' A STUDY or THE SELLESTEEM, , MAlNTEgANCE PROCESSAMONG fiLAcK WOMEN L .. we Thesis for the Degree of Ph. Du . MlCHlGAN STATE UNIVERSITY ‘ LENA WRK‘HT MYERS 19 7 3 '- ‘ ’ ‘ ~ "“ '.'.:‘ ". L." '.. ‘ . .‘ .. m ‘3.“ {u\-l\-,-‘._\-,{__...\.3h”. 3.1.3 ’2‘ -0v"~":~":-‘.~‘;-"w1.‘m- Mr”? ‘W ‘ w . _ ”V ‘ ‘ “‘ ,""":' "." .. < w. . .w. ,y...»: .. .13. This is to certify that the thesis entitled A STUDY OF THE. SELF-ESTEEM MAINTENANCE PROCESS AMONG BLACK WOMEN presented by Lena Wright 'Myers "hastbeé’n acéepted'towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. Sociology degree in / “jogged.“ 0.97% bx Major professor Date 49g ”(,1 [4 73 LI BRA R Y Michigan State ' University ABSTRACT A STUDY OF THE SELF-ESTEEM MAINTENANCE PROCESS AMONG BLACK WOMEN BY Lena Wright Myers The problem of this investigation evolved through a critical review of literature which implicitly assumes that black women heads of household evaluate their situa- tion by using the typical white woman as their reference group, and the adaptation to the values of that reference group. The literature also emphasizes the principal weak- nesses of the maternal household situation, suggesting that the level of self-esteem of black women in this situation should be low, ignoring the possibility of selectivity among roles and reference groups among black women in the maintenance of self—esteem. While different investigators do not always agree on the precise meaning of "self-esteem" and how it is measured, the definition for self-esteem used in this research is that of one's generalized evaluation of self based upon quality of performance of specific roles. This study pursues the possibility that the level of self-esteem of black women heads of household may be enhanced as a consequence of the successful performance of the familial and occupational roles. It also examines the possibility of positive forces generated by the maternal household Lena Wright Myers situation by comparing black women who are heads of house- hold with those who are not. The specific problem of this investigation is, therefore, centered around three basic questions in develop- ing as complete a descriptive account of the self—esteem maintenance process among black women as possible. These questions are: 1. How does the black woman perceive the role as head of the household? 2. How does the black woman perceive the "self" as derived from the role as head of the household? 3. Does the maternal household situation inhibit the enhancement of self-esteem on the part of the black woman? The data were obtained for this investigation by interviewing 200 black women in a mid-western city of a population of 197,649 of which 10 per cent of that total constitutes the black population. A theoretical orientation based upon the symbolic interactionist approach to human behavior was developed. This orientation included an interrelated set of concepts which were empirically meaningful for such a study: self- other theory, self—esteem, and self-esteem maintenance. It provides the theoretical base for a study of self-esteem and self-esteem maintenance as suggested by a synthesis of reference group, role, and self theory. From the theoreti— cal orientation, a detailed summary of argument was presented which led to two general hypotheses for guiding the study. It also includes a descriptive analysis which shows Lena Wright Myers general factors which affect self-esteem. The results of this investigation led to the follow- ing major conclusions: For black women, the reference group used in self-assessment is other black women; the matriarch- ally structured family does not lower self—esteem; and self-esteem maintenance is a reference group process. A STUDY OF THE SELF-ESTEEM MAINTENANCE PROCESS AMONG BLACK WOMEN BY Lena Wright Myers A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology 1973 © Copyright by LENA WRIGHT MYERS 1973 ii ACKNOWLEDGMENT S First and foremost, I express my appreciation to Professor William A. Faunce for serving as Chairman of my graduate committee. His untiring interest and insightful suggestions offered my academic and research endeavors were remarkable. I am particularly appreciative of the attention which he gave the construction and content of this thesis, which contributed significantly to its completion. I also express my gratefulness to the other members of my graduate committee: Professors Frederick B. Waisanen, John Useem, and James McKee, who have all contributed as scholarly sociologists to my intellectual development. I am grateful to my husband, Julius, and my son Stanley Dion, for their patience and affectionate support during a period when work on this thesis took priority over their previous style of family living. For financial support, I express my appreciation to the Ford Foundation. The dissertation fellowship afforded me by this Foundation contributed most significantly to the successful completion of this thesis. To all others too numerous to list in this manu— script, for your constant encouragement, I am most grateful. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. INTRODUCTION AND PROBLEM . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Overview of the Investigation . . . . . . . . 2 Review of a Relevant Study . . . . . . . . . . 3 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 II. THE THEORETICAL ORIENTATION OF THE STUDY . . . 9 Some Theoretical Concepts . . . . . . . . . . 9 The Argument . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Statement of Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Summary of Argument . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 Relevant Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 III. METHODS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Description of Sample . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Research Design . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 IV. RESULTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Test of Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 General Hypothesis 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 General Hypothesis 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 Descriptive Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Influence of Adolescent Experience on Self—Esteem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Influence of Success in Current Roles on Self-Esteem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . 95 BIBLIOGMPHY O C O O O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 102 APPENDICES O O O O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 106 iv Table 10 11 12 13 LIST OF TABLES Combination of Occupational and Familial Roles for Heads of Household . . . . . . . Combination of Occupational and Familial Roles for Non—Heads of Household . . . . . Role Conflict and Family Status . . . . . . . Reference Group Selected for Comparison . . . Reference Group as a Condition Affecting the Relationship Between Employment Status and Marital Status . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Matriarchal Tradition According to Types of Respondents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Familial Role Used in Self Assessment . . . . Relationship Between the Level of Self-Esteem of Employed Heads of Household and Both Employed and Unemployed Non-Heads of Household . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Relationship Between Level of Self-Esteem and Marital Status as Combined with Employment Status 0 O O O O O O O O O I O O O O O O 0 Relationship Between Self-Esteem and the Structure of Family of Origin . . . . . . . Relationship Between Self-Esteem and Whether Respondent Received Support from Father when Growing Up . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Relationship Between Self-Esteem and Whether Respondent Received Support from Mother When GrOWing Up 0 O O O O O O O O I O O O 0 Relationship Between Self-Esteem and Whether Respondent Wanted to Be Like Mother Page 46 48, 49 51 52 54 55 58 59 63 64 65 67 Table Page 14 Relationship Between Self—Esteem and Whether Mother of Respondent Was Income Earner for Family of Origin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 15 Relationship Between Self—Esteem and Teachers' Perceived Rating of Respondent as Student . . 71 16 Relationship Between Self-Esteem and Friends' Perceived Rating of Respondent as Student . . 72 17 Relationship Between Self-Esteem and Parents' Perceived Rating of Respondent as Student . . 73 18 Relationship Between Self-Esteem and How Respondent Rates Self as a Student . . . . . 74 19 Relationship Between Self-Esteem and the Number of Times Married . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 20 Relationship Between Self-Esteem and Importance of "Being a Wife" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 21 Relationship Between Self-Esteem and Importance of "Being a Mother" . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 22 Relationship Between Self—Esteem and Presence of Children within Household . . . . . . . . 80 23 Relationship Between Self-Esteem and Importance of Being Employed . . . . :.° . . . . . . . . 81 24 Relationship Between Self—Esteem and Perceived Adequacy of Income (Employed) . . . . . . . . 83 ‘25 Relationship Between Self—Esteem and Perceived Adequacy of Income (Unemployed) . . . . . . . 84 26 Relationship Between Self-Esteem and Neighbors' Perception of Respondents' Job . . . . . . . 86 27 Relationship Between Self-Esteem and Occupa- tional Prestige for Employed Heads of Household . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 28 Relationship Between Self—Esteem and Occupa— tional Prestige for Employed Non-Heads of Household . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 29 Relationship Between Self-Esteem and Selected Social Class . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 vi Table Page 30 Relationship Between Self-Esteem and Satisfaction with Family's Standard of Living . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 vii LIST OF APPEND ICES Appendix Page A Self-Esteem Items . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 B Demographic Information . . . . . . . . . . . 108 C Social Background and Family History . . . . 111 D Reference Group Used and Roles Selected in Self-Assessment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 E Perception of Socio-Economic Level . . . . . 117 viii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION AND PROBLEM Women heads of household have received considerable attention as the nation has directed its concern toward poverty and its characteristics. According to the United States Department of Commerce, Bureau of Census, Detailed Characteristics of the ngulation, 1960, out of 4,255,521 black families, 21 per cent were headed by women. The existing research lists the following principal weaknesses of the black family: (1) its instability, (2) the number of illegitimate children it produces, and (3) its matriarchal 1 Among the broad intriguing questions suggested structure. by this literature are: 1. How does the black woman perceive the role as head of the household? 2.. How does the black woman perceive the "self" as derived from the role as head of the household? 1Some of the studies include: Daniel P. Moynihan, "The Negro Family: The Case for National Action," in The Moynihan Report and the Politics of Controversy, Ed. by Lee Rainwater and William Yancey (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1967); E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro Familyiin the United States (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, , p. 2; Ernest W. Burgess and Harvey J. Locke, The Family: From Institution to Companionship (New York: American Book Company, 1945); Bertram Karon, The Negro Personality (New York: Springer Publishing Company, Inc., 1958), p. 32; and Thomas Pettigrew, A Profile ofjthe Negro American (New Jersey: D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc., 1964), p. 15. 3. Does the maternal household situation inhibit the enhancement of self-esteem on the part of the black woman? Overview of the Investigation Research in the past has at least implicitly assumed that black women heads of household evaluate their situation by comparing it with that of the typical white woman. It is possible, however, that there is variation in the level of self-esteem of black women in this situation depending on the type of reference group used in self- assessment.2 Too much emphasis may also have been directed toward the weaknesses of this household situation, neglect- ing entirely certain assets or strengths that may exist. Since it is the writer's argument that self-esteem is based largely on success in performance of a limited number of important roles which are most often occupational and familial roles, the level of self-esteem of some black women may have actually been enhanced as a consequence of successful performance of these roles. Black women heads of household may succeed in providing a stable family life, or at least are not excluded from doing so as assumed in some literature which says that this family form is, by definition, unstable. Black women heads of household, 2It is important to note here that the definition of self-esteem to be used in this research is that of one's generalized evaluation of self based upon quality of per- formance of specific roles. to the extent that they are able to provide steady incomes through employment, may see themselves as successful individ- uals and may not encounter loss of self-esteem. It is therefore the intent of this study to examine the possibility of positive forces generated by the maternal household situation by comparing black women who are heads of house- hold with those who are not heads of household. Review of a Relevant Study In this section the writer discusses an empirical study which deals with the effects of group exPectations and self-esteem upon self-evaluation and therefore has special relevance to the concerns of this dissertation. Other studies which deal with relevant theoretical and conceptual issues will be discussed in the next chapter. In 1957 a group of researchers performed an experi‘ ment with a sample (N = 175) of male undergraduate students at the University of Michigan to test whether people of high self-esteem would be less affected by failure ex- periences within their social group, and possibly more 3 In an attempt to examine affected by success experiences. the relationship between group standards and self—esteem as a determinant of self-evaluation, the study was guided by 3See Ezra Stotland §t_al., "The Effects of Group Expectations and Self-Esteem Upon Self-Evaluation," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, LIV, No. 1, (January 1957), pp. 55—63. two general propositions: (a) When a task is relevant to a group, the group's level of aspiration4 will raise or lower an individual's evaluation of his performance more, after an experience of objective success and failure, than when the task is non-relevant to the group; and (b) the group's level of aspiration will raise or lower an individ- ual's evaluation of his performance of a task to the degree that he accepts the group's level of aspiration as his own. There were first created two levels of group aspirations termed high and low expectations. In the meantime, members of the group presumably communicated to each other that they had high or low expectations as to the quality of how each would perform the task assigned him which was described as either relevant or non-relevant to the purposes of the group. There existed four conditions: high and low ex- pectations and relevant and non-relevant tasks. Within each of these four conditions, half of the subjects were made to fail on their task and half were made to succeed. The variables used in the study were the individ— ual's attitude toward his performance on the task (evalua— tion of success or failure) and the individual's acceptance of the group's level of expectation, with the former as the dependent variable. The variables were measured on six point graphic rating scales with measures of self-esteem 4It is important to note that the researchers use the terms "aspiration," "goal lines," and "expectations" synonymously. administered before the experiment began and again as a part of a second questionnaire.5 In using this instrument, an individual's score was to have described the degree to which he met his needs in ways which he considered to be ideal. The results of this study show that the individual tends to accept the level of the expectations of a group as a personal goal line more often when the task to be per— formed is relevant to the group's expectations than when it is not relevant. Another observation is that an individual's failure to perform a task once he has made the group's ex- pectations a part of his own initiates a poorer evaluation of his performance of the task if the group's expectations are high than if they are low. However, the evaluation of a failure in performing a non-relevant task is not affected by different levels of the group's expectations. The hypothesis that successful performance of a relevant task generates a more positive self-evaluation of an individual's performance if the expectations of the group are high than if they are low was not supported by these data. It was proposed that the individual is more likely to evaluate a failure than a success in reference to the group's 5The instrument used for measuring self—esteem was constructed in accordance with Arthur R. Cohen's theoretical focus on self-esteem in "The Effects of Individual Self- Esteem and Situation Structure on Threat Oriented Reaction to Power" (Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, The University of Michigan, 1953). expectations, because the failure makes him more dependent upon the group for social reality concerning evaluation, than does success.6 In an attempt to examine the effect of an individ- ual's level of self-esteem upon his evaluation of per— forming a task in achieving certain goals, the study showed that persons who initially possessed a high level of self-esteem dealt with their experiences in the labora- tory setting in a way which aided them in maintaining the high level of self-esteem. These individuals even evaluated themselves higher after failing in performing a task than did individuals with a low level of self-esteem, thus pro- tecting themselves from a poor evaluation. However, persons who possessed a low level of self-esteem reacted to the laboratory experience in a way which inhibited the pos- sibility of increasing their level of self-esteem by reacting strongly to failure and responding strongly to the expectations of the group when a poor self-evaluation was indicated. This study concludes that: When a person evaluates his level of achievement he refers not only to the expectations of other persons but to the concept he has of himself as well. The degree of an individual's self-esteem, therefore is expected to affect the way in which an individual evaluates his performance in a particular situation. Self-esteem is a function of the degree of coincidence 6Stotland, gt 31., op. cit., p. 63. between an individual's ideal and actual concept of himself.7 The relevance of the study of Stotland et_al, to the present study is that both studies focus on an individ— ual's level of self-esteem as determined by success or failure in a task defined as relevant by the group with which he identifies. The present study examines the level of self-esteem of black women as it is affected by their success or failure in performing the task as head of house“ hold which they consider relevant to other black women. It also suggests the fact that there are certain roles which black women heads of household select from a number of roles which they view as relevant to other black women, and in which they feel the necessity to succeed in order to think well of themselves. Since the research of Stotland §t_al. with male undergraduate students indicates that, where relevant tasks are concerned, the individual accepts the level of expec- tations of his group and that those persons who initially possess a high level of self-esteem deal with their expe- riences in such a way as to maintain their self-esteem, perhaps the black woman head of household has been viewed too negatively. If she does use other black women as her reference group (as opposed to women in general or white women) and does accept the level of expectations of her 7Ibid., p. 56. reference group, then the maternal household situation may not inhibit the development of her self-esteem. It is possible that as a result of successful performance of the roles of mother and provider as perceived by her reference group, her level of self-esteem may even be enhanced in comparison with women who are not heads of household. Summary This chapter included an introduction and a presen- tation of the major problem for this study. The problem was introduced through a consideration of literature which emphasizes the principal weakness of the black family, neg— lecting entirely certain strengths that may exist. Certain questions were posed around which theoretical concepts may be drawn. These questions include: (1) How does the black woman perceive the role as head of the household? (2) How does the black woman perceive the "self" as derived from the role as head of household? And (3) Does the maternal household situation inhibit the enhancement of self-esteem on the part of the black woman? This chapter also included a review of a relevant study dealing with self-esteem which suggests the need for the present study in which reference group and other vari- ables which may affect the level of self-esteem of black women heads of household are investigated. CHAPTER II THE THEORETICAL ORIENTATION OF THE STUDY This chapter includes the theoretical rationale for this investigation. It includes an interrelated set of concepts which are empirically meaningful for such a study: self-other theory, self-esteem and self-esteem maintenance. Since the domain of investigation subsumed under the title "self-concept" is of such an extensive nature, the theoretical orientation will be restricted to self theory as based on the interactionist perspective. This chapter includes an approach to self theory in which the self is seen as a derivative of ways in which individuals participate in the social order. It also attempts to secure some theoretical base for a study of self—esteem and self-esteem maintenance as suggested by a synthesis of reference group, role, and self theory. Some Theoretical Concepts Some early influential contributors who gave an interactionist account of self theory were William James and James Mark Baldwin. James analyzed the self in terms 10 of its constituent parts, "as the sum total of what the individual considers himself and his to possess, including his body, his traits, characteristics, abilities, aspira- tions, family, work, possessions, friends, and other social affiliations."8 He states that the formulation of the social self is based on the recognition which the individual receives from his reference group by way of social inter- action. James summarizes the concept of self into a formula of Self-Esteem = Success/Pretentions. Baldwin's theory of self suggests a number of in- teresting ideas concerning the relationship between one's own self—conception and his view of others. His chief con- cern was with that of the role playing process of children and of imputing a self to others engaged in the interaction, e.g., caretakers. Baldwin refers to play and imitation as the "tools of socialization." He suggests that through the process of socialization, the meaning of life situations are learned in play and imitation. Hence, the child is able to consider his own capacities and actions in terms of how they are regarded by himself and significant others. Drawing on the research of James and Baldwin, Cooley theorizes that the process of socialization creates 8Muzafer Sherif, in David Sills' International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. XIV (New York: The Macmillan Company and Free Press, 1968), p. 150. 11 a self-image.9 His primary concern was with the develop- ment of the subjective aspects of social life and the rise of the self of personal meanings through the process of social interaction. He implies that the self-image results from the individual having viewed himself by the ways which others respond to him. The behavior of those individuals who are responding to him serve as the mirror in which he views himself. Conclusive attitudes that are consequences of the "looking glass self," according to Cooley, may be those of approval or disapproval, acceptance or rejection, and interest or indifference. Cooley offers three principal elements of self-concept: the imagination of our appearance to the other person, the imagination of his judgment of that appearance, and some sort of self-evaluation as based on the other person's responses. Other theorists have emphasized the process of socialization which suggests the formulation of a self as derived from existing situations.lo As suggested by Thomas, in order for an individual to become a social per- sonality within any group, he must not only realize the existence of the social meanings which objects possess 9Charles H. Cooley, Social Organization (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1909), and Human Nature and the Social Order (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1922). 10For a discussion of this process, see W. I. Thomas and F. Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, Vol. III (New York: Dover Publications, 1958, pp. 1918-20; and R. E. Park and E. W. Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 192I), p. 69. 12 within the group, but must also learn to adapt himself to the demands which society places upon him from the stand- point of these meanings for his own personal purposes. George Herbert Mead discusses the conception of the self as an organization of socially derived and symboli- cally represented self-identification.ll This theory implies that individuals must have a make-up that fits the nature of social interaction. The social behaviorist of the Mead tradition is likely to say that the inferred con- sistency of self is based on observations of behavior under conditions where continuity of social positions, with their roles, is also an outstanding fact.12 According to Mead, there are two basic factors involving the self-concept. These factors are the individual's ability to respond to: (1) significant others and (2) a generalized self. All higher forms of symbolic interaction depend on the capacity of each to put himself in the place of the other, that is, to control his own responses in terms of an understanding of what other's responses are likely to be. He emphasizes that, as a derivative of the social self, there is the for- mulation of the "I" and the "Me." He calls the "I" the acting self. On the other hand, he refers to the "Me" as the part of the self which is an organization of the 11George Herbert Mead, Mind, Self, and Society (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1938). 12J. Milton Yinger, Toward a Theory of Behavior (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1965), p. 147. 13 internalized attitudes of others. During the course of the individual's lifetime, he makes his own many of the central values of these others; the others come to constitute for him, in Mead's terms, an "inner forum" before which he privately debates alternatives. Moreover in the course of daily interaction, whenever he conforms in his acts of expressions of opinions to the values of his associates, these others are likely to approve and reward; and when he fails to conform, they may disapprove, bringing negative sanctions to bear.13 Conceptions of the self tend to be imbedded in social experiences and are thought to be products of social interaction. Theories of the self concept emphasize the individual's perception of how other people see him. Second, those theories strongly emphasize the process by which the individual compares his ideas about himself with expectations he believes other persons express concerning what he should be like. From the theories of James, Baldwin, Cooley, and Mead, it has been apparent that an individual's self- concept is to a great extent, determined by his relations with others. Through the socialization process, the individual not only learns who or what he is, but he acquires a set of attitudes about himself with reference 13Robert K. Merton et a1., Sociology Today:_ Prob— lems and Prospects, Vol. II (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1965), P. 548. 14 to that aspect of the self which is a part of his social identity. As suggested by Levy, an individual is ade— quately socialized if he has been inculcated with a suf- ficient portion of the structure of action of his society. The writer now considers it necessary to add other significant theories15 which assume that the self-concept is a function of subjective public identity and subjective public identity is, in turn, a function of objective self- evaluation by significant others. The process by which the self-concept, particularly a person's subjective public identities, is developed through social interaction may in part be seen as the assignment of the person to a series of social roles.16 As the individual moves through the social structure of society, he assumes certain roles. As he performs these roles, he views himself in the eyes of various role partners. He learns the expectations of the persons per- forming the same or similar roles, thus forming an 14See Marion Levy, The Structure of Society (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1952), p. 187. 15The theories of D. R. Miller, "The Study of Social Relationship: Situation, Identity and Social Interaction," Psychology: A Study of a Science, ed. by S. Koch (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1964), pp. 581-84; and Erving Goffman, Encounters: Two Stggies in the Sociology of Interaction (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, Inc., 1961), pp. 87-88. 16Paul F. Secord and Carl Backman, Social Psychology (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1964), p. 5E1. 15 evaluation of the self as derived from his performance of these roles.17 Goffman states that when an individual is per- forming a role, he must be sure that the impressions of him as conveyed by his reference group are compatible with the role-appropriate personal qualities effectively imputed to him.18 These personal qualities, having been effectively imputed and claimed, are combined with a position title (when there is one) and serve as a basis for the self- concept of the individual and as a basis for his perception of the role which he performs as seen by others. He con- cludes that a self, then, virtually awaits the individual entering a position; he need only concede to the pressures on him and he will find a "self" ready made for him. At this point, the individual takes as his ref— erence point what the members of the social system think of him, and to a marked degree, the social system will judge him according to the particular position that he holds in the network of statuses making up the social system. The very general evaluative dimension of self- conception is usually termed self-esteem. 17In the words of Kuhn, this view of the process is a continuation of the general symbolic interactionist perspective; see Manford H. Kuhn, "Major Trends in Symbolic Interaction: Theory in the Past Twenty-Five Years," The Sociolggicalggarterly, V (Winter, 1964), pp. 61-79. 18Erving Goffman, Encounters: Two Studies in the Sociology of Interggtion (Indianapolis: Bobbs—Merrill, Inc., 1961) ' pp. 87-88. l6 Coopersmith lists four major factors contributing 19 The first factor is to the development of self-esteem. the amount of respectful, accepting, and concerned treat- ment that an individual receives from significant others in his life. He states that the second factor is an individ— ual's history of successes and the status and position which he holds in the world. These successes tend to generally bring an individual recognition and are thereby related to his status within the social system. His successes form the basis in reality for self-esteem and are measured by the material manifestations of success and by indications of social approval. The third factor involves success and power as filtered through and perceived in the light of personal goals. The fourth and final factor is that of the individual's manner of responding to devaluation. This factor represents the process by which the individual pro- tects himself from negative evaluations in such a way that it does not distort his sense of worthiness, ability, and power. The concept of self and role have long been theore- tically and empirically linked in the literature of socialization. The linkage has for the most part taken the form of role as the independent and self as the dependent variable. Such a sequence is implicit in the concept of the looking glass self and in the dictum that the self is social. Occupation of role category by an individual not only defines his own behavior, but also the behavior of other persons toward him including 19See Stanley Coopersmith, The Antecedents of Self- Esteem (San Francisco: W. H. Freeman and Company, 1967), p. 37. 17 the characteristics they will attribute to him. As he moves through various positions in the social struc— ture, attributes appropriate to these role categories are incorporated into his self-concept.20 Cohen defines self—esteem as the degree of corres- pondence between an individual's ideal and actual concept of himself.21 He states that a person's self-esteem af- fects the evaluation he places on his performance inla particular situation and the manner in which he behaves when in interaction with others. He says that self-esteem in- volves the amount of value an individual attributes to various facets of his person and may be said to be affected by the successes and failures which he has experienced in satisfying central needs. If an individual sets certain goals or ideals for himself, the ways in which he reaches these goals or ideals will either result in success or failure. He will generalize a level of self-esteem as based on the feelings of success or failure experienced in that particular situation. According to Ruth Wylie, in her discussion of The Self-Concept, self-esteem or congruence between self and the ideal self means being proud of one's self or evaluating 20Carl W. Backman and Paul Secord, "The Self and Role Selection," The Self in Social Interaction, ed. by Chad Gordon and Kenneth J. Gergen (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1968), p. 289. 21See Arthur R. Cohen, "Some Implications of Self- Esteem for Social Influence," The Self in Social Interac- tion, ed. by Chad Gordon and Kenneth J. Gergen (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1968), p. 383. 18 one's attributes highly. She states that self-acceptance as related to self-esteem is presumed by some authors to be the conscious (realistic) recognition of falling short of some ideal. As stated by Faunce, there may be differences in the extent to which success in various roles affects what a person thinks of himself.22 He suggests that one does not necessarily base an evaluation of himself on any 922_ role, but may select certain roles from a number of roles in which he needs to succeed in order to think well of himself. Faunce refers to this process as the "selective testing of self-esteem." The values we use in the process of attempting to maintain self—esteem represent the central values around which our personalities are structured.23 He concludes that when we know what a person needs to do in order to think well of himself, we know a lot about that person. A number of studies lend empirical support to the symbolic interactionist approach to self theory. Miyamoto and Dornbusch, for example, pursued a study of the relationship of self-conception to actual and perceived responses of others and the "generalized 22William A. Faunce, Problems of an Industrial Society (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1968), pp. 84-133. 23Ibid., p. 92. 19 other."24 This study suggests that the self-concept of the individual is determined by internalization of the behavior of others toward him. Those individuals in the study who were accorded high esteem by others reflected a higher level of self-esteem than those poorly regarded. The general findings of the study emphasize a relationship between the self-concept and the generalized attitudes of others toward him. The empirical findings do little more than reinforce fundamental notions contained in the interactionist theory of self-conception. Beyond that, however, they suggest possibilities in studying self-concept%on within the symbolic interactionist framework.2 A most striking evidence of self-conception and reference group relationship is found in a study by Sherwood.26 This study shows evidence that there is a tendency for an individual to increase his level of evalua- tion. It suggests that the higher the objective public evaluation by a strong reference group, and also the more the sociometric choices are received by the person, the more he emphasizes the norms of that group for evaluating himself. In addition, there was a positive relation between the level of self-attributed evaluation and the 24See S. Frank Miyamoto and Sanford M- DObeUSCh: "A Test of the Interactionist Hypotheses of Self-Conception," The American Journal of Sociology, LXI (March, 1956), pp. 399-403. 251bid., p. 403. 26John J. Sherwood, "Self Identity and Referent Others," Sociometry, XXVIII (March, 1965), pp. 66-81. 20 person's ranking of generality of the importance of that self attribute.27 By using a variety of statistical tests of several hypotheses, Sherwood concludes that there is a relationship between one's View of a generalized other and the assessment of self. Another study suggests a relationship between self and role theory as based on two theoretical principles: the fashioning effect and role selection.28 According to this study, the fashioning effect deals with the shaping of an individual's views of himself by virtue of occupying a role category. It implies that occupying a role not only defines an individual's behavior, but also defines the behavior of role partners toward him, including the characteristics they will attribute to him. Role selection is based on the expectations of behavior that are in agree- ment with the individual's self concept and because he is in that role, he will be endowed with attributes like those of his own self concept. Backman and Secord's study supports the present study in that its findings show that occupational preference is commonly associated with the perception of self and others whose occupation is most like one's own. It also suggests the fact that there is a form of interdependence between role selection and general self— esteem. 27Ibid., p. 81. 28Backman and Secord, op. cit., pp. 289-96. 21 The present study focuses on self-assessment as based on the selection of certain roles from a number of roles that individuals play in which they need to succeed in order to think well of themselves as seen in the eyes of their reference group. It seems clear that success or failure in the performance of some social roles has a much greater impact upon self-esteem than success or failure in others.29 The Argument The literature provides us with much insight into how the self-concept and self—esteem are developed and maintained. From a review of the literature we discover that the self concept is largely determined by the individ- ual's interaction with others as he performs the various roles assigned to him by society. The social system eval- uates the individual according to how he performs these roles; the individual also evaluates himself on the basis of how he performs his assigned roles--he develops self- esteem in relation to his reference group. What the literature does not provide is an account of how the develoPment and maintenance of self-esteem work among black women. Since three roles which most commonly affect self-esteem are occupational, familial, and 29William A. Faunce, "Self-Investment in the Oc- cupational Role," Paper Presented at Meeting of The Southern Sociological Society, New Orleans, April 6, 1972. 22 friendship roles, the present investigation will consider these three roles as they relate to black women who are heads of household and those who are not heads of household. Although it is assumed in the literature that the ref- erence group for black women heads of household is white middle class women with husbands, this may not be the case. If the reference group is not white middle class women, then negative assessment of women headed households may not be relevant. The black woman may be able to achieve and maintain self-esteem as a head of household. There may be many factors affecting self-esteem, e.g., influence of adolescent experiences, influence of success in current roles, level of expectations as derived from family of origin and influence of reference group, and the effects of employment status and marital status on self-esteem, all of which the present study will examine. Because so little is known about the self-esteem maintenance process among black women, the present study is necessarily an exploratory one. An objective of this study is to develop as complete a descriptive aCcount of this process as possible. Specific attention is given to the following variables used in this investigation. The dependent vari- able is level of self-esteem. The independent variables are presence or absence of husband and employment status. The intervening variables include age, occupational pres~ tige, educational status, number of children, length of 23 residence in present area, relationship with relatives and friends, structure of family background from which the subjects come, and reference group used in self assess— ment. These variables are used to specify conditions under which the major working hypotheses are more or less likely to hold. For example, the hypothesized relationship between being employed and high self-esteem may not hold where occupational status30 is low. Age and educational status affect occupational performance which, for heads of house- hold, affects success in the familial role as provider. Examining variation in occupational status, age, and educa- tion may help to answer the question as to how the black woman perceives the role as head of household. It is assumed in the present study that the more dispersed the self—esteem maintenance process is across a variety of social roles, the less impact success or failure in any one role has on self-esteem. For example, friend- ship roles provide a third common possibility of achieving self-esteem, in addition to occupational and familial roles, which may affect the assumed relationship between performance in these roles and how the black woman perceives the self as derived from the role as head of household. Among the variables affecting the network of relationship with 3OOccupations indicated by the subjects were assigned socio-economic ratings for all occupations from Otis Dun- can's "A Socio-Economic Index of All Occupations," in Albert Reiss, Occupation and Social Status (New York: The Free Press, 1961). 24 friends and relatives outside the nuclear family is the length of residence in the area. This study will also examine the possibility that where there is a matriarchal tradition in the specific families in the sample, and where the reference group actually used is other black women, values other than the negative value placed upon being head of household may become more salient in self-assessment, and for black women heads of household the occupational values are likely to be salient. The structure of family background is considered for the purpose of examining the impact which it may or may not have on the relationship between the subjects' present household situation and their self-esteem. Reference groups used in self—assessment are also examined to determine whether white or black models are used in defining success in performance of familial and occupational roles. The preceding discussion has presented the concep- tual background for the two general hypotheses for guiding the study which are stated below. Also, the argument is repeated in summary form following the statement of the hypotheses. Statement of Hypotheses The basic problem of this study was formulated in Chapter I and is pursued in terms of general theories of 25 self, role, reference group, self-esteem, and self-esteem maintenance. The two general hypotheses to guide this study are: General Hypothesis l: There will be no significant difference between the level of self-esteem of black women who are employed with one or more children to support and the complete absence of a husband, and black women who are not heads of household with one or more children and the presence of a husband. General Hypothesis 2: Black women who are heads of household who are unemployed will exhibit a lower level of self- esteem than either black women heads of house- hold who are employed or those married black women who are not heads of household. Summary of Argument Roles in which success in performance most commonly affect self-esteem are occupational and familial roles. For heads of household, these two roles combine in the sense that successful occupational role performance is defined as being a "good provider" for the family. Married women who are not heads of household and are not employed frequently use values related to performance of the familial role as a primary basis for self assessment. Married women who are not heads of household, but who are employed frequently experience role con- flict resulting from attempts to succeed in both roles. Role conflict between roles in which there is self-investment is likely to reduce the probability of success in role performance, thereby making self-esteem maintenance more difficult. 10. ll. 12. l3. 14. 15. 26 Women who are heads of household and are employed are less likely to experience role conflict since occupational achievement is commonly used for evaluation of success as head of household. Definition of successful role performance involves reference group comparison. It is assumed in the literature that the reference group of black women heads of household is white middle class women with husbands and that high value is placed upon this type of family as a consequence. If the reference group used by black women is not white middle class women, then negative assessment of women headed households may not be relevant and success as head of the household can be assessed in other terms. If the reference group actually used is other black women, then the relatively greater frequency of women headed households, plus the matriarchal black family tradition, may make other values more salient in self assessment and, for women heads of house- hold, the occupational values are likely to be salient. Black married women who are not heads of household and are not employed use the familial role as a basis for self-assessment, and may achieve a favorable self-concept on this basis. Black women who are heads of household and are employed may use both occupational and familial role performance as a basis for self-assessment and may achieve a favorable self-concept on this basis. Black women who are heads of household and are unemployed are likely to suffer loss of self- esteem on a basis of role performance in both familial and occupational areas, because of relationships between these two sets of values for heads of household. The more dispersed the self-esteem maintenance process is across a variety of social roles, the less impact success or failure in any one role has on self-esteem. Friendship roles provide a third common possi- bility for achieving self-esteem in addition to occupational and familial roles. 27 16. If one is successful in maintaining self—esteem through friendship roles, then the degree of relationship between success in either familial or occupational roles and self-esteem will be reduced. Relevant Research If one were to look at the location of blacks in various institutional structures, at the numerous dis— advantages and disprivileges which they face, it would be hard not to conclude, as many scholars have done, that blacks should have lower self-esteem.31 Since the least socially desired family structure within our soCiety appears to be that of the mother-headed, certain studies suggest that the level of self-esteem among black women who are heads of household should be low. Also some studies indicate that the self—esteem maintenance process of blacks is presumed to be a matter of using white reference groups and an adaptation to the values of that reference group, completely ignoring the possibility of selectivity among roles and reference groups among blacks in the maintenance of self—esteem. As a specific example, let us direct our attention to The Moynihan Report and the Politics of Controversy of 31Morris Rosenberg and Robert G. Simmons, Black and White Self-Esteem: The Urban School Child, Monograph Series (Washington, D. C.: American Sociological Associa- tion, July, 1971), p. 10. 28 1967.32 In this report, Moynihan concludes that nearly a quarter of married black women are divorced or separated, and 35 per cent of all black children live in broken homes. Almost a quarter of black births are illegitimate and nearly one-fourth of all black families are headed by a woman. He suggests that although these figures would show that a smaller proportion of the black community is in trouble than is often claimed, they also underestimate the extent of the breakdown, for more families are touched by it at one time in their lives than at the given moment caught by the statistics. He traces the fundamental causes of the matriarchally structured family to slavery and unemployment. Drawing on the research of Frank Tannenbaum and Stanley Elkins, Moynihan emphasizes the idea that the American slave owners treated their slaves as mere commodi- ties, and unlike their Latin-American counterparts, often denied them basic human rights, including that of marriage. He states that the structure of the Southern slave economy also placed the black man in an inferior position in that he was needed only when the plantation economy was booming, and his price on the slave market was generally lower than that of the woman. Her services were always in demand throughout the household, and until her children were sold away from her, she was allowed to raise them. He concludes 32See Herbert Gans, "The Negro Family: Reflections on the Moynihan Reports," in The Moynihan Report and the Politics of Controversy, ed. by Lee Rainwater and William Yancey, (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1967). 29 that this type of situation directed the black woman into a position of economic and familial dominance which she has maintained, willingly or not, until the present day. E. Franklin Frazier also traces "matriarchy" back to slavery and the plantation system. These women had doubtless been schooled in self— reliance and self~sufficiency during slavery. As a rule, the Negro woman as a wife and mother was the mistress of her cabin, and save for the interference of master and overseer, her wishes in regard to mating and family matters were paramount. Neither economic necessity nor tradition had instilled in her the spirit of subordination to masculine authority. Emancipation only tended to confirm in many cases the spirit of self-sufficiency which slavery had taught.33 Burgess and Locke also viewed the matriarchally structured family as having derived from slavery. They state that: Under slavery the mother remained the important figure in the family. The affectional relations of mother and child developed deep and permanent attachment. Frequently, also, the father was a member of the family group, but often the relationship was casual and easily broken. . . . Then, too, Negro husbands were sold more often. These and other factors contributed to the development of a matricentric form of the family during slavery.34 Another frame of reference is that found in Lee Rainwater's discussion of "Crucibility and Identity: The 33E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro Family in the United States (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1966), p. 102. 34Ernest W. Burgess and Harvey J. Locke, The Family: From Institution to Companionship (New York: American Book Company, 1945), p. 62. 3O "35 Rainwater states that the black Negro Lower Class. mother may be a working mother or she may be an AFDC (Aid to Families of Dependent Children) mother, but in either case, she has the problem of maintaining a household, socializing her children, and achieving for herself some sense of membership in relation to other women and men. He also states that she knows that it is a hard, hopeless, and often thankless task of serving as head of household, but she knows that it is possible. Karon attributes the prevalence of the mother- dominated family partly to a carry-over from slavery (where the mother-child bond was allowed to develop, while the father-child bond was discouraged).36 He states that in southern cities the mother-dominated family which pre— vails has more of the character of disorganized family structure, and in northern cities, the mother-dominated family and loose sexuality, although frequent, is simply a pathological and disorganized form of the general American family structure. Pettigrew states that both poverty and migration also act to maintain the old slave pattern of a 35See Talcott Parsons and Kenneth Clark, The Negro American (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966), pp. 160-200. 36Bertram P. Karon, The Negro Personality (New York: Springer Publishing Company, Inc., 1958), p. 32. 31 mother-centered family.37 Not only does desperate poverty disturb healthy family life through dilapidated housing, crowded living conditions, restricted recreational facili- ties, and direct contact with the most corrupting elements of urban disorganization, but it makes the ideal American pattern of household economics practically impossible.38 He also suggests that employment discrimination has made it more difficult for poorly educated black men to secure steady employment than for poorly educated black women. When the unskilled black man does manage to secure a job, he generally assumes an occupation that pays barely enough to support himself--much less a family. The conditions obviously limit the ability of the lower class black to follow the typical American pattern; that is, a stable unit with the husband providing a steady income for his family. Pettigrew concludes: The Negro wife in this situation can easily become disgusted with the financially dependent husband, and her rejection of him further alienates the male from family life. Embittered by their experience with men, many Negro mothers often act to perpetuate the mother-centered pattern by taking a greater interest in their daughters than their sons. For example, more Negro females graduate from college than Negro males, the reverse of the pattern found among white Americans.39 37Thomas F. Pettigrew, A Profile of the Negro American (New Jersey: D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc., IFEZTT‘" 381bid., p. 15. 39Ibid. 32 The quest for self-identity is the search for answers to the all important question: Who am I? What am I as a person? and, How do I fit into the world? These are not easy questions for anyone to answer in our complex society. Yet, they offer even greater difficulties for Negro Americans. We learn who we are and what we are by carefully observing how other people react to us, and according to Pettigrew, this process is highly structured for the black by the role he is expected to play. He states that when a black attempts to gain an image of himself on the basis of his typical contacts with white America and the general culture, he receives primarily negative responses. Drawing on the research of Kardiner and Ovesey, there exists conscious and unconscious trends among blacks toward "self-hatred and the identification with whites."41 This research suggests that the process of blacks attempting to adapt to white values and to the consequences of discrim- ination encountered, tends to be a central problem for blacks. In simple words, it means that his self-esteem suffers because he is constantly receiving an unpleasant 42 image of himself from the behavior of others to him. In discussing the maternal household situation and 40Thomas F. Pettigrew in Current Perspectives in Social Psychology, ed. by Edwin P. Hollander and Raymond G. Hunt INew York: Oxford University Press, 1965), p. 147. 41See Abram Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey, The Mark of Oppression: A Psychological Study of the American Ne ro (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1951), pp. 0 ~17. 42 Ibid., p. 302. 33 the self-esteem of blacks, let us focus our attention on a sociological report taken from a chapter entitled "Negro Adaptation: A Psycho-Dynamic Analysis" from the same book referred to in the preceding paragraph. The following is a brief analysis of that chapter. In discussing the broken home as one of the expres— sions of the Negro personality, we seem to commit the error of using it both as a cause and as an effect. This is not an error. It is the kind of cycle that is easily demonstrable in any culture. . . . With maternal neglect, we can trace the effects of this in the individual so that when the child becomes a mother she then repeats the same thing; she neglects and rejects her children. This is not an imitative pro- cess by any migns; it is the end result of an integra- tive process. According to Kardiner and Ovesey, for blacks the maternal household situation takes a heavy toll on the opportunities for developing strong affective ties. They state that first, the needs for dependence are frustrated, making the mother a frustrating object, rather than one the child can depend on. However, as suggested by these authors, this does not mean that it is the intention of the mothers to neglect or mistreat their children. Quite the contrary, the intention is the usual one, and many lower- class Negro mothers have strong maternal feelings, are 44 exceedingly protective, and try to be good providers. It is interesting to note, however, that the researchers' 43See Mel Watkins and Jay David, To Be A Black Woman: Portraits in Facts and Fiction (New York: William Morrow & Company, Inc., 1970), pp. 149-50. 44Kardiner and Ovesey, op. cit., p. 307. 34 findings showed frustration and arbitrary discipline on the part of the mothers who were heads of their household. Grier and Cobbs discuss the condition of the black woman within her own community as one which is perplexingly involved with her historic relationship to white society; a society which has defined and structured that relationship for her.45 They describe differences of experiences of black and white women and suggest that an awareness of these differences will illuminate the nature of the black woman's identity crisis. They state that the first measure of a child's worth is made by her mother, and if, as is the case with so many black people in America, the mother feels that she-herself is a creature of little worth, her daughter, however valued and desired, represents her scorned self. Thus the girl can be loved and valued only within a limited sphere, and can never be the flawless child, because she is who she is--black and inevitably linked to her black, depreciated mother--always seen to be lacking, deficient, and faulty in some way. They conclude that neither the family nor the community at large can undo this attitude of the black woman toward the "self" because of the fact that she is black. The idea that a person who sees himself as poten- tially good is more likely to achieve his goals than a person who sees himself as potentially bad is of great significance to the present study. However, the status of the black person is often a reflection of how he perceives 45William H. Grier and Price M. Cobbs, Black Rage (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1968). 451bid., p. 32. 35 the way society perceives him.47 As summarized in a very recent publication, For the black . . . in white American society, the generalized other whose attitudes he assumes and the looking glass into which he gazes both reflect the same judgment; he is inferior because he is black. His self-image developed in the lowest stratum of a color caste system is shaped, defined, and evaluated by a genigalized other which is racist or warped by racists. The preceding review of literature indicates that black women heads of household are likely to suffer loss of self-esteem based on the view that the only stable form of family structure is the patriarchal family with both parents present. It also is assumed in some of these studies that blacks use white reference groups in pursuit of self-esteem. But there is historical precedence for the matriarchal black family. In addition, black women headed households are common, and from the perspective of black women, this family form may be seen as one, not necessarily unstable form of nuclear family. The matriarchal tradition (along with its frequency of occurrence) may even mitigate a negative definition of this type of household. A recent study which was based on the racial 47For a more explicit review of this, see William C. Kvaraceus et al., Negro Self-Concept: Implications for School and Citizenship (New York: McGraw—Hill Book Company, 1965), pp. 34-51. 48See James A. Banks and Jean Grambs, Black Self- Concept: Implications for Education and Social §cience (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1972), p. 56. 36 context, the "comparison" of reference group, and the role of significant others shows supportive significance to the present study.49 As based on the specific conditions men- tioned in the preceding statement, certain findings showed that blacks' aspirations are as high as those of whites and that blacks do not have lower self—esteem than whites. Summary In this chapter, the theoretical orientation upon which the present investigation is based was presented. The orientation included a discussion of self-esteem as a product of social experiences; which are organized around social roles. Not all social roles are equally important for self-esteem maintenance. The actor selects certain roles from a number of roles based on criteria of achieve- ment in those roles as defined by his reference group. However, the actor, to some extent, may select the normative and comparative reference groups used in the self—esteem maintenance process. 49Rosenberg, o . cit., pp. 125-45. There are also references which are critical of the early literature which suggest negative consequences of the matriarchally struc- tured family. See Andrew Billingsley, Black Families in White America (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-HalI, Inc., 1968);Robert Stapler, "The Myth of the Black Matriarchy," The Black Scholar (February, 1970); Robert Coles, Children of Crisis (New York: Little, Brown Publishers, 1964); Jessie Bernard, Marriage and Family Among Negroes (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1966) and Frank Reissman, "In Defense of the Negro Family," Dissent (March- April, 1966). 37 Concepts were introduced in stating the argument of the study which led to the two general hypotheses which guide the study. A detailed summary of the argument was also included. Finally, the chapter presented a review of literature which suggests that blacks will have difficulty in maintaining self-esteem in a society characterized by institutional racism. Self-theory, as presented in the chapter, however, suggests the possibility that selectivity among reference groups used in the self-esteem maintenance process, to some extent, serves to shield black identity from the effects of institutional racism. It is this possibility to which the present study is directed. CHAPTER III METHODS This chapter presents the methodological aspects of the present investigation. It includes, first, the nature of the sample and the rationale for its selection. Second, the research design is discussed. And finally, the plan for analysis for presenting the factors affecting self-esteem is reviewed. Description of Sample The sample investigated in this study consisted of 200 black women who reside in the city of Grand Rapids, Michigan. According to the 1970 Census of Population and Housing, the total population of the county is 411,044 residents with 197,649 residents in the city of Grand Rapids, of which 10 per cent of that total constitute the 50 black population. Grand Rapids was selected for 50According to the U. S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Housing 1970 Block Statistics Final Report HC (3) 122, Grand Rapids, Michigan, Urbanization Area, Washington, D. C., 1971; and U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1970 Census of Population and Housing, Grand Rapids, Michi an, SMSA, Washington, D. C., 1971, census tract 28 contains 95 per cent of the black population of Grand Rapids. 38 39 securing the sample, in part, because of previous knowledge that it consists of a relatively stable black population with some blacks who have lived there for several genera- tions, its wide variation in occupational status and income level, and its appropriateness as a base of comparison to Jackson, Mississippi.51 The population from which the sample was drawn consisted of (1) black mothers who have lived with their spouse for five years or more and (2) black mothers who are divorced or separated (either legally separated or otherwise absent from their spouse) and who are living in census tract 28 in the city of Grand Rapids. The sample included women between the ages of 20 to 60 years and of educational backgrounds ranging from early elementary (third grade) to graduate degrees (M.A.) with number of children ranging from one to eleven. The monthly income of the sample ranges from $125.00 to $2500.00, and the length of residence in the area ranges from one to 60 years. Of the total sample, 154 women have been married only one time and 41 have been married two times or more. The process for selecting the sample consisted of three stages. The first stage involved a decision to utilize census tract 28 because it contains the highest concentration of blacks within Grand Rapids. The second 51Jackson, Mississippi is the city in which the writer anticipates securing a sample for future pursuance of the present research. 40 stage for selecting the sample included the selection of specific blocks within census tract 28. A review of the block data provided evidence for eliminating four blocks from the list of 53 occupied blocks within this tract based on the fact that, at the time of the census enumeration, these four blocks contained no black residents. Two other blocks were eliminated from the remaining 49 blocks because of the combination of small pOpulation size coupled with the small (10 and 11) per cent of the existing population being classified as black. As a result of this stage in the process of sample selection, the original listing of 53 occupied blocks was reduced to 47 blocks. The remaining 47 blocks were numbered from 1 to 47 and a table of random numbers was utilized to determine the order in which they were chosen as sample blocks for securing a random sample. The third stage in the process of sample selection involved the_selection of specific residents to be interviewed. This process included proceeding through the list of blocks arranged in order of their selection described above. Desiring a total sample size of 200 respondents with an equal representation of married and unmarried black women, the objective of fulfilling this quota was achieved by utilizing the following process: (1) Respondents were selected by proceeding down the ordered list of blocks until 100 representatives of either one of the two cate- gories (married or unmarried) were interviewed. (2) Each block contributed no more than two more representatives of 41 married women than unmarried women. (3) A table of random numbers was used to determine the starting corner for locating housing units. The numbers appearing were 4, 9, 3 and 2. Proceeding through the table of random numbers, the first 47 appearances of those four numbers were utilized to specify the corner at which to start in locating each sample housing unit. For identifying block corners, a code was then constructed; e.g., 4 represented the northeast corner of any city block, 9 represented the southeast corner, 3 represented the southwest corner, and 2 repre— sented the northwest corner. (4) In identifying the speci- fic respondent for each housing unit, the table of random numbers was again used in the following manner: (a) If there was only one mother residing within the house, she was interviewed. (b) If there were two mothers residing within the same household, the oldest would be interviewed if an odd number from the list appeared first, and should an even number appear first, the youngest mother would be selected as the respondent. (c) If one resident was married within the household and the other was unmarried, an odd number from the list would determine the use of the married one as the respondent and the even number would determine the selection of the unmarried mother as the respondent. This process for sample selection was continued until the desired sample size of 200 was interviewed. The interviews were conducted by an all black staff (three women and one man). 42 Research Design To measure self-esteem, a structured schedule of questions was derived from Rosenberg's Self Esteem Scale (1965) and Berger's Self-Acceptance Scale (1952).52 From these general measures of self-esteem, 23 items were devised for an interview schedule.53 The general sequence of the interview schedule included: (1) basic information, e.g., age, marital status, occupation, educational status, level of income, and number of children; (2) social background and family history, e.g., social relationship with relatives and peers and kind of family structure from which the sub- jects come; and self-appraisal, including reference group selected and perceived success in performance of familial, occupational, and friendship roles. A pre-test was con- ducted with a sample of 32 women in Lansing, Michigan. 52See Morris Rosenberg, Society and the Adolescent Self-Image (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1965), p. 30 and E. M. Berger, "The Relation Between Expres- sed Acceptance of Self and Expressed Acceptance of Others," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, Vol. 47 (1952), pp. 778-82. Rosenberg's Self-Esteem Scale was designed to measure attitudes toward the self along a favorable to un- favorable dimension and was constructed for use in a large scale survey of high school students. The test-retest reliability of this Likert-type scale for a group of college students after two weeks was .85. Berger's Self—Acceptance Scale yields a whole test reliability of .894 or greater for the Self-Acceptance Scale, except for one group for which it showed a reliability of .746. 53See Appendix A for the items used. Hoyt's Test of Internal Consistency showed a test-retest reliability for the self-esteem items used in the present investigation of .70. 43 The sample for the pre-test consisted of 18 married women (10 unemployed) and 14 unmarried women (8 employed). For the analysis, subjects are grouped on the independent variables (presence-absence of husband and employment status) into the following types: Type I, employed women heads of household; Type II, unemployed women heads of household; Type III, unemployed women with husbands as head of household; and Type IV, employed women with husbands as head of household. (The term "unemployed" is used here simply to mean being not employed irrespective of whether one is seeking employment.) The scores on the self-esteem measure are used to group the subjects into high, medium and low categories and the application of the non-parametric statistic, chi square, is used to assess the probability that observed differences could occur by chance. It is assumed in the present study that the general factors affecting self-esteem are: influence of adolescent experiences; influence of success in current roles (mother, wife, provider); level of expectation as derived from experiences in family of origin and influence of reference group; and effects of employment status and marital status. Considering these general factors affecting self-esteem, contingency tables are employed to show discrepancies between the observed and expected frequencies. 44 Summary This chapter included a presentation of the methods used in the present investigation. It gives a description of the sample used-~including the rationale for its selec— tion and the process used in selecting the sample. It also presents a discussion of the plan for analysis in presenting those expected factors affecting self-esteem. The follow- ing chapter presents the results of the investigation. CHAPTER IV RESULTS This chapter presents the findings of the inves— tigation. The first part of the chapter deals with the tests of the two major working hypotheses advanced earlier in the thesis, as prefaced by a review of the summary of argument. The two major working hypotheses are also restated. The second part of the chapter is descriptive in that it examines certain general factors which may or may not affect self-esteem. Relevant statistical data and tests are presented in this part to show relationship or the lack of relationship between certain general factors and self-esteem. The chapter is concluded with a brief summary of the research findings. The summary of argument was: 1. Roles in which success in performance most commonly affect self-esteem are occupational roles and familial roles. It might be possible to show how much variance in self- esteem scores is accounted for by the degree of success in these roles. Since the writer is not aware of any good measure of success in occupational and familial roles which takes into account the fact that, what constitutes success is variously defined, this statement is treated as an 45 46 assumption. 2. For heads of household, these two roles combine in the sense that successful occupational role performance is defined as being a Trgoodypirovider" for the family. Data bearing upon the preceding statement is presented in Table 1. The following question was included in the inter- view schedule: "In what ways are you successful and/or unsuccessful as a mother?" The open—ended responses to this question were classified in terms of whether or not any reference was made to being a "good provider." If employed women heads of household see themselves as "good providers" it would support the statement above and pro- vide evidence regarding one type of positive self identity available to women who are heads of household. Table 1. Combination of Occupational and Familial Roles for Heads of Household Definition of Success as a Mother Employ- "Good Provider" Other Totals ment References Status N % N s N % Employed 28 76.67 9 24.32 37 100.00 Unemployed 7 21.21 26 78.79 33 100.00 Totals 35 (50.00) 35 (50.00) 70 100.00 Table 1 shows that of 37 employed women, 76% referred to themselves as successful mothers as based on 47 being a "good provider." The remaining nine employed women (24%) considered themselves as successful mothers as based on other references, e.g., "counselling children as to right and wrong." Of 33 unemployed women, 21% referred to their success as a mother as based on being a "good provider" while 79% used other references in deter~ mining success as a mother. The data presented in Table 1 show that the employed heads of household tend to combine occupational and familial roles in the sense that successful role performance as mother is defined as being a "good provider." 3. Married women who are not heads of household and are not employed use values related to performance of the familial role as agpfimary basis fbr seIf— assessment. If statement 1 above is true, then this statement would also be true. Data having some bearing on this statement can be provided by comparing the definitions of success as a mother of heads of household and non-heads of household. We would expect unemployed women who are not heads of household to use the "good provider" defini— tion of success even less often than unemployed women who are heads of household. The same question as for item 2 was also used for this item. Data bearing on statement 3 are presented in Table 2. Table 2. 48 Combination of Occupational and Familial Roles for Non-Heads of Household Definition of Success as a Mother I ° ll 0th (Good Prov1der Referghces Totals N % N % N % Employed 35 72.91 13 27.09 48 100.00 Unemployed 5 13.89 31 86.11 36 100.00 Totals 40 (47.62) 44 (52.38) 84 100.00 Table 2 shows that of 48 employed women who are not heads of household, 73% used the "good provider" reference in assessing the self and 27% used other refer— ences in self-assessment. For those unemployed non-heads of household, only 14% used the "good provider" reference. Comparing Table 2 with Table 1, it can be seen that, while the differences are small, they are in the predicted direction. 4. Married women who are not heads of household, but who are employed frequently experience role conflict resulting from attempts to succeediin both roles. Role conflict between roles in which there is self-investment is likely to reduce the probability of success in role performance, thereby, making self-esteem maintenance more difficult. WOmen who are heads of household and are employed are less likely to experience role conflict since occupational achievement is commonly used for evaluation of success as head of household. If we assume that dissatisfaction about time Spent 49 away from children as a result of employment represents role conflict and a feeling of being less successful as a mother, then Table 3 presents data related to items 4, 5 and 6 in the summary of argument. The data reported in Table 3 were gathered through the following question: "How do you feel about Spending time away from your children, even though you have to work to provide for them? Would you say you feel: very satisfied, somewhat satisfied, somewhat dissatisfied, very dissatisfied, neither satis- fied nor dissatisfied?" Table 3. Role Conflict and Family Status Employed Respondents' Feelings about Time Spent Away from Children Very Less Than TYPES Satisfied Very Totals Satisfied N % N % N % Non-Heads of Household 14 27.45 37 72.55 51 100.004 Heads of Household 34 62.97 20 37.03 54 100.00 Totals 71 (67.62) 34 (32.38) 105 100.00 This table presents data which show that of 51 employed non-heads of household, 73% were less satisfied about time spent away from their children. For this group 50 of women, role conflict seems likely to reduce the proba- bility of success in role performance, thereby, making self-esteem maintenance more difficult. This table also shows that of 54 employed heads of household, 63% said that they were very satisfied with the time spent away from their children. This finding is con— sistent with the view that this group of women are less likely to experience role conflict since occupational achievement (as shown in Table 1) is commonly used to evaluate success as head of household. 7. Definition of successful role performance involves reference group comparison. 8. It is assumed in the literature that the reference group of black women heads of household is white middle class women with husbands and that high value is placed upon this type of family as a con- sequence . 9. If the reference group used by black women is not white middle class women, then negative assessment of women headed households may not be relevant and success as heads of the household can be assessed in other terms. Item 7 in the summary of argument is a theoreti- cally based assumption. As for item 8, the review of literature in Chapter II documents the fact that the ref- erence group for black women heads of household is fre- quently assumed to be white middle class women with hus- bands and that high value is placed on the male headed family as a consequence. In reference to item 9, however, the present investigation shows that this is not true for the sample included in this study. The following question regarding the reference group used in self assessment was 51 asked: "When thinking of yourself as a successful or unsuc- cessful (mother, wife, or provider) with what group of women do you compare yourself? (Read which of the above is appli- cable) black women you know, black women in general, white women you know, white women in general?" In response to this question, 94% of the women in this sample indicated that they compared themselves with either black women they know or black women in general. This distribution of res- ponses to this question is presented in Table 4. Table 4. Reference Group Selected for Comparison N % Black Women (Known) , 71 40.80 Black Women (General) 93 54.45 White Women (Known) 3 1.72 White Women (General) 7 4.03 Totals 174 100.00 If we assume, for the reasons discussed in Chapter II, that there may be differences between black and white values regarding women headed households, then the evidence in Table 4 suggests that there need not necessarily be a nega- tive assessment of household of this type among black women. 52 As additional evidence of the types of reference groups selected, Table 5 shows the relationship between the respondents' own employment and marital status and the reference groups with which they identify. These data come from responses to the following question: "Considering your present situation, rank the following groups with which you would like to be compared in order of importance to you--black women who are heads of household, black women who have husbands, white women who are heads of house- hold, white women who have husbands." Table 5. Reference Group as a Condition Affecting the Relationship Between Employment Status and Marital Status Reference Groups Selected Black WOmen Black Women Heads of With Totals Types Household Husbands N % N % N % Employed Heads of Household 34 79.30 10 22.70 44 100.00 Unemployed Heads of Household 20 76.90 6 23.10 26 100.00 Unemployed Non- Heads of Household 9 17.60 42 82.40 51 100.00 Employed Non- Heads of Household 4 9.30 39 90.70 43 100.00 Totals 67 r40.90) 97 r59.10) 164 100.00 53 As shown in Table 5, of those employed heads of household, 79% selected other black women who are heads of household and 22% selected black women who have husbands as reference groups for comparison. For those unemployed non-heads of household, 17% selected black women heads of household and 82% selected black women who have husbands as their reference group. Of those employed non-heads of household, only 9% used black women heads of household and 90% used black women with husbands as the reference group. The selection of reference persons who are in the same situation may further reduce the likelihood of a negative assessment of women headed household. 10. If the reference groupfactually used is other black women, then the relatively greater frequency of women headed households, plus the matriarchal black family tradition, may make other values more salient in self assessment and, for women heads of househoid, the occupationalivalues are likely to be salient. Data presented in Table 4 confirms the fact that the reference group used in self-assessment by women in the present investigation is other black women. The data in Table 1 indicated that employed heads of household fre- quently use the occupationally related value, "good proé vider," in assessing their success as mothers. The direct experience of a woman headed household in the family of origin might affect the definition of this role. Table 6 shows the structure of the family of origin for the women in our sample. The data in the following table were obtained from 54 the following questions: "Did you live with either natural parent during most of your teen-age years? Which parent?" Table 6. Matriarchal Tradition According to Types of Respondents Structure of Family of Origin Mother Was Mother Was T Head of Not Head of Totals ypes Household Household N % N % N % Employed Heads of Household 16 36.36 28 63.64 44 100.00 Unemployed Heads of Household 12 34.28 23 65.72 35 100.00 Unemployed Non- Heads of Household 6 17.14 29 82.86 35 100.00 Employed Non- Heads of Household 6 18.18 27 81.82 33 100.00 Totals 40k27.21) 107 (72.79) 147 100.00 Table 6 shows that of those employed women heads of household, 36% were from families of origin where the mother was head of the household. Of those unemployed women heads of household, 34% were from families where the mother was the head of household. On the other hand, 17% and 18% of the unemployed and employed non-heads of 55 household respectively were from women headed households of origin. 11. Black married women who are not heads of household and are not employed use the familial role as a basis for selfeassessment, and may achieve a favorable self-concept on this basis. 12. Black women who are heads of household and are employed may use both occupational and familial role performance as a ba§is for selfLassessment and may achieve a favorabIe self-concept on this basis. Table 7 is addressed to items 11 and 12. The data in this table regarding the importance of various roles used in self assessment were obtained from the following questions: "In what ways are you successful and/or unsuc— cessful as a mother? In what ways are/were you successful and/or unsuccessful as a wife?" Table 7. Familial Role Used in Self-Assessment Roles Types Familial Others Totals N % N % N % Employed Heads of Household 42 77.77 12 22.23 54 100.00 Unemployed Heads of Household 34 85.00 6 15.00 40 100.00 Unemployed Non- Heads of Household 49 94.23 3 5.77 52 100.00 Employed Non- Heads of Household 46 90.20 5 9.80 51 100.00 Totals 171 (86.80) 26 (13.20) 197 100.00 56 Table 7 shows that of all four types in the sample, the greatest percentage (94%) using the familial role in assessing the self was found among Type III (unemployed non-heads of household). These data also show the smallest percentage (77%) of the four types using the familial role exists among employed heads of household. This finding, in combination with those reported in other tables, suggests that they use both occupational and familial role performance as a basis of self-assessment. On a basis of the fact that the reference group used by the women in this investigation is other black women, which aids in eliminating a negative assessment of women headed households, plus the data presented in the other tables above, one may expect that there is no sub— stantial difference between the level of self-esteem of employed heads of household and employed non-heads of household. This expectation represents the first major working hypothesis of this study. Data bearing upon it will be presented in the next section. 13. Black women who are heads of household and are unemployed are like1y_to suffer loss of self— esteem on a basis of role performance in both familial and occupational areas because of rela- tionships between these two sets of values for heads of household. (This is the second‘major working hypothesis of the present study and the test of this hypothesis is also reported in the next section.) Testing the major working hypotheses for this investigation involves the following processes: grouping of subjects on the independent variables (presence-absence 57 of husband and employment status); assigning numerical scores to each of the 23 self-esteem items (which yield a minimum score of 23 and a maximum score of 92);54 arbitrarily dividing the scores into three levels of self-esteem (high, medium, and low); recoding the total scores according to the three levels for a frequency distribution. Test of Major Hypotheses General Hypothesis l There will be no significant difference between the level of self-esteem of black women who are employed with one or more children to support and the complete absence of a husband, and black women who are not heads of household with one or more children and the presence of a husband. Data in Table 8 yield a chi square of 2.639 which is below the .05 level of significance and show that hypothesis 1 is supported. Thus, the hypothesis that there is no significant difference between the level of self- esteem of the two types is supported by these data. General Hypothesis 2 Black women heads of household who are unemployed will exhibit a lower level of self-esteem than either black women heads of household who are employed or those married women who are not heads of household. Table 9 shows the data and test for hypothesis 2. The crucial relationships in this hypothesis are between 54The scores for the present sample ranged from 46 to 84. 58 ma. u .00 mo. A m N u we mmm.~ u mx mm. mm. coauma>ma pumpcmum om.~ mH.N cams Aoo.ooav nma Aoo.ooav MOH Aoo.ooav em mamuoe mm.m ma om.m n om.ea m 309 mp.¢m om Hm.pm mm om.am mm scape: hm.mm em mm.em mm om.mm SH amen w z w z m . z paonmmnom mo modem Icoz pmonmSc paonmmsom mo momma mamuoa us: can UmonmEm pomonEm "H mama Eomvmmnmamm ”>H new HHH momma >H can HHH momma nuflz pmummfiou mm H maze paonmmsom mo mommmncoz poaoamEmGD can pomonEm nucm new paonmmsom mo momma pmhonEm mo Eompmmumamm mo Hm>wq en» cmmsumm mfinmcoflumamm .m manna 59 «ma. u .00 Ame. v mv m u we ovm.v u mx mm. mm. dehuma>mo pumpcmum wm.~ mo.~ :mmz Aoo.ooav boa Aoo.ooav nma Aoo.ooav ov mamuoa ma.oa om mm.m ma om.~a m 304 hm.>m «Ha m>.vm mm oo.on mm scape: mm.Hm mo Am.mm mm om.sa A poem w z w z w z paonmmsom mo pmmm Icoz ©m%OHQEm ">H Uaonmmsom paonmmsom mo pmmm o m we who a mampoe Icoz pmmonEmcD "HHH macaw mHW mmwa Emoummlmamm paonmmsom mo pmmm ComoHQEm “H mama >H one .HHH .H menus :ufl3 pmummeoo mm HH mews A>H paw HHH .H magma sues pmummsou mm HH messy msumpm newsmoaaem sues confineou mm msumum Havana: one Emmanmnmamm mo Hm>mq cmeumm mwnmc0fiumamm .m manna 60 marital status, employment status, and level of self-esteem. Table 9 shows data which yield a chi square of 4.840, degrees of freedom = 2, p < .05 indicating support for hypothesis 2. Thus, these data show support for the hypothesis that unemployed black women heads of household exhibit a lower level of self-esteem than either employed black women heads of household or married women non-heads of household. 1 The data presented in the preceding two tables showing support for the two major working hypotheses indicate that women heads of household do not necessarily suffer loss of self-esteem so long as they can see themselves as "good providers." The implications for the theory on which the argument of the present investigation is based is that people who are in a position that is negatively assessed within a dominant value system may protect self-esteem through selectivity among normative and comparative reference groups. These individuals may also see overcoming adversity as an achievement in performing certain roles. Descriptive Analysis After having tested the preceding major working hypotheses for guiding the present study, the question arises: what may be some additional general factors affecting self-esteem? Because there has been very little research regarding the self-esteem maintenance process 61 among black women, a second major objective of this investigation was to discover what the correlates of variation in self-esteem may be. This section is referred to as descriptive because no specific theoretically based predictions have been made. The factors studied are sub- sumed under the following headings: (1) influence of adolescent experiences on present level of self-esteem, and (2) influence of success in current roles on self- esteem. The following tables present the relevant data for testing certain general factors which may or may not relate to self-esteem. Influence of Adolescent Experiences on Self-Esteem The present investigation assumes that among the factors affecting self-esteem are: general characteristics of family of origin and success as a student as perceived by teachers, friends, parents/parent substitutes, and self. First we will examine the general structure of the family of origin as to whether there existed a women headed household and the effects which this may have on the level of self-esteem. Also, the writer expects that living with both natural parents during the adolescent period enhances the level of self-esteem. These data are reported in Table 10. Data in Table 10 were obtained from the following questions: 62 Did you live with both natural parents during most of your teenage years? yes no Did you live with either natural parent during most of your teenage years? yes no The interviewers were given the following instructions: If no to the former item, determine the living environ- ment of reSpondent and proceed with the interview. If no to the latter item, determine the living environ- ment of respondent Which parent? mother father mother father Table 10 shows and proceed with the interview. only only and step—father and step—mother that there is little relationship (.5 > p > .3) between self—esteem and the structure of the family of origin for the present sample. The proportion of those who lived with neither natural parent and who have high self-esteem is lower than the other two categories, but the differences are not significant. The writer expects that support from parents or parent-substitutes of origin during the adolescent period also enhances the level of self-esteem. Data bearing on the preceding expectation are reported in Tables 11 and 12 and were gathered through the 63 ma. u .06 Am. A a A m.c 4 n «a oos.m u «x loo.o0Hc baa loo.ooac mm loo.OOHc mm 100.00Hc boa mamuoa o~.oa om o~.ma v om.oa A Hq.m m 30a om.nm sHH op.mo «H om.nm mm Ho.sm Hm scape: oo.~m me om.ma a oe.~m mm mm.sm hm some m z a z m z a z vacuum vacuum museumm Hence amusumz amusumz Housumz Emmumm umauamz mqo mace auom umamm cflmwuo mo haaemm mo musuosuum fl cflmflno m0 maaemm mo munuosuum pam.&mmumMImamm GmmBumm mfismcoflumaom .OH OHQMB cm. u .00 Aoa. A m A om.v v u we Nmm.m u «x 64 Aoo.ooav mma loo.ooav mm Aoo.ooav on Aoo.ooav mm mamuoa mm.m ma ~H.~H e em.aa m m>.m N 30A He.>m mm mm.hm ma vm.ao he vm.om hm scape: mm.mm em om.om OH ~m.m~ om m~.mv «N nmfim m z w z m z w z pmuopcwm maamsuom m 5 a m Emmumm Hence no Ham Ham H muw>e umamm Hammamm Ham um uoz mo mewsouo awn; Hmnumm Scum uuommsm "urn it do amazouo c033 umnumm Eoum uuommsm pm>flmomm ucmpcommom Hmnumnz new Emmummlmamm censumm mflnmcofluwamm .HH manna 65 an. u .00 fine. A m A 0H.v v u we moa.m u mx Aoo.ooav and Aoo.ooav ha Aoo.ooav om Aoo.ooav on mamuoe om.m pH 00.0 o mm.aa ca Hm.m h 30A oa.mm voa mm.oh NH mm.mm mm mm.me hm Suave: ov.~m mm He.m~ m ~e.v~ Hm HH.~¢ mm swam w z w z w z w Z mamuoa Umumpcwm haamsuod Hammamm Hammamm Emmumm no mum> Imamm appease Ham up “oz a: mcfisouw :mn3 H0200: Scum “Hommsm as mcfl3ou0 cwnz “mayo: Eoum unommsm uuommsm pc>amomm ucmpcommmm Honumnz can ammummlmamm coe3umm masmcowumamm .NH manna 66 use of the following question: Do you feel that your father/father substitute actually helped you in getting ahead in life to make something of yourself? That is, would you say that he was: very helpful helpful not at all helpful actually hindered The same question was asked regarding support from the mother/mother—substitute, data from which are shown in Table 12. Table 11 shows that there exists little relation- ship (.20 > p > .10) between self—esteem and support or lack of support from father when growing up. The greatest proportion of those respondents who said that their father was very helpful or helpful exceeds those who said that their father was not at all helpful or actually hindered for all three levels of self-esteem. Data in Table 12 show that at the .05 level of significance, there is not a statistically significant relationship between self-esteem and whether or not the respondents received support from mother while growing up. The relationship, however, is clearly in the predicted direction and a comparison of Tables 11 and 12 suggests that support from one's mother has more effect upon self- esteem than support from one's father. If within the family or origin, one perceives the mother as being effective, assured, and competent, and 67 as an appropriate model for one's behavior, she will not suffer loss of self-esteem. Data bearing upon the preceding statement are presented in Table 13 as obtained from the following question: While you were a teenager did you feel you wanted to be like your mother/mother substitute when you grew up, or different from her? like this woman different from this woman Table 13. Relationship Between Level of Self—Esteem and Whether Respondent Wanted to Be Like Mother Like Mother Self— Like Different Totals Esteem N % N % N % High 36 30.25 24 34.29 60 31.75 Medium 68 57.14 43 61.42 111 58.73 Low 15 12.61 3 4.29 18 9.52 Totals 119 (100.00) 70 (100.00) 189 (100.00) X2 = 3.567 Df = 2 (.20 > p > .10) C = .14 Data in Table 13 show little statistical relation— ship (.20 > p > .10) between self—esteem and whether res- pondents wanted to be like or different from mother while 68 growing up. There is little difference between the pro- portion of those respondents who wanted to be like mother and those who wanted to be different in the high and medium levels of self-esteem. However, for those of the low level of self—esteem, the proportion of those who wanted to be like mother exceeds those within the same level who wanted to be different. If the mother of the family of origin was the total income earner for the family, for those employed women, the role of "provider" may serve in denoting a sense of "worthiness," thus increasing the level of self— esteem. Therefore, Table 14 presents data which show whether there is a relationship between self-esteem and respondents' mother as total income earner for the family. Data in the following table were obtained from the follow— ing question: Was there ever a time when you were growing up that your mother was the income earner for the family? yes no Table 14 presents data which show the lack of a statistical relationship (.7 > p > .5) between self-esteem and whether mother of respondent was the total income earner for the family of origin. The greatest proportion of the respondents were from families where the mother was not the total income earner at all three levels of self-esteem. 69 Table 14. Relationship Between Self-Esteem and Whether Mother of Respondent was Total Income Earner for Family of Origin Mother as Total Income Earner for Family of Origin Self— Esteem Yes No Totals N % N % N % High 16 26.23 42 33.33 58 31.02 Medium 39 63.93 71 56.35 110 58.82 Low 6 9.84 13 10.32 19 10.16 Totals 61 (100.00) 126 (100.00) 187 (100.00) X = 1.080 Df = 2 (.7 > p > .5) C = .76 If one is perceived as a successful student by his peers during adolescence, he may later aspire to higher goals during adulthood, hence producing the possibility of a high level of self-esteem. To this expectation, Tables 15, 16, 17, and 18 are addressed. Data presented in these tables were obtained from the following questions: How do you think your teachers, in general, felt about you as a student? Did they think you were a student? good average fair poor 70 The same question was asked regarding the perception of friends and parents/parent-substitutes. In your opinion, were you a student? good average fair poor Data in Table 15 show the lack of a statistical relationship (.7 > p > .5) between self-esteem and the teachers' rating of respondent as a student. This table shows the greatest proportion of respondents exists among those persons who said that their teachers perceived them as a "good student." Table 16 presents data which show the lack of a relationship (.95 > p > .90) between self-esteem and the respondents friends' rating of them as a student. The greatest proportion of the respondents stated that their friends perceived them as either good or average students. Data in Table 17 show the lack of a statistical relationship (.8 > p > .7) between self-esteem and how the parents of respondents perceived them as a student. For this sample, the greatest proportion of those whose parents perceived them as good or average exceeds those whose parents perceived them as fair or less. Data in Table 18 show no significant relationship (.9 > p > .8) between self-esteem and how respondents in the present investigation rated themselves as students. 71 NH. u .00 Am. A m A n.v n ma mom.~ u mx Aoo.ooav mmH Aoo.00Hv om Aoo.ooav Nb Aoo.ooav voa mHmuOB mm.m ma oo.OH N Nh.m h Nm.m 0H 30A ma.mm «Ha oo.o> ea HH.Hm ee vw.mm mm scape: vH.Nm mo oo.om v ha.mm Hm em.mm mm swam w z w z w Z w Z Emoumm mamuoe mqu Ho uflmm mmmuw>< @000 Imamm ucmpsum mMnucwpcommmm mo mcfiumm .mumnomme (bk ucopcommmm mo mcflumm pm>fleouem .mumsomme pew EmmumMImamm comsumm mwcmcowumamm ll ucmpsum m we .ma magma 72 who. u .66 lom. A m A mm.c v n ma mmo.a u Nx loo.ooac «ma loo.ooac ma loo.ooav we loo.ooac mm mamuoe m~.m ma oa.HH m om.oa m o~.m m 30a m~.mm MHH oH.Hp Ha o~.om he oa.mm mm agape: se.~m mm om.n~ m om.m~ MN os.mm mm amfia » z a z w z a z Emmumm mamuos mmmq no name emmum>¢ p000 Imamw ucmpsum mm unopcommmm mo maflumm .mpcmwum ucmpsum m up ucmpcommmm mo mcflumm pm>flmoumm .mpcmwum pew EmmumMImamm cmmsumm mwsmcowumamm .mH manna moa. u .00 An. A m A m.v e n ma mmw.~ u Nx 73 Aoo.ooav mma Aoo.ooav ma Aoo.ooav mm Aoo.ooav mHH mamuoe om.m ma on.m H Hm.~H m oo.m m 30A om.mm mad om.mm OH em.am oe om.nm mm endow: oa.am om o>.m~ v mH.mN 5H om.em mm swam w z w z w z w z Emmumm mamuoe mmoq no uflmm womam>4 p000 nmamm ucmpsum mm ucwpcommmm mo mcflumm .muceumm ucmpsum c we ucmpcommmm mo mcflumm pm>flooumm .mucmumm new Emmummlmamm :mm3umm QHSmGOHumamm .hH wanna 74 moa. u .00 Am. A m A m.v n ma emo.~ u «x Aoo.ooav boa loo.ooav hm noo.ooav Hm loo.ooav mm mamuoe em.m ma HH.HH m HH.HH m nm.n h 30A mm.mm mad sm.mo ma ~m.¢m we mm.mm mm scape: mm.am mp m~.- p Am.sm ow mm.~m mm amen w z w z w z w z Emmumm mamuoe mmmq no uflmm mmmuo>¢ poem umamm unoccum m we mamm mo mcfiumm m.ucmpcommmm Al unmpsum m we mama moumm ucmpcommom 30m can Emmummlmamw cow3umm mflnmcofiumamm .mH manna 75 The proportion of those respondents who perceive themselves as good or average within the high and medium levels of self-esteem exceed those who perceive themselves as fair or less. However, of those who are of a low level of self- esteem, those who perceive themselves as average slightly exceed those who considered themselves good or fair or less. The one factor subsumed under the heading of influence of adolescent experiences which came close to showing a statistically significant relationship to self- esteem is whether the respondent received support from mother while growing up. The other factors under the same heading show little relationship to self-esteem. These are: structure of the family of origin; whether respondent received support from father while growing up; whether respondent wanted to be like or different from mother while growing up; whether mother of respondent was total income earner for family of origin; and perception of success as a student by teachers, peers, parents, and self. The paucity of factors showing a relationship to self-esteem presented in the preceding section suggests that there may be little influence of adolescent experiences on self-esteem. The following section will pursue possi- bilities of a relationship of other factors to self-esteem. These factors are subsumed under the heading of influence of success in current roles. 76 Influence of Success in Current Roles on Self—Esteem The number of times married, for those women who have been married two times or more, may suggest tenden- cies toward low self-esteem based on a feeling of failure in one or both marriages. Table 19 shows data which examine the relationship between the number of times married and self-esteem. The respondents were asked the following question: Is this your first marriage? yes no What are the dates of your marriages, separations or divorces? Marriages lst month day year 2nd 3rd 4th Separations/Divorces lst month day year 2nd 3rd 4th Data presented in Table 19 show no statistically significant relationship (.10 < p < .20) between self-esteem and the number of times married. These data show that for each level of self-esteem those women having been married 77 Table 19. Relationship Between Self~Esteem and the Number of Times Married Number of Times Married g:::;m One Time TE: 3::23 Totals N % N % N % High 45 29.22 18 43.90 63 32.31 Medium 92 59.74 21 51.22 113 57.95 Low 17 11.04 2 4.88 19 9.74 Totals 154 (100.00) 41 (100.00) 195 (100.00) x2 = 3.827 Df = 2 (.10 < p < .20) cc - .12 only one time exceed the number of those who have been married two times or more. The direction of whatever relationship exists between self-esteem and number of times married appears to be the opposite of that expected. A relationship between the level of self-esteem and the perceived importance of mother and/or wife roles would suggest the selection of the familial role as one in which these women need to succeed in order to think well of themselves. Data bearing upon the preceding statement are presented in Tables 20 and 21 and were secured from the following question: 78 (for unmarried women only) When you compare yourself with the group of women selected above, how would you rank the following as of importance to you? being a mother being employed having lots of friends (for married women only) When you compare yourself with that group of women selected above, how would you rank the following as of importance to you? being a wife being a mother being employed having lots of friends Table 20. Relationship Between Self-Esteem and Importance of "Being a Wife" "Being a Wife" Self— lst 2nd Total Esteem N % N % N % High 22 44.00 14 42.42 36 43.37 Medium 25 50.00 17 51.52 42 50.60 Low 3 6.00 2 6.06 5 6.03 Totals 50 (100.00) 33 (100.00) 83 (100.00) x2 = .021 Df = 2 (.93 < p < .99) cc. = .0157 79 Data in the preceding table show the lack of a statistically significant relationship between self-esteem and the importance assigned to being a wife. These data show no real differences between the percentages of those women who ranked the role of being a wife of first or second importance. Table 21 . Relationship Between Self—Esteem and Importance of "Being a Mother" Ranking of "Being a Mother" Self— lst 2nd Totals Esteem N % N % N % High 33 26.19 27 47.37 16 8.65 - Medium 82 65.08 25 43.86 109 58.92 Low 11 8.73 5 8.77 60 32.43 Totals 126 (100.00) 57 (100.00) 185 (100.00) x2 = 9.836 Df = 2 (.001 < p < .01) cc. .26 Tested at the .05 level of significance, Table 21 presents data which show a statistically significant rela- tionship between self-esteem and the importance assigned to being a mother. Those who ranked "being a mother" first appear to have lower self-esteem than those who ranked this role as being less important. It may be that 80 unemployed heads of household with lower self-esteem are disprOportionately highly represented among those who rank the role of being a mother first. The presence of children within the household also relates to the successful performance of the familial role, in that there exists someone to provide for and to counsel. Table 22 presents data bearing upon the preceding statement. The respondents were asked the following question: How many children of your own are living with you? Table 22. Relationship Between Self-Esteem and Presence of Children Within Household 1—__—.—_.—==:==: Number of Children at Home Self- None One or More Totals Esteem N % N % N % High 6 26.09 57 32.58 63 31.82 Medium 14 60.87 101 57.71 114 58.08 Low 3 13.04 17 9.71 20 10.10 Totals 23 (100.00) 175 (100.00) 197 (100.00) x2 = .527 Df = 2 (.8 > p > .7) cc. = .0515 81 According to the data presented in Table 22, there is no relationship between self-esteem and the pres- ence of children within the household for this sample. To be employed may produce a secure feeling, in that employment is a means toward providing for a family. Data presented in Table 23 show whether there exists a relationship between the importance of being employed and self-esteem. Data in this table were obtained from the questions preceding Tables 20 and 21. Table 23. Relationship Between Self-Esteem and Importance of "Being Employed" Ranking of "Being Employed" Self— lst 2nd Totals Esteem N % N % N % High 21 31.34 33 48.53 54 40.00 Medium 39 58.21 29 42.65 68 50.37_ Low 7 10.45 6 8.82 13 9.63 Totals 67 (100.00) 68 (100.00) 135 (100.00) X2 = 4.207 Df = 2 (.20 > p > .10) CC. = .173 Table 23 presents data which show little relation- ship (.20 > p > .10) between self-esteem and the importance of being employed. To the extent that any relationship 82 is indicated, it is in the opposite direction from what would be expected if being employed increased self-esteem. The lack of relationship for the sample as a whole may result from the fact that employment apparently has a different meaning for women who are or are not heads of household. The perceived adequacy of income may affect a sense of "well being" and success in providing for a family. Thus, Tables 24 and 25 show whether or not there are stat- istical relationships between those factors and self-esteem for both employed and unemployed respondents. Data in these tables were obtained from the question: Do you feel that your job offers the kind of salary for you to adequately provide for your family? That is, would you say that it is: very adequate adequate somewhat adequate inadequate The same question was asked of unemployed women, substi- tuting the terms "job" with "source/sources of income" and "money"‘with "salary." From the data presented in Table 24, there is a lack of relationship (.7 > p > .5) between self-esteem and perceived adequacy of income for employed women. The greatest proportion of the employed women perceiVed the income as very adequate or adequate rather than somewhat adequate or inadequate. 83 mva. .00 Am. A m A n.v v u we emm.~ u mx Aoo.ooav boa Aoo.ooav em Aoo.ooav mm loo.ooav em mamuoa He.m m ha.e a om.o m NH.HH o 30q bv.om em ha.em ma ~o.mm ha vv.ve em Edens: NH.Hv we mo.av ca mv.em oH vv.ev em comm w z w z w z m z .3..oe m..=sms..0 Mwmwwmmw $0.9swse ewwwwm mumsvam aum> momscopm pw>fimoumm Apewoamfimv maoocH mo momsvmpd pm>flmoumm can Emmummumamm cmmzuwm mwnmcowumamm .vm manna 84 VAN. n .00 Am. A m A m.v e u we ovv.m u Nx loo.ooav as Aoo.ooav hm Aoo.ooav mm Aoo.ooav ma mamuoa mm.~H m HH.HH m mm.ma e HH.HH ~ 30A mm.mo me >~.mo ma em.mm ma oo.om m Ensues vm.m~ 5H m~.m~ o mm.ma v mm.mm h swam m z w z w z w z mamuoe mumscmpmcH mucscmpm mumsmmpm Eowumm umn3mfiom Imamm mumscmpd muw> momsvmpd pw>flmonmm Anemoamfimcov mEoocH mo >omscmp4 pm>amouem can Emmummnmamm cmmzumm mwnmcoflumamm .mm manna 85 Table 25 presents data which show little relation- ship (.5 > p > .3) between self-esteem and perceived adequacy of income for unemployed respondents in the present study. The proportion of the unemployed respondents who perceived their income as somewhat adequate or inadequate is much higher than among those who are employed (See Table 24). Since individuals tend to view success of role performance in the eyes of others, one may assume that one's neighbors' perception of his job affects his level of self-esteem. Table 26 presents data which show whether there is a relationship between neighbors' perception of the respondents' job and self-esteem. These data were obtained from the following question: Do you think that your neighbors regard your job as: a very good job a good job a fairly decent job a poor job Data presented in Table 26 show that there is not a statistically significant relationship (.20 > p > .10) between self-esteem and neighbors' perception of respondents' job. For this sample, the proportion of those whose neighbors perceived their job as "a good job" is greater than those whose neighbors perceived their job as a "less than good" job, but this variable does not appear to be closely related to self-esteem. 86 Table 26. Relationship Between Self-Esteem and Neighbors' Perception of Job Perceived Adequacy of Job g:::;m A GOOd JOb Aeggdnggan Totals N % N % N % High 29 42.03 14 42.42 43 42.16 Medium 32 46.38 19 57.58 51 50.00 Low 8 11.59 0 0.00 8 7.84 Totals 69 (100.00) 33 (100.00) 102 (100.00) x2 = 4.387 Df = 2 (.20 > p > .10) cc. = .203 Occupational prestige as based on the position held may affect one's level of self-esteem. Occupational prestige scores for the present sample ranged from 4 to 84.55 The scores were broken down into the three levels of high, medium and low prestige. Data regarding the relationship of occupational prestige to self-esteem are presented in Tables 27 and 28. 55The occupational prestige scores were secured in accordance with those found in Appendix A and B of Albert J. Reiss, Jr., Occupation and Social Status (New York: The Free Press, 1961), pp. 263-75. It contains 425 occupations with the socio-economic index numbers for each. 87 pomonEm HOm mmfiummum Hmcofiummsooo paw EmmumMImawm c0m3umm manmcoHumHom mmflummum Hoc0fiummsooo mo mam>mq ill mum. A o A om.c u no mmo.s u «x Zoo.ooav om Aoo.ooav ma Zoo.ooav om Zoo.ooav NH mamuoa oo.~H m oH.HH m oo.ma m om.m a 30A oo.mm mm oa.am Ha oo.mm n o>.mm m scape: oo.mm ma om.nm m oo.om ca oo.m~ m cm“: w Z M Z w Z w Z Emmumm mamuoa 30g Epsom: swam Inflow paonmmsom «0 meme: .hm manna 88 mHm. u .00 How. A m A om.v e u we hm>.m u «x Hoo.00Hv Hm Hoo.QOHV mH Hoo.00HV mH Hoo.OOHv mH mHmuoe oo.~ H oo.o o om.m H oo.o o 30H oo.Hm on oo.om m 05.00 0H om.mm n EsHpmz oo.se em oo.om m os.o~ s 0H.Ho HH aon m z w z w z m z Emoumm mHmuoa 30H Edemz nmwm IuHmm mmflummum HMGOHummsooo mo mHm>0H pHonmmsom mo mommmucoz pmmonEm new mmHummum HmcoHummsooo can EmmummuuHom we mHnmcoHuMHmm .mm mHnme 89 To obtain the respondents' occupation the follow— ing question was asked: What kind of work do you do? The interviewers were instructed to get the specific job title also. Data presented in Table 27 show the lack of a significant relationship (.5 > p > .30) between self- esteem and occupational prestige for employed heads of household. It is interesting to note the reversal pattern for occupational prestige within this group as compared with the neighbors' perception of their job as presented in Table 26. The neighbors tend to hold their jobs in higher esteem than their "actual" level of occupational prestige would warrant. National prestige rankings may not be important in the reference groups used by this sample. Table 28 presents data which show the lack of a relationship (.30 > p > .20) between self-esteem and oc— cupational prestige for employed non-heads of household. From these data one may see that the greatest preportion of high and low occupational prestige levels exist within the high level of self-esteem. For those respondents within the medium level of self-esteem, the greatest proportion exists within the medium and low levels of occupational prestige. This is a reversal of the pattern of relationship in the preceding table. One's perception of the social class to which he 90 feels he belongs may serve as a determinant of his level of self-esteem. Table 29 shows data testing if there does exist a relationship between perceived social class and the level of self-esteem. Data in this table were secured from the following question: To which of the following social classes do you belong? upper middle lower As tested at the .05 level of significance, data in Table 29 do not show a statistically significant rela— tionship between self-esteem and the selected social class for the present investigation. In examining this rela- tionship, however, these data clearly show a greater pro— portion of those respondents who considered themselves of the upper and middle social class as having high self- esteem. Three-fourths of those who saw themselves as lower class fall in the medium range of self—esteem. A sense of satisfaction with an individual's family's standard of living may imply her perception of being a "provider" based on whatever source of income there may be, but this should be especially true for those women who are employed. Table 30 presents data for examining the possibility of a relationship between satis- faction with the family's standard of living and the level of self-esteem. Data in this table were obtained from the following question: 91 Hm. u .00 Amo. A Q A H.v H MD hmm.m n Nx Hoo.ooav mma Hoo.ooHv Nv Aoo.ooav mNH Hoo.ooav 5H mHmuOB vm.oa ON - va.b m ov.NH ma mm.m H 304 mm.hm moa ma.wh Nm m¢.mm mm $0.50 m ESHGOZ mm.Hm mm hm.oH b HH.vm wv mo.h¢ m 50H: m Z w Z w Z w Z emwnwmm Hmuoe nmzoq oHoon Home: -mHmm mmMHU HMHUOW CTHUOHQW «all P null mmmHU HMHUOm pmuomHmm can EmmummIMHmm cmmkpmm mflnmcoHHMHmm .mm QHHMB ‘flduiyxj 1|“..qu 35‘ 4:1. .. _. 92 mm. H .00 AND. A m A mo.v HQ mmh.NH n Nx Hoo.ooav mmH Aoo.OOHV om AO0.00HV mm AO0.00HV mm mHmuOB 0H.OH mH oo.mH m mo.w m ma.m N 304 m¢.bm mOH oo.Nm Hm Hw.om ow mm.mv 5H EQHUOZ mv.~m Ho oo.o~ oH Hm.Hm Hm mN.Hm om amHm w Z w Z N Z w Z mHmuoe ooHumHummmHo oonmHumm ooHumHumm smoomm HMQBmEOm umn3oEom mum> IMHmm oaH>Hq mo oumoemum m.mHHsmm auHs coHuooumHuom m.>HHEwm nqu coHuommmHumm paw EmeummuMHmm mo Hm>mH :mm3umm mwanOHHMHom ocH>Hq mo ppmppmum .om manna 93 How do you feel about your family's standard of living-~the kind of house, clothing, car, oppor- tunities for your children and so on? very satisfied somewhat satisfied somewhat dissatisfied neither satisfied nor dissatisfied Data in Table 30 show a statistically significant (.05 > p > .02) relationship in the predicted direction between self-esteem and the respondents' level of satis- faction with family's standard of living. The proportion of those respondents who said that they were either very satisfied or somewhat satisfied exceeds the proportion who said that they were somewhat dissatisfied or less. Those factors which show a significant relationship to self-esteem under the heading of influence of success in current roles are: importance of being a mother and satisfaction with family's standard of living. Those factors which show a relationship that is close to being statistically significant are: number of times married; neighbor's perception of respondent's job; social class identification and importance of being employed. The factors which show a lack of relationship to self-esteem are: importance of being a wife; the presence of children within the household; perceived adequacy of income and occupational prestige. 94 Summary This chapter was a presentation of the results of the present investigation. The results were presented in two sections: testing of major working hypotheses as prefaced by analysis of data bearing on the summary of argument, and a descriptive analysis showing a relationship or the lack of a relationship between certain general factors to self-esteem. The following chapter will con- sist of the summary and conclusions for the present investigation. CHAPTER V SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS The problem of this thesis was derived from a cri- tical review of literature which suggests that the principal weaknesses of the black family are its instability, the number of illegitimate children it produces, and its matriarchal structure. While this literature suggests that the level of self-esteem of black women heads of household should be low because of these principal weaknesses, and assumes that these women use white reference groups in assessing the self, too much emphasis may have been directed toward the weaknesses, with complete neglect of certain assets and strengths which may exist within this type of household. As derived from a critical review of the literature, the present investigation was centered around three basic questions: 1. How does the black woman perceive the role as head of the household? 2. How does the black woman perceive the "self" as derived from the role as head of the household? and 3. Does the maternal household situation inhibit the enhancement of self-esteem on the part of the black woman? 95 96 The sample for this investigation consisted of 200 black women who reside in Grand Rapids, Michigan, which has a population of 197,649 residents. Of this total population, 10 per cent constitute the black population. A review of a relevant study was presented which suggested the need for the present study in which reference group and other variables which may affect the level of self—esteem of black women heads of household were investigated. A theoretical orientation from the interactionist perspective was presented which included an interrelated set of concepts: self-other theory, self—esteem, and self- esteem maintenance. From the theoretical orientation an argument and two major hypotheses were developed and tested. b/ The major variables operationalized in this study were: level of self-esteem, presence or absence of husband, employment status, occupational prestige, number of children within the household, structure of family from which the subjects come, and reference group used in self- assessment. The theoretical orientation which was the basis of this investigation prOposed that self—esteem is a product of social experiences which are organized around social roles, all of which are not equally important for self- esteem maintenance. Individuals select certain roles from a number of roles based on criteria of achievement in 97 those roles as defined by their reference group. However, to some extent, individuals may select the normative and comparative reference group used in the self-esteem main- tenance process. The two major hypotheses were as follows: General Hypothesis l There will be no significant difference between the level of self-esteem of black women who are employed with one or more children to support and the complete absence of a husband, and black women who are not heads of household with one or more children and the presence of a husband. General Hypothesis 2 Black women who are heads of household who are unemployed will exhibit a lower level of self- esteem than either black women heads of household who are employed or those married black women who are not heads of household. The analytical procedure for testing the two major hypotheses involved grouping the subjects on the independent variables (presence—absence of husband and employment status), assigning numerical scores to the 23 self-esteem items included in the interview schedule, and dividing the scores into three levels of self—esteem (high, medium, and low). The presentation of the results of the present study included data bearing on the summary of argument which led to testing of the major hypotheses and a descriptive analysis which examined those general factors affecting self-esteem. Relevant statistical data and tests indicated 98 empirical support for the two major hypotheses for guiding the study. However, in giving a descriptive account of the self-esteem maintenance process, very few variables analyzed affect self-esteem of black women in this study. The one factor subsumed under the heading of influence of adolescent experiences which came close to showing a statis- tically significant relationship to self-esteem is whether the respondent received support from mother while growing up. Other factors under the same heading showing little relationship to self-esteem are: structure of family of origin; whether respondent received support from father while growing up; whether mother of respondent was total income earner for family of origin; and perception of success of respondent as a student by teachers, peers, parents, and self. Those factors subsumed under the heading of influence of success in current roles which showed a statistically significant relationship to self-esteem are importance of being a mother and satisfaction with family's standard of living. Those factors which show a relationship that is close to being statistically significant are: number of times married, neighbors' perception of respondent's job, social class identification, and importance of being employed. Items in the summary of argument which preceded the testing of the major hypotheses were supported by the data presented which serves to support the theoretical orientation from which they were derived. H Ill}; .b. I .. ll’.’ 3!qu 5'4 . . n . nu, 99 The results of this investigation warrant two major conclusions: For black women, the reference group used in self-assessment is other black women and the matriarchally structured family does not lower the level of self-esteem among black women. There remains a lot to be learned about the self-esteem maintenance process. However, results of this study indicate that self—esteem maintenance is a reference group process. Further pursuit of this process could prove to be beneficial both theoretically and substantively for sociology. h This investigation focused upon the important theoretical issue of the self-esteem maintenance process. It contributes to the understanding of this process among black women. A better understanding of this process should advance social psychological theory regarding the self as well as providing information that should prove useful in both policy development and policy implementation in poverty programs. While it cannot be assumed that the problem which initiated this investigation is resolved by it, this investigation is a start in that direction. There may be some limitations of the instrument used for measuring self-esteem in the present investigation based on the fact that the relationships that were statis- tically significant were not statistically strong, e.g., Table 9 (employment status to self-esteem) and that rela- tively few of the other variables measured related to self- esteem. The instrument used in this study was derived from 100 other self-esteem measures (See p. 42) which were designed for measuring self-esteem among college students. There- fore, it might be that the development of an instrument for measuring self-esteem for a sample having lower educa- tional levels might produce a better measure for the kind of sample used. It might also be possible to develop a measure with greater reliability and validity. In addition, this investigation was limited to a sample of 200 black women from a single midwestern city. More in-depth gen- eralizations may have been made were the sample larger and regionally extended. This research endeavor should encourage the initiation of a larger study which should involve comparisons of black and white women in southern areas (both urban and rural) with black and white women in northern areas. Given that the two major working hypotheses for guiding this research were supported within the above limi- tations, similar and other questions may be advanced for future research. In contrast to the situation of the sample used in this research, for white women there may be greater negative attitudes toward the maternal household situation based on the values placed on this type of family. In addition, because of the possibility of fewer encounters of discrimination and unemployment on the part of the _ white woman, there may be racial differences between those factors which affect the level of self-esteem among both black and white women. The paucity of diverse occupational 101 opportunities in rural areas in contrast to urban areas also suggests differences in the self-esteem maintenance process among individuals within these areas as it relates to the familial role of women who are heads of household. Examples of questions for future research are as follows: 1. Are there regional and racial differences between those factors which affect the level of self- esteem among women? How does the white woman perceive the role as head of the household? How does the white woman perceive the "self" as derived from the role as head of the household? Does the maternal household situation inhibit the enhancement of self-esteem on the part of the white woman? and ' Are there differences between rural and urban areas in the self-esteem maintenance process as it relates to the familial role? BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY Banks, James A. and Grambs, Jean. Black Self-Concept: Implications for Education and the Social Sciences. 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Institute for Social Research, The University ofiMichigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan August, 1969. Rosenberg, Morris. Societyfiand the Adolescent Self-Image. Princeton, N. J.: Pfinceton University Press, 1965. and Simmons, Robert G. Black and White Self-Esteem: The Urban School Child. Monograph Series. Washington, D. C.: American Sodiological Association, July, 1971. Secord, Paul F. and Backman, Carl. Social Psychology. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1964. Sherwood, John J. "Self-Identity and Referent Others." Sociometry, Vol. XXVIII (March, 1965). Sills, Daniel. International Encyclopedia of the Sgcial Sciences. Vol. XIV. New York: The Macmillan Company and the Free Press, 1968. Staples, Robert. "The Myth of the Black Matriarchy." The Black Scholar, 2 (February, 1970). 105 Stotland, Ezra et al. "The Effects of Group Expectations and Self-Esteem Upon Self-Evaluation." Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, Vol. LIV, No. 1 (January, 1957). Thomas, W. I. and Znaniecki, F. The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, Vol. III. New York: Dover Pub- Iications, 1958. U. S. Bureau of the Census. Census of Housing 1970 Black Statistics Final Report HC (3) 122, Grand Rapids, Michigan, UrbanizatiOn Area. Washington, D. C., 1971. . 1970 Census quopulation and Housing, Grand Rapids, Michigan. SMSA, Washington, D. C., 1971. U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. Detailed Characteristics of the Population. Washington, D. C., 1960. Watkins, Mel and David, Jay. To Be a Black Woman: Por- traits in Fact and Fiction. New York: William Morrow and Company, Inc., 1970. Wylie, Ruth. The Self-Concept. Lincoln: The University of Nebraska Press, 1961. Yinger, J. Milton. Toward a Theggy of Behavior. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company,*1965. APPENDIX A SELF-ESTEEM ITEMS 10. 11” 12. 106 SELF-ESTEEM ITEMS Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree , strongly disagree ) that you are a person of worth as compared Wlth that group of women? Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree , strongly disagree ) that you have a number of good qualities as compared with that group of women? Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree , strongly disagree ) that you are able to do things (in general) as weIl as that group of women? Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree , strongly disagree ) that you have much to be proud of as compared with other women? All in all, do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree , strongly disagree ) that you are inclined to feel that you are a failure? Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree , strongly disagree ) that you sometimes wish that you could have more respect for yourself? On the whole, do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree , strongly disagree ) that you are satisfied with yourself? Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree , strongly disagree ) that you feel useless at times? Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree , strongly disagree ) that you are liked by most people? Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree , strongly disagree ) that in order to get along and to be liked by people, you try to do what you think they would expect of you? Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree , strongly disagree ) that you are afraid to let people know what you are really like for fear that they would be disappointed in you? Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree , strongly disagree ) that when someone says nice things about you, you find it hard to believe that they really mean it? 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 107 Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree I strongly disagree ) that you can become so absorbed in your daily actiVities that it doesn't bother you to not have any intimate friends? Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree strongly disagree ) that you worry about what people think of you? Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree strongly disagree ) that you feel shy and self- conscious in social Situations? Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree strongly disagree ) that you feel self-conscious when you are with people whom you think are in a superior position? Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree strongly disagree ) that when you are in a group, you are hesitant to talk too much, for fear of saying the wrong thing? Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree strongly disagree ) that one must be strong in order to achieve his goals in life? Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree strongly disagree ) that by being on the same level of other people helps you to establish a good relationship with them? Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree strongly disagree ) that you try to live by your friends' standard of living? Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree strongly disagree ) that most of your friends react more favorably to you than they react to other people? Do you (strongly agree , agree , disagree strongly disagree ) that there is not much use in trying hard to pIease people because if they are going to like you, they will anyway? "Every person has some idea of what it means to be a success in our society." Do you (strongly agree I I I I I agree , disagree , strongly disagree 5 that you are a success at present? APPENDIX B DEMOGRAPHIC ITEMS 108 DEMOGRAPHIC ITEMS How old are you? What is your marital status? married separated divorced Is this your first marriage? yes no (If no, omit 4) What is the date of your marriage? month day year What are the dates of your marriages and separations or divorces? Marriages lst month day year 2nd 3rd 4th Separations/divorces lst month day year 2nd 3rd 4th 9. 10. 11. 12. 109 How many children do you have altogether (at home plus away)? How many children of your own are living with you? What is the highest grade you completed in school? Elementary - 1 2 3 4 5 6 Junior High - 7 8 9 Senior High - 10 11 12 College - l 2 3 4 Graduate School: Specify length of time and degree Other specialized training for your job - specify Which of the following categories most accurately describes the place you lived in for most of your teen-age years (12 - 19)? 50,000 or more in population size 2,500 to 49,999 less than 2,500 farm What state were you born in? What state did you live in for most of your teen-age years? How long have you lived in this city? 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 110 Where did you live before moving to this city? How long have you lived in this house? What members of this household are employed? What is the monthly income of each? What kind of work does each one of these pe0p1e do? person kind of work Do you have other sources of income? yes no If yes, what are the other sources of income? APPENDIX C SOCIAL BACKGROUND AND FAMILY HISTORY ITEMS 111 SOCIAL BACKGROUND AND FAMILY HISTORY ITEMS Did you live with both natural parents during most of your teen-age years? yes no (If no, determine the living environment of respondent and go to next item) Did you live with either natural parent during most of your teen-age years? yes no (If no, determine the living environment of respondent and go to next item) Which parent? mother only father only mother and step-father father and step-mother (If mother only, go to 4; if father only, go to 5). Who acted as your father, that is, what one man had the most to do with bringing you up? (Get information as to the relationship of this person to respondent) Who acted as your mother, that is, what one woman had the most to do with bringing you up? (Get information as to the relationship of this person to respondent) 10. 11. 12. 112 Describe the type of work that your father-father substitute did for a living during your teen-age years. (Circle either father or father substitute above. Repeat for all following substitute items.) Approximately how many years of schooling were com- pleted by your: father or father-substitute Approximately how many years of schooling were com- pleted by your: mother or mother-substitute Did your mother ever work when you were growing up? yes no Was there ever a time when you were growing up that your mother was the income earner for the family? yes no While you were a teen-ager did you feel you wanted to be like your mother/mother-substitute when you grew up, or different from her? like this woman different from this woman Do you feel that your father/father-substitute actually helped you in getting ahead in life--to make something of yourself? That is, would you say that he was: very helpful helpful not at all helpful actually hindered 113 13. Do you feel that your mother/mother-substitute actually helped you to get ahead in 1ife--to make something of yourself? That is, would you say that she was: very helpful helpful not at all helpful actually hindered 14. Think of five people outside of your immediate family that you care most about and get together with most often. How many of these people are: relatives people at work people in your neighborhood others (indicate how the respondents interact with these people) 15. How many close friends do you have living in this city? 16. How do you think your teachers, in general, felt about you as a student? Did they think you were a student? good average fair poor 114 17. How do you think your friends, in general, felt about you as a student? Did they think you were a student? good average fair poor 18. How do you think your parents/parent-substitutes, in general, felt about you as a student? Did they think you were a student? good average fair poor 19. In your own opinion, were you a student? good average fair poor APPENDIX D REFERENCE GROUP USED AND ROLES SELECTED IN SELF-ASSESSMENT ITEMS 115 REFERENCE GROUP USED AND ROLES SELECTED IN SELF-ASSESSMENT ITEMS 1. When thinking of yourself as a successful or unsuccess- ful (mother, wife, or provider) with what group of women do you compare yourself? (Read whichever of the above words is applicable) black women you know black women in general white women you know white women in general (2 is for unmarried women only) 2. When you compare yourself with the group of women selected above, how would you rank the following as of importance to you? being a mother being employed having lots of friends (3 is for married women only) 3. When you compare yourself with the group of women selected above, how would you rank the following as of importance to you? being a wife being a mother being employed having lots of friends 4. 116 Considering your present situation, rank the follow- ing groups with which you would like to be compared in the order black black white white In what ways as a mother? of importance to you. women who are heads of household women who have husbands women who are heads of household women who have husbands are you successful and/or unsuccessful In what ways are/were you successful and/or unsuccess- ful as a wife? How do you feel about spending time away from your children, even though you have to work to provide for them? Would you say you feel: very satisfied somewhat satisfied somewhat dissatisfied very dissatisfied neither satisfied nor dissatisfied APPENDIX E PERCEPTION OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC LEVEL ITEMS 117 PERCEPTION OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC LEVEL ITEMS 1. Do you feel that your job offers the kind of salary for you to adequately provide for your family? That is, would you say that it is: very adequate adequate somewhat adequate inadequate (Ask question 2 of those women who have sources of income other than job) 2. Do you feel that the source/sources of income offer enough money for you to adequately provide for your family? That is, would you say that it is: very adequate adequate somewhat adequate inadequate 3. Do you think that your neighbors regard your job as: a very good job a good job a fairly decent job a poor job 4. Which one of the following social classes do you belong to? upper middle lower 118 5. How do you feel about your family's standard of living-- the kind of house, clothing, car, opportunities for your children and so on? very satisfied somewhat satisfied somewhat dissatisfied neither satisfied or dissatisfied "Turmmmas