the United States, . . ., p. 198. léyidg the 7th Census Schedule Of the United States, Cass County, Michigan. lgzigg the 8th Census Schedule of the United States, Cass County, Michigan. 20L. W. Welch, A Diamond Sparkles, . . ., p. xxxii. 21 22Allen Family [Cass County] Genealogical Materia1,gThe Family Bible of Frederick Allen, Vandalia, Cass County, Michigan. Allen Family [Cass County] Genealogical Material, . . ., p. 3. 3Benton Harbor News Palladigm, "Cass Markers Recall Stirring Underground Railroad Days," Duane De Loach, . . ., passim. 130 learned rapidly" because she was a quadroon.24 Furthermore, since many Of the mulattoes were provided with economic assistance by their slave-holding fathers,25 some were able tO acquire real estate early. The land acquisitions gained them the respect of many whites. Those less fortunate or without a patron white father were not so lucky. Almost immediately, comparisons were made between the most favored "col'ds" and the other "niggers."26 Probably often some whites wondered why the latter group could not have been like Bill Allen, Turner Byrd, or Benjamin Howley. Without doubt, those comparisons further elevated the egos of the mulattoes. Another privilege granted to them because of their biological make-up was the Opportunity to vote. Because Of the presence Of the word "white" in the state's voting law, most blacks were unable to participate in the elections. IHowever, a Detroit mulatto, Mr. Gordon, decided to challenge that law in 1844. He sued and subsequently the case reached the Michigan Supreme Court. Two years later a decision was drawn-up; it stated that if a black possessed a preponderance Of white blood, he was to be regarded as white and therefore a voter.27 As 24William C. Gregg, undated, entitled, "Reminiscences Of Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan)’. . ., p. 52. A quadroon is a person having one-fourth Negro blOOd. The term could also refer to a child of white and mulatto parents. 5For example, one family was descended from a confederate general who had bought his mulatto son a farm in Calvin. Vide Richard Dorson, American Negro Folktales, . . ., p. 21. 26That feeling is implied by the writer Of "Marmaduke Ash Is Dead," Cassopolis Vigilant, . . ., passim. 27Michigan Manual Of Freedmen's Progress, compiled by F. H. Warren, . . ., p. 34; Blanche Coggan, "The Underground Railroad in Michigan," The Negio History BulletinVOls° 27—28 (October 1963), p. 125; The state's provision that allowed them that concession was based upon an Ohio decision Of the 1840's. In reference to that decision vide Charles H. Wesley, "The Participation Of Negroes in Anti—Slavery Political Parties," Journal Of Negro History, Vol. XXIX, no. 1 (January 1944), pp. 32-74. 131 a result Of the court's judgments approximately 225 Cass mulattoes voted in the 1856 presidential election.28 That also caused the "heads Of the half-breeds to swell."29 If the mulattoes of Cass were like the color conscious ex-slaves Of other ante-bellum communities, they too attempted to disassociate themselves as much as possible from the darker colored freed black masses.30 Envious of the classes above them and contemptuous of those below them, many Of the half-breeds Of the county identified their interests, loyalties, and manners with the whites of the region. While attempting to gain entrance into the white world, many also deemed it necessary to consciously accept the forms of life, language, traits, and habits of the white folks. A notable illustration Of that desire appears in the following excerpt from Inspite Of the Handicap, written by a former "col'd” resident of the county. 28The Niles Republican, Saturday 8 November 1856, Vol. XV, no. 32, whole no. 795 ed. by D. B. Cook (Niles, Berrien County, Michigan), p. 2; The National Democrat, "A Question Settled," Saturday 12 July 1856, Vol. VI, no. 11, ed. by W. W. Van Antwerp (Cassopolis, Cass County, Michigan), p. 6. One editor contended that they were voting prior to the outcome Of the Gordon Case. Vide The Niles Republican, Saturday 12 April 1845, Vol. II, no. 50, whole no. 280, ed. by D. B. Cook (Niles, Berrien County, Michigan), p. 2. A similar Opinion was expressed by D. M. Katzman, Before the Ghetto: Black Detroit in the Nineteenth-Century, . . , p. 21. 9Despite the high court's response, some whites, who paid no attention tO the shades Of black, wondered if they would eventually be represented in government by inferior ex-bondmen. "Americans Must rule America," they lamented. The National Democrat, Saturday 17 May 1856, Vol. VI, no. 3, ed. by William Van Antwerp (Cassopolis, Cass County, Michigan), passim. 0Since many Of the informants preferred talking about the future, some Of their reactions to certain words created suspicion. The terms "black," "bad hair," and "slave ancestry," caused some discomforts among them. 132 . . . as a . . . minister, I have Often regretted my lack of early contact with the masses of my race. I have been at the disadvantage Of having to learn their moods and methods Of thought by experience, and as an Observer, instead Of knowing these things intuitively, as one would who grew up among them. The unschooled Negro, when he premeditates church meanness, either talks in riddles or assumes a sullen enigmatic manner quite difficult for me to fathom. . . . they were Of the 'razor toting' class whose nearly every word is an indecency or an oath, or a threat tO 'cut yO' h'a't outo Their ways were not my ways and their thoughts were not my thoughts. Their conversations fairly recked with lasciviousness and vulgarity.31 Even though they were black only by compulsion, the mulattoes could not escape altogether the discrimination and contempt which generally was dealt out to the former slaves. Desiring tO isolate themselves from the masses whom they perceived to be illiterate, that haughty group retreated to a fanciful world which permitted them to revel in make believe. Chain Lake Baptist Church became their base.32 In-group marriages,33 the accumula— tion Of trappings associated with excessive wealth, the organization Of 31James D. Corruthers, Inspite Of the Handicap, An Autobiography, . . ., p. 70. Even though it was written at the turn Of the twentieth century, it is conceivable that similar opinions surfaced in the ante— bellum era. 2Interview with Mr. Orlando James, 29 November 1973, Calvin Town- ship, Cass County, Michigan. Since Chain Lake played a significant role in aiding fugitives, the perculiar actions of those parishioners leads one to wonder if they only assisted mulatto runaways? Neither written nor oral sources furnished answers to that query. 33Sometimes members Of that group married whites instead of other mulattoes. Booker T. Washington, when he was uncovering the area's history, was informed that there were at least 12 interracial couples in the county in 1903. Even though there were ordinances forbidding interracial marriages in the ante-bellum years, the federal census schedule Of 1850-1860 indicated that one couple Challenged the community's racial lines. 133 exclusive groups,34 and other elitist activities took place in that fanciful world. A notable illustration, especially in reference to matrimony, frequently occurred when dark skinned males seeking wives were run out Of certain "col'd" communities in Cass.35 Yet, it was not unusual for parents to consider marrying their daughters to rich darker colored males. However, the number of such arrangements were relatively small.36 TO further add insult to injury the darker colored newcomers had to petition to get into the churches of the county, foresake interests in race betterment, refrain from disturbing the status quO, cease from protesting, and, finally approach the Old patriarchs if they wished to demand redress for grievances.38 TO the anger of the "black folks" rules Of acceptance, for both the real white world and the 34A case in point was the Prince Hall Lodge Office and Accepted Order Of Masons which was organized in 1859. Initiation rites were held in either Niles, Calvin, or Williamsville. 5Because they were fearful Of "mongrelization," usually relatives married relatives. Those arrangements eventually led to a strange pattern Of kinship; nearly all Of the people Of Calvin are related. After reading one diary of a county Justice Of the Peace, the interest- ing initials "WA" or "AW" were written next to the majority Of the mulattoes married between 1850-1860. Vide The Papers of Phineas Grggg Of Calvin Township, 1849-1882. Record Of Marriages for Cass County, Michigan, Michigan History Collections, University of Michigan, Bentley History Library, Ann Arbor, passim; G. K. Hesslink, Black Neighbors: Negroes in a Northern Rural Environment, . . ., pp. 149-150. In the 1960's, Hesslink indicated that the darker skinned males frequently were greeted that way by the Calvinites. Conceivably, the same could have happened in the 1850's and 1860's. 36Vide the 7th and 8th Census Of the United States: C333 County, Michigan. 37William C. Gregg, undated, entitled, "Reminiscences Of Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan,". . ., p. 69. 38G. K. Hesslink, Black Neighbors: Negroes in a Northern Rural Community, . . ., p. 152. 134 "Alice and Wonderland World" the mulattoes created, were forced upon them. For the new arrivals, integration with the dominant "col'ds" was virtually impossible, because the mulattoes had developed barriers that purposely hindered their upward mobility. The primary reason for those strange actions centered around the simple but crucial question of power which both groups were jockeying for. Since the half-breeds were not willing tO relinquish any prestige, the newcomers virtually lost out. The little clout they possessed, which was definitely sanctioned by most of the area whites, was used to the detriment Of the new emigres. But, unwilling tO be pawns Of the peculiar acting "col'ds" many of those "decidely black," complained; such actions were translated as a challenge tO the established order. When such occas— ions happened, the law enforcers Of Cass usually received a mysterious message from an anonymous member Of the elite singling out the "troublemaker."39 Those reactions, and a multitude Of others, isolated the migrants that came tO the county. After becoming aware Of the implicit alliance that developed between the "col'ds" and the whites, those newcomers with prominent African features became very bitter. Resentment was keenly directed not at the whites who contributed to the creation of that system, but instead towards the color conscious older settlers. Expecting the 39According to one source the Old timers and the sheriffs had a beautiful rapport in the 1940's and 1950's. That close friendship probably started in the ante-bellum years. Interview with Mr. Frank Burmeister (27 November 1973), Cassopolis, Cass County, Michigan. An example indicating that friendship surfaced in William C. Gregg Papers, undated, entitled, "Reminiscences of Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan,". . ., p. 82. 135 whites tO harbor prejudice and practice discrimination, the new arrivals became baffled, discouraged, and actually outraged, when the mulatto Old timers turned their backs on them.40 Humbling themselves tO whites was expected, but kowtowing to "light-bright-damn—near white col'ds" was not a part Of the game plan designed by the emigres. Clearly, the lines Of demarcation were drawn; the darker emigres verbally attacked the mulattoes for their peculiar Opposition to them. The mulattoes countered with venomous retorts. The turmoil created by the caste system was one of the problems of major significance that was not attempted to be solved jointly by all the citizens Of Cass. Without doubt, the mulattoes were not about to entertain thoughts suggesting change, for such ideas, if implemented, would definitely affect their security. Many Of the whites probably thought that it was a family affair and consequently did not become involved. 40George K. Hesslink, Black Neighbors: Negroes in a Northern Rural Community, . . ., p. 148. 41That color caste was not unique only to the ex-slave p0pula— tion of Cass. For additional examples vide J. H. Franklin, "James Boon, Free Negro Artisan," Journal Of Negro History, Vol. XXX, no. 2 (April 1945), pp. 150-180; Leo H. Hirsch, Jr., “REV York and the Negro, from 1783 tO 1865, Part II," Journal Of Negro History, Vol. XVI, no. 2 (October 1931), pp. 415-454; E. H. Fitchett, Traditions Of the Free Negro in Charleston, South Carolina," Journal of Ne rO Histo , Vol. XXV, no. 2 (April 1940) pp. 138-152; E. Franklin Frazier, "TEe Negro Slave Family," Journal of Negtt History, Vol. XV, no. 2 (April 1930), pp. 198—259; E. Franklin Frazier, The Free Nggto Family: A Study Of Family Origins before the Civil War (Nashville, Tennessee: Fisk University Press, 1932), passim; R. A. Fischer, "Racial Segregation in Ante-Bellum New Orleans," American Historical Review, Vol. LXXIV (February 1969), pp. 926-937; Charles S. Sydnor, "The Free Negro in Mississippi before the Civil War," American Historical Review, Vol. XXXII (July 1927), pp. 769-788; Edward B. Renter, The—Mulatto in the United States (Boston: Richard G. Badger, The Gorham Press, 1918), passim. 136 Because the darker emigres fight for integration into the dominant "col'd" society was bitter and protracted, the effects of that system and subsequent battle are still being felt. For example, Richard Dorson, while accumulating information for his study on American Negto Folktales (circa the mid 1950's), found some settlers who were still resentful of the aristocracy. They "spoke candidly and even brutally about . . . their neighbors genealogies, tearing apart the polite veil of Ohio origins to reveal direct connections with slavery."42 One informant also suggested that the degree Of prejudice to dark skin intensifies as one approaches the mulatto settlement in Calvin.43 As a result Of their actions,the mulatto Old timers virtually isolated themselves from the darker pigmented new arrivals. Further- more, one source suggested that their peculiar responses contributed tO the poor communication that developed between the first settlers and their Offspring and the other black Michiganites.44 In reference to that county, the subject of conversation among the new arrivals and other area blacks neither centered around the rugged ex—slaves who migrated and created a civilization in the wilderness Of Cass, their fights against verbal abuses, their defenses of runaways against slave catchers, nor their non—involvement in the protests against local injustices,but their peculiar notions Of aristocracy. Consequently, there evolved a new reputation for the county's Older settlers; they were perceived by most black outsiders and new arrivals as being very 42Richard M. Dorson, American Negro Folktales, . . ., p. 21. 43Interview with anonymous Calvinite, 29 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. 44Interview with Mrs. Granville Nicholson (24 January 1972), Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan. - _=. ,,,,__,_._ 137 aloof and cold. Because of that system and the reactions Of its principal beneficiaries Cass became and remained a haven for only a select group Of ex—slaves -- the "col'ds." Chapter VII SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION Even though Michigan's black laws were as harsh as any found in the northwestern states during the ante-bellum era, the research on Cass County suggested that those ordinances did not find pOpular support and never were enforced strictly. The actions Of some Of the white residents were attributed mainly tO the growing anti-slavery sentiment that nearly swept across the breadth Of the county. Further- more, the little sympathy that most Of them had with the designed racial distinctions and their desire to see moral reforms implemented also were contributing factors. Later those same whites further illustrated their disdain for the peculiar institution by actively becoming involved in the Operations Of the U.G.R.R. The friendship displayed by most Of the whites certainly was conducive to black settlement in Cass; consequently, many ex-slaves migrated to that rural county instead Of the developing urban areas in Michigan. Besides the tolerance level of whites, land availability also attracted some freed slaves to that county. Taking advantage of all Opportunities granted by the area's whites the intelligent, frugal and ambitious blacks began to purchase either the poorer or least desirable tracts of land in the county -- especially in Calvin and Porter Townships. Unlike those who constituted the employing class in urban locales, their acquisitions not only enstilled pride in the 138 139 ex—slaves, but also helped to sever the umbilical cords that usually bound them to whites for economic survival. As a result Of the success enjoyed by many Of the black farmers, a reputation built on hard work deve10ped among most Of them. Nevertheless, a small number Of whites in the region.were not appeased by their accomplishments. TO the attackers, both the successful and unsuccessful blacks looked alike! Inspite Of constantharassment by the region's negrophobes, the black emigres continued to contribute to the maintenance of the good name of the townships they settled in. Not only did many pro- cure additional acreage, but some also assisted in the cultural development Of the county. For example, they built churches and schools, held township Offices, and had representatives in the pro— fessions. Nevertheless, the blooming reputation of the ex—slaves did not silence their attackers; it merely attracted the attention Of out- siders, especailly those who benefitted immensely from the institution Of slavery. On three separate occasions slave catchers made forays into that county. Immediately after their arrival, the shocked raiders not only realized that many area residents Openly defied a federal law, but the number of friends the ex-helots had was greater than expected. Rallying behind the blacks, they twice forced the raiders to make hasty departures for the South without their property. Their reactions to the Opponents of slavery greatly angered both southern communities and federal elected representatives from such areas. As a result of the repulsion Of the slave catcher in Cass and also other contributing factors, many southerners responded by pressuring the federal govern- ment to re-strengthen the Fugitive Slave Law in 1850. Like many whites of other northern communities who sympathized with the ex-slaves, 140 the friends of blacks in Cass responded to that Federal mandate by endorsing the Personal Liberty Laws that the state passed. Without doubt, the actions Of those Cass reformers were appreciated greatly by all the black settlers in the county. Although they were granted more privileges than most of the ex-slaves in Michigan, some Of the black settlers in Cass felt that certain changes were necessary to bring about equality for all. Consequently, they actively became involved in protest movements that intended to uplift their status. Excluded from that group of pro- testers were the first settlers, for they had no desire tO challenge the status quO or incense their omnipresent attackers. Even without their assistance the efforts of the young apostles of change led to some judicial reforms and even more importantly, it helped to sensitize some of the region's whites to the plight of slaves and freed blacks throughout America. However, their greatest commitment to change was evinced in 1863 when many Of the county's young reformers volunteered and then risked their lives in the War of Emancipation. After Appomattox, those fortunate enough to return home witnessed a new phenomenon -— a black aristocracy had deve10ped there. The caste system that evolved in the county served more to divide than unite the black residents. Based primarily upon color and previous status, the established families -- principally mulattoes -— built a reputation on exclusiveness and non-co-operation with the darker settlers and newcomers. Fearing that they would "rock the boat," the mulatto aristocrats forced those seeking assimilation into their society to appeal directly to them. However, before being considered as in- itiates into the elite society, the darker hued ex-slaves and new 141 emigres had to meet certain qualifications. What eventually evolved was an intense struggle involving light-skinned haves and dark- skinned have-nots, fighting for status in the county. Unfortunately, that in—fighting continued into the early twentieth century and remained the principal decisive factor among the area's blacks. Despite the Obstacles encountered, the blacks who settled in rural Cass were not harassed as much as those in urban environments. In ante-bellum America where the only thing guaranteed blacks was dis- crimination, the few occasions of racism that surfaced in the county represented definite improvements for the ex-slave settlers. The principal reason for its infrequency was attributed mainly to that strange association that developed in the county. Since it was built upon mutual dependence, questions concerning physical differences diminished as the economic need for each other increased. As a result Of that compact, by which ex-slavasprovided labor for white farmers, many blacks in Cass acquired something tangible in exchange for their work —- real estate. That possession meant respect, economic self— sufficiency, and, more, freedoml; also, it eliminated a step that usually appeared in the evolution of a slave tO a free man, continuous economic serfdom. The same contentions could not be made about those inhabiting the crowded slums Of urban ante-bellum America where for sustenance blacks usually had to kowtow tO whites for menial jobs. With the assistance Of some white acquaintances, the ex-slaves appeared to have made Cass a haven. But, because Of the aristocracy that lOne informant mentioned that since he held land, he had no feelings about being a second class citizen. Interview with Mr. Robert Mathews (29 November 1973), Vandalia, Cass County, Michigan. 142 developed in the county, not all of the black residents were convinced that such a place existed there. The dreams Of most Of the black emigres about finding peace, freedom, and contentment developed into partial fruition; however, some Of those hopes were smashed -- not by whites but by the mulatto Older settlers! Even though the study only dealt with one rural Michigan county, it is the writer's Opinion that the black residents of Cass enjoyed more privileges than those who settled in urban ante-bellum Michigan communities. For example, they could vote in school district elections, hold township Offices, participate in some federal elections, testify against whites, petition against injustices without fear of reprisals, and acquire real estate. If more freed slaves would have migrated to such areas, used those privileges, and then acquired land, they tOO could have taken advantage of some of the benefits bestowed upon citizens Of America. They also would have been more advanced than those who became citizens and voters after the Civil War. Although Cass failed to qualify as a haven in all aspects for its black residents ~— due to limitations placed on them by some of the white citizens, southern intruders, and by some members Of their race -- it serves as an example of a struggle waged by blacks with white friends, to gain some acceptance in a part of ante-bellum America. EPILOGUE Between the years 1870—1974 some changes occurred in Cass that directly effected the black settlers in that county. For example, after the Civil War eliminated the issue of slavery, much Of the energy of the champions of the downtrodden —— the Quakers -— was spent on quarrels pertaining to outward forms of devotion, for instance, to sing or not to sing in religious meetings.l Also because the county's black population began to decline,2 attributed mainly to the large migration of the children of the pioneers to the large cities of Detroit, South Bend, and Chicago, other former white friends began to purchase the land once held by the former slaves. Not only did they have to face problems without their former associates, but as a result of their flight from the rural haven to the congested urban slums one—third of the population of Calvin Township eventually became white and one—half Of the land area controlled by whites.3 Ironically, the county's black population increased between 1950—1970 due to the 1The Story Of the Birch Lake Quakers, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan, . . ., p. 7. 2George K. Hesslink, Black Neighbors: Negroes in a Northern Rural Community, . . ., p. 65; Wheeler and Brunn, "An Agricultural Ghetto . . .," Geographical Review, . . ., p. 319. 3Thus it is evident, as one source indicated, that whites have always had an interest in the "agriculturally marginal" real estates in that area of the county. Interview with an anonymous Calvinite, 16 November 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan; George K. Hess- link, Black Neighbors: Negroes in a Northern Rural Community, . . ., p. 71. 143 144 black exodus from the urban blight." In a larger social sense, however, nothing had changed. For the new arrivals who strengthened the county's black population were just that —- newcomers. And since the social divisions had not dis- appeared entirely,5 they were forced to learn the procedures of becoming "good" neighbors by abiding by the terms dictated by the pioneer families. In fact in some cases, they refused to have any dealings with the new ones.6 Unlike most Of the younger settlers of the ante-bellum years, many of the youthful farmers in the county during the 1960's responded like the elderly residents. They felt threatened by some of the migrants —— especially the Black Muslims. Before setting up a farm Operation on a 1500 acre tract in the county,7 the Muslims had to deal with some hostilities. Not surpris— ingly, the negative opinions displayed by the offspring Of the pioneer black settlers were more hostile than those expressed by most of the whites. The rationale they used most often was that the Muslims'buying power was driving them out of business.8 Furthermore, one informant lamented that they "caused the taxes to increase four-fold."9 Many 4Vide the 1970 Census of Population, General Social and Economic Characteristics of Michigan, (issued April 1972). 5Interview with Mrs. Frances Lawson and Mr. William Lawson, 15 November 1973, Pokagon Township, Cass County, Michigan. 6"Muslims Cash Buys Up Farms," . . ., Richard M. Dorson, American Negro Folktales, . . ., p. 19. Richard Lehnert, "Muslims Build for Tomorrow," . . ., p. 7. 8Interview with Mr. Robert Mathews, 29 November 1973, Vandalia, Cass County, Michigan. The majority of the land owned by the Nation was purchased from the Offspring of some of the pioneer black families. 9Interview with Mr. Steve Byrd, 29 August 1974, Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan. 145 of the established settlers,towever, failed to realize that the presence of the Nation Of Islam has helped many of the county's blacks; for example, they Offered many employment opportunities on the following Muslim enterprises: the 18 acre apple orchard, the assorted vegetable gardens, the two houses for 10,000 and 12,000 laying hens, the dairy barn for the 110 cows, the 55,000 bushel grain drying and storage unit, or the three 24 by 72 feet poured concrete 31105.10 Also their settlement in the county contributed some to the increase in the property values of all, which meant more borrowing potential for added acquisitions. Furthermore, it is the writer's opinion that if the descendants of the earlier patriarchs, who are primarily hog-raisers, would diversify their businesses they could be exposed to the new markets by the Muslims. That would revitalize the economic growth and development of the black communities in Cass. Eventually, many of the established settlers began to tolerate their presence because all of the virtues frequently mentioned by their forefathers were practiced by members of the Nation prior to their arrival in the area. The verbal abuses which were frequently directed at the Muslims are now being replaced with laudatory expressions either like "they have a real good Operation," or "they're doing good, putting people to work."11 With the children Of the Older settlers, they also are helping to make Cass a historically unique county for blacks. 10Richard Lehnert, "Muslims Build for Tomorrow,” . . ., p. 7. 11Arthur Sills, "Black Muslims' Cass Farm Is Growing Concern," . . ., p. 11; Nancy Hulvershorn, "Black Pride in Cass County," Th2 Elkhart Truth, Saturday 28 August 1971, Information Obtained from Brother Cornelius X (Williams) 5 December 1973, Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I CHART I BLACK POPULATION OF MICHIGAN 1810 144 1820 174 1830 273 1840 753 1850 2372 1860 6799 Excerpt taken from John Dancy's, "The Negro People in Michigan," Michigan Histoty, Vol. 24 (1940), pp. 220—240. 147 CHART II FREE BLACK PERSONS IN MICHIGAN -- 1841 IUSCOLR uANILM. HAQINRN The Sixth Census Of the Inhabitants of the United States. 148 CHART III FREE BLACK PERSONS IN MICHIGAN —— 1850 5C “count: «mum sag-MM The Seventh Census of the United States. 149 CHART IV FREE BLACK PERSONS IN MICHIGAN -— 1854 V "is u; LhL IML‘UOIK o. 8 ILNLV a Aunt-M . QSYtGO mmm b nun - tut-NA tum Intel's! IO Ill MN») ML!) nut-nu «100 wall.- N um um sauce» «AIL WWW“ N t HURON HCHGWXO Ml! '35" ism.- “WI 0 msrom “num- ‘A, mmtu guv 7 and mm 0 6 "[314 O O mum 5V (LW :1 rmwn 60 30 L] 7 35 O ‘i O 25 w“ roam cunou WW“ GIKLRND ' mu mu- ? rm 1 I5 5 B I 3 76 . g Auto.“ 5““ won zuqunn Mu sou Mam “L"‘NN 1M K$ON 1‘43 Nam: 54 us 2m 76' a.m.... (‘5' I5] (33 ununu mum. \ u 2 4 on." [4 '5 A' 60 u“ i am 9‘ 10 31"“. nuns-In Census and Statistics Of Michigan -- 1854. 150 CHART V FREE BLACK PEOPLE IN MICHIGAN -- 1860 g. M‘RQUU’YE 3 ’ 0 rats 1 § m3 3 O amo- 1.1 Aaron» 0 ““9” Menu MIMI. ‘_ ‘ “km~‘ O mum-Lu mm 109cc." 0 I’m-”‘9' Mlsou mu. 08am: (mu fiuvwhrnum‘ “DION Ito-Jana ~lran-I xnuun ””9““ MI I cult-M '0 50 5 O ' Nstora 3H“\LKC . I O "a“; Mom-cu w alarm s" m u 1 “M “1"" ”m“ 5141:“ OVIA r 115 30 :q :4 44 51 03 43 ”as! KL»)! zen-n (UN‘ON wt mini". 3 5 m w” _ ,4, 8 58 la: 37 25 509 3 «use» xucund I a“ LIwa- )AtlSoN HAWK sou» ,. G39 \m nsu siqjsm ‘85 W“... 3 RI“ Lilo unusual MON ”"3 4,1 33 55 145 1 Kill" “55 avlufln 5“,,“ q MINU- The Eighth Census Of the Inhabitants of the United States. 151 CHART VI FREE BLACK PEOPLE IN MICHIGAN -— 1861 mugs M u Ms u: Lsr ‘ 0 onMo N[V Luna! 0 MCONR O vacuum urn—mu Dav-mu I bozo ELIK'. My [MCI-LL" 6 EKWNN 2‘] nth-INN l2. HURON 5mm.“ 0 \5LOLR O .,““ \AN‘. k 35 51 oauauo I “All 30 5\ 51 mu- ‘79-: 30 runn- 18'] 3 TILKWN 5‘] Z \ 97 I 511, AH“ wtuNl |570 MIN In mm M CRFA £131 [.35. IWM Mun-Mu L|Nflwu Monitor 32 [‘in )an DJ.» Statistics of the State Of Michigan. 152 CHART VII FREE BLACK PERSONS IN MICHIGAN —— 1865 b“ UNA CHIPF'EWA O swaLtRnn z . 934 5 p. _ g 0 6:1 unluvou ‘ NONTNO- Q Mn > Run a IN 05"qu O or I K\I‘\Nl| O L K“ [Ewan-u: (moon AU NI mu: 1‘1 “EL 0 “unit: men-ma. nus comm d O O l um LA CUM fun... IKLNIC O “u“ My HURON "WWW MILL-1 O mmo W"" G) O "0 5mm sun-Lac. l2. 3 M 1 u,‘ Moment; w my 5"‘IIWBW ' B 1. Co 1' | H 18 um 56 3 7 WM“ L le w: Iowa 'N‘u' t) 61 M Lu“ on- 1 t) ‘40 qq 27 IO N t ,2 cum“ OAKLANn 66 MIR! an" wanna A; 178 75 H ‘il 3| 156 9 trauma ‘ H“ D". n An mm Museum Jltksou 1‘” 35% 3|O 1 nq 608 less ' ML u Hun wt ‘55 um»: mush-u: uMwu. “Mn"- "1; ism «1 45 53 269 54 Mt“ Cansus and Statistics of the State of Michigan. 153 MAPI UNDERGROUND RAILROAD ROUTES IN CASS COUNTY meant; s Towusmp SILVER CMK WRYNQ, vou N\ A “WNW" Tow~suw TOWNSm .. PENN ”I” TOWNSHIP POKAQON Laqvxauqe New at“, Townsm P Tovmsw p ToWNSH! 9 new a“ TOWNSVH P REFEKSON CRLVKN WNSMP TOWNSHIP PORTER TOWN smv MILTON MR“) Townsmp ONT,” N . TOWNSVHO TOWNSHH “‘7‘ Map taken from Alfred Mathew's, A Histog of Cass County Michigan. 154 Map II UNDERGROUND RAILROAD ROUTES IN MICHIGAN CIRCA 1800—1860 Map taken from "The Underground Railroad in Michigan" by Blanche Coggan and William H. Siebert's The Underground Railroad from Slavety to Freedom. 155 NAMES OF SOME OF THE RUNAWAY SLAVES Zachariah Shugart, one of the underground Operators in Calvin forwarded some of the following individuals to Dr. Thomas of Schoolcraft. However, the 1000-1500 that Thomas supposedly assisted hardly came from Friend Shugart. The names adopted by the runaways are rather peculiar, yet interesting. 11 Month lI 1841 l. Julias Washington 2. Frances Johnson 3. George Smith 4. William Williams 5. Peter Tone 6. Samuel Strawther 7. William Cole 8. Thomas Somthing 9. Mary Mills 10. Hannah Kirkwood and three children 11. Jurden Johnson 12. Ellen Somthing 13. Emily Strawther 14. Albert Wilson 15. Noah Johnson 16. Obed What 17. Andrew Davis 18. Addison Davis 19. George Harry wzzzwmwzz wwwzzzzzzw 156 5 Month 29 1842 ____.____J___—_ l. Willis Rix 2. Sally Rix and two children 3. Henry Garnes 4. Harthy Garnes 5. Georg What 6. Harriet What 7. Washington goet 8. Goeh 9. Goett 10. John Wesley ll. Lazreth Wesley 12 Month 11I 1842 1. John Robertson 2. Christophe Ritherson 3. Charles 4. Spotford 5. Lafaye H w KKKZKKwaw wwwww 1 Month 28, 1842 l. Isom Buck 2. Match Davis 3. Presturn 4 Month 5, 1842 1. Lewis Brown 2. Mary Brown and two children 3. Charles McDunken 4 Month 25, 1842 l. Elias Earl 5 Month 52 1842 . James Johnson . Lydia Johnson . Majury North Star waH North Star 6 Month 6, 1842 1. John Brown (Missippi) [sic] 7 Month 2, 1842 1. Abraham Washington 8 Month 10, 1842 1. John Smith 2. Arm Louis 3. Emeline Hall 9 Month 15, 1842 1. John Simpson 2. Henry Simpson 3'3wa 157 9 Month 15, 1842 (Continued) . Adam . Planter Mos . James 0. Bird . Charles Modlon . Daniel Modlon . Billy Modlon 10. Stephen Modlon 11. Charles Modlon 12. John Modlon \O®\lO\U‘IJ-\U 9 Month 25, 1845 1. Benjamin 2. Margarett Anyoung 3. Sarah 4. Sirus 5. Sarah 6. Miss White or Conkaline 7. William Carter 8. Catheren Carter 9. Lucinda Carter 10. Rozelius 10 Month 28, 1845 1. Abraham Lanes 2. Black goet 3. Mary An 4. Ann Davis 5. Kelly 6. Mary and three children 7. James Griffen . General Wade Hampton B B B B B B B B B B museums: w w w w 2 wwwww U! 11 Month 15, 1845 1. George SO Patience SO and five children Mary SO John Lee William Meriman Harriet Meriman S. Garner B. Garner and one child R. Stephenson R. Starks —— Wesley N. Stephenson N. Stephenson and four children Marian wwwzww wwwww Ud 1846 1. 2. 13. 14. 15. Elizabeth Ange Rachel Smith Hannah Smith Becca Smith John Jonson Something Something Francis Something Something Something Something Something Two men and two women A mother and company of four Mother 3 z z 2 z z z w w w w w 3 Z Information obtained from Zachariah Shugart's Account Book, Day Book, and Diary. Niles Community Library, Niles, Michigan. CHART VIII BLACK AND WHITE POPULATION 0F TOWNSHIPS WITHIN CASS COUNTY Elite M Calvin 466 158 Howard 694 72 Jefferson 882 5 LaGrange 937 11 Cassopolis 375 4 Marcellus 222 — Mason 570 - Milton 611 - Newburg 388 - Ontwa 529 - Edwardsburg 252 - Penn 667 31 Pokagon 994 — Porter 1154 105 Silver Creek 488 3 Volinia 607 - Wayne 682 _ Taken from the 7th Census of the United States 1850. J. D. B. DeBow Superintendent of the U.S. Census. Washington, D.C.: Robert Armstrong, Public Printer, 1853), p. 888. 159 CHART IX BLACK AND WHITE POPULATION OF TOWNSHIPS WITHIN CASS COUNTY (1860) Calvin 795 580 Dowagiac 1149 32 Howard 1058 81 Jefferson 1065 6 LaGrange 1686 16 Marcellus 749 4 Mason 766 2 Milton 574 1 Newburg 807 54 Ontwa 879 -- Penn 1119 184 Pokagon 1248 1 Porter 1662 170 Silver Creek 1100 2 Volinia 973 20 Wayne 938 -- Compiled from the Original Returns of the 8th Census, under the Direc- tion Of the Secretary of Interior. By Joseph G. G. Kennedy (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1864, p. 238. 160 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II SOIL CHART MAP FOR CASS COUNTY 162 Red Purple -— Yello Light green Brown GUIDE TO SOIL CHART -— The principal soil types of this area are Kalamazoo, Volinia, and sandy loams* They are characterized by a reddish brown gravelly clay subsoil which may extend to a depth Of 40 inches . . . The Kalamazoo soils are highly erodible since subsoil causes a high rate Of run—Off water during intense storms. This not good land. Principal soil types are Kalamazoo loam and sandy loam. The latter is not as good as clay loam in reference to crOp production. The principal soil types are Spinks loamy sand, Oshtemo loamy and sandy loam and small areas of Kalamazoo sandy loam. The Spinks and Oshtemo soils are droughty and of fair or low fertility. Considerable idle or abandoned land is evident throughout this area. The principal soil types are Spinks loamy sand and loamy fine sand and Oshtemo loamy sand. Local areas of heavier textured soils are Kalamazoo and Hillsdale, which are associated with the above soil. The latter two are the most fertile of the Cass County soils. The principal soils are Elmsdale, Teasdale, and Barry loams, and fine sandy loams. These soils are mainly loams and sandy loams underlain by a gravelly clay to sandy clay subsoil. This is in turn underlain by loose sand and gravel. The soils were developed under wet to semi-wet conditions. Artificial drainage is usually needed. 163 164 Guide to Soil Chart (Continued) Orange -- The principal soils are Carlisle, Houghton, mucks, some Maumee and Gilford. Most of these soils were developed under wet conditions. Usually need artificial drainage. Red -- Kalamazoo soils, with some Oshtemo and Coloma soils. These soils, in general, are not as productive as other soil types found in Michigan. But they are not marginal. For example the Optimal yield Of corn on sandy loam soils is approximately 75 bushels per acre; whereas the Optimal yield Of that same crap on clay loam soils (another prominent soil type, yet not the best in Michigan) is roughly 100 bushels per acre.* The land Obtained by the black settlers was the worse Of mediocre soil found in the county. Information Obtained from Cass County Soil Conservation District. Cass County Land Resources Map (Cassopolis, Michigan) 20 November 1973. *Loams are loose soils composed of clay and sand and usually rather fertile. **Vide Ronald Thompson, A Descriptive and Analytical View of Michigan's Limited Resource Farms, Ph.D. Dissertation, Michigan State University (1974), passim. Map II BLACK RESIDENT LANDOWNERS OF CALVIN TOWNSHIP -- 1867 (Random Sample) Information Obtained from Highway Assessment Record for the Township Of Calvin, County Of Cass and State of Michigan. Ledger located in Calvin Center Meeting Hall. 165 Map 111 BLACK NON-RESIDENT PROPERTY OWNERS IN CALVIN TOWNSHIP -- 1867 (Random Sample) r’ V‘J -1 31 \ .Rl .Mkn w to no dus *vf ndcrs I i Home H-MK Yard G.fl|\cn .S‘rd thr n.8,? Sfirthcr a _ . .a p FLJ‘ndhns ' so i .flouis J 3'0th tr . K. ’ Tohn :oVuJ c.8031 ‘ Km 5 A L 'S-Co r] $4 3 i 3 Information Obtained from Highway Assessment Record for the Township of Calvin, County of Cass and State Of Michigan. Ledger located in Calvin Center Meeting Hall. 166 AGRICULTURE PRODUCTION - 1850 go staqan aaaqnqang go staqan saoasgod qsIJI go spunod sueaq pus saaa go spunod 100M go spunod ooosqoL go suo: Asa go spunod 3313 go spunod sasaaqo go staqan 9380 go spunod raging uapzes naxzsm mozg aanOJd go anIsA go staqan UJOD usrpuI go suottss out“ go steqan 9&3 SlBIIOp u; sgonpoxd piaqOIO go anIsA go staqan geaqn go spunod 198ns atdsn noogsaArI go anIsA go spunod Kauoq pus xensaag auras daaqs aIJJBD'JBQJO uaxo Surnion snoo qotrn paiauqflnats stemrua go anIaA 831nm pus sassy saingoegnuam apamamoq go anIaA saszon Kiaurqosm pus squamaIdmr was; go anIBA misg go anIaA qssg panozdmrun paAOJdmI Acres of Land 167 15 50 250 100 200 20 15 65 600 75 2 25 6 Harrison Ash 30 2 20 17 175 80 250 150 2 55 25 100 800 50 2 Turner Byrd 30 175 60 500 135 500 15 10 25 22 98 800 50 2 Green Allen Information Obtained from Federal Census 1850 - Agriculture Production - Schedule 4 Acres of Land AGRICULTURE PRODUCTION - 1860 sassstou go snottsg Xenon stratus paaoaqflnsts go onIrA aangosgnusl anon go ontsA grins std-n go spnnoa xstg dun sdoq go spunog pass uyssfl go Iausng JQAOIO go staqsng qu go sno; asoaqo go spunoa Jaggnq go spunod uapzsg genius or snonposd go antsA aura go suottss snonposd pssqoso go anIsA asaqnqonq go staqsng Aatssq go staqsng saogsgod goons go staqsng saousgod qerI go staqsng susaq pus ssad go staqsna 1005 go spnnog uogsoo paungo ooosqo; go spunoa any: go spunod saso go staqsng uaoo usgpul go stsqsng 3&1 go staqsna nsaqn go staqsng noogsaagt go anIsA auras daaqs 313393 Jaqgo uaxo Burnson snoo qotru 031nm pus sassy saszon Ksaurqosn pus squamaIdm; ussg go antsA mssg go anIsA qssg panozdurun paAOJdlI 80 50 30 20 200 500 13 250 50 300 7 250 130 300 2 12 15 500 250 400 125 1000 70 l. P. Artiss 75 70 80 100 50 100 20 60 1 l l 20 47 .800 50 2 40 60 1500 50 2 John Halter 2. William Ford 3. 168 75 50 20 40 3 1 1 1 7 1 1 70200 3000 55 4 30 30 1000 20 2 20 20 600 60 2 4. Green Allen 50 75 70 250 so 30 12 200 50 250 12 300 Griness J. 50 30 30 100 2 2 6. Benjamin Howley 7. John Saunders 8. C. Byrd 15 200 80 125 25 65 200 50 3 80 80 5000100 7 150 200 100 10 70 125 155 48 400 338 800 10 2 16 10 400 75 300 30 7 75 140 50 20 60 70 30 10 20 60 60 40 70 25 35 45 2000100 3 20 80 1200 25 2 70 80 1800 9. Jules Mitchell 10. Jones Mathews 11. Allison Snelling 12. Newson Tenn 13. 8 150 20 300 3 8 25 300 100 700 2 3 19 30 700 130 1400 7 8 13 18 600 237 500 60 20 300 140 3 2 2 2 100 100 30 80 250 40 100 70 15 72 38 3000 50 5 75115 2500 50 2 12 70 80020140 12 Issac Stewart 80 70 75 30 50 1 17 25 700 100 500 70 70 ZSOODO 7 14. Harrison Ash Information obtained from Federal Census 1860 - Agriculture Production - Schedule 4 The following NO NO NO NO NO NO NO NO NO NO NO NO NO CHART I information was obtained from the Federal Census Of 1850 -- Social Statistics -- Schedule 6 CRIMINALS AND PAUPERS IN CASS COUNTY paupers or criminals paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers There were or or or or or or or or or or or 01' 30 criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals in in in in in in in in in in in in in Milton Township. Ontwa Township. Mason Township. Porter Township.*' Calvin Township.* LaGrange Township. Pokagon Township. Howard Township.* Newberg Township. Marcellus Township. Volinia Township. Wayne Township. Silver Creek Township. native** paupers or criminals in Jefferson Township, costing that area 919 dollars for expense. *As indicated in the Appendix to Chapter I, the majority Of the county's anteébellum blacks populated the asterisk-marked townships. **Native refers tO inhabitants Of a given township, not American Indians. 169 The following NO NO NO NO NO NO NO NO No NO NO NO NO NO NO NO NO NO CHART II information was Obtained from the Federal Census of 1860 -- Social Statistics -- Sechedule 6 CRIMINALS OR PAUPERS IN CASS COUNTY paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers paupers Within one 01' or or or or or or or 01' or or or 01' or or or 01' or criminals .criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals criminals in in in in in in in in in in in in in in in in in in Newberg Township.* Porter Township.* Milton Township. Ontwa Township. Penn Township.* Pokagon Township. the Village of Dowagiac.* the Town Of Pokagon. the Town of Howard. Howard Township.* Jefferson Township. the Town Of Silver Creek. the Town of Wayne. Silver Creek Township. Wayne Township. the Town of Volinia. Marcellus Township. Calvin Township.* year, there were 113 native paupers in LaGrange Township, coating that area 2693 dollars; l9 native and three foreign criminals in that township. *Indicates those areas where the majority Of the county's blacks lived. 170 TABLE I Chzcupations of Heads of Black Families in Calvin and Porter Townships -— 1850 and 1860 1850 Farmers 32 Agricultural laborers Well digger Spinning wheel maker Preacher Carpenter k‘ u: H H ti 0 None 1860 H w m Farmers Agriculturallhborers Cooper Carpenter Basketmaker Turner Butcher Shoemaker Blacksmith H‘ H H H- H H N N -u Plaster H 0" None In 1850, approximately 71.5 percent of the freed slaves in Calvin and Porter were farmers; roughly 28.0 percent were agricultural laborers. In 1860, an estimated 80.4 percent of the freed blacks in the same areas Were farmers; nearly 10.6 percent were agricultural laborers. Unlike the service and demeaning jobs of the cities, most blacks in ante—bellum Cass, as indicated, were associated with agricultural work which led eventually to economic self—sufficiency. Information Obtained from the Federal Census for Cass County 1850 and 1860. 171 TABLE II This comparative computation between black and white taxpayers with similar real and personal property indicates the fairness Of white officials in Cass County and the prosperity Of the black inhabitants. Blacks Value Of Value of per- Total each tract sonal property Total Taxation Percent Kinchen Artis 160 150 310 $7.68 2.48 Green Allen 250 80 330 3.92 1.19 Harrison Ash 190 50 240 5.18 2.16 Turner Byrd 250 100 350 7.43 2.13 Crawford Byrd 310 15 325 7.22 2.22 Nathaniel Boon 8O 0 80 1.95 2.44 Willis Brown 75 10 85 1.02 1.20 Solomon Saunders 200 75 275 3.28 1.19 Mary Saunders 160 40 200 4.32 2.16 Newsom Tann 160 110 270 6.59 2.44 Whites Jedutnan Adams 190 60 250 2.97 1.19 Phineas Greg 0 50 50 1.14 2.28 B. A. Harrison 550 80 630 6.69 1.06 A. B. Nicholson 250 112 362 8.07 2.23 Jeff. Osborn 400 O 400 8.64 2.16 George Parke 150 160 310 3.69 1.19 E. M. Reynolds 160 95 255 3.03 1.19 D. Tumbleson 175 35 210 2.50 1.19 William Grubb 215 115 330 7.42 2.29 George Redfield 2106 0 2106 54.78 2.60 Information from the Records Of Cass County Tax Assessment Roll 1850 for Calvin and Porter Townships, Michigan State Historical Com- mission (Lansing, Michigan). Personal property could have been either furniture, farm equipment, livestock, farm buildings, or etc. The estimate is one-half the true value of the real property. 172 TABLE III COMPARATIVE TAX COMPUTATIONS Blacks Value of Value of Total Tract PrOperty Total Taxation Percent Harrison Ash $ 650 750 1400 $ 6.68 0.48 Green Allen 1680 250 1930 44.00 2.28 Kinchen Artis (Heirs) 750 0 750 5.81 0.77 Willis Brown 300 66 366 2.82 0.77 Turner Byrd 1050 772 1822 10.29 0.56 Crawford Byrd 1350 300 1650 34.55 2.09 Newsom Tann 850 215 1065 9.04 0.85 Solomon Saunders 200 70 270 2.28 0.84 Nathaniel Boon 60 O 60 0.40 0.67 Whites Phineas Gregg 200 662 862 7.47 0.87 William Grubb 1100 720 1820 8.48 0.47 Jeff Osborn 2600 280 2880 49.11 1.71 G. S. Parker 2070 660 2730 42.69 1.56 E. M. Reynolds 0 250 250 5.24 2.10 Information from the Records Of Cass County Tax Assessment Roll 1860 for Calvin and Porter Townships, Michigan State Historical Commission (Lansing, Michigan). 173 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER III ILLUSTRATION NUMBER I BUCKINGHAM'S DRYGOOD STORE OR NEWSOME' S DRYGOOD STORE 175 ILLUSTRATION NUMBER II CALVIN'S FIRST COL'D DOCTOR 176 ILLUSTRATION NUMBER III ONE OF THE MINISTERS AND FAMILY OF A CALVIN CHURCH 177 ILLUSTRATION NUMBER IV L .1. .21. CHAIN LAKE BAPTIST CHURCH 178 ILLUSTRATION NUMBER V FRONT VIEW OF CHAIN LAKE BAPTIST CHURCH 179 ILLUSTRATION NUMBER VI MOUNT ZION A.M.E. CHURCH 180 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VI APPENDIX The following is a copy of freed papers, in its entirety, issued to Jack James, whose ancestors eventually settled in Calvin Township in Cass County, Michigan. In ante—bellum America this document always had to be carried by its owner, whether in the north or south. Sate of North Carolina Wake County (to—wit) 1. Charlotte G. Rhodes, of the County of Wake and State aforesaid, do hereby certify that I have been well acquainted with Jack James [,] a free man of colour[,] for many years. I knew him while a resident of NOrthhampton County in the State aforesaid ever since I can recolect [31c] and I have never heard it doubted but that he was a free man —— he is the son of Betty James a free woman of colour with whoom [sic] I haVe likewise been acquainted[.] She has alwais [sic] been considered a free woman. I have been acquainted with her as long as I can recolect [31C] and have never herd [sic] it doubted but that she was a free woman. I hereby further certify that I am acquainted with three of his Children (to-wit) Ervin James, Jessie James and Lang James. Given under my hand this 10th day Of November, A.D. 1831. (Signed) Charlotte G. Rhodes 182 183 State of North Carolina, Wake County 1, Benjamin S. King Clerk of the court Of pleas and quarter sessions for the county Of Wake aforesaid do here by certify that Char— lotte G. Rhodes who signed her name to the above certificate is a lady Of respectability who [sic] verasity [sic] cannot be doubted. I further certify that Jack James, the above named free man of colour, came personally before me this day and produced his two sons and one daughter with his wife (to—wit) Ervin, Jesse and Lang James. Jack James is round built about five feet five inches high [,] has a scar on his brest [sic] in the centre [sic] [,] dark mulato [sic] coloured and about fifty-seven years Of age -— Earvin [sic] his son about five feet seven inches high, a little lighter than his father, has a remarkable finger on his left hand, the four [sic] finger from having been cut at the end makes it appear as if two nails were on one finger, a large and small one, he is about twenty years Old. Jesse James the youngest son is a light mulatoe [sic] about five feet four inches high rather, slender built and about seventeen years Of age. Jack James' wife is nearly white, rather of the Indian appear— ance, slender built and about forty years Old [.] She has been a resi— dent Of this county for many years [,] they are regularly married as I understand. I have never heard it doubted but they are all free persons of colour. Lang James is about the colour Of her mother, rather dusky, is about fourteen years Of age. This family of free persons of colour say they are about to remove somewhere to the west, and request this certificate of men. I have a personal knowledge of Jack James. I have found him to be an orderly man and I think I can say that the whole 184 family are [sic] respectable in their situation in life as free coloured persons and therefore think that wherever they may gow [sic] that they ought to be respected as such. In testimony whereof I have hereto set my hand and the seal of Office at Raleigh this 11th day of November, A.D. 1831. (Signed) B. S. King, Clerk State of Indiana I, R. G. McClure do hereby certify that the above is a true copy of the original certificate in the hands of Ervin James's father. Given under my hand and seal this 22nd day of February A.D. 1839. (Signed) R. G. McClure, J.P. This is to certify that I have been acquainted with Ervin James for the term of five years and can safely say that I never new a more honest industrious and a harder working man in my life and can recommend him to every and all persons to whom his presents [sic] may come. I further certify that I have been acquainted [with] all the rest of the family except Lang and that they all ar [sic] of the same character, honest, industrious and good citizens. As the said Ervin James is about to seek his fortune somewhere and leave this place [.] I think it [is] my duty for the respect that I have for him to given [sic] him my certificate as [a] free man of colour which he has papers for ever since I new [sic] him, and all the rest of his family. Given under my hand and seal this 22nd February A.D. 1839. (Signed) R. G. McClure, J.P. 185 State of Indiana Knox County I [,] William R. McCord [,] Clerk Of the Knox Circuit Court [,] do hereby certify that Robert G. McClure, Esq [.] [.] whose name is subscribed to the above and foregoing certificate is an acting Justice of the Peace within and for said county duly commissioned and qualified and that full faith and credit is due all his official acts as such. In testimony whereof I have hereunto subscribed my name an affixed the seal of said county at Vincennes this 11th day of March in the year of our Lord one thousand eight-hundred and thirty-nine. (Signed) W. R. McCord CIK [clerk].1 1Document Obtained from Mr. Orlando James, November 29, 1973. Galvin Township, Cass County Michigan. THE PERCENTAGE OF FREE MULATTOES IN MICHIGAN -— 1860 12 : Inuqa J' GOC‘tm g IMIAQUUII ’ I'D“ [8 (Morgan \i ‘ O ‘liii illllll lllllll g .. 1 E 0 <5 8 3 . o g \ I / Agf(hl| Q Autsm O O 9 O LARK MLOLR uh: "MON 0 6 C) 5 Has main H 49 O YUI-(DLR O 7 O S'u ‘I I3 07"an Nun q CLINIC“ M 5 l1 I'GNNH 13 L50" l3 “1 LAN“ 55 3“ Oh umm I05 ONIA 7" 13 “Ill 15 3C4 NHLQQN 1‘10” [3- Y 40 I7 v M New 96 13! fl“ 1‘58 98! VII: 17¢ so} [10 luv Q; (I 1‘1 15 vmutMH l8 9.?) The Eighth Census of the Inhabitants Of the United States. 186 FREE MULATTOES IN MICHIGAN -- 1860 ? ”2% z E 5’ “Raga 3 307° wet ] M .00“! "UH.“ (w rm we / 18°" lscsooumn .,““,uc ° 5. leoe/~ 0‘7. 4’ 3'! \ , Lug Datum 0°. O°/. O‘l. MEMO ow. cm, ’00°/. 0% 0°. MUMN 070 UN ~~'(un I00‘7. sagmsw W1 0'7. 100% 0° 0 \ IR 07. 65% ‘35. 457. 857. 807. 747° 477. 617, OkttQIO 31% “MI". 597. m «on .. 65% 03?. 6W. 1.57. 617.. 4.3% 717. 3'0" 72°]. 06% 18 °/. 54 °/. ‘ib‘l. 457. 157» I77. The Eighth Census of the Inhabitants Of the United States. 187 SOME MULATTO SETTLERS IN ANTE-BELLUM CALVIN THE REVELS 188 MRS. WADES' AUNT 189 MRS. GRIFFIN, ONE OF CALVIN'S OLD SETTLERS 190 zr. JAMES VAUGHN 191 "HOG" BILL ALLEN 192 MR. WADE'S MOTHER'S COUSIN AND FAMILY 193 Primary BIBLIOGRAPHY Sources Manuscripts Allen Family [Cass County] Genealogical Material. Michigan History Arnold, Birney, Collection. Bentley Library. University of Michigan. Ann Arbor, Michigan. The selection contains very useful and interesting information on the migration and settlement Of the Allens in Cass County during the ante-bellum era. Valuable information on the business expertise Of William Allen was also in the paper. E. L. An Arnold Family Record: 323 Years in America. Cass County Historical Society Papers. Cass County Library. Casso- polis, Michigan. The manuscript held no information pertaining tO either black migration or settlement in the county. How- ever, valuable data On the soil types and the variety Of crOps grown were provided by that source. James. Papers. Volume 18. 1 January 1849. Marshall, Calhoun Bowman, Account County, Michigan. William Clements Library. University Of Michigan. Ann Arbor, Michigan. The papers contained pertinent facts about the abolitionist movement in Michigan, the problems encountered by ante-bellum blacks in Michigan, and the raids by slave catchers into the state's black settlements. Lois. Porter Township History. Cass County Historical Society Papers. Cass County Library. Cassopolis, Michigan. The manuscript held no information pertaining to either black migration or settlement in Cass. However, the paper presented some data that indicated that the troubles faced by farmers in the county cut across racial lines. It proved to be of some use in describing the plight of the nineteenth—century black farmers. bijartha A. Brown on the death Of her husband at the hands Of a pro-slavety mob in Kansas in 1856. 2 April 1856. Michigan History Collection. Bentley Library. University of Michigan. Ann Arbor, Michigan. Although she resided in Cass, her writing dealt mainly with the murder of her husband by the mob in Kansas. 194 195 Cass County. Calvin Township Papers Of Pioneers. 1805-1921. Paper Of Nggroes 1828-1939. Biographical Sketches of Pioneers of Calvin Township. Michigan History Collection. Bentley Library. University Of Michigan. Ann Arbor, Michigan. The paper was one of the most important sources discovered. It provided extremely valuable information on the migration, procedures employed in acquiring real estate, the social history, and busy abilities of the blacks who settled in the county during the ante-bellum era. Cass County Historical Society Papers. Cass County Library. Cassopolis, Michigan. It deals with a presentation done by Carl Ash. Not only was it useful, but Ash tried to prove tO the audience that the first black settlers in the county were not fugitives but free men. It indicates the status consciousness of some of the descendants of the earlier arrivals. Claspy Everett. Papers. Cass County Library. CaSSOpolis, Michigan. The collection contained some very valuable pieces Of informa- tion on blacks in the region, the Underground Railroad, and Quaker activities in southwestern Michigan. Claspy, Everett. Colored Dowagiac File. Southwestern Michigan College. Dowagiac, Michigan. The papers contained news clippings pertaining to the development, growth, and decline Of the black population in Cass. Both collections were used by Claspy to compile a history of blacks in that section Of Michigan. Cook Famiiy Collections. State Archives History Division. Department Of State. Lansing, Michigan. Although the papers supplied little information on blacks in Michigan or Cass, it was pleasing to read. It could be valuable to scholars interested in the socio- economic history Of whites in nineteenth-century Michigan. Dibble Family Ptpers. 1814-1941. 1700 letters. Michigan History Collection. Bentley Library. University Of Michigan. Ann Arbor, Michigan. The manuscript provided valuable data on the trial Of the slave catchers that invaded the black community in Marshall, Michigan (Calhoun County). Although it did not deal with the blacks of Cass, the paper indicated that the reactions of the white citizens of Marshall were similar to those that surfaced among whites in Cass when they encountered a like situation. Dunning, Glen W. Papers. Held by Mr. Frank Burmeister. Cassopolis, Michigan. Even though the collection did not deal with all Of the black settlers Of the county, it contained material relative to the businesses that operated in ante-bellum Cass. East, H. Short History of Vandalia. Recorded by Miss C. Bonine from reminiscences Of her father. Cass County Historical Society Papers. Cass County Library. Cassopolis, Michigan. This collection held some very pertinent data about the soil types, the price for acquiring land in the county during the nineteenth century, the reactions Of whites to the black emigrants and other topics. 196 Fox Papers. The Underground Railway Operations Described. Cass County Historical Society Papers. Cass County Library. CassOpolis, Michigan. This collection was very useful also. It contained exact information on the number of underground railroad routes, the directions they followed, and the names Of the Operators of that clandestine organization in Cass. It also held data relative to the Kentuckians raid. Fox Papers. The Ark in Michigan. Cass County Historical Society Papers. Cass County Lihrary. Cassopolis, Michigan. This paper provided valuable information on how crops were trans- ported to markets in Chicago. However, black farmers usually carried their goods to markets in Grand Rapids or Chicago by wagon. The reading was also essential tO the study. Goddard, M. A. The Underground Railroad. Paper presented to the Ypsilanti Chapter Of the Daughters Of the American Revolution. April 1913. Michigan History Collection. Bentley Library. University of Michigan. Ann Arbor, Michigan. Information relative to the underground railroad routes that traversed Michigan was contained in this selection. It also held some information on how ante-bellum blacks in Ypsilanti had to act -- that is, if they desired tO remain in that community. Gregg, Phineas. Papers, Justice Of the Peace Docket Book, 1849-1882. Michigan History Collection. Bentley Library. University Of Michigan. Ann Arbor, Michigan. The source contained some valuable information on the legal troubles encountered by a few of the black settlers in the county. Other than supplying the names and the fines imposed upon the Offenders, it did not contribute that much to the study. Gregg, William C. Paper, undated. Entitled Reminiscences of Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. A semi-fictional account of the Saunders Colpny Of thgd Slaves. Michigan History Collec- tion. Bentley Library. University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan. Although some parts were fantasized, for example the correspondence between Sampson Saunders and Governor Steven Mason, the manuscript was one Of the most important pieces uncovered. It supplied nearly all of the information about the Saunders ex—slaves. Furthermore, it also contained valuable information on the black social history, especially the black aristocracy, of the county. ‘ History Of Bethel African Methodist Episcopal Church. Obtained from Mrs. Rosella Wade. Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. This manuscript was extremely valuable to the social history of blacks in Cass. It contained information about the building of the church, the names of its ministers, the social signifi- cance of the institution to the black settlers, and its role in the abolitionist movement. .Bistoty of Chain Lake Baptist Church. Original c0py as compiled by Mr. Carl Ash, information given by Mr. Green Allen, Jr. Obtained History 197 from.Mrs. Gladys Ash. This piece was also very valuable to the study. It too contained information relative to the social history and religious development of blacks in that county. of Negroes in Michigan. Federal Writers Program. Michigan History Collection. Bentley Library. University of Michigan. Ann Arbor, Michigan. This source contained more valuable information about blacks in Michigan instead of Cass County. It also contained some vital material on the struggle for political recognition that the blacks waged in the state during the ante-bellum era. James, Ervin. Freed Papers. Obtained from Mr. Orlando James. Calvin Osborn, Osborn, Perry, Township, Cass COthy, Michigan. This document was very important to my study, especially in the section that dealt with the aristocracy of the county. In fact, I regard it as one of the best contributions to the study. Alice. Letter. 26 January 1967. Michigan History Collection. Bentley Library. University Of Michigan. Ann Arbor, Michigan. The letter dealt primarily with a description of abolitionist Charles Osborn. Its use to the study was not that great. Jefferson. Corregpondence, 1851. Michigan History Collection. Bentley Library. ‘Ufiiversity of Michigan. Ann Arbor, Michigan. The letter deals with a plea for assistance voiced by three abolitionists who got into difficulties because Of their aid to the fugitives. It was very useful to the study also. . Autobiographical sketch, undated, Of Perry, A Free Negro who escaped from.Kidn§ppers and Settled in Cass County, Michigan. Michigan History Collection. Bentley Library. University Of Michigan. Ann Arbor, Michigan. Even though the title dealt with Cass County, the narrative did not. The paper concerned itself principally with the kidnapping of an ex—slave. For the study this piece had no use. Personal Letter Written by Ella to Aunt Saiiy. 7 September 1873. Cass County Historical Society Papers. Cass County Library. Cassopolis, Michigan. The correspondence illustrated that some whites in the county were not happy with the presence Of all of the ex-slaves. It was filled with derogatory slangs about blacks. Its use to the project was minimum. Quaker Records of Michigan. Birch Lake 1841-1915. Birch Lake Monthly Records Meeting Held at Black Creek. Cass County Library. CassOpolis, Michigan. The manuscript dealt primarily with the religious principles of Quakerdom. However, it did mention that one of the Cass Friends was responsible for organizing an anti-slavery gathering in the county. For the aforementioned reason the manuscript had some value to the project. Of Cass County Michigan. Michigan State University Archives and Historical Collections. Lansing, Michigan. Other than listing the names of Offenders, the manuscript contributed little to the dissertation. 198 Shanahan, C. Justice of the Peace Docket Book. Michigan State University Archives and HistoricaliCbllections. Lansing, Michigan. Like the aforementioned source, this manuscript helped little in the research. Shugart, Zachariah. Account Books. 25 February 1840 - 2 December 1850. Niles Community'LiBrary. Niles, Michigan. IThis day book was very important to my study, especially the parts that dealt with the manner in which blacks acquired land and the names Of the runaways that sought freedom in Cass. Next to the James freed papers, I regard it as one of the best contributions to the study. The Story of the Birch Lake Quakers. Calvin Township. Cass County Historical Society Papers. Cass County Library. Cassopolis, Michigan. The selection indicated that the Quakers were actively involved in the abolitionist movement. The names of the area's Friends helping fugitives to escape was mentioned. Some Of them decided tO abstain from using products raised by slaves. Thomas, Ella. History of the Underground Railroad. Michigan History Collection. Bentley Library. University Of Michigan. Ann Arbor, Michigan. The manuscript held some very important facts about the troubles that underground railroad Operators encount— ered while aiding many fugitives. Thomas, Pamela. History Of Anti-Slavery. Michigan History Collection. Bentley Library. University of Michigan. Ann Arbor, Michigan. The title Of the paper is very misleading for it only gives a short history Of the anti-slavery movement in Michigan. Never- theless, some sections Of the manuscript proved to be quite useful in the work. Thomas, Nathan Macy. Papers. Correspondence 1847-1849. Michigan History Collection. Bentley Library. University Of Michigan. Ann Arbor, Michigan. The literature provided information relative to the Liberty Press, the number Of fugitives aided and from whence they came, the names of Operators throughout the state, appeals for a law that would protect fugitive settlers in the state, denunciations Of the slave catchers who invaded Michigan's black communities and the techniques employed in hiding, feeding and moving runaways. In one of his diaries, Thomas used a writing style that was impossible to decipher. It was a com- bination Of short hand and some form Of speed writing. Never— theless, it was extremely valuable in completing the task. Thornton Biggraphy. Cass County Historical Society Papers. Cass County Library. Cassopolis, Michigan. Even though the selec- tion did not concern itself with blacks in the county, it pro- vided valuable material on surviving in the county. It implied that since wild foods were abundant, a man who did not supply his family with food could not make it as a farmer. 199 The Under round Railroad in Northern Indiana. Compiled by Helen Hibberd WinaIe. South Bend,'Ihdiana. 1939. Cass County Historical Society Papers. Cass County Library. Cassopolis, Michigan. The source contained some very useful information about the underground railroad routes that crossed southern Michigan and northern Indiana. It also held some pertinent data about the Ketuckians raid into Cass. Weissert, Charles Adam. Notes on Cassopolis, Michigaa, Michigan History Collection. Bentley Library. University of Michigan. Ann Arbor, Michigan. The manuscript proved to be extremely useful to the research. It provided facts on the underground railroad routes in the county, the history of some black families that resided in Cass, and the names of the whites that rendered valuable assistance to the new emigres. Letter from.Mr. G. B. Wilson. Elberon, Iowa. 27 February 1969. Niles Community Library. Niles, Michigan. The correspondence proved to be very useful because it explained what happened to Zacharia Shugart after his brush with the law in the late 1840's. Wilson, Rosanna. Biagraphical Sketch of William Allen Of Cass County. Undated. Michigan History Collection. Bentley Library. University of Michigan. Ann Arbor, Michigan. This selection was one of the most valuable sources uncovered. The life of Allen illustrated how some blacks became prosperous farmers in the county. Furthermore, it demonstrates how economically independent some of those emigres were. Legal Documents Acts of the Legialature Of the State Of Michigan. Lansing, Michigan: Edited by Munger and Pattison, Printers to the state, 1849. The document illustrated the disdain that many of the state's citizens had for the institution Of slavery. It also contained some expressions that were opposed to the migration of ex- slaves to Michigan. In some places it was useful to the project. Census and Statistics Of the State of Michigan. Lansing, Michigan: Edited by George W. Peck, Priter to the state, 1854. This material was very useful in giving the distribution of the black pOpulation through Cass County. Documents Accoapanyiagtthe Journal Of the Senate of the State of Michigan. Lansing, Michigan: Edited by Hosmer and Fitch, Printers to the state, n.d. The most valuable sections of the manuscript were the petitions from abolitionists and Quakers throughout Michigan demanding justice and equality for the region's black residents. Federal Census. The sixth census Of the inhabitants of the United States. 1841. The returns were very helpful because it showed the black pOpulation of Cass County and Michigan. Federal Federal 200 Census. The Seventh Census of the Inhabitants of the United States. 1850. The returns were very helpful for it illustrated the growth of the black population in comparison to the white pOpulation in Michigan and Cass County. Census. The Eighth Census Of the Inhabitants Of the United Federal States. 1860. The returns further illustrated the growth of the black population in Cass. All three census returns were extremely valuable to the study because they helped to identify the blacks Of that county. Census. Schedule 4. Agriculture Production. 1850. The docu- Federal ment was very useful because it mentioned the names Of people and the agricultural products they raised. It illustrated how independent many of the blacks Of the area were. Census. Schedule 4. Agriculture Production. 1860. The returns Federal were extremely valuable because it illustrated the land owned by black residents. It also showed the amount of food raised by each individual. Census. Schedule 6. Social Statistics. 1850. The schedule Federal Journal Journal Journal illustrated the number Of paupers and criminals in the county. Because race was not given for those in the poor state, the returns had little value for the dissertation. Census. Schedule 6. Social Statistics. 1850. Filmed by the National Archives and Records Service. 1973. Even though the schedule was more specific than the above, it too failed to mention the race of those in trouble. However, the number and denominations of the churches throughout the county were given. of the Constitutional Convention of the State Of Michigan. Lansing, MichiganziEdited by R. W. Ingals, State Printer, 1850. Michigan State University Rare Books Room. Lansing, Michigan. The most useful portions of the cited work were the petitions, especially those that sought to prohibit the continuous migration Of blacks to the region. Of the Constitutional Convention of the State of Michigan. Printed by order of the Convention, under the supervision of John Swegles, Jr., Principal Secretary of the Convention. Lansing, Michigan: Edited by R. W. Ingals, State Printer, 1850. The most valuable sections Of the document were the petition that sought to halt the emigration of ex—slaves to the state. of the House of Representatives Of the State of Michigan, Lansing, Michigan: :Editedby George W. Peck, Printer to the State, 20 January 1853. The most pertinent excerpts for the study were those that suggested that African colonization of the ex-slaves would solve all the problems that faced white Michiganites. 201 Journal of the Legislative Council of the Territory of Michigan, being the second session of the third council bagpn and held at the city Of Detroit. Monroe, Michigan [7]: Printed by Edward D. Ellis, 7 September 1829. The document was useful in many sections, especially a bill drawn-up by the committee on the Judiciary which sought relief for blacks and mulattoes. Local Court Rules 43rd Judicial Circuit of the State Of Michigaa, Cass County Circuit Court. CassOpolis, Michigan. The pamphlet 'was useful to the study because it mentioned the times when the county court held its sessions. Michigan Constitutional Convention of 1850. Detroit, Michigan: Edited by F. W. Stevens, of the Detroit Bar, reprinted from Detroit, Saturday Night, n.d. The work was also very important because it listed the names Of the representatives from the ante-bellum.Michigan cities. Michigan Census and Statistics. 1854. The census returns were valuable to the study because it supplied the exact number Of blacks in the county. Michigan Census and Statistics. 1861. The returns illustrated the growth Of CassTs black population. Michigan Census and Statistics. 1865. 'Once again the returns illus- trated the growth of the countys black population. Number 155. Calendar C-Law. Criminal Files Cass County. 1858. The People versus Albert Saunders. Office of the County Clerk, CassOpolis, Michigan. Number 160. Calendar C—Law. Criminal Files Cass County. 1858. The People versus Stephen McCulla. Office of the County Clerk. CasSOpOlis, Michigan. Number 193. Calendar D-Law. Criminal Files Cass County. 1859. The PeOple versus Samuel Lucas, Howard Lucas, and Harry Lucas. Office Of the County Clerk. Cassopolis, Michigan. Number 214. Calendar D-Law. Criminal Files Cass County. 1860. The PeOple versus William Garrett, Edward Smith, George Davis. Office Of the County Clerk. Cassopolis, Michigan. Number 224. Calendar D-Law. Criminal Files Cass County. 1860. The People versus Albert Saunders. Office Of the County Clerk. Cassopolis, Michigan. Number 225. Calendar D-Law. Criminal Files Cass County. 1860. The People versus Albert Saunders. Office of the County Clerk. Cassopolis, Michigan. Number 226. Calendar D-Law. Criminal Files Cass County. 1860. The PeOple versus Albert Saunders. The testimony of Sarah Howell. Office Of the County Clerk. Cassopolis, Michigan. Number Records Records 202 246. Caldendar D—Law. Criminal Files Cass County. 1862. The People versus John Dungie. Office of the County Clerk. Casso- polis, Michigan. All Of the hearings on the court cases were valuable to the research project. They all indicated that the blacks Of the county who were involved in judicial procedures were accorded many privileges that usually were denied ex—slaves in ante-bellum America. Furthermore, they suggested that all Of the black residents of Cass did not abide by the codes Of behaviors deve10ped by the Older ex—slaves and white settlers in the county. of Cass County. General Account Book, 1841-1870. Volume 36 of 36. Michigan History Commission. State Archives History Division, Department of State. Lansing, Michigan. The source dealt with the apportionment Of monies to the township schools Of Cass County. Its use was little. Of Cass County, Justice Docket, 1852-1882. Volume 34 of 36. Mich— Record igan History Commission. State Archives History Division, Depart- ment Of State. Lansing, Michigan. The source supplied raw data on the number of scholars in Cass County. Parts of it were useful to the study. Of Deeds. Liber 26. Cass County Register of Deeds Office. George Record Redfield and wife to William Lawson. 1863. Cassopolis, Michigan. Of Daeds. Liber 26. Cass County Register of Deeds Office. George Record Redfield and wife to Henry J. Mathews. 1863. Cassopolis, Michigan. Of Deeds. Liber 26. Cass County Register of Deeds Office. Record Record Elbert Wade to Green Allen. 1863. CassOpolis, Michigan. Of Deeds. Liber 28. Cass County Register Of Deeds Office. Hardy Wade 553 wife to Trustees Of Bethel African Methodist Episcopal Church of Calvin. 1864. Cassopolis, Michigan. Of Deeds. Liber 28. Cass County Register Of Deeds Office. Hardy Record Wade to Elbert Wade. n.d. CaSSOpolis, Michigan. Of Deeds. Liber L. Cass County Register of Deeds Office. Jesse Record Williams and Larkin Williams and wives to Daniel Saunders and others. 1849. CassOpolis, Michigan. of Deeds. Liber L. Cass County Register of Deeds Office. Eber Record Record Root and wife to Margaret Saunders and Eli Saunders and her son. 1848. Cassopolis, Michigan. of Deeds. Liber L. Cass County Register of Deeds Office. Josiah Williams and wife to James Saunders. 1849. Cassopolis, Michigan. of Deeds. Liber L. Cass County Register of Deeds Office. Josiah Record Williams and wife to Peter Saunders. 1850. CassOpolis, Michigan. of Deeds. Liber L. Cass County Register Of Deeds Office. Larkin Williams and Jesse Williams and wives to Mary Saunders. 1849. Cassopolis, Michigan. 203 Record of Deeds. Liber L. Cass County Register of Deeds Office. 'Lafkin Williams and Jesse Williams and wives to Cynthia Radford and Jacob Radford. 1848. CassOpolis, Michigan. Record of Deed. Held by Mr. Orlando James. George Beach and his wife Sophia Imley to Irvin James. n.d. Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan. All Of the transactions were extrenely valuable to the outcome of the dissertation. They all indicated the willingness of the county's whites to sell land to the black emigrants. They also showed that many of the ex—slaves sold to other blakcs. Records of the State of Michigan. Tract Book Of Cass County. Roll number 3: Michigan State LiBrary. 1956. Lansing, Michigan. The document proved to be of little use. It only provided some information pertaining to the real estate holders in Calvin and Porter Townships. Record Of the State of Michigan. Tract Book Of Cass County. Roll number—3: MichiganSEEte Library. 1956. Lansing, Michigan. The source mentioned and described the acreage held by George Redfield Of Cass County. The majority of that land was located in Calvin and Porter Townships. It also listed the amount Of real estate owned by Imlay and Beach in the county. It contributed some vital information in the project. Records of the State Of Michigan. Tract Books of Cass, Charlevoix, Cheboygan, Delta and Emmett Counties. -ROII’number 3. Michigan State Library. Lansing, Michigan. The source mentioned the names Of the black land holders and the amount of land they held. Its use to the research project was small. Record of Volunteer's Relief Fund. 1862-1865. Volume 35 of 36 Michigan History Commission. [State Archives History Division, Department Of State. Lansing, Michigan. The document mentioned that 36 blacks fought in the Civil War. The exact number that enlisted is questionable. The source also contributed some useful information to the project. Reports Of the Cases Argued and Decided in the Circuit Court of the United States, for the 7th Circuit. Vol. V. Edited by JOhn McLean. Cincinnati: H. W. Derby and Company, 1855. Sections of the report provided very valuable information about the second Kentucky Raid into Cass County. However, most of it was concerned with the legal outcome of that raid. Raport on the Proceedings and Debates in the Convention to Revise the Constitution of the State of Michigan. Lansing, Michigan: :Edited byIRT W. Inglas, State—Printer, 1850: Sections of the manuscript were extremely significant to the work. For example the opinions voiced by senators and representatives on the black issue. The South Bend Fugitive Slave Case Involving the Right to a writ of Habeas Corpus. New York: For sale at the Anti-Slavery Office, Microcard:‘1851. The whole work was very valuable to the study. 204 It also dealt with the second raid by Kentucky slaveholders into Cass County. In many places, however, it appeared to .repeat the same ideas and phrases that were mentioned in the above‘work. Genealogical Materials Historical Raaord Of the Lawson Family. Information supplied by Mrs. Frances Lawson. Pokagon Township, Cass County, Michigan. 15 November 1973. The manuscript provided valuable data about the history Of the Lawson family. The story Of how they acquired land and held elected township Offices was also essential. Hitchcocks New and Complete Analyais of the Holy Bible. New York: Press Of wynkoop and Hallenbeck, 113 Fulton Street, n.d. Biblical verses did not contribute any significant information to the finished product. However, the history Of the Allen family in the fore part of the scripture proved to be signifi- cant tO the project. Books Corrothers, James D. Inapite of the Handicap, An Autobiography. New York: George H. Doran Company, 1916. The work.was written by a former resident Of Cass County. Only the first chapter Of the book was useful. It supplied pertinent data on the early history of blacks in the county. Information relative to the aristocracy that developed there was also included in the account. Leonard, Daisy Anderson. From Slavery to Affluence: Memories of Robert Anderson, Ex—Slave. Steamboat Springs, Colorado: Printed by the Steamboat Pilot, 1927. Although the study did not deal with blacks in Cass, it described the plight of a freed slave in ante-bellum America. Coincidentally, he also lived in a rural community, but the acquisition of land in that region was extremely difficult when compared to the ex—slave settlers in Cass. Reminisceatas of Levi Coffin. Cincinnati, Ohio: Western Tract Society, 1876. Although it principally dealt with the author's activities in the underground railroad, the book provided valuable facts on the Operations Of that clandestine system in Michigan. It also recognized and praised the involvement of Cass Operators in aiding runaways. Pertinent material on the black settle- ments in county was also provided. ‘ State Of Michigan Gazetter and Business Directorytfor 1856-1857. Detroit: H. Huntington Lee and Company and James Sutherland, 1856. The account provided significant and useful data on the price of prime praire farm land in 1850 Michigan. 205 Pamphlets, Reports and Papers An Audit of the Scenic Historical and Recreational Facilities of Cass County_and Dowagiac,Miehigj : A Factual History of the Dowagiac Region and Cass County, Michigaa. Compiled by George R. Fox. Sponsored by the Chamber of Commerce of Dowagiac. Under direction Of the State Board of Control for Vocational Education (Michigan). 1941. Although the facts accumulated were not original, the study was extremely valuable in cross checking some Of the information supplied by the elderly residents who were interviewed. Cole, Richard. Paper entitled. "A Legal Study of Whites and Blacks in the Michigan Territory." 1970. Michigan History Collections. Bentley Library. University Of Michigan. Ann Arbor, Michigan. The paper provided valuable information on how blacks were treated in Michigan when they encountered legal difficulties. It is the contention of the writer that blacks faced very few examples of de jure discrimination in the courts. Most Worshipful Prince Hall Grand Lodga,0ffice and Accepted Masons Celebratiag the First Masonic Pilgrimage to the Birthplace of Free Masonry Among Nagroes in Michigan at Niles. 13 January 1859 First Lodge. Harrison Lodga_No. 6 (10 July 1960). Niles and Chain Lake, Michigan. Souvenir Program. n.d. Niles Community Library. Niles, Michigan. The brochure provided useful data on the early black history of Cass County and that organization. Much Of the facts accumulated were Obtained from the work by H. S. Rogers. Report Of the Cass County Land Use Committee. Compiled by G. Elwood Bonine (Chairman) and G. S. McIntyre. Cassopolis, Michigan. 8 April 1940. The report delivered essential data on the total acreage in Cass County, the principal crops grown, the animals raised and the major and minor markets that received Cass's agricultural products. The report was very useful to the thesis. Newspapers "Impressive History Is Waiting Along Boy Scout Freedom Trail." Bill Gardiner. Adrian Daily Telegram. Adrian, Michigan. 21 September 1960. p. 13. The news account described the hiding places used by fugitive slaves heading for Canada. "Fleeing Slaves Used Underground Route." Dr. Philip Mason. Ann Arbor News. Ann Arbor, Michigan 31 January 1961. The article stated that the most important termini of the underground railroad traversed Michigan. Thousands of fugitives crossed the region into Canada. It also indicated that the route that ran through Ann Arbor was equally important. 206 "Doctoral Student Compiling Data on Area, State History of Negro." Liz Elling. Ann Arbor News. Ann Arbor, Michigan. 4 August 1968. Michigan History Collection. Bentley Library. Ann Arbor, Michigan. The cited work provided essential data on the general reactions of whites to the presence Of blacks in Michigan. "Cass Markers Recall Stirring Underground Railroad Day." Duane De Loach. Benton Harbor News Palladium. Benton Harbor, Michigan. 1 January 1937. The selection from that county newspaper described the locations of the underground routes in Cass. Some of the homes of the leading operators were highlighted. "The Underground Railroad in Berrien County." Rose R. Burket. Benton Harbor News Palladium. Benton Harbor, Michigan. n.d. p. 1. The news clipping indicated that parts of the route crossed northern Berrien County. Its use to the study was minimum. "West India Emancipation Celebration." . Cass County Republican. Dowagiac, Cass County, Michigan. 22 and 29 July 1858. p. 3. Burton Collection at the Detroit Public Library. Detroit, Michigan. The excerpt provided important information on the reasons for that celebration. "Colored POpulation of Cass County." . Cass County Republican. Dowagiac, Cass County, Michigan. 3 February 1859. p. 3 Burton Collection at the Detroit Public Library. Detroit, Michigan. The story provided essential data on the number Of blacks in the county and the amount of acres they held. . Casso Olis Vi ilant. Cassopolis, Michigan. 16 May 1872. p. 3. The news report commented on the Quaker population of Calvin and their good citizenship. . Cassopolis Vigilant. Cassopolis, Michigan. 13 June 1872, p. 2. The reading further illustrated the growth of the Quaker population throughout the county. "The Calvin Outrage." Cassopolis Vigilant. Cassopolis, Michigan. 16 May 1872. p. 2. The illustration gave essential informa— tion on how some whites rallied to the defense of ex—slaves. After being provoked the blacks attacked some white citizens who referred to them as bucks. "The Calvin Outrage." Cassopolis Vigilant. Cassopolis, Michigan. 21 November 1872. p. 2. The article recorded useful data on how the above fracas was solved. Desirous of being good citizens and perhaps some prodding by the older black residents, the black fighters surrendered to the law enforcement agents. . Casso Olis Vi ilant. Cassopolis, Michigan. January 1877. p. 1. The writing described some of the businesses in Cass County. *— "The Old 'Uns." Cassopolis Vigilant. Cassopolis, Michigan. 21 January 1877. p. 5. The clipping described the county when the first white settlers arrived in the 1830's. 207 "Obituaries." Cassopolis Vigilan . Cassopolis, Michigan. 29 April 1880. p. 5. It eulogized the dying of one Of the pioneer blacks in the county. Also a description of the deceased was provided. ’ "Queer Old Pioneer." Cassapolis Vigilant. Cassopolis, Michigan. 12 May 1892. The article had to major value to the study. However, a description of the rustic life in the county was provided. . Cassopolis Vigilant. Cassopolis, Michigan. 19 May 1892. The news account gave a description Of the saw mill and the number Of men employed by its black owner - Mr. Bunn. "Marmaduke Ash Is Dead." Cassopolis Vigilan . Cassopolis, Michigan. n.d. Held in the vertical files Of the Cass County Library. Cassopolis, Michigan. The article eulogized the passing of another pioneer black in the county. Included in the account was a partial biographical of the deceased, Marmaduke Ash. "A Republic in Africa." Democratic Expounder. Marshall, Calhun [sic] County, Michigan. 1 January 1847. p. 1. The excerpt was useful to the study. However a vivid account of black existence in Liberia was elaborated upon. The desire to deport ex—slaves to that African country was very prominent. "Kidnapping," Democratic Expounder. Marshall, Calhoun County, Michigan. 19 February 1847, p. 2. The selection illustrated one of the hazards Of being an ex—slave in ante-bellum.America. Kidnappers frequently made appearances in areas with a high black pOpula- tion density. In the case described, Detroit was the area visited. "Abduction in Cass County," Democratic Expounder. Marshall, Calhoun County, Michigan. 3 September 1847. Michigan History Collection. Bentley Library. Ann Arbor, Michigan. The cited example provided a descriptive account of the first raid by Kentuckians into Cass County. Its use to the study was extremely significant. "Underground Railroad." Democratic Expounder. Marshall, Calhoun County, Michigan. 8 February 1855. The directions that it followed and functionings of that system were elaborated upon in the article. The significancecufthe excerpt was valuable because it provided a descripton of the white settlers' reactions to the arriving blacks. "Practical Abolitionism." Democratic Erpounder. Marshall, Calhoun County, Michigan. 24 May 1855. p. 2. The selection provided the general white abolitionist response to blacks. For example, it contended that most Of those reformers were fond of ex—slaves at a distance only. . Detroit Daily Advertiser. Detroit, Michigan. Burton Collection at the Detroit Public Library, Detroit, Michigan. The selection provided an account on black life in that city. 208‘ . Detroit Democratic_§ree Press. Detroit, Michigan. Burton Collection at the Detroit Public Library. Detroit, Michigan. The excerpt presented valuable information on the hardships encountered by blacks in the city of Detroit. "Abduction in Cass County." Democratic Free Press. Detroit, Michigan. Burton Collection at the Detroit Public Library. Detroit, Michigan. The cited example provided a description of the first raid on Cass County by Kentucky slaveholders. However, this article provided new facts on that affair. "Historic Underground Railway Depot Destroyed." Detroit Free Press Detroit, Michigan. 20 September 1931. p. 4. The selection described the piece Of history being destroyed because of progress. The article had little use to the study. "Bank Now Stands on Site Where Escaped Slaves Hid." Detroit Free Press. Detroit, Michigan. 28 March 1937. The excerpt explained how a site, presently occupied by a bank, played a vital cog in the underground railroad in Detroit. "Kern's Site Once Underground Railroad Center." Detroit Free Press. Detroit, Michigan. 29 January 1961. p. 3, section A. The article described the functioning Of the underground railroad depot in that city. It was valuable to the study also. "Corners of Black History." Detroit Free Press. Detroit, Michigan. n.d. Material supplied by Mr. Orlando James. The article provided valuable data on the nativity Of some of the black settlers in Cass County. Information was also supplied on how the ex-slaves gained real estate. "Historic Calvin." Detroit Journal. Detroit, Michigan. 6 January 1896 Detroit, Michigan. Detroit Public Library. The news clipping gave useful information on the Kentucky slave raid Of the 1840's. Data pertaining to the reactions Of southerners to the unsuccessful raid was also provided. "Village Born in 1848 Grows to Thriving City." Dowagiac Daily News. Dowagiac, Michigan. 13 October 1948. P. 1. Essential facts on the early growth and develOpment of Dowagiac were given. "Early Life Reduced to Bare Essentials." Dowagiac Daily News. Dowagiac, Michigan. 13 October 1948. p. 3. Significant information on the economic survival of the early arrivals to the county was provided. "Looking Back in Dowagiac -- Cass County Quakers." Dogagiac Daily News. Dowagiac, Michigan. 16 July 1960. Extremely useful facts on the Quaker involvement in the underground railroad were given. The rationale for their actions was also given. "Looking Back in Dowagiac —- First Fugitive Slaves." Dowagiac Daily News. Dowagiac, Michigan. 23 July 1960. The article described the accidental settlement Of runaways in Cass County. White 209 Friends and sympathizers helped the fugitives to decide on that county. "Looking Back in Dowagiac -- The Kentucky Raid." Dowagiac Daily News. Dowagiac, Michigan. 30 July 1960. The cited article gave a description of the Kentucky slave raid, its effect upon the white and black pOpulation Of the county, and the outcome of the trial and raid. The facts and Opinions provided valuable material to the study. "Kentucky Raid Raised Quakers Ire." Dowagiac Daily News. Dowagiac, Michigan. 27 November 1971. The selection gave valuable information on how the Quakers responded to the slave raiders from Kentucky. "Black Pride in Cass County." Elkhart Truth. Elkhart, Indiana. 28 August 1971. The selection provided significant information on how the Muslims acquired real estate in the county and what that possession meant to members of that sect. . Farmington Enterprise. Nathan H. Power. Farmington, Michigan. 30 May 1924. The article supplied valuable material on the operations Of that system in that portion of Michigan. "A Settlement Of Colored Persons." Indiana True Democrat. Centerville (Wayne County), Indiana. 13 March 1850. Michigan History Collection. Bentley Library. University Of Michigan. Ann Arbor, Michigan. The selection provided a vivid description of the black settlement in Cass County. However, unlike the other illustrations, the writer's Opinions of the settlements were not too favorable. Since it was a pro-slavery press, the account merely informed slaveholders on the location of their runaway prOperty. "Pipestone Township Played Important Part in the Underground Railway." Journal Era. Berrien Springs, Michigan. 12 September 1959. p. 6. The clipping provided significant facts on the Operation of that system in that community. "Black Muslims Linked to Cass Land." Arthur Sills. Kalamazoo Gazette. Kalamazoo, Michigan. 2 June 1968. The news account provided valuable information on the reactions of both whites and pioneer blacks to the arrival of the Muslins in the county. The strongest display Of emotions was evinced by the blacks. "Black Muslims' Cass Farm Is Growing Concern." Arthur Sills. Kalamazoo Gazette. Kalamazoo, Michigan. Sunday 22 February 1970. p. 11. The article illustrated how the Muslims became very productive farmers despite the continuous harassment they faced from all Of the residents in the county. "Slaves Made Way Through Cass County-Underground Railway Flourished at One Time." Beatrice Brown. Kalamazoo Gazette. Kalamazoo, Michigan. n.d. The excerpt mentioned the names Of the operators 210 of the underground railroad in Cass. It also supplied data on why that area became a vital junction of that system. . Lansing Republican. Lansing, Michigan. 15 May 1855. p. 4. The excerpt provided a valuable description of Michigan land in the 1830's and 1850's. . Lansing Republican. Lansing, Michigan. 14 April 1857. p. 3. The article contained a useful illustration on the economic life Of blacks in ante-bellum New Orleans. "Kidnapping." Lansing Republican. Lansing, Michigan. 9 June 1857. p. 4. The clipping provided an extremely valuable account of an ex—slave from Cass who was kidnapped by slaveholders. The letter that he forwarded to his wife was extremely touching. . Lansing Republican. Lansing, Michigan. 29 September 1857. p. 2. The news provided an excerpt from the Coldwater Sentinel that indicated the paranoia of white Michiganites to the presence of blacks in ante-bellum Michigan. "Letter from the Pontiac Female Who Married the Negro." Lansing Republican. Lansing, Michigan. 24 May 1859. p. 2. The account illustrated the white fear of mongrelization if too many blacks were allowed to come into the region. "Free Negroes on Railroad." Lansing Republican. Lansing, Michigan. Tuesday 1 November 1859. p. 2. The selection indicated the miserable plight of the ex-slave in ante—bellum Michigan. "Village of Scio Was Stop on Underground Railroad." The Lansing State Journal. Lansing, Michigan. 28 April 1955. p. 17. The cited article described the Quaker involvement in the underground railroad in that county. "The Cross White Slavery Case.” The Marshall Rotary Fountain, Five Star Final. Marshall, Michigan. 9 December 1966. pp. 1, 10, ll, 19. The article highlighted a raid into that county by gentlemen from Kentucky. It also included a description of the court case and the penalization of whites that aided the fugitives. 'Practical Preaching." National Democrat. Cassopolis, Michigan. Saturday 24 March 1855. p. 4. The article provided an excellent example Of the type Of preaching Often heard in the black churches of the county. . National Democrat. Cassopolis, Michigan. Saturday 28 April 1855. p. 2. The selection provided a useful description of the types of crops grown in the townships of the county. "The Almighty Dollar.” National Democrat. Cassopolis, Michigan. Saturday 12 May 1855. p. 4. The selection had no use to the study at all. 211 "Practical Abolitionism." National Democrat. Cassopolis, Michigan. Saturday 12 May 1855. p.*4. The excerpt illustrated the relationship that existed between those reformers and blacks. "Manual Labor School." National Democrat. Cassopolis, Michigan. Saturday 15 March 1856. p. 2. The news clipping mentioned the hOpe Of Reverend M. T. Newsom tO find a school of higher learning in Cass County. . National Democrat. Cassopolis, Michigan. Saturday 15 March 1856. p. 1. The very sarcastic work suggested that all Of the blacks and abolitionists in the county should go to Kansas and fight. That is, if they wanted to strike a blow for black freedom and equality. "Quite a Coinscidence [sic]." National Democrat. Cassopolis, Michigan 29 March 1856. p. 2. The account provided information on a trial Of a black resident in the county. "Good Breeding." National Democrat. Cassopolis, Michigan. Saturday 19 April 1856. p. 2. The excerpt provided important factual data on the involvement of blacks of that county in other reforms. Temperance is the example mentioned in the cited work. . Nationai Democrat. Cassopolis, Michigan. Saturday 10 May 1856. prZ.The account supplied pertinent data about a lecture delivered by a traveling ex-slave in the county. . National Democrat. CaSSOpolis, Michigan. Saturday 17 May 1856. p. 2. The article provided valuable information on how some blacks became involved in protest movements that would improve their political standing in the community and America. . National Democrat. CassOpolis, Michigan. Saturday 17 May 1856. p. 2. The article provided a very sarcastic description of the Republicans, abolitionists, and blacks in the county. "By Their Fruits Ye Shall Know Them." National Democrat. CasSOpolis, Michigan. 21 June 1856. p. 2. The article gave a description Of a counter-celebration Of the Independence Day festivities. It illustrated how blacks were appalled by the idea of celebra- ting the birth Of a free nation when a large percentage of those born in America were certainly not free. . National Democrat. CaSSOpOlis, Michigan. Saturday 5 July 1856. p. 2. The article gave more information on the counter- festivities that were held in the county. "A Question Settled." National Democrat. Cassopolis, Michigan. Saturday 12 July 1856. p. 2. The writer of the article was appalled by the idea of having so many black voters in that ante-bellum county. 212 "Bleeding Calvin." National Democrat. CassoPOlis, Michigan. Saturday 21 February 1857. p. 2. The selection illustrated how barbarous the blacks Of Cass were for they were usually "cutting and carving themselves up." The article was useful for it illustrated how the writer responded to the human weak— nesses Of some of the county's ex-slave settlers. "Cass County versus the Rest of Michigan." National Democrat. Cass- Opolis, Michigan. 9 January 1858. p. 2. The article diSplayed the sarcasm Of the writer when quadruplets were born to a black mother in the county. "A Protest from Calvin." National Democrat. Cassopolis, Michigan. n.d. Article held by the Cass COunty Historical Society. Cass County Library. CaSSOpolis, Michigan. The selection had no use for the study. Nevertheless, the stereotypical thoughts of some whites, which were evinced in that article, were useful. "Family Tracers Says Slaves Used Tunnels." Linda Rosenbaum. Niles Daily Star. 15 July 1972. Niles, Michigan. After discovering a tunnel, many thought that it was used for hiding runaways. "Demolition Crews Find Underground Railroad Tunnel?" Pat Gallagher. Niles Daiiy_Star. 22 December 1970. Niles, Michigan. Like the aforementioned, many suspected that the unearthed tunnel was used for transporting fugitives to freedom. Both articles provided some insight into the functionings Of that clandestine system. . Niles Republican. Niles, Michigan. Thursday 17 September 1840. p. 4. The selection provided some information on how land was acquired in ante-bellum America. . Niles Republican. Niles, Michigan. Saturday 12 April 1845. p. 2. The excerpt was an attack on the editor of the Cass Advocate who believed that taxation without representation was a severe blow to the greatness of America. "A Gang of Thieves." Niles Republican. Niles, Michigan. Saturday 8 June 1850. p. 2. The selection indicated the pathological negrOphObia that infected the editor Of that paper. A theft occurred in the area, so he naturally assumed that the black Offender was a native of one of the black settlements in Cass County. "TOO Bad." Niles Republican. Niles, Michigan. Saturday 8 June 1850. p. 2. The article once again illustrated the sickness Of that editor. He was slated when a black elected Offical from one of the black settlements fled with approximately $4000. The excerpt was valuable to the thesis. . Niles Republican. Niles. Michigan. 24 May 1851. p. 2. The excerpt was another attack upon the abolitionist Of Cass who allowed ex—slaves to settle in that region. 213 . Niles Republican. Niles, Michigan. 27 March 1852. p. 2. The selection indicated the editors desire to rid America of its unwanted burden —- ex-slaves. He suggested that they be sent to Liberia. . Niles Republican. Niles, Michigan. Saturday 3 July 1852. p. 2. After realizing that they were not going to Africa, the writer mentioned a code of behavior for blacks in the region. For that reason, it contributed immensely to the study. "Colored Population in Canada." Niles Republican. Niles, Michigan. Saturday 16 July 1853. p. 2. The tone of the article was to convince blacks and whites that Canada was a better place for them. Its use to the subject at hand was minimal. . Niles Republican. Niles, Michigan. Saturday 8 November 1856. p. 2. The excerpt indicated the clear disdain that the editor had for the black voting population of Cass County. It pro— vided estimates on the number of blacks that took advantage of that Opportunity. "Shall Negroes be Made Citizens!" Niles Republican. Niles, Michigan. Saturday 25 April 1857. The paper showed the status of ante- bellum blacks in America. Its value to the study was small. . Niles Republican. Niles, Michigan. Saturday 10 September 1859. The article provided a case of discrimination when the pro- prietor Of a hotel in Niles became Offensive to some black boarders from Cass County. His actions proved to be detrimental. "Cassopolis Michigan Boasts of Its Role in the Underground Railroad." Beatrice Brown. Pittsburgh Courier. Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Saturday 2 July 1949. p. 6. The clipping applauded the active involvement of the Quakers in the underground railroad. Cass became historically significant because of that system. It also contributed much needed information to the study's success. "Is That SO!" Clara Waldron. Tecumseh Herald. Tecumseh, Michigan. n.d. The selection highlighted the underground railroad activities in that part of Michigan. "Muslim Cash Buys Up Farms." Information Obtained from Cornelius X of Calvin Township. 5 December 1973. The excerpt provided essential information on how blacks and whites reacted to the presence of the newcomers. 214 SecondagypSources Books African Repositgry and Colonial Journal. Volume XXPXXIII’ no. 3. Washington, D.C.: Published by the American Colonization Society, Mardh 1847. Even though it was concerned with getting rid of all of the freed slaves in America, a few excerpts from the accountwere valuable to the study. Especially those selections that dealt with branches of the society in Michigan. African Repository. Volume XXVII. Washington, D.C.: Published by the American Colonization Society, 1851. The only selection from the work which contributed to the manuscript was the donation made by a citizen from Cass County to the American Colonization Society. Afrian Repository. Volume XXX. Washington, D.C." Published by the American Colonization Society, 1854. The account did not have any information on the black settlers of Cass or the reactions of whites to their presence. However, some excerpts indicated that rural whites reacted with great hostility to the arrival of black emigrants. Such displays of hatred rarely appeared in Cass. Afro-Americans: Selected Documents. Edited by John Bracy, August Meier, Elliot Rudwick. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Incorporated, 1972. Some of the documents clearly displayed the plight of freed blacks in ante—bellum America. For that reason, it had some value to the project. An Autobiography of the Reverend Josiah Henson. Edited by John Lobb. London, Ontario: Schuyler, Smith and Company 1881. The work provided no significant data for the dissertation. Berwanger, E. H. The Frontier Against Slavegy. Urbana, Illinois: University of Illinois Press, 1967. This source was very valuable for it supplied information relative to the displays of hostility that whites evinced upon the arrival of blacks. The account also provided significant leads to other data. Blacks in the Abolitionist Movement. Edited by John Bracy, August Meier, Elliot Rudwick. Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Company, July 1970. The source was another indicator of the plight of freed blacks in ante-bellum America. Its use was minimum. Brackett, J. R. The Negro in Maryland. Baltimore: N. Murray, Publica- tion Agent, John Hopkins University, 1889. This account provided valuable information on the life of freed slaves in the ante-bellum south. 215 Claspy, Everett. The Negro in Southwestern Michigan. Ann Arbor: Braun-Brumfield, 1967. The work was valuable to the project because it supplied data on the migration and settlement of blacks in the county, especially the first few pages. It also provided useful leads. However, the account was poorly written. Danforth, M. E. A Quaker Pioneer: Laura Haviland Superintendent of the Undepground Railroad. New York: Exposition Press, 1961. The study illustrated Haviland's involvement in the Operation of aiding slaves to escape. It also presented valuable data on the troubles faced by the conductors of that system. Nevertheless, the work proved to be of little significance to the dissertation. Delany, Martin R. The Condition, Elevation, Emigratiop, and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States. New York: Arno Press and the New York Times, 1969. The work dealt with the plight of freed blacks in a hostile American environ- ment. It provided no significant information for the project. Delany, Martin R. and Campbell, Robert. A Search for a Place: Black Separatism and Africa, 1860. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1971. The work shed vital information on the plight of emancipated slaves in ante-bellum America. Other than that it supplied little information on Cass County. Dorson, Richard M. American Negro Folktales. New York: Fawcett World Library, 1956. The manuscript provided some extremely valuable data on the black social aristocracy that deve10ped in the county. It also contained some material about the underground railroad. Early Cass County: A Brief History for Use by Teachers. Compiled by Olive Dickeson, et. a1. Niles, Michigan: Niles area committee resources workshop. Although the research on the project was not original, it did supply some valuable material on the blacks of the county. According to that source a black minister started a church in one of the county's townships that held a small black population. Franklin, John Hope. From Slavery to Freedom. New York: Vintage Books, 1969. The work is a general history of blacks in America. However, it did supply some useful material about the plight of blacks in ante-bellum America. The author did mention the settlement of ex-slaves in that county. Franklin, John Hope. The Free Negro in North_§arolina, 1790-1860. New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1971. This account pro- vided valuable insights into the life of freed slaves in the ante- bellum south. It also provided much needed information on the success of the manumitted that settled in the rural regions of that county. For that reason the study was very significant. 216 Frazier, E. Franklin. The Free Negro Family: A Study of Family Origins Before the Civil War. Nashville, Tennessee: Fisk University Press, 1932. The treatise provided essential information on the black family. It was also useful in explaining the caste system that evolved in the county. Frazier, E. Franklin. The Negro Church in America. New York: Schocken Books, 1964. The literature contained valuable data about the role of the church in the ex—slave communities. It had some value in understanding the operations of the black churches in Cass County. Frazier, E. Franklin. The Negro in the United States, 15th printing. New York: MacMillan Company, 1971. The reading provided useful data on the number of freed blacks in the region and the difficulties they encountered in America. Like John Hope Franklin, the author mentioned the large number of ex—slaves concentrated in Cass County. Although it was not intended to deal with Cass, some valuable information was obtained from that source. Free Blacks in America 1800—1860. Edited by John Bracy, August Meier, Elliot Rudwick. Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Company, July 1970. Although the manuscript did not deal with Cass, it supplied essential information about the status of blacks in ante-bellum America. Glover, L. H. A Twentieth Centugy History of Cass County. Chicago: The Lewis Publishing Company, 1906. The majority of the facts uncovered in the study were taken from an earlier study. However, some valuable information about the plight of the black settlers in the county was gleaned from that account. Graff, G. P. The People of Michigan. Lansing: Department of Education Bureau of Library Services, 1970. The work dealt with the ethnic backgrounds of the people that inhabited the state. Vital information about the black settlements in Michigan, especially Cass County, could be gathered from that source. However, it is hardly original. Hesslink, George K. Black Neighbors: Negroes in a Northern Rural Community. Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company. 1968. The account was extremely useful. Not only did it supply valuable facts about the black community, but it also provided essential leads. Since the study was on twentieth—century black— white relations many parts of it was useless for my study. The chapters on the aristocracy of color in the county and the section on the early history of blacks in Cass were the most useful. Larrie, Reginald. Corners of Blagk History. New York: Vantage Press, 1971. Selections from the work provided valuable information about the status of ante-bellum blacks in Michigan. 217 Litwack, Leon F. North of Slavery. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961. This account provided valuable information relative to the status of free blacks in ante-bellum America. Mathews, A. History_of Cass County Michigap. Chicago: Waterman, Watkins and Company, 1882. The reading provided valuable information relative to the migration of blacks-to that county, the problems they encountered, and the acquisition of prOperty by that group. However, the research was not original. Michigan Manual of Freedmen's Progress. Compiled by F. H. Warren, Secretary of FreedmenTs Progress Commission. Detroit: , 1915. The book provided valuable data on the achievements of blacks in Michigan and Cass County. It was one of the best secondary sources read. Minutes of the Proceedings of the National Nogro Conventions 1830-1864. Edited by Howard H. Bell. New York: Arno Press and New York Times, 1969. Although it did not deal with the plight of blacks in Michigan or Cass County, valuable information on the difficulties encountered by ante-bellum ex—slaves could be obtained from the source. Even more importantly, it provided valuable insights into the black conventions. Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Henry Bibb, An American Slave Written by Himself with an Introduction by Lucius B. Matlack. The selection is contained.in Puttin' It On Ole Massa. Edited by Gilbert Osofsky. New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1969. The narrative provided some information about the treatment dealt out to free blacks in ante-bellum Michigan and America. Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, An American Slave, Written py Himself. New York: Signet Books, Published by the New American Library, 1968. The narrative did not provide any additional information about Cass County. However, valuable data on the plight of freed men in ante-bellum America was obtained from the source. Narrativo:of Sojourner Truth. Battle Creek, Michigan: The authoress, 1878. The story dealt more with the hardships that the valiant lady encountered in the south. Very little dealt with problems about blacks in Michigan. Nggroes in Michigan During the Civil War. Edited by Sidney Glazer. Lansing, Michigan: Published by the Michigan Civil War Centennial Observance Commission, 1966. The reading provided valuable data on the blacks in ante-bellum Michigan. Information about their protests against injustices was also included. Useful material on black Michiganites in the Civil War was also in the account. The Negro Population in the United States 1790-1915. New York: Arno Press and the New York Times, 1968. The source provided neces— sary data about the number and distribution of freed slaves in ante-bellum America. 218 Olmsted, Frederick L. A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States. New York: Dix and Edwards, 1856. The narrative had little use for the project. Olmsted, Frederick L. The Cotton Kingdom, Volume I. New York: Published by Mason Brothers, 1861. In one section, the source provided useful material on the fear that whites had for freed slaves. Pease, Jane and Pease, William. Black Utopia: Negro Communal Experi- ments in America. Madison: The State History Society of Wisconsin, 1963. The study provided valuable material and leads on the development of black utOpian communities throughout America. Very little of it dealt with Cass County, but it was very useful. Pettigrew, Thomas F. Racially Separate or Together? New York: Mc Graw Hill Book Company, 1971. The account dealt principally with black-white relations in twentiety-century America. Its use to the research was small. Portrait and Biographical Record of Berrien and Cass Counties Michiggp. Chicago: Biographical Publishing Company, 1893. The work.was extremely useful for it supplied information on prominent whites and abolitionists in Cass County. Quillin, Frank V. The Color Line in Ohio. Ann Arbor: George Wahr, 1913. Even though it dealt with Ohio, one part of the work had some significance to the project. For example, the Michigan law that enabled mulattoes to vote was patterned after an Ohio ordinance. Reuter, Edward B. The Mulatto In the United States. Boston: Richard G. Badger, The Gorham Press, 1918. The reading provided valuable information about the color consciousness of most freed blacks. Russell, John H. The Free Nogro in Virginia, 1619-1865. New York: Dover Publications Incorporated, 1969. The account provided valuable data on the plight of ex-slaves in the south. Rogers, H. S. History of Cass County, from 1825 to 1875. CassOpolis, Michigan: W. H. Mansfield, Vigilant Book and Job Print, 1875. The work was the original study on the county. Consequently, many of his ideas were stolen by others that wrote county histories. Without doubt, it provided extremely valuable information about blacks in the county. Useful information about the underground railroad and its operators was obtained from the account also. Schoetzow, Mae R. A Brief History of Cass County. Marcellus, Michigan: Published by The Marcellus News, 1935. This account was not original. It appeared that the authoress simply duplicated the work by Rogers. It did contain some new material on the blacks of Cass in the Civil War. For that reason, it had some value to the research project. 219 Siebert, W. H. The Underground Railroad from Slavery to Freedom. New York: Russell and Russell,41898. Tfi::account illustrated the routes that cut across Michigan. For that reason it was extremely valuable to the study. Ullman, Victor. Look to the North Star: A Life of William King. Boston: Beacon Press, 1969. The account was primarily con— cerned with the existence of ex—slaves in Canada. It contributed nothing to the study on Cass. Walker, David. Walker's Appeal in Four Articles. New York: Arno Press and the New York Times, 1969. The work provided information on the tragic life of the freed blacks in racially hostile ante-bellum America. Washington, Booker T. The Story of the Negro: The Rise of the Race from Slavery, Volume 1. New York: Negro University7Press, 1969. The account provided extremely useful material on the Saunders ex-slaves. The white reaction to the blacks of Cass, the acquisitions of real estate by the ex—slaves, and biograph- ical sketch of William Allen,Samue1 Hawkes, and Cornelius Lawson. Welch, Lois W. A Diamond S arkles. Davenport, Iowa: Bowden Brothers Incorporated, 1970. The treatise contained some valuable information about the black settlers of Cass County, especially in the appendices. Williams, George Washington. History of the Negro Race in America from 1619 to 1880. Volume II. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, '— 1883. In some places the study dealt with the plight of ex- slaves in ante-bellum America. For that reason it had some value to the research project. A Woman's Life Work: Labors and Experiences of Laura 8. Haviland. Chicago: C. V. Waite and Company Publishers, 1887. This autobiography illustrates Haviland's involvement in the Michigan Underground Railroad. It also described the problems she encountered with slave holders and white citizens of Michigan. For the latter reason it served an important role in the research project. Woodford, Frank B. Father Abraham's Children: Michigan Episodes in the Civil War. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1961. The account provided a vivid picture of the economic life of Michigan. For that reason excerpts from it was useful in the dissertation. Woodson, Carter G. A Century of Negro Mrgration. Washington, D.C.: The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, 1918. The study provided valuable data on the reasons for migration used by ex-slaves. The author also mentioned the reasons why Cass County had a large concentration of blacks. J l./ 220 Woodson, Carter G. Free Negro Owners of Slaves in the United States. Washington, D.C.: The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, 1924. The account held vital information on the peculiarities of the free black families in the slave south. Its use to the study was small. Articles Abzug, RObert H. "The Black Family During Reconstruction." In Egy Issues in the Afro-American Experience, Volume II. Edited by 15.— M. Fox, N. I. Huggins, M. Kilson. New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1971. pp. 26-42. The account provided valuable information about the black family and the material possessions they cherish most. "America's Oldest Negro Community: Gouldtown, New Jersey," Ebony Ma azine, Volume VII, no. 4 (February 1952), pp. 42—46. The selection provided some valuable data about predominantly black settlements. It was very useful to the projects' outcome. Aptheker, Herbert. "Maroons Within the Present Limits of the United States." Journal of Negro History, Volume XXIV (April 1939) pp. 167-184. The article made available useful data on one of the ways by which slaves became free. Aptheker, Herbert. "The Quakers and Negro Slavery." Journal of Negpo History, Volume XXV (January 1940). pp. 331-362. The work was useful for it supplied valuable information on Quaker-black relations. Aptheker, Herbert. "Slave Resistance in the United States." In Eel Issues in the Afro-American Experience, Volume I. Edited by D. M. Fox, N. I. Huggins, M. Kilson. New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1971. pp. 161-174. The reading material contained no information vital to the thesis. Barnes, Charles E. "Battle Creek as a Station on the Underground Rail- road." Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, Volume XXXVIII. pp. 279-285. The cited work provided information on one of the Michigan Underground Railroad Routes. It also gave essential facts on Erastus Hussey of that city. Bell, Howard H. "Negro Nationalism: A Factor in Emigration Projects, 1858-1861." Journal of Negrpristory, Volume XLVII, no. 1. (January 1962), pp. 19-35. The article had no value to the dissertation. Thoughts of leaving Cass County seldom ocurred among the black settlers of that region. Bennett, Lerone. "The Birth of Jim Crow." Ebony Magazine, Volume XVII, no. 10 (August 1962) pp. 104-113. The selection provided some valuable materials on the plight of ex-slaves in the ante- bellum era. 221 Bennett, Lerone. "Generation of Crisis." Ebony Magazine, Volume XVIII, no. 7 (May 1962) pp. 81—88. The article dealt with the blacks' agitation for reforms in the ante-bellum era. Bennett, Lerone. "The Making of Black America, Part V." Ebopy Magazine, Volume XXVI, no. 1 (November 1970) pp. 57-67. The reading material provided information on the plight of freed slaves in ante-bellum America. Brewer, William M. "Poor Whites and Negroes in the South since the Civil War." Journal ofpflegro History. Volume XV, no. 1 (January 1930) pp. 26-37. The piece presented information on the economic competition that deve10ped among the two groups. It provided no valuable information to the project. Brigham, R. I. "Negro Education in Ante-Bellum Missouri." Journal of Negro History, Volume XXX, no. 4 (October 1945) pp. 405-420. The selection described the plight of the ex—slaves in ante- bellum America. Bittle, William and Geis, Gilbert. "Alfred Charles Sam and an African Return: A Case Study in Negro Despair." in Black Brotherhood. Edited by Okon Edet Vya. Lexington, Massachusetts: D. C. Heath and Company, 1971. The presentation provided use- ful information on how ex—slaves from a predominantly black community got along with whites in the surrounding neighborhoods. Broderick, Francis L. "The Gnawing Dilemma: Separatism and Integra- tion, 1865-1925." In Kay Issues in the Afro-American Experience, Volume II. Edited by D. M. Fox, N. I. Huggins, M. Kilson. New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1971. pp. 93-106. The selection gave some interesting material on the race philosOphy of many blacks. For that reason, it contributed some to the study. Brooks, Carolyn. "For Our Father." Ebony Magazine, Volume XXVII, no. 10 (August 1972) p. 46. The poem provided some beautiful thoughts about black dreams of finding a peaceful asylum. Brown, Ada A. "Autobiographical Notes by E. Lakin Brown." Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, Volume XXX. p. 45. The account provided a useful and vivid description of Michigan in the early 1800's. Brunn, Stanley D. and Wheeler, James O. "Negro Migration into Rural Southwestern Michigan." Geographical Review, Volume L (1968) pp. 214-230. The selection presented some valuable and useful information on the black settlements of Cass County, The Quakers, the Underground Railroad Routes, and the Kentucky slave raid. Brunn, Stanley D. and Wheeler, James 0. "An Agricultural Ghetto: Negroes in Cass County, Michigan, 1845-1868." Ggographical Review, Volume LIX (July 1969) pp. 317-329. The article supplied pertin- ent data on the black land acquisitions, the movement of fugitives to and through the county, the purchases of land by the Nation of Islam, and the lost property by blacks in the county. 222 Butterfield, Roger. "The Search for a Black Past." Life Magazine, Volume LXV, no. 1 (22 November 1968) p. 91. The report presented information on the black struggle for equality in ante—bellum America. Cadbury, H. J. "Another Early Quaker Anti—Slavery Document." Journal of Negro History, Volume XXVII, no. 2 (April 1942) pp. 210— 215. The article illustrated the continuous involvement of Friends in aiding runaways to freedom. Cheek, William F. "John Mercer Langston: Black Protest Leader and Abolitionist." Civil War History, Volume XVI, no. 2 (June 1970) pp. 101-120. The study discussed the plight of blacks in ante— bellum America and their attempts to improve their social and political positions in the county. Coggan, Blanche B. "The Underground Railroad and Black-White Co-opera- tion." Michigan Challenge, Volume IX, no. 9 (June 1968) pp. 12-13, 50—51. The article provided valuable information on the development of that clandestine system as early as the eighteenth century. Coggan, Blanche B. "The Underground Railroad in Michigan." Negro History Bulletin, Volumes XXVII—XXVIII (October 1963) pp. 122— 126. The reading gave pertinent material relating to the under— ground railroads that traversed Michigan. Data indicating where the routes merged in Cass was also given. Coller, Ross. "It Takes a Little While to Turn About a Great Ship of State." Michigan Challenge, Volume IX, no. 9 (June 1968). pp. 16-17, 54. The selection mentioned the connection between Quakers and blacks. For that reason, parts of the article‘Were helpful. Craven, Avery 0. "Poor Whites and Negroes in the Ante-Bellum South." Journal of Nggro History, Volume XV, no. 1 (January 1930) pp. 14-25. The cited work illustrated the hostilities that arose between the two groups. The selection had minimum use for the Study. Dancy, John C. "The Negro People in Michigan." Michigan History Magazine, Volume XXIV-XXV (1940—1941). pp. 220-240. The work supplied pertinent material on the migration of blacks to Michigan. It also provided numbers and the problems faced by the new emigres. David, C. W. A. "The Fugitive Slave Law of 1739 and Its Antecedent." Journal of Nggro History, Volume IX, no. 1 (January 1924) pp. 18—25. The selection illustrated the plight of free blacks, especially the runaways, in the ante—bellum period. 223 Document. "18th Century Petition of South Carolina Negroes." Journal of Negro History, Volume XXXI, no. 1 (January 1946) pp. 98— 99. The paper illustrated a procedure used by freed blacks in the ante-bellum years to gain political recognition. It served no useful purpose for the thesis. Documents. "Transplanting Free Negroes to Ohio from 1815 to 1858." Journal of Negro History, Volume I, no. 3 (July 1916) pp. 302- 313. The source illustrated how masters supplied land for the slaves they emancipated. The excerpt was crucial in under— standing the settlement of the Saunder's ex-slaves in Cass. Drake, St. Clair. "The Social and Economic Status of the Negro in the United States." in America's Black Past. Edited by Eric Foner. New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1970. pp. 501— 520. The excerpt provided pertinent and necessary information about the economic existence of blacks in ante-bellum America. The data was essential in comparing the economic life of urban and rural blacks. Dubois, W. E. B. "The Great Strike." in America's Black Past. Edited by Eric Foner. New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1970. pp. 181-206. The work supplied no valuable information to the study. Fields, Harold B. "Free Negroes in Cass County Before the Civil War." Michigan History, Volume XLIV (1960) pp. 375-384. The work provided data on the first arrivals in the county, the establish— ment of residents in the area, the coming of black emigres, the problems they encountered in all aspects, the underground railroad, fugitives, and Quaker operators. It also provided useful sources to check. Fischer, R. A. "Racial Segregation in Ante—Bellum New Orleans." American Historical Review, Volume LXXIV (February 1969) pp. 926—937. The article illustrated the color consciousness of some of the free blacks in the ante-bellum years. Fitchett, Horace E. "The Origin and Growth of the Free Negro Population of Charleston, South Carolina." Journal of Negro History, Volume XXVI, no. 4 (1941) pp. 421-437. The work provided significant data on the class and color consciousness of the freed blacks in the ante—bellum years. Fitchett, E. Horace. "Traditions of the Free Negro in Charleston, South Carolina." Journal of Negro History, Volume XXV, no. 2 (April 1940). pp. 138-152. The paper illustrated the class consciousness of freed men in the ante-bellum year° For that reason, the article was significant to the research on Cass. Franklin, John Hope. "The Enslavement of Free Negroes in North Carolina." Journal of Negro History, Volume XXIX, no. 4 (October 1944) pp. 401-428. The work illustrated the miserable status of the free blacks in the ante-bellum era. 224 Franklin, John Hope° "The Free Negro in the Economic Life of Ante— Bellum North Carolina, Parts I and II." Journal of Ne ro History, Volume XIX, nos. 3 and 4 (July and October 19%2) pp. 239-259 and pp. 359-375. Both selections were very useful in understanding the economic growth anddevelopment of the ex—slaves in rural environments. Franklin, John Hope. "James Boon, Free Negro Artisan." Journal of Negro History, Volume XXX, no. 2 (April 1945) pp. 150—180. The source illustrated the class consciousness and other peculiarities of the free blacks in ante—bellum America. The study was useful because it provided an understanding of the psychee of some ex-slaves. Franklin, John Hope. "Rebels, Runaways and Heroes: The Bitter Years of Slavery." Life, Volume LXV, no. 1 (22 November 1968) p. 92. The selection illustrated the continuous fight for equality that the freed blacks waged in the nineteenth century. Franklin, John Hope. "Slaves Virtually Free in Ante-Bellum North Carolina." Journal of Negro History, Volume XXVIII (July 1943) pp. 284—310. Once again the plight of the ex-slaves was demonstrated in ante—bellum America. Frazier, E. Franklin. "The Negro Middle Class and Desegregation." Social Problems, Volume IV, no. 4 (April 1957) pp. 291—301. The cited work was very valuable for it showed some striking similarities with the elites of ante-bellum Cass. Frazier, E. Franklin. "The Negro Slave Family." Journal of Negro History, Volume XV, no. 2 (April 1930) pp. 198-259. The article illustrated some of the peculiarities of the black family which were manifested in that county. Frederickson, George M. "The Development of American Racism." in Key Issues in the Afro-American Erperience, Volume 1. Edited by D. M. Fox, N. I. Huggins, M. Kilson. New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1971. The selection illustrated the racism that plagued ante—bellum America. That was detrimental to the freed blacks in that period. Fuller, G. N. "The Underground Railroad in Michigan." Michigan Centennial History, Volume I. pp. 352—361. The reading material provided valuable information pertaining to the routes that traversed the county and the importance of Cass County to that system. The names of the operators were also mentioned. Fuller, George N. "Settlement