A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF SELF-PERCEIVED RULES OF BLACK AND NON -BLACK ADMINISTRATORS IN PREDOMINANTLY WHITE INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER EDUCATION Thesis for the Degree of Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY OTHA P. COX, IR. 1971 LIBRAR ’ Michigan State ' University . ' g. I I III IIIIIIIIIII II II I III III III II I This is to certify that the thesis entitled A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF SELF-PERCEIVED ROLES OF BLACK AND NON-BLACK ADMINISTRATORS IN PREDOMINANTLY WHITE INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER EDUCATION presented by Otha P. Cox has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Higher Education fl ) . *7 C7 /, 27((1/ fl ' ,/.IL.:{/( { .7)? c‘ _;7/ Main? nmfessot Date May 7, 1971 07839 I I OVERDUE FINES: 25¢ per day per Item RETURNING LIBRARY MATERIALS: Place in book return to remove charge from circulation records . * Luis .- 16’3““ ‘A .j [gum “_' 2438!? . I“ 3*: 20 new W594“ ABSTRACT A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF SELF-PERCEIVED ROLES OF BLACK AND NON-BLACK.ADMINISTRATORS IN PREDOMINANTLY WHITE INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER EDUCATION By Otha P. Cox, Jr. The Problem The purpose of this study was to explore and compare the self-perceived roles of black and non-black administra- tors who have comparable institutional affiliation and who hold similar positions in selected predominantly white 'institutions of higher education. The specific objectives of the study‘were: to determine if the self—perceived role functions of black and non-black administrators who occupy similar positions were similar; to determine if there was a difference in the self-perceived power and authority between the two groups; and to determine if there was a difference in self-perceived conflict between the two groups. Methodology The population for the study consisted of 98 black administrators and 110 non-black administrators who were selected randomly and stratified according to the positions Of vice-presidents, deans, associate deans, department or Otha P. Cox, Jr. division chairmen, and directors. The 98 black administra— tors were from 50 American urban community colleges representing 20 states located in all regions of the United States and the 110 non-black administrators were from 60 American urban community colleges representing 20 states located in all regions of the United States. The literature concerning role theory, power and authority and the historical aspects of black educators in interracial higher education was reviewed. An instrument was constructed by the investigator, validated, and factor analyzed. The factor analysis yielded five factor loadings and accounted for a variance of 72.8 per cent. The partici- pants responded to the data-gathering instrument which contained three scales: (1) biographical data; (2) institu- tion and role data; and (3) 35 Likert type items referred to as an Administrators Role Description Questionnaire (ARDQ). Between March 3, 1971 and April 1, 1971 data were gathered by mail—in questionnaires, and Iater coded, key punched and verified. The design used was a descriptive comparison of the black and non—black administrative questionnaire responses. A one-way analysis of variance was used to test each of the three hypotheses of the investigation and the chi—square was computed for biographical data and Likert type items. Open-end items were examined for similarities and differences of the two groups. Otha P. Cox, Jr. Findings There was no significant statistical difference between the self-perceived role functions of black and non— black administrators as defined and measured by the Administrators Role Description Questionnaire (ARDQ). There was no statistical difference between self- perceived power and authority of black and non-black administrators as defined and measured by the ARDQ. Black administrators were found to have a significantly higher self—perception of role conflict than non—black administrators. Black administrators when compared to non-black adminis- trators appeared to have proportionally more duties and made proportionally more decisions of an undesirable nature related to black students and faculty. Generally, black administrators were more involved in routine, procedural, and human relations type functions than the non-black administrators. Black administrators hold a significantly lower number of Ph.D. degrees than non—black administrators. Fifty per cent of the black administrators graduated from predominantly white undergraduate colleges and universities and 100 per cent of the non-black adminis— trators graduated from predominantly white undergraduate colleges and universities. Otha P. Cox, Jr. Eighty-four per cent Of the black and 100 per cent of the non-black administrators graduated from predomi- nantly white graduate institutions. Black administrators generally have fewer years adminis- trative experience than non-black administrators. Recommendations Further research is needed to explore the relationship between the concepts "power" and "conflict." Additional research is needed to examine role as it relates to race. This study should be replicated with secondary adminis- trators and four year college and university adminis- trators. Studies of this nature should be conducted periodically because of the dynamism of the social system. An investigation is needed to explore the manifesta- tions of race as a factor within the role set structure. Pre-service and in-service training programs should be conducted, the content of which would be designed to raise the level of awareness of each group's functional, ethnic, and value differences if and“where extant, in an attempt to implement "planned conflict." Training programs designed especially to prepare black administrators should be monitored to determine their Otha P. Cox, Jr. effectiveness. Moreover, all training institutions that prepare educational administrators should include in their programs a component for dealing with institu- tional racism, black and White perceptions, values- attitudes—beliefs, role set theory, and the nature and dynamics of organizational power. Individuals identified as having high perceived conflict as measured by the ARDQ should be exposed to conflict models which purport to alter or resolve racial and cultural conflict. Also, additional models are needed for the resolution of conflict. A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF SELF-PERCEIVED ROLES OF BLACK AND NON-BLACK ADMINISTRATORS IN PREDOMINANTLY WHITE INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER EDUCATION BY Otha P. Cox, Jr. A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Administration and Higher Education 1971 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS During our rare moments of extraordinary achievement, we often forget those who have contributed to our success through their inspiration, devotion, love, sacrifice, labor, and expressed confidence in our abilities. For having been the recipient of such bounty, I am indeed grateful. This study was conceptualized by the investigator in Florida, developed in Midhigan, initiated from Florida and culminated in Michigan, therefore, many people contributed to this research endeavor. An attempt will be made to acknowledge these individuals, fully realizing the risk of an oversight, yet sincerely hoping that credit will be extended where rightfully due. I should first like to express my sincere appreciation to Dr. Max R. Raines, Chairman of my doctoral committee, for his assistance, support, guidance, and encouragement during my entire doctoral program. His genuine personal qualities, friendly spirit, and intuitiveness made the study a less cumbersome venture. Appreciation is also extended to my committee members Drs. Clyde M. Campbell, Van Johnson and James McKee for their assistance and advice. My special appreciation to Dr. Albert Levak (sociology) for his helpful suggestions during the development of the ii research proposal and to Dr. Lawrence Lezotte, a good friend, for his research assistance during the initial and final stages of the study. His assistance with the research design and statistical analysis strengthened the study tremendously. Numerous individuals at Michigan State University, although not directly involved as advisors, influenced the thesis either as professors or as interested professionals. I have been influenced as a result of having interacted with Dr. Clifton R. Wharton, Jr., President, Michigan State University, Dr. Ernest O. Melby, distinguished professor and indeed a giant in the educational arena, Dr. Wilbur Brookover (sociologist and role theorist), Dr. Richard Featherstone (department chairman), Dr. Samuel Moore, III (administration), Dr. Gundar Myran (community college admin- istration), Dr. Vincent Salvo (sociology), and Dr. Milton Rokeach (social psychology). Special appreciation is also extended to Dr. Gordon Foster whose leadership and concern created an atmosphere which enabled me to complete a major portion of the study while serving as his assistant in the Florida school Desegre- gation Consulting Center. Special thanks to my University of Miami colleague, Dr. E. JOhn Kleinert, whose suggestions were most helpful during the initial stages of the develop- ment of the instrument. His insightful prdbes into the theoretical aspects of the study were invaluable. iii Other University of Miami colleagues who gave unstintingly of their time and assistance, and to whom I express my appreciation are Drs. Mark Adams, John Croghan, John Maguire, Richard Williams, William Spino, Don MacTaggert, John Strickler, and Michael Stolee. A special thanks is expressed to Joe Chiaravalloti and Dennis Jackson for their assistance with computer program- ming and statistical treatment of data and to Marzell Smith who provided me with intellectual stimulation during numerous discussions of the study. Special appreciation is expressed to Dr. (Bill) V. M. Kerensky, who acquainted me with the Mott Foundation and to the Charles Stewart Mott Foundation of Flint, Michigan, and those individuals associated with the Inter-Clinical Preparation Program for Educational Admin- istrators for making possible the first year of doctoral study. A sincere appreciation is extended to Ruth A. Taylor for her indefatigable efforts as she toiled through the typing of the manuscript and many subsequent drafts. Her patience and proficiency were invaluable. To Amy Phillips, the writer is grateful for her assis- tance in data collection and to Myra Bruton for her assis— tance with coding of the data. A special thanks to all of the Center staff members with special acknowledgment to Pearl Krohn, Clarence Ewell, Harry Morall, Eldridge Gendron, and Lee Pugh. iv This document could not have been completed without the assistance of the community college presidents and administrators who willingly participated in the study. I am grateful to Dr. John R. Beery (Dean) and Dr. Samuel Ersoff (Head, Department of Administration) for ar- ranging my teaching schedule while I was employed at the University of Miami, Florida, so that I might complete this study. Special appreciation is extended to Dr. Andrew L. Goodrich (AAJC) for providing the list of urban community colleges from which the sample was extracted. Appreciation is also extended to Lou Elmquist for crucial typing during my visits to Michigan and to Joan Maurer for her assistance with many of the procedural matters pertaining to my doctoral program. Finally, I wish to express my deepest appreciation to my lovely wife, Betty, for her forebearance, devotion, assistance, and encouragement and to my darling daughters, Deborah and Marcelyn, who cheered for their dad during the past two eventful years. TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . LIST OF FIGURES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . a ter I. II. III. INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Problem. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Objective. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Significance of the Study. . . . . . . . . Background and Research. . . . .'. . . . . Concepts of Role Theory. . . . . . . . . . Concept Development. . . . . . . . . . Hypotheses to be Tested. . . . . . . Definitions. . . . . . . . Basic Assumptions. . . . . . . . . Delimitations. . . . . . . . . . . Methodology. . . . . . . . . . . The POpulation and Sample. . . . Procedure. . . . . . . . . . . . Analysis of Data . . . . . . . . Summary and Overview . . . . . . REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE. . . . . . . . . . . Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Role Theory. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary of Role Theory . . . . . . . . . . Selected Organization Theory With Emphasis on Power and Authority. . . . . . . . . Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . History of Black American Educators in Interracial Higher Education. . . . . . Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Current Status of Black Administrators in Interracial Higher Education . . . . Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY . . . . . . . Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sample . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi TABLE OF CONTENTS——continued Chapter IV. V. The Instrument. . . Procedures. . . . . Testable Hypotheses Treatment of Data . Summary . . . . . . PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA. . . . . . . Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . Factor Analyses of the Instrument . . . . . The Analysis of Variance. . . . . . . . A Summary of Responses to Open-Ended Items and Biographical Data. . . . . . . . . . Discussion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Findings and Conclusions. . . . . . . . . Discussion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Implications. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY . . .'. . . . . . . . . . . . . APPENDICES A. LETTERS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . B. INSTRUMENTS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . C. vii 69 79 80 82 83 84 84 84 86 97 99 103 105 105 108 110 114 117 120 125 133 139 4.3 4.4 4.6 4.7 4.8 4.9 4.10 4.11 LIST OF TABLES Page Sample and Record of Response. . . . . . . . . 68 Biographical Data of Black Respondents . . . . 7o Biographical Data of Non-Black Respondents . . 71 Loadings of Factor I Questionnaire items CH1 Varimax Rotation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Loadings of Factor II Questionnaire Items on Varimax Rotation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Loadings of Factor III Questionnaire Items on Varimax Rotation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 Loadings of Factor IV Questionnaire Items on Varimax Rotation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 Loadings of Factor V Questionnaire Items on Varimax Rotation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 Analysis of Variance of Factor I . . . . . . . 92 Analysis of Variance of Factor II. . . . . . . 93 Analysis of Variance of Factor III . . . . . . 94 Analysis of Variance of Factor IV. . . . . . . 95 Analysis of Variance of Factor V . . . . . . . 96 Classification of Administrators According to Education Level and Salary . . . . . . . . . . 100 Classification of Administrators Methods of Financing Education. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 Classifications of Institutions From Which Administrators Received College Degrees. . . . 102 viii LIST OF FIGURES Figure ‘ Page 1. Getzels' and Guba's General Model Showing the Nomothetic and Idiographic Dimensions of SocialBehavior........ . .. 3o ix CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Historically, the role of the black American in the social structure of the United States has been one of inequality; consequently, he has been conditioned to act out certain roles which have been oftentimes debilitating and degrading. chasual inspection of.mnerican literature and art often reveals the black man in subservient roles, thus depicting him as the object of explicit and customary forms of exclusion from American institutions on an equal basis. While he has in the past pursued the equality guaranteed him in the American heritage, his pursuit has become more intensive in the post World War II period. Today there is much fervor and controversy concerning protest within the evolutionary—revolutionary spectrum. .Some of the controversy rages over the'black American's heightened thrust in his pursuit of freedom, equality of oPPortunity, and human dignity. The problem of how people of different racial, religious and nationality backgrounds can live harmoniously, produc- tively, and as equals within the same geographic and POIitical boundaries is one of the most crucial issues facing mankind. This universal problem, particularly the racial issue, is reflected in many of our social institutions, especially our educational institutions at all levels. Social and behavioral scientists, educators, government officials, and lay citizens are concerned with the integra_ tion of students, school personnel, and governing boards of different racial origins into an efficient and harmonious educational system. On May 17, 1954, the United States Supreme Court ruled in the Brown v. Board of Education case that: "Separate educational facilities for races are inherently unequal.“* By reversing the Plessy v. Ferguson decision (1896) which held that racial segregation in public transportation was legal as long as the facilities were equal the court was saying that all state-imposed racial segregation was uncon- stitutional. In short, the school desegregation decision appeared to undermine the entire legal, or g§_jg£g, basis for public racial discrimination throughout the United States.1 While the issue of integration is pervasive throughout the society, it is the intent of this study to restrict itself to the educational institution, while being‘ aware at the same time, that this institution does not exist in a vacuum, but affects and is affected by the values of the society of which it is a part. ‘ .1Char1es F. Marden and Gladys Meyer, Minorities in Amer1can Society (3rd edition; New York: American Book Company. 1968). P. 296. q‘. 35.3....“ I The Problem The purpose of this study is to explore the self- perceived roles of black administrators in selected predomi- nantly white institutions of higher education and compare the findings with the self-perceived roles of non-black administrators of comparable institutional affiliation who lxfld.similar positions. A significant aspect of this exPlor- ation‘will be a comparison of black and non-black administra— tors' role perceptions with regard to their participation in administrative roles that have inherent power and authority as manifested by decision-making and policy—making processes. An attempt will also be made to determine some aspects of conflict perceived by the two groups. Major concentration will be centered upon the role characteristics which now exist. The specific questions to be explored in this study are: 1. Is there congruence between the self-perceived role functions of black and non-black adminis- trators who occupy similar positions in similar institutions? 2. What line positions do black administrators occupy? 3. Do black administrators perceive that they have power and authority to the same degree or extent as non-black administrators who occupy similar positions in similar institutions? 4. Do black administrators experience role con— flict to a significantly higher degree than non-black administrators? Objective The Objective of this study is to determine if there 5 a unique set of social and psychological mechanisms perating on black administrators in selected predominantly nite colleges and universities in the United States. If antrols do exist, how do they manifest themselves or eflect in the perceived roles of b1ack.administrators? From the data, conclusions are to be drawn as to the {tent of role congruence between the role perceptions of 3th black and non—black administrators of comparable rank 1d institutional affiliation. Significance of the Study There is a scarcity in the literature of studies ad— ressed to racial and cultural role phenomena. This condi— ion coupled with accelerated social changes in our society ccentuate the need for this investigation. Student revolt on American college and university ampuses has emerged today as a dominant activity of social hange. Included on the social change agenda is a concern or racial equality in American life. Wilson, in his comments on the racial crisis has ob— erved that The current racial crisis on many campuses is a reminder of the responsibilities thrust upon educational institu- t1ons to transform American society from a caste to an oPen-class system. Civil Rights legislation formally a removed many of the impediments to this transformation, to be sure, but the common expectation is that educa- tion must do the main job. If education is to respond to the above challenge, the pmactices as well as the teachings of its institutions must become more responsive, and many of its institutionalized practices must be altered. Employment practices. specifical- lyu have traditionally excluded black Americans from equal employment opportunities, thus preventing their full partici— pation in an open-class system. Roosevelt Johnson has observed that “ In the wake of black consciousness, black power, black studies, the free speech movement, and the relevancy explosion on college campuses, a need for more black administrators has become undeniably apparent. The question which must be answered without too much delay is how are the desperately needed administrators going to become prepared to cope with the charges which have been placed before the predominantly white college campuses across the continent?“ Johnson's observation and question are crucial and when extended, they serve as a benchmark for this investigation whidh shall attempt to document not only the need for addi- tional black administrators, but shall endeavor to assess the roles of practicing black administrators. ReCOgnition of the importance of roles in organizational structure is not a new phenomenon. There is considerable 2LOgan Wilson, "Merit and Equality in Higher Education." monal Record (Winter, 1970), p. 5. 3Roosevelt Johnson, "Black Administrators and Higher Edugat1on," The Black Scholar, Vol. I, No. 1 (November, 1969). research and educational literature which discuss role theory and its implications for educational administration. The investigation of the role of black administrators in pre- dominantly white institutions of higher education will be conducted in light of this theory. The data and conclusions provided by this study will reveal what black administrators in predominantly white institutions of higher education are now doing, their reac- tions to what they are doing, and the expectations held for them by others. Moreover, the findings will be useful to practicing black administrators, prospective black adminis- trators, those in the institutional hierarchy who interact with these administrators, both their subordinates and super- ordinates, and to those institutions with the responsibility of training administrators. Each of the above components will'be able to focus on role clarity and role congruence as a result of the findings in this study. Educational institutions that do not currently employ black administra- tors will find the conclusions of this study helpful as they plan for the undertaking of this practice. Of particular significance, this research should reflect projections for the assignment of black professionals in institutions of higher education. Also, this study will provide a base for further role Clarification and raise crucial questions that will encourage additional research. Background and Research Concepts of Role Theory Early formulation and development of roLe theory can be found in the work of Newcomb,4 Neiman and Hughes.5 In their review of the concept of role, the authors cite the findings and views of William James, Ralph Linton, L. S. Cottrell, George Mead, Norman Cameron, and others. Other scholars, including Parsons,6 Brookover,7 Gross 3531. ,8 Biddle and Thomas, 9 have attempted to provide a theoretical framework in which the concept of role may be examined. The theory used in this study is basically derived from the role theory work of the above scholars. Essentially, role theory in a broad perspective maintains that individuals occupy a number of roles, and the role 4Theodore M. Newcomb, Social Psychology_(New York: Dryden Press, 1950), p. 280. 5L. J. Neiman and J. W. Hughes, "The Problems of the Concept of Role--A Resurvey of the L1terature," Social Forces, XXX (1951), pp. 141-49. 6Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1951). .7Wilbur Brookover, A Sociolo of Education (New York: American Book Company, 1955 . . 8Neal Gross, Ward Mason and A. W. McEachern, Exnlora- tions 1n Role Analysis (New York: Wiley, 1958). 9Bruce J. Biddle and Edwin J. Thomas, Role Theory: Concepts and Research (New York: Wiley, 1966). perceptions that they hold for themselves, or the expecta- tions which others hold for them are assigned on the basis of their position in a given social system.1° Gross11 classified the definitions of the concept of role into three categories. The first category of defini- tions relate to "normative cultural patterns" and includes, among others, Linton's definition of role as representing the dynamic aspect of status. "When the individual puts the rights and duties which constitute status into effect, he is performing a role.12 According to Gross13 the second category is when a role is treated as an individual's definition of his situation vvith reference to his and others' social positions. Ltzucluded in this category is Sargent's definition: "A person's role is a pattern or type of social be— havior which seems situationally appropriate to him in terms of the demands and expectations of those in his group."14 The third category includes definitions which deal with 12>nJLe as the behavior of actors occupying social positions. 1°Gross‘gg‘§1., 92, cit. 11Gross gt $1,, ibid., pp. 11-13. 12Ralph Linton, The Study of Map (New York: Appleton- aIltury Company, 1936), p. 114. 13Gross §§_§l,, gp. cit., p. 13. 14Stansfeld Sargent, "Concepts of Role and Ego in Con- :“Enmporary Psychology," in John H. Rohrer and Muzafer Sherif \ EEditors) Social Psychglogy at the Crossroads (New York: SEEirper and Brothers, 1951), p. 360. Davis' definition falls in this category How an individual actually performs in a given position, as distinct from how he is supposed to perform, we call his role. The role, then, is the manner in Which a' person actually carries out the requirements of his position.15 The historical development‘and a more detailed reference will be made to role theory in Chapter II. Concept Development The key concepts of role theory to be considered in this study are role expectations, role ambiguity, role conflict, role perception, division of labor, and power and authority. It brief discussion of the relationships between these con— cepts will be posited toward the generation of propositions and hypotheses. The term "role expectation" has generally been used to ’efer to the expectations that one person in a social system 353.23 for another person who occupies a position in that social i”£3tem. Role perception is a person's belief about the role '<=]s>ectations that others hold for him. Role conflict E=-'Escribes situations in which a person has expectations which ZI'Ge incompatible with the expectations others hold for him Cindi role ambiguity connotes confusion in a role situation. . 15Kingsley Davis, Human Society (New York: The Macmillan ‘S:Nmpany, 1948), p. 90. 10 Bennis16 has used the term role set to clarify some of ; concepts of role theory as they are found to be Operae nal in organizations. His division of group participants ording to role include the pivitol role player (adminis- tor), his superordinates in the hierarchy of the organi- ion (pe0ple to whom he reports), his subordinates (people report to him) and his colleagues. All of these partici- ts act as role senders by communicating role expectations the pivitol role player. RObert Kahn pp gl.17 have used 5 operational concept to measure and describe the sent e pressures and their resultant.role conflict and ambiguity. Operating on another dimension, but related to conflict :he "marginal man" concept which may be speculated t0' :acterize the position of black administrators as they :tion in interracial organizations. Robert Park'has de— ed the marginal man as living and sharing intimately in the cultural life and traditions of two distinct peoples, never quite willing to break, even if he were permitted to do so, with his past and his traditions, and not quite accepted, because of racial prejudice, in the new society in whidh he nOW‘ seeks to find a place. If the marginal man concept does characterize black ‘0 Lnistrators who occupy administrative positions in 1(Swerren G. Bennie, Changing Organization; (New York: a‘II"‘F1':L].1 Book Company, 1966), pp. 193-196. 17 . Robert Kahn g _a_1., Organizational Stress: Stud1es gle\qugjil-Eict and Ambiguity (New York: John Wiley and , Inc., 1964). 18 1§§bert E. Park, Axnerican Journal of Sociology, XXII 8). 7...”. -____-_?. I ll erracial settings, what effect, if any, does marginality e upon their administrative performance? What conflict sts? Milton Gordon has described a possible consequence of ginality in this fashion Frustrated and not fully accepted by the broader social 'world he wishes to enter, ambivalent in his attitude toward the more restricted social world to which he has ancestral rights, and beset by conflicting cultural standards, he develops, according to the classic con- ception, personality traits of insecurity, moodiness. hypersensitivity, excessive self-consciousness, and nervous strain. 9 ation should be made that the "marginal man concept“2°°” it applies to black Americans is only speculative since concept was originally developed for Jews and other :eeimmigrants in America. Contrary to the marginal man :ept, there is same speculation that there are someeposi- e aspects of marginality. For purposes of this study. concept has been included to denote the historical. '— 19Milton M. Gordon, Assimilation in American L433; w York: Oxford University Press, 1964), p. 57. ' 20The concept was first presented by Robert E. Park in pan Migration and the Marginal Man," American Journal of may, noun (May, 1928), 881—93. It was developed elaborated by Everett U. Stonequist in "The Prdblem of (Marginal Man," American Journgl of Sociology. XLI (July, ’.:.1—12: and The Marginal Man (New York: Charles ’1bner's Sons, 1937) . It was criticized and modified by d T- Golvensky, "The Marginal Man Concept: An Analysis Crltique," Social Forces. XXX (March, 1952), 333—9; n Antonovsky, "Toward a Refinenent of the Marginal Man ept,-- Social Forces, XXXV (October, 1956), 57-62; and if? W- Green, "A Re—examination of the Marginal Man Con— ' .Social Forces, XXVI (December, 1947), 167—71. 12 .flicting roles that have been characteristic of black: :ricans. Essentially, the concept "division of labor" pertains the allocation or distribution of tasks and power among ’anizational positions. Therefore, the position held by individual within an organization reflects in some sure, the power he holds. The concepts of "power" and "authority" as considered this study relate to the manner in which the administrator others perceive the situation in which the administrator ctions. Parsons has stated, "subject to the overall trol of an institutionalized value system in the society its subsystems, the central phenomenon of organizations the mobilization of power for the attainment of the goals the organization."21 ”The concept of power helps account the control which an organization holds over those who within it."22 The concept power is usually associated with the con- ¢.authority. Simon has defined authority as the power make decisions which guide the actions of others.23 .—¥ 21 . , Talcott Parsons, "Suggestions for a Sociological .oadh to the Theory of Organizations--II," Adm1n1stra— W, I, No. 2 (September, 1956). p. 225. 2 2Daniel Griffths, Administrative Theoer (New York: 'eton‘Century-Crofts, Inc., 1959). 2 . 3Herbert A. Simon, Administrative Behavior (New York: 111911. 1950), p. 125. "' 13 Simon's operational definition of authority maintains, "The subordinate may be said to accept authority whenever he permits his behavior to be guided by a decision reached by another, irrespective of his own judgment as to the merits of that decision."24 Hypotheses to be Tested I. There are differences between the self-perceived role functions of black administrators and non- black administrators with similar institutional affiliation and who hold similar positions. II. Black administrators in predominantly white insti— tutions of higher education perceive themselves to have less power and authority than non-black administrators in comparable institutions. III. Black administrators in predominantly white insti- tutions of higher education perceive a higher degree of role conflict than non-black administra— tors. Definitions The fbllowing terms are defined to promote clarity in regard to their use in the study. The primary sources for 24 Qisn p. 22- . .. illl' “I ‘HAMHLM I an; 14 these role theory definitions are Gross pp §;.,25 Kahn 7 An attempt to operationalize §5_g1,,26 and Brookover.2 these definitions has been made where possible. Position the social location of an incumbent in a single group or social system. 5 K Expectation an evaluative standard applied to an incumbent of a position or a class of actors (individuals) in a system of social relationship. Role a set of expectations applied to an incumbent of a position. Role Ambiguity the degree of uncertainty among role expectations for an incumbent of a particular position. Role Attribute an actual quality of an incumbent of a position which can be referred to an expectation for an incumbent of that position. Role Behavior an actual performance of an incumbent of a posi- tion which can be referred to an expectation for an incumbent of that position. Role Conflict a situation in which the incumbent of a position perceives that he is confronted with incompatible expectations. ”Gross e_(-_ 3;” 22. p. 67 and 248-249. cit., 26 Kahn pp p_l_., 2p. cit. 27 B:lrookover, pp. cit., pp. 322-325. 15 Role Congruency a situation in which an incumbent of a position perceives that the same or highly similar expec- tations are held for him. Role Consensus the degree of similarity or agreement among role expectations held for an incumbent of a particu- lar position. Role Divergency a situation in which the incumbent of a position and others perceive varying or highly different expectations for a position. Role Perception the incumbents' belief about his own role. Role Function main duties or job specifications for a person occupying a specific position. Ited Definitions Super Black Syndrome a pattern of traits characterizing Black.kmemicans who exemplify exceptional ability, extraordinary talents and strong puritan like morality. High expectations, usually exceeding the standards for members of other races are held for these individuals, especially by members of the domi- nant culture. Black Administrator incumbents of line positions, i.e., vice- presidents, deans, department chairmen, directors. etc. who are members of the Negroid race. Non—black Administrators incumbents of the above positions who are Anglo— Americans. 16 Black American used interchangeably with the term Negro to describe members of the Negroid race. Power the probability that one actor within a social relationship will be in a position to carry out his own will despite resistance.28 Authority the probability that certain specific commands (or all commands) from a given source will be obeyed by a given group of persons.29 Predominantly White Institutions of Higher Education urban community and junior colleges whidh have 51 per cent or above white students, faculty and administrators. Basic Assumptions The following basic assumptions were stated prior to I initiation of the study: 1. Black administrators have meaningful contributions to make to interracial institutions of highem' education. 2. The number of black administrators employed 1J1 predominantly White institutions of higher educa- tion will increase in the future. 3. The sample is representative of the poPulation. apprOpriately selected, and adequate for the con— clusions and.inferences to be drawn. 28Max Weber, The Th‘eorL of Social and Economic Orgagjfié- 1' A” M. Henderson and Talcott Parsons (trans.) and 3011}: Parsons (ed.) (Glencoe, 1115-11018: Free Press and“ ’0“ 8 Wing Press, 1947), p. 152. 29 , .Ibid., p. 324. 17 4. The instruments used to measure the desired Char— acteristics, despite inherent limitations, are adequate. 5. The study is based.upon the assumption that some aspects of behavior are influenced by racial and cultural factors. Delimitations 1. The selection and pairing of the population to be included in this study will be determined bY’the accessibility of institutions that employ bIack administrators. ' 2. The findings of this study will be restricted to predominantly white urban community and junior colleges in the United States. Methodology The POpulation and Sample The population for this study will consist of black and non-black administrators in selected predominantly white colleges in the United States. Identification of institu— tions which employ black administrators will be made through Prefessional associations, state departments of education and the United States Office of Education. When the identi- fication has been established. a random sample will be used. SiJmilar institutions will be used for the non—black sample: The administrators (N = 100 black administrators and NA= 100 non—black administrators), selected for this study, w I I ' . I . I 111 include v1ce-pres1dents, deans, assoc1ate deans, 18 department chairmen, directors, and assistants. Essentially, the criteria used for their selection will be "line“ and “staff" positions held by these administrators within the institution. Procedure The research format will include the construction of a role definition instrument based upon structured.interview data gathered in a pilot study. The questionnaire will be tested for validity and reliability, refined, and then admin- istered in an attempt to measure the role perceptions of black and non—black administrators. Additional instrumentation will include biographical data and institution information. Analysis of Data Scores from the questionnaires together with biographi- cal and institution information will be used to generate the necessary variables required for attainment of desired descriptions. A selection of questions raised under the purposes of the study will be used as operational hypotheses by stating each question in the affirmative (that a relationship and/or Pattern does exist). Alternative hypotheses will be used and submitted to statistical inference through the null hypothesis. 19 The "t-test" of significant difference between means of black and non-black power and conflict measures will be computed. Analysis of variance will be used with sample groups in relation to desired variables. Intercorrelations will be computed for the various power and conflict measures. A more detailed description of the design for the study will be provided in Chapter II. may and memes Chapter I has provided the groundwork, and to a degree, the blueprint for the study. The inclusion of black administrators in meaningful educational roles in interracial educational settings is a crucial problem facing society today. The development of role theory has been explored and will be used to investi— gate existing roles of black administrators. Definitions of the major terms used in the study were Stated to promote clarity in communication. Certain underlying assumptions have been made for the StUdY: a discussion of delimitations of the study were out- lined, and certain hypotheses were listed. The procedures used in collecting and analyzing the data were presented. Successive chapters will be as follows: Chapter II: A Review of Related Literature A. Role Theory 20 En Review of Selected Organization Theory—-With. Emphasis on Power and Authority C. History of Black Americans in Interracial Higher Education D. Current Status of Black Administrators in Interracial Higher Education Chapter III: Research Design and MethodOIOgy Chapter IV: Analysis of Data Chapter V: Presentation of Findings, Conclusions, Implications, and Recommendationa for Further Study. CHAPTER I I REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Introduction The review of the literature for this study'concentrated on four specific areas: (1) role theory, (2) selected organi- zation theory (with emphasis on power and authority), (3) the history of black Americans in interracial higher education, and (4) the current status of black administrators in inter- racial higher education. Since there has been very little done exclusively with community colleges in regard to the above areas of interest, this review focused upon related studies. Role Theory The theoretical framework used in this study is role theory, therefore, a review of research pertaining to various concePtualizations of this theory is vital to its understand— ing and application. Numerous role studies can be found in the literature: however, the purpose here is to present the historical de- valePment of role theory and some selected role studies related to the problem under consideration in this study. 21 22 In a review of the literature, Neiman and Hughes3° have surveyed the historical deve10pment of role theory from 1900 to 1950. Expanding on the concept of self as treated by William James31 and later by George Mead,32 the authors write ". . . the social act, out of which emerges the self is in reality the assumption of a‘role for the child." For clarification of the term "role, " they used the definition of Cottrell. The role is the organization of habits and attitudes of the individual appropriate to a given position in a system of social relationships. . . . There is no conception of role . . . without a reference to what action is expected in the situation of Which the role is a part.33 Neiman and Hughes also cite definitions of Cameron:34 "The role is the product of social learning which has been culturally defined by the behavior of others, . . ." and of Linton,3s "A role represents the dynamic aspect of 3°Neiman and Hughes, pp, cit., pp. 141-149. 31William James, The Principlesyof Psycholpgv (New York: Holt, 1890). , 32George Mead, Mind, Self and Society (Chicago: Univer- sity Of Chicago Press, 1934). . 33Leonard S. Cottrell, Jr., "The Adjustment of the Individual to his Age and Sex Roles," American Sociglggiggl may. VII (1942), p. 617. Reprinted in Theodore Newcomb and Eugene Hartley (eds.) Readings in Social Psycholggy (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1947). 34Neiman and Hughes, pp. cit. 35Linton, pp. cit. 23 status. . . . When the individual puts the rights and duties which constitute status into effect, he is performing a role." The above definitions contain the essence of role con- cept and have provided the basic structure in which role theory has evolved. Other writers have modified the concept from time to time, yet the work of the above scholars remains basic. As cited in Chapter 1, Gross pp p1., after considering the multitude of definitive positions in role theory, have attempted to classify the concept of role into three cate— gories: 1. Role as "normative cultural patterns" which includes Linton's definition as representing the dynamic aspect of status. 2. Role as the individual's definition of his situa- tion with reference to his and others' social positions. 3. Role as the behavior of actors occupying social positions.36 In an attempt to justify these categories, the authors POint out three basic ideas which appear in most of the conceptualizations considered in their review: "individuals (1) in social locations (2) behave (3) with reference to exPectations."37 They elaborate by writing Almost all the authors have used the role concept to eMbrace the normative element of social behavior. PeOple do not behave in a random manner; their be- havior is influenced to some extent by their own \ 36Gross_e_t__a_l.,pp. cit. 3 ’1bid., pp. 17—18. 24 expectations and those of others in the group or society in which they are participants. Sometimes, the expectations referred to are "ascribed by society"; in other formulations they are held by members of the group in which the actor participates. Regardless of their derivation, expectations are presumed by most role theorist to be an essential, ingredient in any formula for predicting social be- havior. Human conduct is in part a function of expectations. But some expectations apply to certain individuals and not to others. Whether a partiCI-Ilar expectation is assigned to an individual depends upon his identity. It is necessary to specify an individual's location in social relationship systems or his "relational identities" in order to detenmine what expectations are held for him. This component is also involved in most, although not all, role conceptualizations. Expectations are assigned to individuals on the basis of their locations or positions in social systems.38 In summarizing their feelings about the divergency of Opinion concerning role, Gross, Mason and McEachern comment, "we feel that theoretical formulations concerned with role analysis must include these three e1ements--social locations, behavior, and expectations--which are common to most of the definitions of role which have been considered."39 Biddle and Thomas support the Gross view by pointing out that there is one nearly universal common denominator. viz., that role concept pertains to the behavior of particu— lar Persons. They suggest that "the term by itself" be used only to denote the generic idea, i.e., "the entire person— behavior matrix," more specific terms being used for 38Gross pp 31., ibid., p. 18. 39Ibid. 25 specified segments of the matrix." By defining role in broader terms they encompass various ways in which persons may be associated with behaviors.4o Kahn and his associates support and extend the fore- going views by emphasizing the importance of and the rela- tionship between self—perception, position, and expectations They state Eadh person responds to the organization in terms of his perceptions of it. . . . He, too, has a conception of his office and a set of attitudes and beliefs about what he should not do while in that position. He has sbme awareness of what behavior will fulfill his re— sponsibilities, lead to the accomplishment of the organizational objectives, or further his own inter- ests. He may even have had a major part in determin- ing the formal responsibilities of his office. Through a long process of socialization and formal training, ‘he has acquired a set of values and expectations about his own behavior and abilities.41 Brookover42 and Gross43 have expressed opinions that suggest there is probably more disagreement concerning the definitions which deal with role as the behavior of individ- uals occupying social positions than any other concept in role theory. Biddle and Thomas in their review of role definitions suPPort this position with this statement The idea of role has been used to denote prescription. description, evaluation, and action; it has referred 4°Biddle and Thomas, pp. cit. 41Kahngp_a_l_.,p_p. cit. 42Brookovengg- Cit-. PP- 322-323- 4 . 3Gross, op. c1t. 26 to covert and overt processes, to the behavior an individual initiates versus that which is directed to him. Perhaps the most common definition is that role is the set of prescriptions defining what the behavior of a position member should be. But this much agreement is at best an oasis in a desert of diverging opinion.44 Writers such as Linton, Newcomb, Parsons, Brookover, have described role in terms of status or position. Newcomb45 perceives a position as a part of an inclu— sive system of positions and carries with it definite prescriptions for behaving toward other persons in related positions. He sees a role as being associated with a posi- tion and as the whole set of behaviors which are character- istic of all individuals who occupy that certain position. Roles and positions are inseparable. A position has no meaning without its accompanying role, and any given role applies only to persons who occupy a stated position in a stated group or soceity. Based upon this rationale, Newcomb gives this description of role The ways of behaving which are expected of any indi- vidual Who occupies a certain position constitute the role associated with that position. A position . . . is something static; it is a place in the structure recognized by members of the society and accorded by them to one or more individuals. A role, on the other hand, is something dynamic: it refers to the behavior of the occupants of a position--not all their behavior, as persons, but what they do as occupants of the position.46 44Biddle and Thomas, pp. cit. 45Newcomb, pp. cit. 46Ibid. 27 Parsons perceives status as an actor's position or location in the social system relative to other actors. It is in other words his place in the relationship system considered as a structure, that is a patterned system of parts. He views role as a functional aspect of a person's participation in a social system, and as what the actor does in his relations with others as seen in the context of its functional significance. In this aspect, each actor is oriented to other actors, and is, therefore, acting or playing a role.47 Brookover has defined role in terms of status and has developed a paradigm which divides the concept "role" into seven categories: §2£2£ an individual and his particular personality brought to a situation (previous experience, needs, etc.). pplngnvolyement an actor's image of the ends anticipated from participation in the status. A projection of his self-image into the role. General Status other's expectations of any actor in a broadly defined position, i.e. teachers. Situational ptatus other's expectations of any actor in a particu- lar situation. 47Parsons. 0p. cit. 28 Role other's expectations of a particular actor in a particular situation. Definition an actor's definition of what he thinks others expect of him in a particular role. Behayior in Interaction an actor's behavior in interaction with others in which definition and role are continually redefined.4e After conducting a comprehensive review of role theory Stogdill made this observation We have noted that function and status are attached to a position rather than to the occupant of the position. The function and status of a position may remain essen— tially unchanged in the expectations of the members over long periods of time during which several differ— ent persons may occupy the position. If role concept is to have any meaning which differs from the concepts of status and function in combination, then it seems necessary to assume that role expectations are attached to the person rather than to the position he occupies.49 Studies concerned with role expectations, role conflict, and role ambiguity have emerged during the past two decades and have given new directions and dimensions to role theory. Getzels and Guba in an attempt to provide a better theoretical means to view administration have developed a model for explaining social processes which is based on the assumption that the process of administration deals 48Wilbur B. Brookover, "Research on Teacher and Adminis— trator Roles,” Journal of Educational Sociology, XXIX (September, 1955), p. 3. 49Ralph M. Stogdill, Individual Behavior and Group Achievgmpnt (New York: Oxford University Press, 1959), p. 128. 29 essentially with social behavior in a hierarchical setting: ". . . we may conceive of administration structurally as the hierarchy of subordinate-superordinate relationships within a social system. Functionally, this hierarchy of relationships is the locus for allocating and integrating roles and facilities in order to achieve the goals of the social system."5° They conceive ". . . the social system as involving two classes of phenomena which are at once conceptually "51 and assert independent and phenomenally interactive, that ". . . social behavior may be understood as a function of these major elements: institution, role, and expecta— tion, which together constitute what we shall call the nomothetic or normative dimension of activity in a social system, and individual, personality and need-disposition, which together constitute the idiographic or personal di- "52 This model was mension of activity in a social system. later expanded to include a transactional dimension which represents a compromise between the nomothetic and idio— graphic dimensions. soJacob'W. Getzels, "Administration as a Social Process,‘ Chapter 7 of Adminiptrapive Theory in Educatipp, Andrew W. Halpin (editor) (Chicago: University of Chicago: Midwest Administration Center, 1958), p. 151. 51Ibid., p. 152. 52Ibid. 30 "The significance of this model is that it spotlights administrative relations as a function of interaction between the nomothetic and idiographic dimensions. It sug— gests the possibility of role conflicts when a role incum- bent is required to conform simultaneously to a number of expectations which are contradictory or inconsistent, and of personality conflicts when there is a discrepancy between the pattern of expectations attached to a role and the pattern of needs of the individual.“53 NOMOTHETIC DIMENSION INSTITUTION -—-’ROLE 4 ROLE EXPECTATIONS \ /' k K I SOCIAL OBSERVED SYSTEM BEHAVIOR I N I INDIVIDUAL ’PERSONALITY ’NEED DIS POS ITION IDIOGRAPHIC DIMENS ION Figure 1. Getzels' and Guba's General Model Showing the Nomothetic and the Idiographic dimen- sions of Social Behavior.54 53Stephen J. Knezevich, Administration 0; Public Educa- tion (2nd edition; New York: Harper and Row, publishers, 1969) l p0 5170 54Getzels and Guba, pp. cit., p. 156. 31 Prior to the Getzels Model, Newcomb55 had used the term "prescribed role" as including all the approved ways of carrying out the necessary functions required of the occupant of a position, and Parsons56 had defined "role expectations" as having two aspects: (1) the expectations which concern and in part set standards for the behavior of the actor who takes himself as the point of reference, and (2) a set of expectations relative to the probable reactions of others toward any person acting the same role. Biddle and Thomas point out that "the concept prescrip- tion is a central idea in role theory and has appeared under the guise of diverse labels--as 'norm,‘ 'role expectation,‘ and 'rule.‘ Prescriptions are behaviors that indicate what other behaviors should (or ought to) be engaged in‘."57 This Observation is substantiated by Getzels' elaboration on the institutional aspect of his model. He elaborates by saying Roles are defined in terms of role expectations. A role has certain normative obligations and responsi- bilities, which may be termed "role expectations," and when the role incumbent puts these obligations and responsibilities into effect, he is said to be perform— ing his role. The expectations define for the actor, whoever he may be, what he should or should not do as long as he is the incumbent of the particular role. Roles are complementary. Roles are interdependent in 55Newcomb, pp. cit. 56Parsons, pp. cit. 57Biddle‘and Thomas, pp. cit., p. 103. 32 that each role derives its meaning from other related roles in the institution.58 Brookover differs someWhat with Getzels' view by stat- ing, "The expectation held for a specific person occupying a position may be different in some respects from those held for another occupant of the same position."59 He elaborates further on the point in this fashion: "The im- pact of any person or group's role expectations on the behavior of a particular perSOn occupying the role depends "6° These divergent on his perception of those expectations. views are treated in the foregoing elaboration by Gross and his associates and suggest that behavior is influenced to some extent by peoples's own expectations as well as those of others in the group or society in which they are partici- pants. Numerous studies have been conducted which focused upon role expectations. The study by Gross, Mason, and 1 represents one of the most extensive studies of McEachern6 role expectations. They used a questionnaire and interviews with 105 school superintendents and 508 school board members in an attempt to define role expectations each group held for the school superintendent's role. From their analysis 58Getzels, pp. cit., p. 153. 59Brookover,pp. cit., p. 323. 6°Ibid., p. 34. 61Gross, Mason, and McEachern, pp. cit. 33 of the data, they concluded that the conditions under which expectations are learned or taught and who defines them may be quite variable. Additional observations were: 1. An incumbent of a focal position may define what most of his rights and obligations are and an incumbent of a counter position may accept his definitions. 2. Incumbents of counter positions may define most expectations and an incumbent of the focal posi- tion may accept them. 3. An incumbent of the focal position may define his rights while incumbents of the counter posi- tion may define his obligations (or their own rights) and both may accept each other's defini- tions of these role segments. 4. Neither the incumbent of the focal or the counter position may have well-defined expectations for each other's behavior in their initial interac- tion and they may be eventually worked out through a trial and error process. 5. Some expectations may be learned prior to, and others during, position incumbency.62 Bidwell63 investigated teacher role expectations and administrator role perceptions to determine whether or not a teacher's role expectations as they converged or diverged toward an administrator's perceptions of the teacher's behavior would be related to job satisfaction. He found that convergence of teachers' role expectations toward the administrator's perceptions is accompanied by expressed 62Ibid., p. 321. 63Charles E. Bidwell, "The Administrative Role and Satisfaction in Teaching," Journal of Educational Sociology. xxrx (September. 1955). p. 47. 34 satisfaction in teaching on the part of the teacher and that divergence of the same factors is accompanied by dis- satisfaction. Biddle64 and his associates have examined the expecta- tions held for teachers in and out of school and concluded from their data that teacher role expectations carry over into a wide range of community activities. Doyle65 analyzed the convergence in the role expecta- tions held by various persons for elementary teachers in their primary function as classroom teachers and found greater similarities in expectations among the groups than teachers themselves perceived. Cowan66 investigated the role expectations held by relevant groups for the Flint Building director at Flint, Michigan. A questionnaire focused upon the expectations held for the director was administered to Flint teachers, principals and adult education coordinators. Conclusions readhed by the investigator were that the building director is in a position of built-in conflict and that his 64Bruce J. Biddle, HOward A. Rosencranz and Earl F. Rankin, Jr., "Orientation, Methods and Materials," Studies in the Role of the Public school Teacher, I (Columbia: University of Missouri, Social Psychology Laboratory, 1961). 65Louis A. Doyle, "A Study of the Expectations Which Elementary Teachers, Administrators, School Board Members, and Parents have of the Elementary Teachers' Role." (Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State Univer- sity.) 66Alton Cowan, "The Flint Building Director: Role Expectation Held by Relevant Groups." (Ed.D. dissertation, Michigan State University, 1960.) 35 professional roles must be more clearly defined: there is a need for keener understanding of the normative expecta- tions associated with his position: an awareness or better understanding of the expectation held for him on the part of the building director was essential for increased effectiveness. Getzels, in his discussion of the genesis and nature of institutional and individual conflict states Conflict may be defined simply as the "mutual inter- ferences of reactions." The model points to three primary sources of conflict in the administrative setting: role-personality conflict, role conflict, and personality conflict. Role-personality conflicts occur as a function of discrepancies between the pattern of need—dispositions characteristic of the incumbent of the role. There is a mutual interfer- ence between nomothetic expectations and idiographic dispositions, and the individual must choose whether 'he will fulfill individual needs or institutional requirements. Role conflicts occur whenever a role incumbent is required to conform simultaneously to a number of expectations which are mutually exclusive, contradic— tory, or inconsistent, so that adjustment to one set of requirements makes adjustment to others impossible or at least difficult. Role conflicts in this sense are situational givens and independent of the person- ality of the role incumbent.67 8 in his discussion of the conflict- Betram Gross 6 cooperation nexus emphasizes the recognition that conflict and cooperation are inextricably intertwined in the life of any organization. According to Gross 67Getzels, pp, cit. 68Betram M, Gross, The Managing oijrganizations (New 'York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1964), p. 271. 36 Decision—making itself, is a fundamental source of conflict, since it invariably involves conflicting considerations; within organizations, decisiondmaking conflicts are invariably enlivened by pressure for different solutions on the part of different indi- viduals and groups in the organization or intervening in its activities from outside. These pressures, in turn, are internalized within the minds of various individual decision-makers and become the basis for the deep internal conflicts that characterize the life of many administrators.69 Stogdill7o suggests that role conflict occurs when a subgroup member discovers that he has acquired a role that differs someWhat from his role as defined by the larger institutional group, or when he defines his role in tenms of personal values and preconceptions that have little reference to the purposes or norm structure of the group. A The conditions leading to role conflict have been cate- gorized by Stogdill as: (1) roles may not be clearly defined; (2) various persons and subgroups may entertain different and incompatible expectations relative to the same role; (3) the role may be perceived differently by the position incumbent and by others.71 72 Seeman and Gross73 define role conflict as the ex- posure of the individual to incompatible behavioral 69Ibid., p. 272. 7oStogdill, pp. cit. 7lIbid. 72Melvin Seeman, "Role Conflict and Ambivalence in Leadership," American Sociological Review, XVIII (1953), pp. 373-380. 73Gross pp p1., pp. cit., p. 246. rt 37 expectations in a given position. Sarbin74 sees role con- flict occurring when a person occupies two or more positions simultaneously and when the role expectations of one are incompatible with the role expectations of the other. Getzels and Guba75 investigated the incompatible expecta- tions to which air force instructors were exposed while they occupied multiple positions and found that the instructors perceived numerous elements of role conflict. Burchard76 conducted a similar study with military chaplains. The air force subjects were faced with problems seemingly resulting from their roles as instructOrs and officers and the chap— lain study reflected role conflict between military officers and minister roles. Brookover defined role conflict as, "that situation in Which the incumbent of a focal position perceives that he is confronted with incompatible expectations in a particular "77 He elucidated bY stating area of behavior. Numerous studies of role conflict have been defined differently. Some writers use role conflict to refer to situations in which a particular person occupies two different positions, such as father and teacher, 74Theodore S. Sarbin, "Role Theory,‘ in G. Lindzey (editor) Handbook of Social Psychploqy, I (Cambridge: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, 1954), p. 228. 75Jacob Getzels and Egon Guba, "Role, Role Conflict and Effectiveness," American Sociological Review, XIX (1954), pp. 164-175. I 75w. w. Burchard, "Role Conflicts in Military Chap— _ lains," American Sociological Review, XIX (1954), pp. 528-535. 77Brookover, pp. cit., p. 344. 38 at the same time. Others identify role conflict as a situation in which an observer defines incompatible expectations without reference to the actor's percep- tion of the expectations. In our definition either of these situations may or may not be productive of role conflict, depending on the actor's behavioral situation. We use the definition based on perception because it seems irrelevant to assume role conflict in a situation Which is npt perceived as such by the person involved.78 Similarly, Deutsch expressed concern that conflicts appear to have certain psychological prOperties for parties involved. From his viewpoint, it is important in the characterization of any conflict to depict the state of affairs as perceived by the conflicting parties, and the interdependence between themobjective and perceived reali- ties.79 The foregoing view recognizes conflict as a dynamic whole comprised of "manifest" conflict and "latent" or ”underlying" conflict. Through a conceptual approach toward social conflict, Mack and Snyder viewed conflict as involving interaction between parties that have mutually exclusive or incompatible values.80 qFrom a similar standpoint,'Coser viewed conflict as a struggle over scarce values and claims to scarce status, power, and resources in which aims of the opponents are to 7erid. 79Morton Deutsch, "Conflicts: Productive and Destruc- ‘tive," Journal of Social ISsUes, 25:809 (January, 1969). 80Raymond W. Mack and Richard Snyder, "The Analysis of Social Conflict--Toward an Overview and Synthesis, " Journal of Confjpict Resolution, 1:218 (June, 1957). 39 neutralize, injure, or eliminate their rivals.81 Victor Thompson has posited a discussion of the rela— tions between specialist and hierarchical roles in organiza- tions as a basis for the analysis of conflict in modern organizations. In his discuSsion, Thompson defines a hier— archy as a system of roles of subordination and superordi- nation. He elaborates on the subject by saying, “roles are cultural items and are learned. The roles of subordinate and superior are likewise learned cultural, patterns of behavior transmitted from géfieration to generation."82 Thompson characterized the superordinate as being generally considered to have the right to expect obedience and loyalty from his subordinates (this right connotes the right to command); the superior has the right to monopolize communication; and the superior has the right to deference from his subordinates. In addition to these primary rights there are certain secondary rights accorded the superordi- nate--the right to determine the personnel of the unit and its organizational form: the right to initiate activities (set organization's goals) and the right to assign them: the right to settle conflicts (make decisions).83 81Lewis Coser, The Functions of Social Conflict (New York: The Free Press, 1956). 82Victor A. Thompson, "Hierarchy, Specialization, and Organizational Conflict," Adminiptrative Science Quarterly, v (1961), pp. 485-521. 831bid. 40 In contrast, the subordinate role is chiefly character— ized by duties--the duties of obedience, of loyalty, of deference and the duty to accept a superior's veto without attempting to appeal around him. Subordinates, however, demand certain rights which include rights to personal dig- nity, to be treated on the basis of merit and other rights, all of which are in conflict with superordinate rights. Organizational conflict then, can be attributed in part to differing perceptions of reality between persons in 84 In essence, specialist and hierarchical positions. Thompson has described a bureaucratic administrative hier- archy or status system which is often contradictory or in conflict with democratic principles. Thompson summarizes the bases of intraorganizational conflict with the following general propositions: 1. Conflict is a function of disagreement over the reality of interdependence (need for joint deci- sions). 2. Conflict is a function of the degree of disparity between authority and the ability to contribute to goals. 3. Conflict is a function of the degree of status violation involved in interaction. 4. Conflict is made mOre or less intense by the rela- tive importance of the interdependence to the success of the organization. 5. Conflict is a function of the lack of shared values and reality perceptions.8 a41bid., pp. 485-521. 85Ibid. 41 In instances which the superordinate encourages coopera— tive involvement, participative decision-making and shared responsibility as opposed to traditional administration, some conflict is likely to result. Stogdill has suggested that when faced with conflicting pressures, the leader may either conform to one or the other set of expectations and prepare to take the consequences: or, as is more likely, take a compromise position and attempt to reconcile con- fliers.86 Kahn and his associates perceived role conflict result— ing when members of the role set hold different role expectations toward the focal person. They observed that Much of role conflict, as we have defined it, can be thought of as a kind of inadequate role sending: lack of agreement or coordination among role senders produces a pattern of sent expectations which contains logical incompatibilities or which takes inadequate account of the needs and abilities of the focal person.87 In 1961, Biddle noted the proliferation of role conflict definitions and alluded to role conflict analysis as a grow— ing subfield of role theory. His observations were expressed in this manner Although many definitions of role have been given at the behavioral level, no definitions of role conflict have been offered at this level-—which strongly sug- gests that most authors "really" are thinking about cognitions when they use the term "role." The major- ity of extant role conflict definitions are stated as 86Ralph Stogdill, Leadepphip and Role Expectations (Columbus: Ohio State university, 1956), pp. 1-9. a7Kahnpp‘plnpp. cit., p. 21. 42 multi-person cognitive incompatibilities, although many operational definitions used by empirical investigators have involved taking data from only the Object person suffering conflict.88 In subsequent writings Kahn and Katz defined role con— flict as, "the simultaneous occurrence of two (or more) role sendings such that compliance with one would make more dif- ficult compliance with the other. In the extreme case, compliance with one expectation as sent would exclude com- pletely the possibility of cempliance with the other; the two expectations are mutually contradictory."89 In their discussion of role ambiguity, the Kahn group states: "A different pattern of inadequacy in role sending constitutes role ambiguity; ambiguity in a given position may result either because information is nonexistant or be— cause existing information is inadequately communicated."9° They summarize their discuSsion of role ambiguity in this fashion Role ambiguity is conceived as the degree of which required information is available to a given organiza- tional position. To the extent that such information is communicated clearly and consistently to a focal person, it will tend to induce in him an experience of certainty with respect to his role requirements and his place in the organization. To the extent that such information is lacking, he will experience ambiguity.91 88Bruce J. Biddle, "Present Status of Role Theory." (Columbia: University of Missouri, Social Psychology Lab, 1961). 89Daniel Katz and Robert L. Kahn, The Social Psychology of Organizations (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1964). 9°Kahn pp pl,, pp. cit., p. 23. 91Ibid. 43 Summary of Role Theory The historical development of role concept has been examined. Notation was made of the early influential writings of Ralph Linton, who defined status as a position in a social system concerned with designated rights and obligations and role as the behavior of individuals who put into effect these expectations of others. The essence of Linton's definition suggested that individuals occupy multiple statuses that have an associated role for each status. Other writers have placed emphasis on the numerous roles which may be associated with a single status and have also emphasized other diverse meanings of the terms status, position, and role. There appears to be considerable dis- agreement concerning definitions which deal with role as the behavior of individuals occupying social positions. Numerous role definitions were cited, however, the essential elements of role appear to be that it exists in a social setting, consistsmbf behavior, and is influenced by the expectations of others. Studies concerned with role expectations, role conflict and role ambiguity were preSented to demonstrate the new directions and dimensions of role theory. Role expectations were characterized as being normative obligations and re— sponsibilities but with caution that the expectations held for specific persons occupying a position may vary. Role conflict was defined as resulting from incompatible 44 expectations on the part of an incumbent of a position and role ambiguity was considered to connote uncertainty and confusion. Some shortcomings of role theory appear to be the lack of agreement on what is studied, semantics, and prOposi- tional structure. Selected Organization Theory With Emphasis on Power and Authority The concepts "power" and "authority" are among the cen- tral concepts of this investigation. These terms have been variously defined and often used interchangeably with each other and also with the concepts "control" and "influence." For clarification, a discussion of these terms will precede a selected review of the literature. Classical theorist such as Simon,92 Barnard,93 and Weber,94 especially the latter, profoundly influenced subse- quent thinking on authority and power. Weber considered both of these concepts as means of obtaining social control. Weber defined power as: "The probability that one actor within a social relationship will be in position to carry out his own will despite resistance" and authority as: "the probability that certain specific commands (or all 92Simon, pp. cit. 93Barnard, pp. cit. 94weber, pp. cit. 45 commands) from a given source will be obeyed by a given group of persons."95 Simon has used the definition of authority which states that, "authority may be defined as the power to make decisions Which guide the actions of others.“96 Barnard perceived authority as "another name for the willingness and capacity of individuals to submit to the necessities of COOperative systems."97 All of these definitions suggest a hierarchial relationship within the organization. Contemporary writers such as Goldhamer and Shils,98 99 and Tannenbaum100 have concurred that power is Etzioni, essentially the ability or capacity to exercise control, moreover, power is the extent of influence a person has on the behavior of others in accordance with his own intentions. Power is legitimate when it results from role occupancy or position. When power is accepted by role subordinates it becomes authority which usually refers to the formal right 951219- 96Simon, pp, plp. 97Barnard, pp, plp. ”H. Goldhamer and a. A. Shils, "Types of Power and fpgtus," American Journal of Sociology (1939), 45, pp. 171- 99Amital Etzioni, A Comparative Analysis 0; Complex Organizations (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1961). 100Arnold S. Tannenbaum and Robert L. Kahn, "Organiza— tional Control Structure," Human Relationp (1957), 10, pp. 127-140. 46 to exercise control. Influence is an interpersonal trans- action in which an intentional attempt is made to produce psychological or behavioral effects. Control exists when the influence attempts have the effects intended by the influencing agent. Mary Parker Follett has been credited with inserting the word "power" into the vocabulary of administration. Major concepts from her Writings indicate her concerns about power and authority. Follett's views are expressed and elucidated by Gross in this manner Power is simply the ability to make things happen, to be a causal agent. Power cannot be delegated or conferred, it is rather a self-developing capacity. Authority is vested power, the right to develop and exercise power. It can be conferred, but to confer authority is not to delegate it. A person's authority flows from the function, from the job to be performed. A certain form of central authority is necessary, but this should not be overemphasized. °1 In spite of Follett's and other writer's chants that power should be with and not Over and their strong insist- ence that domination is inconsistent with democracy, there is supportive evidence that poWer continues to be the basic ingredient in organizational structure and function. Hunter has defined power in terms of behavior by stat- ing that power is "the acts of man going about the business of moving other men to act in relation to themselves or in relation to organic or inorganic things."1°2 1olBetram Gross, pp, cit. 102Floyd Hunter, Community Power Structure (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1953), pp. 2-3. 47 In his analysis of power and authority Griffiths103 has noted that the concept of power helps to account for the control Which an organization holds over its members, and that "power is sought in order to control the decision— making process in the organization." He elaborates further by stating It would appear that pOWer can be Operationally de- fined only in terms of the decisions which a power— holder actually makes. Thus power is a function of decisions made and can be operationally defined as: P = f(D) A person, therefore, has power to the extent that he makes decisions which: 1. Affect the course of action of an enterprise to a greater degree than do decisions made by others in the enterprise. 2. Influence other decisions. Thus it can be seen that the one who exercises most control over the decisionemaking process in an organi- zation has the most power. In studying an organization the power distribution can be determined by counting the number of decisions made, by noting the extent to which the decisions affect the course of action of the enterprise, and by noting the effect of any one decision on subsequent decisions. Control of the decisionemaking process is in turn the key to greater power—-that is, control means the right to make decisions which provide the criteria for those who mpg? the other decisions in the sequential pro- cess. . Dubin105 defines authority as "institutionalized power." 1”Griffiths, pp. cit. 1“Ibid. . 1°5Robert Dubin pp pl., Human Relationspin Administra- EAQE (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1959) I p. 188. 48 Simon defined authority in behavioral or operational terms by stating that, "a subordinate may be said to accept authority whenever he permits his behavior to be guided by a decision reached by another, irrespective of his own judgement as to the merits of the decision."1°6 Based upon the rationale that authority in an organi- zation is backed by institutionalized power coupled with Simon's definition of authority, Griffiths makes this point Although there is a line of authority in each organi- zation, there are also modifying conditions which change the effectiveness of power being exerted. We note that the-authority of an administrator is affected and modified by the board of education, the teachers, non- teaching staff, parents, students, patrons, the state school, the customs and traditions of the community, and the authority of the profession.”7 Careful examination of Griffiths' observation raises the question as to whether or not race or culture could precipitate modifying conditions which could alter the effectiveness of the power being exerted. Griffiths108 emphasiZed that authority is the willing— ness of some to accept the power of another or others, and illustrated how this concept clarified some vague or nebu- lous terms when put into practice. He cites as an example the concept line and staff which implies that the former o . . 1 6Simon, pp, c1t. 1“Griffiths, pp, cit. 1°°Ibid. 49 gives "orders" and the latter gives "advice" and then pro- ceeds to cite Thompson Who stated Now we all know the difference between orders and advice. Or do we? When a staff assistant to my boss indicates that I am dOing something inefficiently, have I received advice or an order? In many cases, I am convinced, advice has been given (or intended), but orders have been received (or perceived). The' line-staff distinction is common sense to a great many administrators, but, in my opinion, it has seriously interfered with the development of adminis- trative theory.”9 Betram Gross: has noted that authority usually receives much more attention than power. "Authority is more con- spicuous; the head of an organization or unit is a man with "11° Accord- authority whereas his power may not be so clear. zing to Gross, "one of the major clarifications in modern administrative thought is the differentiation between author- ity and power and that there seems to be a widespread con- sensus that authority is a source or form of power, but that power (or influence) cannot be understood in terms of authority alone."111 Gross defines power (or influence) as the affecting of situations by human action and authority as the accepted right to engage in certain actions and dis— tinguishes between the two concepts by pointing out that many administrators enjoy considerable authority but have little influence: that significant power must be acquired 1”Thompson, pp. cit. 11°Betram M. Gross, pp. cit., p. 293. 111Ibid. 50 through their own efforts in specific situations. Conversely, there are situations in which power far exceeds authority. Between these two extremes, some degree of authority is a necessary source of power of administrators.112 113 Alluding to Cartwright's positon that, "it is not possible to deal adequately With data which are clearly social psychological without getting involved with matters of power." Gross presents a lengthy discussion on the topic of power and authority from which the writer has extracted excerpts con— sidered to be germane or tantamount to this investigation There is difficulty in measuring power because of con- ceptual differences which stem from an ever broadening consensus on the importance of power in administration and other fields: power is hard to measure because of multiple causation, multiple effects, and the difficulty of tracing presumed results to specific causes. The difficulties in estimating power increase When one con- siders the power of an administrator rather than the power of the organization (as measured by one or more aspects of performance) without him or with another administrator.114 ' One source of power or influence is provided by the pro- position that power is the product of the administration of resources: the basic equation is P = A. R. The sources of authority are to be found in (a) power itself (b) social roles, and (c) the characteristics of the authority holders.115 112Ibid. 113Dorwin Cartwright, Studies in SocialpPower (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1959), p. 2. 114Ibid. 115Ibid. 51 Kahn116 and his associates in their study of power, influence, and the role—sending process point out that in addition to the general assumption that a person's behavior is determined in part by the expectations held for him by certain significant others in related positions, there are other influences that exist in the person's psychological space. The.Kahn study treats power in two ways: (1) effec- tive power--the extent to which a given role sender can get the focal person to do what he wants him to do; (2) attri- buted power--how much the focal person feels that the role sender influences his behavior on the jOb. The concept of powerlessness is treated in the litera— ture as stemming from various sources. One view is that a person's sense of powerlessness in the organizational con- text is a generalized attitude derived from his early socializing experiences elsewhere, and brought by him to 7 118 the organizational setting;11 a study by Dean reported substantial correlations between measures of powerlessness. normlessness, and social isolation: Shipton and Belisle suggested that powerlessness reflected "some generalized feelings of futility and dissatisfaction which are 116Kahn pp pl., pp, cit., p. 185. 117Gerald Moeller and W; W. Charters, "Relation of Bureaucratization to Sense of Power Among Teachers," Adminippraplve Science Quarterly, X (1967), pp. 444—465. 118Dwight G. Dean, "Alienation: Its Meaning and Measurement," Amerlcanpgpciological Review, XXVI (October, 1961). PP. 753—58. 52 projected upon either local government or public education in general.”119 Moeller and Charters,12° in a study of the relation of bureaucratization to sense of power among teachers, assumed that feelings of power are related to certain organizational circumstances and are in some degree situationally specific. They hypothesized that teachers in highly bureaucratized school systems would have a much lower "sense of power" than teachers in less bureaucratic systems and that situational specificity of teachers' sense of power existed as opposed to previous experience in the society at large or from other sources. Twenty school systems employing from 37 to 700 full-time classroom teachers were selected and rated by panels as to the degree of bureaucratization. A question- naire was given which included measures of sense of power, length of service in the school and a number of other vari- ables. An analysis of the data demonstrated a significant difference between types of Systems in sense of power, but in a direction opposite to that hypothesized. However, the data did appear to confirm the secondary hypothesis by sug— gesting that teachers' feelings of power to influence school system policies appear to be affected by variables lying within the teachers themselves and in the organizational 119James M. Shipton and Eugene L. Belisle, "Who Criti- cizes the Public Schools," Phi Delta Kappan, XXXVII (April, 1956). pp. 303-307. 120Moeller and Charters, pp. cit., pp. 444-465. 53 structure of the school systems. Also, in some degree, feelings of power may reflect more general attitudes associated with the teachers' sex, social-class origins, and attributes which serve to differentiate among teachers during the hiring procedure.121 In the preceding section of the literature review, considerable attention was given to the topic "conflict," whereas this section has been concerned with power. Kahn122 has offered a rationale for treating these topics together. Defining power "as the ability to change be- havior or, more precisely, to change the probability that a person will respond in a certa1n way to a certain stimu- lus," Kahn observes that the exercise of power necessarily creates conflict to some degree by pointing out that dis— agreement or Opposition arises from the exertion of force on the person who is the target of the influence attempt. From that conflict stems a search for means of changing his behavior still further--a search for power. Another linkage between power and conflict is the distinction between abso- lute and relative power--absolute power referring to aspirations which are specific, definable, and limited and relative power referring to power of a non-stipulate magni- tude or area, but only that it be greater than the power 121Ibid. 122Robert L. Kahn and Elise Boulding (editors), Power and Conflict ln Organizations (New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, 1964), pp. 5—6. 54 accruing to some other persOns, the demand for which maxi- mizes the potentialities of conflict.123 Summary The concepts "power" and "authority" have been examined from the viewpoints of classical and contemporary theorists. In a general sense, power denotes the ability of one person or group of persons to influence the behavior of others. When power is accepted by role subordinates it becomes authority which usually refers to the formal right to exer- cise control. Power relationships are extremely complicated and diffi- cult to measure because of conceptual differences and the numerous intervening variables associated with the concept; however, Griffiths has attempted to operationalize power in terms of the decisions a power-holder actually makes and Gross in terms of power as the administration of resources. The concept of powerlessness and a rationale for treat- ing the topics "power" and ”conflict" together were presented. History onglack American Educators in Interracial ngher Education Writing in the Journal opregro Hlptory, A Gilbert Belles124 describes a project that was conducted by the 123Ibid. 124A. Gilbert Belles, "The College Faculty, the Negro Scholar, and the Julius Rosenwald Fund," The Joppnal of Negro History, 1970. 55 Julius Rosenwald Fund. The excerpts and summaries that follow give a historical description of the Fund's efforts toward improving the status of black educators in inter— racial higher education. The project was conducted in the mid 1940's for the purpose of encouraging the appointment of black professors to otherwise all white faculties of colleges and universities. When the project was initiated in 1945, Fred G. Wale, the project director, called to the attention of 509 college presidents a list of fifteen blacks on formerly all white faculties. This small list of fifteen takes on even more significance when compared with a list of only two blacks found to be employed in 1941 by northern universities and these in non-teaching laboratory positions.125 Belles126 reports that "it was this earlier finding that moved the Fund to subsidize the appointment of Allison Davis to the University of Chicago in 1942." A casual glance at the list of fifteen suggests that a pattern was begun which continues to exist in a large measure today, namely the super black syndrome. Included on the list of fifteen were "such men as Charles S. Johnson in sociology, W. E. B. DeBois in political science, Alain Locke in art, William H. Hastie and Charles H. Houston in law, William Grant Still in music, Langston Hughes, Richard Wright and Sterling A. Brown in literature."127 1251bid. 1“Ibid. 1271bid. 56 According to Belles,”8 in addition to the list of fifteen names wale attached to his 509 letters, he stated that "today there are over 200 Negroes with Ph.D. degrees." Also included in the letter was additional information about American Negro scholarship which might assist the college presidents in making black faculty appointments. The response to Wale's letter was characterized by Belles in this fashion Administrators already involved in this interracial movement did not ignore an opportunity either to request assistance or to insure that their institutions were on the lists Wale distributed. At least 160 college presidents answered Wale's letter with wide and varying degrees of concern. The remainder did not respond. The letters addressed to Wale, responding to his efforts to increase Negro representation on college faculties, provide insight into the problem if inte- grating staffs in northern and western institutions of higher learning. This survey of these statements made by the nation's leading educators reveals the status of the interracial movement at the college faculty level. It should be emphasized that only about 160 sdhools, or 31 per cent of the original mailing, replied in any manner.129 Belles13° goes on to point out that about eighty of the responses read as follows: ”We are~placing this list in our files for future reference." Other college presidents ex- pressed personal sympathy with the idea but attributed com- munity forces as an overriding deterrent to implementation of the plan. 128Ibid. 1291bid. 13°Ibid. 57 In spite of the strong community pressures, some college presidents were in contrast with their verbal re- sponses by expressing appreciation with the merit of the cause on the one hand, but by opting out on the other hand by stating that while they did not differentiate against the Negro race they felt it unwise to hire a Negro because the student body consisted almost entirely of white students. Wale's reply to responses of this nature seem to point out the American ethos Wale asked, "Wouldn't you agree that when a college seeks to fill a post, the main point is to find the best possible candidate? It does not seem any more unreasonable to consider a Negro if he is qualified than any other American citizen. It only seems to me unreasonable if he isn't."131 ‘ Other colleges did act favorably and still others offered what may have been legitimate excuses. Belles132 elaborates by saying A number of colleges faced a confusing situation result- ing from postwar demobilization. This meant the return in 1945, of many teachers serving in the armed forces. The problem was summarized by the presidents of institu- tions affected in this fashion: "We shall not have occasion probably in the near future to employ anyone such as you suggest, not because we have any prejudices against Negroes, but because we are at present cautious in handling any faculty expansion or replacement until we know definitely which members of our staff now on leave of absence in the armed services are to return."133 In rounding out the typical responses to Wale's letter. 131Ibid. 132Ibid. 58 Belles134 discusses the exchanges between Wale and some college presidents. These exdhanges often resulted in exer- cises in logic which had as the theme discrimination against white teachers in favor of black teachers. Belles empha— sized that these logistics have not been, even today, finally resolved.135 The effects of the Rosenwald Fund are probably immeasur- able, but in the fall of 1945-46, the Fund listed thirty-five Negroes on part-time or full-time appointment for the aca— demic year.136 Moss and Mercer137 in a 1961 study of employment of Negro teachers in colleges in New York State, indicated that it was not until after 1941 that Negroes began to be appointed in appreciable numbers to predominantly white institutions of higher education. Their study lists fifty-two known Negroes to be so employed in 1961. Summary The efforts of the Julius Rosenwald Fund, as reported by Belles, to activate and intensity the employment of 134l§£§e 1352219- 136:2;g. 137James A. Moss and Herman A. Mercer, A Study of the Potential Supply ofiNegro Teachers for the Colleges of New York State, mimeographed report (Schenectady: Union College, May, 1961): p0 22. 59 Iiegroes on college faculties have been presented, depicting an historical description of the status of black educators in interracial higher education through 1946. Numerous problems faced the interracial movement and the gains were painfully slow. When the heads of those institutions were encouraged to improve the employment status for black edu- cators, the responses were described in terms of apathy, procrastination, fear, lack of concern and in some instances genuine concern. The Moss and Mercer study reflected some improvement by 1961. The Current Status ofyBlack Administrators in Interracial Higher Education In order to put in proper perspective and further sub- stantiate the importance of this study, some assessment of the current status of black administrators in interracial higher education is essential. In discussing the general status of the black worker Puryear gives this description Whatever the status of the Negro workers generally, the plight of those who work in or aspire to white-collar jobs is even more serious. In 1961, 14.1 percent of Negroes, compared to 45.6 percent of others. were em- ployed in skilled white-collar and professional jobs. Included in this 14 percent are those in segregated school systems and colleges in the South, and Negro professionals who serve Negroes mainly. The remainder, in the general labor force, is then extremely small.138 138Ma'hlon T. Puryear, "Technology and the Negro," in Louis A. Ferman §t_§l, (ed.), Negroegjand Jobs (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1968), pp. 207-208. 60 He further asserts that In higher education, other than in Negro colleges, we have not produced one president of-a college or university, not one dean, and very few department heads. There are surprisingly few Negroes holding full professorships in major universities, and this is true despite the fact that Negroes have been graduating from these institutions for more than 100 years.139 V Although the conditions as described by Puryear in 1964 have changed to some extent, the description remains accue rate. (’3 Roosevelt Johnson, in a discussion of the black admin- " istrator in non-black institutions, expressed the view that black administration is manifested in several individuals who occupy "window dressing positions, and who are consigned to pseudo-administrative type-"jobs."14o He elaborates further by asserting that Usually the extent of the black administrator's power and decision-making ability is relegated to a private conference with his superior to advise him on how to handle some trivial confrontation between two ethnic group social fraternities and possibly to act as a "go-between" when the black students get up to their necks in absurdities and rebel by taking over a dean's office or perhaps, depending upon the extent of the opression, a building. Although Johnson does not provide documentation for his views on the subject, he does raise some interesting specu- lation as he goes on to point out that "black administrators 139Ibid., p. 209. 14°Rooseve1t Johnson, 92, cit., pp. 66-67. 1‘1Ibid., p. 67. 61 in non-black institutions are virtually without any power and the decisions they have to make are unbelievably II142 frivalous. Moreover, a more common role played by black administrators is that of director or coordinator of remedial or compensatory programs on the campus such as the Upward Bound Program, Educational Talent Search, etc.143 Further characterization of black administrators is couched in the recording of several discussions held at the 1969 American Association of School Administrators Conven- tion at Atlantic City, New Jersey. Although this discussion was concerned with public school administrators the condi— tions described are believed to apply to higher education. Black administrators are not elusive--they are every- where, if boards and superintendents will take the trouble to find them. It doesn't mean that institu- tions should continue to raid each other so that the proven black administrators bounce from one district to another. It does”mean that sdhool systems should promote from within and give black staff members some training and experience.‘ It also means, speakers said, that districts should draw from special univer- sity training programs and encourage the establishment of even more internship programs. Superintendent Gregory C. Coffin of Evanston, Illinois, said: "We need to rethink our recruiting, hiring, and promotion practices. We need to exert pressure to change out- dated certification laws and the tradition of going through the chairs.” One of the problems of the whole area of the black ad- ministrator is the ”Super—black syndrome," said Raymond D. Terrell, an intern with the Mott Institute for Com- munity Improvement.r {Raymond Terrell, an intern in the Mott Inter—Clinical Preparation Program for Educational Administrators] "Superintendents demand blacks with 142Ibid., pp. 66-69. 143Ibid., p. 67. 62 super talents for meaningless jobs, not super jobs. Individuals should be given positions to match their capabilities." Another factor is that the "super—black" may be a militant and outspoken boat rocker who scares the people at top, said Terrell. All participants bemoaned the use of token blacks as window dressing and said it is high time whites began to share power "with our minority brothers." Coffin noted: "This is no time to bring in one or two blacks to administer a few schools to make your administration .look good. To survive, you had better meaningfully integrate fast." The black administrator "should not be a functionary who is, in effect, deputy for the colored," said Assistant Superintendent James R. Tanner of Cleveland. Nor should he act as a "spy" in the black community, reporting what blacks are planning and how to combat it, always to the advantage of the white establishment, Coffin said. "To be a real leader in the black community today, a black man must beblack."144 When the earned doctorate is used as a requirement for staffing, the plight of the black administrator takes on another dimension. According to a survey conducted by the 5 Office of Special Projects of the Ford Foundation14 less than one percent of the earned Ph.D. degrees in this country are held by Negroes. Moredver, according to the report, the current enrollment figures in doctoral programs do not hold out any hope that there will be substantial increases in the near future. The survey also indicated that 1. Few Negro Ph.D.s are young enough to be natural sympathizers with the college generation. Only 9.4 percent of them are under 34, and most (55.9 percent) are 45 or older. 144"Black Administrators Elusive?" Phi Delta Kappan, LI, No. 8 (1970), p. 456. 145"Roundup of Current Research: Black Ph.D.s," Transaction (May, 1970), pp. 14-15. 63 2. The majority of black Ph.D.s got their undergrad- uate training at black colleges. 3. The degree came hard to those who have it; more than 70 percent of black Ph.D.s took 10 years or more after finishing college to win their degree: and for 21.4 percent the process took more than 20 years. There is no reservoir of Negro Ph.D.s currently working outside of the academic walls. Almost all (85.4 percent) of the Ph.D.s surveyed already work for colleges and universities: another 5.3 percent are employed by government agencies; 4.8 percent work for private service agencies like the NAACP and the urban League, and 2.7 percent are employed in industry. 4. The situation is not improving. A recent survey of all Ph.D. degrees awarded from 1964 through 1968 showed that only 0.8 percent of the degrees went to black candidates. The financial diffi— culties of completing a Ph.D. program are still so great that the increase in undergraduate Negro enrollment has not been matched by increased en- rollment in doctoral programs. The foregoing findings are somewhat startling and when translated, they demonstrate a need for revised staffing practices in our predominantly white educational institutions. Apparently, there is also a need for the re—examination of the selection criteria and the re—evaluation of traditional requirements of credentials. In comparison with the 200 black Ph.D.s in 1945 (see page 56), today there are only approximately 2,300 according to a study conducted by the Ford Foundation.146 146"A Survey of Black American Doctorates," Ford Foundation Office Reports (1970). 64 Summary This review presented an assessment of the current status of black administrators in interracial higher educa- tion. The plight of the black professional is serious when compared to non-black professionals in the general labor force and particularly bleak in higher education. The charge was made that black administration in non—black institutions usually is manifested in non-meaningful roles with the assertion that black administrators are virtually without power. A discussion concerning the elusiveness of black administrators emphasized the need on the part of non-black institutions to revamp their recruiting, hiring, and promo- tion practices in order to provide increased employment opportunities for black administrators. Less than one per- cent of the earned Ph.D. degrees in America are held by black Americans, which further reflects the current status of black Americans in interracial higher education. CHAPTER III RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY Introduction The major objective of the study was to determine if there is a unique set of social and psychological mechanisms operating on black administrators employed in selected pre- dominantly white colleges and universities in the United States. More specifically, the objectives evolving from the questions raised in the statement of the problem were: (1) to determine if the self—perceived roles of black and non-black administrators who occupy similar positions are congruent, (2) to determine the line positions occupied by black administrators, (3) to determine if black adminis— trators perceive themselves to have power and authority to the same extent as non-black administrators in similar posi- tions, (4) to determine if black administrators experience role conflict to a significantly higher degree than non- black administrators. The procedures which were taken while conducting this study are described in this chapter. The sections discussed include: (1) sample, (2) construction of the instrument, (3) procedures for data collection, (4) sta- tistical hypotheses and (5) treatment of data. 65 66 Sample Today there are approximately 1,000 junior and community colleges in America with more than two million students.147 From the above population, a list of 232 urban community colleges reported to have five percent or above black stu- dent enrollment was obtained from the American Association of Junior Colleges. The names and addresses of the presi- dents of these colleges were obtained from the AAJC Directory. The use of these colleges indicated the desire to in- crease the possibility of the employment of black adminis- trators and to avoid findings which might be unique_to a particular college or region. On January 20, 1971, letters were mailed to the presi- dents of 200 community colleges briefly explaining the nature and purposes of the study, and requesting them to provide the investigator with the names, positions, departments, and addresses of the black and non-black administrators em— ployed in their institutions. In addition, the enrollment size of each institution was requested (see Appendix A). Of the 200 letters mailed, 125 or 62.5 percent were returned (within a three week period of time). From these responses, 200 black administrators were listed along with 1,250 white administrators. The scarcity of black adminis- trators necessitated the use of as many as feasibly possible, 147Edmund J. Gleazer, Jr., "The Community College Issue of the 1970's, Educational Record (Winter, 1970), p. 48. 67 however, approximately 20 percent of the black administra- tors were considered unusable because of the nature of the position as described in the jOb title (i.e. assistant librarians, counselors, presidents, special programs). When survey research is conducted, certain crucial considerations must be made. Mouly has observed that The problem of sampling is of primary concern in all survey studies, for unless the sample on the basis of which data are collected is representative of the population selected for investigation, the conclusions drawn cannot apply to that population. 149 One hundred and sixty black administrators were cate— gorized according to the positions of vice-presidents, deans, associate deans, department or division chairmen, directors, and assistants. The 1,250 white administrators were strati- fied according to the above categories and a total of 160 were then randomly selected from the various categories in proportion to the black administrators. Since the sample was stratified on the basis of position, a chi square test was conducted on the returned responses to determine whether or not proportional representation had been achieved. A critical value of .05 confidence level yielded a chi square of 7.60 which was not significant at the appropriate level of 5 degrees of freedom. Therefore, it was generally con- cluded that the respondents are similar. 148George J. Mouly, The Science oprducational Research (New York: American Book Company, 1969), p. 235. 68 There were 98 black administrators in 50 institutions from 20 states and 110 non-black administrators in 60 institutions from 20 states. (Appendix C). Notation is made that the list of urban community colleges included 37 states. The number of administrators and the record of response are presented in Table 3.1. TABLE 3.1 p7SAMPLE AND RECORD OF RESPONSE Number Number Percent Useable Percent Group Sent Returned Returned Returns Used Black Adminis- trators 160 130 .812 98 .612 White Adminis- trators 160 142 .887 110 .687 Experts 6 6 1.00 Total . 326 278 208 The 98 black administrators responding included 85 males and 13 females, and the 110 reSponding non—black administrators included 98 males and 12 females. The age ranges for black administrators were: 6 from twenty to twenty—seven: 29 from twenty-eight to thirty—five; 28 from thirty-six to forty-three: 21 from forty-four to fifty—one: 11 from fifty- two to fifty-nine: and 3, sixty and over. The age ranges 69 for the non—black respondents were: 2 from twenty to twenty- seven; 27 from twenty-eight to thirty-five; 28 from thirty- six to forty—three: 24 from forty-four to fifty-one: 26 from fifty-two to fifty-nine; and 3, sixty and over. For the black administrators, the ranges for years experience in higher education administration were: 21 from zero years to one year; 63 from two to five: 9 from six to twelve: 3 from thirteen to twenty: and 2, twenty and above. The non-black administrators ranges for years experience in higher education administration were 12 from zero years to one year: fifty—nine from two to five: 29 from six to twelve: 4 from thirteen to twenty: and 6, ten years and above. A breakdown of biographical data is presented in Tables 3.2 and 3.3. The Instrument Construction,and Validation The instrument used in this study was a role descrip- tion questionnaire developed by the investigator. The items included in the questionnaire were selected by the investi- gator after a review of the literature. The review of sigh nificant research as presented in Chapter II was considered essential to the questionnaire construction from the stand- point of developing an awareness,“on the part of the investigator, of existing administrative theory and practice. In addition, the investigator felt that numerous discussions 70 TABLE 3.2 BIOGRAPHICAL DATA OF BLACK RESPONDENTS .7 —_ Sex MALE FEMALE Number 85 13 Age Range 20-27 28-35 36-43 44-51 52-59 60-over Number 6 2 9 2 8 2 1 11 3 Years of Experience in Education Range 0-5 6-11 12—17 ‘18-23 24-29 30-over Number 1 30 20 15 4 10 Years of Experience in Higher Education Administration Range 0—1 2-5 6-12 15-20 20-over — Number 21 63 9 3 2 Years in Present Institution (Administration) Range 0-1 2-5 6-12 13-20 20-over Number 8 65 4 1 0 Administrative Position yice Pregidentg Deans Associate Deang Number 2 12 9 Directors Department Chairmen Assigtantg Number 38 14 23 71 TABLE .3 . 3 BIOGRAPHICAL DATA OF NON-BLACK RESPONDENTS Sex MALE FEMALE Number 98 12 Age Range 20-27 28-35 36-43 44-51 52-59 60-over Number 2 27 28 24 26 3 Years of Experience in Education Range 0-5 6-11 12-17 18-23 24-29 30-over Number 10 3 6 20 20 14 10 Years of Experience in Higher Education Administration Range 0-1 2-5 6-12 13—20 20-over Number 12 5 29 4 6 Years in Present Institution (Administration) Range 0-1 2-5 6-12 13—20 20-over Number 18 6 19 4 0 Administrative Position Vice—Presidents Deans ‘Agsociate Deans Number 4 l8 9 Directors Department Chairmen Assigtants Number 36 28 15 72 with prominent educational administrators concerning the hypotheses of the study coupled with the investigator's background of training and experience could enhance the basis for item construction. The purpose of the instrument was to obtain self- perceived roles of black and non-black administrators in pre- dominantly white institutions of higher education with particular emphasis on role factors, power and authority factors, and conflict factors. Since the primary thrust of the data-gathering activity in the study was geared toward perceived role, perceived power and authority, and perceived role conflict, it was necessary to identify those administrative practices generally considered to be common to and representative of institutions of higher education. Thus, the principle . sources influencing the construction of items were: Gross 35 31.,149 Kahn gt 21.,150 Moeller and Charters,151 Hartnett,152 and selected higher education publications, journals, and newsletters. The instrument was constructed around three basic scales (Appendix B): 149Gross §§_31,, 92, gig, 15°Kahn gt $1., 22; Eli: 151Moeller and Charters, QE.'QiE. 152Rodney T. Hartnett, "College and University Trustees: Their Backgrounds, Roles and Educational Attitudes" (Princeton: Educational Testing Service, 1969). 73 1. Biographical Data (information about the respondent) 2. Institutional and Role Data 3. Administrators' Role Description Questionnaire Scale I was needed to determine the relationship of certain background variables to the respondents' reaction to the questionnaire items. Each respondent was asked to pro- vide information regarding his sex, race, age range, years of experience in education, years of experience in higher education, years of administrative experience in present institution, highest earned degree held, birthplace, information about undergraduate and graduate degree grant- ing institutions, method of financing undergraduate and graduate education and income. Scale II was needed to ascertain institutional and role data in order to make comparisons of institutional characteristics, role occupancy. and role perceptions of the respondents. Scale III was needed to assess in depth the administrators' perceptions of their jobs or role functions. The institutional and role data scale included fixed- alternative items and open items. Fixed-alternative items have decided advantages of achieving greater uniformity of measurement and thus greater reliability. In addition, they force the respondent to answer in a way that fits the -response categories previously set up and they are easily coded.153 Disadvantages of fixed—alternative items include 153Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964), pp. 470-471. 74 their superficiality: without probes they cannot get beneath the response surface. They may also irritate a respondent who finds none of the alternatives suitable. Also, they can force responses. A respondent may choose an alternative to conceal ignorance, or he may Choose alternatives that do not accurately represent true facts or opinions.154 Despite the limitations, fixed-alternative items can be used to good purposes if they are judiciously written, used with probes and mixed with open items.155 Advantages of open-end questions include flexibility: they have possibilities of depth: they detect ambiguity and can suggest possibilities of relations and hypotheses.156 In constructing the fixed-alternative and open-end items, the investigator followed the suggestions of Korn- hauser and Sheatsley and used questions they raised as guide- lines: 1. Is the question related to the research problem and the research objectives? 2. Is the type of question the right and appropriate one? 3. Is the item clear and unambiguous? 4. Is the question a leading question? 5. Does the question demand knowledge and information that the respondent does not have? 1“Ibid. 155Ibid. 156Ibid. 75 6. Does the question demand personal or delicate material that the respondent may resist? 7. Is the question loaded with social desirability?157 An additional source of reference used for the question- naire construction was a proposal by Goode and Hatt. They have indicated that Any questionnaire must be limited in its length and scope. . . . Self-administered questionnaires should not, usually, require more than 30 minutes to complete, and an even shorter period is desirable. The important thing for the student to bear in mind here is that every item . . . ideally constitutes a hypothesis, or part of a hypothesis, in itself . . . (and) every item should be defensible. This obviously requires the fullest possible knowledge of the area in which he is working. . . . the researcher should(first lay out tentatively the logical implications of his problem . . . and then draw upon his own experience and the literature. . . . At this point, the researcher should consult colleagues, friends, and acquaintances to get their thinking on his problem. Now the researcher . . . (has) merely a list of areas to be covered and perhaps rough formula- tions of some of the questions. . . . Ultimately, a preliminary set of refined questions is arranged. . . . The next step should be to submit this list to experts both in the field of the problem and in related fields. With each consultant the same changes occur: (1) the list of possible questions grows, (2) the number of areas which are of interest increases, (3) the number of areas which the researcher can cover must be de— creased, (4) ambiguities, biases, poor phrasing, etc., are corrected gradually, and (5) a closer logical rela- tionship develops between the parts of the schedule. Whether the final research plan will use a highly structured set of questions for a questionnaire, or a 157A. Kornhauser and P. Sheatsley, "Questionnaire Con- struction and Interview Procedure." In C. Selitiz EE.§l-: Research Methods in Social Relgtions, rev. ed. (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1959. 76 set of relatively open-ended questions for an interview guide, the researcher will find it necessary to carry out a number of unstructured exploratory interviews. . . For maximum efficiency, the pretest is suggested, since bbth the general research design, the interviewing technique, and the schedule itself are thus checked for error.158 Development of the administrators' role description scale was based on the method of "summated ratings" intro- duced by Murphy and Likert,159 and later summarized by Edwards.160 According to Likert, the advantages of this method are First, the method does away with the use of raters, or judges and the errors arising therefrom. Second, it is less laborious to construct an attitude scale by this method; and third, the method yields the same reliability with fewer items.16 Likert also found that the scores based upon the rela- tively simple assignment Of integral weights correlated .99 with the more complicated deviate system of weights.162 A role perception was treated as an attitude and thus thought of as "the degree of positive or negative affect associated 158William J. Good and Paul Hatt, Methods of Social Research (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1952), pp. 134-169. 159Gardner Murphy and Rensis Likert, Public Opinion and the Individual: A P§ychological Study of Student Attitude; on Public Questions (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1938). 160Allen L. Edwards, Techniques of Attitude Scale Construction (New York: Appleton—Century Crofts, Inc., _— 1957), pp. 149—171. 161Rensis Likert, "A Technique for the Measurement of Attitudes," Archives ofyPsychologv, CXL (June, 1932), p. 42. 162Ibid. 77 "163 A psychological object with some psychological object. can include any symbol, phrase, slogan, person, institution, ideal, or idea toward which people can differ and an effect is simply a feeling, favorable, or unfavorable, towards an object.164 The foregoing instrument construction guidelines coupled with the techniques proposed by Edwards were followed gen- erally in that the questionnaire was duplicated and edited insofar as possible for the elimination of ambiguous, vague, and irrelevant statements and an effort was made to include short sentences with easy vocabulary.165 The pilot instrument of edited items was given to 40 graduate students whose background was considered to be reasonably similar to that of the test group used in the study. They were asked to respond to each item and to also review each item for clarity and ambiguity. As a third request, they were asked to record the length of time re- quired for completion of the instrument. (The average time reported was 15 minutes.) Students cooperating in the pilot study were from the University of Miami, Coral Gables, Florida. In assessing the face validity of the items, c0pies of the pilot instrument were given to a panel of six jurors 163L. L. Thurstone, "Comment," American Journal of Sociology, LII (May, 1946), p. 40. 16"fluid. 165Edwards, pp, cit. 78 (professors in educational administration) who were asked to review for clarity and representativeness and to cate- gorize the items according to role function, power/authority and conflict. A majority vote of agreement was required for item selection. The sub-scales included the variables role function, power and authority, and conflict and will be defined and measured through separate and overlapping components. The three sub-scales included the following items. Fourteen items were presented in standard 5-point Likert format from 1 (strongly agree) to 5 (strongly disagree) and eighteen items were presented in Likert format 1 (a great deal) to 5 (little or none). A sixth point (does not apply) was added to allow for variations in the duties or role functions across administrative positions. Scale scores can thus vary between 1 (highest power and authority) to 5 (low- est power and authoritY): 1 (highest conflict) to 5 (lowest conflict). A factor analysis of the 35 Likert items of the ARDQ was used to extract common factor variances from sets of measures within the instrument. The analysis provided correlations, principal components, and varimax-rotated factor loadings (Appendix C). Principal components included 8 Eigenvalues and a 72.8 percent variance. The varimax 6 rotation loaded on five factOrs. Kerlinger16 was the 166Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundation; of Behavioral Repearch (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1965), pp. 650— 670. 79 principal source for the interpretation of the factor ana- lyses. Procedures A cover letter (Appendix A) was prepared and mailed with the questionnaire to those administrators selected to participate in the study. On March 3, 1971, 160 questionnaires were mailed to the black participants at their respective institutions. On March 10, 1971, the same procedure was followed with 160 white participants. A stamped, self—addressed envelope was enclosed with each questionnaire and cover letter by means of which the participant was to return the completed ques- tionnaire to the investigator. The questionnaires were coded for identification purposes only so that follow—up letters could be mailed only to those individuals who had not previously responded. By March 15, 1971, 85 questionnaires had been returned by black administrators and by March 19, 1971, 75 question- naires had been returned by non—black administrators. On .March 17 and 19, follow-up letters and cartoons (Appendix A) ‘were mailed to the respective group participants who had not responded. By April 1, 1970, 125 questionnaire responses from black respondents and 135 questionnaires from non-black respondents had been returned to the investigator. 8O Attention is called to the initial steps of this investiga- tion. The list of 232 urban community colleges was con- sidered to have 5 percent or above black student enrollment, therefore it was not until the questionnaires were returned that the investigator was able to determine that some of these institutions were predominantly bgck rather than the desired predominantly white composition expressed as a basis of the study. This condition, of course, reduced the sample size considerably, however, strict adherence to the pre- dominantly white institution variable, which excluded those questionnaires from respondents of both groups in predomi- nantly black institutions, did not reduce the sample size to an inappropriate size for the investigation. April 1, 1971, was established as the final date for including completed questionnaires. Between April 2 and April 15, five additional black responses and seven non- black responses were received constituting 130 black responses and 142 non-black responses. Testable Hypotheses The three hypotheses investigated were stated in null form and tested for significance at the .05 level. They were listed as follows: Null Hypothesis 1: There is no difference in the self- perceived role functions of black and non-black administrators as Alternate Hypothesig: Null Hypothepis II: Alternate Hypothesis: Null Hypotheplp:1fl 81 measured by the Administrators Role Description Questionnaire (ARDQ). There is a difference in the self— perceived role functions of black and non-black administrators as measured by the ARDQ. H1a = M1 ¥ M2 There is no difference in self- perceived power and authority of black and non—black administrators as measured by the ARDQ. H03M1=M2 Black administrators' mean score on power and authority measures of the ARDQ will exceed that of non-black administrators. H1a = M1 > M2 There will be no difference in self- perceived conflict as measured by the ARDQ between black and non-black administrators. H03M1=M2 lrn rn SI 82 Alternate Hypothesis: The black administrators' mean score on conflict measures will be less than that of non-black adminis- trators. Hla = M1 < M2 Treatment 9; Data Method of Organlzinq the Data The number of returned usable questionnaires was 208. The data were coded and punched on IBM cards and verified. Open-end responses were organized and categorized according to race, position, and question. Statipticgl Treatment of Data The statistical treatment of the data was executed through the facilities of the computer laboratories of the University of Miami, Coral Gables, Florida, and Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan. The design used was a descriptive comparison of black and non-black admin— istrator questionnaire scores. A one-way analysis of vari— ance was used to test each of the three hypotheses involved in the investigation. The F-ratio was used for specific comparisons that were appropriate for the study and the chi- square was computed for the biographical and Likert type items. 83 'Summary In this chapter, the following discussions were pre— sented: the sample used in the investigation; the instru- mentation: procedures for collection of data; statistical hypotheses: and the method of organizing and treating the data. CHAPTER IV PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA Introduction In this chapter, the data extracted from the question- naires are treated. The respondents were 98 black adminis— trators and 110 non-black administrators constituting a total N,of 208 as described in Chapter III. Major consider- ation in the analysis of the data collected in this study is a comparison of the reported self—perceived role of the two groups with emphasis on role function, power and authority, and role conflict dimensions. The sections of the chapter include: (1) presentation of the factor analysis of the instrument; (2) presentation of the results of the analysis of variance which compares both groupsronweachvof~the items within“the~faetors: (3) a summary of the responses to the open-end questions along with a descriptive analysis of the biographical data: (4) a discussion of the presentation and findings: and (5) summary. Factor Analyses of the Instrument A factor analysis of the 35 Likert type items yielded five factors on the Varimax Rotation which accounted for 84 85 the following percentage of variance: Factor I. 18.7: Factor.II. 13.0; Factor III. 12.6: Factor IV. 12.4: and Factor V. 16.1, comprising a total variance of 72.8 percent. An examination of Factor I suggested a form of power over concrete activities or functions which may be described as human related matters of a personnel-management nature, i.e.: faculty tenure; faculty appointments: faculty negotiations: and staff meetings.:/étems included in Factor I and their factor loadings are presented in Table 4.1. An examination of Factor II suggested institutional service and procedural matters, perhaps discernable as powerlessness, but not in the sense of defeatism or heighten frustration on the part of the respondent, i.e.: I partici— pate in human relations programs: student protest: admission standards: and selection of commencement speaker. (Items and factor loadings are presented in Table 4.2.) Factor III appeared to be aligned with power by loca- tion. Implicit in this factor are those functions which seem to relate activities as ascribed to mid-management suggesting limits or dimensions of responsibility and func- tion and also procedural implementation, i.e.: I prepare the budget for my area of responsibility: I recommend for promotion employees under my supervision, (Table 4,3) Factor IV suggested administrative self-concept of power and influence and perceived conflict. The factor loadings were both positive and negative which suggested 86 power by prescription (powerlessness to some degree) with some accompanying degree of conflict. Items with negative loadings included: the authority I have been assigned is commensurate with my assigned responsibilities: my recom- mendations are usually acted upon favorably; and the person to whom I report seems to have a clear picture of my admin- istrative role. The items with positive loadings included: I do not know what is going on in the upper levels of ad- ministration: some student leaders seem to have more authority in campus matters than I have. (Table 4.4) Factor V was in contrast with Factor I in that the factor seemed to suggest a form of power over abstract, complex, and pervasive phenomena encompassing philosophy, objectives, and policy related to the institution and its direction. Whereas conflict may not be measured in this factor, the items suggest perceived role conflict in regard to functions: i.e., I frequently have to make decisions whidh affect institution-wide policy: I function in more than one administrative capacity: and preparation of job descrip- tions and organization patterns. (Table 4.5) The Analysis of Vaplance An analysis of variance was computed on biographical data of an ordered nature and the 35 Likert type items included within the five factors previously discussed. This technique was considered to be an appropriate technique 87 TABLE 4.1 LOADINGS OF FACTOR I QUESTIONNAIRE ITEMS ON VARIMAX ROTATION Factor Items Loadings (21) Instructional Methods .746 (20) Faculty Appointments .745 (19) Faculty Tenure .719 (25) Course Changes .636 (29) Faculty Negotiations .494 (33) Conduction of Staff Meetings .460 (28) In-Service Training Programs .382 Percent of Variance = 18.714 Eigenvalue = 7.952 TABLE 4.2 LOADINGS OF FACTOR II QUESTIONNAIRE ITEMS ON VARIMAX ROTATION .Factor Item Loading (18) Admission of Minority Students .663 (16) Admission Standards -.573 (13) I conduct Institutional research -.543 (1?) Tuition Rates -.512 (23) Commencement Speakers (Selection of) -.438 (15) Student Protest -.387 (12) I Participate in Public Relations -.351 Programs Percent of Variance = 13.015 Eigenvalue 2.735 .i/_ 88 TABLE 4.3 LOADINGS OF FACTOR III QUESTIONNAIRE ITEMS ON VARIMAX ROTATION Factor Item Loading (34) Preparation of Budgetary Requests ‘-.564 ( 7) I Recommend for Promotion Employees Under My Supervision -.548 (10) The People Who Report To Me Seem To Have a Clear Picture of My Administrative Role —.531 ( 6) I Conduct Periodic Staff-Meetings -.518 ( 5) I Prepare Budget for My Area of Responsibility -.474 (22) Campus Quest Speakers (Selection of) -.272 Percent of Variance = 12.637 Eigenvalue = 1.681 TABLE 4.4 LOADINGS OF FACTOR IV QUESTIONNAIRE ITEMS ON VARIMAX ROTATION Factor Item Loading (8) Some Student Leaders Seem to Have More Influ- ence In Campus Matters Than I Have .613 (4) I do Not Know What Is Going On In The Upper Levels of Administration‘ .581 (2) The Authority I Have Been Assigned Is Commen— surate With My Assigned Responsibilities -.575 (9) Some Faculty Members Seem To Have More Author- ity In Campus Matters Than I Have .533 (3) My Recommendations Are Usually Acted Upon Favorably _ —.493 (11) The Person To Whom I Report Seems To Have A Clear Picture of My Administrative Role -.458 Percent of Variance = 12.411 Eigenvalue = .943 M—l 89‘ TABLE 4.5 LOADINGS OF FACTOR V QUESTIONNAIRE ITEMS ON VARIMAX ROTATION FactOr Item Loading (31) Preparation of Job Descriptions and Organizational Patterns .655 (27) Institution Policy .602 (26) Changes Concerning the Purpose of the Institution .580 (32) Identification and Interpretation of Staffing Needs .554 (30) Planning of New Buildings .525 (28) In-Service Training PrOgrams .481 ( l) I Frequently Have to Make Decisions Which Affect Institutién Wide Policy .399 (14) I Function In More than One Administrative Capacity .296 Percent of Variance _ 16.090 .845 Eigenvalue V/to analyze the data generated from rank type items in regard to testing the stated hypotheses. The hypotheses were tested for significance at the .05 alpha level with the appropriate degree of freedom. In each analysis, race was the independent variable and each item constituted a de- pendent variable. Analysis of variance summaries are pre- sented in Tables 4.6 through 4.10. Role Function Null Hypothesis--There is no difference in the self- perceived role functions of black and non-black 9O administrators as measured by the Administrators Role Description Questionnaire (ARDQ). Alternate Hypotheplpr-There is a difference in the self perceived role functions of black and non-black admin- istrators as measured by the Administrators Role Description Questionnaire. An analysis of variance was computed for each item within Factors III and V which had a factor loading of i..50 or above. .Factor III was defined as having a dimension of role function and Factor V was considered to encompass a dimension of role function as related to institutional direction. The following items were significant whereas the remaining items were not significant at the .05 alpha level: Item 34-—preparation of budgetary requests; Item 7-- I recommend for promotion employees under my supervision: planning of new buildings. (Tables 4.3 and 4.5). Null hypothesis I was not rejected since a majority of the items comprising these two factors were not significant. Power and Authority Null Hypothesis-—There is no difference in self- perceived power and authority of black and non-black administrators as measured by the Administrators Role Description Questionnaire. Alternate Hypothesis--Black administrators' mean score on power and authority measures of the Adminis- trators Role Description Questionnaire will exceed that of non-black administrators. An analysis of variance was computed for each item: having a i.-50 factor loading within Factors I, II and V. These factors were previously defined to encompass the dimensions of Personnel management and development: service, 91 and procedural implementation: and institution direction. The following items were significant at the .05 alpha level: Item 19--facu1ty tenure; Item 18—-admission of minority students; and Item 30—-p1anning of new buildings. Null hypothesis II was not rejected. (Tables 4.6, 4.7, 4.10;) Conflict Null Hypothepis--There will be no difference in black and non-black administrators' self-perceived conflict as measured by the Administrators Role Description Questionnaire. Alternate Hypothesis--B1ack administrators' mean score on conflict measures will be lower than that of non- black administrators. An analysis of variance was computed for each item with a i.-50 factor loading within Factor IV which reflected a dimension of perceived conflict and powerlessness. The following items were significant at the .05 alpha level: Item 8--some student leaders seem to have more influence in campus matters than I have; Item 4--I do not know what is going on in the upper levels of administration; and Item 9-- some faculty members seem to have more authority in campus matters than I have. A significant relationship in a majority of the items in Factor IV was indicated thereby calling for the rejection of Null Hypothesis III. The alternate hypothesis was examined and the difference between and direction of the means called for non-rejection. 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NN.Hmm locumuumm HmcoHHMNH Icmmuo can mGOHumHHUme Hon «0 GOHumuomon “Hmv .V Hmo.vm .EO¢\mz .EO¢\m .EO¢\mz .Soe\m eovooum mouoovm . emuH mo ooHo> .>wn ouoodoum zemz no no sow HMUHuHHU mooumon > MOBudm m0 m024Hm¢> m0 mHmNH¢Z¢ 0H9¢ mflmda 97 AL§ummary of Rgpponppg to Open—Ended Items and Biographical Data Four open-ended questions were examined separately to determine if there were relationships on the basis of race and position, and then viewed to determine if there were similarities and differences of content in the various classifications. The questions asked sought to determine (2) job title: (6) membership on standing committees in the college: (9) the four most important duties in order of importance: and (12) a brief description of three of the ' most critical decisions you have had to make during the past month (such decisions may fall in the range of person- nel management, student personnel, facility use, program implementation). (Appendix B) A master list of the duties, committees, and decisions was established. The next step was to categorize the re— sponses according to position and then stratify on the basis of race. An examination of the various positions held by the two groups indicated that proportionately more black administrators have dual jOb titles. When duties were examined there appeared to be some divergence between the groups in upper level administration. The following illus- trations are addressed to the foregoing observation: A black dean reported his four most important duties as: "(1) providing guidance, (2) checking four dormitories, (3) maintaining order, and (4) teaching classes. 98 Another black dean reported that his duty was "running special programs for disadvantaged." The examination also revealed that black administrators tend to have more duties related to black students and faculty. An examination of the committee membership revealed similarities between the two groups. An interesting Observa— tion was the infrequency that members of both groups used the terms "budget" and "finance" in their committee listing; Comparisons of the decisions made by the two groups re- flected divergence in that black administrators tended to make more undesirable decisions (human related) than white administrators. ‘ 1 The following illustrations are examples of some of the black administrators' responses: The following response was made by a black assistant dean I was opposed to the allocation of classroom space to the Black Studies Union for office use. There are office spaces available for student organizations and there is a shortage of classroom space. A‘black director responded I consider most of my decisions routine, though others may consider these same decisions as critical. I am always operating in critical moments. Almost every moment is a crisis. It depends on definition. An associate dean responded that his critical decisions were: "Decisions involving disputes between a white and black student." And "had a black student's car towed away.“ 99 An examination of additional biographical data revealed certain significant differences (.05 alpha level) and simi- larities between the two groups when the chi-square test was used. Non-black administrators were represented more in the Ph.D. and "all but dissertation" categories and the black administrators were represented more in the masters and bachelors categories. There were no significant differ- ences in salary ranges between the two groups. In examining the methods of financing undergraduate and graduate educa- tion, both groups reported that self-financing was the major source through which their education was funded. Fifty per- cent of the black administrators graduated from predominantly white undergraduate colleges and universities and 100 percent of the non-black administrators graduated from predominantly white undergraduate colleges and universities. Eighty-four percent black and 100 percent non-black administrators graduated from predominantly white graduate institutions. A summary of biographical data is present in Tables 4.11- 4.13. Discusgion The underlying rationale for the description of the factors identified in the instrument was derived in part from the literature. For example, in Chapter II Griffiths' considers power as a function of decisions made and opera- tionally as the kinds of decisions, the number of decisions, 100 TABLE 4.11 CLASSIFICATION OF ADMINISTRATORS ACCORDING TO EDUCATION LEVEL AND SALARY Education - Group Level - No. Salary Range No. Black Bachelors 10 $ 5,000- 8,000 0 Administrators Masters 41 8,001-10,000 1 15-30 hours _23 10,001-12,000 12 Six years 5 12,001-15,000 24 *ABD 10 15,001-18,000 26 Ed.D. or Ph.D. 9 above 18,000 35 Total 98 A 98 Non-black Bachelors 5 $ 5,000- 8,000 0 Administrators Masters 25 8,001—10,000 3 15-30 hours .25 10,001-12,000 7 Six years 7 12,001—15,000 24 *ABD 16 15,001-18,000 28' Ed.D. or Ph.D. 32 above 18,000 48 Total 110 110 *All requirements completed for the doctorate except the dissertation. 101 TABLE 4.12 CLASSIFICATION OF ADMINISTRATORS' METHODS OF FINANCING COLLEGE EDUCATION Undergraduate Gpgduate Method Black Non—Black Black Non-Black Scholarship 23 12 ll 9 Loan 3 l 1 0 Fellowship or Assistantship - 3 ' 10 18 Self-financing- 55 60 64 56 GI Bill 14‘ 18 10 15 Other 3 16 2 12 Total 98 110 98 110 102 OHH mm OHH mm Hence I I I N .. , OTOUIEOE .ouo>HHm .MOOHA hHucmcHEopoum I m I om Oooo .oum>HHm .HUMHH mHucmcHEOUmum I H I H OoooIco: .UHHQSQ .HOMHQ MHpcmcHEOOmHm I NH I km 8000 .OHHnoo .ROMHH meomoHsoooum I m m m _ OOOOIGOG .oum>HHm .muHAB hHucmcHEOOon om mm mm «H oooo .ouo>Hud .oans HHuoooHeooond I I H H .ooomlooc .OHHnom .wan3 mHuomcHEOOon Oh we . mm mm @000 .UHHQDQ .man3 hHucmaHEopoum .aoe HomHmIooz .so< HomHm .eoe HuuHmuooz .so<,xoon -ooHusuHumoH mo «was mumsoonw . wumopmumumoco 4‘4 -mflflfiUflQ WUWHHOU Qfi>HmUmm mMOB