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A Cross-Cultural Comparison of
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ABSTRACT

A CROSS-CULTURAL COMPARISON OF SELF-CONCEPTS
AND VALUE ORIENTATIONS OF JAPANESE AND
AMERICAN NINTH GRADERS

by

Kimi T. Hara

This is an attempt to make empirical comparisons of
the similarities and differences of the ninth graders living
in the metropolitan, industrialized areas in Japan and the
U.S.A. with respect to their self-concept of ability, self-
esteem, psychosomatic symptoms and value orientations in
order to account for some of the behavior of the younger
generation of both countries and at the same time to enhance
our insight and understanding of each society and culture.

A set of instruments for measuring such character-

istics consists of Brookover's Self-Concept of Ability Scale,

M
\

\~ \ -- ~\. 0 I
\Rosenberg's Self-Esteem scale,\a measure of "neurot1c1sm"

\ _._.
Mu.

developed by the U.S. Army and Kluckhohn's schedule of value
orientations.

Sociological surveys were conducted from the fall
of 1966 to the spring of 1967 in Tokyo and Detroit. Nine

public junior high schools were randomly sampled out of 449

Kimi T. Hara

public junior high schools in Tokyo and one private girls'
junior high school was selected out of 69 non-religious
private girls' junior high schools there. The total number
of the subjects from Tokyo was 870 including 436 boys and
434 girls. In Detroit, by random sampling in principle,
12 junior high schools were selected and invited but 7
responded and participated in the project. Also, another
public junior high school at Birmingham, suburb of Detroit,
was selected. The total number of subjects from Detroit
was 1,592 including 266 Negro boys and 341 Negro girls as
well as 468 white boys and 517 white girls. Both in Tokyo
and Detroit, socio-economic and ecological factors were
taken into account in the process of sampling.
In order to minimize the language obstacles, the
English version of the questionnaire was translated and re-
translated to test the accuracy of the translation.
The general hypotheses to be tested are as follows:
I. The self-concept of ability of the American 9th
graders is higher than that of the Japanese.
II. jThe self-esteem\of the American 9th graders is
higher than thatJOf the Japanese.
III. The level of psychosomatic symptoms of the Japan-
ese 9th graders is higher than that of the Ameri-

cans o

IV.

Kimi T. Hara

In the U.S.A. and Japan the value orientations of
the 9th graders are associated with their social-
class positions.

There are more similarities than differences
between the Japanese and American 9th graders if

social class and sex are held constant.

Under each of these hypotheses a number of specific

sub-hypotheses were formulated and tested by use of Winer's

unweighted means method except those of value orientations,

which were tested by use of Chi-squares. The summary of the

findings is as follows:

I.

II.

III.

The American 9th graders have higher self-concept
of ability than the Japanese; however, there is
no difference between Negro and white Americans.
Among the Japanese 9th graders and white Ameri-
cans respectively there exist differences between
social classes. The upper-class pupils have
higher self-concept of ability than the middle-
class ones, whose SCA is higher than that of the
lower-class pupils. On the other hand, in the
case of Negroes, there exist differences between
the middle class and lower class only.

With regard to SCA, there exist no differences
between the Japanese boys and girls nor between
Negro boys and girls; however, white boys have

higher SCA than white girls.

IV.

VI.

VII.

VIII.

Kimi T. Hara

As to self-esteem, the American 9th graders have
higher self-esteem than the Japanese, while Negroes
have higher self-esteem than the whites.
Differences exist between the Japanese middle class
and lower class only with regard to self-esteem.
There exist no differences between other classes.
Both in Japan and the U.S.A., boys have higher
self-esteem than girls.

As to psychosomatic symptoms, there are no differ-
ences between the Japanese and the Americans.
Females show higher psychosomatic symptoms than
males.

If value orientations of the 9th graders are com-
pares with sex and social class held constant,

we discern a trend of greater similarities between
the two cultures, particularly in the middle-class
boys and lower-class boys; considerable similar-
ities in the upper-class boys and the middle-class
girls, but least similarities in the lower-class
girls and upper-class girls. It seems that among
the three independent variables, sex, national
character and social class, sex is the most impor-
tant source of variation, and social class the

least important one.

A CROSS-CULTURAL COMPARISON OF SELF-CONCEPTS
AND VALUE ORIENTATIONS OF JAPANESE AND

AMERICAN NINTH GRADERS
by

Kimi T3 Hara

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

College of Education
Department of Social Foundations of Education

1972

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am indebted to a number of persons and organiza-
tions for their guidance and assistance for this research.
Foremost among these are my co-chairmen, Professor Wilbur
B. Brookover of the College of Education and of the Depart-
ment of Sociology, and Professor Arthur M. Vener of the
Departments of Social Sciences and of Sociology. They gave
me unsparingly of their time, advice and encouragement dur-
ing the most crucial stages of its preparation.

My deep appreciation goes to Professor Cole S.
Brembeck, Associate Dean of International Studies of Edu—
cation and a member of the Guidance Committee, Professor
Frank Marzocco, former Director of the Human Learning Re-
search Institute and Professor Frank Blackington, member
of the Guidance Committee, for their understanding, advice
and support for the project.

The school officials, principals and teachers both
in Tokyo and Detroit gave me hearty cooperation. It was a
great privilege for me to visit each of the eighteen junior
high schools in Tokyo and Detroit to talk with the princi-
pals and teachers as well as with the ninth-graders who
willingly answered the questions. Many of my colleagues

helped me by going with me to those schools to administer

ii

the questionnaire. I wish to express my thanks to all of
them for their willingness to participate in this study.
Coding was done by the students of Michigan State University
whose untiring efforts are deeply appreciated.

The Computer Center of M. S. U. provided me with
efficient services. I owe to Mr. Stuart Thomas, Mr. David
Klein and Mr. David Wright for their technical assistance
and advice. I wish to thank Mrs. Natalie Sproull for her
advice on the statistical analyses.

My chief debt of gratitude is owed to Dr. Florence
Kluckhohn of Harvard University and to Dr. Morris Rosenberg
of the National Institute of Mental Health for letting me
use their instruments. My hearty thanks are due to Inter-
national Christian University, with which I am affiliated,
for giving me a leave of absence to pursue this study.

Also, I specially wish to thank Dr. and Mrs. Sheldon Cherney
whose generosity and encouragement made it possible for me
to conclude this research. There are many others who helped
me complete this study. I wish to thank all of them.

Finally, I deeply appreciate the contributions of
my husband, Makoto, and three children, Yuriko, Yoichi and
Minako, for their patience and warm support during my labor-

ious years of research.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter
I STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM . . . . . . . . .
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Related Literature . . . . . . . . . . .
Orientation to the Study . . . . . . . .
Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Theoretical and Operational
Definitions of the Major Concepts. . .
II RESEARCH PROCEDURE AND METHODOLOGY . . . .
Description of the Project . . . . . . .
III FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION. . . . . . . . . .
Self-Concept of Ability as Measured by
Brookover's Scale. . . . . . . . . . .
‘jSelf-EsteemKas Measured by Rosenberg's
H scale. 0 50/. o o o o o o o o o o o o o o
Psychosomatic Symptoms . . . . . . . . .
Comparison of Schools in Tokyo and
Detroit According to the Social Class.
Comparison of Value Orientations of the
9th Graders in Japan and the U.S.A.. .
IV SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS. . .
Self-Concept of Ability. . . . . . . . .
Self-Esteem. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Psychosomatic Symptoms . . . . . . . . .
Value Orientations . . . . . . . . . . .
BIBLIOGRAPHY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
APPENDICES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Appendix A (Tables). . . . . . . . . . .
Appendix B (Questionnaire) . . . . . . .

iv

10
19

28

35

35

41

41

50
58

63
77
85
85
93
94
96
102
110

110
146

L I ST OF TABLES

1.1 The five value orientations and the range
of variations postulated for each. . . . 32

2.1 Number of subjects in Tokyo study. . . . . 37
2.2 Number of subjects in Detroit study. . . . 40
3.1 Self-concept of ability--summary of

analysis of variance . . . . . . . . . . 42
3.2 Self-concept of ability means and standard

deviation by social class and culture. . 43
3.3 Self-concept of ability--summary of

analysis of variance . . . . . . . . . . 47
3.4 Self-concept of ability means and standard

deviation by sex and culture . . . . . . 47

3.5 Self-esteem--summary of analysis of

variance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
3.6 Self-esteem means and standard deviation

by social class and culture. . . . . . . 52
3.7 Self-esteem--summary of analysis of

variance 0 O O O O O O I O O O O O O O O 53
3.8 Self-esteem means and standard deviation

by sex and culture . . . . . . . . . . . 53

3.9 Psychosomatic symptoms--summary of analysis

of variance. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
3.10 Psychosomatic symptoms by social class and

culture 0 O O O O O O O O I O O I O 0 0 O 60
3.11 Psychosomatic symptoms--summary of

analysis of variance . . . . . . . . . . 61

Psychosomatic symptoms by sex and culture.
Japanese Schools . . . . . . . . . . . . .
American Schools . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Comparison of schools in the upper class
in Japan and the U.S.A.
ability) One-way analysis of variance .

Comparison of schools in the upper class
in Japan and the U.S.A. (Self-esteem)
One-way analysis of variance . . . . . .

Comparison of schools in the upper class
in Japan and the U.S.A. (Psychosomatic
symptoms) One-way analysis of variance.

Comparison of schools in the middle class
in Japan and the U.S.A. (Self-concept
of ability) One-way analysis of
variance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Comparison of schools in the middle class
in Japan and the U.S.A. (Self-esteem)
One-way analysis of variance . . . . . .

Comparison of schools in the middle class
in Japan and the U.S.A. (Psychosomatic
symptoms) One-way analysis of variance.

Comparison of schools in the lower class
in Japan and the U.S.A. (Self-concept
of ability) One-way analysis of
variance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Comparison of schools in the lower class
in Japan and the U.S.A. (Self-esteem)
One-way analysis of variance . . . . . .

Comparison of schools in the lower class

in Japan and the U.S.A. (Psychosomatic
symptoms) One-way analysis of variance.

vi

(Self-concept of

Page

61

64

65

67

68

68

69

69

70

70

71

72

3.25a

3.25b

3.26a

3.26b

3.27a

3.31

Summary of findings (Analysis of Variance)
Comparison between Japanese and American
schools in the equivalent social class--
Self-Concept of Ability = SCA; Self-
Concept of Esteem = SE; Psychosomatic
Symptoms = PS. . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Comparison of self-concept of ability of
lower-class students in upper-class
schools and in lower-class schools
(Japan) (One-way analysis of variance. .

(U.S.A.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Comparison of self-esteem of lower-class
students in upper-class schools and in
lower-class schools (Japan) (One-way
analysis of variance). . . . . . . .

(U.S.A.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Comparison of psychosomatic symptoms of
lower-class students in upper-class
schools and in lower-class schools
(Japan) (One-way analysis of variance).

(U.S.A.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Comparison of value orientations of 9th
graders in Japan and the U.S.A. Rela—
tional Orientation . . . . . . . . . . .

Comparison of value orientations of 9th
graders in Japan and the U.S.A.
Activity Orientation . . . . .

Comparison of value orientations of 9th
graders in Japan and the U.S.A. Man-
Nature Orientation . . . . . . . . . .

Comparison of value orientations of 9th
graders in Japan and the U.S.A. Time
Orientation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Comparison of value orientations of 9th
graders in Japan and the U.S.A.. . . . .

vii

Page

73

74

74

75

76

76

77

78

80

81

82

98

Table

 

4.2

4.3

4.4

Page

Comparison of value orientations of 9th
graders in Japan and the U.S.A.. . . . . 99

Comparison of value orientations of 9th
graders in Japan and the U.S.A.. . . . . 100

Summary of value orientations by Schools

classified into Upper, Middle and Lower
social class in Japan and the U.S.A. . . 101

viii

CHAPTER I

. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Introduction

 

It is a striking phenomenon that the behavior of
the younger generation of Japan and the U.S.A. looks so
similar. Something new seems to be emerging out of the
two seemingly different cultures and societies, transcend-
ing national and cultural boundaries. Some social scien-
tists call it "youth culture" or "adolescent society,"l
distinctive from adult culture or society, developing in
highly industrialized countries.

The broad objective of this study is to make an
empirical search for regularities in some of the character-
istics of youth behavior, such as self-concept of ability,
self-esteem, manifestations of anxiety and value orienta-1
tions held by the 9th graders living in the metropolitan,

industrialized areas in Japan and the U.S.A., and to

 

lSee American Youth Culture by Ernest A. Smith (New
York: The Free Press, 1962) which incorporates a variety
of studies of youth culture in America, The Emergence of
Youth Societies by David Gottlieb, et al. (unpublished mono-
graph, Michigan State University, 1964), and The Adolescent
Society by James S. Coleman (The Free Press of Glencoe,
1963).

 

 

 

 

compare similarities and differences of their characteris~
tics. Thus, we may be able to gain a fresh perspective of
each society and culture to account for some of the behav-
ior of youth.

Since self is nothing but a product of its society
and culture, and value orientations are the crucial ele-
ments2 in understanding human behavior, by means of dis-
covering some of the regularities of these constructs we
may come to grips with our human society. However, until
quite recently little has been empirically explored3 in the
cross-cultural perspective partly because of difficulty in
constructing valid instruments which could convey, when
translated, the identical meanings to the subjects, and
partly because of the relativistic vieWpoint of culture
which tends to overemphasize differences and overlook
similarities.

The major problem which I am interested in investi-
gating can be restated as follows: Are the Japanese and
American 9th graders in the metropolitan, industrialized
areas similar or different in their self—concept of ability,

self esteem, psychomatic symptoms and value orientations?

 

2Talcott Parsons and Edward A. Shils (eds.), Toward
aiGeneral Theory of Action (New York: Harper and Row,
Publishers, 1957), p. 159.

3It has been only a decade or so since various so-
cial scientists actively started pursuing cross-cultural
studies on different themes. Also empirical inquiry of self
and values was considered to be beyond scientific investi-
gation.

 

a. In what aspects are they similar?

b. In what aspects are they different?

The major independent variables are national cul-
ture, social class, race, sex and school. The basic assump-
tions which underlie this study can be explained as follows:

1. The feasibility of cross-cultural study is supported
by researches already conducted. Though there are limita-
tions and pitfalls linguistically and methodologically in
conducting cross-cultural research, the results of the re—
search are considered meaningful and worthwhile.

2. Industrialization creates certain common conditions
of life which inexorably push forth "youth culture," or
"youth society" in a certain direction, and Japan and the
U.S.A. are regarded comparable as to the level of indus-

trialization.

Related Literature

 

Roughly classified, this study is related to three
different dimensions, or categories: cross-cultural, self-
concepts and values, not to speak of psychosomatic symptoms
whose instrument was used rather for the secondary purpose.
These three aspects are interrelated in many of the studies.
In the following part, sometimes these three categories are
discussed separately and sometimes together to give a brief

review of the related literature.

As to the cross-cultural aspect, it has been about

a decade or two since cross-cultural studies were seriously
considered. It was in 1958 that Carl Murchison,4 editor of
The Journal of Social Psychology, encouraged and sponsored
a number of cross-cultural studies. Probably this event
made an epoch in the publications of cross-cultural studies.
In Africa, Asia, Latin America, New Zealand and many other
places in the world, comparative studies were stimulated.

Of course, prior to this, some anthropologists, sociologists
and psychologists had been conducting comparative investi—
gations in foreign societies. Robert Havighurst5 and others
conducted a number of studies in New Zealand, between Ameri-

can-Indian and White children, and between Buenos Aires

 

4Carl Murchison, "Preface II to the Continued Imme-
diate Publication of Cross-Cultural Research," The Journal
of Social Psychology (May, 1958), Vol. 47, Second Half,
pp. 157-59.

5Robert J. Havighurst, "A Comparison of New Zealand
and American Children on Emotional Response and Moral Ide-
ology," Studies of Children and Society in New Zealand, by
Robert J. Havighurst (ed.), (Christahurch, New Zealand:
Canterbury University College, Department of Education,
1954).

 

Ibid., American Indian and White Children: A Socio-
pgychological Interpretation (Chicago, Illinois: The Uni-
versity of Chicago Press, 1955).

Ibid., et al., A Cross-National Study of Buenos
Aires and Chicagp Adolescents (Basel, Switzerland: S.
Karger, 1965).

and Chicago adolescents. Harold Anderson6 conducted studies
in Western Europe, Rio de Janeiro, Mexico City and elsewhere
in comparison with American children.

In the past five years, in particular, the study of
Japanese culture, society and personality by non-Japanese
scholars has had a boom. The earlier ones, such as Without

the Chrysanthemum and the Sword,7 Personal Character and

 

Cultural Milieu,8 and Youth Looks at Marriage and the Family:

 

A Study of Changing Japanese Attitudes,9 are not on a

 

6Harold H. Anderson, Children's Values in Western

Europe and the Americas, presented at Symposium: Recent
Advances in Cross-Cultural Research, Divisions 8 and 9,
American Psychological Association, Chicago, September 5,
1960.

 

 

Ibid., A Cross-National Study of Children: A Study
in Creativity and Mental Health. For presentation at the
Sixth International Congress on Mental Health, Technical
Session, The Sorbonne, Paris, August 31, 1961 (Mimeographed).

Ibid., and Gladys L. Anderson, "Social Values of
Teachers in Rio de Janeiro, Mexico City, and Los Angeles
County, California: A Comparative Study of Teachers and
Children," The Journal of Social Psychology (1962), 58,
pp. 207-226.

Ibid., Cross-Cultural Evidence of Resistances of
Adolescents to the Values of Adults. Presented at a Sym-
posium: Youth in Revolt Around the World, Dr. F. A. Mullen,
Chairman, American Psychological Association and International
Council of Psychologists, Inc., Chicago, September 4, 1965.

7Jean Stoetzel, Without the Chrysanthemum and the
Sword: A Study of the Attitudes of Youth in Post-War Japan
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1955).

8Douglas G. Haring (ed.), Personal Character and
letural Milieu (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1948).
In this book is included an article on "Japanese Values as
Determined by Child-Rearing Practices," by Geoffrey Gorer.

9Ray E. Baber, Youth Looks at Marriage and the Family:
AyStudy of Changing Japanese Attitudes (Tokyo: International
ChriStian University, 1958).

 

 

 

 

comparative perspective, but investigated through foreign
eyes to give new insights into the attitudes and values of
the Japanese. Caudill10 and De Vos11 produced a number of
articles on Personality and Culture Change in Japan. In
1962 De Vos and Mizushima12 compared not only Mexican-
American and Negro youth within the American society, but
also Japanese-American subjects with matched groups from
Japan in terms of delinquent behavior. Goodman's study13
which compared Japanese primary school children with Ameri-

can ones and Gillespie and Allport's cross-national studyl4

 

loWilliam Caudill and H. A. Scarr, "Japanese Value
Orientations and Culture Change," Ethnology (1961), I:53-
59.

 

William Caudill and Takeo Doi, "Interrelations of
Psychiatry, Culture and Emotion in Japan," in Thomas Glad—
win (ed.), Medicine and Anthropology (New York: Werner
Gren Foundation, 1962).

11George De Vos and Hiroshi Wagatsuma, "Psycho-
cultural Significance of Concern Over Death and Illnes
Among Rural Japanese," The International Journal of Social
Psychiatry (1959), V:5-19.

DeVos, "A Comparison of the Personality Differences
in Two Generations of Japanese Americans by Means of the
Rorschach Test," Nagoya Journal of Medical Science (1954),
XVIII:153-265.

12George A. De Vos and Keiichi Mizushima, "The
School and Delinquency: Perspectives from Japan," Teachers
College Record (May, 1962), Vol. 63, No. 8, pp. 626-638.

13Mary Ellen Goodman, "Values, Attitudes and Social
Concepts of Japanese and American Children," American Anthro-
pologist, 59:979-999.

l4James Gillespie and Gordon W. Allport, Youth's
Outlook on the Future: A Cross-National Study (Garden City,
New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1955).

 

 

 

 

 

 

which compared the university students in different coun-
tries, including Japan and the U.S.A., enhanced the possi-
bility of cross-cultural research. Vogel,15 interested
mainly in Japanese family relations, provides us with in-
sightful interpretations of his data.

As to values and value orientations, Ethel Albert

and Clyde Kluckhohn, et a1.,16

compiled a selected bibli-
ography covering the publications from 1920-1958 to give us
an overview of relevant literature. Using part of F.
Kluckhohn's schedule, Lewis investigated the work—related
value orientations of rural youth in Japan. Though Clyde
Kluckhohn's concept of values is criticized by Fallding,l8

it seems that there are very few alternatives with which

to conduct empirical search for values or value orientations.

 

15Ezra F. Vogel, "The Democratization of Family

Relations in Japanese Urban Society," Asian Survey, Vol.
1, No. 4, pp. 18-24.

l6Ethel M. Albert, Clyde Kluckhohn, et a1., A Selec-
ted Bibliography on Values, Ethics, and Esthetics, in the
Behavioral Sciences and Philosophy, 1920-1958 (Glencoe:
The Free Press, 1959).

17David Michael Lewis, "The Acceptance of Work—
Related Values by Young Rural Japanese" (unpublished Ph.D.
dissertation, Michigan State University, 1963).

18Harold Fallding, "A Proposal for the Empirical
Study of Values," American Sociological Review (April, 1965),
Vol. 30, pp. 223-233.

 

F. Kluckhohn's19 value orientations originated in C. Kluck—

hohn's article20 in Towards a General Theory of Action.

Theoretically and methodologically F. Kluckhohn's book is

most elaborate and sophisticated. In the present study,

F. Kluckhohn's schedule, with minor omissions, is utilized.
As to the literature on self-concepts, from Wylie's

Survey21 to the most recent developments and interpreta-

tions, there are included comprehensive reviews in Self-
22

 

Concept of Ability and School Achievement, II and III.

 

Brookover and others attack, "A major deficiency which
many self-concept studies share is a shotgun approach to
research where a vast array of variables are analyzed
without enough attention being paid to the theoretical

"23 Brook-

network in which these variables are embedded.
over's self-concept of ability is a concise and well-

shaped construct which is scientifically testable. This

 

19Florence R. Kluckhohn and F. L. Strodtbeck,

Variations in Value Orientations (Evanston, Illinois:
Row, Peterson and Company, 1961).

20Clyde Kluckhohn, et a1., "Values and Value—
orientations in the Theory of Action," Towards a General
Theory of Action, Ed. Talcott Parsons and E. A. Shils.

21Ruth Wylie, The Self Concept: A Critical Survey
of Pertinent Research Literature (Lincoln: University of
Nebraska Press, 1961).

22Wilbur B. Brookover, et a1., Self-Concept of
Ability and School Achievement, II and III (East Lansing:
Michigan State University, 1965 and 1967).

231bid., III, p. 43.

 

 

 

 

 

is one of the great advantages and necessities as a cross-
cultural measurement tool.

As to the Japanese literature relevant to this
study, though there are numerous, minor studies done by
psychologists, sociologists and anthropologists in values
and self-images, most of them are not in cross-cultural
perspective. The Rorschach24 test is frequently used in
projecting Japanese personality in comparison with the
personalities in other cultures. The National Institute
of Educational Research25 conducted a nationwide survey
on Japanese youth (ages from 15-19) concerning their gen-
eral values, aims of life, education, work and marriage.
The questionnaire covers too broad and general a field to
be scientifically constructed. There are consecutive sur-

veys on Japanese National Character conducted by the Insti-

tute of Statistics and Mathematics, and also the National

 

4To mention some of the representative ones, they
are: Takao Sofue, "Patterns of the Japanese Personality
Indicated by the Rorschach Test," _apanese Journal of Pro-
jective Techniques, I. Y. Fujioka, "A Statistical Approach
to Group Comparison Based on the Distribution of Rorschach
Responses," Memoire of the Research Institute for Humanis-
tic Studies, Kyoto University.

25National Institute of Educational Research,
"Seishonen-no-Kachikan-ni-kansuru Kenkyu" (A Study on Youth
Values). 1964. One of the findings of this survey is
that the younger generation, though they are more rational
and modern in their thinking, their values are not so dif-
ferent from those of the older generations in terms of
loyalty and group relatedness. The young people suffer
from contradictions and conflicts in society.

 

 

10

Institute of Educational Research is participating in a
cross-cultural research of Coping Styles of Japanese Youth,
the Center of which is located at the University of Texas.
By and large, very little has been explored empirically

to compare the 9th graders in Japan and the U.S.A. in

their self-concepts and value orientations.

Orientation to the Study

 

In an attempt to compare the two seemingly differ-
ent societies, Japanese and American, the basic concept of
social and cultural change which I want to apply to this
study is based upon the reconceptualization and reinter-
pretation of Ruth Benedict's idea of comparing Japanese
culture to American (or Western) culture, and upon Follett's
concept of "interaction."

Ruth Benedict, from her relativistic point of View,
sharply contrasted Japanese culture against that of the
U.S.A. She says as follows:

The arc of life in Japan is plotted in
opposite fashion to that in the United States.
It is a great shallow U-curve with maximum free-
dom and indulgence allowed to babies and to the
old. Restrictions are slowly increased after
babyhood till having one's own way reaches a low
just before and after marriage. This low line
continues many years during the prime of life,
but the arc gradually ascends again until after
the age of sixty men and women are almost as unham-
pered by shame as little children are. In the
United States we stand this curve upside down.
Firm disciplines are directed toward the infant
and these are gradually relaxed as the child

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

11

grows in strength until a man runs his own life
when he gets a self—supporting job and when he
sets up a household of his own. The prime of
life is with us the high point of freedom and
initiative.

The traditional process of socialization in Japan,
as Benedict describes, allows maximum freedom and indul-
gence to infants and the older people with increased con-
straints to adolescents and young adults, while in the
United States this arc stands upside down. Babies and
young children are given firm discipline, but restrictions
are relaxed as they grow into school age, adolescence, and

adulthood, and pressure is intensified again as they ap-

proach retirement age.

 

 

Degree
of /
Freedom
and
Indulgence
Age 0 60

Hall and Beardsley examine Benedict's hypothesis
to determine how closely reality follows the U are that
Benedict proposed, especially after two decades of

sweeping sociocultural restructuring in Japan. They

 

26Ruth Benedict, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword

(Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1946), p. 254.

 

 

,filfi.‘__--.V'A~— 3" -

 

 

12

tentatively conclude that the positive attitude toward

achievement and hard work as evidenced in response to The-
matic Apperception Tests characterizes high-pressured ado-
lescence and is in harmony with the U arc hypothesized by
Benedict.27

The validity of the reversed arc as representing
the socialization process of the American people is chal—
lenged by Urie Bronfenbrenner.28 He has noted marked
changes in the parental attitude in the past twenty-five
years from firm discipline to greater permissiveness. Love-
oriented socialization techniques have been employed in in-
creasing degree by American middle-class families.

Instead of simply contrasting the Japanese way of
socialization with the Western way as Benedict did, the
present status of Japanese society can be better illustra-
ted by confrontation of the two different cultures, tra-
ditional and Western. With the termination of World War
II when the rigidity prescribed, authoritarian Japanese
society was radically transformed into a democratic one,
the changes could be described by putting the two opposite

arcs together, sometimes maintaining peaceful coexistence

27John W. Hall and Richard K. Beardsley, Twelve
Qgprs to Japan (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1965),
PP. 367-68.

28Urie Bronfenbrenner, "The Changing American Child--
A Speculative Analysis," Merrill-Palmer Quarterly of Behav-
}9; and Development, VII, No. 2 (1961), 73-84.

13

and sometimes causing conflicts between the two. For in-
stance, though the older generation, trying to discard the
authoritarian and feudalistic way of life, has accepted
democracy, some of them still maintain their personal at-
tachment to the old patterns of culture, while the younger
generation is eager to learn democracy, taking maximum
freedom and initiative as a matter of fact according to
the Western style. The younger generation often reaches
this stage without going through firm discipline and res-
triction in infancy and early childhood. As a result,
the old and the young are often in conflict with each
other. This fundamental conflicting situation is very
likely to cause frustration which may manifest itself in
the form of suicidal despair as well as that of juvenile
delinquency.
At the same time, as a result of the confronta-
tion of the two diverse cultures, there seems to emerge
a positive phenomenon. Follett's "integrative behavior"
is also observable in many aspects of life in Japan: in
industry, in school, in the youth group, and in the family.
Follett says as follows:
What I have tried to show in this book is
that the social process may be conceived as either
the opposing and battle of desires with the vic-
tory of one over the other, or the confronting and
integrating of desires. The former means non-
freedom for both sides, the defeated bound to the
victor, the victor bound to the false situation

thus created--both bound. The latter means a free-
ing for both sides and increased total power or

14

increased capacity in the world. The core of the
development, expansion, growth, progress of human-
ity is the confronting and gripping of opposites.
Integration is both the keel and rudder of life:
it supports all life's structure and guides every
activity. This thought must be ever before us in
social research.2

Follett's concept of interaction can be observed
in the development of the Japanese postwar economy. Ichiro
Nakayama, a distinguished economist, noting the unprece—
dented growth of the postwar Japanese economy, states:

In fact, however, the contribution of the

traditional virtues should not be underrated, and

just branded as traits left over from the old soci-

ety. Thanks to a happy marriage between tradi-

tional society and modern industrialization, the

influence of the tradition in Ja an has been far

greater than in other countries.
Nakayama also emphasizes that the virtues characteristic
of a feudal heritage, such as the respect for hierarchy,
group discipline, and team work, played a vital role in
promoting the whole process of modernization in Japan
instead of working against the introduction of industrial-
ization or of being destroyed by the process of industrial-

I I 31 I o I
ization. Nakayama's contention of harmonious coex15tence

of old and modern cultural factors in the process of

 

29M. P. Follett, Creative Experience (New York:

Peter Smith, 1951), pp. 301-2.

0Ichiro Nakayama, Industrialization of Japan

(Tokyo, Japan: The Center for East ASian Cultural Studies,
1963), i.

3lIbid., p. 37.

15

economic growth confirms Follett's concept of interaction,
out of which something new and vital emerges.

A similar phenomenon is also observable in the field
of art. Reischauer mentions, "While vastly enriching its
culture by borrowing from the outside world, Japan has found
new vitality in traditional traits."32 Moreover, no aspect
of Japanese life presents more vividly the interaction of
old and new patterns of culture than that of education.

The Japanese system of education, which had been fashioned
chiefly after the European system, was completely trans-
formed into the American system immediately after the end
of World War II when people were still struggling for sur-
vival in dire poverty. Hall observes, "In Japan today,
education remains one of the most vigorously discussed
areas of national policy, . . . Frequently, therefore,
the clash of opinions between conservatives and their

opponents in politics has focussed on the issue of educa-

"33

tion. On the other hand, Reischauer comments, "The

new emphasis in primary education on thinking for oneself
rather than on rote memory work has produced what seems

almost like a new breed of young Japanese-~direct, causal,

 

32Edwin O. Reischauer, Japan Past and Present (3rd
ed. rev.; New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1964), p. 294.

33Hall and Beardsley, op. cit., p. 422.

16

sometimes undisciplined and rude as compared with their

prewar predecessors, but at the same time eager, spontan—

eous, and encouragingly fresh and openminded."34

Robert J. Lifton, in his study of Japanese youth,
says:

In Japan, the rather sudden emergence of
outspoken 'youth attitudes' has lead to facile
generalizations about the nature of young people's
contemporary historical experience. There is first
the claim (perhaps most popular in the West) that
nothing is really changing, that although things
may look different on the surface, deep down every-
thing (and everyone) in the 'unchanging East' is,
and will continue to be, just as it (and they)
always have been. And there is the opposite asser-
tion (a favorite of the Japanese mass media) that
young people have changed absolutely, and beyond
recognition, so that they no longer have any rela-
tionship to their country's past. To avoid these
polarities, I have found it useful to think in
terms of the interplay between inertia and flux
in cultures and individual people as well as in
inorganic matter. For in Japan one discovers
that inertia (maintained by traditional psycho-
logical patterns) and flux (stimulated by pressures
toward change) can both be extremely strong--that
individual change is at the same time perpetual
and perpetually resisted.

Lifton's idea of the "interplay between perpetual
Change and perpetual resistance" is very similar to what I
have presented so far using the combination of Benedict's
and Follett's ideas. The same concepts can be applied

34Reischauer, op. cit., p. 245.

35Robert J. Lifton, "Youth and History Individual
Changes is Postwar Japan," Youth: Change and Challenge

6d. Erik H. Erikson (New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publish-
ers, 1963), p. 217.

 

17

to describe accelerating social changes taking place in

contemporary American society which Talcott Parsons calls
the society in the century of "turmoil and transition."36
Kenneth Boulding further advances Parsons' position and
calls the twentieth century "the second great transition

"37 No one denies the fact

in the history of mankind.
that contemporary American society is characterized by
industrialism which initiates social change. There is a
circular relationship between technology and social insti-
tutions. "Changes in technology produce change in social
institutions and changes in institutions produce change in
technology,"38 though "there is a time lag in change be-
tween the locations of primary change and the other parts

39

of the social structure." This accelerating change pro-

cess is described by Henry as "technological drivenness,"4O
the process of driving industrial society inexorably by its
technological forces to a spiraling expansion and change.
However, the change taking place in the smaller social
units, such as the family and the school, is "a slow,

36Talcott Parsons, "Youth in the Context of Ameri-

can Society," Ibid., p. 93.

37Kenneth E. Boulding, The Meaning of the Twentieth
Century (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1964), p. 1.

38Ibid., p. 9.

 

39Parsons, p. 108.

40Jules Henry, Culture Against Man (New York: Alfred

A. Knopf, Inc., and Random House, Inc., 1963), P. 15.

18

uneven and often painful process"41 of differentiation and

integration of various functions of the social systems.
What I am looking at in this study, first of all,
is the global system in which two societies, the United
States and Japan, with hundreds of others, are located.
Each society is viewed "as a set of Chinese nesting boxes;
smaller social units exist and function within larger ones,

42

and these within still larger ones." The cultures of

these two societies are in constant interaction converging
with or conflicting against each other while a radical
social change, steered by "the two superpowers, industrial-
ization and modernization,"43 is taking place within each
society. As Berelson concludes, "The greater the contact
among cultures, the more the diffusion of common traits
and more alike the societies tend to become. This is not
to say that they become exactly a1ike--on1y more alike.
.Iapan is like the West in technology, but not in a lot of

cather cultural traits."44

41Parsons, "Youth in the Context . . .," p. 108.

42Amitai Etzioni and Eva Etzioni (eds.), Social
Chan e (New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, 1964),

Po 337.

43Ibid., p. 342.

44Bernard Berelson and Gary A. Steiner, Human
BEQEEZEQE (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, Inc.,
1964) , pp. 652-53.

 

19

It is with this concept of social and cultural change
that I compare similarities and dissimilarities of self-
concept of ability, self-esteem, psychosomatic symptoms, as
well as value orientations, of metropolitan youth in differ-
ent social classes within each country and between the U.S.A.

and Japan.

Hypotheses

 

The general hypotheses to be tested in this study
can be stated as follows:

I. The self-concept of ability of the American 9th
graders is higher than that of the Japanese 9th
graders as measured by Brookover's Scale.

II. Theiself-esteemjof the American 9th graders is
higher than that of the Japanese 9th graders as
measured by Rosenberg's Scale.

III. The level of psychosomatic symptoms of the Jap-
anese 9th graders is higher than that of the
American 9th graders as measured by the instru-
ment developed by the U.S. Army.

IV. In the United States and Japan the value orien-
tations of 9th graders are associated with their
social class positions.

V. There are more similarities than differences
between the value orientations of Japanese and

American 9th graders if social class and sex are

held constant.

20

The rationales for these hypotheses are based upon
various theoretical formulations and empirical findings.
Under each of the general hypotheses specific sub-hypotheses
are drawn up as follows:

General Hypothesis I: The self-concepp of ability

 

of the American 9th graders is higher than that of the Jap-

anese 9th graders.

 

In spite of the high achievement of Japanese students

in the International Study of Mathematical Ability,45

the
Japanese personality is characterized by a lack of sense of
self-identity which has been molded by environmental and
historical factors, such as the policy of seclusion for
three hundred years of the Tokugawa Clan, and the feudal-
istic idea of rigidly stratified human relationships. This
"selflessness" is described by Inatomi in relation to the
various aspects of Japanese daily 1ife--clothing, housing,

46

food, and language. Therefore, it is anticipated that

the academic self-concept of the Japanese 9th graders is
lower than the Americans. In addition to this, as Reisch—
auer points out, "Despite their remarkable postwar accom-

Plishments, the Japanese tend to underrate themselves. . .

45International Study of Achievement in Mathematics:
A Comparison of Twelve Countries (2 vol.), Torsten Husen
(Gd.); B. 8. Bloom, M. Hartung, G. F. Peaker, D. A. Pidgeon,
R- L. Thorndike, and D. A. Walker (assoc. eds.), (Stockholm:
Almquist, and New.York: John Wiley and Sons, 1967).

46Eijiro Inatomi, Nihopjin to Nihonbunka (The Japan-
ese People and Japanese Culture), Tokyo, Japan: Risosha,
1963), pp. 70-128.

 

21

Postwar Japan has been compared to the big boy who prefers
to sit quietly in the back of the classroom in the hope

that no one will notice him."47

The Japanese people have
not quite regained their self-confidence after the defeat
of World War II.
Sub-hypotheses: a. The American white 9th graders
have higher self-concept of ability than the Japanese.
b. The American Negro 9th graders
have higher self-concept of ability than the Japanese.

It is anticipated that both white and Negro Ameri-
cans have higher self-concept of ability than the Japanese.
Though previous studies indicate that the Negro's self-
concept is lower than the white's because "the self-concept
of the Negro is contaminated by the fact that it is based

on a color-caste complex, "48

the current civil rights move-
ment seems to have had a great impact upon the Negro and
to have uplifted their self-concept of ability.
c. The self-concept of ability of
Negro 9th graders is lower than white 9th graders.
Though there seems to have been quite an increase
in the self-concept of ability of Negroes in recent years,

it is anticipated that their self-concept of ability is

still lower than that of white 9th graders.

—.._

 

47Reischauer, Japan . . ., p. 251.

 

48William C. Kvaraceus, et a1., Negro Self-Concept
(New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1965), p. 13.

 

22

d. The self-concept of ability is
positively associated with social class in both countries.
The higher the social class, the higher the self-concept
of ability. Berelson concludes, "A person's self-evalua-
tion is strongly influenced by the ranking of his class
(that is, by the society's evaluation of the group to which
he belongs)."49

General Hypothesis II: American 9th graders have

 

higher self-esteem tfluni Japanese 9th graders.

The similar reasons for low self-concept of ability
on the part of Japanese pupils are applicable to their pre-
dicted low self-esteem. As a matter of etiquette, Japanese
people are trained to refrain themselves from expressing
their true feelings or evaluation of themselves in public.
Their covert self-concept or self-esteem is different from
their overt self-concept or self-esteem.

Sub-hypotheses: a. White 9th graders have higher
self-esteem than Negro 9th graders.

If Japanese 9th graders are lower in their self-
esteem than American 9th graders including both white and
Negro students, I wish to know whether there exist differ-
ences between white and Negro students. According to the

age-old, low expectations for Negroes, it is anticipated

49Berelson, Human Behavior, p. 489.

 

23

that Negro's self-esteem must be still lower than whites',
in spite of the great impact upon Negroes of the emerging
Black Power.

b. Japanese male 9th graders have
higher self-esteem than Japanese female 9th graders.

c. Negro female 9th graders have
higher self-esteem than Negro male 9th graders.

d. White male 9th graders have higher
self-esteem than white female 9th graders.

e. There exist overall differences
between sexes. The male 9th graders have higher self-
esteem than the female 9th graders in both countries.

It is an accepted fact that it is still a man's
world in Japan and in the U.S.A. except in case of Negro
females.

f. The higher the social class, the
higher the self-esteem in Japanese culture and white sub-
culture in the U.S.A.

General Hypothesis III: Japanese 9th graders have
higher psychosomatic symptoms than American 9th graders.

It is hypothesized that, due to the pressures and
Stresses imposed upon Japanese students by the entrance
examination system and in View of the fact that youth sui-
Cide rate has been the highest or next to the highest in
the world for nearly fifteen years, Japanese students must

have higher degree of psychosomatic symptoms than American

24

students. At the same time, if they have lower self-
concept of ability and lower self-esteem, their psychoso-
matic symptoms must be higher.

Sub-hypotheses: a. White 9th graders have higher
psychosomatic symptoms thatn Negro 9th graders.

b. There are differences among social
classes in Japan and the United States. They have the high-
est psychosomatic symptoms in the middle class.

c. Female 9th graders have higher
psychosomatic symptoms than male 9th graders in the two
countries.

d. Female 9th graders have higher
psychosomatic symptoms than male 9th graders in Japan.

e. White female 9th graders have
higher psychosomatic symptoms than white male 9th graders.

f. Negro female 9th graders have
higher psychosomatic symptoms than Negro male 9th graders.

General Hypothesis IV: In the United States and

 

Egpan the value orientations of 9th graders are associated
333p their social class positions.

Social class placement is one of the chief deter-
minants of one's values, attitudes, beliefs, and styles of
life.

Sub-Hypothesis: a. Differences in value orienta-
tions exist among the 9th graders of the schools located

in higher social class communities, middle social class

25

communities, and those in the lower social class communi~

ties within each country.

The impact of social class upon school is pointed
out by Neal Gross as follows:

Sociological analysis of the external envi-
ronment of schools have focused on one major
problem area, the impact of social class on edu-
cation. More studies have probably been devoted
to this problem than to any other in the sociology
of education. The general conclusion that emerges
from most of this literature is that nearly every
phase of school functioning is influenced by the
phenomenon of social class. Academic achievement,
level of aspiration, participation in extracurric-
ular activities, and the drop-out rate, for exam-
ple, all tend to be positively related to the
social class placement of the child.50

b. There are differences in value
orientations between the 9th graders from higher social
class families and those from lower class families.

The family is the primary agent of socialization
by which the values of the adult generation are trans-
mitted to the younger generation. Evidences are given by

various studies as to the differences in childrearing

practices by the parents of different social classes.51

50Neal Gross, "The Sociology of Education," Soci-
legy Today, ed. Robert K. Merton, et al. (New York:
Basic Books, Inc., 1959), p. 144.

. 51Danile R. Miller and Guy E. Swanson, The Chang-
iflfi_§merican Parent: A Study in the Detroit Area (New
fork: John Wiley and Sons, 1958); Urie Bronfenbrenner,
Socialization and Social Class Through Time and Space,"
Béflflipgs in Social Psychology, ed. Eleanore E. Maccoby, pp

%%0' (New York: Holt, Reifihart, and Winston, 1958), pp.
-25.

 

 

 

 

26

General Hypothesis V: Between the United States
and Japan there are no differences in the value orientations
of 9th graders in the equivalent social class and sex.

Sub-hypotheses: a. In the higher social class in the
United States and Japan the dominant value orientations of
9th graders are future-oriented in time, individualistic in
human relations, mastery-over-nature in nature, and doing
or being-in-becoming oriented in activity.

b. In the middle social class in the
United States and in Japan the dominant value orientations
are future-oriented in time, individualistic in human rela-
tions, mastery-over-nature oriented in nature, and doing-
oriented in activity.

c. In the lower social class in the
United States and in Japan the dominant value orientations
are present-oriented in time, individualistic or collateral
in human relations, mastery-over-nature oriented in nature,
and doing-oriented or being-oriented in activity.

Vogel, in his intensive study, Japan's New Middle

 

Class, observes the basic values of the Japanese culture

as follows:

The recent rapid changes in society have
weakened faith in statements of traditional ide-
ology and no new system of consistent and widely
accepted values has emerged. As many Japanese
scholars have noted, whereas the Germans responded
to defeat by reasserting their prewar values with-
out seriously re-examining them, most Japanese
responded by questioning their View of life and

 

 

27

submitting it to an agonizing reappraisal from
which it never recovered.

It is evident from Vogel's statement that there has
been a conspicuous shift from the old pattern of basic val-
ues to the new pattern in Japan, which is not yet explicit,
with its defeat in World War II and also with the acceler-
ated rate of industrial revolution. Technological driveness
inevitably forces people in a certain direction: future—
orientation, individualism, mastery-over-nature orientation,
are congruent to the rapid change. Though Caudill and Scarr
noted that the desired mode of behavior for the Japanese is
"doing," I doubt whether the same hypothesis will be sup-
ported in this case, because Florence Kluckhohn's schedule
used at that time did not include being-in-becoming items
in activity orientation.53 I hypothesize that in the higher
social class being-in-becoming is as desirable as doing, in
the middle class people prefer doing most of all since they
(are eager to move up, while in the lower social class they

PIRibably think being and doing equally desirable and

important .

52Ezra F. Vogel, Japan's New Middle Class (Berke-
1£33rz University of California Press, 1963), p. 142.

53This study was conducted by Mrs. Caudill and my-
SGEJEE in 1955. During the twelve years there was a tremen-
dolls change mainly caused by technological progress. In
aS1C'1ition to these, the subjects we investigated in 1955
were chiefly from rural areas.

28

The Theoretical and Operational Definitions
of the Major Concepts

The four major concepts, Self-Concept of Ability,
Self-Esteem, Psychosomatic Symptoms and Value Orientations,

are briefly defined theoretically and operationally.

Self-Concept of Ability (SCA)

Brookover and others define as follows: "Self-
concept of ability is a functionally limiting factor in
school achievement. The child learns what he perceives he
is able to learn, this perception being gained during inter—

action with significant others who hold expectations of the

student as a learner."54

Brookover further differentiates this concept from

cathers such asJersild's or.Maslow's. Self—concept of abil-

:ity refers to behavior in which one indicates to himself

(publicly or privately) his ability to achieve in academic

flasks as compared with others engaged in the same task."55

In this study I used one of Brookover's scales,
SSelf-concept of general ability, to compare the character-

ZLstics of Japanese and American 9th graders in their assess-

Dnent of their general ability.

54Self-Concept of Abilipy and School Achievement
(East Lansing: Bureau of Educational Research Services,
(Zollege of Education, Michigan State University, 1962), p. 3.

55Self-Concept of Abilipy and School Achievement,
III (East Lansing: Educational Publication Services, College
Of Education, Michigan State University, 1967), p. 7-11.

29

Self-Esteem (SE)

According to Rosenberg,

Self-esteem is a positive or negative at-
titude toward a particular object, namely, the
self. But-self—esteem has two quite different
connotations. One connotation of high self-
esteem is that the person thinks he is 'very
good,' a very different connotation is that he
thinks he is 'good enough.‘ It is thus possible
for a person to consider himself superior to
most others but to feel inadequate in terms of
certain standards he has set for himself.56

Psychosomatic Symptoms Scale (PS)

This is considered a measure of "neuroticism" devel-

Oped by the Research Branch of the U.S. Army in World War
II. It has been found that it is extremely effective in
differentiating between large numbers of normal and neurotic

soldiers. I intend to measure to what extent the 9th grad-
ears are affected by the environmental presses, and to use

.as a yardstick for comparison between Japanese and Americans.

Egalue Orientations

Avoiding a complicated discussion on definitions
0i? values and value orientations, I used the concept of
Viilue orientations according to Florence Kluckhohn's def—

iJmition, which is stated as follows:

56Morris Rosenberg, Society and the Adolescent Self-
Efléfilp (Princeton University Press, 1965), pp. 30-31.

30

Value orientations are complex but defi—
nitely patterned (rank-ordered) principles, re-
sulting from the transactional interplay of three
analytically distinguishable elements of the eval-
uative process--the cognitive, the affective, and
the directive elements-—which give order and di-
rection to the ever-flowing stream of human acts
and thoughts as these relate to the solution of
'common human' problems. These principles are
variable from culture to culture but are, we
maintain, variable only in the ranking patterns
of component parts which are themselves cultural
universals. Variation of another kind is varia-
tion in degrees of conscious awareness individu-
als have of the value orientations which influence
their behavior. This variation is, as F. Kluck-
hohn has stated, on the continuum from the com-
pletely implicit to the completely explicit.57

F. Kluckhohn's theory is based upon the universal
(category of culture implying the following three assump-
‘tions.

1. There is a limited number of common human problems
fior which all peoples at all times must find some solutions.

2. While there is variability in solutions of all prob—
.IEHns, it is neither limitless nor random, but is definitely
Variable within a range of possible solutions.

3. All alternatives of all solutions are present in
aJJl societies at all times but are differentially preferred.
Tkuere is always a rank ordering of the preferences of the

Va lue-orientation alternatives . 58

 

 

, 57Florence Kluckhohn, Variations in Value Orienta-
.EE£2£5§ (Evanston, Illinois: Row, Peterson and Company,
19619, p.4.

581bid., p. 10.

 

31

The definition of value orientations stated above
has some unique features distinctive from previous defini—
tions of value orientations and basic values. Her value
orientations are relative to the directive element of the
evaluative process in addition to a combination of cogni-
tive and affective elements of the value orientations.59

F. Kluckhohn operationalizes her theory of value
orientations into five concrete questions:

1. What is the character of innate human nature?

(human nature orientation)

2. What is the relation of man to nature (and super-
nature)? (man-nature orientation)

3. What is the temporal focus of human life? (time
orientation)

4. What is the modality of human activity? (activity
orientation)

5. What is the modality of man's relationship to

other man? (relational orientation)6O

Man-Nature Orientation

According to F. Kluckhohn, the three-point range
0f Variation in the man-nature orientation, that is,

UnGer-Nature, In-Nature, and Over-Nature, is well known

59Ibid., p. 7-9.

6OIbid., p. 10-11.

32

Table 1.1. The five value orientations and the range of
variations postulated for each.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Orientation Postulated Range of Variations

Human Nature (not included in this study)

Man-Nature Subjugation to Harmony With Mastery over
Nature (Under) Nature (In) Nature (Over)

Time Past Present Future

Activity Being Being-in-Becoming Doing

Iblational Lineality Collaterality Individualism

 

 

 

 

 

 

(Source: Variations in Value Orientations by Florence Kluck—
hohn, p. 12.)

from the works of philosophers and culture historians. Under-

Nature position accepts the inevitable, In-Nature position

does not separate man, nature and supernature which are just

parts of the total universe, and Over-Nature position is typ-

ical of most Americans.

'rime Orientation

F. Kluckhohn bases her conceptualization of Time
(Drientation upon Spengler's statement: "It is by the mean-
iJng that it intuitively attaches to time that one culture

"61

ii; differentiated from another. F. Kluckhohn's conten—

tflion is that every society must deal with all three time

 

 

61Oswald Spengler, The Decline of the West, tr.
C1larles F. Atkinson (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1926-28),
V01. I, p. 130.

33

problems, the Past, the Present, and the Future, and each
society has its dominant temporal focus upon a specific

dimension.

Activity Orientation

It consists of three distinctive modalities: Being,
Being-in-Becoming and Doing. Each mode is considered to be
a type of activity. Being orientation stresses "isness"
and spontaneous expression of that "isness." Being-in-
Becoming orientation shares with Being orientation a great
concern with what the human being is rather than what he
can accomplish. However, the idea of development is para-
mount in Being-in-Becoming one. "The spontaneous activity
of the total integrated personality," conceived by Erick
Fromm is close to this mode. Doing orientation emphasizes
\Nhat one does rather than what one is. It is based mainly

Ilpon a measurable accomplishment.

fflplational Orientation

It defines man's relation to other men. It has
t1hree subdivisions, the Lineal, the Collateral, and the
Irldividualistic. Those three dimensions are always present
irl every society. F. Kluckhohn tries to avoid the polar-
t.Ype classifications of human relationships, and stresses
tiLat social systems and sub-systems always contain all

t1‘1:I:'ee relational principles in varying rank-order patterns.

34

When Lineality dominates the relational system, continuity
of the group through time and ordered positional succession
within the group are both crucial issues. As to Collater-
ality, sibling relationships or the Navaho extended families
represent such relationships. When Individualistic princi-
ple is dominant, each individual's responsibility to the
total society and his place in it are defined in terms of
goals which are structured as autonomous, independent of
particular Lineal or Collateral groupings. F. Kluckhohn
uses these three relational alternatives as analytical

concepts rather than generalizing concepts.62

62Florence Kluckhohn, o . cit., pp. 11-20.

CHAPTER II

RESEARCH PROCEDURE AND METHODOLOGY

Description of Project

Where Conducted:
Since this is a cross-cultural study, the fields of

work are in two different national cultures, Japan and the

United States of America. Our concern is with ninth graders

in highly industrialized, metropolitan areas; therefore,

Tokyo, Japan, and Detroit, U.S.A., are selected as compar-

able fields of study.

'Iokyo Study:

In July, 1966, I returned to Tokyo to collect neces—

sary data for the project. I spent about two months in

{Tokyo Metropolis visiting one school after another to ask
‘the principals to let the students participate in the proj-
Enzt. With the utmost cooperation and assistance of Mr.
Ekltaro Yamaji, Tokyo Metropolitan Board of Education, who

“"35 in charge of elementary and junior high schools in Tokyo

I“letropolis, nine junior high schools were selected by random

Sampling out of 449 public junior high schools in the

35

36

metropolitan, industrialized areas in Greater Tokyo. In
the process of sampling, socio-economic and ecological fac-
tors were taken into account. Those nine schools are scat-
tered in different sections of Tokyo Metropolis not only
in the central part of Tokyo but also in the satellite
cities.

As Table 2.1 shows, in each of these schools two
classes were randomly selected and were asked to respond
to the questionnaire. The total number of boys who responded
to the questionnaire was 436, while that of girls was 324.
Since the boys attending public junior high schools out-
numbered girls, there arose a need of sampling some girls
from private junior high schools in Tokyo. There are 206
private junior high schools in Tokyo Metropolis; 19,188 boys
and 34,400 girls attend those schools. The 9th-grade boys
are 6,848 and girls are 12,611. Out of 69 non-religious
private girls' junior high schools one was randomly selec-
ted. In that school two classes were randomly selected and
tnere asked to answer the questions. Thus, the total number
<>f the subjects was 870 including 436 boys and 434 girls.

The questionnaire consists of self-concept of abil-
Iity, self-esteem, psychosomatic symptoms and value-orienta—
1:ions whose validity and reliability have been already
tkasted. The questionnaire was translated from English into
JaPanese in May and June, 1966, by myself. The translated

Japanese version was re—translated into English by the two

37

Table 2.1. Number of subjects in Tokyo study.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Location Boys Girls Total
U er socio- SChOOl A
pp . (Chiyoda Ward) 61 21 82
economic
background School B
(Suginami Ward) 63 23 86
School C
(Musashino City) 47 35 82
Mixed socio- SChOOl D
. (Setagaya Ward) 48 34 82
economic
background School E
(Koto Ward) 41 40 81
School F
(Fucho City) 42 50 92
School G
(Sumida Ward) 49 39 88
snare”- H
background (Edogawa Ward) 49 35 84
School I
(Adachi Ward) 36 46 82
Total Public
Schools 9 436 324 760
Private Girls' School J
School (Bunkyo Ward) 111
Grand Total 10 43 434 870

 

38

Japanese students competent in English. The re-translation
turned out almost equivalent to the original English version.
After re-translation was completed, pre-testing was carried
on in the two schools in Tokyo, one with upper socio-economic
background and the other with mixed socio-economic backgrounds.
Seeing the results of the pre-test, I shortened the original
questionnaire and made minor corrections.

While I was in Tokyo, I conducted a small-scale ex-
ploratory research to ascertain the inter-generational dis—
sidence in value-orientations. My assistant, a graduate
student of Sociology at Tokyo University, and I interviewed
18 fathers and 18 mothers of the students in two of the
schools where the questionnaire was administered in order to
compare the perceived value-orientations of students against
the parents' own responses. One of the two schools is at-
tended mainly by the students from upper-middle class, while

the other is mainly by those from mixed socio-economic

Jbackgrounds.

lDetroit Study:

“.9

Strictly speaking, Detroit may not be comparable to
Tkikyo in every sense, but at the same time there is no rea-
Scnn to refute its comparability. After repeated discussion
it: was decided to select Detroit as the field of study in

the United States.

39

In the middle of March arrangements were made to
meet Dr. Robert S. Lankton, Divisional Director, Department
of Research and Development, and Mr. John Lindsey, Assistant
Director, who showed interest and extended warm support to
the project. By random sampling in principle, 12 junior
high schools in Detroit District were selected and a letter
of invitation to participate in the project was sent to each
school. Seven schools responded that they would participate,
four did not choose to participate and one did not respond.
Also, through the arrangement of Mrs. Nancy Bauer, one
Birmingham school was selected. Table 2.2 shows the number
of subjects in the Detroit Area Study.

Since American population includes both whites and
Negroes, it is considered to be more meaningful to investi-
gate the self-images and value-orientations of both races
(in this case, white means non-Negro). The result of the
sampling closely reflects the actual proportion in the City
(of Detroit and its suburbias. With the help of graduate
astudents, I made more than ten trips to Detroit from March
tflarough the end of May. Each time I had utmost cooperation
Of? the principal, assistant principal, department head and

teEichers involved, not to speak of the respondents themselves.

4O

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 2.2. Number of subjects in Detroit study.
Boys Girls
Location Negro White Negro White Total
. School K
Upper 30°10 (Suburbia) o 156 o 140 296
economic
background School L
(Detroit) 18 56 24 63 161
School M
(Detroit) 0 80 O 80 160
ism”- N
backgrounds (Detr01t) O 62 O 88 150
School 0
(Detroit) 0 70 0 97 167
School P
(Detroit) 44 26 49 26 145
L° 0
° (Detroit) 119 o 169 1 290
backgrounds
School R
(Detroit) 85 18 99 21 223
Total 8 266 468 341 517 1592

 

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER III
FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIONS

The method employed for analyzing the data collec-
13ed by the three instruments, Self-Concept of Ability Scale,
Shelf-Esteem Scale and Psychosomatic-Symptoms Scale, is mainly
vviner's unweighted means method dealing with unequal sample
seizes. The assumptions are equal population variances, ran-
dcxn samplings from normal distribution and normal and inde-
pxendently-distributed errors. Winer's unweighted means an-
anysis makes it possible to compare differences among group
nusans by treating all sample means as equally good estima-
tcxrs of population means. Therefore, for the small groups,

jprnecision of the estimator may be exagerated, and the method

is only approximate.

Self-Concept of Ability as Measured
by Brookover's Scale
The hypotheses presented in Chapter I were tested by
Tables 3.1 and 3.2 are the

.-——-.

{Winer's unweighted means method.
Sunnruaries of analysis of variancajby culture and social class.
:1. The research hypothesis is supported that there exist

oveEli'all differences among Japanese 9th-graders in Tokyo:

41

42

Table 3.1. Self-concept of ability summary of analysis of
variance.

 

 

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F
Culture (C) 38417.624 2 19208.812 539.300***
Social Class (8) 8188.728 3 2729.577 76.635***
C x S 758.193 6 126.366 3.548**
Within Groups 87263.132 2450 35.618

Total 2461

 

 

 

 

 

*** p < .001
** p < .01
<
Negro and white 9th-graders in Detroit in their self-concept
of ability.
F = 539.300
p < .001
2. The research hypothesis is supported that Amer-
.ican 9th graders, including both Negro and white, have
Iligher self-concept of ability than Japanese 9th graders.
F = 477.283
p < .001
3. The research hypothesis is not supported that
tiles self-concept of ability of Negro 9th graders is lower
tlléin white 9th graders. The evidences support that there
aITEB no differences between the two groups.

F = 76.635

p >.05

43

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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44

4. The research hypothesis is supported that there
exist overall differences among the social classes in the
self-concept of ability of 9th graders in Tokyo and Detroit.

F = 76.635
p_< .001

5. The research hypothesis is supported by orthogonal
comparisons that there exist differences between Japanese
and American 9th graders in their self-concept of ability

'within the equivalent social class.

Between upper classes: F = 22.234
Between middle classes: F = 158.521
Between lower classes: F = 264.182

p < .001

The evidences indicate that there tend to exist
greater differences in self-concept of ability between
Japanese and American 9th graders as social class goes
down.

6. The research hypothesis is supported that within
the! Japanese culture there exist differences between the
upEner class and middle class in their self—concept of abil—
ityh. The 9th graders in the upper class have higher self-
c3011cept of ability than those in the middle class.

F = 34.575

p < .001

45

7. The research hypothesis is supported that within
the Japanese culture there exist differences between the
ndddle class and lower class in their self-concept of abil-
ity. The 9th graders in the middle class have higher self-
concept of ability than those in the lower class.

F = 28.462
p <.001

8. The research hypothesis is supported that within
'the Negro sub-culture the 9th graders in the upper class
Ihave self-concept of ability as high as those in the mid-
dle class.

F = .0630
p > .05

9. The research hypothesis is supported that within
the Negro sub-culture the 9th graders in the middle class
Ihave higher self-concept of ability than those in the lower
Class.

F = 25.210
p < .001

10. The research hypothesis is supported that within
the‘white sub-culture the 9th graders in the upper class
hana higher self-concept of ability than those in the mid-
dle class .

F = 11.83

p < .001

46

11. The research hypothesis is supported that within
the white sub-culture the 9th graders in the middle class
have higher self-concept of ability than those in the lower
class.
F = 6.255
p < .05
12. The research hypothesis is not supported that Japan-

ese male 9th graders have higher self-concept of ability

than Japanese female 9th graders. There is no difference

Ibetween the two groups.

F = 1.3845
p >.05
13. The research hypothesis that Negro female 9th grad-

ers have higher self-concept of ability than Negro male

9tfiu graders is not supported. There is no difference be-

tween the two groups.
F = .5137
p > .05
£14. The research hypothesis is supported that white
malxe 9th graders have higher self-concept of ability than
White female 9th graders.
F = 11.280
p < . 001
Iii. The research hypothesis is supported that male 9th
graders, including Japanese, Negro and white, have higher
There are

Self“concept of ability than female 9th graders.

Over6.11 diffences between the sexes.

47

Table 3.3. Self-concept of ability-~summary of analysis of
variance.

 

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F
Sex (S) 377.753 2-1=1 377.753 10.63 **
Culture (C) 33156.502 3-l=2 16578.251 466.586***
8 x C 257.176 1x2=2 128.588 3.62 *
Within Groups 87263.132 2456 35.531
*** p < .001
** p < .01
* p < .05

Table 3.4. Self-concept of ability means and standard devi-
ation by sex and culture.

 

 

 

 

 

Culture Male Female Total
N = 436 N = 434 N = 870
Japanese = 23.4197 = 22.9493 M = 23.1845
8 = 6.0234 S = 5.6860
N = 266 N = 335 N = 601
Amerlcan = 28.8910 = 29.2418 M = 29.0664
Negro
S = 5.0319 S = 4.1999
N = 468 N = 523 N = 991
American _ __ .—
lflhite — 29.2009 — 27.9273 M — 28.5641
S = 5.4268 S = 5.0266

—

flkrtal M 27.1705 M 26.7061 GM 26.9383

‘

48

F = 10.63
p < .01
16. The research hypothesis that_white male 9th graders
have higher slef-concept of ability than Negro male 9th
graders is not supported. There are no differences between
the two groups.
F = .072
p > .05
17. The research hypothesis that white female 9th grad-
ers have higher self-concept of ability than Negro female
9th graders is not supported. The evidence shows that Negro
female 9th graders have higher self-concept of ability than
white female 9th graders.
F = 7.720

p < .01

49

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

SELF-CONCEPT OF ABILITY

Overall Japanese < Americans

Negro = white

Social class

 

(overall) upper > middle >1ower
(culture) Japanese: upper > middle > lower
white: upper > middle 9 lower

Negro: upper = middle > lower

Japanese upper < American upper
Japanese middle < American middle

Japanese lower <American lower

 

Sen<
(overall) male >female
(culture) Japanese male = Japanese female

white male > white female

Negro male - Negro female

white male = Negro male

white female <:Negro female

50

Self-Esteem as Measured by
Rosenbepg's Scale

1. The research hypothesis is supported that American
9th graders, including both white and Negro students, have
liigher self-esteem than Japanese 9th graders.

F = 255.3109
p < .001

2. The research hypothesis that white students have
liigher self-esteem than Negro students is not supported.
(Dhe evidence shows that Negro 9th graders have higher self-
eesteem than white 9th graders.

F = 21.8627
p < .001

3. The research hypothesis is supported that Japanese
rnale 9th graders have higher self-esteem than Japanese fe-
male 9th graders.

F = 4.003
p < .05

4. The research hypothesis is not supported that Negro
fewnale 9th graders have higher self-esteem than Negro male
9t11 graders. The evidence shows that Negro male 9th graders
haxne higher self-esteem than Negro female 9th graders.

F = 4.83

p < .05

51

Table 3.5. Self-Esteem--Summary of analysis of variance

 

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F
Culture (C) 11503.451 3-l=2 5751.726 267.125***
Social Class (S) 384.176 4-1=3 128.059 5.947***
C x S 215.146 2x3=6 35.858 1.665
Within Groups 52752.872 2450 21.532

 

Total 2461

*** p < .001

5. The research hypothesis is supported that white male
9th graders have higher self-esteem than white female 9th
graders .

F = 30.0437
p < .001

6. The research hypothesis is supported that there
en<ist overall differences between sexes. The male 9th grad-
€135 have higher self-esteem than the female 9th graders in
tile two countries.

F = 38.33
p < .001

7. The research hypothesis is supported that there
eXiist overall differences among social classes in the two
CCHJntries in the self-esteem of 9th graders.

F = 5.947

p < .001

52

 

 

 

 

 

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HMfloom

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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cowuofl>mp pumpcoum paw memE Emoummlmawm

.m.m mHAme

53

Table 3.7. Self-esteem--summary of analysis of variance.

 

J
—

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F

Sex (S) 823.346 1 823.346 38.333***
Culture (C) 12080.534 2 6040.267 281.217***
S x C 118.261 2 59.131 2.753
Within Groups 52752.872 2456 21.479

Total 2461

 

*** p < .001

Table 3.8. Self-esteem means
and culture.

Culture/

and standard deviation by sex

r
4

 

 

 

 

Sex Male Female Total
N = 436 N = 434 N = 870
(Tapanese M = 25.5505 M = 24.9286 M = 25.2395
S = 4.6262 S = 3.6367
N = 266 N = 335 N = 601
American _ _ _
INegro — 29.4060 — 28.6985 M - 29.0522
S = 5.9559 S = 4.1342
N = 468 N = 523 N = 991
American - _ _ _
“Haite M — 28.8013 M — 27.1855 M - 27.9934
S = 4.0364 S = 3.9955
Total M = 27.9192 M = 26.9375 GM = 27.4283

54

8. The research hypothesis is not supported that there
exist overall differences between the upper class and the
middle class in self-esteem of the 9th graders in the two
countries. There are no differences in their self-esteem
between the upper class and the middle class.

F = .642
p > .05

9. The research hypothesis is supported that there
exist overall differences between the middle class and the
lower class in self-esteem. The middle-class 9th graders
have higher self-esteem than the lower-class 9th graders
in the two countries.

F = 6.45
p<< .05

10. The research hypothesis is supported by orthogonal
Icomparisons that there are differences between the self-
esteem of 9th graders in Japan and the U.S.A. when social
classes are held constant. In all classes American 9th

graders have higher self-esteem than Japanese 9th graders.

Between Upper Classes: F = 11.302
Between Middle Classes: F = 71.550
Between Lower Classes: F = 140.828

p < .001

The evidences show that there tend to exist greater differ-
ences in self-esteem between Japanese and American 9th

graders as social class goes down.

55

11. The research hypothesis is not supported that the
9th graders in the upper class have higher self-esteem than
those in the middle class in Japan. The evidence shows that
there are no differences between the two groups.

F = 2.74
p > .05

12. The research hypothesis is supported that the Japan-
ese 9th graders in the middle class have higher self-esteem
than those in the lower class.

F = 7.90
p ‘<.Ol

13. The research hypothesis is not supported that the
white 9th graders in the upper class have higher self-esteem
than those in the middle class. The evidences show that
there are no differences between the two groups.

F = 1.65
p 3>.05

14. The research hypothesis is not supported that the
Vfluite 9th graders in the middle class have higher self-
esteem than those in the lower class. The evidences indi-
cate that there are no differences between the two groups.

F = .474

p > .05

56

15. The research hypothesis is not supported that the
Negro 9th graders in the middle class have higher self-
esteem than those in the upper class. The evidence shows
that there are no differences between the two groups.

F = 2.15
p >' .05

16. The research hypothesis is not supported that Negro
9th graders in the middle class have higher self-esteem
than those in the lower class. The evidence shows that
there are no differences between the two groups.

F = .973

p > .05

57

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

SELF-ESTEEM

Overall Japanese < American

Negro > White

Social Class

 

(overall) Upper = Middle > Lower

(culture) Japanese: Upper = Middle > Lower
White: Upper = Middle = Lower
Negro: Upper = Middle = Lower

Japanese upper < American upper
Japanese middle < American middle

Japanese lower < American lower

 

Sen¢
(overall) male > female
(culture) Japanese male > Japanese female

White male > White female
Negro male > Negro female
White male = Negro male

White female < Negro female

58

Psychosomatic Symptoms

1. The research hypothesis is not supported that Japan-
ese 9th graders have higher psychosomatic symptoms than
.American 9th graders. There are no differences between the
two groups.

F = 1.747
p > .05

2. The research hypothesis is not supported that white
9th graders have higher psychosomatic symptoms than Negro
9th graders. There are no differences between the two
groups.

F = .2269
p > .05

3. The research hypothesis is not supported that there
aare overall differences among social classes in two coun-
'tries in psychosomatic symptoms.

F = 1.002
p > .05
4. The research hypothesis is supported that female
9t11 graders have higher psychosomatic symptoms than male
9tfl) graders in the two countries.
F = 229.70

p < .001

59

5. The research hypothesis is supported that female
9th graders in Japan have higher psychosomatic symptoms
than male 9th graders in Japan.

F = 5.72
p < .05

6. The research hypothesis is supported that white
female 9th graders have higher psychosomatic symptoms than
male 9th graders.

F = 42.358
p < .001

7. The research hypothesis is supported that Negro fe-
male 9th graders have higher psychosomatic symptoms than
Negro male 9th graders.

F = 38.3402

p < .001

Table 3.9. Psychosomatic Symptoms--Summary of analysis of
variance.

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F
Culture (C) 146.6384 2 73.3192 2.5885
Social Class (S) 84.9962 3 28.3321 1.002
C x S 83.3858 6 13.8976 <1
Within Groups 69397.2949 2450 28.3254

¥

Total 2461

k

 

 

 

60

 

 

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61

Table 3.11. Psychosomatic symptoms--Summary of analysis of
variance.

 

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F

Sex (S) 6490.4518 1 6490.4518 229.7017***
Culture (C) 309.1415 2 154.571 5.470**

S x C 361.2590 2 180.630 6.393**
Within Groups 69397.2949 2456 28.256

 

*** p < .001
** p < .01

Table 3.12. Psychosomatic symptoms by sex and culture.

 

 

 

 

 

Culture Male Female Total
N = 436 N = 434

Japanese = 20.4954 = 21.3479 20.9216
S = 4.4118 S = 4.4334
N = 266 N = 335

.American = 18.9549 M = 21.6716 20.3132

Neg“ s = 5.6992 s = 6.0872
N = 468 N = 523

Merican _ _

Vflnite - 19.3761 M — 21.5774 20.4767
S = 5.3805 S = 5.3805

 

 

19.6088 M 21.5323 GM = 20.5705

Total M

 

 

Overall

Social Class

 

(overall)

£3ex
(overall)

(vulture)

 

62

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

PSYCHOSOMATIC SYMPTOMS

Japanese = American

Negro White

middle = lower

upper

male < female
Japanese male < Japanese female
White male < White female

Negro male < Negro female

63

Comparison of Schools in Tokyg and Detroit

 

According to the Social Class

 

In order to classify the schools in Tokyo and De-

troit according to the social class composition, the finan-

cial supporter's (mainly father's) social ranking and edu-

cational expectation of the 9th graders were used as

criteria. As Tables 3.13 and 3.14 show, since there

are

some differences in the proportion of social classes and

educational expectation between the two countries, slightly

modified criteria are applied to the

Japan

two countries.

Schools in the gpper social class:

 

1. father's social ranking: 40 percent or more

upper class
2. educational expectation: 70
ting to go to 4-year college

Schools in the middle social

percent or more

class:

 

l. father's social ranking: 60
middle class and up and less

lower class

2. educational expectation: more than 20 percent expec-

ting to go to 4-year college.

percent or more

than 40 percent

Schools in the lower social class:

 

in the

expec-

in the

in the

1. father's social ranking: 40 percent or more in the

lower class

64

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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66

2. educational expectation: less than 20 percent ex-
pecting to go to college

The U.S.A.

 

Schools in the upper social class:

 

1. father's social ranking: 40 percent or more in the
upper class

2. educational expectation: 80 percent or more expec-
ting to go to 4-year college
Schools in the middle social class:

1. father's social ranking: 45 percent or more in
the middle class and up and less than 55 percent
in the lower class

2. educational expectation: more than 50 percent ex-
pecting to go to 4-year college

Schools in the lower social class:

 

l. father's social ranking: 60 percent or more in the
lower class
2. educational expectation: less than 50 percent ex-
pecting to go to 4-year college
From the previous analyses it is evident that social
cllass and culture are two strongly influencing factors in
Cletermining self-concept of ability. Here we hold social
Cilass constant and compare the schools in Japan and the

U.S.A.

67

1. The research hypothesis is supported that there are
differences in the self-concept of ability of 9th graders
among schools in the upper class in Japan and the U.S.A.
Table 3.15. Comparison of schools in the upper class in

Japan and the U.S.A. (Self-concept of ability)
One-way analysis of variance.

 

 

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F
Among Schools 2851.68 3 950.56 42.97
Within Schools 13517.24 611 22.12
Total 614

p < .001

Since the differences between the means of the
American schools and Japanese schools are greater than those
between the schools within the same culture, we can attri-
bute the differences mainly to the cultural factor.

2. The research hypothesis is supported that there
exist differences in self-esteem of 9th graders among
schools in the upper class in Japan and those in the United

States.

68

Table 3.16. Comparison of schools in the upper class in
Japan and the U.S.A. (Self—esteem) One-way

analysis of variance.

 

 

 

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F
Among Schools 1090.64 3 363.55 21.28
Within Schools 10508.79 615 17.09
Total 618

p < .001

3. The research hypothesis is not supported that there
exist differences in the degree of psychosomatic symptoms
of the students between the schools in the upper class in
Japan and those in the United States. There are no differ-
ences in the degree of psychosomatic symptoms between the
upper-class schools in Japan and in the United States.
Table 3.17. Comparison of schools in the upper class in

Japan and the U.S.A. (psychosomatic symptoms)
One-way analysis of variance.

 

 

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F
Among Schools 87.80 3 29.27 ' 1.12
Within Schools 16171.86 620 26.08

TOtal 623

 

 

p > .10

69

4. The research hypothesis that there exist differences
in self-concept of ability of the 9th graders among schools
in the middle class in Japan and in the U.S.A. is supported.
Table 3.18. Comparison of schools in the middle class in

Japan and the U.S.A. (Self-concept of ability)
One-way analysis of variance.

 

 

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F
Among Schools 4622.35 6 770.39 32.47
Within Schools 19146.36 807 23.73
Total 813

p < .001

5. The research hypothesis that there are differences
in self-esteem of 9th graders in the middle class in Japan
and the U.S.A. is supported.

Table 3.19. Comparison of schools in the middle class in

Japan and the U.S.A. (self-esteem) One-way
analysis of variance.

 

 

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F
Among Schools 1533.63 6 255.60 21.35
Within Schools 9660.74 807 11.97

Total 813

 

p < .001

7O

6. The research hypothesis that there exist differences
in psychosomatic symptoms of 9th graders among schools in
the middle class is supported. The differences cannot be
attributed to the cultural factors.

Table 3.20. Comparison of schools in the middle class in

Japan and the U.S.A. (Psychosomatic symptoms)
One-way analysis of variance.

 

 

 

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F
Among Schools 706.01 6 117.67 4.63
Within Schools 20469.97 806 25.40
Total 812

p < .001

7. The research hypothesis is supported that there
exist differences in the self-concept of ability of the 9th
graders in the lower class in Japan and in the U.S.A. There
exist greater differences between the cultures in the lower
class than in the other two classes.

Table 3.21. Comparison of schools in the lower class in

Japan and the U.S.A. (Self-concept of ability)
One-way analysis of variance.

 

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F
Among Schools 11873.94 5 2374.79 127.43
Within Schools 16753.63 899 18.64

Total - 904

—*

p < .001

71

8. The research hypothesis is supported that there
exist differences in self-esteem on 9th graders among
schools in the lower class in Japan and the U.S.A. There
exist greater differences in self-esteem of 9th graders
among schools in the lower class than in the other two

classes.
Table 3.22. Comparison of schools in the loWer class in

Japan and the U.S.A. (Self-esteem) One-way
analysis of variance.

 

 

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F
Among Schools 3406.38 5 681.28 50.85
Within Schools 12003.92 896 13.40

Total 901

 

P < .001

9. The research hypothesis that there exist differences
in psychosomatic symptoms of 9th graders among schools in
the lower class is not supported. There exist no differ-
ences among schools in the lower class in psychosomatic
symptoms of 9th graders in Japan and the U.S.A.

In order to find out what is happening to the self-
concept of ability, self-esteem and psychosomatic symptoms
of lower-class students in upper-class schOols compared to
those of the lower-class students in lower-class schools,

the following hypotheses are to be tested:

72

Table 3.23. Comparison of schools in the lower class in
Japan and the U.S.A. (Psychosomatic symptoms)
One-way analysis of variance.

 

 

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS _F
Among Schools 360.68 5 72.14 2.66
Within Schools 24386.43 898 27.16
Total 903

p > .01

10. The research hypothesis is supported that in Japan
the lower class students in the upper-class schools have
higher self-concept of ability than those in the lower-

class schools.

73

 

 

 

 

 

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74

Table 3.25a. Comparison of self-concept of ability of lower
class students in upper-class schools and in

lower-class schools (Japan)

of variance.)

(One-way analysis

 

 

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F
Between Schools 202.51 1 202.51 9.91
Within Schools 3515.40 172 20.44
Total 173

p < .01

Mean (Lower-class students in upper-class schools)

23.11 SCA

Mean (Lower-class students in lower-class schools)

20.17 SCA

11. The same hypothesis is not supported in the United

States. There are no differences between the two groups

in their self-concept of ability.

Table 3.25b. (U.S.A.)

 

 

 

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F
Between Schools 4.28 1 4.28 .240
Within Schools 10600.9 593 17.88
Total 594

p > .05

Mean (Lower-class students in upper-class schools)

= 29.00 SCA

Mean (Lower-class students in lower-class schools)

= 28.72 SCA

75

12. The research hypothesis is not supported that in
Japan the lower—class students in the upper-class schools
have higher self-esteem than those in the lower-class
schools. There are no differences between the two groups
in their self-esteem.

Table 3.26a. Comparison of self-esteem of lower-class
students in upper-class schools and in

lower-class schools (Japan) (One-way analy-
sis of variance).

 

 

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F
Between Schools .2982 1 .2982 .0304
Within Schools 1707.014 174 9.810
Total 175

p > .5

Mean (Lower—class students in upper-class schools)
24.655 SE

Mean (Lower-class students in lower-class schools)
24.544 SE

13. The same hypothesis is not supported in the United
States either. There are no differences in their self-

esteem between the two groups.

76

Table 3.26b. (U.S.A.)

 

 

 

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F
Between Schools 10.90 1 10.90 .798
Within Schools 8053.10 590 13.65
Total 591

p > .10

Mean (Lower-class students in upper-class schools)

28.73 SE
Mean (Lower-class students in lower-class schools)

29.17 SE

14. The research hypothesis is not supported that the
lower-class students in upper-class schools have higher
psychosomatic symptoms than those in lower-class schools.
There are no differences between the two groups.

Table 3.27a. Comparison of psychosomatic symptoms of lower-
class students in upper-class schools and in

lower-class schools (Japan) (One-way analysis
of variance).

 

 

 

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F
Between Schools 2.628 1 2.628 .140
Within Schools 3271.168 175 18.692
Total 176

p > .5

Mean (Lower-class students in upper-class schools)
= 20.76 PS

Mean (Lower-class students in lower-class schools)
= 21.09 PS

15. The same hypothesis is not supported in the United

States, either.

77

Table 3.27b. (U.S.A.)

 

 

 

 

 

 

Source of Variation SS df MS F
Between Schools 11.06 1 11.06 .36
Within Schools 18313.05 593 30.88
Total 594

p > .5

Mean (Lower-class students in upper-class schools)
21.06 PS

Mean (Lower-class students in lower-class schools)
20.62 PS

Comparison of Value Orientations of the
9th Graders in Japan and the U.S.A.

 

 

1. If the value orientations of the 9th graders in
both countries are compared, Chi-squares in Tables 3.28-
31 show great discrepancies between the configurations of
the patterns of choice. Eleven questions out of twelve
show differences at various levels of significance. Only
Relational-Orientation III (Question 54) produces no dif-
ferences between the two countries. However, if we take
a second look at those tables, we discover, in many cases,
the most dominant patterns (double-lined) and/or the next
dominant patterns (single-lined) coincide with each other.

In Relational-Orientation (Table 3.28) students in
both countries tend to be individualistic. In all of the
three questions the greatest number of people chose Individ—
ualistic > Collateral pattern or Individualistic > Lineal

pattern. Question 54, which is a financial-crisis question

78

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79

shows no differences between the two countries. Instead

of relying upon their brothers and sisters or on some rela-
tives for help, the 9th graders in both countries prefer

to raise the needed amount of money by himself or to go to
a respected person of experience and authority in the fam-
ily or community for advice and help.

In Activity-Orientation (Table 3.29) Japanese
students tend to prefer Being-in-Becoming > Doing pattern
while American students prefer Doing > Being or Doing
Being-in-Becoming pattern.

In Man-to-Nature Orienation (Table 3.30) Japanese
students tend to prefer Over Nature > In Nature pattern
and American students tend to prefer Over Nature > Under
Nature pattern. In Question 46, which is a question of
changes brought about by scientific progress, both Japan-
ese and Americans tend to choose In-Harmony-With—Nature
Orientation instead of Over Nature Orientation. The great-
est number of people believe that they can expect the most
when they work to fit in with and live with nature.

In Time Orienation (Table 3.31) both Japanese and
American students prefer Future > Present Orientation or
Present > Future Orientation to Past-Orientation.

2. If social-class and sex are held constant, do they
exhibit greater similarities between the American and Japan-
ese cultures? Generally speaking, the decreased values of

Chi-squares indicate smaller discrepancies between the

80

 

 

 

 

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83

cultures. In Relational-Orientation, if Tables 3.32-37
are compared with one another, males in the same social
class in the two countries tend to select similar patterns
than females.

In Activity-Orientation, if Tables 3.38-43 are
compared with one another, a similar trend can be dis-
cerned between the cultures in case of males and females.
In the upper-class and lower-class females (Tables 3.39
and 41) there exist differences between the two cultures
without any exception. In the middle-class females, there
exist no differences between the cultures in Question 53,
which is a way of living, though Japanese girls tend to
choose Being-in-Becoming > Doing pattern, while American
girls tend to select Doing > Being pattern. In case of
males, five out of nine items show no differences between
the two cultures if social class and sex are held constant
(See Tables 3.38, 40, and 41).

In Man-to-Nature Orientation, if social class and
sex are held constant, boys show no differences in their
selection of orientation patterns in four out of nine com-
parisons and girls show no differences in their selection
of orientation patterns in three out of nine comparisons.

In Time-Orientation, in the case of males, in five
out of nine comparisons there exist no differences between

the two cultures and, in the case of females, in three out

84

of nine comparisons there exist no differences between the
two cultures.

Strictly speaking, this is not a statistical test-
ing to compare the characteristics of American and Japanese
value orientations. By means of using Chi-squares which
indicate differences at specific levels of significance, I
simply attempted to discern general trends of differences
and similarities of patterns of value orientations.

It may be tentatively concluded that, if social
class and sex are held constant, they seem to exhibit greater
similarities than otherwise. At the same time, boys tend to
show greater similarities than girls between the U.S.A. and
Japan.

If the value orientations of the 9th graders are
compared by schools in the equivalent social class between
Japan and the U.S.A., similar trends can be traced in the
upper-class schools and in the middle-class schools. In_
both social classes there exist no differences between Amer-
ican and Japanese schools in Question 54 (Relational Orien-
tation), Question 50 and 52 (both in Time Orientation). while
in the lower-class schools there exist Significant differ-
ences in every case. Greater discrepancies seem to exist in
lower class between the two countries than in the middle or

upper class.

CHAPTER IV

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS

Self-Concept of Ability

 

As hypothesized, Japanese 9th graders have lower
self-concept of ability than American 9th graders. How can
I account for this difference? What are some of the social
and educational implications for this relative lowness on
the part of the Japanese boys and girls in the 9th grade
compared with the American 9th graders? Beside cultural
and historical factors, there may be some institutional fac-
tors which will push down or keep from enhancing the self-
concept of ability of the Japanese boys and girls.

The 9th graders in Japan stand at the crossroad.
They are at the last stage of compulsory education to-make
up their minds as to their future course. In the present
study of 870 students, only 6.67 percent plan to go to work
immediately after finishing junior high school without get-
ting further education, and the rest are expecting to go to
senior high school, vocational school or to some kind of
school beyond junior high school. It is also amazing to
find that 44.25 percent of them plan to go to 4-year college

or more. As shown in the following figures, the educational

85

86

upgrading in the last twenty years in Japan has been phenom-
enal. The proportion of the age group advancing to senior
high school in 1950 was 43 percent, but it rose to approxi-
mately 80 percent in 1969.1 As to the proprotion of the age
group advancing to higher education which had been less than
5 percent before World War II, increased to 10 percent by
1955 and rose to 21.8 percent in 1969. However, in spite

of this rapidly ascending tendency, the educational author-
ities including the Ministry of Education have not indicated
their interest or concern to make senior high school compul-
sory. As is often criticized by progressive students, the
government tends to meet the demand of industry which badly
needs young labor forces, graduates of junior high school,
at the sacrifice of developing their human potential.

The 9th graders in Japan must pass the entrance ex-
aminations to enter senior high school. By day and by night,
at school and at home, they are reminded to study for the
examinations by their teachers as well as their educationally-
conscious mothers whose chief interest lies in the success
of their children's examinations. Thus, they are at the
jpeak of stresses and strains and kept uneasy about their
future. On the other hand, in the case of boys and girls

in the U.S.A., their concern is more of heterosexual

lBasic”School Survey, Ministry of Education, 1968,
and.Outline of Education in Japan (Government of Japan,
‘kgency for Cultural Affairs, March 1970), p. 7.

 

 

87

relationships, such as dating, parties and other pleasure
seeking activities. There is no need for American age-mates
to worry about passing the examinations to enter senior
high school. The 9th graders in Japan go to school some-
times staying extra hours after school to prepare for the
entrance examinations. When they come home, they burn mid-
night oil to finish up assignments and study for the exam-
inations. However hard they may study, there is no guaran-
tee that they will be placed in the kind of senior high
school which they wish to enter. Their self-confidence is
being impinged upon by the heavy pressure of the institu-
tionalized entrance examination system.

The entrance examination system in Japan has been
regarded as "social cancer" for several decades. It dic-
tates and distorts the curricula of the schools under the
university level, and keeps the students from participating
in extra-curricular activities or other normal activities
at school and at home. Sometimes this system is considered
to be one of the causes of youth suicide which was ranked,
until 1963, as the highest or next to the highest in the
world for nearly fifteen years. Recently there has been a
descending trend in the youth suicide rate in Japan, but
Statistics still show that Japan belongs to the top group.
In 1967 Japan was ranked fifth from the top as far as the
15-24 years of age group was concerned. The rate is 12.7

Per 100,000 persons. The absolute number is 2,544 persons,

88

the greatest in the world. In 1966 the suicide rates of the
same age group was 14.2 percent and in 1965 it was 13.5 per-
cent per 100,000.2 Suicide for this age group is the second
main cause of death to traffic accidents. At the same time,
the entrance examination system has served as a means to per-
petuate status society. There is a rigid hierarchy among
universities and senior high schools whose equilibrium is
maintained by the entrance examination system. However evil
and harmful it may be, it is too deep-rooted in the Japanese
culture and society to be removed. The recent student up-
heaval seems to have a great deal to do with this system.
However, the leaders who hold power in the educational world
are more or less blind to the urgent need for institutional
renovation, but are only critical of the misbehavior of the
younger generation which is beyond their control.

The entrance examination system has created another
problem. In this Tokyo sample, 44.25 percent wish to ad-
vance to 4-year college or more. The competition into uni-
versities is more harsh than into senior high school. The
recent statistics tell that 706,000 students applied for

admission to universities or junior colleges at the end of

2World Health Statistics Annual, 1964, 1965, 1966,
1967 (World Health Organization), and also Seishonen-Hakusho
(White Paper on Japanese Youth), 1969, Sorifu-Seishonen-
Taisaku-Honbu (Headquarters for Youth Counter-Measures at-
tached to the Prime Minister's Office), November 1969, p. 61.

 

 

89

the school year 1968-69, and 465,000 (66 percent) were suc-
cessfully admitted. Of these successful applicants, 126,000
(27 percent) were those who had been graduated from senior
high schools at least one year before, and who had presum-
ably failed in university entrance examinations once or
more. By and large, those who did not pass the examinations
at the end of the school year 1968-69 amounted to 241,392
students.3 Unless they changed their mind, they would take
the examinations again the following year. We call these
students who are just studying for passing the entrance ex-
aminations as "Ronin," meaning "masterless samurai." Some
of them go to a privately-supported preparatory school in
order to succeed in the examinations in the daytime or in
the evening, and others stay at home and study for a year,
two years, or, in some cases, more than three years. This
cumulative number of students will make the competition more
severe unless something drastic is done.

In addition to this, the Japanese government has not
endeavored hard enough to meet the increasing educational
demand. The statistics show that in 1953, 42.7 percent of
the students were in government-supported four-year colleges
and universities and the rest (57.3 percent) in private uni-
versities, but in 1968 only 26.7 percent were in government-

supported four-year colleges and universities with 73.3

 

 

3Seishonen-Hakusho, op. cit., pp. 77-78.

90

percent in private ones.4 In case of junior colleges, it

is even worse. In 1953, 17.5 percent were in government-
supported junior colleges with 82.5 percent in private ones
but in 1968 the ratio even went up. Only 9.8 percent were
in government-financed junior colleges and 90.2 percent were
in private institutions. This shows that Japan depends upon
privately-sponsored colleges and universities for higher
education to a great extent. No wonder, the whole educa-
tional situation presents a gloomy picture to the Japanese
9th graders. This educational crisis, so to speak, may
account for the relative lowness of the self-concept of
ability of the Japanese 9th graders in some respects.

As evidenced in the previous chapters, in Japan as
social class goes up, the self—concept of ability goes up,
too. Self-concept of ability seems to be a mirror for soci-
ety. Through self-concept of ability a highly stratified
social structure appears to be reflected. Self-concept of
ability is also in accordance with the rate of entering col-
leges and universities. Brookover's Self-Concept of Ability
Scale could serve as a predicting factor for educational op-
portunities or availability in a specific society. The
highest self-concept of ability (mean) in Japanese schools
is 27.03 while the lowest is 19.87. In the former school

about 90 percent of the pupils expect to go to four-year

 

4Ibid., p. 79.

91

colleges and universities while in the latter only 8.54 per-
cent expect to do so. Furthermore, as Tables 3.25a and b
point out, in Japan lower-class students in upper-class
schools have higher self-concept of ability than the lower-
class students in lower-class schools while the same hypoth-
esis is not supported in the United States. There are no
differences between the two groups in their self-concept of
ability in the United States.5 This fact may imply that
social class is a more dominant factor in Japan than in the
United States in relation to the self-concept of ability.

It is slightly surprising to find that in Japan boys
and girls have no different self-concept of ability while
there exist differences between white males and white fe-
males. It is probably due to the coeducational system which
has been well rooted in the Japanese soil for the past twenty
years. Girls are equally serious about passing entrance ex-

aminations to get further education to keep up with boys.6

 

5Walter Adams says that the evidence is not too
convincing to show that lower socio-economic and racial
minority group students who generally rank low academically
show substantial academic improvement if they associate
with upper socio-economic majority group students in the
classrooms. See W. Adams, "Academic Self-Image as a Strong
Determinant of College Entrance and Adult Prospects," The
American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 29 (April,
1970), p. 215.

6In 1969, in the Japanese 4—year colleges male stu-
dents (82.0 percent) outnumbered female students (18.0 per-
cent), while in junior colleges the proportions are reversed:
male (17.8 percent) and female (82.2 percent). See Outline
of Education in Japan, op. cit., p. 11.

 

 

92

This seems to be part of newly emerging phenomenon in the
post-war period. In 1969 for the first time in the history
of Japanese education, the female rate (79.5 percent) of
entering senior high school students exceeded the male rate
(79.2 percent). However, it is speculated that the female
12th graders may have lower self-concept of ability than
the male 12th graders because in Japan girls tend to go to
junior college while boys go to four-year college.

Why is the Negro's self-concept of ability as high
as the white's? How has it been enhanced? Have the teach-
ers' and parents' expectations gone up? It is an optimistic
phenomenon to see white's and Negro's self-concept equally
high. No doubt the environmental press, such as the Black
Power movement, has pulled up the Negro's self-concept as
high as it is now. Are the Negroes overestimating their
ability? Are the Japanese underestimating their ability?

I do not think so. Negroes are no longer submissive nor
passive. They are active and aggressively trying to achieve
their goals, an equal opportunity and status with whites.
Education which serves as a ladder for social mobility is
the only trusted means for Negroes. For instance, more

than 60 percent want to go to colleges and universities in

a lower-class Negro school. Japanese feel uncomfortable
when they express in public that they are very capable.

They have some reservation in evaluating themselves. They

actually do not underevaluate their ability, but only

93

express themselves in a conservative way. Self-concept of
ability is related to cultural factors.

There is very little relation between the Negro's
self-concept of ability and social-class differences. The
pattern of social stratification in American society is
mostly the product of whites. Negroes have found it diffi-
cult to climb up. The fact that Negroes have no relation
to social classes in their self-concept of ability means
that the United States is an open society with flexibility
and adjustability. Or this fact can be interpreted that

something unexpected is taking place.

Self-Esteem

 

The differences in self—esteem can be attributed
to sex and national culture. It is still a man's world.
Regardless of race or nationality, white, Negro and Japan-
ese have things in common. Males have higher self-esteem
than females. As evident in the articles written by Alice
Rossi, David McClelland and by Erick Erikson,7 American
society seems to be losing ground toward sex equality and
woman's position is seriously reconsidered. This trend may

be discernable upon the American 9th graders, too. In

 

7Alice Rossi, "Equality Between the Sexes: An
Immodest Proposal," David McClelland, "Wanted: A New Self-
Image for Women," and Erik Erikson, "Inner and Outer Space:
Reflections on Womanhood," The Woman in America, ed. Robert
J. Lifton, Beacon Press, 1967.

 

94

Japan woman's position has been uplifted to some extent,

but there is always resurgence of old patterns and woman's
place in society is shaken. Again the relative lowness of
Japanese self-esteem compared with their American age-mates
can be explained to some extent by their historical, social,
cultural and psychological backgrounds.

According to this study, Negro males have higher
self-esteem than Negro females contrary to the common expec-
tation. The general inferior status of American women may
be shared by Negroes, too. However, in order to validate
this fact, the study should be replicated.

The Self-Esteem Scale by Rosenberg was found to
measure two different dimensions as a result of factor
analysis. The positive and negative questions in the Scale
are automatically divided into two factors. Then, does
this scale measure unidimensionally? Though it is beyond
the scope of this study, the validity of the Scale should

be tested.

Psychosomatic Symptoms

 

Could we interpret that no difference among Japan-
ese, white and Negro Americans means that they are under
similar degrees of environmental presses? It was antici-
pated that since Japanese students had frustrating experi-
ences with entrance examinations, they would have a higher:

degree of psychosomatic symptoms than American 9th graders.

95

However, the research hypothesis was completely rejected.
Differences in psychosomatic symptoms seem to be
mainly related to sex. Girls have a higher degree of psy-
chosomatic symptoms than boys probably because of physio-
logical changes taking place in them. If we look at item
by item, there are certain symptoms which are more common
with Japanese or Americans. As to fingernail-biting, about
27 percent of Negroes say that they experience this ofEeo,
about 23 percent of whites say so, but only about 10 per-
cent of Japanese say that they experience this ofoeo. As
to nervousness, 56 percent of Japanese say that they are

bothered by it sometimes, but 37 percent of whites and 32

 

percent of Negroes say that they are bothered by it some-

times. A similar tendency is found in case of heart beat-

 

As Table 3.24 shows, differences in psychosomatic
symptoms are related to school. In the middle-Class schools,
not only between Japanese and American schools but also
within Japanese schools and American schools significant
difference at varied levels is observed. Also within the
lower-class Japanese schools significant differences exist
at the .01 level. It is implied that school rather than
national culture is a stronger determinant in psychosomatic

symptoms.

96

Value Orientations (of. Tables 4.1 - 4.4)

 

If the value orientations of the 9th graders are
compared between the U.S.A. and Japan regardless of their
sex or social class, significant differences can be dis-

-zaoffChi-

 

cerned in almost every.itemsexceptione, as as '”‘
Square analyses. However, in this case we do not know
whether the differences can be attributed to sex, social
class or other hidden variables. The second attempt is to
compare between male and female within the same culture.
The results show that in Japan there are differences in
eight items out of twelve, while in the U.S.A. there are
differences in nine items out of twelve at varied levels
of significance.

The third attempt is to compare among the upper,
middle and lower social classes within the same culture.
We discern a trend of greater similarities in their choice
of value orientations among social classes than between
sexes. In both cultures we find differences and similar-
ities in an equal number of items.

The last comparison is between the two cultures
holding social class and sex constant. Then, we discern
a trend of greater similarities between the two cultures,
particularly in the middle-class males and lower-class
males, considerable similarities in the upper-class males
and the middle-class females, but least similarities in

the lower-class females and the upper-class females.

97

Since the nature of the measurement level of the
Value Orientation Schedule does not permit me to perform
analysis of variance, I cannot attribute to a specific
factor the sources of variation. However, as a result of
comparisons, we may say that among the three variables,
sex, national culture and social class, the most important
source of variation seems to be sex rather than national
culture. Social class seems to be the least important
source of variation among the three variables. Only cul-
tural differences or social-class differences cannot be

over-emphasized.

98

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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99

in Japan and the U.S.A.

Comparison of value orientations

of 9th graders

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Japan-USA Japan-USA Japan-USA
'Social Class Upper Middle Lower
Value Orientations X2 p X2 p X2 p
Relational I 45.5 <.001 16.6 <.01 20.0 <.001
II 96.4 001 78.3 .001 112.5 .001
III 3.5 N.D. 7.9 N.D. 3.4 N.D.
Activity I 65.9 .001 27.1 .001 63.7 .001
II 46.0 .001 51.8 .001 35.3 .001
III 34.9 .001 15.7 .01 33.9 .001
Man-Nature I 12.5 .01 13.5 .05 28.2 .001
II 25.5 .001 14.2 .05 12.1 .01
III 16.9 .01 28.8 .001 44.4 .001
Time I 91.3 .001 77.0 .001 64.0 .001
II 14.2 .05 12.0 .05 26.7 .001
III 13.8 .05 7.3 N.D 14.1 .05

 

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Public Documents

 

International Labour Office. International Standard Classi-
fication of Occupetions. Geneva, 1958.

 

Japanese Ministry of Education. Basic School Survey, 1968.

 

The Japanese Prime Minister's Office. Seishonen-Hakusho
(White Peper on Jepanese Youth), 1969.

 

 

United States Bureau of the Census. Alphabetical Index of
Occupations and Industries (Revised Edition).
Washington, D.C., 1960.

 

 

World Health Organization. World Health Statistics Annual,
1964, 1965, 1966, 1967.

 

 

Books

Albert, Ethel M., and Clyde Kluckhohn (ed.) A Selected
Bibliogrephy on Values, Ethics and Esthetics, in the
Behavioral Sciences and Philosophy, 1920-1958. The
Free Press of Glencoe, 1959.

 

 

 

Baber, Ray E. Youth Looks at Marriage and the Family: A
Study of Changing Japanese Attitudes) Tokyo; Inter-
national Christian University, 1958.

 

 

Beardsley, Richard K., John W. Hall and Robert E. Ward. The
Household: Jepanese Character and Culture. Tucson:
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Benedict, Ruth. The Chrysanthemum and the Sword. Boston:
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APPENDICES

110

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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111

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112

 

 

 

 

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113

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114

 

 

 

 

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115

 

 

 

 

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116

 

 

 

 

 

 

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117

 

 

 

 

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118

 

 

 

 

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119

 

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120

 

 

 

 

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121

 

 

 

 

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122

 

 

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123

 

 

 

 

 

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mmH o.vm o. v.mm m.m o.H o.H .¢.m.D Amway
*ik. II III.
Ohm. mmm.mv vHH w m.mH o. N.Oh w o.VH o. o. GGQMh H
mGGpHGU
Z HMGoHumz mEHH
o Nx a m a m N Q \moQogo Qo .
Gumuumm

 

 

GOHpmquHQO mEHB

.«.m.D may me GMQMb GH mumpmum Gpm Ho mGOHumquHQo mGHm> Ho GOmHHmmEOU

mHmEmm Qmmmb

.wH.4 OHQMB

124

 

 

 

 

mmH m.mm o.hH H.mm h.w H.m m.m .¢.m.D ANmOv
.D.Z III
OOH. hHm.m mmH m.mv v.mH H.NN m.v H.m m.v GMQMH HHH
mmH v.wv v.mm ©.mH m.m m.m N.H .¢.m.D Aomov
«a« llll HHH"
mvm. Hmm.HN mmH H.Nm m.m¢ m.m N.H m.m o.m GMQMb HH
NBH m.mv m.N Q.Nm m.h m.m m.h .¢.m.D Amwdv
*«a |||I llll
mhm. mHH.mN MBH v.mm N.H w m.vm w b.NH m.m v.N GMQMb H
mQGuHGO
HmGoHumZ
o Nx z a m a m N Q \moQogo Qo mng
GQmuHmm

 

 

GOHumquHQO mEHB

.<.m.D mGu UGm GMQMb GH mumpmnm Gum Ho mGOHumquHQo wGHm> Ho GOmHHmmEOU

mHmz mHUUHE

.mH.¢ OHQMB

125

 

 

 

 

NHQ N.Hm a.aQ a.Qm m.H a.m N.Q .a.m.a ANmov
.Q.Z Ill
amQ. NNa.m omQ a.am a.MQ a.am a.a m.N Q.m gamma QQQ
aHQ m.Qm m.om N.QQ Q.Q a.m N.N .g.m.a Qomov
.Qoz III III
me. an.a omQ a.mN a.om m.m m.N Q.a a.a gamma QQ
amQ N.Nm N.N m.Qm H.a N.N N.N .g.m.a Amado
¥¥¥ I ll
NNm. Nma.oa maQ a a.MN N.Q N.am Q.a Q.N m.Q gamma Q
mQGuHGU
HMGOHHMZ mEHB
o Nx z a m a m N Q \moQogo mo .
Gumupmm

 

 

GoHumquHQo mEHB

.¢.m.b oGu UGm Gammb GH mumpmum Gpm Ho mGOHpmquHQo oGHm> mo GOmHQmmEoo

mHmEom mHUUHZ

.oH.< OHQMB

 

 

.Q.Z
HmH.N

OHm

mVH

Ammov

HHH

 

126

.Q.Z
mmm.OH

Hmm

me

Aomov

HH

 

ass

mvw.mm

hmm

me

o\O

Amway

 

HaGOHumZ
\GOHOGO Ho
Gnmuumm

mEHB

 

 

GOHpmuGoHQO mEHH

.<.m.D mGp me Gammb GH muopmum Gum Ho mGoHummeHQo oGHa> Ho GOmHQmmfiou

mHmZ QmsoQ

.hH.¢ OHQMB

127

 

l

 

 

 

va m.mN m.mH m.mm a.NH m.m m.m .¢.m.D ANmOV
¥¥¥ H I
NHN. mom.oN NmH v.Nv H.m o.mN o.m H.m m.w Gomwh HHH
Hmv a.mm m.hm H.NH N.m o.a N.N .¢.m.D Aomov
**« llll
mHN. omm.nN mMH o.hH m.mm h.m o.m m.HH N.m GMQMb HH
mvv o.vv w.m m.wN H.m a.v m.m .¢.m.D Amvov
anyok. III II
mvN. va.mm amH w n.5N w m.m N.mm o.m m.N w m.H GMQMb H
mQGuHGO
HMGOHHMZ
U x Z w m w m N H \mOHOGU Ho mEHH
N GQmuumm

 

 

GOHumpGoHQo mEHH

.¢.m.D oGu UGm GMQGh GH QOUMQm Gum Ho mGOHpmmeHQo oGHm> Ho GomHQamEoo

mHmEmm QmBOQ

.mH.¢ OHQMB

128

 

 

 

 

 

 

va m.mm N.HN m.OH Q.NH v.m N.mH .G.m.D Amvov
k. alullllllll. lull
NHN. ONo.mH mm m.Nm m.mN v.mH ¢.m w.0H m.m GmQMb HHH
HmH m.mN m.a m.mH 5.5N v.m m.m .G.m.D Amvov
.Q.Z I ll
maH. NHm.w mm N.NH H.N o.mN N.om m.m a.mH Gammb HH
HmH a.mN m.mm m.m H.MH H.mH m.a .4.m.D Amvov
¥ H
mON. mom.NH am a a.MN w m.mN w «.mH w m.mH N.m m m.mH Gamma H
mQGuHGO
HmGOHumZ mQGme
0 NZ Z w m a m N H \mOHOGu Ho Isz
Gumvpmm
GOHHMHGmHQO wQGHmZIGmZ mHmz Qmmmb

.H.m.D may UGm Gamab GH wnmomnm Gum Ho mGOHumquHHo 05Hm> Ho GOmHQmmEou

.mH .4 OHQGB

129

 

 

 

 

mmH o.vN m.vH h.m m.mH m.mH m.mH .4.m.D Amfidv
«La H Ill
0mm. va.mH mHH m.wm m.mm m.VH Q.N N.NH m.h Gwmwb HHH
NmH m.vH N.m m.bN 0.5N m.m N.mH .¢.m.D Amwov
* all
VAN. mhv.vH OHH 0.0H m.H N.Nm h.N¢ m.H m.OH QMQMW HH
HmH H.¢N 5.5N v.m N.mH m.h m.hH .¢.m.D Avav
an IIIII “III. III
me. mom.NH vHH v.mH w m.vH w m.mH w.NN w ®.m v.wH GMQMh H
mQGHHGU
HMGOHHMZ musumz
o Nx z a m a m N Q \mOQogo Qo ugaz
Gumupmm

 

 

GOHHMHGmHQO mQGuMZIGmZ

.4.m.D mGH UGm Gammm GH mumpmum Gpm Ho mGOHumquHuo mGHm> Ho GOmHHamEoo

mHmEmm momma

.ON.¢ GHQMB

 

 

130

 

 

 

 

aaQ H.aQ m.aQ m.aQ a.QQ m.aQ N.QN .a.m.a Qaaov
H. "II III
maQ. aaa.NQ maQ H.Nm a.aQ N.mQ m.OQ N.QQ m.aQ gamma QQQ
aHQ a.QN o.a a.HN Q.ON m.a a.MQ .a.m.o Imago
.g.z .III.
Nao. amN.N aaQ a.aQ a.m Q.aN H.aN a.QQ m.MQ gamma QQ
aaQ o.mN a.HN a.a m.mQ Q.QQ Q.QQ .a.m.o Amaov
.g.z III: III:
aOQ. mma.m amQ a a.aN a a.aQ a N.QQ a N.HQ a N.QQ a m.mQ gamma Q
mHGuHGU
HMGOHumZ wQGHMZ
o Nx z a m a m N Q \aoQogo go -gmz
Guwppmm
goQaaagano mggaaZIgmz QOz mQaan

.G.m.D mGu UGm Gamma GH QOcmum Gum Ho mGOHuaquHGo mGHmb Ho GOmHQmmEou .HN.¢ mHQme

131

 

 

 

 

maH m.mH m.oH m.m o.wH o.mH m.Hm .G.m.D Amvov
*«« IIII
mmN. www.mN va v.5N m.HN o.HH m.a m.mH o.vH Gammb HHH
omH o.mH H.m a.mm H.HN H.m H.mH .G.m.D Amvov
.o.Z llll
vaH. ova.oH mmH H.aH m.N m.mN H.mm m.v m.mH Gamma HH
me m.mH m.HN H.mH m.mH Q.NH m.aH .G.m.D Amaov
.Q.Z
aNH. aom.m mmH Q.NN N.mH m.aH m.mH w m.HH w.mH Gammb H
mQGQHGO
HmGoHHMZ mQGumZ
0 NZ Z w m a m N H \onOGU Ho IGmZ
Guopumm

 

 

GOHumquHHO mQGHMZIGMZ

.¢.m.D mGu me Game GH mumpmum Gpm Ho mGOHHMHGmHHo oGHm> Ho GOmHQmmEoo

mHmem mesz

.NN.¢ GHQMB

132

 

 

 

 

HNm N.QN m.mH m.OH w.MH H.NH H.5N .<.m.D Amvov
«I; H Ill
CNN. HOH.mN wvH m.mm m.hH H.N m.m N.mH N.NH Gmmmw HHH
wNm b.0N H.HH H.NN N.HN N.NH w.HH .m.m.D Amwov
OQOZ E III
aNQ. maN.a NaQ N.aQ m.a N.Qm m.aQ m.QQ m.aQ gamma QQ
NNm m.mH v.Hm m.m v.NH m.vH n.NH .<.m.D Amway
.4. I H
mmH. vHN.MH mVH H.NH N.NH w b.0H N.NN w v.mH w H.¢H Gmme H
mQGuHGU
HMGOHHMZ musumZ
GHOUHMQ

 

 

GoHumquHHo oQGQMZIGaZ

.¢.m.D map UGm Gamma GH mumpaum Gpm Ho mGOHumquHQo mGHm> Ho GOmHQmmEoo

mHmZ QGBOQ

.mm.¢ QHQMB

133

 

 

 

 

va n.HH H.NH m.a m.mH w.mH m.wm .G.m.D Amway
¥¥¥ III" II
aNN. Nmm.mN mmH m.mN o.mH m.m m.m m.mH m.oN Gammh HHH
mam m.mH m.m m.mN m.MN m.o m.aH .4.m.D Amvov
.Q.Z ulll
mmo. hHm.m mmH m.wH N.m a.mN m.mm N.m m.vH Gamah HH
mmv m.mH H.NN v.m H.NH N.mH m.ON .¢.m.D Amvov
am llll
amH. Naw.mH amH o.aN N.HN w N.HH a N.NH a N.OH m.HH Gammn H
oQGpHGU
HMGOHGMZ mQGumZ
U Nx Z w m a m N H \mOHOGU Ho IGmZ
Guoupmm

 

 

GoHpaquHQo mQGHMZIGmZ

.¢.m.D mGu me Game GH mumpmum Gym Ho mGOHummeHQo mGHm> Ho GOmHQmmEoo

mHmEmm Hm30Q

.vN.¢ mHQmB

134

 

 

 

 

Nma a.OQ a.aN o.OQ m.QQ m.mN Q.QQ .4.m.a Lamov
.g.z .III.
amo. mNm.N me m.mQ m.Nm m.a a.QQ a.aN o.H gamma QQQ
mNa m.mN N.Nm a.m a.a m.mQ a.NQ .g.m.a AQmov
”than III-II
QO. Qaa.am me H.NM H.mQ m.mN m.m a.m H.N gamma QQ
mma N.Nm m.m m.om m.NQ o.a m.m .g.m.a Image
«Lax. H Illull
HmQ. mam.QN HmQ a m.om. a N.QQ Q.NQ a.m m.m H.m gamma Q
mHGpHGU
ngoQamz . a
o Nx z a m a m N Q \aoaogo Qo Q g
Gumppmm

 

 

GOHumquHQo HMGoHHmHmm

.¢.m.D wGp me Gammh GH mumpmum Gum Ho mGOHpvamHQo mGHm> mo GOmHQmmEoo

mHOOGom mmmHUIQmmmD

.mN.¢ GHQMB

135

 

 

 

 

mmw m.OH o.mm o.mm $.0H N.mH v.5H .¢.m.D AmmOv
mag llll
va. mom.om 00H o.OH ©.om H.mm N.HH m.m m.m GMQMW HHH
mmv m.m o.HN v.vm m.mH m.NH 0.0N .¢.m.D Ahwov
affix. III H
Nvm. Nmm.bm omH m.N m.om H.m¢ o.mH m.m m.m GMQMb HH
mmw m.mm m.MH H.N m.HH m.mN m.NH .¢.m.D Avvov
*«« .Illl Illl.
mmN. www.mv mmH w N.HN m.mH N.HN w v.mH w.m w m.NH Qmmwb H
@H59HSU
HMGOHPMZ . O
o Nx z a m a m N Q \moQogo Go a a
CHM##MQ

 

 

GoHumquHQO muH>Huo¢

.«.m.D mGu GGm Gmmmb GH mnmwaum Gum Ho mGoHummeHQo mGHm> Ho GomHQamEou

mHOOGom mmMHUImemD

.mN.4 GHQMB

136

 

 

 

 

aNa m.aN m.mQ a.OQ a.a a.mQ m.HQ .g.m.o Aaaov
¥ l'llllll lull
oaQ. mma.QQ amQ o.am a.NN H.aQ m.a m.QQ H.N gamma QQQ
HNa H.aQ o.a m.mN m.QN m.aQ a.NQ .m.m.a Amado
¥ III
aMQ. mam.QQ NmQ N.QN m.m a.HN m.mN a.a m.aQ gamma QQ
mma m.aQ N.aN a.m a.NQ a.aQ H.mQ .g.m.a Amado
¥ “ I'll
maQ. Hoa.NQ amQ a Q.mN a.aQ a H.mQ a a.mQ a m.OQ a H.aQ gamma Q
GQGHHGU
HMQOHHMZ OHDHMZ
U Nx Z w m a m N H \moHOGU mo IGGZ
Gumppmm

 

GOHpmquHQO mnsumZIsz

.¢.m.D map UGm Game GH mumpmum Gpm mo mGOHHMHGmHHo mGHm> Ho GomHQmmEOU

mHOOGom mmMHUIQmmmD

.hN.¢ GHQMB

137

 

 

 

 

 

 

NNa H.Hm H.aQ N.Nm a.a a.m o.m .g.m.o ANmov
.g.z IIII
HQQ. mma.m me a.ma m.mQ m.aN a.m m.m m.m gamma QQQ
aNa o.mm m.Nm m.mQ m.m Q.N m.N .g.m.o Aomov
.g.z IIII
aNQ. mmm.a me Q.Nm a.aa m.a a.m m.m m.m gamma QQ
Hma a.am m.Q N.om m.m Q.N a.m .m.m.o Amado
mas IIII. “HHH
mom. aQQ.Qa me a a.NN a a.N a a.Na .a o.a a a.Q a m.Q gamma Q
mHGuHGU
o x z a m m Qagongz mama
N a N Q \moQogo Qo .
GumuHmm
GOHpmquHQO mEHB mHOOGom mmMHoIQmmmD

.¢.m.D map UGm Goth GH muwpmnm GHm Ho mGOHHMHGmHQo mGHm> Ho GOmHHmmEOU .mN.¢ mHQMB

138

 

bmv N.NH m.mN

Ammov

HHH

 

éHmOV

HH

 

.Q.Z llll
vmo. vhH.m mom m.HH m.H
bww v.HN m.om
*«¥ .llll
Hmm. NHH.m0H mom m.mm m.NH

new m.Hm m.h

aaa

voH. mv¢.HN mom w «.mm N m.h

Amway

 

mQGuHGO
HMGOHGMZ
\moHOGU Ho
Gumuumm

.Hmm

 

 

GOHHMHGmHQO HmGOHHmHmm

.<.m.D mGu me Gath GH QOUQO Gum Ho mGOHummeHuo mGHm> Ho GOmHQmmEoo

onogom mmeoanaan

.mN.< mHQma

139

 

 

 

 

aaa a.0Q a.mN m.HQ m.oQ m.aQ H.mQ .g.m.o Ammov
*¥« IIII “HHH
QNN. oma.am QQm o.a m.mN m.Nm N.NQ a.a N.mQ gamma QQQ
aaa a.a H.0N m.aN a.mQ N.NQ N.mQ .m.m.a Aaaov
¥¥¥ H I
mON. ama.mm mom a.m N.QN m.mm m.QN a.m Q.QQ gamma QQ
mma m.mN o.aQ H.N m.a m.mN H.mQ .g.m.a Aaaov
.33. II N
amN. NNm.oa mom H.N a.mQ m.aQ a a.HQ m.ON N.aQ gamma Q
mQGpHGU
HMGOHHMZ .
Gumpumm

 

 

GOHpmquHQO mpH>Huom

.¢.m.D mGH UGm Gammb GH mumpmnm Gpm Ho mGOHHmquHQo mGHm> Ho GOmHQmmEou

onogom mmeoquamaz

.om.g ngma

140

 

 

 

 

mow H.mH m.mH N.m w.HH m.mH N.mN .¢.m.D Amvov
¥«¥ HHH” IIII
mom. mov.vm OHM m.Nm N.NH 0.0H N.N m.mH m.VH GMQMb HHH
va m.mH h.m m.mN m.ON m.h N.mH .<.m.D Amvov
** Illllnll H
mmH. mwo.wH Hom ©.mH m.m m.vN N.Nm m.m Q.NH Gmmmb HH
How m.HN H.NN m.h v.mH m.NH m.mH .¢.m.D Amvdv
*aa llll Ilflfl
mmH. hvm.mm mom Q.NN w H.@H w m.vH m.mm w m.OH m.MH cmmmw H
mQGuHSU
HMGOHHMZ mQGHMZ
U NX Z w m w m N H \OOHOSU HO lam:
Gumppmm

 

GOHuaquHQO wQGumZIGmZ

.¢.m.D mGH UGm Gammb GH mumpmum Gum Ho mGOHumquHHo mGHm> Ho GomHHmmEou

onogom mmaQoquaan

.Hm.<.mHQMB

141

 

Hmv m.vm H.mH m.mN m.m v.0H o.w .4.m.D ANmOV

 

 

 

 

 

.g.z III:
mQQ. HaO.OQ maN 0.0a a.aQ m.mN Q.a m.a m.m gamma QQQ
aaa m.mm a.mm m.aQ N.a a.m a.m .m.m.a mommy
.g.z IIII
OOQ. aoa.a Nom a.mm Q.Qa a.m a.m Q.N o.a gamma QQ
ama a.Nm H.a Q.mN a.m N.m N.m .g.m.a Amado
*«a llll HHH"
aaN. Qmo.aa QQm a Q.mN a a.Q a Q.Hm a H.a a m.N a a.Q gamma Q
mHGuHGU
HMGOHHMZ mEHB
o Nx z a m a m N Q \moaogo mo .
anuumm
goQaaanggo mgQa onogom mmaQoanaan

.¢.m.D mGu UGm Game GH mumpmum Gum Ho mGOHumquHQo oGHm> mo GomHQmmEoo .Nm.4 mHQMB

142

 

 

 

 

Nom o.mH N.om H.NH m.HH o.MN H.0H .¢.m.D Ammov
R. I
HmH. mHm.MH vmm m.hH N.HN o.m m.mH m.ON m.wH Gmmmb HHH
mam v.mH N.mN a.v a.HH m.aH m.mN .G.m.D AHmov
¥¥¥ IIIIII
Hom. omH.Hm mmm m.mm o.MH H.mH m.oH b.m b.vH GomMH HH
Hmm N.QN m.m mAmN N.NN m.m m.HH .<.m.b Amway
ask. I
mmH. mmN.ON mmm w o.mN w m.h m.mm w H.NH h.m m.m Gmmmh H
mQGpHGU
HMGOHHMZ . m
o Nx z a m a m N Q 8085 Q0 Q m
Gnmpvmm

 

 

GOHHMHGGHQO HGGOHumHmm

.m.m.D oGu UGm Gome GH mumpmum Gum Ho mGoHHMHGmHQo mGHm> mo

GOmHQmmEou

mHOOGom mmmHOIQmBOQ

.mm.¢ GHQMB

143

 

 

 

 

Qmm a.OQ m.aN a.aQ H.N N.aQ m.HQ .<.m.a Qmmov
«11 III III
me. ama.aQ mmN N.NQ a.aN a.aN m.QQ a.m a.aQ gamma QQQ
Nam N.QQ Q.aN a.mN N.QQ Q.aQ N.NQ .<.m.a Aaaov
%«« ”HHH” .Illl
QaQ. Nao.Qm NaN N.a a.aQ a.mm N.QN a.m m.aQ gamma QQ
mam Q.NN N.NQ m.QQ m.NQ Q.NN m.a .g.m.a Aaaov
«¥¥ .Illl
me. an.mN HmN a.mQ m.mQ m.mQ m.HQ m.mN a m.mQ gamma Q
mQGuHGU
HGGOHQMZ .uofi
o Nx z a m a m N Q \moQogo mo
GQmuHmm

 

 

GoHpmquHQO %HH>Huo<

.«.m.D mGp UGm Game GH mumpmum Gym Ho mGoHGmquHHo mGHm> Ho GOmHHmmEou

mHOOGom mmmHUIQm30Q

.wm.¢ GHQMB

144

 

 

 

 

Ham m.NH m.NH m.w N.mH m.mH m.Hm .G.m.D Amway
¥«a "fill.
mmN. ama.bv oaN m.mN m.mH a.HH H.a m.aH v.ON Gammb HHH
Nmm N.hH m.mH o.mN N.aH m.NH N.QH .G.m.b Amway
«.x. H l
mMH. mam.mH NmN Q.NN o.m m.mN v.NN H.m N.HH Gamma HH
mam o.mH >.mN m.OH o.MH m.VH o.mH .<.m.D Amvov
#213, "ll l
amH. NmN.mN mmN o.HN w m.wH w m.NH m.mH o.mH w m.aH Gammb H
mHGuHGU
HaGOHumz mQGumZ
0 NZ Z w m a m N H \moHOGU Ho IGmZ
Gumupam

 

 

GOHumquHQO mQGuwZIGaZ

.¢.m.D mGH UGm Game GH mumpmnm Gpm Ho mGOHumquHHo mGHa> Ho GOmHHmmEOU

mHOOGom mmMHOIQmBOQ

.mm.< mHQMB

145

 

 

 

 

mmm H.mN m.mH H.aN m.HH m.vH v.0H .¢.m.D ANmoV
¥¥ l
amH. NaH.0N mmm m.mm H.HH m.MN m.m a.m m.w Gath HHH
mmm m.vm N.NN m.aH m.v o.m o.m .<.m.D Homov
am
mmH. mmm.mH aMN N.HN muov v.HH N.v m.HH N.a Gammb HH
mmm m.>m a.m H.mN m.OH v.5 N.HH .G.m.D Amway
«am I llll .
mmN. va.mw vaN a.mN w H.a N.mv o.a m.> m.m Gammb H
mHGHHGU
HMGOHHMZ mEHH
o Nx Z w m a m N H \moHOGU Ho .
GQmuHmm

 

 

GOHHmquHHO mEHB

.¢.m.D wGu UGm Gath GH mumpmum Gpm Ho mGOHumquHHo mGHm> Ho GOmHQmmfiou

mHOOGom mmaHUIQoBOQ

.mm.4 GHQMB

APPENDIX B

A CROSS-CULTURAL STUDY OF YOUTH

What This Is All About

 

Michigan State University is interested in what
young people in different countries think about their daily

life, their school and their future.

 

You can help us by answering the following questions
as clearly and carefully as'possible.
The information obtained from this study will be

used only for scientific purposes.

Instructions

Most of the questions can be answered by circling
the number which best answers each question. If you are
asked to write out your own answer, space is provided for

you to do so.

Remember

This is not a test. There are no right or wrong
answers (except for a few questions about your age, school,
etc.). We want to know what your opinions are. Different

people have different opinoins.

146

(l)
(2)

(3)
(4)

(5)

(6)

(7)

147

What is the name of your school?

 

When were you born?

 

Month Day Year
Are you: 1 . . . Male 2 . . . Female
a. Is your father living? 1 . . . Yes 2 . . . No
b. Is your mother living? 1 . . . Yes 2 . . . No

Who contributes most to the financial support of your

family?

1 . . . your father

2 . . . your mother

3 . . . some other person (EXPLAIN WHO THIS PERSON Is:

AN UNCLE, YOUR BROTHER, ETC.)

 

What does this person do for a living? (WRITE THE
COMPLETE NAME OR TITLE OF HIS OR HER JOB, AND THE COM-

PANY HE OR SHE WORKS FOR.)

 

 

Describe what this person makes or does on the job.
(FOR EXAMPLE: SHE SUPERVISES THE WORK OF 150 OFFICE
CLERKS; HE SELLS FROM DOOR TO DOOR; HE WORKS ON AN

AUTOMOBILE ASSEMBLY LINE; ETC.)

 

 

 

(8)

(9)

(10)

(ll)

(12)

148

If your mother is not the chief supporter of the family,
does she work? 1 . . . Yes 2 . . . No

If "yes," what does she do?

 

How far did your parents go in school:

Father Mother
no schooling . . . . . . . l 1
grade school . . . . . . . 2 2
high school. . . . . . . . 3 3
college or university. . . 4 4
other. . . . . . . . . . . 5 5
don't know . . . . . . . . 6 6

How old are your parents?

a. Your father's age

b. Your mother's age

Do you intend to graduate from high school?

1 . . . Yes 2 . . . No

Whether you intend to graduate from high school or
not, how much more schooling do you expect to get?

1 . . . Business school or other occupational train—

ing school

2 . . . Community or junior college
3 . . . College or University

4 . . . Graduate school

5 . . . None

6 . . Other (SPECIFY)

 

 

149

(13) What type of job do you expect to get when you leave

school?

 

 

(14) What do you expect you will be doing for a living when

you reach the age of your parents?

 

 

Circle the number which best answers each question.

 

(15) How do you rate yourself in school ability compared

with your close friends?

1
2
3
4

5

I

I

I

I

I

 

am the best

am above average
am average

am below average

am the poorest

(16) How do you rate yourself in school ability compared

with those in your class at school?

1

2

Among the best

Above average

Average

Below average

Among the poorest

150

(17) Where do you think you would rank in your class in

senior high school?

 

l . . . Among the best

2 . . . Above average

3 . . . Average

4 . . . Below average

5 . . . Among the poorest

(18) Do you think you have the ability to complete college?

 

l . . . Yes, definitely

2 . . . Yes, probably

3 . . . Not sure either way
4 . . . Probably not

5 . . . No

(19) Where do you think you would rank in your class in

college?
1 . . . Among the best
2 . . . Above average
3 . . . Average
4 . . Below average
5 . . . Among the poorest
(20) In order to become a doctor, lawyer, or university pro—

fessor, work beyond four years of college is necessary.
How likely do you think it is that you could complete
such advanced work?

1 . . . Very likely

2 . . . Somewhat likely

151

3 . . . Not sure either way
4 . . . Unlikely
5 . . . Most unlikely

(21) Forget for a moment how others grade your work. In

your own opinion how good do you think your work is?

1 . . . My work is excellent

2 . . . My work is good

3 . . . My work is average

4 . . . My work is below average

5 . . . My work is much below average

 

(22) What kind of grades do you think you are capable of

getting?

1 . . . Mostly A's
2 . . . Mostly B's
3 . . . Mostly C's
4 . . . Mostly D's
5 . . . Mostly E's

(23) On the whole, I am satisfied with myself.

1 . . . Strongly agree

2 . . . Agree

3 . . . Disagree

4 . . . Strongly disagree

(24) At times I think I am no good at all.
1 . . . Strongly agree

2 . . . Agree

(25)

(26)

(27)

(28)

(29)

152

3 . . . Disagree

4 . . . Strongly disagree

I feel that I have a number of good qualities.
1 . . . Strongly agree

2 . . . Agree

3 . . . Disagree

4 . . . Strongly disagree

I am able to do things as well as most other people.
1 . . . Strongly agree

2 . . . Agree

3 . . . Disagree

4 . . . Strongly disagree

I feel I do not have much to be proud of.

l . . . Strongly agree

2 . . . Agree

3 . . . Disagree

4 . . . Strongly disagree

I certainly feel useless at times.

1 . . . Strongly agree
2 . . . Agree
3 . . . Disagree

4 . . . Strongly disagree

I feel that I'm a person of worth, at least on an
equal plane with others.

1 . . . Strongly agree

2 . . . Agree

153

 

3 . . . Disagree
4 . . . Strongly disagree
(30) I wish I could have more respect for myself.
1 . . . Strongly agree
2 . . . Agree
3 . . . Disagree
4 . . . Strongly disagree

(31) All in all, I am inclined to feel that I am a failure.

 

l . . Strongly agree

2 . . . Agree

3 . . . Disagree

4 . . . Strongly disagree

(32) I take a positive attitude toward myself.

1 . . . Strongly agree

2 . . . Agree

3 . . . Disagree

4 . . . Strongly disagree

(33) Do you have trouble getting to sleep or staying asleep?

1 . . . Often

2 . . . Sometimes

3 . . . Almost never
4 . . . Never

(34) Do your hands ever tremble enough to bother you?
1 . . . Often

2 . . . Sometimes

(35)

(36)

(37)

(38)

3 .

4 . .

154

Almost never

Never

bothered by nervousness?

Often

Sometimes

Almost never

Never

ever bothered by your heart beating hard?
Often

Sometimes

 

Almost never
Never

ever bothered by pressures or pains in the

Often
Sometimes
Almost never

Never

Do you ever bite your fingernails now?

Often
Sometimes
Almost never

Never

155

(39) Are you ever bothered by shortness of breath when not

exercising or not working hard?

1 . . . Often

2 . . . Sometimes

3 . . . Almost never
4 . . . Never

(40) Are you ever troubled by your hands sweating so that

they feel damp and clammy?

 

l . . . Often

2 . . . Sometimes

3 . . . Almost never
4 . . . Never

(41) Are you ever troubled with sick headaches?

1 . . . Often
2 . . . Sometimes
3 . . . Almost never

4 . . Never

(42) Are you ever bothered by nightmares?

l . . Often
2 . . . Sometimes
3 . . Almost never

4 . . . Never

156

Read the following carefully and circle the number which best
answers each question.

 

(43) When a father or mother dies and leaves property, there
are different ways in which the property can be dis-
tributed among the children and managed by them. Here
are three ways:

In some places it is thought best that the owner-

1 ship, or if not the ownership at least the manage—
ment, of all the property be put into the hands of
one selected person--usually the eldest son.

In other places the sons and daughters all share
in the property but all are expected to stick to—
gether and manage things as a family group. If

2 some one person is ever needed to make certain
decisions, all the heirs will discuss the matter
and come to an agreement as to the one best suited
to be the leader.

 

In still other places it is thought best that each

3 son and daughter take his or her own share of the
property and manage it on his own, independent of
the other brothers or sisters.

 

 

SELF:
WHICH OF THESE WAYS DO YOU THINK IS BEST? 1 . . 2 . .
WHICH WAY DO YOU THINK IS SECOND BEST? 1 . . 2 . .
MOTHER:
WHICH WAY WOULD YOUR MOTHER THINK IS BEST? 1 . . 2 . .
WHICH WAY SECOND BEST? 1 . . 2 . .
FATHER:
WHICH WAY WOULD YOUR FATHER THINK IS BEST? 1 . . 2 . .
WHICH WAY SECOND BEST? 1 . . 2 . .

 

GOOD FRIEND:
WHICH WAY WOULD YOUR GOOD FRIEND THINK
IS BEST? 1 . . 2 . .

WHICH WAY SECOND BEST? 1 . . 2 . .

 

157

(44) Three parents were talking about the kind of character
they wanted their young children to have. Here are
three different opinions that were expressed.

One parent said: I want my children to learn to be

1 creative in a number of ways. I hope they develop
an interest and ability in following the various
paths which lead to understanding and wisdom.

 

A second parent said: I want my children to grow

2 up with the ability to express themselves freely,
to enjoy life in whatever situation they find
themselves.

A third parent said: I want my children to have
the drive to make something of themselves, the

 

 

 

3 ambition to "get up and go." That way they'll be
successful and achieve something in their chosen
path.

SELF:
WHICH OF THESE OPINIONS DO YOU THINK IS BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
WHICH DO YOU THINK IS SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
MOTHER:
WHICH WOULD YOUR MOTHER THINK BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
FATHER:
WHICH WOULD YOUR FATHER THINK BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

 

GOOD FRIEND:
WHICH WOULD YOUR GOOD FRIEND THINK BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

 

158

(45) Three people were talking about the need for having
some philosophy of 1ife—-such as religion. They had
different ideas on the subject:

One said: Man is part of the grand plan of nature.

1 Having a philosophy of life helps me to understand
this plan and to live in the ways to keep myself
in tune with that total plan.

The second one said: As I see it, there are many
2 natural forces over which man will never gain con-

trol. A philosophy of life is necessary to help

men accept and adjust to their fate on this earth.

The third said. "I'm afraid I don't agree with
either of you. I think man can do as much or as
little as he wishes to overcome these natural forces.
For me a philosophy of life is necessary to teach
men how to rise above these forces and shape their
own destiny."

 

 

 

SELF:
WHICH PERSON DO YOU THINK HAD THE BEST IDEA? l . 2 . 3
WHICH PERSON DO YOU THINK HAD THE SECOND
BEST IDEA? 1 . 2 . 3
MOTHER:
WHICH WOULD YOUR MOTHER THINK HAD THE BEST
IDEA? l . 2 . 3
WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
FATHER:
WHICH WOULD YOUR FATHER THINK HAD THE BEST
IDEA? l . 2 . 3
WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

 

GOOD FRIEND:
WHICH WOULD YOUR GOOD FRIEND THINK HAD THE
BEST IDEA? l . 2 . 3

WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

 

159

(46) Three persons were talking one day about the changes
which science has brought about in the way people live.
They mentioned all such things as changes in farming
methods, in transportation, in the field of medicine,
in types of food and housing. A11 agreed some changes
had come but each of them had quite different ideas
about what the long-run effects would be. Here is
what each one said:

 

The first one said: It is good that such advances
have been made, but in the long run one has to be
lucky to have things go right in life. Science can
help a lot with some kinds of things people come up
against, but it will never be able to help much with
the really big things in life. There are many things
which just come to pass and everyone, if he is smart,
will learn to accept this fact.

The second one said: I don't agree with you. My
View is that man can and must learn to control the

2 forces of nature. We have already gone a very long
way and it is my belief that in time there will be
scientific ways to control and overcome most things.

 

The third one said: Perhaps you both have something
to say, but in my opinion what matters most is that
people learn to keep the balance between themselves

 

 

3 and the forces of nature. It is my belief that hu-
man beings, and the great forces of nature are all
one whole--that is, related parts of a total uni-
verse, and we can expect the most when we work to
fit in with and live with nature.

SELF:
WHICH IDEA DO YOU THINK BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
WHICH IDEA DO YOU THINK IS SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
MOTHER:
WHICH IDEA WOULD YOUR MOTHER THINK IS BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
FATHER:
WHICH IDEA WOULD YOUR FATHER THINK IS BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

 

GOOD FRIEND:
WHICH IDEA WOULD YOUR GOOD FRIEND THINK IS
BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

 

160

(47) Three young married men were talking about the kind of
job they would like to have. Here is what each one
said:

The first said: The kind of job I would like best
is one which is not too demanding of my time and

1 energy. I like to have time to enjoy myself and
don't want a job which makes me feel I must always
be competing.

 

The second said: Ideally, I would like a competitive
2 job—-one which lets me show what I can do in a line
of work for which I am suited.

The third said: Ideally, I would like the kind of
job which would let me develop different kinds of

interests and talents. I would rather have an un—
derstanding of life and people than be successful

in one particular field.

(.10

 

 

 

SELF:
WHICH MAN DO YOU THINK HAD THE BEST IDEA? l . 2 . 3
WHICH HAD THE SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
MOTHER:
WHICH MAN WOULD YOUR MOTHER THINK HAD THE
BEST IDEA? l . 2 . 3
WHICH THE SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
FATHER:
WHICH MAN WOULD YOUR FATHER THINK HAD THE
BEST IDEA? 1 . 2 . 3
WHICH THE SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

 

GOOD FRIEND:
WHICH MAN WOULD YOUR GOOD FRIEND THINK HAD
THE BEST IDEA? l . 2 . 3

WHICH THE SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

 

161

(48) Some people were talking one day about the ways in
which young children should be brought up. Here are
three different ideas which were expressed:

Some people say that young children should be taught
the traditions of the past—-the time—proven ways of

1 doing things. They believe that the traditional
ways were best, and that when forgotten or not fol—
lowed things go wrong.

Some people say that young children should be taught
the traditional ways, but that it is wrong to insist
that they stick to them. These people believe that

2 it is best when each new generation adjusts to any
situation by adopting whatever new ideas and methods
may help them, but keeping whatever of the old they
like.

Some other people don't place much faith in teach-
ing young children the traditional ways--except as
stories about what used to be. These people think
it best if their children are taught to develop new
ideas of their own and discover newer and better
ways of living.

 

 

 

SELF:
WHICH OF THESE IDEAS DO YOU THINK IS BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
WHICH DO YOU THINK IS SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
MOTHER:
WHICH IDEA WOULD YOUR MOTHER THINK BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
FATHER:
WHICH IDEA WOULD YOUR FATHER THINK BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

 

GOOD FRIEND:
WHICH IDEA WOULD YOUR GOOD FRIEND THINK
BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

 

162

(49) Three men were talking about whether people themselves
can do anything to make the lives of men and women
longer. Here is what each said:

One said: It is already true that people like doc-
tors and others are finding the way to add many

1 years to the lives of most men by discovering new
medicines, studying foods and doing other things
such as vaccinations. If people will pay attention
to all these new things they will always live longer.

 

The second said: I really do not believe that there
is much human beings themselves can do to make the

2 lives of men and women longer. It is my belief that
every person has a set time to live and when that
time comes it just comes.

The third said: I believe that there is a plan of
life which works to keep all living things moving

3 together, and if a man will learn to live his whole
life in accord with that plan, he will live longer
than other men.

 

 

 

SELF:
WHICH OF THESE ALTERNATIVES DO YOU THINK
IS BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
WHICH DO YOU THINK IS SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
MOTHER:
WHICH ALTERNATIVE WOULD YOUR MOTHER THINK
BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
FATHER:
WHICH ALTERNATIVE WOULD YOUR FATHER THINK
BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

 

GOOD FRIEND:
WHICH ALTERNATIVE WOULD YOUR GOOD FRIEND THINK
BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

 

163

(50) Three young unmarried men had finished their schooling
and had to decide what kind of work they wished to go
into.

One decided to go into the kind of occupation which
others in his family had before. He believed the
best way is to maintain and strengthen the tradi-
tions of the past.

The second sought for the kind of work opportunity
which offered considerable chance for future suc—
cess. He believed it best to be prepared for new
developments in the future, even though he might
have to start off in a position less good than
others available at the time.

The third decided to take the best job which came
his way and which gave him the money he needed to
get along in the present. He believed it foolish
to think much about either the past, which had

gone by, or the future, which he thought too uncer-
tain to count on.

 

 

 

 

SELF:
WHICH OF THESE THREE YOUNG MEN MADE THE BEST
DECISION IN YOUR OPINION? l . 2 . 3
WHICH DECISION DO YOU CONSIDER SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
MOTHER:
WHICH DECISION WOULD YOUR MOTHER THINK BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
FATHER:
WHICH DECISION WOULD YOUR FATHER THINK BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
GOOD FRIEND:
WHICH DECISION WOULD YOUR GOOD FRIEND THINK
BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

 

164

(51) Three mothers from different kinds of families were
talking about the ways in which children should be
taught. Here is what each one said:

The first mother said: I believe children should
be taught, when still quite young, to stand on their
own two feet, to make their own decisions, and to

1 take responsibility for themselves. People get
along best when they can make their own mistakes
and profit from them, and when they learn how to
be independent enough of their families to go off
on their own.

The second said: I believe that young children
should be trained first to obey and respect their

2 elders--their parents and grandparents. It is the
elders of the family who have the greatest wisdom
and people get along best when they are trained to
accept and respect this wisdom.

 

The third said: I believe that young children
should be taught to keep close ties with their rela—
3 tives--father, mother, sisters, brothers, etc.
People get along best when they have a large group
of close relatives upon whom they can always depend
for help and advice, and whom they, too, can help.

 

 

SELF:
WHICH MOTHER DO YOU THINK HAD THE BEST IDEA? 1 . 2 . 3
WHICH ONE HAD THE SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
MOTHER:
WHICH IDEA WOULD YOUR MOTHER THINK IS BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
FATHER:

WHICH IDEA WOULD YOUR FATHER THINK IS BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

 

GOOD FRIEND:
WHICH IDEA WOULD YOUR GOOD FRIEND THINK IS
BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

 

165

(52) People often have very different ideas about what has
gone before and what we can expect in life. Here are
three ways of thinking about these things.

Some people believe that man's greatest concern
should be with the present time in which he lives.

1 They say that the past has gone and the future is
too far away and too uncertain to be of concern.
It is only the present which is real.

Some people think that the ways of the past were
the most right and the best, and as changes come

2 things get worse. These people think the best way
to live is to keep the old ways and try to bring
them back when they are lost.

Some people believe that it is almost always the
ways of the future-~the ways which are still to
come-—which will be the best and they say that even

3 though there are sometimes small setbacks, change
brings improvements in the long run. These people
think the best way to live is to look a long time
ahead, work hard and give up many things now so that
the future will be better.

 

 

 

SELF:
WHICH ONE OF THESE IDEAS DO YOU THINK IS BEST? 1 . 2 .
WHICH ONE DO YOU THINK IS SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 .
MOTHER:
WHICH IDEA WOULD YOUR MOTHER THINK IS BEST? 1 . 2 .
WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 .
FATHER:
WHICH IDEA WOULD YOUR FATHER THINK IS BEST? 1 . 2 .
WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 .

 

GOOD FRIEND:
WHICH IDEA WOULD YOUR GOOD FRIEND THINK IS
BEST? 1 . 2

WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 .

 

166

(53) There were three people talking about the way they
like to live. They had different ideas.

One said: What I care most about is to be free to
do whatever I wish and whatever suits the way I
feel. I don't always get much done but I enjoy
life as I go along—~that is the best way.

A second said: What I care most about is accom-
plishing things--getting them done just as well

2 or better than other people can do them. I like
to see results and think that they're worth work-
ing for.

The third said: What I care more about is thinking
and acting in the ways which will develop many dif-
ferent sides of my nature. I may fail to do as

3 well as others in the things which are considered
important by many people, but I would prefer to
become a wiser and more understanding person.

 

 

 

SELF:

WHICH OF THESE THREE PERSONS DO YOU THINK HAD

THE BEST IDEA? 1 . 2 . 3

WHICH IDEA DO YOU THINK IS SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
MOTHER:

WHICH IDEA WOULD YOUR MOTHER THINK BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
FATHER:

WHICH IDEA WOULD YOUR FATHER THINK BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

 

GOOD FRIEND:
WHICH IDEA WOULD YOUR GOOD FRIEND THINK
BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

 

167

(54) A man has had financial trouble of some kind and must
seek help in order that he and his family can get
through a difficult period. Here are three ways of
getting help about which we wish your judgment.

Would it be best if he depended mainly on his

1 brothers and sisters or on some close group of
relatives and friends to help him out as much as
each can?

Would it be best for him to try to raise the money
2 by himself, on his own, from an outside organiza-
tion which deals with such problems?

Would it be best for him to go to a recognized
leader—~a respected person of experience and author-
ity in the family or community and ask him for help
and advice in handling the problem?

 

 

SELF:
» WHICH WAY OF GETTING HELP DO YOU THINK
WOULD USUALLY BE BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
WHICH WAY OF GETTING HELP DO YOU THINK IS
NEXT BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
MOTHER:
WHICH WAY WOULD YOUR MOTHER THINK IS BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3
FATHER:

WHICH WAY WOULD YOUR FATHER THINK IS BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

 

GOOD FRIEND:
WHICH WAY WOULD YOUR GOOD FRIEND THINK IS
BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

WHICH SECOND BEST? 1 . 2 . 3

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

HHHHHHHH

Ill/ll Illljllllll

312

RR

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8

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