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This is to certify that the
thesis entitled
URBAN PLACE FELLOWSHIP: AN EXAMPLE OF A

COMMUNITARIAN SOCIAL STRUCTURE

presented by

w. RUSSELL HARRIS, III

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

__P1L_D..__degree in Continuing Education

 

Date February 22, 1973

 

0—7639

ABSTRACT

URBAN PLACE FELLOWSHIP: AN EXAMPLE

OF A COMMUNITARIAN SOCIAL STRUCTURE

BY

W. Russell Harris, III

Urban Place Fellowship (U.P.F.) is a modern utopian
collectivity similar in many ways to the utopian experiments
of the 19th Century, however, with several distinctive
features. It is located in a major American city and the
members of U.P.F. hold a wide range of jobs in the city.
Because of the utOpian structure and urban location, U.P.F.
may offer an alternate social system to support the members'
vocational autonomy.

The purpose of the study is to examine the structure
of U.P.F. and note any effect on the autonomy of the members
in their work roles due to the group structure. It does
this in two stages. First, the literature on the 19th
Century utOpias is examined. This literature and Loomis'
social system model reveal six structural characteristics
associated with group longevity. In the second stage, these

are used to investigate the structure of U.P.F. and any

W. Russell Harris, III

effect it may have on member vocational autonomy. These
variables were available to the research team for their
investigations and participant—observer visits to U.P.F.
over a three year period. The findings may be summarized
according to the variables as follows:

(1) Philosophy and Goals: The Fellowship was con-
ceived by the members both as means of "radical Christian"
discipleship to others and as an end in itself to be
eXpressed in the quality of relationships among the members.
Both of these constituted shared norms by which the members
evaluated their behavior. These were judged to be supportive
of group longevity in comparison to the inadequate self—
interest goals of the members of some of the rural
socialisms.

(2) Systemic Linkage and Boundary Maintenance: An
analysis of U.P.F.'s economic support system revealed how the
employee status of members plus a commitment to a "welfare"
level standard of living by the members generated a "cushion"
of income over expenses. This did not eliminate potentially
fatal conflicts of interest with absentee sponsors such as
those which proved fatal to some of the rural socialisms.
However, it minimized them in a similar way to that of the
long-lived religious utopias.

(3) Income Allocation: The economic distribution
system at U.P.F., known as the "common purse," in conjunction

with the income "cushion," effectively minimized economic

W. Russell Harris, III

conflicts of interests among the members and helped avoid
the plight of some rural socialisms.

(4) Articulation of the Community System: Member
conflicts regarding power and status were also minimized but
not eliminated at U.P.F. by several mechanisms including a
system of rotating eXpertise authority, a decentralized
influence structure and a common ownership of prOperty,
which prevented members of differential influence from
acquiring the visible symbols of status and power.

(5) Selection and Socialization of Members: The
data revealed a unique selection and socialization mechanism
at U.P.F., the "intentional neighbor relationship." This
permitted a flexible and elongated anticipatory socialization
process for candidates which was unavailable to the isolated
rural utopias. This was judged adequate for the comprehen-
sive membership process required by highly articulated
groups such as U.P.F. and promised to fulfill the manpower
and commitment requirements needed for longevity.

In each of the variables, U.P.F. had adOpted
similarly effective measures as had the religious utopias or
had avoided dangers which plagued the socialisms. This per—
mitted U.P.F.'s longevity potential to be judged as similarly
high as the long—lived religious groups.

The other emphasis of the study was member autonomy.
The study defined autonomy as the ability of an actor to

consider an action which he anticipated would result in a

W. Russell Harris, III

negative evaluation of him by the group in question—~thus
challenging a dimension of his self—esteem. The literature
revealed that an actor should require support for such auto-
nomy by two variables:

(1) EXposure to a highly differentiated social
structure to individuate his "self" system as distinct from
the village or collectivity in which he was a member. This
was necessary to permit an actor to conceive of alternatives
to conformity--one requisite of autonomy. It was judged
that some isolated religious utopias did not fulfill this
criterion. However, U.P.F.'s urban location, high degree of
cross-boundary travel and member—vocational roles, all
exposed the members to the highly differentiated urban
social structure and clearly fulfilled this criterion.

(2) The second autonomy variable revealed by the
literature was the actor's location in a social structure of
high articulation. This structure was needed to support him
against challenges to his self—esteem in other social
structures in which he exercised his vocational autonomy.
U.P.F.'s low degree of horizontal and vertical differentia—
tion, its low degree of structural conflict and its low
degree of member isolation were judged to constitute a high
structural articulation, nearly comparable to that of
primitive pre-industrial societies. Thus, it could be
claimed that U.P.F. offered the combination of high articu—

lation, which it enjoyed in common with its counterparts of

W. Russell Harris, III

the previous century, and high differentiation, which was
unique to the utopias due to their rural isolation. The
unique combination permitted a prediction of support for
member autonomy which was strengthened by some observations
of member vocational performance.

The important implication of the study is that a
high articulation urban group is potentially viable and
long—lived and may support members' vocational autonomy.
This constitutes a possible solution to the general problem
of personal and professional responsibility in an institu—

tional and market-place-dominated society.

URBAN PLACE FELLOWSHIP: AN EXAMPLE

OF A COMMUNITARIAN SOCIAL STRUCTURE

BY

W. Russell Harris, III

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

College of Education

1973

Copyright by
w. RUSSELL HARRIS, III

1973

DEDICATION

This study is dedicated to the High School Youth of
Michigan. It was their restlessness which stimulated the
original Visit to the Fellowship. It will be their courage
and Vision, hopefully aided by this study, that will help
motivate the rebuilding of the church and all the social

structures in this state.

ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The author would like to express his thanks to
several people for their help in the study. First, thanks
go to the members of Urban Place Fellowship for their help,
especially Jacob Mission, who arranged the initial visit.

The following helped in the investigation: Bert Russell of
Okemos, Michigan; the Reverand Minoru Mochozuki of Western
Michigan University; the late Mrs. Percy (Jo) Tolsma of
Sturgis, Michigan; Eleanor W. Harris from the United Presby-
terian Headquarters in Philadelphia; my wife Patricia, and
our children Douglas, Andrew and Susanne.

Thanks go to the academic community of Michigan State
University,especially to Frank Blackington, ChristOpher Sower,
and William Faunce for the hypotheses which furnished the
purpose and framework for the study.

Special thanks are reserved for my doctoral committee,
particularly Marvin Grandstaff, the chairman, for his initial
vision and constant guidance; for Russell Kleis, especially
for his vision of the overall problem; to William Sweetland,
for a thorough proofing of the first manuscript; and to Peter
Manning for the direction of the observation and sociological
phase.

My appreciation also goes to the United Presbyterian

iii

Church for a sabbatical leave and financial support and to
the typist, Karen Yurchak, for service "beyond the call of
duty."

Finally, and most important, appreciation goes to
my wife, Patricia, whose willingness to swap family roles
made the whole adventure possible and to our children, who

took over many of my family tasks.

W. Russell Harris, III

iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter Page
I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . 1
Structure . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Longevity . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Autonomy . . 3

Design of the Study and Data Collection
Procedures . . . . . . . . . . 4
The Chapter Organization . . . . . . 13
II. SURVEY OF LITERATURE . . . . . . . . 16
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . 16
The American Utopias . . . . . . . 16

The Data on the 19th Century American

Utopias . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Autonomy in Industrial Society . . . . 64

III. PHILOSOPHY AND GOALS OF URBAN PLACE

FELLOWSHIP . . . . . . . . . . . 79
Geographical Location . . . . . . . 80
History of the Fellowship . . . . . 81
Religious Practice . . . . . . . . 88
Goals of the Participants . . . . . 91
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . 97

IV. SYSTEMIC LINKAGE AND BOUNDARY
MAINTENANCE . . . . . . . . . . . 100

The Relationship of the Fellowship

with Outside Sponsors . . . . . lOl
Conflict Between Urban Place Fellowship

and Absentee Sponsors . . . . . . 118
Conflict Between Members and Mission

Recipients . . . . . . . . . . 127
Conflict Between Members and Absentee

Sponsors . . . . . . . . . . 131
Conflict Between Members and Voca-

tional Colleagues . . . . . . . 133
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . 136

Chapter

V. INCOME ALLOCATION . . . . . . . .

Introduction . . . . . . . . .
The Mechanics of the Common Purse . .
The Reduction of Member Conflicts . .
Summary . . . . . . . . . .

VI. ARTICULATION OF THE COMMUNITY SYSTEM .

The Interaction Norm—-"Openness" . .
The Facilities and the Round of Life
The Social Structure: Status, Power,
and Division of Labor . . . . .
Summary . . . . . . . . . .

VII. SELECTION AND SOCIALIZATION OF MEMBERS .

The History of the Membership Process
The Three Phase Membership Process .
Chapter Summary . . . . . . . .

VIII. SUMMARY OF FINDINGS AND IMPLICATIONS .
Summary of the Group's Structure . .

Summary of the Group's Impact Upon
Autonomy . . . . . . . . .

Some Implications . . . . . . .
Recommendations . . . . . . . .

APPENDICES O C C O O O O O O O O O I

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . .

vi

Page
139
139
140
145
155
158

161
170

192
212

215
217
218
231
234
234
237
244
247
249

267

LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES

Definitions of Structural Variables .
Summary of Longevity Variables . . .

Attributes of 19th Century Communes
Related to Community Longevity . .

A List of Variables Considered in Each
Chapter and Corresponding Categories
in Faunce and Loomis . . . . . .

Estimated Yearly Income and Expenses of
Urban Place Fellowship . . . . .

Territoriality of Urban Place Fellowship

Mechanics of the "Common Purse" . . .

vii

Page
37

38

55

78

119

142

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

Urban Place Fellowshipl (U.P.F.) is a modern utopian
collectivity similar in many ways to the utopian experiments
of the 19th Century, however, with several distinctive
features. It is located in a major American City and the
members of U.P.F. hold a wide range of jobs in the city.
Because of its utopian structure and urban location, U.P.F.
may offer an alternate social system to support the members'
vocational autonomy on their jobs.

The purpose of the study is to examine the structure
of U.P.F. and note any effect on the autonomy of the members
in their work roles. It does this in two stages. First,
the literature on the 19th Century utopias is examined.

This literature and Loomis' social system model reveal six
structural characteristics associated with group longevity.
In the second stage, these are used to investigate the
structure of U.P.F. and any effect of the structure on member

vocational autonomy.

 

lAll proper names in this thesis are code names.

1

Structure

 

U.P.F. represents an attempt to structure a parti—
cular kind of human relationship. An adequate examination
of such an experiment cannot simply describe visible behavior

but must analyze the structural components which support and

 

give rise to such behavior. The term structure refers to
the set of interrelated patterns, positions and expectations
which shape the interaction among the members, between the
members and those outside its boundaries and between the

group and other social units.

Longevity

 

Since U.P.F. appeared to be similar in many ways to
the 19th Century utopian eXperiments, profitable comparisons
might result, it was reasoned. During the 19th Century,
nearly eighty communities attempted to create a different
type of society. Their common characteristic is their desire
to structure a system of cooperation in their groups as
Opposed to what they believed was a "competitive" society
around them. Religious and non-religious groups alike
claimed that the cooperative societies permitted a new style
of responsible behavior. Toward this end each group
attempted to structure a common goal, a physical proximity
of dwellings, and shared economic, social and decision

structures.

However, most of these groups were extremely short
lived, lasting on the average for three to five years. What
were the causes of the failures? Are the same causes of
failure at work in U.P.F. today or has U.P.F. overcome the
problems? If U.P.F. is to continue in its influence both
inside and outside its boundaries, presumably it must con-
tinue to exist and to support its members. Thus it was
decided to examine the literature on the 19th Century groups
with special attention to the factors associated with longe-
vity. These factors could then provide a framework from
which to examine U.P.F.

A review of the literature on the rural utopias
yielded six characteristics which were associated with the
more successful eXperiments. Since these were descriptive
of the basic structural characteristics of the group, it was
determined to be useful to examine U.P.F. to discover how it
had been structured in the six areas and to ask what effect

this might have upon member autonomy.

Autonomy

The autonomy focus is raised to discover whether
U.P.F. could capitalize on its unique urban location by
offering its members an alternate social system to support
their vocational responsibilities. The several writers who
are also concerned about the problem of man's ability to be

responsible in light of social problems are noted in the

review of literature in Chapter II. This literature with
19th Century literature is the context of the question: does
U.P.F. insulate its members from the "pressure" society
places upon peOple for conformity and thus facilitate their
autonomy? Therefore group autonomy is not of primary
interest here since the pluralistic American society has
apparently given U.P.F. the freedom to structure itself in
accord with its own desires. Rather it is an individual
autonomy which will be investigated: the self-governance or
freedom of decision of an individual in the face of social
pressure to conform.

Since the work role is one frequently described in
the literature, it was selected as the area in which to con-
sider the autonomy question. Thus the question becomes:
does U.P.F. SUpport the autonomy of its members on their
jobs? This requires the assumption that appears reasonable:
if one can exercise autonomous judgement on his jowahere
his source of income is potentially at stake) he could exer-
cise autonomy in non—vocational pursuits (where his income
may not be in question).

Design of the Study and Data
Collection Procedures

 

 

A participant-observer method was utilized to gather

data on the Fellowship.2

2For details on this type of method see B. Junker,
ed., Field Work (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1960).

 

At the time of the last visit the group consisted of
fifty—six adults and seventy children. The group is com—
prised of approximately equal numbers of men and women.

They range in age from seventeen to forty-five years. They
live in family units in twelve buildings on several blocks
in the city. (See Figure 1) Most of the buildings are
single dwellings divided into "flats" or family units
(usually one unit on each floor). One of the family units
consists of single male adults, another of single women.

Most of the buildings are owned by the Fellowship.
However, occasionally when additional members join, housing
is not immediately available so the group must rent
buildings. (See Figure 1) This is not considered ideal by
the group but is a temporary way of adjusting until suitable
housing becomes available on the market. Some families
desire to join the group in stages. These are known as
"intentional neighbors" and obtain their own housing in the
neighborhood. (See Figure 1) (This is discussed more fully
in Chapter VII, Selection and Socialization of Members.)

Most of the single adults work in the city as well
as one partner, usually the male, from the husband—wife
family units in the usual middle—class job pattern. Many
work in "people oriented" jobs such as teacher, social
worker, and hospital aide. However, the range includes
engineers, managers and garbage collectors as well.

During the weekdays only the wives and pre—school

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children are home. Two of the women Operate the Fellowship
"Day Nursery" for children of the working mothers in the
neighborhood. Other Fellowship wives attend to routine tasks
of the group such as paying bills or preparing for the
weekly group meal in addition to attending to their usual
family responsibilities. During the day children of school
age are in classes, usually in public schools. However, in
the evenings and weekends most of the members are available
for the Fellowship activities: a "coffee house," a worship
service and a "work day" to repair the group buildings.
During the week the activities include a weekly common meal
and also a weekly evening meeting. Each week a different
family purchases the food (with Fellowship funds) and pre-
pares the meal. (For further discussion see Chapter VI.)

The economic life of the group is characterized by
a common purse in which the members place their wages and
from which each family unit is given a living allowance
based on the number of members in the unit. The group owns
the houses and cars communally. (See Chapter V)

The rationale for these activities is the group's
desire to structure a way of life based on a "radical
Christian discipleship." This ideal is founded on the
Anabaptist theology of the Protestant Reformation and on the
life style of Jesus and his disciples. The radical disciple-
ship is characterized by a commitment by the members of

"every area of their lives to God and mankind,‘ by

equality of the members before God, and by a love for one
another and a concern for the society in which they live.
(See Chapter III for further discussion.)

Fortunately the researcher had a background in
theology and philosophy as an ordained clergyman and thus
was accorded a degree of legitimacy by the group. This
background also helped in the orientation of other
researchers.

The study was an extended one comprising three
visits. The first was a one-week stay (1964). Three adults
(the author, a public educator, and a theologian-faculty
member from Western Michigan University) and twelve high
school youngsters from various cities in Michigan partici-
pated. The research group was mixed male and female, black
and white, higher and lower income level and from both large
and small communities (in Michigan). A planned itinerary
was used so that the researchers were able to participate in
each of the various activities of the Fellowship as well as
at several of the places of employment of the members such
as Brawn State Hospital,3 the local mental hospital. Even
the meals and lodging during the week were arranged so at
least one member of the team boarded or dined with each of
the Fellowship families. The team members utilized

"debriefing" sessions to share their insights and compare

 

3
A code name.

developing theories as well as to keep from losing their
objectivity by the activities of the week.

This first visit was exploratory. Following it, the
systematic study was made of the communitarian groups of the
19th Century. This provided the other two problems, longe—
vity and member autonomy, and the six variables with which
to examine these as well as the structure of the group
itself. A structural outline was then prepared to be used
as a more Specific guide for the second and third visits.

The second stay took place in February of 1969 and
provided a contrast to the first visit which was during the
summer season. The author traveled alone to the group and
found that he was treated almost as if he were an unmarried
individual. This afforded a different View of the Fellow—
ship and was particularly helpful in relating to the single
members who traveled in somewhat different informal circles
from those with family responsibilities. The second visit,
also a week in duration, occurred as the group was dealing
with a problem of size. The group had grown to over thirty
adults (plus children) and they had found that the face-to-
face relationships which they counted as vital had been
eroded by the larger numbers. The decision to try a new
approach was actually reached during the week that the author
was present.

The third and final visit afforded a view of the new

approach after a one-half year "Shakedown" period. This

10

visit was of three weeks duration and the author was able

to take his wife and family and participate more fully in
the predominantly family-centered mode and relationship of
the group. A sensitive young high school student was
selected to accompany the author's family. He was able to
build some significant relationships with several youth in
the neighborhood, both black and white, and obtain their
views on the Fellowship and the position of youth in the
group. He also related to several of the Fellowship's youth
and became acquainted with the range of attitudes they dis—
played toward the group. Another valuable contact with a
different segment of the Fellowship was provided by a col—
league of retirement age who was able to join the research
team for a week and relate to the older members of the
Fellowship.4 Again the nightly debriefing sessions were used
to centralize the data, compare and test theories and to

minimize loss of objectivity.
Collecting the Data

During the three visits, the teams attempted to
maximize the advantages of the participant-observer type of

study. Depth interviews and semi—structured interviews were

 

4She is presently employed by a major church denomina-
tion and brought many years of experience both as officer and
as member of a local church. Her perspective was helpful in
contrasting the Fellowship with the more usual Protestant
church group.

ll

commonly used to supplement the participant role as well as
to enrich the yield of data. The teams were briefed and
made familiar with the primary areas of examination.5 The
teams made note of "key informants'" observations as well as
those of other members. Five such key informants were iden-
tified (three men and two women). These five were char-
acterized by a longer tenure in the group, theological-
historical training, experience in several communal groups
or all three. The observers then cross-checked informants'
comments against their own observations, against their own
feelings as participants and finally against the written
records which were available for the Fellowship as well as
for the subgroups. Finally these findings were compared
with outside sources, such as newspaper reports and per-
ceptions of neighbors.6 Visits to the places of employment
of some of the Fellowship members were also made. On these
visits the researchers actually worked in "helping" roles in
an effort to feel the demands of job-performance, to better
observe the performance of the U.P.F. members and to gather
observations from informants employed on the sites who had

observed members' job-performance over a period of time.

 

SRoy G. Frances, "Administration of Social Science
Research," An Introduction to Social Research, ed. by John T.
Doby (New York: AppIeton-Century Crofts, 1967), p. 363.

The comments in this chapter were very helpful in training
the research staff.

6About a dozen interviews with neighbors were held
at various times.

12

The unstructured interview procedure enabled the
researchers to note inconsistencies between the informants'
comments and data from any of these other sources and to
pursue points of apparent difference. Often this led to
rich yields, especially about informal lines of communica-
tion and informal norms.

Data were gathered at the individual, family, sub—
group and total group level. However, it was the structural
data about the total group which comprised the focus of the

investigation.
Control of the Data

The design used various methods, some of which have
been indicated above, to minimize the shortcomings of the
participant observer method. Debriefing sessions were used
throughout to prevent loss of objectivity of the researchers.
Various sources of data were utilized as cross-checks:
perceptual data offered by the informants, the feelings
generated in the researchers as they participated in the
various activities, observations by the researchers of the
various groups in action, observations and perceptions of
neighbors and other outside reporters, and historical
records and documents of the Fellowship.

Visits in winter and summer attempted to counteract
seasonal differences in activities of the Fellowship.

Visits before, during, and after a structural change provided

13

a base—line to monitor the change in structure. The
material on the 19th Century groups was analyzed for a basis
of comparison to the Fellowship. This also yielded a correla—
tion between several factors and the longevity of the groups
which served to measure the longevity potential of the
Fellowship. The visits to several places of employment of
the members yielded several sources of data from the job
site to test hypotheses about member vocational autonomy.

However, the one limitation of a case study remains:
that it constitutes a sample of one and thus is limited in
its generalizing power to other situations. This limitation
was acknowledged in attempting to limit the findings to

8
appropriate scope.

The Chapter Organization

 

The 19th Century literature reveals and describes
the six variables used to analyze the problem of longevity.
Since these are also used for the primary task of the
thesis, that of the description of the group's structure, a
chapter is devoted to each variable. Each chapter first uses

one variable to describe one dimension of U.P.F. (such as its

 

7S. E. Seashore, Group Cohesiveness in the Industrial
Work Group (Ann Arbor: University ofwMichigan, 1954), p. l3ff.

 

 

8Samuel A. Stouffer, "Some Observations on Study
Design,‘ American Journal of Sociology (January, 1950), pp.
356-359. For the argument in behalf of single case studies
see James Coleman, Martin Frow and S. M. Lipsit, Union Demo-
cracy (Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press, 1956).

 

 

l4

philOSOphy).

The second body of the literature reveals two cen-
tral variables critical for actor autonomy: eXposure to a
social structure of high differentiation, and membership
in a social structure of high articulation. These are
both noted in the chapters in relation to the six structural
variables (the former especially in Chapter IV and the
latter in Chapter VI). Comparisons are made between the
Fellowship and the 19th Century experiments where possible.

The last chapter (Chapter VIII) summarizes the
results in two parts which correspond to the two parts of
the literature. The structural material is summarized
first. The autonomy material is accumulated in the secOnd
summary. Both summaries are in chapter order.

This introductory chapter has attempted to set
forth how the problem of the study was formulated: that
of accounting for the structural conditions of U.P.F. which
permit the style of life which it manifests and also why
such knowledge is valuable in the modern society. The
chapter has tried to show why the structure of these
groups is a valuable consideration here. The chapter has
also indicated how the claims of modern writers (to be dis-
cussed in Chapter II) who are concerned about man's
inability to reform society has resulted in the interest

in the autonomy of the U.P.F. members to be "responsible" in

15

their vocational roles. Finally the chapter has set forth
the design which the study used to try to obtain the most
accurate and inclusive data. The three visits by a mixed
group of reporters who lived in U.P.F. provided respondant,
behavioral, and structural data from a variety of sources
which permitted ready comparison for a more penetrating
analysis. The next chapter will survey the literature and
will contain the survey of the 19th Century eXperiments.
These will provide a background for the body of the paper-—

the structural analysis of U.P.F. itself.

CHAPTER II

SURVEY OF LITERATURE

Introduction

 

The survey of literature for this thesis comprises
three sections. The first section reviews the literature on
19th Century American communities. The next derives a schema
for analysis from the literature which will then be used in
the body of the paper to examine U.P.F. The last of the
three sections covers the literature on autonomy and derives

a scheme to examine the autonomy potential of the residents

of U.P.F.

The American Utopias

Working on the premise that a satisfactory starting
point for understanding a community like U.P.F. would be an
analysis of the literature on the American Utopian experiments,
it becomes important to examine that literature with some
care. A discriminating examination of groups which began over
150 years ago presents a particular problem. The first—hand
accounts of the societies are few and must be carefully
eXamined for reliability. Another problem is the difficulty
for a contemporary reader in comprehending a world View of
Americans in 1820. What circumstances would cause men to
leaVe their homes and jobs, uproot their families and

16

17

move to some remote woodlot often with few agricultural
skills and fewer instruments with which to work the land?
Yet they moved from the cities by the hundreds, talking of
"COOperative societies" and the "betterment of mankind."
And these were peOple reSpected by their peers, including
some of stature such as George Ripley, Nathaniel Hawthorne,
Isaac Hecker, and Charles A. Dana of Brook Farm.

This section will survey the range of literature
surrounding the utopias--the literature which influenced the
groups as well as the literature which reported upon the
groups from both eye witness and secondary sources. The
early literature will serve to reveal something of the
intellectual and social milieu of the day, thus helping to
explain the impetus toward the utopias and the designs
behind them. It will help in understanding some of the
reporters who analyzed the eXperiments, particulary Robert
Owen and John Humphrey Noyes, to discover and correct their
biases, and also to understand their thought forms and con—
victions. (See also Appendix D)

Finally this section will survey the modern litera-
ture relating to 19th Century and modern communitarian
groups.

Social and Literary Influences
on the American Utopias

In searching for the mind and spirit of the nine-
teentLhCentury experiments it is mandatory for a modern

im(estigator to readjust his perceptual framework to the

18

milieu of the day. Many of the utopian and anarchistic
writings of the 20th Century were not available to the two
great waves of utopian experimenters in 1824 (lst wave) and
1842 (2nd wave).l (See Bibliography for reference to all
works in this section). Proudhon's major work What is
Property, for example, was not available in France until
1840 and not until after the second group of experiments was

well under way in the U. S. Josiah Warren's Equitable

 

Commerce (1846) and Adin Ballou's Practical Christian

 

Socialism (1854) were authored by men who had lived in com-

 

munities themselves (Warren in New Harmony and Ballou in
HOpedale) and were probably influenced by the experiments as
much as they had influence upon them.

Bakunin and Kropotkin followed in the next half cen—
tury, as did the anarchist Tolstoy. Only William Godwin
among the anarchist writers preceded the two great waves of

American experiments, and his central work Inquiry Concerning

 

Political Justice (1789) was apparently available to the

 

later communitarians of that day.

Godwin claimed, "There is but one power to which I
can yield a heartfelt obedience, the decision of my own

understanding, the dictate of my own conscience."

lJohn Humphrey Noyes, History of American Socialisms
(New York: Dover Publications, 1966, a reprint of the
Original published by J. B. Lippencott & Co., Philadelphia,
1870), pp. 13-14.

2William Godwin, An Inquiry Concerning Political
figgtice and Its Influence on Morals and HappIfiess (Toronto:
The University of Toronto Press, 1946, a reprint of the
Original 1789 edition), cited by George Woodcock, Anarchism
(Cleveland: World Publishing Co., 1962), p. 41.

 

 

 

 

19

This illustrated a paradox of anarchism in relation to the
utOpian experimenters. While the anarchists'faith in human
nature and impetus to criticize the existing order were both
shared or adOpted by the utopians, the anarchistic Opposition
to all forms of authority in the name of individualism con-
flicted with the requirements of communitarian living and
either was rejected or modified by the experimenters, parti—
cularly the religious ones. Those such as Owen, who failed
to see the conflict and attempted to retain individualism
found considerable social strife among the members as well as
eventual failure. Thus the influence of anarchistic thought
upon the experimenters was a partial one at best.

Most of the utopian writers as well as the anarchists
came after the utopian experiments. Bellamy's Looking
Backward was not available until 1888, William Morris'

News from Nowhere until 1890, H. G. Well's A Modern Utopia

 

 

1905, and Lenin's State and Revolution 1917. All these

 

wrote with the failures of the utopian experiments behind
them. Thus nearly all of the modern anarchistic and utopian
writers define communitarian structures outside the larger
society as "retreats from reality" or "prison paradises"
rather than eXperiments in reshaping society. As George
Kateb claims, "It is unthinkable for the modern utopian, that

the cluster of utopian ends could have permanent existence

3Northrop Frye, Anatomy of Criticism (Princeton, N.J.:
Princeton University Press, 1957), p. 37.

 

20

outside a society organized for their sake."

Thus in order to uncover any of the utOpian influ-
ences upon the first experiments in 1824 one must look within
the literature of the previous half century to Saint—Simon,
Charles Fourier, and Robert Owen.

Saint-Simon published many protests against the
unequal distribution of the wealth of society but included
few plans to rectify the situation. He claimed only that
rewards shouldkxaproportional to social contributions rather
than to rank in a social hierarchy. Fourier's writings, on
the other hand, were explicit and detailed and this probably
generated a lot of enthusiasm among the utopians. In fact,
Noyes attributes all of the thirty-four experiments in the
second wave to Fourier's writings. Owen, however, of the
three writers, is clearly the most interesting. His pro—
posals for "villages of cooperation" came not from his arm-
chair dreams as did Fourier's and Saint-Simon's but rather
from his New Lanark experiment in Scotland. After the
amazing success of New Lanark he came to the U. S. himself
to begin "New Harmony," which was to be the model for the
new social order.

If one is to find utOpian influences prior to the

4
George Kateb, Utopia and Its Enemies (Glencoe,

Illinois: Free Press, 1963), p. 10.

 

21

19th Century he must go back to radical Christian movements
surrounding the Reformation upheaval, particularly the

Hussites and the Anabaptists. Mannheim, in Ideology and

 

UtOpia claims that "the decisive turning point in modern
history was, from the point of view of our problem, the
movement in which chiliasm (millennialism) joined forces
with the active demands of the oppressed strata of society,"5
a reference to the Hussites and Anabaptists under Thomas
Munzer. Corrinne Jacker and George Woodcock (see biblio-
graphy) trace the anarchist and utOpian critiques of
society back before the age of classical Greece into the 5th
Century, B. C.

Kropotkin's history of anarchism, however,
offers one of the most interesting notions. He postulates
in the anonymous masses of prehistoric people two themes in
human history. One, which he calls "mutual aid," is seen
in the cooperative structure of primitive villages, and
later the medieval craft guilds. The other, the authori-
tarian theme, is expressed in village priests and magicians

who used superstition and fear to maintain class and

privilege distinctions, and social and legal systems.

5Karl Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia, trans. by L.
Worth and E. Shils (New York: Harvest Books, 1936), pp.
211-212. It will be interesting to note later how the com-
munitarians at U.P.F. refer directly back to Munzer and the
radical reformers in conceptualizing their efforts.

 

Peter Kropotkin, Mutual Aid: A Factor in Evolution
(New York: Knopf, 1925), especially Chapter 1.

 

22

Mannheim's dichotomy in social thought between status quo
oriented ideas ("ideology") and revolutionary utOpian
thought ("utOpia")7 parallels Kropotkin's themes.

It is helpful in conceptualizing the place of the
utopian experiments in literature and history to envision
them as a part of the historical stream of "mutual aid" and
revolutionary utOpian ideas and actions. Placed in the
unique social economic conditions of the early 19th Century,
however, the utopian dreams were powerful enough to attract
into their adventures many who would have stood normally on
the side of authoritarianism and the status quo.

One problem remains in the analysis thus far. The
relationship between Owen's Scottish factory-village and
the American experiments is extremely vague, both in the
early literature and in the modern literature, and calls
for some careful examination. What were the conditions
which stimulated Owen's experiments in Scotland and America
and how did they relate to the utopian efforts which spread
across America? But more important, what was the nature
of the successful New Lanark as compared to the ill-fated
New Harmony, Indiana? Was New Lanark actually the model
for New Harmony or did it merely provide the enthusiasm
and funds to begin New Harmony? In light of the limited
influence of Anarchistic writers on the eXperiment as well

as the fact that Owen's efforts were the first socialist

 

 

7This is the basic theme of Mannheim's Ideology and
[111013, Ibid.

 

23

experiments in America which helped begin the chain reaction
of utOpian efforts, these questions must be more fully

explored. This will be the task of the next section.

Robert Owen and the UtOpian Impulse

The early 1800's in England witnessed a factory
system whose offspring was an amazing flow of goods for the
wealthy, but often abominably poor conditions for the workers.
Owen was deeply troubled by the social conditions of the
British Isles and became convinced that mankind was no better
than its environment. If environment were changed, a real
"paradise on earth" might be achieved. New Lanark, a bene-
ficent factory—village,became the laboratory in which his
ideas were tested and found to be amazingly successful as
well as profitable.

Fresh from this success at New Lanark,Owen appealed
to Parliament with a plan for a sweeping social reorganiza-
tion. The plan featured "Villages of Cooperation," similar
to New Lanark, in which 800 to 1200 persons would work
together within farms, factories, schools, and homes neatly
laid out-—a planned city.

Not surprisingly the prOposal failed to excite the
nation. Few believed that paupers could become the "pro-
ducers of great wealth if given a fair chance or that their

deplorable social habits could be easily transformed into

Virtuous ones under the influence of a benevolent

24

. 8
enVIronment."

Thus Robert Owen turned to America, the land of
Opportunity, in hOpes of realizing his dreams. In 1824 he
sold his interest in New Lanark and bought a large tract of
land in Indiana to begin building the "community of coopera-
tion."

But did New Lanark, in fact, provide the experimental
base upon which to begin such an American eXperiment as Owen
and many others believed? Would such a comparison help to
eXplain the contrast between the amazing success of New
Lanark in Scotland and the dismal failure of New Harmony in
Indiana?

Under close scrutiny, New Lanark was not a radical
and innovative eXperiment but rather a modification of the
prevailing practice of the day. The only utopian dimension
of New Lanark was the extent to which benevolent planning
had been carried and the self-sufficiency of the town with
its own factories, farms, schools, and stores. Owen
had taken skilled mechanics and spinners, talented and
benevolent foremen, and the most efficient spinning machinery,
and with his own managerial skill established a productive
Operation. The increased productivity he apparently split

three ways: the workers and managers received more pay, the

8Robert Heilbroner, The Worldly Philosophers (New
Ybrk: Simon & Schuster, 19537, p. 104:

 

25

shareholders, including himself, received greater dividends;
the community received capital improvements, homes, schools,
and roads. This combination is clearly not socialism or
communism but benevolent capitalism with a strong dose of
city planning.

However, this combination stood out in stark relief
against the conditions of early 19th century England. The
workers must have been delighted with their reduced working
day and higher wages, and probably the plant did not want
for skilled workers. The families must have been pleased
with the housing and general standard of living which appears
considerably higher than the prevailing standards of the day.
Also the individual dwellings retained the integrity of the
family unit and provided some healthy social separation for
families who were not always harmonious (later experiments
were to use dormitory or hotel style dwellings for all par-
ticipants and generally resulted in considerable friction).

In fact, a structural examination of New Lanark
disclosed no differences from the prevailing capitalistic
practice. The workers held no stock in the enterprises
(as in socialism) or held no property in common (as in
communism). The fact that a factory owner had also built
dwellings, stores, and public buildings for his employees
was not unusual in that day, though both the beneficent
management and the progressive social arrangements were
unusual. But beneficent management, higher wage rates,

and good industrial and social planning were changes

26

not from competitive structure but within it.

Thus New Lanark was not the socialist model for New
Harmony and the wave of American experiments as many writers
would conclude (Heilbroner, Noyes, etc.); in fact, Robert
Owen brought mainly his giant enthusiasm for social reform
and his considerable fortune to the new world, not a
socialist model. But Owen also brought to America a critical
distinction-—the distinction between competition and coopera-
tion. Owen wasn't the first to make this distinction nor the
last, but he was the first modern utopian to attempt to put
it into practice.

This distinction between COOperation and competition
as well as the enthusiasm and resources to put it into
practice were Owen's real contribution to the growing Ameri-
can Socialistic fervor. What kind of reception was Owen to
receive as he journeyed from Scotland to the land of oppor-
tunity? How did the new world appear to him in 1824?

America in 1824 was by no means hostile to Owen and
his enterprise. America received him as a social savior in
comparison to England's response. Many of the people
were ready for such seeds of hOpe and promise as Owen
offered.

It was a turbulent era-~the dawn of the age of the
common man. The population was starting its geometric upsurg—
ing from the beginning of the great migrations. The machine
age was upon the young nation. PeOple were starting to crowd

into the cities in search of opportunity and found themselves

27

serving the machine instead. Others fled from the abhorrent
urban conditions and sought their fortunes in the expanding
frontier. The tension was magnified by a rising concern
over slavery and states rights.

The frontier in particular was a natural breeding
ground for various cults and societies. One section in cen-
tral and western New York was even named the "Burnt" or
"Burned-over" District because it had been swept so often by
the fires of revivalism.9 According to Olmstead the revival
reached its height in the decade which followed 1825 "fed by
the impassioned preaching of Charles Grandison Finney."l
Its products were a score of fervent and often rabid causes--
Anti—Masonry, millennialism, spiritualism, Mormonism, and a
score of others.

It was into this expectant and dynamic scene that
Robert Owen brought his unusual ideas of social reform and
his economic wealth to give them form. It is small wonder
that they were met with overwhelming enthusiasm. His ideas
and efforts in combination with the unusual social conditions
at the time sparked a minor social revolution which embodied
utopian and anarchistic ideas alike and formed a foundation
for the later wave of Fourieristic experiments and gave added

impetus to religious experiments to come.

 

. 9Clifton E. Olmstead, History of Religion in the
United States (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall,
1960), p. 335.

 

lOIbid.

28

Primary Literature on the UtOpias
Another group of literature consists not of critiques
of society and designs for reforms, but rather reports and
analyses of the eXperiments. These were written either by
first hand Observers of the utopian efforts or by secondary
writers who used the reports of the primary writers for their
analyses. Two primary sources are available, John Humphrey

Noyes' History of American Socialisms (1870) and Charles

 

Nordhoff's Communistic Societies of the United States (1875).

 

(See bibliography for details) A third source, that of A. J.
MacDonald, a disciple of Owen's, never got past the manuscript
stage. However, Noyes was able to obtain it and incorporate
its wealth of data on the Owenite groups into his report.

Nordhoff's book is limited to the religious communi—
ties because the socialistic groups had all failed and dis-
appeared by the time of Nordhoff's travels. Although his
descriptions bear the accomplished eye of the newspaper cor-
respondent, his objective reporting reflects the somewhat
limited understanding of an outsider.

Noyes, however, was an "insider" to the utopias in
three ways: as a clergyman, as a socialist, and as an
experimenter. As a clergyman, his rich observations on the
religious groups are unique to one who shares the faith of
the participants. His observations on the socialistic groups
are enriched because he was also a socialist, and because he
wrote at the time when many of the socialist groups in the

second wave were available for him to visit. Also, he had

29

access to MacDonald's eyewitness report on the first wave of
socialisms. Thus Noyes, unlike Nordhoff, was able to visit
and write incisively concerning both socialist and religious
groups. Finally, Noyes' role as experimenter himself, gave
him the means to theorize about the eXperiments, their sources,
their practices, and their failings in a way that Nordhoff

could not. Thus Noyes' American Socialisms represents a

 

unique and rich resource on the 19th Century experiments, both
in range and in style. For these reasons Noyes' book actually
provided many of the structural categories which were used to
analyze U.P.F. (These will be set forth in a later section of
the literature.) However, since Noyes was so thoroughly an
"insider" to the experiments the danger of biased reporting
and analyzing appears. This is discussed in a separate sec-
tion devoted to Noyes' life and views (Appendix D). The sec-
tion reaches the conclusion that Noyes adhered closely to

scientific methods and minimized the danger of bias.

Secondary Literature on the Utopias

The more modern secondary sources on the utOpian eXperi-
ments were used to cross-check the Noyes data and stimulate
directions for inquiry in Noyes' and Nordhoff's volumes. These
secondary sources often focus upon a modern behavioral science
concept and analyze it against the natural laboratory of the
utopian groups. (See bibliography for details of each work
cited in this section). Kanter's study "Commitment Mechanisms
in the 19th Century Utopias" is an excellent example of this

modern analysis. Lockwood's article "The Experimental UtOpias"

30

in America" and Moore's article "Utility of Utopias" are
examples of this type of secondary analysis. More general

secondary works include Bestor's Backwoods UtOpias (although

 

it covers the period only through the first wave to 1829);

Hind's American Communities and COOperative Colonies; Mark

 

Holloway's thorough study, Heavens on Earth; Parrington's

 

American Dreams; and Webber's Escape to Utopia.

 

 

Other secondary sources focus upon only one or more

specific experiments such as Eastlake's Oneida Community

 

(1900); Edith Curtis' Season in Utopia, the standard work on

 

Brook Farm; and Christean Knoldler's The Harmony Society.

 

The final group of writings is not about the 19th
century eXperiments at all but rather about 20th century
groups. They are primary eyewitness reports and yield infor-
mation and insight on various structural problems of utopian
groups in various modern settings. These data were helpful
to supplement the frame for analysis obtained from the groups
of the previous century as they bear upon U.P.F. and also
helped bring unique modern perspectives to bear on U.P.F.
This body of literature is wide in range and quality. Among
the best of this group is the excellent literature on the
Israeli Kibbutizm which generated several helpful comparisons

with U.P.F. These included: Darin and Darkin The Other

 

Society; Rosner, Patterns and Problems of Direct Democracy

 

in the Kibbutz; Schwartz, Democracyfand Collectivism in the

 

Kibbutz; Etzioni,"Organizational Structure of the Kibbutz";

Spiro, Venture in Utopia and Children of the Kibbutz; and

 

 

31

Weintraub and Berenstein, Social Structure and Modernization.

 

Another primary source of modern utopias is periodi—

cals in the contemporary utopian network, such as The Green

 

Revolution, The Community Market Catalog, Vocations for

 

 

Social Change, and Alternatives: Foundation Newsletter.

 

 

Each of these carries reports, often quite biased, about the
trials of various current experiments both religious and
secular. Another source, not quite as biased, is popular
periodicals such as True magazine's surprisingly inclusive
article, "American Hippie Communities," and Life magazine's
superficial article, "The Commune Comes to America."

Modern journal articles are considerably more object“
ive such as Plath's, "The Fate of Utopia" (utopias in an
oriental setting).

Finally, a rich primary source but not a literary
one should be mentioned. This was visits by the author and
by colleagues to other utopian groups. These were four in
number: Koinonia Partners, a rural interracial community
farm in Georgia; Camphill Village, an educational community
for retarded adults in New York; "The Farm," a rural agrarian
group in Ontario; and Koinonia, a student community at Penn
State University. These visits were of considerable value
both in sharpening the writer's perceptions before the

Visits to U.P.F. and in analyzing the data after the visits.

The Data on the 19th Century American UtOpias

 

This section begins the effort to systematize the

32

data on the experiments in order to reveal factors associated
with group longevity. It notes the three types which Noyes
and MacDonald utilize and builds upon them. Its first task
is to discover how the three types are similar to one another
and how they are different. The common characteristic of the
experiments is their attempt to structure a system of coopera-
tion. The differences are more complex, however. For this
purpose the next section derives six variables from the
original sources. Together these summarize the hypotheses
of the 19th Century writers on the sources of utopian
"failures." The section then relates each of the six vari—
ables in turn to each of the three community types: Owenite,
Fourierist and Religious. This provides definitions of the
six variables as well as descriptions of the three types.
The section then compares the variables with the actual data
on the failures. The variables are found to vary directly
with the failure rates and thus may be used to help predict
longevity potential in other utopian groups.

At the outset of his investigations, Noyes distin-
guishes three types of communitarian groups: (1) Owenite,
(2) Fourierist, (3) Religious. Although he doesn't specifi-
cally indicate how he distinguishes the societies from other
social organizations, he clearly uses MacDonald's distinc-
tion of an organization which substitutes a "cooperative
state for a competitive one." Both Noyes and MacDonald
employ the term "community" not in the usual sense of a

social group which resides in a specific locality,'shares

33

government and has a common cultural and social heritage,
although all of the socialist communities had these char-
acteristics. Rather they used it in the limited sense of a
social group which perceives itself as distinct from the
larger society because of the sharing of a common character-
istic, that of a system of COOperation as opposed to a
system of competition.11
Noyes notes eleven Owenite groups. These were not
all patterned after Owen's ideals. However all "owed their
birth to the general excitement that followed Owen's labors
. . ." and thus were classified as belonging to the Owenite
movement. Noyes thus takes the source of the experiment as
the deciding characteristic. It is on this ground he counts
an experiment as Owenite, Fourierist, or religious.12
According to Noytes, the writings of the French
reformer Charles Fourier were introduced into this country
in 1842 "and then commenced another great national movement

similar to that of Owenism, but more universal and

 

llThe utopian reformers, such as Noyes and Owen, did
not center their arguments for COOperation on the claim that
it was a more "fair" or "just" distribution of increased
productivity as would be claimed today-~but rather on the
potential for better quality of relationships among people.
The perfectability of relationships is a reflection of the
kingdom of God (Noyes) or the realization of the natural
order (Owen and Fourier). This comparison reveals the
transcendental authority of the age vs. the empirical nature
of the modern authority.

2 . .

Noyes distinguishes a 4th type, "foreign" groups,
however, he dismisses them as not characteristic of the
"American eXperience."

34

enthusiastic."l3

Noyes includes 34 experiments in the
number of Fourierist groups. Many of these never carried
into practice Fourier's theories in full; but the fact that
they all originated from the common "excitement" leads
Noyes to count them under the Fourierist category.

Noyes notes seven religious communities. He is
less than enthusiastic about these "old world" groups
because he believes they have little hOpe of attracting and
reforming "modern American society." However he must give
them credence because of their obvious longevity in compari—
son with the socialist groups. While he doesn't set forth
his norm specifically, Noyes appears to count those groups
as "religious" which are characterized by the "centrality

of a single religious faith." This central faith serves to

bind the members together.

The Longevity Variables
Noyes does not Offer a systematic presentation of
the data, but rather an intriguing unraveling of the mys—
teries of the great experiments. The gathered data ranges
in scope from accounts of the smallest detail (New Harmony
enjoyed "18 acres of full-bearing vines")l4 to the most
sweeping generalizations (the failure of New Harmony was

because Owen "abolished law, but did not establish grace").

l3Noyes, p. 14.
l4Ibid., p. 34.
15Ibid., p. 54.

15

35

The closest he comes to a systematic description is a

listing of each experiment, its location, amount of

and duration.

theories on longevity into workable variables.

land,

Thus it is necessary to summarize the

This summari-

zing process may be illustrated as follows:

Noyes' Observation

 

——"Owen himself was absent
over one year"

-—"New dissenting communities
were formed from the main
body"

——"Seven Constitutions or
provisional governments
were tried and failed"

--"Constitution number five
embodied Owen's 'Declara-
tion of Mental Indepen—
dence"'

-—no private prOperty
——no religion

--"Owen's classes of instruc-
tion in socialism to the
participants were cut short
in 6 weeks by his illness"

--"PeOp1e of diverse belief
and habit and nation popu-
lated the community"

--"The participants had no
'practical experience,‘ no
'mutual confidence,‘ no
previous acquaintance"

Abstraction

 

A leadership and decision
making problem

Strong commitment to common
authority was lacking a
selection and socialization
problem

Strong commitment to common
authority was lacking

A source of conflict in the
social structure

communistic structure
non-religious structure

Inadequate socialization
of participants

Open/random selection of
participants

A selection and socializa-
tion problem '

Such summaries of the data yielded the following six cate—

gories:

goal congruence, economic sufficiency, social

36

articulation, selection and socialization of participants,
religious philosophy and practice, and leadership and deci-
sion making. (See Table l for definitions of each of the
variables and their reference in modern literature.) The
next section relates each of the six variables in turn to

each of the community types and is summarized in Table 2.

Goal Congruence

 

Goal congruence consisted of an economic relationship
in which the goals of the group's sponsors were in congruence
or opposed to the goals of the participants. The communi-
ties ranged from a destructive extreme of goal conflict
where dissatisfied sponsors terminated an unprofitable
venture to an opposite extreme of having no external sponsors.
Although this conflict was not Often recognized by the
reporters of the day, it is possible to reveal it by first
noting the goals of the participants, discovering whether or
not sponsors existed who were not participants, and then
discovering whether or not their goals were in harmony or
conflict with those of the participants. This will be done

in the following section.

Participants' Goals.--The participants were those who are

 

defined by the community itself as the members--those who
lived in the community and enjoyed full membership satus.

(See Table 2)

137

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39

As has already been described, the actual goals of
the participants clustered around the establishment of a
cooperative society, under the conviction that cooperation
would provide a superior order in which to live-~a "utopia."
Many of the leaders of the Owenite and Fourierist eXperiments
desired to establish a new order which would be copied across
the country and eventually change the fabric of the entire
nation. Many, especially in the Religious communities,
believed the establishment of a better social order would
bring near the Kingdom of God. Countless others believed
the city and the machine age were inherently evil. Escape
had to be sought away from the machine, away from the city,
away from the system of competition. Still countless others
were finding the times extremely hard and sought primarily
economic gain and easier going in a cooperative system.

But regardless of the cluster of motives, the common
agreement in the communities was to institute a cooperative
society. The only exception was the Religious communities
which desired to establish a religious as well as a COOpera-

tive society, but these still fall within the common norm.

Non-participant sponsor goals.--The sponsors were usually

 

peOple or groups who provided financial help in support of
a community. They were not usually participants themselves
but supported the participants from outside the group, that
is, non—participant or absentee Sponsors. The discussion

focuses on these.

40

In all but a few communities, a considerable quantity
of land was purchased. Noyes suggests their "fondness for
land was related to their failure," since agriculture, he
claims, is "one of the hardest roads to fortune." He suggests
that manufacturing would have been more adequate to achieve
some financial security, but most of the eXperiments were far
removed from the centers of industry. Consequently, in their
haste to escape the evils of industry, most experiments went
into debt buying farmland (often of poor quality) and turned
to agriculture as the chief means of support, whether or not
their members were skilled in the "agricultural trades."

Many Of the eXperiments were quite pressed to pay
their loan installments on time. Frequently the gathering of
enough funds to meet installment payments would leave the com-
munity destitute of critical resources and equipment. Occa-
sionally it left them without food and clothing but it always
created a strain on all the relationships in the society.
Occasionally it was the actual reason for the closing of the
community.

Brook Farm is the best example of a community which
was satisfactory on all other counts (harmony of relations,
good management, adequate facilities and a growing profit-
ability). By all commentators it was judged the most likely
to continue successful for a long period of time, being "a
model for the Fourierists to follow." Yet it was closed in
large part by the decisions of non—participant sponsors,

shareholders in this case, who believed they could Obtain a

41

better return on their funds from other investments.

Thus, particularly in the case of Brook Farm, but
also in many others, a "conflict" existed between the goals
of the members and the goals of the non-participant sponsors.
This conflict was a varying source of strain on different
communities and even the immediate cause of death in some.
However Noyes accords little attention to this type of con—
flict in his analysis.

It must be noted that some experiments were not con—
sidered very profitable, yet had no goal conflict. Others
were profitable yet had a fatal conflict between partici-
pants and sponsors (notably Brook Farm). This conflict was
built into some communities by their financial arrangements
with Sponsors outside the community. Three types of
economic-financial relationships can be identified and can
be related to Noyes' community types. [See Table 1, item
l(d)] Owenite societies were either communistic-benefactor
or communistic-debtor type. They were all communistic
because all goods were held in common. However, some of
the Owenite groups were given their land by a benefactor
(Robert Owen at New Harmony, Francis Wright at Nashoba).
Consequently there was no debt to be repaid to a sponsor
outside the society. Thus there was no sponsor conflict
possible in the communistic—benefactor type, rather a con-
dition of "no sponsor" which was similarly beneficial to

the condition of goal congruence with a sponsor.

42

The other type of Owenite community was the communist—
debtor arrangement. The goods were held in common but the
members did not enjoy enough wealth to purchase all their
land and had to borrow from an outside source. This estab—
lished the goal conflict between the sponsor's desire to
realize a good and secure return on his money and the parti—
cipant's goal to establish a cooperative society.

The Fourierist groups utilized a socialist (joint-
stock) principle. Generally this involved the issuance of
stock to members to represent the entire amount of real
prOperty, land, buildings, etc., of the association. Each
share of stock would realize one vote in the decisions of
the society, as in usual business practice. Any profit was
divided among the stockholders; any capital appreciation,
such as the building of a flour mill on the property, while
not realized immediately in profit, would clearly increase
the value of each share. The amount of labor each member
performed was also recorded (distinguished by usefulness
into "classes") and at the end of the accounting period
(often a month) any profit was divided between capital and
labor. A member would have credited to his account one
amount according to the number of Shares he held, another
for the hours he had worked. Thus some voting power was
vested in some non-participant sponsors. These lived outside
the community and often centered their expectations upon the
yield of the stock. Indeed at the North American Phalanx,

Noyes notes "the capital was nearly all owned by

43

non—residents . . . . Clearly a conflict of interest was
present in such a situation and occasionally when the profit
expectations of the absentee stockholders were not met they
decided to withdraw their investment and place it in a more
profitable venture.18
The Religious communities had the same conflict with
a lender which the Owenite societies had because they had to
borrow from a lender for their land purchases (none of the
Religious communities was joint—stock, all were communistic.)
However, they avoided difficulty, not because they avoided
the conflict but because they minimized it. They also had
to buy land (apparently in every case) but apparently they
bought more conservatively and worked more diligently. At

»any rate, all were apparently productive enough to repay

their debts so that no difficulty developed.19

 

18It might have been possible to minimize the problem
between absentee shareholders and resident Shareholders by
limiting the number of non-resident stockholders to less than
50% of the total voting power. But since this conflict was
not recognized the solution would not have been available.

19The one exception is noteworthy. It is the society
begun by Noyes himself. Oneida practiced "Complex Marriage,"
a system in which every man in the society was the husband of
every woman and every woman the wife of every man. In 1848
Noyes and his followers were forced by Opposition by local
villagers to move from Putney, Vermont, the original location,
to Oneida, New York. Again in 1879, although the community
enjoyed a reputation for "industrious and responsible citi-
zenship," their reputation of polygamy brought them into
conflict with their neighbors and the community was forced to
give up "Complex Marriage." The following year the society
was reorganized as a joint—stock company and Noyes left for
Canada where he lived out his life. The local villagers,
first in Putney, then in Oneida, functioned like absentee
sponsors because they permitted the experiment to exist in

44

The net result of this typology relating the sponsors
to the Owenite, Fourierist and Religious group is a predic-
tion of Sponsor conflict--an important factor in longevity.
(Table 2, item 1) The communist-benefactor type of Owenite

group alone enjoyed an absence of sponsor conflict. The com-
munist-debtor type of Owenite group as well as the Fourierist

and the Religious eXperiments had a structured sponsor con-

flict. Thus the longevity of these three depends upon their
ability to satisfy their absentee sponsors while pursuing
their own goals. An examination of the economic support of
the groups follows. This is the next of the six longevity
variables and the most influential in satisfying absentee

sponsors.

Economic Sufficiency

 

Economic sufficiency is the production of goods and

income by the group which then.areayailable to satisfy the
member needs and sponsor demands. All of the 19th Century
groups were predominantly agricultural; however, many also
had some manufacturing. (See Table 2) The groups ranged
from adequate support (some were even described as "wealthy")
to inadequate (these resulted in early failure).

The agricultural propensity of the societies should
generally be considered detrimental on two counts. First,
agricultural enterprises are a Slow road to economic produc-
tivity, as Noyes indicated. Second, the variety of employ-

ment in most experiments was severely limited, and an

 

that location. When the group violated the villagers' social
norms, the conflict resulted in the closing of the eXperi-
ment--a result similar to the fate of the groups who violated
the financial norms of their economic sponsors.

45

engineer, poet or musician would be directed to the fields to
do his share with the others (such was Brook Farm with its
wealth of authors, theologians, publishers and businessmen).
The result was often a dismally low level of agricultural
eXpertise. Third, the land was often Of poor quality and
frequently little of it was fertile.

A good deal of the early enthusiasm and energy in an
experiment was of necessity directed to dwellings and facili-
ties rather than to making the soil productive. For this
reason the productivity increased directly as the length of
time the group had occupied the land increased. Older socie-
ties, such as the North American, had very comfortable dwell-
ings and highly develOped farm machinery. Except for the
excellent facilities which Robert Owen .purchased at New
Harmony, the typical facilities, equipment, quality of land
and level of expertise of the Socialists were marginal. The
combination of these factors insured a low productivity.

This was a significant longevity factor for many groups
(except for the few Owenite groups which were free of absentee
sponsors). Their low initial productivity resulted in an
inability to satisfy sponsors and often contributed to a pre-
mature death. Thus the economic support variable is important
not only to the economic well being but to its ability to
minimize the financial conflict of interest with absentee

sponsors as well.

Social Articulation

Social articulation refers to the patterned

46

relationships among the group members by which COOperation or
competition (conflict of interest among the members) is
established. The communities range from COOperation to mixed
cooperation and competition.

The institutionalization of a system of COOperation
was noted as the common ingredient in the three types of com-
munities and distinguishes them from other towns or settle—
ments of the day. However, the conflict which was noted in
the structure of some groups modified the desired cooperative
structure significantly. In particular, the Fourierist
groups which had a large number of shares in the hands of
absentee members eXperienced competitive relationships
because of the conflict of interest between these two classes
of members. The high proportion of absentee stockholders in
such groups suggests the extent to which competition and not
cooperation was instituted in the very structure of the
society. The conflict of interest implies that an imperfect
cooperation was instituted in the very design of the group.
In addition, a conflict of interest existed among members
living on the site. The members who held a large number of
shares and did little work would benefit from a larger dis—
tribution of profits to dividends than wages. Those who had
few shares and worked many hours would benefit from the
Opposite distribution. Both of these conflicts appear to be
structural defects which were noted only peripherally by
some of the various analysts, and were completely overlooked

by most. Yet it is clear that in the last years of the

47

North American phalanx, although it was profitable, it was
not, in the agreed upon definition of COOperation, a socialist
society, but rather a mixed socialist—capitalist society.

This resulted in some competitive relationships which

hastened the death of the group.20 While such conflicts of
interest were not fatal in every case they appear to have con-
tributed to the deterioration of social harmony in the

group. Blau and Scott, in a modern analysis, describe how
competition generates a conflict of interest between partici-

. 2 . .
pants in a system. 1 This affects not only the phy51cal

 

20The experience of the North American supports this
claim. It was not the usual conflict of interest (with a
lender) which contributed to the death of the group but
rather this very conflict between absentee Shareholders and
resident shareholders. Further it was not the expected finan-
cial disagreement but illustrated another dimension which the
conflict among members took. One would expect absentee share—
holders to become dissatisfied with the rate of return the
community paid on its shares as compared with the dividends
they might receive in other investments. If they held the
majority of the shares (as was the case in the North American),
they could vote to close the phalanx and sell its property as
shareholders might do in any business. However, almost the
Opposite was the case at the North American. An unfortunate
fire destroyed the mills, a main source of income of the
phalanx. The loss was valued between $7,000 to $10,000
(according to the New York Tribune, September 13, 1854). It
was clearly not a fatal blow, though a serious one. The value
of the entire community was $55,000 while the debts totaled
only $18,000. Horace Greeley reportedly had offered $12,000
to rebuild the mills. Yet the conviction arose among some of
the members in light of the great amount of work that would
be required of them to rebuild while the wealthy backers sat
in their offices in the city, that "Perhaps they had better
not rebuild at all! That they had better dissolve!" With no
one to rebuild or restore the former level of profitability
the community ceased to operate. The conflict between resi-
dents' interests and absentee-stockholders proved fatal.

Peter Blau and Richard Scott, Formal Organizations
(San Francisco: Chandler, 1962), pp. 81-85.

 

48

output of goods and services but also generates distrustful
and antagonistic relationships among the participants. This
appears to be the phenomenon noted by the 19th century
utOpianS in claiming the potential for a better quality of
relationships in COOperative societies. It also helps
explain the phenomenon taking place in the joint-stock
socialisms such as the North American where cooperation was
only partly instituted and the resulting conflicts contri-
buted to the demise of the group. The social system variable
is of value not only because it helps describe the extent to
which the group achieved its goal of instituting a coopera-
tive system but also because that system bears considerably
upon the quality of the relationships within the group as

well as upon the longevity.

Selection and Socialization of Participants

 

Selection and socialization refers to the machinery
by which candidates for membership were recruited and aided
in adopting the grOUp'S goals, structures and behaviors. ‘The
communities ranged from an open or random procedure to a
highly selective or closed system. (See Table 2)

Virtually all the socialist groups had an open system.
Often all who desired were admitted. Seldom were religious
or financial commitments required. Usually some affirmation
of sympathy with socialistic principles was deemed adequate
by the society. A few experiments (Skaneateles, Northampton,

Wisconsin, Brook Farm) utilized a more stringent selection

49

process, such as a period of trial membership before admit-
tance, or a voting process by current participants with the
right of veto. But even these were inconsistently applied
and were not in force throughout the life of the society.

The Religious societies clearly differed from this
practice in that they were highly selective in their admit—
ting procedures. The religion and its specific beliefs and
practices was itself the most highly selective agent. A
period of trial membership was usually employed, and fre-
guently the group or the leader had veto power over prospec—
tive members. The new member also granted all his goods and
prOperty to the society to be held in common. This also
strengthened the bond between the member and the group.

The socialization of the participants after their
admittance was generally not attended to in the socialistic
societies. Rather the opposite conditions of freedom and
individual difference were prized. It was generally thought
that any process which would appear to require conformity
would be a breach of the freedom of the participant. Owen
held classes in the theory and practice of socialism, appar-
ently in hopes of molding the diverse beliefs of members to
a common discipline of socialism. But he became ill after
six weeks and discontinued the lessons. Noyes generally
gives the impression that no amount of lessons nor any
devices could mold together the 900 individuals at New Har—
mony who were brought into "family relationship" in a period

Of several months. Most of the other socialisms secured

50

little more mutual bond than New Harmony. However, it is
notable that the more successful socialist societies,
especially Hopedale and Brook Farm, had many previously
established member relationships to serve as a foundation
for group commitment.

The Religious communities, according to Noyes' data,
began with a much narrower spectrum of beliefs and also had
a highly structured system of socialization techniques which,
because of their beliefs, were often a part of their reli-
gious practices. A probationary period was apparently
common. During this time religious instruction and worship
was intense and frequently accompanied by "confession
periods" in which the candidate would "cleanse" himself of
unacceptable beliefs and deeds before the leaders or some
gathered members.22 In addition, several of the Religious
communities had already existed as religious groups before
moving into a communitarian style. The established network
of relationships proved invaluable in overcoming the hard—

ships of beginning a utopian community.

Religious Philosophy and Practice

 

This category refers to shared ideology among the
members which contains the symbols and ritualization of man's

relationship to that which he considers sacred. The

 

22For a more complete discussion of commitment
mechanisms see Rosabeth Moss Kanter, "Commitment Mechanisms
in Utopian Communities (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Uni-
versity of Michigan).

51

communities ranged from an intensely held religious ideology
with a uniformly required ritual practice to weak or absent
common beliefs and few or Optional rituals.

The religious practice in the socialistic eXperiments
was on a non—structured or optional basis. For example,
Noyes reports that some small groups engaged in organized
worship and religious education in New Harmony. However,
after Owen's "Declaration of Mental Independence" speech con-
demning worship as harmful and tyrannical to men's freedom,
there were no reports of worship services. Some communities
even suffered religious quarrels among the diverse beliefs
represented.

The Religious communities differed markedly from the
socialist societies on this matter. They instituted ser-
vices of worship, religious education, sometimes comprising
several meetings a week, and in some societies, held com—
munity "confession periods" in which individual shortcomings
were admitted and differences resolved. The ability to soli~
dify the community with a common belief was directly related
to the selection process, according to Noyes. A random or
Open selection process would provide no common focus around
which the community could form. Thus the selection~sociali-
zation variable, Table 2, Item 4, is a direct attempt to
uncover two structures which are important in forming the
commitment of new members to the groups. It indirectly
affects other structures such as decision making and soli-

darity of philosophy.

52

Leadership and Decision Making

 

The decision structure is the machinery of decision
makinq——how choices are made and implemented. Leadership
refers to those who perform functions of directing, guiding,
influencing and implementing in reference to group choices.
The communities ranged from democratic structure (every
member vote) to monocratic (no member vote—-i.e., decisions
made by a single leader or director) and from highly Skilled
leadership to inadequate.

Noyes noted the need in the socialist groups for
either strong leadership or a strong commitment to a common
authority or purpose. If the participants of the socialistic
experiments had any commitment to a common authority, accord—
ing to Noyes, it was accidental. The open door policy of
admitting members upon their agreement to the aims and
by-laws of the association was much too weak to adjudicate
between the various claims which arose between the members.
Often an issue was debated for a long period and when no
resolution was achieved, the community was broken into war-
ring factions. Sometimes one faction or the other would
leave the community, weakening it by their loss but resolving
the dispute. However, almost as frequently, elongated dis-
putes resulted in the direct death of the society.

Occasionally strong leaders, such as Owen, attempted
to bond together the diverse interests of the members. But
even Owen's great wealth and his influence among kings and

presidents was inadequate to solidify New Harmony. Brook

53

Farm was a group which enjoyed strong moral and social
leadership including within its number George Ripley of the
famous transcendental club, Nathaniel Hawthorne, William

H. Channing, Isaac Hecker and Charles A. Dana. However, even
this unusual collection of talented and committed people,
although harmonious to the end, did not possess the technical
competence to make the eXperiment sufficiently productive.

Most other socialisms enjoyed neither the commitment
to common authority to make the democratic decision processes
harmonious nor the technical leadership to make them pro—
ductive.

The decision making process of the Religious communi-
ties was significantly different and may be called monocratic
in comparison with the democratic process of the socialist
societies. There was usually a common commitment to a reli-
gious authority. It could be vested either in the leader as
the agent of a divine authority, or a document such as the
Bible, or the entire group as the medium through which the
Divinity would reveal His will, or all three. The individual
will was seen either as subservient to the Divine will or as
fulfilled by the Divine. Noyes reports that many conflicts,
which would have destroyed Oneida like the North American
Phalanx, were resolved by "waiting and submitting all minds
to the Spirit of Truth-—by patience, forebearing one with
another and submitting one to the other, the final result

2
satisfied every one." The process of submission to the

¥

23Noyes, p. 39.

54

central authority, unlike the democratic voting process,
resulted in a consensus among the members.

In addition many of the Religious groups included
sufficient skilled leadership among their members in that
they were comprised of rural people and enjoyed high levels
of agricultural eXpertise. Those which did not were appar-
ently able to overcome this handicap by extra efforts and
frugality until some level of Skill and productivity were
developed. Thus the decision making variable points to the
ability of the group to resolve issues among its members and
maintain harmony and direction in the group. The Six vari-
ables together systematize the diverse theories from the
original sources. The next section will compare these six
variables to the available data on the failure rates of the

eXperiments to verify any predicting value of the variables.

The Validating Data

Four objective pieces of data were available for
nearly all of the groups: the duration, population, the
debt, and the amount of land. These formed the basis of a
rough validation of the Six longevity variables. (See Table 3)

The "duration" (row a) of the eXperiment is clearly
the most valuable data, for it is the main indication of the
"success" of a community. According to Noyes, the duration
represents the time elapsed between the settlement of the
members on the Site and either the departure from the site or

the dissolution of the communitarian form of organization.

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57

The communities have been arranged in order of age, those
which died earliest to the left. Then they are divided by
types (across the abscissa). This reveals a clear chrono—
logical regularity: the Owenite communities being the
Shortest lived (up to three years), several of the Fourierist
era living from four to eighteen years, and all of the Reli-
gious communities extending for longer than the longest of
the Fourierist type. The main generalization which should be
noted is the longevity of the Religious communities as com-
pared with both socialist types.24

The "population" figures (row b) are listed because
they are an indication of the Size of the community. There
appears to be no correlation between population and duration
except that some of the Religious societies became quite popu—
lar among the "faithful" and multiplied greatly. The Shakers
multiplied into eighteen communities. The numbers Shown in
this row represent all persons, including children, who were
members of the community at the point of maximum growth.25

The "debt" column (row c) represents the amount owed
by the communities to lenders who were not members of the

24It must be noted that no attempt has been made to

list all of the communities. Only those which lived more
than one or two years are included with the exception of
some societies significant because they introduced a parti—
cular variable (such as the "superior class" of peOple at
Yellow Spring community—-the first Owenite community listed).
25Where the only figure available was a number of
families a conversion multiplier of five was used to get a
roughly comparable figure.

58

society. It does not include any stock or shares held by
persons who lived away from the communities. This was not
considered debt but rather capital. The debt figure was
recognized as a possible danger to the existence of a com-
munity. However this amount shown is not sufficient to give
anything but a rough account of financial condition since a
society may be quite productive and easily able to handle
the payments which the debt reflects. The reason MacDonald
and Noyes listed the debt and the land figures was to Show
the great propensity for land and the financial trouble it
often caused. The prosperity of the Religious societies
presumably means they were able to either provide for their
own payments or pay off the loan entirely.

The debt figures reflect the amount of land the com-
munity purchased, listed in the next row. However, the
price paid for the land varied greatly, and some properties
were purchased outright so no debt at all was incurred (such
as New Harmony).

The "land" figures (row d) indicate the number of
acres actually owned by the community and reflects the popu—
lation, the societies with the larger populations being able
to farm more land. However, what is more important,according
to Noyes, is that often only a small part of the land was
actually under cultivation. The great propensity for buying
land, often much more than could be planted, was an unfortu-
nate phenomenon which often increased the burden rather than

the productivity of the group.

The next six rows are the variables affecting longe-
vity. They have all been stated so that the symbols all mean
the same throughout the table. The "0" always represents a
negative or detrimental effect upon the community. The "X"
indicates that the variable was partly operative and notes
some contribution to the community. The "1" represents a
variable which was fully operable and made a positive contri-
bution. The blank Spaces indicate information which was
unavailable. The effect of this classification of variables
should be to Show, if Noyes' hypotheses are correct, a
grouping of "X's" and "1's" to the right within a given type
of community: Owenite, Fourierist, or Religious. For exam—
ple, we would expect the three year old communities (New
Harmony, Nashoba of the Owenite era) to have more of the
positive variables than the Shorter lived societies (Yellow
Spring, Haverstraw, Coxsockie). This generally appears to be
true except that Noyes would be quick to say that none of the
Owenite communities lived long enough to be a very accurate
test. The relationship generally appears to be more clear
with the Fourierist societies since there were half a dozen
which lived longer than any of the Owenites and two which
survived over ten years, Hopedale having reached its eight-
eenth birthday before it ended. It is easy to see the larger
number of positive variables in these older communities and

some trends developing which Noyes had seen.26

¥

26This arrangement follows the pattern used by Kanter
in her analysis of commitment variables in hopes of facilita-
ting comparisons between the two studies even though her sam—
ples are of different size. Rosabeth Moss Kanter, cited above.

6O

"Sponsor congruence" (row 1) is Simply the sponsor
congruence-conflict of interest variable discussed in the
previous section. The symbol "1" indicates a communism/
benefactor type of community where the land was purchased
outright. No "conflict" was possible because there were no
lenders or absentee shareholders to influence the life of the
community. The "X" indicates either a potential conflict
with a lender or absentee Shareholders, but enough resources
were available to pay or resolve the conflict, thus it was
not a critical one. The "0" indicates the presence of a
conflict which directly or indirectly contributed to the
death of the community. All such conflicts were economic
except with Oneida. There a moral conflict with neighboring
townspeOple (about "complex marriage") resulted in the
eventual demise of the group as a religious community.

The "economic sufficiency" (row 2) reflects such
factors as good farm land, the develOpment Of manufacturing
and the productivity of the members. Brook Farm is an
example of an inadequate economic Situation where business-
men, "mechanics" and "men of letters" came from the city and
eXpected to make a good livelihood from the soil. It did
not prove to be possible. A great success socially and intel-
lectually, Brook Farm was unable to survive economically.

The Religious communities were all financially pros—
perous as may be seen by the "debt" (row c), where all the
figures point to wealth rather than amount of debt. This

may reflect their age as well as their productivity in that

61

they had a considerable period to pay their debts.
The "social articulation" variable (row 3) represents
factors which the 19th Century writers described in terms

like "general depravity," "ignorant peOple,' and "superior
people." The consequences were strife and disagreements
which frequently were counted as the fundamental and often
the immediate cause of death. In support of this thesis it
can be noted that the "social" row has more "0's" than any
other row, except in the Religious communities. In fact, of
the Fourierist groups, only Brook Farm and Hopedale were said
to be "harmonious to the end" (but Noyes counted Hopedale as
"almost a Religious community"). Thus of those groups which
had structured conflicts among their members, notably the
Fourierist groups as previously described, almost all experi-
enced a lack of social accord according to Table 3.

The selection—socialization mechanism (row 4) includes
such observations about the groups as "a trial membership
required." It appears from the table that the communities
which had instituted membership mechanisms had a greater
longevity than those which had few or none. All the Reli—
gious societies had both a restricted selection process and
trial memberships which appeared to have contributed to
their success.

Religion (row 5) is a category which to Noyes seems
to change the social conditions under which men live together.
"Perhaps the demands of earnest religion serve as a natural

separation" to keep out those who are not yet suited for

62

association, as well as to modify the "depravity" of those
who do enter.27 He also speculates that "earnest men of one
religious faith are more likely to respect organized authority
and one another than men of no religion or men of many reli-
gions held in indifference."28 Thus Noyes sees religion
functioning naturally to substitute for other possible
inadequacies in the communities. It does appear (see Table
3) that a strong single religion was present in some of the
longest—lived socialist societies. Of course a single reli-
gion was instituted in each of the Religious communities as
that was their defining characteristic.

The leadership and decision making variable (row 6)
reflects comments by the analysts such as: "dishonest man-
agement,"'guarrels among leaders," and "inexperienced
managers." It reflects dynamic and charismatic leadership
as well. Again the trend is noticeable that the longer
lived communities had in general more adequate management.
However a failure of management at any point in the history
of a group may be fatal. In the case of Hopedale, the leader—
ship passed from the capable hands of Rev. Adin Ballou, the
founder, to E. P. Draper, who permitted the operations to
"fall into neglect" while buying up the shares of joint

stock. When at last he had the legal control he decided to

close the community. "There was no other way" the members

27Noyes, p. 654.

28Ibid., p. 656.

63

29
admitted, "but to submit to him."

The Religious communities all reflect strong leader-
ship but the older Religious societies had passed their peak
by the time of Noyes' writing; the original leaders had died
and strong replacements were not available (indicated by
"X's").

The importance of the table is to point out the
repeated association between the presence of the variables
and the longer—lived communities, and conversely, the absence
of the variables with the shorter—lived communities. This
association may be observed more clearly if the average num-
ber of times the variables are present in each community type
is compared to the average longevity of each type. In the
Religious groups the variables are present on the average of
more than 5 of the 6 times (actually 86%, see Table 3).

These groups averaged 55 1/2 years in duration. In the
Fourierist groups, on the other hand, the variables were
instituted on the average of only 1 in 6 times (actually
20%). This was associated with the low average longevity of
less than 4 years. The Owenite groups Show a similar rela-
tionship, although they are less representative because they
are so few and so short—lived. The variables were present
less than 1 1/2 in 6 times (actually 24%). This low rate was
associated with an average duration of only 1 1/2 years.

Such an association between the variables and community

 

291bid., p. 132.

64

longevity suggests the usefulness of the variables as a
measure of the potential longevity of such groups.

Because the six longevity variables were also
effective in describing the 19th Century groups they would
also be expected to be useful to describe a modern group as
well——in fact more useful in describing such an experimental
society than would other sets of criteria developed for other
purposes. For this reason the six variables will be used for

description of U.P.F.'s longevity.

Autonomy in Industrial Society

 

Autonomy is the freedom of an actor to determine his
own life and behavior. Autonomy is an important issue because
it is at the intersection of three social structures: man
(the self system), society (the organization and role system),
and culture (the norming system). Industrial society is
characterized by rapid change and this involves changes in
all three systems. The society and its institutions have
become more centralized, more bureaucratic and more powerful.
(Literature for these claims follows.) More particularly,
the changes have made the culture system and the organization
system less accessable and controllable by the people who
live in them. This involves a loss of power and autonomy by
the members to direct changes in the society.

The 19th Century witnessed nearly 100 utopian experi—
ments which attempted to create different social settings

which their founders believed would restore a degree of

65

autonomy to their residents. U.P.F. is of interest here
because it is a modern attempt to achieve a particular life
style for its residents similar to the 19th Century attempts
and because it may offer its residents a missing source of
autonomy in relation to modern social systems. Because the
members are employed in those same systems, they may be able
to begin to redirect these systems where others, due to a
loss of autonomy, can not.

Just as the previous section reviewed the historical
literature, this section will now review the modern literature
on the autonomy problem. First it will note the material con-
cerning the culture and its effect on autonomy, next the

social structure, and finally the organizational structure.

The Effect of Culture on Autonomy
Riesman describes three historical character types
differentiated by reference group30 which may be used as a
historical context in which to consider the definition of
autonomy. The "tradition directed" type corresponds very
closely to Fromm's pre—individualized person, whose behavior
is guided by the traditions of the small groups which are

. . . . . 31 .
characteristic of pre—industrial soc1ety. This character

 

. 3OD. Riesman, N. Glazer, and R. Denney, The Lonely
Crowd, Chapter 1.

31Eric Fromm, Escape From Freedom (New York: Holt,

Rinehart & Winston, Inc., 1941), Chapter 2. Fromm refers to
an historical process which accompanied the change of the
medieval social structure to an industrialized structure.
This process is Similar to the social maturation process in
childhood in which the primary ties with parents are severed
and the self image is developed to serve as an internal guide
to behavior in place of the external parental constraints.

 

 

66

type is outside the definition of autonomy, Since he has no
"self" by which to perceive alternative behaviors. The
"inner directed" person is guided by his own values which
are developed in the process of individuation. He maintains
his self—esteem by receiving periodic evaluations of himself
and his behavior based on the judgements of persons and
groups which are "significant" for him (in which he has
invested himself). The inner directed person is evaluated

by inner values which are an internalization of either "local
others" (such as a family) or "cosmopolitan others" (such as
a set of principles espoused by a leader).

The third character type described by Riesman is the
"other directed." He is exposed to such a range of divergent
values in modern differentiated society that he is doubtful as

to the "rightness" of his own" values. He responds to

this uncertainty by doing and valuing as his "contemporary
others" do and expect him to do. These may also be either

local contemporaries or cosmopolitan contemporaries (such as

the mass media).

Riesman develops a concept of "autonomy" as opposed
to "adjustment" and to "anomie" between actors and the pre—
vailing social-personality types. The adjusted person is one
whose character structure is congruent with the character
needs of the society at that point in time. Thus the inner
directed person was "adjusted" at a time early in the
emergence of western industrial society when "traditional"
controls had weakened and were ineffective in relation to a

social order experiencing a high rate of change. "Inner"

controls were necessary (like a "gyroscope") to give an

67

actor a source of direction in the face of many novel situa-
tions. The person who retained the "traditional" control
pattern under such circumstances would be "anomic" or out of
adjustment.32 The "autonomous" person was one who saw other
"personal and social models"33 and thus could envision the
"buying a whole new way of life."34 As a result he could
choose to conform or not to the prevailing character type
(the inner-directed in this instance). Thus he was "capable
of freedom whether or not he chose to actually risk devia-
tion."35 In terms of this thesis, he had some ability to
envision behaviors which he anticipated would result in
negative evaluation. This is the concept of autonomy which
will be adopted in this thesis.

Conversely, in the mature industrial society,
"other" people are the problem not the material environment.36
The inner gerSCOpe of the inner-directed person is not sensi-
tive enough to others and is also dysfunctional(ixlretaining
a "scarcity psychology" instead of the required "abundant
psychology" of leisure). One who retained his gyroscope under

such conditions will be anomic. One who develops a new

"radar" as a source of Signals from his "contemporary others"

 

2
Riesman, The Lonely Crowd, p. 283.

33Ibid., p. 294.

 

34Ibid., p. 349.

351bid., p. 286.

36Ibid., p. 297.

68

will be adjusted. One who is capable of "radar" conformity
but is also freed by his newly won sensitivity and is capable'

of choosing not to conform is autonomous.

The Effect of Social Structure on Autonomy
Faunce,in describimgthe peasant village of San
Miguel, provides a unique contrast by which to examine the
effect of social structure on autonomy. He develops the

variables of degree of social differentiation and degree of

 

social articulation. The differentiation of a society is

 

comprised of the division Of labor (horizontal) and the dis-
tribution of status and power among social roles (vertical).
Articulation is defined as the way in which the component
parts fit together. "In a perfectly integrated social unit
all the component parts would be linked together in such a
way that none would be isolated from the others and there
would be no conflict built into the relations between the
component elements."37 (These definitions will be used here.)
Faunce finds a low degree of differentiation and a
high degree of articulation in the village, the opposite con-
ditions from industrial society. These conditions would BEE
be expected to provide for the emergence of individuated per-
sonalities in the villagers which would require the mainten-

ance of self esteem as distinguished from the identity of the

 

37Faunce, p. 6.

69

38
family or village group. Faunce's findings confirmed this.

He found the investment of "self" to be indistinguishable
from the primary collective unit. The village roles of mate
and parent reflected a minimal level of personality differen-
tiation. Thus actor autonomy could not be manifested in San
Miguel nor any other pre—industrial society because the
structure does not support individuation.

Faunce compares the industrial society to the village
by noting the former's self reinforcing cycle of increasing
differentiation (particularly in the form of industrial divi-
sion of labor) which in turn decreases articulation, which
then necessitates an increased "rationalization" of social
authority (in Weber's terms) to Offset the erosion of "tradi-
tional" social controls. The rationalization then generates
an increased differentiation and the cycle continues.

However, in the industrial society, individuated
actors need to maintain self esteem through these various
horizontally differentiated role identities and in the face
of a multiplicity of pyramidal (vertical) status assignment
systems (less room at the top) means fewer actors are granted
specific identity confirmation as one approaches the top.

Fewer actors receive satisfactory self esteem confirmation.

 

Faunce uses the process of self-evaluation
described by James, Cooley, and also Dewey. The actor, to
maintain his self esteem in relation to these persons and
groups which are "Significant" for him (in which he has
invested himself), needs periodic evaluations of himself and
his behavior from those groups, it is assumed.

70

These actors are likely to experience alienation (in Seeman's
terms): normlessness (can't achieve), and meaninglessness
(can't predict incidence of future rewards, and the perform—
ance of activities which are unrelated to larger life), and
powerlessness (can't control outcomes of actions). "Aliena—
tion" is defined by Faunce as two dimensional: (1) self-
estrangement (withdrawal of investment from activities), and
(2) isolation (the use of different criterion for self—esteem
maintenance than the status assignment system employs).

These alienated responses of withdrawal and isolation preclude
the willingness of actors to contemplate autonomous behavior
which they anticipate would result in negative evaluation
because they have already withdrawn the Opportunity for the
group to evaluate their estrangement or have substituted
another set of esteem criterion (isolation). The high inci-
dence of alienated responses are likely to be manifested
either in "apathy" (in response to powerlessness), "overcon-
formity" (in response to meaninglessness), or "lowering of
aspirations" (in response to normlessness), all of which tend
to undermine the bases for autonomy. Furthermore, these
alienated reSponseS may be predicted from the industrial

40
structure because they are rooted in the structure itself.

 

39Melvin Seeman, "On the Meaning of Alienation,"

American Sociological Review, Vol. 24 (December 1959), pp.
748ff.

 

40
Faunce, p. 13.

71

The Effect of Organizational
Structure on Autonomy

Presthus describes three types of performance
reactions to the powerlessness, meaninglessness and normless-
less of the bureaucratic situation, and documents the
inability of actors to change their own institutions and
lives.

The first type, the "indifferent individual,"
responds to the situation by withdrawing his self-investment
in his employment (self estrangement). Thus he has, in
effect, responded to the need for change by saying "it's not
worth the frustration and effort required to change the organ-
ization." He is "estranged" from himself in regard to his
role in that he has withdrawn his "self" from it when he is
doing it. He is "isolated" from those in his work because he
has substituted different Self-esteem criteria so that the
factors important to evaluation on the job are no longer
important to him. Presthus is correct in expecting no auto-

42
nomous behavior from him in his alienated condition.

 

Robert Presthus, The Organizational Society (New
York: Vintage Books, 1962), esp. Chapters 6, 7, and 8.

 

Presthus clearly depends on Merton's classic state-
ment. Merton describes a "bureaucratic personality" who has
given up the personal struggle against the conflict and pro—
vides "efficiency in general and inefficiency in specific
regarding the needs of the clients of the institution."
Robert K. Merton, "Bureaucratic Structure and Personality,"
Social Forces, XVII (November 1940).

 

72

Presthus' second type, the "upward—mobile" must per-
form in accord with the needs of the institution because of
his self-esteem identification with the institution.
Presthus correctly eXpects no innovation from him either
because he cannot tolerate any possible negative

43
evaluation and therefore is not capable of autonomy.

Presthus' third type, the "ambivalent," is the only
type Presthus believes is capable of innovation. Yet,
Presthus observes "he is actually unsuited for bureaucratic
life." He identifies with the institution and receives self-
esteem confirmation from it at the same time that he object-
ively observes changes which need to be made in it. However,
challenging the institution threatens its personnel and they
react by giving him a negative self-evaluation (and later by
trying to eliminate him). Thus his need for esteem confir-
mation and his improvement of the institution may be seen as

largely incompatible, hence Presthus' use of the term

 

43An example of the upward-mobile type is French's

description of the absentee managers at the controls of
"Chromeboat Company" as vertical/cosmopolitan in orientation.
They cannot respond to the needs of the local community when
they conflict with national corporate needs because their
career hinges on their obedience to the institutions.

Robert Mills French, The Community: A Comparative Perspec-
tive (Itasca, Illinois: F. E. Peacock Press, 1969), pp. 392-
409. Similarly C. Wright Mills writes of "organized irre—
sponsibility" in an innerlocking vertical power structure by
which actors are prevented from being responsible." C. Wright
Mills, Power Politics and People, edited by Irving L. Horowitz
(New York: Ballentine Books, 1963), pp. 292-305.

 

73

. . 44
"ambivalent" to illustrate this conflict. Presthus, thus
in the end, offers a literary tragedy. He shows the need to
change modern institutions but persuasively shows how each of

the three types cannot perform the needed service.

Autonomy in Industrial Society

In light of the literature discussed suggesting the
problem of, on the one hand, alienation, and on the other, the
innovation requirements of modern institutions, this thesis,
building on Riesman, proposes a fourth type, the autonomous
type. He would be individuated (in Fromm's sense) in that he
would be a product of a differentiated culture and therefore
capable of perceiving the alternate behaviors required for
autonomy. (This eliminates second and third generation rural
utopian members.) For example, it would be expected that the
isolated Shakers of Noyes' day would not have been exposed to
sufficient social differentiation to have developed in them a
self-identity distinguished from the primary group.

The modern autonomous type might live in an urban
utopian group, where he would be individuated because of his

frequent contact with differentiated society. He would also

 

44Blackington and Patterson's "professional" has the
ethical standards to support his responsible behavior (such
as a medical ethic). However, the authors argue that it may
be impossible to be a "professional" in a market-place domi-
nated society. They claim that the need for a professional
to attend to his own career as a factor of labor in the
market-place may cripple his professional autonomy as well as
his ability to help reform the institutions to which he
belongs. Frank H. Blackington and Robert S. Patterson,
School Society and the Professional Educator (New York: Holt,
Rinehart & Winston, 1968), esp. Parts I and II.

74

be employed in modern institutions (rather than in a utopian—
owned industry),and therefore in a position to effect change
in that institution (he may attempt to change it from the
outside as any other citizen, but this is a different
problem).

One critical factor,following Faunce, is that he
would be a member of a highly articulated reference group
which might sustain his autonomy in his employment against
work pressure for conformity. Thus he need not withdraw his

self—investment (as the "indifferent") nor capitulate to it

 

(as the "upward mobile") nor is he hamstrung by it (as the

 

ambivalent). Rather, the high articulation of the reference
group might support the challenge to his self—esteem from a
potentially negative evaluation from the work institution.
The utopia also might support him in the face of challenges
such as loss of job or illness.

Therefore, it is logically possible to claim that an
individuated actor from an urban utopian group would be
better able to withstand the potentially negative self-
evaluation which deviant or autonomous behavior might elicit
than would a Similar actor whose reference groups were of
low articulation. He would be able to withstand it because
his self-esteem would be protected by the highly articulated
utopian structure.

It is also possible to claim that the source of such
autonomy would be the unique combination of high differentia-

tion (to insure individuation) and high articulation (for

 

75

self-esteem maintenance) Of the urban utopia. Such a com~
bination is rare in the modern world. The industrial man,
even though he may perceive alternatives, often does not
have the self—esteem maintenance to permit the risk of nega-
tive evaluation required by autonomy.

Since this literature and logic suggest it, one of
the tasks here will be to examine U.P.F. to see if it has
such a unique structure of high differentiation and high
articulation and to note any evidence that this combination
does, in fact, permit a high sense of autonomy.

With the material from the 19th Century utopias now
available, and with a conception of autonomy and its sources,

it is possible to proceed to a systematic analysis of U.P.F.

The Use of the Structural Variables

The variables derived from the 19th Century litera—
ture included the following: goal congruence, economic
sufficiency, social articulation, selection and socializa—
tion of participants, religious philOSOphy and practice,
and leadership and decision making. These may now be used
to investigate U.P.F.

Since U.P.F. is religious in nature, its philOSOphy
and goals are highly determinative of the other structures.
Therefore it becomes important to examine it first. (Chapter
III) With the members' goals available from Chapter III, it
becomes possible (in Chapter IV) to examine the group's

relations with Sponsors by comparing sponsor goals with

76

member goals. Such a comparison reveals varying degrees of
goal congruence and conflict of interest which could prove
fatal to U.P.F. (as it did to several of the 19th Century
groups). In addition, the chapter notes the economic suf—
ficiency of the group as a basis for judging the group's
ability to minimize the potentially dangerous consequences
of goal conflict. This chapter is entitled "Systemic
Linkages and Boundary Maintenance (Chapter IV).

Having completed the examination of the potential
external relationships, attention is then directed to internal
matters. The structured relations among the members are
examined in two dimensions: first, the group's economic
structure and any conflict among the members which it gener-
ates (such as family units competing for limited finances,
Chapter V); second, the social structure including the deci-
sion making process and structure and any social conflict
which these generate (such as members competing for limited
status or power, Chapter VI). Although the distinction
between social and economic conflict seems arbitrary, it is
useful for analytic purposes to identify any sources of
conflict.

The examination of the internal structure of the
group is concluded by considering the other important
mechanism noted in the 19th Century experiments: selection
and socialization of members (Chapter VII). Finally, a sum-
mary chapter notes the effects of these mechanisms upon the

viability of the group and on the autonomy of the members in

77

their job roles. A preview of the chapters, their focus
and a notation as to their parallel structure in Loomis

and in Faunce follows in Table 4.

78

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CHAPTER III
PHILOSOPHY AND GOALS OF URBAN PLACE FELLOWSHIP

The philOSOphy of a group is the Shared ideology
among the members which contains the symbols and ritualiza—
tion of the members' relationship to that which they consider
sacred or central. This ideology results in commonly held
goals for the group and for the members, a common rationale
for beginning the group and Shared norms, commitments and
tasks for the group's continued existence.

This chapter will begin the task of describing the
group by analyzing these determinative dimensions, its philo-
sophy and goals. This will set the stage for the examination
of other dimensions of the group.

First the group will be located in its uniquely urban
setting. Next, the history of the group will be described.
This will reveal the centrality of the "Anabaptist vision,"
the theological/historical underpinning of the experiment
and will permit a description of the philosophical convic—
tions of the group. Then the religious practice will be
described, both because it is an important part of the life
of the group and because it is one Of the more Obvious
reflections of the philosophy and goals of U.P.F. These
together provide a picture of the goals of U.P.F. The goals

79

80

may then be compared to the purposes of the socialist and of

the religious groups of the last century.

Geographical Location

 

Urban Place Fellowship is located in Bedington, a
suburb of Brawn, one of the largest metrOpolitan areas in
the country. Brawn is the center of an urban sprawl con—
necting other smaller cities to the north and to the south
into a megalopolis. Brawn offers many employment opportuni-
ties for the members of Urban Place Fellowship: in commerce,
education, medicine, social work and in the church. (See
Chapter I) Commuting to work is always a problem but
Bedington is the first suburb to the north in a series of
suburbs which ring outward like parasites around Brawn.

Thus Bedington's commuters are reasonably close to their
employment in Brawn. Several bus lines, two major auto
arteries and three rapid transit lines feed the commuters
into the city with reasonable dispatch.

North and east of Urban Place are other upper-middle
class and wealthy sections. Thus the motorist passing from
the wealthy north or east of Bedington into the south-
central section views some interesting contrasts. This area
is predominantly residential, interspersed with local
shopping areas. It conforms to the image of the inner city
with its turn-of—the—century row dwellings. They are, to
be sure, generally well kept, yet they contrast sharply with

the wealthy north and the lake strip.

81

Going south, a motorist who had wandered off the
main arteries might notice a street named Urban Place. It
is this street which gives the Fellowship its name and on
which Urban Place purchased its first dwelling. However,
the motorist would note nothing of the presence of the
several Fellowship buildings on the few blocks surrounding
Urban Place, except for two small signs on the door of 727
Urban Place which read: "Urban Place Fellowship" and "Urban
Place Day Nursery." The Fellowship buildings, although they
are single houses interspersed between two and three story
apartments and an occasional row house, are indistinguish—
able from the neighborhood.

Much of the Fellowship's life is not visible from
the street. One has to leave his car and attend the Coffee
House or the members' meetings to feel the concern which
the members share for one another and for others and to dis-
cover the ways the members have attempted to put their

beliefs into practice.

History of the Fellowship

 

The Anabaptist Vision
The founders of Urban Place Fellowship see the
Anabaptist and "radical" groups of the 16th Century Reforma—

tion as their mentors.1 The Anabaptists challenged the Holy

 

1For a more complete discussion of Anabaptist history
see Harold S. Bender, The Anabaptist Vision (Scottdale, Pa.:
Herald Press, 1944).

 

82

Sacrament of baptism and desired to separate the decision—
making of the Christian "brothers" from that of the eccle—
siastical and political authorities.

The Anabaptists, in fact, called for the Reformers
to go further than restoring the place of the layman in the
worship and mission of the Church and reasserting the cen—
trality of the Holy Scriptures. The radicals' claim, in
effect, was that every area of life was the concern of the
Christian. To restore the whole of life to the area of the
sacred, the Church itself had to be re-conceived. They
pictured the early Christian groups as communitarian and
dependent upon God for guidance and direction as Opposed to
the hierarchal authority of the Roman civilization. They
saw the emperor Constantine's adOption of the Christian
faith for the Empire in 300 A.D. as a co—optation of the
Christian groups into the service of the state and therefore
no longer in the service of their Lord. In this light,
they insisted that Luther's and Calvin's reformation had
retained the co-Opted and illegitimate relation of the
Church with the state rather than reforming it to the commu-
nitarian norm of the early Church. The radicals claimed
that the reformers defined the Church in geographical-
political forms so that Church and society were coincidental.
It was this universalistic concept which permitted the
reformers to resolve local authority questions with the

agreement that the local prince or government would decide

83

on the character of the Church in his domain, Roman
Catholic, Lutheran, or Calvinist.

The Anabaptists protested that the society at large
may not be expected to accept the discipleship of Christ.
The "way" is as hard as a "camel going through the eye of a
needle." The Church, if she is to be faithful to her Lord,
must be defined by committed adults, not by ministerial-
governmental bodies. Those individuals ready to follow the
"call of Christ" could be identified by re-baptism. They,
and only they, could constitute a Church which was a fellow-
ship of believers, determined to be radically obedient to
their Lord, regardless of the consequences. This new
authority, a communitarian authority, claimed that God's
will could be discovered best in the context of those who
had committed themselves to him rather than in the Church
(a hierarchal authority) as the Roman Catholics insisted or
in the Bible as the Protestants insisted. These concepts,
to be known as the "Anabaptist vision," were to influence
the structure of U.P.F. and their commitment to radical

discipleship over four centuries later.

Understanding of Human Nature
An important notion implied in the Anabaptists' con—
cept of communitarian authority as the way to appropriate
the will of God is their faith in human nature. They claimed
that the ancient Biblical view was that man as God's crea-

tion was intrinsically good (even though he was continually

84

disobedient).2 However, the theological claims of a growing
and powerful church in society were that man was basically
evil and inherited the Sin originally performed by his fore—
bears.3

The Anabaptists believed that the reason for the
emphasis on man's Sin was to place man's salvation beyond
his own ability and make him dependent on a hierarchal
church. Later Robert Owen and the socialist reformers
(although not theological in origin) as well as Noyes,
Ballou and other religious utopians adopted beliefs similar
to those of the Anabaptists claiming man was basically good
and therefore capable of reform. His evil ways were a
reflection of a competitive society which generated destruc—
tive human relationships and therefore destructive people,
the utopians claimed. If a "cooperative society" were sub—
stituted for the "competitive" one, man's good nature would
be permitted to prevail and constructive rather than
destructive relationships would surely result.4 The main
difference between the religious and the socialist utopians'

views of man was only that of the difference in the

 

2The Dordrecht Confession (1632) of the Mennonites
illustrates this posture.

3The creed formulated by the "Synod of Dort" (1619)
with its description of the "total depravity of man" illus-
trates this stand.

4Hielbroner paraphrases Robert Owen's writings.
Robert L. Heilbroner, The Worldly Philosophers (New York:
Simon & Schuster, 1953), p. 102.

 

85

consequences of the communitarian efforts. The religious
believed the Kingdom of God would result; the socialists
worked toward an atheist utopian state.

U.P.F. believes man is basically good. However,
they are not optimistic like many of the 19th Century
socialistic groups which believed they could establish a
utopian order which would reproduce itself and spread through-
out the society. Some of the religious groups hoped for a
similar influence in trying to bring about the "Kingdom of
God." U.P.F. rather believes it can change little in society
but that its members are capable of restructuring their rela-
tionships with their fellow utopians, discovering and
responding to "God's will" in the tasks and possibilities
which are theirs both within and without the "fellowship of

disciples."

The Origin Of the Fellowship
In 1952 a turning point occurred for the small group
of Scripturite5 students and ministers. During a two-week
retreat, they and their families assessed the current situa—
tion, in the light of the Anabaptist vision. Although their
own denomination claimed it was the carrier of the "radical
vision," the group came to see that the denomination was

actually in the position against which the Anabaptist

 

Scripturite is a code name for a small Protestant
sect which originated in Europe.

86

reformers spoke--that of building another giant denomina-
tional body to compete with the others, coinciding more and
more with social and political structures and standards to
maintain its new size and membership.

The group began to conceive of a Church as had the
Anabaptists, defined by adults who were pledged to follow
Christ. They pictured members who would support one another
in the search for God's will. Their support would be economic
and social as well as spiritual. They pictured, for a model,
the group of disciples whom Christ had gathered about him,
supporting one another in their discipleship. Also, they
decided that if this way of obedience was to be valid for
modern society it would have to be workable in a city.
Reports of other modern "radical" groups encouraged them,
but all the other groups which lived together as a fellowship
were in rural areas. They decided that they would have to
experiment on their own.

Several members of the group began to plan deliber-
ately toward these goals. They were students and teachers at
one of the denominational colleges and seminaries located
about 150 miles from Brawn. They began to share their
finances and decision-making.

Their experiments moved them toward the next step.

In 1957 the group found a house in a part of metropolitan
Brawn. Its address was 727 Urban Place in suburban Beding-

ton. That year Jessie and Laura Mission moved in. They

87

were followed by Joshua and Judy Leaven later that same year.

The next year, Dick and Ellen Miracle, one of the
original group at the seminary, joined Urban Place with their
children and added their strength to the fellowship. Another
house was secured and renovated at 714 Urban Place for the
Miracle family.

In their attempt to embody their commitment to radi-
cal discipleship and to communitarian authority, these Urban
Place members had structured a "brotherhood of commitment"
with implications in at least five areas of their lives:

(1) a place to live (they had chosen to seek accommodations
that all were within a block of one another); (2) finance
(they pooled their income into a common treasury and were
reimbursed according to their needs); (3) personal relation-
ships (they attempted to be "open" in their relationships
with one another); (4) decision-making (they attempted to
search together for God's will for their lives and fellow-
ship); (5) service to society (they attempted to follow
God's will,as it was revealed to them, in service to society
both through their individual vocations and through the
Fellowship as a unit).6

Now, 13 years after the Mission's original move into
727 Urban Place, the Fellowship had grown to include 36

adults and 52 children as well as 12 adults and their

 

6
pamphlet.

"The Way of Love," an Urban Place Fellowship

88

families in various stages of becoming members.

Religious Practice

 

The weekly worship meeting is held on the first floor
of the central building on Urban Place. (See Figure 1)

The entire service of the Fellowship (see Appendix E)
consists of a few songs, several introductions of visitors
and neighbors, a statement of the concerns of the members, a
brief prayer, a drama and a discussion. It reflects the
central understanding of the members, that of a commitment to
"radical Christian discipleship." This discipleship involves
two dimensions: a commitment by the faithful to active
eXpression of beliefs, and a range of expression which

includes "every area of life." The active dimension is

 

eXpressed in the worship by (a) the direct activity of the

 

participants such as the acting out of a play, (b) the

 

identification of the members' concerns and their expression
in the prayer, (c) the rotation of the leadership roles

such as song leader and prayer director, and by depending

on the worshipers and guests rather than a staff member to
set up and dismantle the furniture.

Equality of roles is seen in the fact that none of

 

the several elements of the service was performed by an
"official" person such as a priest or a choir director and
only in the prayer were the members less than active partici-
pants. There were no activities where a priest with Special

gifts or power performed a "liturgical" work on behalf of

89

the members. In comparison with more usual Protestant,
Roman Catholic or Orthodox Christian rites, the U.P.F.
service could be characterized as "non—liturgical,"7 not
being characterized by a particular form or ritual which has
meaning or power in and of itself. An act of prayer or
Baptism or worship would not be eXpected to carry any power
or bestow any blessing in itself nor would it matter whether
an ordained or a "lay" person performed the act. Acts are
instrumental rather than liturgical and are designed because
they fulfill some particular intrinsic need of the group.
Nor are they retained if they do not serve a present function.
Thus acts which appear religious, such as prayer and singing
of hymns, are not considered differently than any other part
of the common life of the Fellowship. They are submitted to
the common test of practicality in helping the group to
function better as disciples.

In this sense, as in others, the group reflects its
Reformation heritage, i.e., that the form of worship must
follow and facilitate the demands of discipleship. The mem-
bers believe that practices and priests may gather vested
interest, become permanent and may confuse and interfere with
the active demands of discipleship. Each one's relationship

with God is expressed not in ecclesiastical rites but in

 

7From the Greek liturgos meaning "work." It origi-
nally meant the "work" which the faithful performed for God
and for others. U.P.F. members feel it has been perverted to
the "work" the clergyman performs for the parishioners.

90

relationships of active concern with others rather than per-
formed for him by a cleric or official.

The other dimension of the radical discipleship con-
cept observed in the U.P.F. worship is the commitment to dis—
cipleship in "every area Of life." This is expressed in
several elements in the service: the expression of present
member problems and concerns for the world around them, the
translation of the Biblical stories into contemporary con-
texts, the use of modern instruments and tunes and even the
use of the living room as the location of the service. These
help bridge the usual distinction between the areas desig—
nated "sacred" and worldly concerns considered as "secular."
This bridging helps support the commitment of the members to
the radical discipleship in every area of life.

The bridging of the sacred and secular may be con—
trasted to some modern religious practices where secular
instruments, songs, and concerns seem out of place and where
"service" is clearly understood only in terms of the day of
worship and in the designated place of worship. This compart-
mentalization includes the cleric who, according to some in
protestant circles, is to "stick to preaching the gospel and
to stay out of politics." A comment from a U.P.F. member
illustrates the contrast with "radical discipleship."

"Either God requires our discipleship in every area of life
or not at all."

Many of the religious utopias of the last century

91

also maintained the unity of sacred and secular. The
planting of crops, for example, was considered by some to be
a religious act. However, their preoccupation with the
future "Kingdom of God" and their isolation from the world
distinguish them from the active sense of responsibility for
the present world that characterizes U.P.F. This sacred—
Secular unity and the active engagement of the world are cen—
tral in the beliefs of U.P.F. and have exerted considerable
influence in the design and institutionalizing of the struc-

ture of U.P.F.

Goals of the Participants

 

The Fellowship as an End in Itself

Both elements of the Anabaptist vision influence the
way in which the Fellowship is understood as an end in itself
by the members. They believe a commitment to radical disci—
pleship in every area of life demands a particular social
structure to support such discipleship. The members do not
believe this is available in the more usual church structure.
The commitment to communitarian authority also requires a
particular social structure. They believe it requires one
which permits a high level of respect and honor for the indi-
vidual member due to his potential role of mediator of "God's
will." Both elements of the "vision" thus postulate the
existence and preservation of the Fellowship as an end in

itself.

92

In a folder entitled "The Way of Love" the members of
Urban Place describe the way in which U.P.F. has tried to
practice the "way of life" which Jesus Christ lived and
taught. The heart of Jesus' message, as the Fellowship
understands it, is the commandment that the disciplies "love
one another as he loved them." "In fact, the whole mission
of Jesus was concentrated on one thing—~the coming together
of peOple who would love one another in this self-giving
way."8 Thus, the goal and the means of achieving the goal
overlap. The means Of discipleship, the Fellowship, is also
an end in itself. The "coming—together" or establishment of
a community is itself part fulfillment of Jesus' admonition.

This emphasis is also reflected in a study outline
the group uses with inquirers which offers a sample of commit—
ment. "I have decided to give myself and my all in the quest
for a just and loving community. . ." They believe community
is necessary because modern society militates against the
life of discipleship much as the First Century culture did
for the apostles of Jesus or the 19th Century society did to
the experiments of that day. The members mention in particu-
lar the national migrations Of families which "cut themselves
off from relationships of care," and the "domination of
peOple by the economic life and by mass opinion." They claim

that these are central facets of our culture which diminish

 

8"The Way of Love," p. l.

93

the possibility of "truly human" life and relationships.
The shape and structure of Urban Place is designed to miti-
gate these influences and to structure possibilities for
people to relate to one another with concern after the
example of Jesus.

The view of Urban Place as an end in itself is
similar to the 19th Century experiments, particularly the
religious ones. However, the Urban Place peOple are not
captured by the romantic naturalism of the previous century
and they do not believe that the "city" or "capitalism" are
inherently evil. Thus they do not describe their search in
"utOpian" terms or as attempting to bring into being the
Kingdom of God. They express little sense of escape from
the world. As Jessie Mission once expressed it, "Those who
have come to Urban Place to get away from the harsh reali-
ties of life have been greatly disappointed. Living
together creates more problems than it solves." "We hope'
people will not come to Urban Place for their own motives,"
he claimed, "but rather for the total commitment to it. The
life of discipleship Often involves a complete reshaping of
the person." It is the sense of personal confrontation and
relationship which is most characteristic of the central
goal of U.P.F. as an end, and, in this sense, it is most
similar to the 19th Century groups. Thus, U.P.F. in empha-
sizing the establishment of a group as an end in itself

shares at least this goal with the 19th Century groups.

94

The Fellowship as a Means to an End

Both the commitment to radical discipleship and the
communitarian authority require viewing U.P.F. also as a
means. The communitarian authority, itself a means of dis—
covering "God's will," requires the existence of the group of
disciples. The discovery of God's will in turn provides the
direction for the radical discipleship or "mission" of the
members. In addition, the accomplishment of the mission
requires the emotional and economic support of the members by
the group.

While the U.P.F. members do not believe they can
exert a large influence on the larger society, they do
express considerable concern for it. It is this mission
dimension of the goal which distinguishes Urban Place clearly
from any of the experiments of the previous century. Where
the previous communities frequently tended to offer escape
from the world, Urban Place claims to serve the world. While
the previous communities were concerned solely with the
quality of the relationships within the Fellowship, U.P.F.
claims to be concerned with the outer influence of Urban
Place upon the larger society as well. It is in this sense
that the Biblical phrase "Kingdom of God" is used by Urban
Place. Many of the 19th Century religious eXperiments used
the phrase "Kingdom of God" to describe a utOpian society
which attempted to participate in the "Ultimate" as a geo-

graphic, often static, understanding of paradise on earth.

95

However, the Urban Place members use the phrase in the more
dynamic participial form of "God's ruling his people." Both
the Hebrew word for Kingdom (mamlakah) and the Greek
(basileja) when translated into a participle would be ren-

dered "reigning,' i.e., "the kingdom of God is where God is
reigning and directing his people." Thus Urban Place's
understanding of itself in terms of the Kingdom of God is as

a community which enables its members to be faithful disciples
and thus responsive to God's reigning in every area of life.
The Fellowship is not permitted to be content with expressing
concern within its membership alone. It sees the Christian
admonition as including all men in need, not just to one's
"Christian brothers."

Urban Place employs various strategies to accomplish
its mission. The members have always sent money to the mis-
sion agency of the denomination with which they are affiliated.
They see part of their faithfulness as being an authentic and
viable church, to serve as a model to influence other
churches. They have attempted to start fellowships in other
locations and support those started by others. They discuss
the successes and Shortcomings of these experiments, so the
lessons become group knowledge and can be utilized for further
trials. They picture their own community as an experiment
also and therefore approach its evolution with a sense of
discovery. They are finding, as "The Way of Love" states,

"what life style will emerge when people come together in

96

love for one another." They ask particularly, "what differ-
ence will the metrOpolitan location make upon the fellowship?"

Another expression of mission is the efforts of indi-
vidual members to pattern their vocations, their employment and
their social and neighborhood activities on social needs.

Many members work as hospital staff members, public and pri—
vate school teachers and administrators, and social work per-
sonnel. Their location in Brawn provides for these types of
service through their vocations. This also distinguishes
clearly this dimension of Urban Place's goal as one which is
uniquely different from the rural communities of the last
century which were isolated from most vocational expressions
of service to society.

The members of Urban Place attempt to be careful
stewards of their time, talents and resources, so that the
"mission" is furthered. They often express guilt feelings
because their standard of living is "creeping upward." Some
things are not regulated by the welfare standard such as fur-
niture and house repairs and they feel these eXpenditures
have been too great in these areas thus leaving less money
for mission. They express concern for the seemingly frequent
moves among members. When one family leaves or a new house
is purchased and larger accommodations are available, the
family which is most "squeezed" may move, but this leaves
their house vacant, and a series of leapfrog moves may result.

They claim that each family which moves "leaves the house a

97

little better than they found it" (has remodeled it) and this
is too expensive. Also they question whether they should

have so much money "sunk into so many old houses" and wonder
if there would not be a cheaper way which would free some
funds for mission. Several people were distressed when their
investigation into starting an integrated housing project in
the city was cut off because part of their available funds
were needed to repair some of the dwellings. In comparison
with the 19th Century religious experiments Urban Place may

be seen as having the same central goal: that of establishing
a religious/cooperative community. However, the strong
dimension of social outreach beyond the borders of the society
adds a unique facet to Urban Place which has been called a
"mission" dimension. Thus Urban Place could be characterized
in terms of its goal as a religious/cooperative/mission com-
munity. This latter mission aspect is clearly reflected in
its metropolitan location and its utilization of the advan-

tages of the urban setting.

Summary
U.P.F. is a religious community which structures
support for its life style in the following ways: (1) a
shared philosophy, (2) a common expression of the philOSOphy,
(3) a respect for one another generated by their commitment
to "radical discipleship" and communitarian authority.
U.P.F., as has been shown, is a religious community

not only because the members worship together,but, in

98

addition, because they attempt to structure their common
life upon their relationship with a divine being and upon
the consequences of that relationship. To the extent that
members commit themselves to and structure their group
around this central commitment and belief Noyes would claim
that the longevity of the group is supported. This evidence
presented portrays a group which has attempted to structure
itself around this commitment--in its economic support, in
its social system, in its selection and socialization prac-
tices, in its religious practice, and as will be shown, in
its decision making practices. Thus, the shared religious
philOSOphy underlies virtually all community life and may,
therefore, lend considerable support to its potential longe-
vity and viability in an urban setting.

The existence of a shared philosophy or belief
supports the common eXpression of the beliefs-—a positive
factor in longevity according to Noyes. However, the
worship service is not "required" of the members of U.P.F.
as it was in many of the religious utopias. Even so, there
is a moral suasion at work at U.P.F. which influences the
members' participation. Both the common commitment by each
of the members as well as the visibility of one's absence
generate a moral influence to participate. This influence
has a similar strengthening effect on the solidarity of the
group as required attendance of the religious utopias.

This chapter has examined the philOSOphy and goals

99

of U.P.F. It noted the group's urban location and the
active, worldly orientation of its religious practice as
reflections of its belief system. These beliefs comprised
particularly a bridging of a secular/sacred realm which
resulted in an active role of the members in worship and a
sense of responsibility for the world.

These beliefs were traced to the "Anabaptist vision"
of the Reformation period which postulated the need for a
communitarian authority to appropriate "God's will" (rather
than the church or the Bible) in support of a "radical dis-
cipleship in every area of life."

These beliefs were adopted by the founders of the
U.P.F. Their goal was to structure a communitarian group as
an end in itself and as a means of support for the radical

commitment to "service" in every area of life.

CHAPTER IV

SYSTEMIC LINKAGE AND BOUNDARY MAINTENANCE

The purpose of this chapter is threefold: to describe
describe Urban Place Fellowship's various systemic linkages
with outside systems, to note employment of boundary mainten—
ance behavior by such outside systems, and to analyze the
fellowship's ability to respond to such behavior. 4

Systemic linkage refers to a structural and
behavioral relationship between two social systems. The
structural aspect consists of performance expectations and
sanction power of one system over the other. The behavioral
aspect consists of the actual performance of the systems,
including boundary maintenance of one of the systems (employ-
ment of sanctions over the other when the other's perform-
ance does not meet its expectations).l

One type of linkage was noted, in the examination of
the 19th Century groups (Chapter II» as having serious conse—
quences. This was a link with an outside financial sponsor
whose goals were not congruent with those of the group in
question. The financial power of such a sponsor constitutes
in Loomis' terms, an economic sanction power over the group.
Several apparently "successful" 19th Century groups, such as

Brook Farm, ultimately failed because of this phenomenon:

 

lLoomis, Social Systems.

100

 

101

not because the members were dissatisfied, but because the
sponsors were. The sponsors, in maintaining their own
boundaries (from inadequate returns on invested funds), were
forced to withdraw their investments or foreclose a mortgage.
This ended the experiment. It is because of such experiences
by some Of the 19th Century groups that is is important to
investigate U.P.F.'s experience with the boundary maintenance
behavior of any of its sponsors (including its ability to
satisfy such sponsors). Thus this chapter includes boundary
maintenance as one significant adjunct of systemic linkage.

To accomplish these purposes in the chapter, the fol-
lowing steps will be employed: (1) classify U.P.F.'s systemic
linkages according to the degree of sanction power which an
outside group enjoys, (2) describe the structure and operation
of each linkage, noting the extent of any sanction power over
the fellowship, (3) describe the fellowship's income produc—
tion system and its ability to satisfy any outside financial
demands, and finally, (4) since financial sponsor goals are
often not congruent with member goals, to note any effect of

such incongruency on the fellowship.

The Relationships Of the Fellowship with Outside Sponsors

 

U.P.F. maintains several types of links with other

systems. These are of three types. Some involve a non-fiscal

 

relationship and lack the power of economic sanction (links
with churches, with other communitarian groups, with a
seminary and with the neighborhood). Some links involve a

partially fiscal relationship and have some economic sanction

 

102

pOwer over individual members (links with governments and
with employing institutions). Finally, some links involve a

principally fiscal relationship with agencies which have

 

economic sanction power (links with a denominational
"mission board" and with a local bank). These will be dis-

cussed in turn below.

Non-fiscal Linkages

Links with Churches

 

U.P.F.'s desire to serve as a model of a Christian
Fellowship brings them into contact with various local
churches. The mutual influence is minimal, however. The
churches serve as a contrast for the Fellowship members and
heighten the identification of U.P.F. with the "radical"
segment of Christianity. The churches occasionally become a
source of members for U.P.F., but these are usually people
who are dissatisfied with the churches and does not repre-
sent any sponsorship by the churches. Rather, it reveals a
distinction between the two groups. U.P.F.'s goal involves
eXperimenting with structures of "Christian fellowship."
The churches, often committed to maintaining present struc-
tures, find such eXperimentation threatening. However, the
churches have not engaged in any active boundary mainten-
ance to date in relation to U.P.F., and since they are not
in a sponsor relationship to U.P.F., they present little
threat to U.P.F.'s existence. The linkage between U.P.F.
and contemporary church groups is thus generally of low

intensity and frequency.

103

Links with Communitarian Groups

 

U.P.F. enjoys several unusual links with contemporary
communitarian groups. The links are limited to religious
utopias, however, and do not seem to include the non—religious
groups nor the rich experiences of the 19th Century's nearly
eighty experiments, both religious and socialistic.

The links with the contemporary religious groups are
via an informal "communications net" of people visiting and
letters crossing back and forth. U.P.F. usually is in a
sponsor role in these links because they presently enjoy
greater financial resources than many Of the eXperiments,
especially some younger rural utopias. These groups are
important influences on U.P.F., however. Those who visit
U.P.F. from other utopian groups or those U.P.F. members who
visit other experiments probably number between 200 and 300
per year. They bring practical reports of how other groups
function as well as normative reports of the efforts and
trials they are undergoing.

Since several of the groups understand their experi-
ences in terms of a distinctive Christian life style and in
some cases a "radical Christian" one, the groups, in effect,
help validate one another's efforts and values. Thus the
linkage of the communitarian groups to U.P.F. may be said to
contribute to the structural articulation of the life of
U.P.F. This articulation was acknowledged previously to be

one of the requisites of a member's autonomy outside the

104

Fellowship in that it could support a member's self-esteem
in the face of an eXpected negative evaluation which he might
receive for an autonomous or non-conforming vocational act.
Although these normative and practical influences by
other utopias are important in the life of U.P.F. and to the
autonomy of the members when outside of U.P.F., they do not
constitute a fiscal sponsor relationship with U.P.F. and,
therefore, could not jeopardize the longevity of U.P.F. as
has been discussed. Even if a sponsor relationship existed,
the goals (to institute a religious cooperative society) are
enough in accord with those of U.P.F. so that no potential

danger would be predicted.

The Link with the Theological Seminary

 

U.P.F. maintains an important relationship to Moose-
hart Seminary and College--institutions of the Scripturite
Denomination. The seminary was one of the sources of the
historical scholarship which released the Anabaptist vision
from under the shadow of Lutheran and Calvinist theology.
The founders of U.P.F., it has been noted, consisted of stu-
dents and faculty of the seminary inspired by the "vision."
In addition to being an important source and carrier of the
convictions undergirding the group, the seminary also pro-l
vided a setting where the founders could "field test" the
communitarian living ideas while still at Moosehart before

trying the plan in Brawn. The seminary provides a continuing

105

reinforcement of the validity of the Anabaptist vision and
thus of the norms and symbols by which U.P.F. describes its
life and goals. As such, the seminary also functions for
U.P.F. like the communitarian groups by contributing to the
structural articulation of the Fellowship and thus to the
autonomy of the members in their vocational roles.

These various links with the seminary are maintained
by U.P.F. members who teach on the faculty of the seminary
as well as periodic visits of college or seminary students.
Some become interested in the U.P.F. experiment and move to
Brawn as members when they graduate.

However, such supportive relationships, important as
they are, do not provide any potential threats to U.P.F.
These links are more personalistic than institutionalized,
consisting generally of individuals who become persuaded to
the "radical" Christianity rather than of any "official"
support by the institution as a whole which could be termi—
nated if it found itself threatened by U.P.F. There has
never been any financial support by the seminary other than
a few faculty salaries whose loss would not significantly

disturb the life of U.P.F.

Links with the Neighborhood

 

U.P.F. engages in several systemic links with neigh—
bOrhood groups and agencies. Relationships with the immedi—

ate neighborhood continue to be harmonious. Unlike the

106

extended marriages of Oneida which generated the hostility

of its neighbors and forced the group to move, U.P.F.'s
practices are considered rather ordinary by its neighbors.
The group maintains the family and the family dwelling as the
basic unit of the Fellowship, and, aside from an occasional
misunderstanding about the common purse, the neighbors con—
sider the U.P.F. members to be groups of families who share
"church activities." (The local chief of police once heard
that there was a group in town practicing "communism." After
the common purse was explained by the members he was satisfied
that it was "only a church.")

There is even some evidence that the Bedington resi-
dents consider U.P.F. a valuable addition to the area.
Several residents claim the U.P.F. members would "take a
minute to help a person" when others would not. Others note
that "even the teenagers are hardworking and polite too."

The repairing and remodeling of the dwellings (which con-
cerns some members because of the expenditures of time and
funds) is the source of positive feelings by the neighbors
who note that "they always keep up their houses and that's
good for the neighborhood." Other neighbors see U.P.F. as a
stabilizing factor in a transient area. They cite the influ-
ence of U.P.F. in the face of an influx of black residents

as the persuasion of many white residents to remain. They
perceive U.P.F. as several hundred thousand dollars of real

estate which is committed to remaining and working to

107

stabilize the neighborhood. On that occasion, the U.P.F.
members had gone door to door in the several block area to
try to persuade their neighbors to remain. The size and
dedication of U.P.F. undoubtedly permitted more influence
than several single families would have exercised.

Other neighbors cite the efforts of U.P.F. members
in obtaining the recreation program at Urban Park, a small
recreational plot on Urban Place. Others mention the Urban
Place Day Nursery, which the Fellowship staffs and houses,
as a contribution to the working mothers in the area. The
Fellowship uses the first floor of the 727 Urban Place
dwelling for the nursery and supports Helga Charity, one of
its members, so she can devote her full time to the nursery.
They have also sent her to visit other educational experi—
ments at home and abroad so She could improve the nursery.

Some of the U.P.F. members have been involved in
other activities in Bedington. Some, concerned with the
quality of the public schools, have attempted on several
occasions to "buck the establishment and get some reform can—
didates elected to the school board." They have not enjoyed
great success but were ready to try again. Some members have
participated in anti—war and integration activities and
marches. However, these are Single individuals and the neigh—
bors are not generally aware of their identification with
U.P.F.

The various contacts the U.P.F. members eXperience

108

in the neighborhood all contribute to the diversity of rela4
tionships of the members outside the boundaries of the Fellow—
ship. Such diversity includes the vertical differentiation

of a member in various status and power roles. They also
include horizontal differentiation of specialized roles such
as parent-of—school-child to principal—of—school. The vari-
ety of these roles may be seen in contrast to a rural utopia,
whose members journey only infrequently into town for

supplies or advice.

Such horizontal and vertical role variety is required,
according to Fromm and to Faunce, to cause the actor to dis-
tinguish himself from others by identifying himself in
various roles.2 This process of "individuation" is a pre-
requisite for autonomy. Thus it may be claimed that the
various linkages which U.P.F. experiences with its neighbor-
hood help provide the structural differentiation and thus
individuation required for autonomous behavior in a way which

the rural utopias could not.

Partially Fiscal Linkages

Links with Governments

 

The Bedington city council eXpresses little awareness
of U.P.F. other than to see that the group obeys local ordi-
nances and building codes and that their children attend pub—

lic schools (which they do). There is some evidence that

 

2Chapter II revealed how autonomy is dependent on
indivuation (as well as articulation).

109

the council considers the Fellowship to be beneficial for
the neighborhood. The council is concerned about the
increasing number of rental apartment buildings in the area.
They have encouraged U.P.F. to purchase buildings (by making
allowances on building and remodeling requirements) because
they knew the building would be used by U.P.F. for Single
family dwellings.

Other governmental units affect the Fellowship little
in carrying out its purposes. The state and federal govern—
ments relate to it primarily on a taxation basis. (The
U.P.F. classification for the Federal Internal Revenue
Service is a "Fraternal Order.") These linkages have little
effect except that a Special set of financial records for
each family must be maintained so the families can validate
their "contributions" to U.P.F. Each family pays income tax
individually and deducts the difference between its income
and its expenditures as a "contribution" to the "Fraternal
Order." Thus a conflict of interest exists with these
governmental units. The State and Federal governments are
concerned with tax revenues and local governments with com—
pliance to zoning and educational ordinances. However, there
seems little reason U.P.F. could not continue to comply with
these Since presently the Fellowship's income is clearly suf—
ficient to accommodate such expenses. Also taxes decrease
with income so a decrease in future income of U.P.F. would

decrease the tax burden accordingly. Only a misappropriation

110

of funds would create difficulty in paying taxes and this
seems unlikely. (The accounting system will be discussed in

the following section.)

Links with Employing Institutions

 

U.P.F. maintains many links with local institutions
through its working members who are employed in various pro—
fessional and non-professional roles in the urban area. As
has been noted, the type of employment and vocation frequently
reflects the "mission" or "service to people" orientation of
U.P.F.'S goals. Many members work as hospital staff members,
public and private school teachers and administrators and
social work personnel both "lay" and professional. U.P.F.'S
location in Brawn, one of the largest job markets in the
nation, provides the range of job Opportunities for the mem—
bers, from psychiatrist to teamsters and ShOp workers.

These vocational links serve several important func—
tions: (1) They generate the income which supports the
Fellowship and pays the bills. Because the agencies provide
such support they, in effect, stand in a sponsOr relation—
ship to U.P.F. (2) They supply the members with an
increasing and up-to—date reservoir of skills and knowledge
on a range of topics from finances to interpersonal relation-
ships. For example, the training and experience which Joshua
Leaven and Jessie Mission received in their roles at Brawn

State HOSpital were important and perhaps critical in helping

111

U.P.F. deal with interpersonal relationships in the Fellow-
ship, particularly in its early years. (3) The institutions
have, at times, provided some candidates for membership in
U.P.F. The members, as they relate to others in their voca-
tional roles, occasionally find like-minded friends or col—
leagues who investigate the Fellowship and occasionally join
the group. U.P.F. in turn provides several educational and
service institutions in Brawn with dedicated personnel. As
many as ten members have Simultaneously worked at "Brawn
State," the local mental hospital. Several of these were
young men performing "alternate service" in place of military
duty. U.P.F. provided a place for them to live "outside of
commuting distance from their home" as is required by the
draft legislation. In many cases the members were instru—
mental in obtaining these jobs which were also acceptable to
the draft board. The members acquainted them with the opera-
tion of the hospital and encouraged them to perceive the jobs
as a means of "helping people" rather than as a mere source
of income or way to avoid the draft.

The members' experience in vocational roles has an
important influence on their autonomy also. The various job
situations constitute for each employed member additional and
significant role eXperiences. These roles are considerably
more systematic than the Often random links with the neigh-
borhood. Also they expose the members to a broader and more

well-defined status and power distribution (vertical

112

differentiation) as well as to a broader and more well—defined
division of labor (horizontal differentiation). As such they
contribute to the self-identification of the members in come
iparison to a wide range of styles and alternatives. These
would be expected to generate the wide range of alternative
perceptions which Riesman claims is required for autonomy.
Clearly this metrOpolitan setting provides a structural differ-
entation which was unavailable to the rural utopias. Along
with the linkages with the neighborhood groups, the linkages
with employing institutions must be seen as major contributors
to individuation and thus to autonomy.

The other central influence of employing institutions
is upon community longevity. The employing institutions are
related to individual members of U.P.F. who are on their pay-
roll rather than to the group as a collectivity. The eXpecta-
tions of the agencies for a U.P.F. employee do not differ
from that of any other of their employees: to perform ade-
quately in the job role. Since many of the U.P.F. members
have jobs involving service to peOple, their goals and those
of the employing agency are frequently complementary rather
than in conflict. However, even if this were not so, the
individualized nature of such a sponsor link would mitigate
against the loss of job and income by very many members con-
currently. The temporary unemployment of one or a few members
has happened several times and the remaining income has been

sufficient to "carry" the Fellowship until the others Obtain

113

employment. Although the employing agencies are absentee
fiscal sponsors, it is unlikely that a conflict would
materialize with a sufficient number of them Simultaneously
to threaten U.P.F.'S existence as did the absentee sponsors
of the 19th Century groups. The diffusion of employment
safeguards the source of income, and the common purse pro-
vides an economic "floor" under a member who perceives a
course of action which may jeopardize his job. These
factors provide the economic security which is needed to

supplement the psychological dimensions of autonomy.

Fiscal Linkages

Links with the Mission Board

 

There are two Sponsors who have linked with U.P.F.
as a unit (unlike employing institutions) and stand in a
fiscal sponsor relationship to U.P.F.: a church mission
board and a local bank.

The earliest financial sponsor was a mission board
of the Scripturite denomination. When U.P.F. began in 1957,
the board loaned the young community a down payment for a
house. They also supplied the monthly expenses for the
group until income from the members' employment became
adequate to support themselves. U.P.F. had also agreed to
accept young mission trainees from the board into the Fellow-
ship. The board hOped to provide training for these people
by their experience in the Fellowship so they could serve in

other projects of the denomination.

114

However, several of the people sent by the board had
either severe emotional problems or little understanding and
sympathy for the style of fellowship U.P.F. was attempting to
institute. Consequently, many were unable to contribute to
the solidarity of the group. However, the group's resources
were apparently equal to the challenge; as Joshua Leaven, one
of the original members, put it, "The Lord never seemed to
send more problems than we could COpe with." His counseling
Skill, as well as Jessie Mission's, were being sharpened at
Brawn State by day and U.P.F. by night. Also, both original
families were exceptionally stable and constituted a solid
core so that, unlike many 19th Century socialisms, they were
able to survive this early and difficult period.

U.P.F. was continually unable to reach a satisfactory
understanding with the board concerning the "mission
trainees." The board continued to send people with little
understanding or sympathy for U.P.F. In effect, the board
saw U.P.F. as a place to send recruits who were not capable
of filling other assignments so U.P.F. could "straighten them
out."

It became clear to the members that they would never
aChieve a satisfactory relationship with the board because

their goals were too disparate.

During the first two years, however, others had
heard of the experiment, visited, inquired first hand about

the style and purpose of the group, and stayed on as members.

115

These peOple were better oriented and were frequently more
mature. They brought added strength to the group. The mem—
bers each obtained employment in Brawn and each continued to
live on the "welfare standard" while the average income was
considerably above this level. This difference began to
generate considerable surplus funds. Some of these were sent
to mission projects of U.P.F.'S choosing but much of it was
sent to the board to repay the funds they had provided.
Between the second and third year the group had
repaid nearly all of the money loaned--both for mortgage and
for eXpenses——enough so U.P.F. could terminate its relation-
ship with the board in good faith. The group then incor—
porated itself as a church, independent of any outside agency.
The relationship to the mission board had been help-
ful to the young group, primarily because it was a sympa-
thetic source of funds. It permitted the Fellowship to
govern itself without restriction but the relationship could
not last. The board had little understanding of the demands
of group living and even less possibility of selecting suit-
edqle candidates for membership while 500 miles removed from
‘the Fellowship. It was to be a good lesson. The group was
forced to face the problems of membership-~selection and
Orientation—-more squarely. The board had actually consti—
tuted a financial sponsor relationship in a similar fashion
to the lenders and landlords who had foreclosed on several

19th Century socialisms. The link with the mission board

116

could have been fatal to U.P.F. in two ways. The Fellowship
may have continued to receive recruits who were unsuited for
such a cooperative venture. Unless additional mature and
stable members had been available the group would not have
been eXpected to maintain the internal cohesion necessary to
survive; a phenomenon Similar to the many failures of the
19th Century socialisms whose members had little common com-
mitment or interpersonal eXperience to bond them together.
The other way the link with the board may have been
fatal to U.P.F. was that the board, if it had been unsatis-
fied with the performance of U.P.F., could have simply
stopped sending funds and called for the repayment of the
loan. This would have caused the sale or mortgage Of the
Fellowship dwellings. U.P.F., in repaying the funds to the
board, did not eliminate the second alternative, that of
foreclosure. They only transferred it to another agency—-
the bank-~as will be seen. However, they did eliminate the
first possibility of diluting and disrupting the internal
cohesion of the group by accepting recruits from the board.
Z\fter that link was broken, they could present to a prospec-
‘tive member the challenges and inquiries which they thought
éippropriate "to the life of discipleship" rather than to

serve the manpower needs of a church denomination.

Links with the Bank

 

The mission board remained willing to supply funds

even after the incorporation of U.P.F. (the Fellowship

117

needed mortgage money to buy additional housing). However,
the group felt that if they accepted the board's funds they
would have to accept the board's recruits. The board could
still send recruits in any case, but U.P.F. felt it could
receive them on their own terms if it remained free of com—
mitment to the board.

Thus the local banks were visited and U.P.F. was
found to be a good financial "risk." The expectations of the
bank were considerably Simpler than those of the mission
board. As long as the payments were made on time, the
insurance regularly maintained on the buildings, and the
buildings physically maintained, the Fellowship was free to
go its way. However, the bank would not "carry" the Fellow—
ship through the difficult periods as the "board" would have
done and would be eXpected to foreclose the mortgage if the
group did not meet its obligation. Such a relationship
clearly constituted a conflict of interest between the finan—
cial goals of the bank and the communitarian aims of the
Fellowship.

Thus the bank constituted an absentee sponsor rela-
tionship similar to those of the previous century. The bank
clearly could have foreclosed the mortgage and taken posses-
sion of the dwellings, terminating the existence of the Fel-
lowship in that location. U.P.F. clearly has the same type
capitalization as those Owenite and religious groups of the

former century who had to borrow funds from creditors, thus

118

generating a conflict of interest with this absentee
sponsor. Thus U.P.F. must be classified as a "debtor" com-
munity in contrast to the "benefactor" experiments such as
New Harmony where the land was purchased outright for the
group, eliminating any mortgage-holder relationship.
Conflict Between Urban Place Fellowship
and Absentee Sponsors

This section will examine more closely U.P.F.'S
source of financial support in relation to its need to
satisfy the banking institutions and avoid the foreclosure
difficulties observed in several 19th Century socialisms.
To accomplish this, some quantitative comparisons between
U.P.F.'S income and its eXpenses will be examined. Then the
mechanisms which determine its income and eXpenses will be
cOmpared to those of the 19th Century's socialisms to reveal
sources of strength or weakness. A final section will
examine the relationship between the U.P.F.'S members and
three types of agencies whose systemic links with U.P.F. may
generate structural conflict with the members. These are
mission recipients, absentee sponsors and vocational col-
leagues. These will complete the assessment of U.P.F.'S
systemic linkages as they influence its longevity potential

and other aspects of its life.

The Machinery of Fiscal Support
U.P.F. regularly receives its members' weekly pay-

checks into the common purse totaling approximately $160,000

119

annually. (See "average income" Table 5) The Fellowship's

goal of service to society enjoins them to live at the

TABLE 5.--Estimated Yearly Incomg and Expenses of
Urban Place Fellowship

 

 

INCOME--estimated total yearly
(20 employed persons, range $5,000-$18,000) $160,000

LESS:
EXPENSES--estimated total food, clothing, etc.
distributed by formula based on Brawn City
welfare formula (19 family units) 100,000

BALANCE AVAILABLE FOR MORTGAGE AND OTHER

USES IN COMMON (37% of total income) 60,000
LESS:
MORTGAGE PAYMENT (8 buildings) 20,000

 

"CUSHION"--available for discretionary common
expenses such as mission, college, and
building repair $ 40,000

 

1These figures were estimated by one of the know-
ledgeable members of the group.

minimum or "welfare" level of eXpenditures. This level
represents an amount for each family for daily expenses such
as food and clothing. It is allocated to each family accord-
ing to the Brawn welfare formula (by family size and age of
members). The total of these living expenses for all 19
family units equals approximately $100,000 annually. (See
"eXpenses" Table 5) The difference between income and expen-

ditUres is $60,000 per year or 37% of total income. This

120

means that 3 of every 9 dollars earned is available, if it
should be required, to satisfy absentee sponsors. This is a
remarkable amount when contrasted with the marginal perform—
ance of the 19th Century socialisms. Even after the $20,000
yearly mortgage bill is deducted (l of every 8 dollars
earned) a $40,000 "cushion" remains (2 of every 8 dollars)
and cushions the group against unforeseen circumstances.
This Sizable fund means that the total group income can be
reduced by 25% or 1 wage earner in 4 could be laid off with—
out jeopardizing the financial stability of the group. The
Fellowship does not regularly send $40,000 per year to
mission projects: they send closer to $7,500—$10,000. The
balance is distributed among the following: education costs
such as college for their children, local mission projects
such as painting a neighbor's house or paying his medical
bills, and repairs to group buildings. The $40,000
figure does indicate the magnitude of the surplus which the
Fellowship generates. The combination of the unique source
of income and the minimum level of fixed expenditures pro—
vides a cushion for U.P.F. which only the considerably older
religious communities of the 19th Century enjoyed and which
the group can eXpend according to its priorities and commit-
ments.

A closer comparison between U.P.F. and the 19th
Century socialisms will reveal more clearly the source of

U.P.F.'S apparent financial stability.

121
The Fellowship Compared to the
19th Century EXperiments

As has been noted, both U.P.F. and most 19th Century
groups were burdened by a debtor status and both employed
the common purse (communism) or the joint stockholder varia-
tion (socialism) so that the entire income of all the members
would be available to meet eXpenses in both situations.

The central distinction between U.P.F. and the 19th
Century groups is location, the urban situation of the former
and the rural location of all the latter. This has implica-
tions both for the income and the eXpenditures of the groups
and thus for the financial ability to satisfy absentee

sponsors.

The Effect of Income and EXpenses on Longevity

 

Fixed eXpenses.--The main factor influencing the fixed eXpen—

 

ditures of the groups is the financial structure of the
central fixed expense, the mortgage. This debt, in the 19th
Century groups, reflected the purchase of land for farming

as well as housing while that of U.P.F. represents housing
alone. Land for farming or manufacturing is actually the
purchase, in an economic sense, of a factor of production.
Thus it must be purchased in sufficient quantity so that its
yield will support at least the needs of the members as well
as a balance to pay off the mortgage. Furthermore, land

was often purchased in sufficient quantity to support not

only the size of the groups at the time but the future

122

desired Size of the group (often three to five times larger
than immediately needed according to Noyes' figures) because
it was feared that the land would not be available at a
future date. Also the optimistic founders pictured the com-
munity swelling to its maximum size very quickly. Moreover,
the group had to purchase sufficient "improved" land as well,
including housing for the present members. Thus, the groups
frequently incurred a heavy fixed expense at the outset.
U.P.F.'S purchase of housing, on the other hand,
reflects not a production investment (that being supplied
by the employers of the members) but merely the housing to
provide for the present members. The first three members,
having small families, lived together in one dwelling (but
had three incomes). Later, larger families arrived, each
of which required an entire dwelling, but who added more
incomes. Thus, the mortgage debt increased directly with
the increase in members but not as fast. This linear rela-
tionship did not hold for the agrarian groups who frequently
burdened the founding families with the fixed debt of the
future size of the group including both housing as well as

land.

Variable eXpenses.--Another factor which distinguishes the

 

expenses of U.P.F. from the rural utopias is the living
expenses—-those costs incurred by the residents in daily
living such as food and clothing. These expenses vary almost

directly with the number of residents in a group. The

123

distinction between the two types arises because the mission
philosophy of U.P.F. implores the members to live on a mini-
mum level of necessities so that maximum amount remains for
mission projects. This is reflected in the "welfare" level
which each U.P.F. family is granted for its food and clothing
expenditures. The effect of this is to generate a larger
cushion between living expenses and income which is available
first for fixed expenses and then for discretionary allocation.
In contrast, the residents of many of the socialist
utopias (not the religious groups) had high expectations of
the "manifold economic benefits of cooperative living" from
evangelistic enthusiasts such as Robert Owen and later
Horace Greeley. Any surplus of income over expenditures
was quickly utilized for the comforts of the residents rather
than to increase output, reduce fixed eXpenses, or serve

causes agreed upon by the community.

Income.--The central distinction influencing the income of
U.P.F. in comparison to the rural utOpias is the employee
rolescfifthe U.P.F. members vs. the entrepreneur roles of
the rural groups. As entrepreneurs the earlier utopians
faced the usual difficulties of starting an enterprise.

Once the initial investment in land had been com—
mitted there was usually little cash remaining for equipment.
This resulted in a low productivity and thus a low yield.

Also many of the enthusiastic residents had come seeking

124

escape from urban life and were unsophisticated agricultur-
ally. Farming, as the single source of employment, demanded
that all the residents engage in the farming enterprise
whether skilled in the science or not. Those few groups who
started manufacturing operations offered some additional
variety of employment; however, these were only the Older and
wealthier groups. Consequently, according to Noyes, the
uninitiated agrarians frequently purchased poor land and
employed inferior husbandry techniques, also insuring low
yields from that land which was planted. Frequently the
amount of land which the small founding group could cultivate
was only a fraction of that purchased, yet they retained the
mortgage burden for the entire plot. This resulted in a low
output in relation to the land investment.

In contrast, the U.P.F. members, in employee rela-
tionships to employing institutions in the city, were free
to seek employment in the type of enterprise which maximized
their own abilities and interests as well as to seek the
situation of highest productivity and remuneration. Thus
the problem of productivity was shifted to the external
entrepreneur who, in effect, had to compete for employees
by offering the maximum wages.

In addition to the 19th Century problem of low agri-
cultural yield was the problem of the lag time from when
the necessary resources were committed until the output was

realized. Once the planting has taken place the size of

125

the output is a fixed amount and cannot be increased until
the next planting season and no output is realized in the
intervening period to cover the ongoing eXpenses. The lag
is not difficult to COpe with if the group has a surplus to
provide for expenses, but many socialist groups were hard
put to generate such a surplus. But more difficult was the
occasional influx of new residents after the planting. The
planting may have been the maximum capable by the previous
group, but its yield would have to be divided among a larger
group—-leaving less surplus to meet the mortgage payment.

The desire to intensify labor in relation to the
amount of land influenced the young groups to seek more mem—
bers. However, it was only accidentally that they arrived
in time to increase the acreage under cultivation and thus
to provide an incremental yield to offset the added burden
in the short run which the new members represented.

Worse yet were the vagaries of weather which often
reduced the yield below even the needs of the original group,
not to mention those of an increased number of residents.

In contrast to this, U.P.F.'S expectation for each
new member to obtain employment insures for each new member
an increase to the group income to offset the additional
expenses he represents. In fact, the welfare standard and
the use of one dwelling for two or three families guarantees
that the new income is larger than the increased eXpenses.

Thus, each new resident adds an increment to the cushion

126

rather than representing a burden on the group. Also unlike
farming, the new employees' income is realized almost imme—
diately (according to the pay period of the employer) rather
than a season later.

Two factors could prevent the operation of the cor-
reSponding increase Of income with additional members which
U.P.F. enjoys. One would be an economic "recession," the
other would be an increase Of low skill residents who would
not be able to obtain employment readily. These dangers are
minimized by several factors. As was noted above, U.P.F.'S
cushion would be expected to cover both living and mortgage
eXpenses until as many as every fourth employee was laid off.
The Fellowship easily weathered a tight employment situation
in the recession of 1959. The unemployment rate in the Brawn
area did not come close to the 25% level and the unemployment
rate of U.P.F. workers was considerably lower than the city
rate. U.P.F.'S low rate may be explained by the service and
professional employment of many of the residents whose unem-
ployment rates were less than in manufacturing sectors. An
economic "depression," however, would be eXpected to alter
the Situation to degrees varying with the intensity of the
depression. However, the wage floor provided by various
forms of unemployment compensation would still be expected to
Eutovide for the "welfare" level expenses of the group.

The other circumstance, that of an increase in

1lhskilled personnel who would have difficulty Obtaining jobs,

127

has not materialized to date. However, this would be partly
accounted for as in the past by the professional members
helping to locate jobs in the eXpanding "service" fields for
the new members. Thus the variable structure of the expenses
as well as the income of U.P.F. permits nearly a linear cor—
relation between them which insures a continually larger
"cushion" in relation to long—term commitments. This
"cushion" against the demands of absentee sponsors reveals
the favorable position of U.P.F. in comparison to the pre-
vious socialisms and permits a favorable prediction of longe-
vity for U.P.F.

In summary, the examination of the current average
income and expense figures of U.P.F. revealed that a con-
siderable amount (37% of total income) was potentially avail—
able to meet fixed expenses, even though part of this amount
was usually expended for "mission" projects (not a fixed
commitment). The favorable ratio was expected to remain
roughly constant as the number of members increased, although

the "cushion" in absolute amount would increase.

Conflict Between Members and Mission Recipients
U.P.F.'S systemic linkages would be expected to have
hnportant influence on the relationships of the members to
Outside systems such as mission recipients, absentee sponsors
ani vocational colleagues. Potentially the payment to such
outside recipients would reduce the amount available to the

menfloers. For example, if an increase to "Rural Farm," a

128

communitarian group, were accompanied by a decrease in the
allocations to U.P.F. families, a conflict of interest would
be said to exist. This would be expected to generate fric—
tion between the members who advocated supporting the "Farm"
and those who opted for the family allocations-~both highly
normative to the beliefs of U.P.F. However, the common purse
and the welfare budget reduce this potential because U.P.F.
families theoretically are already making the maximum amount
of funds available for mission projects. Thus, mission
Spending can be defined as secondary in financial priority to
family necessities. Because of this and the "cushion," the
funds sent to mission projects are always surplus after
family expenses and mortgage have been subtracted. In the
case of a loss of the cushion, the family expenses, as first
priority, would be paid in full and the mission eXpenditures
reduced if necessary. Thus, under all circumstances, a pay-
ment to a mission recipient has no influence on member fami—
lies and therefore the potential conflict of interest is
seldom actualized.

The potential for friction between members regarding
the specific allocation of the mission funds still exists.
This is not so serious because it is an interpersonal con—
flict (following Faunce)—-it represents differences of
C>E>inion among the members and can be resolved by discussion

or compromise. It does not represent structural conflict-—

 

Corlflict of interest which would not be negotiable because

129

the welfare of the family units would be in question. The
avoidance of such conflict of the members with mission reci-
pients permits the fulfilling of this dimension of the
group's goal. This contributes to the identification of the
members with one another and thus the solidarity of the
Fellowship. Also, in actualizing one of the stated goals of
the group, that of service, it increases the fit of arti-
culation of several parts of the Fellowship, service goals,
financial structure, member commitment and member consumption.
This phenomenon is not comparable to the experiences
of the 19th Century utOpias since they were most frequently
conceived as entities in themselves and did not appear to
include a service dimension, directed to any outside recipi-
ents of their services or funds. However, a comparison may
be drawn with modern churches and families. The common
experience is of a church squeezing its budget to meet a
financial commitment to a regional or central denominational
agency. An increase in mission funds frequently means a
decrease in current operating funds——a conflict of interest.
Frequently, the conflict is accompanied by hostility between
the members who advocate one expenditure over another. The
fact that both expenditures, support of programs and mission
giVing, are normative to the self—understanding of the church
INNans that the hostility is usually intense and a loss of
articulation or fit between the parts may occur. The hostility

and loss of articulation can lower the identification of the

130

members with one another and with the church.3 These further
reduce the church's ability to raise funds and meet its
commitments.

The members of U.P.F. sense the inability of the
institutional church to resolve the conflict for itself
and its members.. They note the attachment of the church to
its institutional wealth and find it strange that "the
churches court the rich young rulers of our time instead of
challenging them." They claim also that the churches have
failed miserably in asserting the primacy of love over the
economic life of their members.

In effect, the churches are trapped by conflict of
interest. Since they are not committed to a minimum level
for themselves nor to urging their members to consider such
a minimum,each monetary increase is potentially available
both for budgetary needs and for individuals and agencies
outside itself. Thus there is a conflict of interest which
reduces internal cohesion and articulation.

U.P.F., by stipulating the minimum consumption level
for itself, automatically provides all revenues above this

level for others. When revenues are reduced below the

 

3Many clergymen and laymen who have "dropped out" Of
the church cite the inability of the church to live up to
its "mission" among the causes for their disenchantment.
Even though often the most visible reasons for such disen-
chantment are current "issues" such as "race," this analysis
suggests that a more fundamental difficulty underlying all
"mission giving" and complicating the church's response to
the “issues" is the above structural conflict of interest.

131

minimum level, the group is justified in stopping its mission
contributions—-thus avoiding the conflict.

Similarly, a family which attempts to express its
concern for segments of society by contributing part of its
income to other agencies experiences this conflict. Any
funds it offers to such groups must reduce the amount avail—
able for itself. The conflict can create friction among the
affected family members, reduce family cohesion and reduce
the articulation between what it professes and how it behaves.

U.P.F., by the common purse, welfare level spending
and financial cushion, has minimized this structural con—
flict between the members' needs and those of mission
projects. The resulting increase in group cohesion and arti-
culation between goals and performance would be expected to
contribute both to group longevity and member autonomy out-

side the group.

Conflict Between Members and Absentee Sponsors

 

The conflict of interest between U.P.F. as a

collectivity and absentee sponsors such as the local bank has

 

been discussed above. The adequacy of the group's income
structure and welfare level spending to generate a surplus
and satisfy such sponsors was noted. This section examines
any influence on the members from such a conflict.

The sponsors of utOpian groups seldom fall into a
normative category, that is, they do not believe they "ought"

to support them but rather that the linkage is a necessity.

132

This holds true for U.P.F. Thus, the question of articula—
tion in terms of members' identity is as easily resolved for
absentee sponsors as was the potential conflict with their
assistance to "Rural Farm." Thus, the question may be
analyzed in terms of the imposition of the external demands
on the family budgets. The function of the "cushion" to pro—
vide both the welfare necessities as well as to satisfy the
sponsors has been noted previously, thus minimizing any con—
flict between the members and the sponsor. The elimination
of the surplus would, however, recreate the conflict causing
the members to reduce their purchase of necessities to meet
the commitment to the sponsor. This would be expected to
create hardship and also possible friction among the members
in reaching new decisions regarding expenditures, thus
reducing cohesion and also adversely affecting the longevity
potential.

In addition, some of the members would be expected to
attempt to relieve such hardship by increasing their income
by seeking "raises" in salary or new positions. This would
reduce their autonomy, not because the articulation of U.P.F.
would be affected, but because they would need to protect or
enhance their income and thus their obedience to management.
In addition, any move to a new employer for financial reasons
would eliminate their usefulness in reforming the former
position, the original purpose of the search for autonomy.

However, the linear relationships between income and expenses

133

in U.P.F. (new members bring increased income in prOportion
to increased expenses) was expected to protect the cushion
and thus continue to minimize the potential conflict and

protect the cohesion among the members.

Conflict Between Members and Vocational Colleagues

 

It was described previously how the members of U.P.F.
maintain vocational roles in various institutions in the
urban area and thus provide the income for the Fellowship.
The individual nature of this linkage was noted.) However,
the potential conflict between the members and their col-
leagues was not noted. This conflict exists because of the
pyramidal shape of the employing structures and the competi—
tive structure of the "job market." The existence of a
limited number of status and reward positions reduces the
possible range of COOperation among the colleagues to achieve
the goals of the organization. Also, the competition for
status reward positions would be expected to increase the
incumbent's conformity to superordinate and group norms and
thus decrease the possibility of autonomous behavior.4 How-
ever, U.P.F.'S welfare budget and the common purse minimize
this conflict in the working members of U.P.F. in two ways:

they reduce the pressure and resentment from the other mem—

 

bers of U.P.F. and they reduce the pressure from his own

family.

 

4This is Presthus' major hypothesis. Robert Presthus,
The Organizational Society (New York: Vintage Books, 1962).

 

134

The common purse, in breaking the relationship
between one's salary and the U.P.F. consumption level, mini-
mizes the pressure from the Fellowship. His salary may
increase or decrease, but the Fellowship members will con-
tinue to consume at a "welfare" level. Also any resentment
by one member who contributes more than another, for example
A's $15,000 per year compared to B's $5,000 per year, would
not be expected to be sustained. Even if B's salary were to
increase to $15,000, the consumption of both families would
remain the same. Thus, "pressure" from the Fellowship mem—
bers for a member to compete for a larger salary is quite
low.

For the same reason, the "pressure" upon a member
from his family would be low. Without the commitment to the
welfare budget, a member might attempt to achieve a higher
reward position for the increased benefit it would bring to
the group and the increment it would bring to his own family.
However, the "welfare budget" at U.P.F. results in no
increase to his family or to the group, but rather to surplus
for mission. Thus, the pressure from a member's family is at
a low level.

The observations of the members confirm the descrip—
tion of low vocational pressures. Several members of U.P.F.
report that they enjoy a "relaxed attitude" with respect to
their income. "We don't always have to be concerned about

buttering up the boss or looking for a better paying job,"

135

they claim. Jacob Deed, one of the employed members of
U.P.F., observed that he had lived in other communities
which were "always after you to make more money; it created
a lot of pressure. Here we can take a job because it's
interesting. It's much more relaxed."

The vocational consequence of such a reduced competi-
tion would be that one would be permitted to exercise any
potential for autonomy which may have been generated by a
highly articulated reference group, rather than having it
"short—circuited" by competitive conformity. Free from com-
petition with colleagues, he would also be able to engage in
various forms of cooperation with them to accomplish desired
ends.

Several informants at the large state mental hospital
where many Fellowship members work reported behavior by
U.P.F. members which was not observed in colleagues whose con-
flict of interest with other colleagues had not been resolved.
The informants had witnessed some U.P.F. members willing to
forego "credit" for themselves to let others "take the
credit" to Obtain various kinds of cooperation from colleagues
such as increased services to patients. Also, the informants
had observed some U.P.F. members willing to undergo the
"hostility and pressure by some superordinates and some col—
leagues" to protect patient services. While the reduction of
the conflict between the U.P.F. members and their colleagues

and superordinates may not have directly caused such behavior,

136

it may have reduced an undue dependence on superordinates

or competition with colleagues and permitted such behavior.

 

Summary

This chapter has enumerated and described U.P.F.'S
various systemic linkages. Three types were discovered.

Some were non-fiscal in nature and had no economic sanction

 

power (links with churches, with other communitarian groups,
with the seminary and with the neighborhood). Others were

partially_fiscal relationships and had limited economic

 

sanction ability or had such only with reference to indi-
viduals and not to the group (links with governments and
with employing agencies). Some links constituted princi-

pally fiscal relationships in that the agencies had Vital

 

economic sanction power. If the group had not met their
expectations, the sponsors would have been expected to pro—
tect their boundaries, employ the sanctions and potentially
terminate the existence of U.P.F. The mission board and
the local bank were discovered to be in this latter cate-
gory. The early solvency of the group permitted a termina—
tion of the linkage with the mission board before any
significant consequences resulted. The dependence of the
Fellrmwship upon the banking institutions was acknowledged
to be a continuing source of potential danger.

However, the chapter noted that the income structure

of U.P.F. in relation to its eXpenses generated a large

 

137

proportion of its income (40%) which was available to meet
the expectations of sponsors such as the bank. The urban
location, the employee status of the members and the "welfare"
consumption level was seen as the source of such high income
and low expenses. In comparison to the 19th Century social—
isms, U.P.F. bought only housing and that only as new mem—
bers required it, limiting their fixed expenses (mortgage),
while the socialisms often bought sufficient land and
dwellings to provide income for the expected future size of
the group. U.P.F.'s commitment to the "welfare standard"
minimized current expenses in comparison to the high expecta-
tions and expenses of many of the socialisms. U.P.F.'S
employee source of income, it was noted, provided a steady
and adequate income for each member as he joined, in effect
permitting him to pay his own way. Many socialisms, in com—
parison, suffered from low productivity associated with poor

land and equipment, "inexperience,' poor weather, and a dis—
function between the acreage planted and the number of mem—
bers to be supported by it at any given time.

These advantages generated an early fiscal solvency
for U.P.F. enabling it to minimize or eliminate its conflicts
of interest with absentee sponsors and thus increase con—
siderably its potential longevity. In addition, the common
purse and its related mechanisms of "welfare" consumption and

communal ownership of property along with the "cushion" of

income over eXpenditures helps reduce several conflicts of

138

interest which would have interfered with member goals.
These resulted in the provision of member necessities in
spite of other members' extra needs (reducing conflict
between members), in spite of gifts to mission recipients
(reducing the conflict with recipients), in spite of commit-
ments to absentee sponsors (reducing the conflict with spon—
sors), and, finally, in spite of competitive vocational
hierarchies (reducing the conflict with superordinates and
colleagues in employment situations and fellow utOpians at

home).

 

CHAPTER V

INCOME ALLOCATION

Introduction

 

Those eXperiments of the previous century which were
not closed by absentee sponsors failed because of internal
dissension, often caused by conflicts of interest among the
members. This chapter and the next will attempt to describe
the internal operation of the Fellowship. The present
chapter will note the effects of the economic structure, and
the next chapter the effects of the social structure.

Whereas the previous chapter considered U.P.F. as a collectiv-
ity, examining relationships with external sponsors, this

chapter will View the individual members and examine rela-

 

tionships among the members within the Fellowship.

To accomplish this, it will give further attention
to the economic life of U.P.F., the functioning of the
"common purse" which is the distribution mechanism of the
group, and its effect upon the relations between the members.
The previous chapter noted the important effect of the
"cushion" generated by the various sources of employment in
minimizing the conflict with external sponsors. This chapter
will also examine any influence of this cushion on the
internal accord of the members. U.P.F.'s financial structure

139

140

will be compared to the 19th Century groups. The members'
understanding of the financial mechanisms will be noted
to provide a comparison of their expectations to actual
performance.

The result of any internal structural conflicts
would be a loss of cohesion among the members--an important
factory in longevity. Another result of structural con-
flicts, according to Faunce,l is a decrease in articulation.
Specifically, Faunce claims that "conflict" and "isolation"
are two dimensions of articulation. The conflict, it will
be seen, is central to this chapter; isolation is signifi-

cant in the next.

The Mechanics of the Common Purse

 

Although most members are aware of the effect of
the economic disciplines on the Fellowship, few are cognizant
of or even need to know the legal and fiscal details of its
operation.

The common purse functions in four simple steps:
(a) the members place their paychecks into the common purse,
(b) a common amount is returned to each family unit for
expenses such as food and clothing, (c) the eXpenses incurred
by the Fellowship as a collectivity, such as the mortgages,

are paid, and (d) the balance is available for "mission"

 

1The dependence of autonomy on articulation was
treated in Chapter II above.

141

projects and is paid accordingly.

However, early in the life of U.P.F. the members
discovered a need to document their finances for income tax
purposes. They had sought and gained, under poor advice,
an Internal Revenue Service designation as an "apostolic
order." However, this did not permit the deduction of their
"contributions" to U.P.F. from their taxable incomes. If a
family earned $10,000 and lived on $6,000, the family felt
it should be allowed to claim $4,000 as a deduction from his
taxable income. Recently they discovered that a "church"
designation would permit the deduction of "contributions"
from the individual tax returns. They have applied for the
new status and established a financial arrangement to docu-
ment all deductions from their individual tax returns.3 They
have established five bank accounts. Three of the five

accounts are used for the income and eXpenses of the three

 

ZThere is a committee of five members which facilitates
this process. It is called the "financial committee," and it
investigates group eXpenses and mission projects [(c) and (d)
above] and makes recommendations to the Fellowship. For
example, it may investigate and recommend hiring a local
rodent control service for the group's old buildings or
initiating a local integrated housing complex for the neigh—
borhood. The five members are selected by consensus because
of their financial expertise. Their recommendation to the
monthly plenary member meeting places them in a "staff'rela—
tionship to the common purse machinery. (Figure 2)

3

They have never objected to paying taxes although
they, like many private individuals, feel strongly about
such government eXpenditures as the military budget. They
feel they should avail themselves of every legal tax exemp~
tion because they can eXpend the funds in accord with their
purposes of "mission."

142

Figure 2.——Mechanics of the "Common Purse"

"Corporation"
Account

 

 

 

 

-3- Car

Expenses

House
Repairs

 

Niortgage
Payments

Individual Families Place
Income in Group Account

and Receive Expense

Charges
for
Corporate
Fellowship
EXpenses

Allowance

 

"Monroe
Street
Group"
Account

 

E

"Coffee
House
Group"

Account

 

 

"Sherman
Street
Group"

Account

 

Eontribu-
tions"

Tax
Exempt

"Church"
Account

 

 

 

Support (A

for
Other
Groups

Support
for
Outside
Individuals

Education
EXpenses

Contributions
to
Denominational
Mission
Boards

ad

«a ‘1
5

9“

 

*1—

143

small decision making groups (see Figure 2). Each member of
U.P.F. belongs to one of the groups. A fourth account is the
corporate account (see Figure 2). This account receives
income from the group accounts and makes payments for that
class of Fellowship eXpenses which is not deductible for
income tax purposes. The fifth account-~the "church account"
-—receives income from the groups and makes those payments
for the Fellowship which are deductible from the members'
income taxes.

The treasurer of each small group collects the pay-
check of each individual in his group and deposits it into
the small group account (see Figure 2). He then returns an
amount to each family for monthly eXpenses of food and
clothing. Next he pays "charges" to the corporation account.
'The "charges" are a way of apportioning to each family a
{Dart of Fellowship expenses such as for automobiles and mort-
qgages so the individual family income may be reduced by an
aapprOpriate amount and thus reduce each family's income tax
Ilevy. The charges also reflect other expenses such as
Slumber, plumbing supplies, and insurance on the buildings.

After the "charges" for each family are remitted to
the "corporation" account from the small group accounts, the
kflilance of the small group account is then "paid" to the
Crnarch account. Frequently, a small amount is returned for
ethra eXpenses such as guests' food so the feeding of

QUests does not create a burden on the individual families.

144

The payment from the small group into the church account
constitutes a tax exempt "contribution." The treasurer for
each small group records each family's income, their
expenses and their deductions and gives them the information
at the year's end for their income tax report.

After any reimbursement has been made to the families
from the church account, the balance is available for the
mission of the Fellowship in its various forms, such as
support for other communitarian groups, payments to the
denominational mission board or contributions to individuals
the group is helping with educational or medical expenses.

An example of a normal situation will clarify the
flow of funds. A typical family's monthly income is approxi-
mately $650. Thus, their payment to the small group is
$650. Their allowance from the small group in food and
clothing, according to the size and needs of their family,
might be $300, leaving a balance of $350 in the small group
account. Their housing and transportation "charges" might
be $200 which would be remitted to the corporation account
leaving a balance of $150 in the group account. The $150
would be transferred to the "church account" which might
return $50 to the group account and then to the family in
compensation for Fellowship guests they had boarded or for
other eXpenses. The $100 balance in the "church" account
would then be available for "mission" projects.

The system accomplishes several desirable accounting

145

functions for the Fellowship. (1) It provides a mechanism
of collection and distribution. Because the mechanism is
"formal" and not personal, it relieves any particular member
of the potentially unpopular task of enforcing a group com-
mitment to a "welfare standard." In addition, it directs
members' dissatisfaction, if any, back to the entire group
where the commitment originated. (2) The mechanism pro-
vides the income tax information which the Federal govern-
ment demands in order that the families may deduct the "con-
tributions" to the "church" account from their taxable
income and accurately reflects costs of communally-owned
cars and dwellings. (3) The mechanism provides several
kinds of information upon which the group may base decisions.
Primarily, it indicates the amount, after expenses have

been met, which is available for "mission projects." It
also indicates if any families are having difficulties

staying within expenses.

The Reduction of Member Conflicts

 

The financial mechanism provides, in addition to the
accounting benefits noted, an important non—financial influ—
ence. This section will examine this important influence
which reduces conflicts of interest arising over the produc-
tion and distribution of scarce goods and resources. The
most obvious conflict in any system is a competition among
members for an inadequate amount of resources. In a family,

if the income remains inadequate,when the husband wants

146

extra funds to purchase golf clubs the wife will have less
for a new dress and a conflict of interest may be said to
exist between them.

The situation is similar to that of U.P.F. except
that the potential conflict is between family units as well
as between members of the same family. The common purse
defines each family unit as equally worthy of scarce
resources at whatever overall level of consumption the group
chooses. Rather than a rule such as the family which earns
the most receives the most, as in Fourierist utopias, U.P.F.
claims that the family which needs the most should receive
the most. Thus, each family unit is equally worthy of scarce
resources. "Equality" is defined as in Marxian doctrine or
early Christian practice, not as each receiving an identical
amount such as $300 per month, but that each unit receives an
amount in similar prOportion to their need. This, however,
generates the problem of defining "need." The budget assists
the group by institutionalizing the concepts of "need."

Judy Leaven, one of the wives, in describing the con-
cept of "need" eXplained, "We get $113 a month for food for
our family of four. For clothing we get $5 a month for each
child, $12 a month for teenagers or adults, and double that
for each working person." Another member, Matilda Grant,
whose family had eight members, quoted a figure of $289 a
month for everything——clothing, household, entertainment, and

food. "However, the Fellowship account takes care of doctor

147

bills, furniture and repair costs, car and housing costs."
She also claimed that each of her children had foot trouble
and required the services of a specialist and the Fellowship
had always seen that they got the required care.

Matilda indicated a sentiment common to many. "The
‘welfare' budget is at times 'difficult' to live on, but if
one believes that other people are more important than money,
he ought to live that way——besides if all the other members
can live on the budget, we can too." Thus, the common purse
and the welfare budget, by defining each family as "equal"
and stipulating the allocation to each, reduces a potential
conflict between the families for the limited resources of
the group. An increase in the "needs" and the allocation to
one family, rather than reducing the allotment to the other
families as in a competitive situation, would have no effect
on them unless their needs changed. In addition, the low
level of competition and common definition of "need" gener-
ates feeling of a common struggle and an increased sense of
identity among the members—~"if the others can live on the
welfare budget, we can too."

The budget resolves for the members only those allo-
cation questions such as food or clothing which it covers.
Another area of potential competition is non-standard eXpen—
ditures such as television sets and summer vacations. These
create potential Conflicts because they come not from the

family allotments but from the Fellowship funds. It is

148

apparent to the members that eXpenditures by some families
could reduce that available to others-~a competition situa-
tion. The commitment to a "welfare" consumption level,
however, aids in the adjudication of such items so that all
are subjected to the same "rules." The welfare concept
permits the group to eliminate some items, such as color TV
receivers, as "luxuries" and therefore inappropriate for any
members. Other items have come to be defined as "necessi-
ties" such as medical and educational eXpenses. Even vaca-
tions have been recently defined as a necessity so the
family may "relax from the rigors of the husband's job and
from the city." Vacation expenses are usually granted to
each family, not as a matter of course as are the allotment
items, but as each family's plans become known.

Other expenditures are non—recurring items and there-
fore cannot be regularized, like family vacations, and are
not clearly luxuries or necessities, but are one-shot items
such as the Herald's trip to the theology conference. These
are also discussed in the small groups and decided "on the
merits of the case." Thus, some competition is possible in
this arena. However, the equality concept, that all members
should potentially be eligible for the same benefits, helps
reduce competition significantly.

Another important feature is that the common purse
helps reduce the competition between families for most of

the non-budgeted eXpenditures. The communal ownership of

149

homes, land and automobiles, in effect, places these items,
which in western society are frequently objects of severe
competitive relationships, outside of the competitive arena.

The final class of expenditures are "luxury" items
such as television sets. These are funded by the individual
families and thus are taken out of the arena of the group
decision making altogether. These become decisions of the
individual families, and, because family allocation is based
can necessities, it has no provision for luxuries. However,
.if a family chooses, it may, for example, reduce its expendi-
'tures for clothing to save some funds for a TV set. The TV
ssets that are visible in the Fellowship are consequently
iJiexpensive or used sets.

The lodging of the decision on luxury items with the
feunilies, in effect, shifts the competition to the arena of
tlie families. This has generated some strain among some of
tile family members although this is little different than
tile strain of budget decisions in any modern western family.

A final mechanism, the "cushion" of income over
exqaenditures at U.P.F. not only reduces the actual competi-
tican between families for non-standard items, but actually
prtevents competition for budget necessities. In effect, the
Ctushion permits the Fellowship to deliver on its promise to
prxavide the welfare level allotment to each family and not
tc> fall below it, as well as to actually decide each dis-

crxationary case "on its merits." If the income of the

150

Fellowship were not sufficient to cover the "welfare"
eXpenses of the member families, the clothing and food allot-
ments, which are not budgeted and therefore removed from the
sphere of competition, would need to be continually adjudi-
cated as well as those non-typical needs such as vacations

or medical bills which are currently decided upon case by
case. Family A might claim it needed its regular food allot-
ment because it had some sick children while other families
would receive less than their "share."4 The factor which
prevents this source of conflict is the maintenance of the
"cushion" of Fellowship income over total expenditures.

This permits the group to actualize its commitment to equal-
ity of distribution in budgeted items. The cushion and the
commitment to a welfare level of consumption permits the
group to decide each non-budgeted case on its merits rather
than by economic necessity and thus helps reduce the competi-
tion in this area. Clearly, if the members were not confi—
dent that the funds were available to meet such expectations,
they would be more likely to compete for the needs of their
family. (Family A's education vs. Family B's vacation.)

The ability of the common purse and welfare spending to

support communitarian decision making so that each case is

 

4Because of the strong communitarian norms of U.P.F.,
it might be just as likely that Family A would argue that
Family B needed extra. However, this is immaterial as con—
concerns the structural conflict that would arise on needs
which are presently regularized.

151

decided on its merits thus reduces such competition by poten—
tially providing both Family A's and Family B's needs.

In summary, U.P.F. is able to reduce potential and
actual economic conflicts of interest among its members
relating to the distribution of resources. Most important
are the common purse and welfare budget which distribute
resources to families equally according to levels of "need."
The "cushion" permits the actualization of the welfare level
and avoids the competition for goods at a new set of priori—
ties below that level. The "cushion" also permits delivery
on the corporate commitment to all family "necessities" such
as medical bills and on most "borderline" cases which may be
decided on the merits of the case, so no conflict is struc—
tured in those areas. Finally, the definition of homes and
cars as communal property and that of luxury items as subject
to individual family decisions eliminates both these areas

from the competitive sphere.

Comparison to 19th Century Groups
Some Owenite and religious communities of the 19th

Century attempted to reduce competition among the members by
distribution mechanisms similar to U.P.F.: a common purse,
dwellings held in common, and distribution according to need.
However, some of these groups apparently failed in elimina—
ting such competition because they failed to achieve a
"cushion" of income over eXpenses with which to support the

common purse. Consequently, the members fell into dissension

152

about the distribution of an inadequate income, a conflict
which many of the religious groups and also U.P.F. were able

to avoid.

In addition to the lack of a "cushion,' most
socialisms had little commitment to a low or minimum con—
sumption level. Rather, the members expected to reap economic
as well as social benefits. This expectation contributed to
a competition for scarce resources. The religious communities,
in comparison, often assisted the functioning of the common
purse by a commitment to a "minimum" level of consumption,
and the maintenance of a cushion of income over expenses,
effectively reducing competition.

The Fourierists, in comparison, were not committed to
a common purse but rather the "joint stock" principle. They
calculated the distribution of the total income to which a
member was entitled by adding one amount for the effort be
expended and another for the number of "shares" he held.
Thus, member A could potentially have received considerably
more than member B due to holding more stock as well as
working more hours during the accounting period in question.
Fourier and his advocates believed that competition would be
eliminated or at least harnessed to the benefit of all because
A's increase in productivity would result in an increase to
all shareholders. Thus, if A labored 100 "units" more than
B and each held the same number of shares, A's wages might

be $15 more than B's. However, the "dividends" to both A

153

and to B might be increased $3 due to A's extra-labor. Thus,
B's reception of some of the gain from A's increase in pro—
duction must be seen to minimize the competition between them.
Thus, it is not a simple conflict of interest for limited
resources, because what is in the interest of A also benefits
B. However, they may compete against one another for
increasing resources. This permits member A to retain and
thus consume more than member B. In addition, many Fourierist
eXperiments had production difficulties similar to the
Owenite groups. The absence of a "surplus" must have gener-
ated situations where some members from extra labor and large
holdings of stock had more than enough income to meet their
needs where others received inadequate amounts. Thus, the
fact that A's increased efforts resulted in a differential
increase over B may have generated some competition between
them, not for limited resources, but for an expanding resource
as well as to increase each one's self-identity with his out-
put level and with his consumption rather than with his com—
monality with his neighbor. This attempt to increase produc—
tion by harnessing self—interest appears to be a mixed
blessing generating some conflict and Opening the door for
resentment and focusing of member attention and identity on
consumption rather than on the common concerns of all the
members.

Another feature of the Fourierist groups was the

existence of stockholders living outside the group who

154

received part of the income without contributing "labor" to
its increase. This arrangement did actually constitute a
conflict of interest, as was noted in Chapter II, for distri—
bution of fixed production. This would be particularly
noticed where a member living in the group had only a few
shares and depended on his units of labor to support his
family. Those "absentee" shareholders who received income
only from stock (and those members in the group with large
stockholdings) would find it in their interest to distribute
more of the production to "shares" and less to labor. The
family with few shares would desire more to labor and less
to shares. This case illustrates the minimum amount of har-
mony of interest and the maximum degree of conflict in the
joint stock arrangement. The actual practice would not be
eXpected to have been such an extreme condition so that
varying degrees of conflict would have existed among the
members for an increasing output of labor and the distribu-
tion of that output to shares (of members or absentee share-
holders) or to labor. These sources of conflict, in addi-
tion to the often high expectations for consumption and fre—
quently a low level of productivity, apparently generated
much of the discord and shortness of longevity which the
records indicate.

The Owenite and religious groups as well as U.P.F.,
in comparison to the Fourierist conflicts of interest,

defined each family as equally qualified for the group

155

output. This separation of the income of each family from
their output eliminated the Fourierist type of competition
and, it would be expected, increased the identification of
the members with one another and thus the group cohesion, a
positive influence on longevity.

In addition, U.P.F.'s unique commitment to the wel—
fare level, and the existence of a surplus such as the reli—
gious groups enjoyed, reduces the conflict between members
of U.P.F. to a similar low level of the long—lived religious
utopias. It would be expected that this reduction in poten—
tial conflict would support member cohesion and thus longe—

vity.

Summary

In summary, the common purse and its related mechan-
isms of "welfare" consumption and communal ownership of
property along with the income "cushion" do much to reduce
structural conflict and competition among the members for
limited resources and to help actualize some of the group's
goals. The definition of each family unit as equally justi-
fied to receive the resources of the Fellowship according to
their needs, and the specification of "needs" at a welfare
level, reduce any likelihood of competition for necessities.
The "surplus" provides for the provision of these "non-
budgeted" necessities so they may be adjudicated by the com—

munitarian norm rather than by competition. The definition

156

of dwellings and automobiles as communal property and the
definition of luxuries as family decisions places both out
of the group decision making and therefore out of the com—
petitive arena.

The various aspects of the common purse support the
desires of the members to become detached from their prOperty
so they may identify with people. The common purse, its
definition of equality of all in terms of their needs, the
common effort to live at a "welfare" level, and the common
ownership of dwellings and vehicles (those goods most likely
to generate personal identification) all discourage the
identification of peOple with their goods. Consequently,
they encourage, by emphasizing the commonness of all, the
identification with one another.

In comparison with the Fourierist groups of the last
century, U.P.F. seems to enjoy the same reductions of con—
flict as the Owenite and the religious groups with their
common purse, common property, and understanding of equality.
In addition, U.P.F.'s unique commitment to a minimum con-
sumption level reduces member conflicts for non—budgeted
eXpenditures as well as to help insure the "cushion" which
itself reduces potential conflict by permitting the group to
actualize its commitment to treat all members "equally"
according to "need."

These factors permit the group to achieve one of its

goals, making decisions according to what is "right" rather

157

than by financial necessity, as well as helping the members
become detached from material possessions and identify more
with persons.

The result of these influences is an increased group
solidarity, a positive influence on potential longevity, a
reduction in conflict, and a positive influence on longevity.

The next chapter will focus on social structure
rather than the economic conflicts among members. It will
attempt to note isolation among the members as well as

social conflict, the other dimension of articulation.

CHAPTER VI
ARTICULATION OF THE COMMUNITY SYSTEM

Articulation, according to Faunce, is a measure of
the "fit" of the members together in the social dimension
without isolation or conflict of interest. It is facilitated
by adequate social patterns and round of life. It is reduced
by a highly developed division of labor and status—power
hierarchy and by isolation and conflict of interest among
members.

Communitarian groups must provide at least three
things to fit their members together and accomplish their
common tasks: a cluster of norms to guide the members'

interaction and conflict management; facilities or collective

 

patterns to accomplish group tasks, structure the round of
life and build group cohesion; and a social structure con—
sisting of some division of labor and some status—power
hierarchy to structure the members' interaction and task
accomplishment.

According to Faunce, norms, facilities and social
structure may articulate the members together as well as
create conflict of interest and isolation. Therefore, these
must be examined carefully to note any contribution as well
as detriment to articulation which they may generate.

158

159

The central interaction norms are "openness" and
"integrity." Openness refers to the direct communication of
sentiments between members; integrity to the equalizing of
the members in a dispute as to the management of their con—
flict and the avoidance of manipulation.

The facilities consist of an ecological arrangement,

 

the "proximity of housing" and five group activities: the
"member meetings," the common meals, the "work day," the
worship service and the "coffee house." The proximity of
housing refers to an ecological arrangement of the dwellings
within walking distance of one another. This facilities the
several common activities as well as to directly reduce mem-
ber isolation. The member meetings are weekly gatherings of
members for conflict management and decision making. The
work day is a semi—weekly gathering to accomplish building
projects and maintenance. The worship service is a weekly
meeting of religious affirmation and teaching (considered
in Chapter III above) and helps reconfirm the common goals
of the group. The coffee house is an informal weekly recre-
ational gathering and helps bridge communication gaps with
Inembers and local neighbors. These facilities together
generate a common round of life which helps articulate the
INembers, reduce isolation and build group cohesion.

However, the accomplishment of these tasks requires

additional social structures. The social structures consist

 

Of a division of labor and a status and power structure.

160

The division of labor, according to Faunce, is a horizontal
differentiation of members into various role positions to
accomplish the tasks of the system. U.P.F.'s division of
labor is characterized by a rotating job structure which
calls forth various members according to the skill require:
ments of the task at hand. This helps avoid the permanent
placement of members into roles or offices which can isolate
members from one another and generate conflicts between role
positions. This, in effect, reduces the degree of horizontal
differentiation.

A status and power structure, according to Faunce,
consists of a hierarchal pattern by which members or officers
are accorded differential honor (status) and a differential
ability to direct the behavior of others (power). Only four
status—power levels were observed at U.P.F. and the signifi—
cance of these were further reduced by the detachment of the
physical symbols of differential status and power from the
members. This was accomplished by the communal ownership of
houses and cars and the common purse which eliminated the
income differential.

According to Faunce such group accommodations (a
norm, facilities, and a social structure) may reduce group
articulation as well as enhance it. It is increased by an
articulating round of life and a norm for conflict resolu—
tion. It is decreased by isolation, conflict of interest

and a high degree of vertical and horizontal differentiation.

161

U.P.F. was found to have an interaction norm and a
round of life adequate to generate group cohesion, reduce
member isolation and provide for the accomplishment of group
tasks. These, in addition to the low differentiation of status
and power andcfifdivision of labor structures, generated a
high articulation community system.

These three categories—~the interaction norm, the
facilities, and the social structure, will now be considered

in turn.

The Interaction Norm——"Openness"

 

The Commitment to "Openness"

The literature of U.P.F. observes that "Christians
can live together physically and still have little genuine
love for one another." To facilitate the kind of member
interaction they desire, the members each commit themselves
to what they call an "Openness" in their relationships with
one another and attempt to structure various occasions to
support this quality of interaction. Openness includes
such ingredients as interpersonal management of tension,
(iirect communication of sentiments, shared decision making
and shared resolution of conflict.

The 19th Century religious utopias apparently had
equally effective mechanisms of conflict resolution in their
praCtices of "confession" and authoritarian problem solving

mehels. However, many of the socialist groups had few or

162

none of these resources, little or no commitment to a common
relationship model, few or no group meeting structures for
conflict resolution and communication of sentiments, and few,
if any, persons with interpersonal skills and training to
facilitate group processes in the absence of authoritarian
leadership.

U.P.F., with the common relationship model, the
group meeting structure, and the dispersed resource persons,
has a different but similarly strong mechanism for conflict
resolution as did the long—lived 19th Century religious
groups and therefore a strong longevity potential in regard
to this factor.

In addition, the commitment to Openness actually
helps to place disputants on an equal footing in a disagree—
ment because of the direct communication of sentiments and
group management of tension. These permit a high degree of
self-identification of the members with one another which
reduces "isolation" between members and thus increases arti—
culation.

This section will begin with a description of the
member meetings. This will provide the setting for an
episode which reveals the unusual quality and potential depth
of relationships structured by the commitment to "openness"
and the other facilities. The analysis will also permit the
uncovering of the "integrity" model of human relationships

utilized by the group and some of the human and structural

l63
resources they assemble to actualize it.

An Illustration of Openness

Among the occasions the Fellowship structures are
the "member meetings" (so named because non—members do not
usually attend.) Meetings of the three small members'
groups are held weekly. In addition, all three groups meet
together in a monthly plenary meeting to facilitate communi—
cation among the three groups. The monthly meeting, like
the small group meetings, often starts with a few songs.
Victor Verity usually acts as moderator at the monthly
meetings. Victor then indicates a rough agenda usually
including "items of personal concern" followed by "items of
business." The relegation of business to the bottom of the
agenda reveals the group's high priority on personal rela-
tionships. Victor then asks for items of personal concern.

One particular item of "personal concern" at a
monthly meeting reveals the quality and potential intensity
of the relationships characterized by "openness." Steven
Bush, one of the single young men, was first to break the
silence of the group in thought. He indicated that he had
worked through a particular "barrier" with Obey Grace. He
described how his relationship with Obey had been designed
to gain sympathy for himself. Whenever a point of friction
arose between them, he had attempted to "shame" Obey into

apologizing to him, winning sympathy from Obey and the

164

others. Obey had continually refused to give in to him,
however, and the friction grew between them. He began to see
Obey, a somewhat older and more eXperienced person, as anta-
gonistic and hostile toward him. In the context of the
Sherman Street group meetings, where both were members, the
friction had erupted into open hostility. The members of
the group had enabled Steven to see how he was unknowingly
trying to manipulate Obey. "I was acting like a kid," he
confessed. The knowledge of his own behavior required him
to reevaluate Obey's feelings about him. He had never asked
before. Obey had revealed that he "liked" Steven, certainly
did not dislike him, but he saw no value to giving in to
Steven's desires and continually backing down from his own
beliefs or apologizing to Steven insincerely. But his
failure to do so didn't mean he was hostile to Steven, he
claimed. Steven believed him. Steven concluded his remarks
by claiming that he had received a new understanding of him-
self and a new relationship with Obey as a result of the
encounter.

This episode illustrates the concept of "openness"
between members which they find so important. It involves
the acknowledgement of anger or dissension among the members
'when it arises, rather than the avoidance of controversy.

It assumes that people who are committed to one another and
to a common purpose can resolve differences in the context

of the group and thus benefit personally as well as benefit

 

165

the group.

The members describe their commitment to "openness"
in terms of two "barriers" to human relationships: one is
"guilt," the other is "judgmental attitudes." The first,
they claim, concerns one's own "shortcomings" which one
usually tries to hide. "Thus we distort reality and close
ourselves off from one another." This would be illustrated
by Steven's admission that he continually overlooked his own
contribution to any friction between him and Obey, believing
the discord was the result of Obey's shortcomings. The solu—
tion, the Fellowship believes, is to restore "integrity": to
help the person "acknowledge his behavior and himself"—-and
"to stop hiding and make a start with others in honesty."
Obey's refusal to give in to Steven is a reflection of his
responsibility to Steven, the group believes. It would have
been easier to give in to Steven, but this would have avoided
Steven's acknowledgement of his own behavior.

The other focus the group describes in relationships
of integrity is "judgmental attitudes." This relates to
feelings about "others' shortcomings" while "guilt" is a con-
sequence of "one's gwg shortcomings." When another person
disturbs us with his failures, we maintain a lofty distance,
perhaps commending ourselves for our capacity for tolerance."1

This attitude "distorts and poisons" relationships. The

1"The Way of Love," a booklet written by the Fellow-
Ship, p. 6-

166

members call for "loving admonition in the spirit of genuine
humility where another's shortcomings are involved." Where
"our own sin" is involved they call for a "confession of
failure" and "forgiveness" by the others. "The covenant for
Christian disciples calls for constant surveillance against
anger and destructive emotions, eradicating them as soon as
one becomes aware of them by confessing our wrongs against
others; and dealing with conflict of others against us as
soon as they are brought to our attention."

The Fellowship commitment to "Openness" and this type
of interaction presupposes a concept of "integrity in human
relationships" and how it may be brought about. The concept
comes from Jesus' teaching of his disciples and how they are
to live together as found in the Bible, Matthew 5:17—48,
usually called the "Sermon on the Mount."

This model involves such ingredients as the inter—
personal management of tension, the direct communication of
sentiments, shared decision making and shared resolution of
conflict. These function together to make the elements of
the dispute more visible to the parties so that each has a
more equal footing and can avoid a manipulative or superior-
subordinate relationship.

In addition to the attempt to make the parties to a
diSpute equal in their interaction, the model postulates
them as equal in a theological sense such as "all are equal

in the sight of God." The interpersonal model is actually

167

a microcosm of the communitarian style of life with its high
articulation permitting direct communication of feelings,
group management of tension, and group decision making.2

Obey's refusal to capitulate to Steven actually
reflects this model although it appears to denote a self—
interest similar to that of an impersonal social encounter.
Obey's refusal reflects the belief that to give in merely to
satisfy the outbursts of another is "inauthentic" or patroniz—
ing, and, in effect, places the other in a "custodial" rela-
tion rather than one of "integrity." The fact that several_
members work at Brawn State Mental Hospital clearly makes
them sensitive to custodial or manipulative relationships
such as between staff and patients. (The members also advo-
cate relationships of integrity at the hospital as well as
at U.P.F.)

The part the Fellowship played in the relationship
between Obey and Steven is unusual also. The group permitted
the continued tension between the two for approximately two
years preceding the reconciliation rather than separating
them or attempting to adjudicate some settlement between
them. The members apparently believed that Obey had some
validity in maintaining his position. But further, they
believed that the two must be permitted and helped to achieve

a resolution themselves.

 

This is quite similar to the pattern among the
modern day Hutterites and Amish. See Loomis, p. 212.

168

In addition to permitting the tension between the
two men, the Fellowship actually encouraged and increased
the tension. The continual interaction between the two men,
over meals, during the regular Saturday morning work projects,
at the coffee house or at worship together, finally brought
the friction to a climax. The existence of the Sherman
Street group, a group small enough to Offer "air time" for
all, provided a semi-structured arena where the problems
could be brought and discussed. The presence of several
people with "helping skills" had influenced the entire group
with the "integrity" model. The Operation of the small
groups in actualizing this model further explains the even-
tual resolution of Obey and Steven's conflict. Those with
professional training initiated the group's response to the
conflict, and the others, being less sure of an apprOpriate
course, followed the professionals' leadership. This
response consisted of three elements: "listening" to the
disputants in attempt to discover the problem, comparing the
problem to the "integrity" model to discover alternative
solutions, and sharing those findings with the parties so
they could more readily understand and select a solution for
themselves. These processes were apparently within the capa—
cities of many of the other group members, who, by imitating
the professionals, developed the skills themselves and con—
tributed considerably to the resolution of the conflict.

Thus, many in the group, having listened and Observed

169

Steven's demands on Obey and having compared them to the
"integrity" model had concluded that for a person to desire
special treatment and sympathy from another was to desire a
"custodial" relationship. Since Obey was not "giving in"
and treating Steven in a custodial manner, the conflict was
on a responsible course, they concluded, and as long as it
didn't become destructive they should best remain on the
sidelines. They should offer their Observations as to what
was "realistic" when asked but basically permit the dispute
to continue.

While channeling the dispute onto "realistic"
grounds, the group could permit the dispute to run its
course rather than forcing a resolution upon the parties.

The commitment to "Openness" is thus quite specific
since it is grounded in a particular concept of "good" rela-
tionships, the "integrity" model. It involves the inter-
personal management Of tension between members (rather than
one taking the "custody" of the other), and the direct com—
munication of sentiments so they can be dealt with by the
parties involved. With tension and sentiments in the Open,
the parties may make joint decisions as to the resolution of
issues, thus avoiding the manipulation or patronizing Of
either of the parties. The Openness of the dispute, if it
remains unsolved, then permits the resources of the Fellow—
ship to be utilized. The professional and lay skills are

then available to help assess the capabilities of the

170

disputants, to help the disputing process avoid either
psycho—therapy or manipulation, and help the principals move
toward a resolution appropriate to a collegial relationship.
Certainly the length and the intensity of the dispute between
Obey and Steven is not characteristic Of the daily frictions
which develop among the members which are usually of a com«
paratively minor nature. Rather, it illustrates the outer
limit of the range which the group experiences and thus
describes the potential threat to longevity. It also illus-
trates the potential resources the group can bring to bear
on such a conflict. The dispersment of professional people
throughout the Fellowship, the existence of the three small
groups, the commitment to "Openness" of sentiments and the
interpersonal management of tension implied in the "inte—
grity" model constitute the resources which, to date, have
permitted resolutions of lasting quality. There appears
little to suggest these resources would not continue to be
available in the future.

The next section will describe the activities the
Fellowship has structured to facilitate the commitment to
Openness to accomplish the group tasks and to articulate the

members of the group.

The Facilities and the Round Of Life

 

Several of the facilities of the Fellowship are

influential in maintaining Openness: two ecological

171

conditions: the proximity of dwellings and the coffee house;
and four meeting patterns: the member meetings, the common
meals, the work days, and the worship services. With the
exception of the worship (see Chapter III) these have not
been individually examined yet as to their influence on
"openness" and the articulation of the Fellowship. This will

be the task of this section.

Ecological Conditions

Proximity of Dwellings

 

U.P.F. acknowledges the influence of territoriality
upon the frequency and intensity of the relationships among
the members. Each member has committed himself to choosing
a "place to live" in relation to the other members.

In the "Way of Love," a short Fellowship pamphlet,
the group claims that the choice of a place to live focuses
on one of the most disturbing social phenomena of the times:
"the thoughtless mobility and ethnic rootlessness Of vast
numbers of city dwellers." "Men come to the city in search
of jobs often without deep consideration of the effect of
the choice upon any other than their immediate family-—like
vast ant heaps." The pamphlet also indicates the importance
Of members living within "easy walking distance" of each
other:

. . . scattered, as many of us are during the working
day across the sprawling network of the city, we want

to come home in the evening to a neighborhood where we
are readily available to each other without climbing

172

into our cars and going half a city away. We want our
children to know in their daily life the reality of a
closely knit Circle of families and friends.

The Fellowship had succeeded in limiting the member
dwellings to a two—block radius (Figure 1) until 1968 when
the need for housing for new members overran the availability
of nearby housing. They purchased the nearest available
dwelling--a four flat apartment building on Elmwood Street,
some three and one—half blocks away but still within easy
walking distance. The Elmwood location has not created sig-
nificant problems (this will be discussed more fully in
Chapter VII) and the group has been able to continue the
frequency and intensity Of interaction required by the com—
mitment to Openness and group decision making.

Many Of the eight dwellings are large enough to house
two or three families in separate flats--providing ready
access to one another, yet still Offering the privacy of
separate family quarters (see Figure 1). Several houses are
directly adjoining or across an alley from each other pro—
viding for ease of contact between the families. These con-
stitute an "across the back-fence" communication system which
permits the high frequency and high selectivity of communi—
cation which personal relationships require. (The communi-
cation system will be discussed below.) In addition, seven

Out of eight dwellings are within a one block radius. This

 

3
"The Way of Love."

173

permits a high level of attendance at the weekly group
meetings, worship services, "work shop," Fellowship meals
and the coffee house.

In supporting the frequency and intensity of members'
relationships, the proximity is supporting "openness"
directly as well as indirectly by making possible a high
level of participation in the other events.

U.P.F. could possibly increase its geographical iden-
tity and density by abandoning the family as the basic unit
as some of the 19th Century groups attempted. However, this
would be eXpected to generate more difficulties from com-
peting loyalties than the possible benefits it might provide.
U.P.F. has apparently structured a sufficient proximity of
dwellings, given its urban location and its desire to protect
family identity and privacy, to support its life style. The
participation of its members in its programs continues at a
high level. Also the gossip among the members reveals as
many who want more group activities and commitment as who
want less activities and more privacy. A rough balance seems
to have been obtained between group life and family privacy
which would suggest an adequacy of proximity and geographical
identity to support the life and thus the longevity of the
Fellowship.

Clearly the group enjoys a marked advantage over
other urban voluntary associations such as churches whose

members may be scattered over a considerable geographical

174

area whereby face—to-face interaction is reduced to one or a

few times per week.

The Coffee House

 

The coffee house is an informal meeting place where
the members gather once or twice a week in the basement of
the house at 716 Urban Place. It began in an informal way
as did many of the facilities Of U.P.F. Ellen Miracle had
been collecting antiques and instruments for several years as
a hobby and also learning "folk music." Occasionally she
would show the antiques, which were displayed in the basement,
to friends. On those occasions they often remained and con—
versed for hours. Some guests suggested that the atmOSphere
of the Tiffany—inlaid tables and "coal-oil" lanterns was
conducive to conversation and the Miracles began to invite
members and friends down for coffee and conversation. Thus
the "Coffee House" eventually became a regular meeting place
for the Fellowship members on Friday and Sunday evenings.
The Fellowship later took the responsibility for hosting the
event, rotating the responsibilities among the three small
groups. The "hosts" for the evening purchase soft drinks,
coffee, and cake; show the guests to a table "as they arrive,"
introduce them to any visitors, and take their "order" for
food and beverage. With a small bit of encouragement, musi~
Cally inclined guests are persuaded to play or sing. Also
Some, like Dick and Ellen Miracle, have become quite pro-

ficient in the performance of folk music. Often Canaan

175

Wisdom accompanies them on the banjo, others on the guitar,
tamborine and "git fiddle."

Several "underground" newspapers in the area have
discovered the coffee house and regularly publicize its "free
food, entertainment and conversation." This brings the
Fellowship members into contact with a different segment of
the city, the under thirty group ranging from young single
executives tO students and "hippies" from the two nearly
universities. Occasionally one of the guests knows some of
the members and is surprised to find a hospital or school
Official or teacher "waiting tables." He may pursue this
into conversation concerning the structure of U.P.F. and Of
Christianity and its beliefs. The members respond openly to
questions of faith and commitment. However, though they
might be eXpected to proselytize or attempt to persuade such
interested guests to their views, this behavior is noticeably
missing. The members appear to feel that such persuasion
would violate another's freedom to decide for himself. In
addition, they feel confident that if one is interested, the
style Of life of the Fellowship will be more influential than
any attempt to persuade him by argument.

Thus the coffee house became institutionalized as a
regular feature of U.P.F., providing an informal setting for
members to enjoy one another's company and those Of guests,

and actually a form of entertainment for the members.

176

Group Activities

Member Meetings and Decision Making

 

The term "corporate" decision making, which the group
uses to describe its decision system, has three features:
the radical commitment to God's will (norm), the consensus
style (process), and the members' meeting (structure). The
norm was considered previously (Chapter III) and is indicated
here because it requires a particular decision process and
structure.

One of the tasks Of a high articulation communitarian
group is the building Of high member commitment. This involves
a willingness on the part of the members to consider a wide
scope of decisions to be within the range of questions con-
sidered and adjudicated in the context of the group. The
norm of U.P.F., that of radical commitment, clearly fulfills
this criterion. This has previously been described (Chapter
III) as meaning a complete and total commitment to God's will
in every area of life. This norm requires a unique process——
that of discovering or approximating God's will so it may be
followed by the members.

The decision process may be described as a consensus
process because it elicits the wisdom of all the members in
investigating alternatives. It does not utilize either a
monocratic authority figure nor a simple democratic majority
vote to resolve issues. Rather it involves a consultation

among all the members until a common understanding or

177

consensus is achieved. This is then understood as the best
available approximation Of "God's will." The members seldom
feel as though a solution has been imposed upon them because
they have been part Of the consensus. Since a dissenting
conviction of a single member represents the potential "will
of God," the group must be committed to a careful hearing of
such dissenting opinions. It also becomes important to post—
pone a decision in the face of a disagreement until either
the minority or majority is persuaded of the wisdom of the
others' Opinions and a "consensus" is achieved. This is
similar to the process used by some long—lived religious
groups described by Noyes which would resolve crises by
"awaiting and submitting all minds to the spirit of truth."

The above process may be distinguished from many
socialist groups where the majority rule prevailed and the
minority were eXpected to accede to the will of the majority.
However, Noyes reported that some socialist groups did not
even enjoy a common commitment to the majority rule and mem—
ber self-interest prevailed instead. Consequently, when a
dispute occurred for which there was no ready solution, one
faction, believing their interests to be in jeopardy, seceded
rather than capitulate—~resolving the issue but weakening the
group.

These processes of both the socialist groups and
some religious groups, whether committed to consensus or

majority rule, may be classed as "democratic" in lodging

178

decision power with the members. This may be compared to
certain "authoritarian" religious groups. According to
Noyes these groups centralized decision power in one member
who was considered to be a "medium" such as "Mother Ann,"
the leader Of the "Shakers." The medium was believed to be
led by an "afflatus" or spirit from God. Although the
majority or a consensus may have arrived at a decision, the
medium or manifestation of the common authority might have
over-ruled them on the grounds that the individual will was
subservient to the "Divine Will" as revealed through the
medium.

In the sense that these religious utOpias lodged the
final power Of decision with a medium, they could be char—
acterized as "monocratic" in power as opposed to the more
"democratic" style of U.P.F.

U.P.F.'s consensus rule, in effect, elevates each of
the members to the level of a "medium," able to contribute
to the discovery of "God's will" and requiring each to attend
to the other members as intermediaries of the "ultimate"
power, where each dissenting conviction potentially reflects
"God's will" and therefore must be given serious attention.
In addition, U.P.F.'s consensus rule minimizes the potential
domination of a majority over a minority which cut short the
lives Of some of the socialist groups. The consensus rule,
in protecting the members from domination from either majority

or monocratic rule, permits a high level of trust by the

179

members in the decision process and a consequent high degree
of investment of the members with one another, and with the
group. This would be expected to contribute to longevity in
a similarly effective way as the long-lived religious utopias
which employed the consensus rule while alleviating the
potential domination which the members Of the authoritarian
groups experienced. In addition, the high degree of member
investment and trust in the group generated by the consensus
rule should support member autonomy outside the group.

The group's pamphlet, "The Way of Love," reiterates
these three dimensions of norm, process, and structure. It
claims that the deepest personal relations are founded in
the "involvement of men with one another"(the process) in a
'Search for God's will" (the norm). It pictures the struggle
for integrity in human relationships as a "prelude to the
search for the communal order (the structure) which "encom-
passes all dimensions Of life."

The members cite various social influences in
explaining the importance of their commitment to corporate
decision making. They talk about a "personal isolation" of
many city dwellers which demands that they must make many of
their critical decisions “alone, unsupported and unchallenged
by anyone else." They picture the growing network of insti-
tutional counseling services as a direct reflection of this

isolation.

They claim that the decision making burden upon the

180

individual family creates either frustration or apathy and
consequent susceptability to changing mass Opinion. They
point also to the breakdown of marriages in the nation's
cities as another consequences of this isolation in decision
making.

They take for their own decision-making model Jesus'
description Of his family as "those who do the will Of God,
they are my mother and my brothers." They note that Jesus
claimed that God would be present to give guidance "among
those who gather in his name." (Matthew 18:20) They desire
to support one another in a "closely knit community of fami—
lies" which they claim is a more adequate context than the
"solitary family."

Due to the corporate nature Of both the group's con—
tinual search for God's will and its attempt to actualize
relationships Of Openness, a considerable burden and import-
ance is placed upon the decision structure. Since the mem-
bers' meeting is the central structure, its adequacy is
singularly important to the group.

The central structure of the decision process has

 

been noted as the "member meetings." Each of these sub-
groups has a weekly meeting for its members. Once a month
all the members meet in a monthly plenary meeting. At these
four meetings the decisions Of the group are adjudicated and
the group's conflict management takes place. In effect, this

is a decentralized structure because the main decisions are

181

made in the sub-groups rather than the monthly plenary
meetings. The background of this decentralization illus-
trates the evolution of this structure.

Originally the few families which comprised U.P.F.
found a single weekly meeting adequate for their personal and
corporate business when supplemented by their contacts across
the "back fences" and at the common meals, worship service
and coffee house. However, by 1968 the thirty—six adult
members and twelve adult candidates were tOO many to sustain
the Openness and personal nature Of the weekly meeting. The
group, after much experimentation, evolved a decentralized
form Of "member meeting" which quickly established its value
and became institutionalized. Three smaller groups were
formed by people who resided around logical meeting places-—
the "coffee house," the "house on Sherman Street," the "house
on Monroe." The naming Of each group by its location was
also a natural and logical consequence. Each group met once
a week and every month all three groups would meet at the
original location on Urban Street to deal with concerns
affecting the entire Fellowship.

One Of the benefits from the decentralization was a
diffusion of leadership. This was accomplished not only
because the three original members, Victor Verity, Joshua
Leaven and Canaan Wisdom, were split each into different
groups, but also because none of the three accepted a formal

leadership role (moderator) in their respective groups and

 

 

182

three younger men had to be selected.

However, the main benefit of the decentralization was
the restoration Of the feeling Of personal contact which per-
mitted the "Openness" and also the communitarian decision
making style to which the Fellowship was committed. With
approximately fifteen members in each of the three groups,
as compared to approximately forty—eight in the single
meeting, the possibility for higher frequency and intensity

of interaction which the group desired was restored.

Common Meals

 

The community holds a common meal once or twice a
week. The "chores" of seating, serving and cooking for
seventy-five adults and children are sizable jobs. The
Fellowship, in attempt to spread the work, rotates the tasks
among the families Of the three members' meetings. The
working members arrive home from work at various hours and
are usually given the clean up tasks while the women‘ who are
home in the afternoon prepare the food. It is usually tasty
although budget limitations dictate simple dishes.

Although the meals provide a convenient vehicle for
meeting guests, the central function is to provide a time
for members to visit with the members they have not seen
during the preceding week. Also, it is probably not an acci—
dent that the common meal follows the Biblical precedent of

Jesus relating to his disciples over the evening meal.

183

The "Work Day"

 

The work day accomplishes several benefits for the
Fellowship. It accomplishes needed repairs on the buildings
at low cost. Because the members do the work, it also gener-
ates social benefits; it reduces differential status,
increases the identification of the members with one another,
and reduces isolation.

The "work day" is held every other week, usually on a
Saturday since the majority of the members are available on
that day. During the last few years the "work days" have
been devoted to the refurbishing of recently purchased
dwellings to accommodate new members. Often the buildings
are in poor condition due to multiple residency. The city
council is usually pleased that U.P.F. has purchased the
property since they frequently convert it to single resi—
dency if space permits. However, it is not unusual for the
building to require new electrical wiring, painting and
plastering and occasionally new flooring, heating or
plumbing. The work had become so extensive Of late that one
of the members, Donald Grant, resigned his "outside" job in
order to utilize his full time efforts in coordinating and
accomplishing repairs. In addition to the "work day" the
members frequently go to the current project on week nights
for an hour or two after the evening meal to paint or strip

wallpaper.

in-

184

The common work not only conserves the funds Of the
Fellowship but provides a highly visible and cooperative
enterprise through which the group can visualize its soli—
darity and achievement. It provides an arena where the pro—
fessional and the unskilled must struggle together. The
commonality of each to the "cause" is visible and the dis-
tinctions between them are diminished. Aside from Donald

Grant, who is "in charge,’ the one who can "plumb a joist"
or "sweat on a fitting" is the expert and the "leader'of the
effort. Of less importance, the work also becomes another
contact where communication takes place between members who
have not had contact during the week. In addition,it is one
Of the more visible and explainable ways for the children of
the members to understand the communitarian enterprise and
tO make a meaningful, if limited, contribution to it them-
selves. Occasionally a child who understands his father as
somebody "important" in his job notes that he is "all
thumbs" with a hammer and chooses to relate to another parent
who has more skill and patience to share with him in that
situation. The father is relieved Of trying to be "all
things" to his son and is usually grateful to share some of
the responsibility of parenthood with another member. The
child sees that the group effort helps relieve his parent of
being all things: breadwinner, husband, carpenter and
teacher of skills to his children, and notes this as one Of

the benefits Of cooperative enterprise.

 

185

For the same reasons the common work is so visible

forthe children Of the members, it is a natural place for

gmmts to get the feel "of the Fellowship." The high visi—

bihty of the common task, the common rank of the members,

thesense of group accomplishment and an ease of participa—

timiare benefits more available at work than almost any

Odmr group activity.

Finally, the work provides a latent benefit for the

members, that of a relief or contrast from their weekly acti—

vities where considerable amounts Of their efforts both in

their vocation and intflmaFellowship are directed toward other
persons and may be the source of intense feelings. The

work, however, is clearly goal-directed rather than person-

directed. Also,many vocational problems are intangible and

long range in nature such as how to affect change in the men—

tal hospital, or how to design more effectiveways for the

youth to participate in U.P.F. In comparison, the work days

Ixrovide short range, direct and tangible problems and Often,

kxecause a group is working together, immediate, surprising

arui gratifying results. Thus the work day,besides the physi—

cafil benefits to the group property and emotional benefits Of

iritizinsically rewarding tasks, actually contributes to the

scacxial structure in three ways: the reduction of differen—

tzieal. status among members, the identification of the members
earufl the bridging of isolation among members. In increasing

czcflneasion, these support longevity, and in decreasing isola-

t;ic>r1, they support articulation.

186

In comparison, the common labor of 19th Century
grrnips resulted in both positive and negative consequences.
TTua rural utopias eXperienced the advantage of the common
‘visilile enterprise and equalitarian structure as does U.P.F.

thvever, the immediacy Of the results at U.P.F. contrast

\vith postponed benefits of agricultural yield. Also the

{avocational nature of the work at U.P.F. may be contrasted
\vith the vocational position Of agriculture as the sole

source of support for the rural group. Errors in an avoca-

tional enterprise seem less disastrous. Thus U.P.F. enjoys

a fairly relaxed atmosphere on its work days and more easily

tolerates the errors of learning on the job of its less

adept members, children and guests. Then the work itself

may be seen by all as interesting, enjoyable and something

Of a challenge.

The vocational nature Of the work Of the rural groups
made the penalty for inexperience and experimentation quite

high and would have been expected to generate considerable

anxiety. Also the work did not present the appeal of a con-

trast or relief from other required tasks, as does the common

work in U.P.F., but rather constituted the task upon which

the survival of the group depended. In addition, the U.P.F.

members enjoy considerably greater vocational selection in

'Umaurban job market. Thus the avocational nature Of the

U.PJE work may be counted as an advantage in that it avoids
Unapossible anxious quality, limited Opportunity and post-

pomXIbenefits of an enterprise upon which the survival of

187
the grrnm>depends.

The common work at U.P.F. may be compared to the

rmmdern truncated family unit. The U.P.F. common work offers

tflue advantages Of higher specialization than such a unit.

'Fhose who know plumbing and carpentry at U.P.F. may direct

the others and be teachers to the young apprentices. Others

particularly versed in skills of child raising, finance

balancing and automobile repairing are expected to become the

authorities in those areas. This contrasts with the trun-

cated family where husband and wife are expected to have

obtained between them considerable skill in the manual arts,

child discipline and learning, marital relationships and fis—

cal affairs. The failure in any Of these areas may jeOpard—

ize the family stability and necessitate the consultation of

an anonymous expert at considerable expense.

However, U.P.F. must pay a penalty for this speciali—

zation: that of a decreased overall articulation (as will

be seen later in the chapter) which is caused by a horizontal

differentiation among members. However the small size of

U.P.F. permits face-to-face relations tO prevail between

the differentiated members. Thus a very small penalty in

articulation is extracted as compared to a 1,000 member

group such as New Harmony or a modern Kibbutz Of similar

size.

The Worship Service

The group worship service, it has been noted in

 

188

Cdungter III, is the source of some of the normative content

ftn: the group such as the justification for viewing the world
an; important and worthy of the radical discipleship of the
members. In addition to this normative role, the worship has

a social function of reconfirming the common commitments and

efforts of the members. One of these is the commitment to
"openness." This is reconfirmed for the members by the fre—
quent retelling or dramatizing of the stories of Jesus—-
especially those personal encounters which illustrate the
"authentic" nature of relationships.4 The stories not only
confirm the rightness of radical commitments to others but
the commitment to "openness" among the members as well. They
also provide a model of authentic and person-centered rela-

tionships for the members both as they relate to one another

and as they interact with colleagues or clients in their

vocation.

 

One such story concerned the Gadarene Demoniac, a
youth of Gadaria said to have been possessed Of demons. He
challenged the relevance Of Jesus' message in a world where
profit was more important than people and hinted that his
insane behavior was due tO his abuse at the hands Of the
"establishment." Jesus replied that one single person was
more important than all the profit Of the establishment and
drove a valuable herd Of sheep to their death over a cliff
in demonstration Of his disdain for the establishment and
concern for the boy. The boy responded, gave up his insane
behavior and followed Jesus. Mat. 8:28-34, Mk. 5:1—20,

Lk. 8:26-39. This interpretation is that of the late Dr.

Clarence Jorden of Koinonia Farm, Americas, Ga., and used at
U.P.F. for study purposes.

 

189

Institutionalization and the Round of Life

 

Each of these facilities, the member meetings, the
common meals, the "work days," the worship services, and the
develOpment of a coffee house reveals a process of institu~

. . . 5 . . .
tionalization. This process begins With a search for some

 

mechanism to satisfy a need such as for fellowship, for
repairs to buildings, for confirmation Of common beliefs or
for recreation. Next the group eXperiments with various solu—
tions. Those which most adequately fulfill the needs become
regularized and those which do not work are discarded. This
is similar to the character of the planning for the worship
service (noted in Chapter III) where the relevance Of the
service to the learning and commitment of the members deter—
mined the worship rather than traditional or liturgical pre-
cedent. The same planning process is Observed in experi-
menting with other facilities.

The commitment to "openness" in personal relation-
ships provides the norm against which emerging structures
are measured. If the structures satisfy the needs and faci-
litate the quality of relationships to which the Fellowship
is committed ("the integrity model") they are retained.
This, in turn, generates the attitude in the members that
they are "in control" of their structures rather than the

structures being dictated from some previous tradition and

 

5W. G. Sumner, Folkways (New York: Dover Press, 1906).

 

190

ccnitrtfilling the lives of the members. This reduces the

alirnmation between members and structures. It permits also

'theia: identification with the structures and thus supports

grtnna stability and longevity.

Consequently it may be said that the institutionali-

zatirni process itself has become subjected to the communi-

tarian norm and the integrity model of relationships. The

result is that not only do the members feel that they control

 

their structures, but, to a considerable degree, they d9
design their structures with the result that the structures

reflect the values of the group rather faithfully and gener-

ate a well—articulated round of life for the members.

This round Of life may be contrasted to the highly

specialized nature of modern urban facilities. Entertainment

may be provided by a theatre, "worship" by a church, and

repairs by a plumbing establishment. Each facility provides

only the single service--that Of entertainment or of "worship"

for an urban family unit. In contrast to this, the various

facilities Of U.P.F., the worship, meals, coffee house, work,

and member meetings, generate overlapping activities for the

members and directly generate a high articulation or close

"fit" Of the various activities with each other. For example,

ainmmber and his wife during the course of a week will likely
go'met door" to a small members' meeting where they will

dealvnth matters of both a personal and a practical nature

intimir lives and in those of the group. They will also

H

 

191

liJiclyr go to and from the meeting with several neighbors from
‘wtumu tfliey might also solicit advice and help during the week.
Tuney vvill later go to the home of another neighbor with their

chidxlren and some of the same friends and help with repairs.

'The tumne in question will be jointly owned by all so the

reqxiirs will benefit all. Another evening they will go down

time street with their children and neighbors for a group meal

auui visit with other members of the Fellowship they may not

yet have encountered that week. After the meal they may help

clean up with some of the same members and then cross the
street to the coffee house to continue their conversations or
to visit with some guests while a son or daughter of one of
the members takes their children home to babysit.

Finally on

Sunday morning they will go down the street with several

neighbors and their children to worship with all the members

and several guests. After sharing part of the worship with

the parents, the children will go with various other neigh—

bors for an educational period. The parents will focus on

the meaning of their life together throughout the week and

its responsibilities and difficulties. They may continue an

interesting discussion that afternoon over the back fence.

bkxflay morning the husband will leave his family and the

Felhwmhip milieu to travel to work. However, he likely will

govnth several other members, either to the same employer

whemathey may share common problems, or to the same section

Of town.

They ride in a car owned by all. When they receive

 

192

ttuair {maycheck they will give it to a neighbor who later in

trus‘wemfl< will give them their allotment which is similarly

(LiffiINAlt to "live on" for all.

In comparison to the 19th Century utopias, this

ovenslaruping of activities in the common round Of life was not

'unusnual. In fact, those groups were perhaps more intense

tharitJ.P.F. because they were usually isolated and the

vmnfl<ing members did not depart for an anonymous job milieu of

low articulation. The penalty for this isolation would be

expected to be a lowering of the individuation required for

autonomy even though the articulation of isolated groups

would be higher than U.P.F.6

A modern urban family's worship, work, entertainment

and family life may each involve entirely different institu—

tions, roles and people, none of which overlap with the

other. The U.P.F. milieu, in comparison, may be said to

constitute a highly overlapping round of life activities

therefore providing a highly articulated environment to

support the members' personal autonomy in their vocation.

The Social Structure: Status, Power
and Division of Labor

This section will describe the division of labor and

thesfiatus-power distribution of U.P.F. First it will

 

An exception to the high articulation of isolated
\mcpmm would be New Harmony, which, due to its size of

ILOOOnmmbers, probably had a lower articulation than the
smaller groups .

 

a

193

describe the communication channels. These give rise to four
status-power levels and a division of labor. These will each
be examined in turn. These yield a measure of the degree of

vertical and horizontal differentiation as well as an account

of those role positions which are in conflict or are isolated

 

from one another. Together these constitute complementary
measures of articulation which, when added to the economic
conflicts of the previous chapter, will provide rather com—

plete descriptions of the articulation of the Fellowship.

Communication Channels
Several communication channels or nets are in opera—

tion at U.P.F. These are as follows: an authority net,

 

information exchange nets, task expertise nets, friendship

 

 

 

nets, a status net and liaison nets.

 

One communication network Observed at U.P.F. is
comprised of friendship nets. These connect various clusters
of friends but particularly serve to carry messages to and
from some of the more peripheral members who are not as

actively involved in some of the other nets and thus to link
these members to the decision making nexus. But more impor-
tant, the friendship nets help generate personal knowledge

of the members about one another which facilitates decisions

7Guetzkow's six types Of communication channels are
sed here to examine the communication flow of the Fellowship.
arold Guetzkow, "Communications in Organizations," in
indbook of Organizations, J. G. March, ed. (Chicago: Rand
:Vally & Co. ,j965), pp. 534-574.

 

 

 

 

fix.“ .1
A, DH

Iii

194

concerning individual members and their needs.

Similar to the friendship nets but reaching farther
out to include outside social systems are the "liaison nets."
These are populated by "marginal men," who are constituents
Of both structures and thus serve in a liaison capacity.

Several channels serve the function of information
exchange. They function to feed both relevant information
and new problems of concern into the central decision making
apparatus and into the task expertise nets as the information
becomes necessary.

The task expertise nets consist of highly segmented
and sporadic communications between members with special
skills and tasks to accomplish. These provide special infor-
mation or skill to either enlighten pending decisions or to
carry out past decisions.

The authority net originates with several formal

roles such as moderator, worship leader, and finance
committee member. (These will be described in the status-
power section.) This net is highly directional in that it

carries group decisions out to particular members such as
those who are absent from a meeting. It also carries infor-
Ination regarding compliance with directives back to the

formal role incumbents. This function is not as vital as in

 

8These are closely related to the systemic linkages
listed in Chapter IV. Chapter IV was a system analysis.
This focus is upon role and communication.

195

bureaucratic structures where a few administrators make deci—
sions which must be disseminated to all the relevant per-

sonnel in the organization. The usual decision making situa—
tion at U.P.F. finds most of the members who are affected by

a decision present at the meeting. Still U.P.F.‘S authority

 

.‘fi

net informs absentee members and carries supervisory and
follow-up messages in the process of carrying out the deci-
sions.

A final communication channel constitutes a status
net. This net is associated with visible symbols which
bestow distinction upon some members of the organization. As
has been noted, the establishment of differential standing is
contrary to the ideology Of the Fellowship and the group had
selected structures to block the formation Of many symbols
necessary to support such a net. However, status is accrued
to the individual members by acts of service and leadership
and by the Offering of expert information. (The status
structure will be described in the next section.)

The status nets function behind the scenes carrying
irmformation, plans and influence among the informal leaders
and between the informal leaders and the members.

These six communication nets help support status—power
and division of labor levels which may be described as four
structural levels of influence. These are from lowest to
liighest: (l) the members, (2) the leaders who have "eXpert"

erMNledge to offer on specific tasks, (3) the formal leaders

196

who occupy defined positions in the influence structures,
(4) the informal leaders who derive their influence from
formal role positions and various status sources combined.
The six communication nets support the four influence
levels as follows: the friendship nets function primarily
on the member level. The laison nets function on all levels
but most clearly on the eXpert, formal and informal levels
since these marginal people who have valuable skills and
information are utilized most distinctly on these three
levels. The task expertise nets function primarily on the
expertise level (second level). The information nets support
all levels since all levels are engaged in decision making.
The authority net corresponds to the formal leader level
(third level). Finally the status nets support all levels
but most uniquely the informal leader level which is based
(as will be seen below) on formal roles and status combined.

Each influence level will now be examined in turn.

Influence Level #l-—Members
The lowest denominator Of influence is the status of

'unember" which is accorded to all who commit themselves to
the disciplines of the group, as well as to "intentional
rueighbors" and other candidates for membership. The division
of labor on this level with reference to ascribed character-
istics very nearly approximates that of middle class urban
syaciety for two reasons: (1) the urban location Of U.P.F.

gyenerates a high level Of cross boundary travel between the

 

197

group and the city, (2) the group protects the family unit
by providing family dwellings and budget and in effect fur-
ther encourages family "role sets" from middle class society.
Thus the roles of husband/wife, father/mother, male/famale
and adult/child/sibling are in evidence and are supported by
resources much as in modern urban culture.

In regard to personality characteristics, however,
some distinctions from middle class society are evident:
COOperation is consistently honored over competition; the
giving of "orders" as associated with "line" leadership is
avoided for a leadership—by—example; the group-oriented
person who might postpone his own comments so others could
talk would be honored over one who needed to direct the
attention of the group to himself or over "task-oriented"
members who might override another's comments to "get the
job done."

In addition to ascribed roles and personality dif—
ferentiations, several divisions of labor exist On this
lowest level which reflect simply the needs to accomplish
different tasks. All of these reflect no higher level of
skill and thus can be rotated among all the members. Con—
sequently they carry little or no additional social honor
except the appreciation which comes from accomplishing a
task which benefits the entire grOUp or from doing it parti—
cularly well. It is noteworthy that the equality concept

dictates that all the members from highest to lowest status

198

share in the performance of these more menial jobs. Also,
one who performs the task poorly (below the informal norm of
performance) would correspondingly be subject to mild sanc—
tions in the form of suggestions by some of the other
members or a group moderator that they perform more adequately
in the future.

Some of these tasks are as follows: weekly cleaning
of the first floor of the central meeting building at 727
Urban Place (meeting room, kitchen and bathroom), hosting and
preparing the weekly community meals, and hosting and
cleaning up the "coffee house."

Influence Level #2—-The Expert and
Communitarian Authority

Several kinds of tasks hperformed at U.P.F. generate
needs for various skills among the members. Most of these
skills are not embodied in specific role positions but may
be contributed by anyone capable Of doing the task as the
occasion arises. These may be identified as follows with the
most important first:

1. Theology skills and training are highest in
social honor because oftjuanormative need of the group to
discover "God's will" for decision making, planning and
leading worship.

2. Individual "helping"skills reflect the "inte—

 

grity model" and involve helping an individual assess his own

progress of direction even though they may be offered in the

199

context of a group. These are: "listening" for problems,
helping the party identify problems and helping them identify
and select solutions in comparison to the "integrity model."

3. Group process skills consist of helping a group
accomplish its ends: setting an agenda, identifying problems
and solutions and selecting solutions; also helping the mem—
bers contribute to the group by "gatekeeping" and reflecting
group progress and processes so the group can periodically
assess its progress and redirect its efforts.

4. Organization skills involve gathering resources
of funds and people to meet group needs such as in estab—
lishing the coffee house.

5. Financial skills involve decisions such as pur—
chase of buildings and budgeting.

6. Handicraft skills are used for repairing the
group's dwellings and vehicles.

7. Music skills are used for worship and entertain—
ment.

Each of the members, as he utilizes these skills in
behalf of the Fellowship over a period Of time, is accorded
a degree of social honor. The skills are not vested in a
fixed role but are elicited from the members according to a
variety of occasions. The group accords honor as the skills
become visibly employed. For example, the group process,
organization and financial skills are most obvious in the

decision making and tension management processes of the

200

member meetings. Handicraft skills are most evident in the
work days. The music and theology skills are most unique in
worship although members with theological training are
looked to for leadership in normative decisions as well.
This process of using "expert" or "collegial" influ—
ence has important implication for the group which can be
seen more clearly in comparison to bureaucratic practice.
In U.P.F. these skills are not vested in an organizational
role position or "Office" in which is vested administrative
authority as in bureaucratic custom. Rather the group
elicits the various skills from its "experts" according to
the problem at hand. The experts then are granted a communi—
tarian authority or influence in the area of their competence
and corresponding social honor during the discussion of that
topic. After the issue is resolved the authority and the
honor may pass to others. Another distinction from bureau-
cratic practice is that the "expert" is not limited by formal
rules to a specified range of activities according to the job
description of an Office. Rather the communitarian pattern
elicits his skill and grants him authority in every area in
which he has competence. As a consequence the communitarian
pattern offers no specific reference such as an "Office" to
which social honor may be affixed. Rather the status
accorded by the group must be accorded to persons not Offices.
It is also a fluctuating commodity, given first to one in

relation to one problem, then another for a different problem.

201

Both the rotating nature Of the expert communitarian authority
and the non-formal and flexible nature of the performance of
the communitarian experts tends to retard the linking of
status with a role position. Rather the social honor for
performance becomes detached and flexible and diffused and
reduced in intensity, in effect reducing the status distinc-
tions between the members and thus the isolation.

Another factor which diffuses status and detaches it
from role positions is the "common purse" with its corres-
ponding facility "common property." The common purse, in
equalizing the income of the members, removes one Of the
usual social mechanisms for supporting differential status,
that of differential rewards. The common purse and common
property remove the possibility Of some members receiving a
visible differential reward such as house, car or income.

Both the rotating nature of the expert authority and
the lack of economic support for status distinctions effect—
ively reduce possible status conflicts among the members.
The expert authority reduces the competition for a single
"Office" or role position by diffusing it into a rotating
expert authority. This creates a non-zero sum game or an
expanding status base avoiding a direct conflict of interest
although permitting an indirect and less damaging competi-
tion for expanding resources. In comparison the fixed number
of "Offices" in a bureaucratic organization creates a zero

sum game and thus a direct competition among members for

202

limited resources. Also the lack of economic support for
differential status reduces the intensity of any competition.
The common property (dwellings and vehicles) removes these
from the competitive sphere and the common purse removes all
but a small amount of the budget funds from possible support
of status.

Thus two strong supports for status differential are
removed: fixed "offices" as location for status, and con—
sumer goods to make status assignment visible. Consequently,
members, to accumulate status, must continually merit it by
expert performance. They must hope that others will remember
until the next encounter and accumulate status in their minds
for that member. The result is a diffusion of status assign—
ment to many members, a reduction Of the accumulation possi-

bilities Of status due to the temporary character of status

assignments, and a reduction Of status conflict among members.

The diffusion Of status among many members and the
difficulty of status accumulation reduce the status range
(vertical differentiation) and thus the possible isolation
between members. The reduction Of isolation and of conflict
of interest contributes to a high degree of vertical articu—
lation. The rotating and flexible nature of the eXpertise
division Of labor reduces horizontal differentiation because
all members are potentially capable of contributing to the
current task rather than just those appointed to a particular

"Office." This reduces isolation on a horizontal plane and

L

203
contributes to horizontal articulation.

Influence Level #3--Formal Roles

This level consists of the few formal role positions
which U.P.F. has found helpful. These center around the
"member meeting" structure because it most needs the regu—
larity Offered by an "Office." The most important "offices"
are four "moderator" positions, one for each of three small
groups and one moderator Of the monthly member meeting.

The three small group moderators, as was noted in the
previous section, were not selected from among the informal
leaders so that power and influence would become more dif—
fused among the members. Each moderator is granted a rather
limited power to protect the power of the members. Specifi-
cally, the moderator is expected only to perform the usual
duties associated with the term: convene the meeting, call
for the minutes of the previous meeting, Offer an agenda,
help the meeting progress from item to item until the agenda
is completed and call for adjournament of the meeting. Each
action of the moderator is also subject to the will of the
members and frequently the members themselves perform these
functions informally. It is true that moderators can accumu-
late considerable power by default from apathetic members
especially if they have considerable informal or charismatic
power. However, it was noted in the previous section, that

since the informal leaders did not accept moderator roles

204

when the decentralization occurred, those selected had little
informal power to add to that limited influence of their posi-
tion. Thus little use of inordinate power by the three
moderators was observed and this fact plus the omission of

any viable economic rewards or sign of power or status indi—
cated that little more status was assigned to the three modera—
tors as a result of that "Office."

The same was not Observed with regard to the moderator
of the monthly meeting however. A meeting Of fifty members
requires considerably more external direction than one of ten
members and this may best be provided by the moderator. Also
status and power are associated with the size of the collecti—
vity one directs and therefore the monthly moderator, pre—
siding over the entire group rather than merely part, wields
more power and is granted more status than the small group
moderators.

In addition to the four moderators, several other
formal roles are utilized at U.P.F. One of these is the
"work supervisor," Donald Grant. Donald is considered to be
the coordinator and "boss" of the ”work day" activities and
any other efforts to repair the Fellowship prOperty. He is
also the only member whose Fellowship role requires full
time efforts. However, because the authority of the role is
limited to a peripheral aspect of the life Of the Fellowship,
little differential status is accorded him in that role.

One other formal role is evident at U.P.F., that of the

 

 

 

205

members of the three standing committees: the financial com—
mittee (discussed in Chapter IV); the coordinating committee
which acts as a clearing house for scheduling, planning and
publicizing of group activities; and the transportation com-
mittee which purchases, repairs and schedules the five Fel-
lowship vehicles for maximum usage. These committee members
have a limited authority to act in behalf Of the group within
defined boundaries. Their authority is only advisory and
subject to confirmation by the Fellowship members. Also their
office is not as visible as that of the four moderators and
thus they are accorded only limited status, roughly compar—
able tO the three small group moderators,more than the work

supervisor,but less than the moderator of the monthly meeting.

Influence Level #4——Informal Leaders

A few informal leaders exist at U.P.F. who have accu-
mulated influence from several sources but the unique dimen-
sion of the informal leader is his age and seniority with
the group. Jessie Mission, before he left to start another
group, had been, by virtue of his position as founder, the
most influential member of U.P.F. In addition, he assumed
the formal responsibilities of moderator of the single member
meeting (before the decentralization) as well as enjoying
nearly all of the skills and many of the personality traits
for which status was accorded. Consequently, he employed

considerably more influence than any other of the informal

206

leaders. Still this centralization of influence and status
was limited by the common purse and its removal Of differen—
tial rewards as well as by the commitment to the shared com—
munitarian and expert authority. The group's commitment to
the shared authority is witnessed to by the omission of even
a title for the informal position which Jessie Mission
enjoyed, such as "elder," "spokesman" or "leader." The only
term used was "moderator" which reflects only the limited
formal role in connection with the member meeting.

The decentralization into three member meetings, the
appointment of new moderators from outside the ranks of the
informal leaders, and the moving of the Mission family all
generated a considerable diffusion of influence and status
as was noted.

Victor Verity emerged as the new informal spokesman.
He had been one of the few original members in the eXperiment
although he had been a student and therefore younger at the
time. He also enjoyed most Of the skills afforded status by
the group including that Of theology, which appears to be the
single mandatory skill required Of the spokesman (due the
centrality of the group's commitment to approximate and live
by "God's will" for their lives). In addition, he embodied
the personality characteristics valued by the group. Thus,
be naturally took over the most important formal role, the
moderator of the single monthly meeting, after Jessie

departed. Because of this he apparently avoided the

c‘.

.43

 

207

moderatorship in the small group of which he was a member.

In addition, a coincidence caused a slight departure
from usual housing practice and enhanced Victor's status as
spokesman. The Verity family was "next-in-line" for the
first house Open because they required more room for their
family. The next dwelling to be vacated was the Missions'.
Thus Victor, who took the role of formal and informal leader
of U.P.F. after Jessie left, appeared to move into Jessie's
dwelling as a consequence of his new leadership status—-a
practice contrary to the concept of common prOperty--giving
Victor some apparent additional increment of status.

In fact, however, the house Offered no benefits over
those of the other members, and coupled with the formal and
informal diffusion of power and status associated with the
decentralization into three member groups, actually a con-
siderable reduction in differentiation had occurred in the
Fellowship as a result Of the decentralization and also the
Missions' departure.

The other informal leaders held their positions by
virtue of combinations of age, seniority and useful skills.
Also, most had responsibilities on one of the standing com—
Inittees in addition to their informal authority. However,
their decisions to avoid filling the three newly created
Inoderator roles themselves provided for the added diffusion
which came from the selection Of three new moderators.

The widest vertical differentiation is clearly

208

between Victor (whose status and power are combinations of
the formal, informal, and skill status) and the few new
members who have yet accrued only little power and status
from the Skill and personality traits which they bring.
Victor's status is clearly ameliorated by the absence of any
visible signs of status plus the considerable diffusion Of
influence into the three small groups.

Using a primitive culture such as Faunce's descrip—
tion of San Miguel as a comparison, the range of status-
power between the village elder and the undistinguished
peasant would be greater than that between Victor and a new
member of U.P.F.-—especially after the decentralization.
This is primarily the result Of the detachment of status and
powers in U.P.F. from visible symbols but also due to the
rotating nature of the communitarian expertise authority and
the decentralization into three member groups. Since Faunce
judges San Miguel to be of low vertical differentiation in
comparison to industrial society, U.P.F. could clearly be
said to be of low status and power differentiation also and
thus of low isolation among the members in a vertical plane.

However, the horizontal specialization of U.P.F. is
somewhat higher than the simple role specializations of
parent, mate and farmer which Faunce noted in San Miguel.
The range of skills Observed in U.P.F. are considerably
wider, from theology to finance. Still two factors amelio-

rate this. The first is the location of the skills in the

209

various actors rather than in fixed "Offices." This gener—
ates the rotating authority structure which encourages each
member to contribute his talents to the area at hand-~his
interpretation of a Bible passage or his understanding Of
the process of the group at the moment. The second factor
which reducestjuahorizontal specialization is the "common
sense" character of the group's required skills. Rather
than a sophisticated or scientific area such as molecular
biology to which a "lay" member could contribute little, the
ethical and people—related tasks of U.P.F. call forth a
variety of lay skills. Many Of the small group members were
Observed to have mastered the "integrity model" of helping
relationships by imitating the professional members, and
many members had also a considerable grasp of theology in
scepe and depth. Both the rotating authority and the common
sense skills encourage the members' skill contributions and
the lack of visible symbols associated with member skills
reduce the horizontal range considerably from what it appears
to be. These factors permit a description of U.P.F. as
having a low degree of horizontal differentiation in compari-
son with industrial society and thus a low degree of isola-
tion between the members.

One of the more visible consequences Of the low
degree of member isolation and conflict and high articulation
is a relaxation of tension and anxiety in the members and in

their relationships with others. This relaxed atmosphere is

 

210

manifested in various ways such as the group's willingness
to postpone business for personal matters. This may be
illustrated by an incident involving two of the members,
Patricia Beacon and Victor Verity. They had just left an
evening painting crew at the Elmwood property and were on
their way to a financial committee meeting on Urban Place
for which they were already late. Yet they still had time to
stop and discuss a personal problem with one of the members
for fifteen minutes. None of the committee members were
upset when they arrived twenty—five minutes late—-they
explained what had happened and proceeded with the meeting.
Another observable consequence of the relaxed atmos-
phere is the members' willingness to wait for others. This
is illustrated by the members in a group meeting waiting in
silence for what seems an interminable period for another tO
gather his thoughts or courage to express a "concern." Still
another reflection of the relaxed atmosphere is the ability
of the members to accept mistakes and shortcomings of others
without undue condemnation yet with appropriate admonishment.
Jacob Deed claimed the group's ability to accept shortcomings
was quite different from the group to which he had previously
belonged which roundly condemned mistakes. He claimed this
was because the U.P.F. people were not "uptight." Also
U.P.F. had less vocational anxiety, he Observed, "money is
not the big concern in the job nor is rising to the top. The

question is whether you like the job and are doing something

 

211

valuable for someone else. SO you don't have to sell your
soul to the boss." Obey Grace claimed that anxiety was
reduced in many of the members because they have resolved
many of their problems with themselves and were able to

relate in honest ways with others. Steven Bush acknowledged
that he was much less anxious now than before he lived in
U.P.F. because before he was "always concerned about himself."
Obey also felt that the "consensus" style Of leadership
reduced anxiety. A group would remain and continue to explore
an unresolved issue until all arrived at some common under—
standing. Occasionally the group would leave without having
reached a decision, rather than make a choice which would do
violence to a member's convictions.

Reba Ann Beacon, Patricia's sister—in-law, claimed
that U.P.F. had a "fast pace of life but yet it was not
anxious." "Some people have to regulate themselves because
there are so many projects and relationships going on——you
just cannot do everything—~but it is not anxious activity."
The willingness of the members to interrupt a task for per—
sonal concerns, their ability to wait for others, the rela-
tive acceptance of members' shortcomings in comparison to
other groups, the reduction of job anxiety, all these appear
to reflect the reductions of isolation and conflict among
the members and the high articulation of the group.

U.P.F.'s high articulation is not unique, however.

The advantage of relatively low vertical and horizontal

212

differentiation was shared by many of the religious and
Owenite experiments. However, the Fourierist groups with
their differential rewards would be expected to have supported
a higher differential status structure and thus generated more
competition and isolation among members.

Although U.P.F.'s low vertical and horizontal differ—
entation is not an advantage unique to the utopian experi-
ments, the combination of the low differentiation of a utopian
group in the midst of an urban or highly differentiated loca—
tion is a unique advantage and creates the unique possibility
of both high member individuation as well as high member

autonomy.

Summary
Articulation, according to Faunce, is a measure of
the "fit" of the members together in a social dimension with—
out isolation or conflict of interest. Communitarian groups
must provide at least three things to fit their members
together and accomplish their common tasks: norms, facili-

ties and a social structure. However, according to Faunce,

 

these three may create conflict of interest or isolate the
members from one another as well as articulate them in the
common enterprise. Therefore, each of the three was examined
to note contributions as well as deterrents to articulation
U.P.F.'s central interaction norms, "openness" and

I ' . . . n .
'lntegrity,' were comprised Of such ingredients as inter-

Personal management of tension, direct communication of

213

sentiments, shared decision making and shared resolution of
conflict. The Openness permits the professional and lay
skills of the group to be activated on behalf of the parties.

Also the degree of equal footing among the members
structured by the integrity model and the commitment to Open-
ness was judged to permit a high degree of identification of
the members with each other and thus reduce psychological
isolation and increase articulation.

The facilities consisted of two ecological arrange-

 

ments and five group activities. This ecological arrange-
ment, the proximity of housing, supported the various group
activities by increasing member meeting attendance as well as
directly reducing member isolation by the nearness Of
housing. The other arrangement, the coffee house, bridged
communication gaps and Offered group recreational Oppor-
tunities.

The five group activities each contributed to an
articulated round of life for the members. The member
meetings were the arena for the consensus type decision pro-
cess and interpersonal conflict management. Also, the decen-
tralization into three small member meetings helped preserve
the personal nature of decision and conflict processes,
reducing member isolation and increasing member solidarity.

The other facilities were as follows: the work day
accomplished the group's maintenance and provided visible

and immediate signs of group effectiveness. The worship

214

service reconfirmed the common group goals. In addition, all

the facilities together directly increased articulation by

generating an overlapping round of life for the members.
However, the accomplishment of these tasks required

additional social structures: a division of labor and a

 

status~power structure. According to Faunce, these can
create high differentiation, isolation and conflict of
interest reducing articulation.

U.P.F.'s division of labor was found to be character—
ized by a rotating job structure and a low horizontal differ—
entiation which reduced isolation and conflict of interest.
Only four status—power levels were found at U.P.F. and the
significance of these was reduced by the common purse,
housing and transportation which detached the symbols of dif-
ferential status and power from the members.

U.P.F. was found to have an interaction norm and
a round of life adequate to generate group cohesion, reduce
member isolation and provide for the accomplishment of group
tasks. These, in addition to the low differentiation, status-
power and division of labor structures, generated a high arti—

culation community system.

 

CHAPTER VII

SELECTION AND SOCIALIZATION OF MEMBERS

This chapter focuses on the problems Of the
selection of candidates to populate and maintain U.P.F. and
their socialization into active and functioning relation-
ships with the group.

Socialization is the process by which a person takes

 

on new values, norms and attitudes normally associated with

an identified social group. Adult socialization may

include withdrawing an identity investment from other groups

and a reinvestment in the new groups as a source of identity.
Several methods are logically possible to select and

socialize candidates for membership to a high articulation

group: (a) the group could admit no new members from the

 

outside and focus solely on socializing and retaining its

second generation (modern Amish, Hutterites); (b) the group

 

could depend on selection Of pre-conditioned candidates who

 

were socialized by an outside agency or training institution
(such as a theological seminary); (c) the group could employ
selective recruitment of previously untrained outside candi-

dates and employ its own group socialization process to fit

 

them for membership; (d) the group could admit anyone who

 

desired to join and depend solely on a socialization process

215

216

to train members.
U.P.F.'S present membership procedure is comprised

of both (b) and (c) above. It recruits some pre-conditioned

 

candidates from a church college and seminary and from other

 

religious communitarian groups. It employs selective

 

recruitment and utilizes its own group socialization process

 

 

with previously untrained candidates.
This socialization procedure is comprised of three

phases: an initial contact phase, an intermediate phase

 

 

called an "intentional neighbor relationship," and a £311
membership phase.

The initial contact phase employs the group's
various communication nets to promulgate information and
also uses the group's entire round-of—life to eXpose
visitors to the values of the group.

The intermediate phase is characterized by the can-

 

didate's moving to the neighborhood, participating in a mem—
bership class and in as many Of the dimensions of the group
life as he desires. This phase provides sufficient time for
socialization, freedom from premature group expectations for
candidate conformity, and a potential for either the candi—
date Or the group to reverse the process and begin disengage—
ment if desired.

After a discussion of the historical process which
preceded the development of the present mode, the three

membership phases will be examined. Finally these will be

 

 

217

compared to the membership processes of the 19th Century
groups and then analyzed as to their adequacy to support the

group.

The History of the Membership Process

 

In the early days Of U.P.F. the group was dependent
on the Scripturite mission board. The board financially
assisted U.P.F. and U.P.F. in turn was to train "suitable"
mission candidates for the board. They anticipated that the
board would be able to evaluate candidates sufficiently to
permit an accurate appraisal of their potential "fit" with
U.P.F. and to describe the Fellowship well enough to the can—
didates so they could make an accurate choice of assignments
to U.P.F. or to some other "mission project."

Neither assumption proved accurate. As has been
noted in Chapter III, many of the recruits from the board
were either ill-equipped for group living or they did not
actually desire such an enterprise when they discovered what
U.P.F. was. A candidate was forced to make a decision on
inadequate information, "pack his belongings and head for
the Fellowship." The members of the Fellowship were equally
uncomfortable in "finding new members on the front porch
when they woke up in the morning." Moreover, there was no
middle ground once a recruit had arrived and turning back
was admitting defeat for both the candidate and the Fellow-

ship.

218

Largely because of these disadvantages, U.P.F.,
after two or three years, decided to end its relationships
with the mission board. Because the cushion on income over
expenses had permitted the Fellowship to nearly repay all
the funds they had been advanced from the mission board, the
group was able to sever the tie "in good conscience."

The difficulty caused the members to confront the
problems of selection and socialization and they began to
design facilities which would more adequately acquaint can—
didates with the group's life and beliefs and begin building
mutual relationships and common understandings. The aim was
to provide candidates and members alike with data on which

to base a choice of membership.

The Three Phase Membership Process

 

The Initial Contact

The initial contact phase involves two parts-~the
dissemination of information about the group to interested
persons and the reception of these persons as visitors at
the Fellowship.

Five sources, most of them informal, personal con-
tacts, act as channels through which the promulgation of
information about U.P.F. tO others who may be interested in
such a group takes place: (a) through an "underground" com—
munications net which links together various religious eXper-

iments through friends and letters, (b) through the U.P.F.

219

members who teach at the Scripturite Seminary and college,
(c) through those members who are invited by churches to
preach or lead conferences, (d) through members' contacts
with colleagues in their employment, and (e) through various
associations in the neighborhood in which they hold member—
ships.

In addition to these personal contacts, two formal
sources disseminate information: the mission board con-
tinues to acquaint members Of the denomination interested in
discipleship choices with information of U.P.F.; the local
underground newspaper alerts the "under 30" group to the
benefits Of the "coffee house."

The predominance of the denominational sources, the
seminary, the local churches and the mission board, is
reflected in the fact that nearly one-third of the members
are of Scripturite background although this is probably less
significant than the exposure of these members to the Ana-
baptist heritage through the denomination's colleges and
institutions. The fact that two-thirds of the membership
comes from a wide spectrum Of "peace churches," main line
protestant denominations and Roman Catholic groups suggests
the common element in the spectrum. It is the acknowledg—
ment of a need for a group structured around a "radical
discipleship" rather than more narrow denominational tenets.

The second dimension to the initial contact phase

takes place when interested persons visit the Fellowship.

220

The several sources Of information and initial contact
generate 200 to 300 visitors a year to U.P.F. These come
individually or in groups such as a dozen youth from a
church in a nearby state. The visitors frequently come on a
weekend and can eXperience several Of the group activities
in a short time, such as the work day, the community meal,
the coffee house and the worship service.

The normal practice Of the Fellowship members
sharing tasks also works to the advantage of the visitors.
Each visitor in a group is housed with a different family
and boarded with still different families. This practice
spreads the hosting responsibilities over many families and
the guests can become acquainted with many Of the members as
well as receiving several members' views on the functioning
of the Fellowship. The group even provides additional allot-
ments to the member families to cover the additional burden
Of guests' food costs, thus eliminating a possible conflict
of interest between hosts and guests.

For many Of the more serious guests and those who
stay longer than a day or two, this period of uncommitted
investigation involves what Merton calls "anticipatory
socialization."l The visitors discover something of the

commitment to "radical discipleship" and its Anabaptist

 

1Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social
Structure, Revised and Enlarged EditionCTNew York: The
Free Press of Glencoe, 1957), pp. 265 ff.

 

 

221

heritage, the commitment to "Openness" and the "integrity"
model which it presupposes, and the communitarian norm with
its common purse and decision making. The visitors begin

to measure themselves against these values and against the
style of life. Some who have begun to eXperience, as Merton
describes it, a deterioration Of social relations with the
groups in which they are members, may begin to identify with
the values and structures Of U.P.F. Thus the process is one
of anticipatory socialization, or the identification Of

visitors with U.P.F.

The Intermediate Phase
The intermediate membership phase has two mechanisms,
a membership class and an intentional neighbor relationship.

Each will now be examined in turn.

The Membership Class

 

"Candidates" for membership are expected to attend a
membership class called a "Sermon on the Mount." The empha-
sis of the class when it was led by Jessie Mission was one
of self-examination. One of the teaching aids used in the
class will illustrate the character of the meetings. The
tool is a set of nine questions for "self—examination" based
on Jesus' Sermon on the Mount (Matt. 5:3-16). The questions
attempt to relate each candidate's style Of life to the
Style of life Jesus was describing for his disciples. The

Biblical admonitions are translated to bring them up to date

222

in relation to the inquirers: "Blessed are those who know
they are poor" is interpreted to mean those who have an
"accurate knowledge of themselves rather than to have exag-
gerated notions of their status." "Blessed are those whose
hearts are pure" is explained as calling for the integrity
Of outward behavior with inward feelings—-rather than the
hypocritical wearing of a "mask" which hides one's real
feelings and attitudes from others. These interpretations
may be seen as reflections of the integrity model Of rela—
tionships which generally serves as the norm for the Biblical
interpretations Offered by the Fellowship.

To facilitate the candidates' self-examinations,
Jessie usually gave the candidates the questions the week
prior to the meeting with directions for each to write down
his observations regarding his own standing in relation to
Jesus' claims. At the meeting each one in turn, including
Jessie, was invited to share his reflections. These con-
fessions were attended with some embarrassment. Some had
disclosed things usually hidden because they had been asso-
ciated with feelings Of shame. They found, to their com—
fort, little condemnation but rather empathy, because all,
including the moderator, had fallen equally short Of Jesus'
admonitions.

Several benefits are afforded by the classes in the
eight or ten weeks in which they meet. The examination of

the Biblical passages acquaints the candidates with the

223

integrity model as the norm of relationships. This begins to
give meaning to the commitment to "openness." The self—
examination causes the candidates to measure themselves
against the structure of the group, examining their under—
standing of themselves, their characteristic relations with
others, their central values, and their ability to enter the
disciplines of the group such as the common purse and the
"corporate decision making."

The acknowledgment by each member Of his own posi—
tion in relation to these values begins to bring into harmony
for each his public and his private understanding of himself.
Also it generates for the candidates an eXperience Of the
direct communications of sentiments and interpersonal tension
management implied in the commitment to Openness. This style
of confession and confrontation is characteristic of the life
together of the members, and the Fellowship anticipates that
those in the intermediate phase are serious enough about
their investigation to participate in this level Of personal

interaction.

The Intentional Neighbor Relationship

 

For some visitors the progressive deterioriation Of
the social relations in their existing groups continues and
the identification with U.P.F. continues, supported by peri-
odic visits and correspondence with the Fellowship. For some

of these, in spite Of a growing identification with the

224

Fellowship, there remains some doubt as to their ability to
"fit" into the round-of—life or to make such a "complete com—
mitment to God and to others." These may become intentional
neighbors. These families move to the neighborhood, either
in their own housing or in Fellowship housing. Thus they
are neighbors of the Fellowship by design--not by accident--
thus the name intentional neighbors. They Obtain employment
in Brawn and are, in effect, independent of the Fellowship.
They are encouraged to participate in "every aspect of the
Fellowship which they feel is right for them at the time."
The intentional neighbor procedure generates impor—
tant benefits for the membership process in two areas:
economic and social. The economic benefit is a marginal
position for the "neighbor." The social benefit is an

elongated anticipatory socialization process. Now each will

 

be examined in turn.

The possibility for the marginal position of the can-
didate is created by his independent employment in the city
and separate housing in the neighborhood. This eliminates
two areas of potential conflict of interest with the Fellow-
ship by which a candidate could create a burden: income and
housing. Thus the candidate is economically independent Of
the Fellowship and marginal to it.

Also the Fellowship is independent from the candi-
date. Unlike some 19th Century groups where members were

hastily recruited to increase agricultural productivity, the

225

linear relationship that U.P.F. enjoys between income and
expenditures permits them to move slowly on membership. It
is no more financially precarious for two families than for
twenty as long as each family brings income into the group.
Each new family virtually pays for itself, especially since
each is committed to the welfare standard.

This is considerably different from the plight of
some of the 19th Century groups who needed more members to
increase the agricultural yield. These new members were
sometimes hastily recruited with misleading and glowing
promises. Also the presence of additional members served to
split the present yield additional ways, decreasing the
standard of living still further below the expectations of
the members. Thus the hasty recruitment inevitably added
social to economic problems.

In comparison, U.P.F. can "pass on" its own economic
stability to its candidate through the intentional neighbor
mechanism where the maximum flexibility and freedom from
pressure is permitted the slow—moving inquirer. The candi-
date, in an isolated rural setting, had little choice but to
join the group for he was as dependent upon them for both
housing and employment as they were in need of him. There
appeared to be no middle ground. U.P.F.'s unique urban loca-
tion permits a candidate's housing and income both to be
independent of the Fellowship and this offers the flexibility

of both time and direction to the candidates. The candidates

226

are free to participate in as much of the life of the group
as they desire. They can reverse direction and stop their
participation in several of the activities or even cease all
association with the group if they choose, in which case
they can remain as a neighbor with little disruption to
either party economically.

The second benefit from the intentional neighbor rela-
tionship is a continuation of the anticipatory socialization
process which was begun in the initial contact and visiting
stage of an inquirer's relation with the group.

During this stage, as has been noted, the candidate
experiences a cumulative deterioration of the social rela-
tions in his old member—groups. In becoming less identified
with their norms and values, he fulfills less of their
expectations and receives fewer positive self—evaluations
from the members which in turn causes him to withdraw further
his self-investment in these groups—-a cumulative process.

If the values and expectations of U.P.F. are within
his fulfillment, that is, that membership is Open to him, he
is capable of fulfilling the norms and values of that group
and their values are harmonious with his own or those of his
"significant others," then he may begin to self-invest in
those new values. The increasing realignment of his self—
esteem structure generates a condition which Faunce describes
as "alienation" with respect to his Old member groups. The

actor has different self-esteem criteria than the esteem

227

assignment criteria of the old group.2

The anticipatory situation provided by the inten—
tional neighbors status, in effect, makes it possible for
the candidate to eXperiment or "try-on-for-size" the new
values with little threat Of negative evaluation of him by
the group. This is because the situation is defined as one
of testing—-the learner is not expected to be able to ful—
fill the new esteem assignment criteria but rather to
measure himself against it so he and the group will come to
know if the group's value structure and his are potentially
harmonious.

This testing process afforded by the intentional
neighbor relation is considerably more important in the rela—
tionship of a candidate to a group with high articulation,
such as U.P.F., than in relating to a less articulated group
such as a church or a business organization. A business or
church would be eXpected to comprise only one role or iden-
tity unit of an actor's entire identity structure which
would include a wide range of roles. His self-esteem would
be generated by the accumulation of the evaluation he
received in each of these various roles. Since they are of
low articulation or overlapping with one another, he is

forced to maintain some conformity to each of them to

 

2William A. Faunce,'P£pblems of an Industrial
Society (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968), p. 94 ff.

 

228

maintain his self-esteem. The withdrawal from any one of
these is usually accompanied by its replacement with another
role investment. One may take a less active role in the
church and a more active role in the country club—-and con—
sequently receive a higher esteem from one to offset the
loss of the other. This is a frequent occurrence in modern
society and causes few disruptions of the self—identity
system.

A growing identification with a highly articulated
group such as U.P.F. involves, by its nature, the increasing
investment in an integrated and comprehensive series of role
identities. This may potentially generate a significant
disruption and realignment of the candidate's identity
structure so that for some it could be called acquiring a
new identity. For example, the commitment of the group to
radical discipleship requires the "search for God's will" in
every area of life. One is to see his employment, his Old
associations and friends, and his hobbies and pleasures, all
as avenues for discipleship. The commitment to "openness"
involves a new norm by which to measure and pattern all per-
sonal relationships. The common purse and the "welfare"
budget require a new orientation to consumption and to one's
identity in relation to the goods he purchases.

The rural experiments, as highly articulated as
U.P.F., had similar need of mechanisms to permit such a com—

prehensive self-investment of their candidates. A lack of

229

such mechanisms was a significant cause of the inability of
the socialist groups to build sufficient commitment in their
members and the religious groups to obtain recruits from
outside their own narrow religious boundaries. "Trial mem-

bership,‘ occasionally used by the socialist groups and
frequently by religious groups, was not entirely adequate
because it made the member dependent on the group for not
only housing and employment but for esteem as well. The
isolation of the rural utopias created nearly a total break
between the member and his previous identity and esteem
sources rather than permitting the member to withdraw from
the various sources at his own rate. It placed him in
dependence upon the new group for nearly all his esteem main—
tenance. Thus, even though the period was defined as a
trial period by the members so candidate errors were more
easily overlooked, still, errors for the candidates were

of comprehensive significance because he was cut off from
other sources of esteem. Thus, the safety, flexibility and
the candidate-determined rate of socialization were unavail-
able to the rural candidate. Consequently, many socialist
groups failed from lack Of internal cohesion and many reli—
gious groups received few outsiders to regenerate them and
offset member attrition. The religious groups were forced
to institute restrictions upon their members: cross boundary
control, insulation from the outer world, sacrifices of

parent—child or mate separation, or member mortification by

 

 

230

confession and group criticism. These were attempts to
create and maintain dependence of the members and of the
children upon the group. They were necessary because no
adequate membership apparatus was discovered to permit can—
didates' gradual withdrawal and reinvestment under the
isolated conditions. Thus the intentional neighbor device
appears to be unique in permitting a gradual anticipatory
socialization process to be sustained for considerable
periods of time, permitting flexibility of direction and
rate for both the candidate and the group, and providing
adequate selection and socialization of candidates to sus-

tain the Fellowship.

The Full Membership Phase

The previous chapters have described the life of the
Fellowship and this is, in effect, a description of the life
style of the full member. However, it may be briefly sum—
marized by reference to four "areas of commitment" which the
members describe to the candidates: (1) a place to live
‘(physical proximity), (2) economic life (the common purse),
(3) personal relationship (Openness), and (4) decision
making (corporate—consensus).

These are approached in stages by the candidates as
has been noted. The intentional neighbor relationship
involves, by its nature, the physical proximity of housing.

The candidates are introduced to the styles of Openness and

231

consensus decision making during the membership class.
Eventually the other members of the Fellowship feel comfort-
able enough to continue this level of interaction with the
candidates in other encounters, such as the member meetings.
These later discussions may involve some barrier the candi—
date is experiencing with respect to complete participation
in U.P.F. Sharing in the common purse is a typical diffi-
culty for those whose income or wealth is greater than the
average level. In effect, these have to "come down" to the
group standard of living. The consequence of such discus—
sions is that the inquirer discovers how important money is
in his life. Should he discover it to be of considerable
importance, he invariably has a more difficult task of ele—
vating others in his values and decreasing the importance of
the economic life. This type of realignment of values may
be eXperienced in relation to every aspect of the Fellowship.
Finally, the candidate and the group together assess the
realignment to be complete as noted by his participation in
each of the four areas. This is simply acknowledged and
announced and the candidate is thereafter considered as a

full member.

Chapter Summary

 

The chapter focused on the problem of the selection
and socialization of candidates for membership in U.P.F.

Four general ways were noted for high articulation groups to

232

accomplish these tasks, (a) admit no new members but only
its own second generation, (b) recruit preconditioned candi—
dates, (c) employ selective recruitment and socialization,
(d) admit anyone.

The current membership procedure of U.P.F. was
described as a combination of (b) and (c)-—recruiting some
preconditioned candidates and a selective recruitment and
socialization process for untrained candidates.

These processes were described as having three
phases: an initial, an intermediate and a full membership
phase. The initial contact phase employed the various com—
munication nets of the Fellowship and its members to promul-
gate information. It also used the entire round-of—life to
expose visitors to the values of the group. The anticipa—
tory socialization process was invoked to eXplain the
effectiveness of this visitor stage.

The intermediate phase, called the "intentional
neighbor" phase, was characterized by candidates moving to
the neighborhood, participating in a membership class and in
as many of the dimensions of the group life as they desired.
The benefits of this were twofold. The first was a marginal
and independent economic position by which the candidate was
independent of the group and the group independent of the can—
didate. The second was an elongated anticipatory socializa-
tion process by which the candidate could withdraw his

identity in existing groups and reinvest in the Fellowship.

233

Thus the intermediate stage permitted freedom from premature
group expectations for conformity, permitted an elongated

socialization process, and permitted either the group or the

candidate to reverse the process and begin disengaging.

In comparison, the isolated 19th Century eXperiments
made a candidate immediately dependent on the group and did
not permit sufficient time and safety for the candidate to
withdraw his identity investment from other groups and
reinvest in the eXperiment. Thus the religious groups
erected boundary controls and other restrictive measures to
maintain the commitment of the "insiders" since they could not
replenish their manpower needs with outsiders. The socialist
groups, without adequate commitment mechanisms for their mem—
bers or adequate socialization measures for "outsiders,"
quickly failed. U.P.F., forced to draw from "outsiders" for
most of its manpower needs, had to develOp a system to select
and socialize "outsiders." The system was judged to be ade—
quate to insure the commitment of outsiders to the group,
thus, in effect, eliminating the second generation problem

and supporting the continuity of the group.

CHAPTER VIII

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS AND IMPLICATIONS

Summary of the Group's Structure

 

The variables derived from utopian literature and
Loomis' Social System Model differentiated the successful
from the short—lived 19th Century eXperiments. These vari-
ables (Table 1) will be used to summarize the findings:

(1) PhilOSOphy and Goals: U.P.F.'s members share a
common conception of the group both as a means to the end
of "radical Christian discipleship" and as an end in itself
expressed in relationships of "openness" among the members.
These beliefs originated from a common heritage, the Ana-
baptist Vision, and are a positive support for the community.
In addition, the content of both the norms (the group as the
source of "God's will," and the group as an end in itself)
generated high member investment in the group and in one
another--positive contributions to group solidarity and
longevity.

(2) Systemic Linkage and Boundary Maintenance: The
analysis of U.P.F.'s systemic linkages with outside groups
revealed relationships with three types of outside systems:
non-sanction, modified sanction and sanction. The non-sanction

links have no economic sanction power (links with churches,

234

 

 

235

other communitarian groups, with a seminary and with the
neighborhood). The modified sanction links have some sanction
power over individual members (various governmental agencies,
employing institutions). The sanction links have sufficient
sanction power to terminate the existence of the group (a
denominational mission board and a local bank).

However, the analysis of U.P.F.'S economic support
system showed how the employee status of members plus the
commitment to the welfare level standard of living generated
a "cushion" of income over expenses. This was comparable to
the financial security of some of the older well-established
religious groups. While it did not eliminate potential fatal
conflicts of interest with sponsors, it did minimize them.

(3) Income Allocation: U.P.F.'s economic distribu-
tion system, the common purse, in conjunction with the income

"cushion,' effectively minimized economic conflicts among
members as well as between the members and three classes of
outside groups: mission recipients, absentee sponsors and
vocational colleagues. The reduction of member economic con-
flicts permitted the benefits of "COOperation" which the
socialisms attempted to achieve and often failed. Those
groups consequently suffered losses in group stability and
longevity which U.P.F. appeared to avoid.

(4) Articulation of the Community System: U.P.F.'s

interaction norm of Openness called forth mutual member

respect, shared tension management and direct communication

236

of sentiments. These generated a high degree of member iden—
tification with each other, reduced isolation and increased

articulation. The group's facilities, the proximity of

 

housing, coffee house, worship services, common meals and
work day generated an articulated round—of—life and also pro—
vided the means of accomplishing necessary tasks. A final
facility was the decentralized member meeting and consensus
decision process.

The "consensus" process, by which the members of
U.P.F. attended to one another as potential carriers Of
"God's will," generated a high member solidarity and mini—
mized the possibility of the faction split—offs which crip-
pled some of the rural socialisms. The decentralized deci-
sion nexus increased the possibilities for the normative
relationships of "openness" to which the members were com—
mitted as well as to increase the high degree of members'
participation in decision making,and thus it contributed to
articulation. The social structure was of low vertical and
horizontal differentiation avoiding a reduction of articula-
tion. Member conflicts of interest over ‘power and status
‘were also minimized by a system of rotating expertise
authority, a decentralized influence structure and a common
ownership of property which cut off members with differen—
tial influence from acquiring the visible symbols of status
and power. In addition to the minimization of the negative

factor of social conflict, the social structure provided

237

adequate positive articulation.

(5) Selection and Socialization of Members: The
group's membership process was comprised of three phases.
The initial contact phase employed the various member con-
tacts to disseminate information about the group and its
round-of—life to acquaint visitors with the group. The
intermediate phase was comprised of a membership class and
an intentional neighbor relationship. This "neighbor" rela—
tionship permitted the advantages of a marginal economic
position, freedom from premature group pressure for candidate
conformity, and an elongated "anticipatory socialization"
process for candidates. These advantages were unavailable
to the isolated rural utOpias. Together these served the
comprehensive membership process required by a highly arti-
culated group such as U.P.F. They promised to fulfill the
manpower and commitment requirements for group longevity.

In each of the variables, U.P.F. had adopted simi—
larly effective practices as the religious groups or avoided
dangers which had plagued the socialisms. This permitted
U.P.F.'S longevity potential to be judged as similarly high
as the long-lived religious groups. Thus, it would appear
that such a high articulation urban group as U.P.F. is

potentially viable and long-lived.

Summary of the Group's Impact Upon Autonomy

 

The study defined autonomy as the ability of an

actor to consider an action which he anticipated would

238

receive a negative evaluation by his vocational group mem—
bers thus challenging a dimension of his self-esteem. The
literature revealed that two conditions supported actor
autonomy. The first was the exposure to a highly differen—
tiated social structure which served to individuate a self
system as distinct from a village or collectivity of which
the person was a member. This permitted him to conceive of
alternatives to conformity-—a requisite to autonomy. The
second autonomy variable was the actor's location in a
highly articulated social structure. This structure sup-
ported him against challenges to his self—esteem in other
social structures such as those in which he might attempt to
exercise vocational autonomy. The same variables which

were utilized in discussing community viability also
revealed aspects Of U.P.F. which contributed directly as
well as theoretically to autonomy. High group articulation
in U.P.F. would be expected to be maintained by low degrees
of vertical and horizontal differentiation, a low degree of
conflict and isolation in the group, and a highly articulated
round-of—life.

(l) PhilOSOphy and Goals: The existence of a common
philosophy and goal directly supports high group articula—
tion. Also the content of the goal itself, the commitment
to "radical Christian discipleship to others," provided a
direct impulse toward responsible vocational performance and

autonomy.

239

(2) Systemic Linkage and Boundary Maintenance: The
analysis of U.P.F.'s systemic linkages and the economic sup-
port system revealed two positive factors regarding member
autonomy; the existence of the "cushion" of group income
over expenses directly encouraged autonomous member behavior,
that is, potential loss of income of a member due to the
exercise of vocational autonomy was insulated against. The
existence of systemic links between U.P.F. and several out—
side collectivities (denominational seminary and colleges
and several contemporary communitarian groups) was seen as
supporting the belief and goal system of U.P.F. and thus
increasing group articulation. The links with employing
institutions and neighborhood groups and the high amount of
member cross—boundary movement with these agencies were seen
as providing a highly differentiated social structure. This
was necessary to maintain the members' conceptions of alter—
natives to vocational conformity.

(3) Income Allocation: Member conflicts of interest
were one of two factors which the literature claimed reduced
group articulation. U.P.F.'s income distribution and pro—
chaction systems were found to effectively minimize economic
conflicts among members and thus avoid a potential reduction
in group articulation.

(4) Articulation of the Community System: The
groups interaction ESEE.O£ Openness and the mutual member

respect it generated, high member identification, reduced

240

isolation and directly increased articulation. The facilities

 

generated an articulated round—of—life. One of these, the
concensus decision process with the decentralized small group
decision structure, was particularly important in reducing
isolation and status differentiation-~two factors which
reduce articulation. In addition, the rotating expertise
authority, the newly decentralized influence structure and
the common ownership of property minimized member conflicts
of interest over power and status,another factor which
reduces group articulation.

The analysis of the social structure also revealed
that the rotating eXpertise authority generated a low degree
of horizontal differentiation. Also, the detachment of the
few formal and informal roles from acquisition of visible
influence symbols provided a relatively low vertical differ-
entiation. When the vertical and horizontal differentiation
Of U.P.F. were compared to the known low differentiation of
a primitive non—industrial village, they were found to be
correspondingly low. The adequacy of the common norms,
round—Of—life, and facilities permitted a judgement of both
actual and structural adequacy to avoid member isolation.
The low degree of conflict and isolation and the low verti-
cal and horizontal differentiation generated a positive
judgement of high group articulation in comparison to indus—
trial society.

(5) The Selection and Socialization of Members: The

241

three phase membership process was comprised of an initial
contact phase, an intermediate phase and a full member phase.
These were adequate to select and socialize new members to
the highly articulated life style of the group. One of the
intermediate phase mechanisms was the intentional neighbor
relationship. This Offered the candidate a marginal economic
position-—freedom from premature group pressure for candidate
conformity and an elongated "anticipatory socialization"
process.

With the adequate three phase process U.P.F. avoided
the development of higher differentiation, conflict of
interest and isolation which reduced the articulation Of many
Of the 19th Century socialisms following their inadequate
membership practices.

The theoretical determination Of high articulation
in U.P.F. could be stated as follows: the low degrees of
vertical and horizontal differentiation and the minimization
Of structural isolation and conflicts of interest permitted
a theoretical claim of high group articulation. This deter—
mination was strengthened by several directly observable
supports of high articulation, the existence of the common
goals, supported by the several systemic linkages, the
highly overlapping round-of—life and the comprehensive deci—
sion making scope. The comparison of U.P.F. to the known
high articulation of a primitive pre—industrial society

strengthened the theoretical claim. Thus, the judgement of

242

high articulation indicated that U.P.F. appeared to fulfill
the first Of the two autonomy criteria.

The second criteria was the exposure of the members
to a social structure of high differentiation. U.P.F.'s
systemic links and high member cross boundary travel
clearly eXposed the members to the high differentiation
social system in the city to permit the members' conceptions
of alternatives to vocational conformity. Conversations with
members and observations of members' performance helped
directly to confirm this and supported a positive judgement
as to the fulfillment of the second autonomy variable. In
addition, the member commitment to "Christian discipleship
to others in all of life" was expected to exert a direct
impulse toward autonomy and the economic security of the
"cushion" was expected to generate a financial support for
autonomy. Thus, the data revealed the unusual social
structure of U.P.F., high articulation like primitive soci-
eties and high differentiation like industrial societies,
and supported the claim for member autonomy in vocational
situations. In addition, this theoretical claim was
strengthened by some direct observations of member voca-
tional performance. Thus, it would appear that such a high
articulation urban collectivity as U.P.F. is not only viable
but may support its members' vocational autonomy.

Another autonomy consideration is that of over-

dependence. It might be eXpected that a member of a

243

highly articulated group would grow too dependent on the
group, consequently reducing his capacity for autonomous
behavior both in the group and in his vocation. This was
not Observed at U.P.F. apparently for two reasons: the
decentralized small group decision structure and rotating

situational eXpertise authority demanded a high level of

 

participation of the members and a continual exercise of

 

their capabilities. The norm of radical discipleship to

God's will generated a developmental participation of the

 

members. They were continually challenged by the norm to
find better and more adequate ways of performing both in the
group and in their vocation. The economic and self—identity
security provided by the articulated structure appears to
have Offered the support to innovate in attempt to better
approximate the "radical"challenge, thus developing the
capacity of the actors for autonomy rather than reducing it.
A final aspect of autonomy in such a group is that
it may have both a positive and a negative effect on the
self-autonomy of its members. Even though the group may
support one's autonomy on the job, it may reduce his auto—
nomy within the group due to the norms, patterns and
structures to which he accommodates. This has historically
been the case in groups such as families, villages or
voluntary associations where the member has given his parti—
cipation and conformity and received an important part of

his identity. The problem, following Riseman and Faunce,

244

is that these groups have lost their articulation and their
power to support autonomy in the new roles of industrial
society such as the work role. Thus U.P.F.'s members appear
to voluntarily yield a degree Of self-autonomy inside the
group in return for the benefits of the life style and the
autonomy potential outside the group. Viewed this way,
autonomy is always stated in reference to a given system,
rather than in absolute terms. The U.P.F. members, in
reference to industrial society, might be seen as having
several points of autonomy or freedom: to establish new
(and non-economic) priorities, to reallocate economic
resources, to redefine categories of industrial society
(humanness, success, responsibility, learning), and to
establish new and different structures to support the new
priorities and commitments. Thus the members receive these
benefits as a consequence of their participation in the

group and a degree of autonomy lost in group participation.

Some Implications

 

(l) The study indicates the viability of a high
articulation urban collectivity to support member vocational
autonomy. This may represent a possible solution to the
general problem of personal and professional responsibility
in an institutional and market place dominated society as
described by Mills, Presthus, Blackington and many others.

Membership in such a group may provide additional autonomy

245

for actors to risk unpOpular and unconventional courses Of
action. The loss of income or of self—esteem may be more
readily withstood in such a high articulation support
system. Some writers have suggested that the next decade
will see the establishment of "occupational communes" in
which groups Of doctors and lawyers will live with their
families in hopes of enjoying an increased autonomy as well
as an increased sense of community.1 The experience and
structure of U.P.F. should be a valuable model for such
experiments.

(2) A knowledge of the systems and structures which
support the longevity and articulation of a collectivity
such as U.P.F. should provide unique additional understanding
of high articulation systems. Many utopian experiments, both
social and religious, are underway at this moment. Some are
designed to support particular types of goal-directed
behavior such as vocational responsibility, some to eXplore
alternative social systems for the alternate life—style bene—
fits they may afford. The eXperience and structure of
U.P.F. should help such intentional groups to make more
accurate predictions about the implication and consequences
of structural decisions and hopefully avoid a continual
"reinventing of the wheel" by such experiments. The study
may contribute to such an end, not only by the study of

1A. Toffler, Fpture Shock (New York: Random House,

 

1970).

246

structural consequences, but hopefully by identifying
several bodies of relevant theoretical and historical
material to contribute to such a knowledge base.

(3) The study, by raising the question of autonomy
for administrative and professional persons, may help to
alert those who train professionals to the need for new
support systems for them. Medical schools, business schools,
seminaries, schools of education, schools of social work, of
law, and many others presently focus upon training their
candidates. They largely consider the adequacy of the sup-
port systems in which their graduates work to be a problem
beyond their concern. Yet, it is partly the inadequacy of
these social systems which helps generate the "organized
irresponsibility" in modern society.

By raising the question of professional autonomy and
responsibility, this study may have helped serve notice to
educational institutions that training is only part of the
role of professional schools. By examining a high articula—
tion urban group, the study may help point the direction for
the other part of their task--that of building support for
their graduates so they may exercise increased autonomy and
responsibility in their vocational roles.

(4) Finally, the group style of decision making at
U.P.F. may constitute an example of a collegial style of
decision making similar to those of modern "knowledge" organ-

izations. Perrow and also Goss are among those who have

247

examined various management and decision making styles which
help resolve conflicts which arise in such organizations
between professional and hierarchial authority. Both of
these researchers have focused upon hospitals where some
interesting styles are emerging. Goss suggests that an
advisory role is utilized between "line" doctors and their
subordinate associates in the hospitals she examined. She
calls this an "advisory bureaucracy."2 Perrow uses the

term "organizational professionalism" to describe a similar
process.3 As the "knowledge industry" grows and more pro—
fessionals and technical staff personnel are employed in
bureaucratic organizations, the exploration for different
styles of supervision and decision making will continue.
U.P.F. could contribute to the search by illustrating the
effect of a more complete collegial style and an unusual set

of mechanisms and premises.

Recommendations

 

Other illustrations of alternative and viable social
systems, whether of high articulation or not, are greatly

needed as variations or options for members of post-industrial

 

2Mary Goss, "Influence and Authority Among Physicians
in an Outpatient Clinic," American Sociological Review, Vol.
26, 1961, p. 39-50.

 

3
Charles Perrow, "Hospitals. Technology, Structure
and Goals" in Handbook of Organizations, ed. by J. March
(Chicago: Rand McNally & Co., 1965), pp. 940 ff.

 

248

societies. These provide not only alternatives for actors
of various needs and desires, but additional research sites
where data may be gathered to either replicate or refute
these findings.

Continued study of other viable high articulation
urban groups would permit affirmation or rejection of these
findings. Unfortunately, the extensive experience of the
successful Israeli Kibbutz and Moshav structures is only
peripherally helpful because of the isolated rural locations
and low cross boundary travel of these groups. However,
another study could profitably pursue this tOpic, a subject
outside the boundaries Of the present study.

Unfortunately, many present American utopias do not
appear viable. Few are located in urban areas. Still, they
should yield information bearing on longevity. Unfortunately,
they are also outside the scope of the present study.

The only obvious method of further validating the
autonomy predictions of this study appears to be further
Observation of the U.P.F. members' personal and professional
job performance. This must suffice for the present because
no other structure is known which duplicates U.P.F.'s and

would thus permit a replication of autonomy findings.

 

 

 

II II." Il'lllln If it.

APPENDICES

249

APPENDIX A

TEACHING MATERIAL FOR MEMBERSHIP CLASS

AT URBAN PLACE FELLOWSHIP

A COVENANT FOR CHRISTIAN DISCIPLES

 

(Regulating Our Life with God)

Based on Matthew 6

(l) Concerning Piety:

(2)

(3)

 

I will carefully guard against turning my transactions
with God into a self—exalting display before men, by
hiding my piety from the eyes of men and seeking to grow
in my awareness of, and accountability before God.

Concerning Prayer:

 

Trustingiflum:God knows at all times what I need, I will
reject the anxious practice of prayer prevalent among
non-Christians, whereby they suppose that God hears them
because of their many words, and seek instead to under-
stand and practice the pattern of prayer set forth in the
Lord's prayer.

Concerning Property:

 

Believing that God knows and values me even more than he
does the lesser parts of creation and having confidence
that he will supply everything I really need by way of

250

251

food, clothing and shelter as I seek his will and his
way, I will give up anxious thoughts about the material
side of life, take a detached attitude toward my proper—
ties and share them generously with my fellow disciples

and men in need everywhere.

 

(Signature)

APPENDIX B

TEACHING MATERIAL FOR MEMBERSHIP CLASS

AT URBAN PLACE FELLOWSHIP

PROPERTY ATTITUDES CHECK LIST

 

(Based on the teaching of Jesus found in Matthew 6:19—34)

Put a check mark in the blank space in front of each state-
ment after you are sure you understand it and can fully
subscribe to it.

(1) I have firmly decided to take an unselfish and detached

 

attitude toward my possessions and share them with
those in need. (6:19—20)

 

 

In order to carry out this decision in a faithful way:

(2) I have undertaken an examination of my attitudes toward
the things I currently possess to discover to what
extent I consider them "mine" and therefore am per—
sonally bound up with them. On the basis of this self-
examination I can say that my prOperty is not my
"treasure."

 

(3) I have also examined my attitude toward the things I
do not possess, to discover to what extent my life is
darkened by the evil eye of covetousness. In the
light of this I can also say I am free from the desire
for other people's prOperty. (6:22-23)

(4) I have asked myself whether I am motivated by the
quest for money rather than by the service of God's
will, and I am settled in my heart that God rather
than money has first place in my life. (6:24)

 

(5) I have firmly decided to put away anxious thoughts

about my physical needs. (6:25)

252

(6)

 

(7)

(8)

(9)

(10)

253

In order to carry out this decision in a faithful
way:

I have sought to deepen my awareness of how much more
meaning life has than simply food, clothing, or
shelter. (6:25)

I have considered how little control I have over my
material existence and hence how futile it is to

worry. (6:27)

Most importantly, I have thought about the reality of
God's love until I truly do believe that the "Father"
knows what I need and will care for me in the same
way he cares for the lesser parts of his creation.
(6:26, 28—32)

I have also come to understand the wisdom of the
maxim: Each day has troubles enough of its own.
(6:34)

In summary: I have decided to give myself and all
that I possess to God in A WHOLEHEARTED QUEST FOR THE
JUST AND LOVING COMMUNITY HE WILLS FOR MANKIND,
trusting that as I do my economic needs will be met.

Score

APPENDIX C

TEACHING MATERIAL FOR MEMBERSHIP CLASS

AT URBAN PLACE FELLOWSHIP

A COVENANT FOR CHRISTIAN DISCIPLES

 

(Regulating Their Life with Others)

Based on Matthew 5:17—48

Grateful for the privilege of being a disciple of Jesus, I
gladly take upon myself the responsibility of practicing
Jesus' teachings bearing upon life with others:

1. Concerning anger: I will take a stand not only against

 

murderous deeds, but against angry, destructive thoughts
and emotions (5:21—22), seeking to eradicate them first
of all from my life and taking care not to become the
occasion for anger on the part Of another, (a) by con-
fessing and righting my wrongs against my brother as

soon as I become aware of them (5:23—24), and (b) by

 

dealing forthrightly with all matters of conflict between

myself and another as soon as they are brought to my

 

attention (5:25-26).

 

(2) Concerning sexual lust: I will not only guard against

 

falling into an adulterous act but against nurturing

adulterous thoughts (5:27-30) and related sexual
254

(3)

(4)

(5)

255

perversions. On the positive side I will uphold the
standard of lifelong marital love and fidelity (5:31—32).

Concerning false speech: I will try under all circum-

 

stances to speak the truth in love from my heart, simply
and clearly, and abide by my promises (5:33-37).
Concerning retaliation: I will not take revenge against
anyone who wrongs me or exchange injury for injury
(5:38-39a). I will rather try to overcome evil with
good (5:39b-42; Rom. 12:21).

Concerning enemies: I will not surrender to an attitude

 

of hatred for enemies. Even though I suffer at their

hands,IZvdJJ.pray for them and seek their good (5:43—48).

APPENDIX D

SCIENTIFIC METHODOLOGY OF UTOPIAN—HISTORIAN

JOHN HUMPHREY NOYES

Noyes clearly has a personal interest in community
life. He was still the leader of the Oneida community at
the time of the investigation. And he clearly has a parti-
cular set of theological beliefs. The question must be
raised as to the extent to which both these factors affect,
if at all, his investigations.

Noyes claims, at the outset, to utilize an inductive
method of investigations. He reveals his meaning of the
term "inductive" when he analyzes Charles Fourier's methods.
Fourier claims to have deduced certain "Laws of Organization"
in nature. Nature is the "source of order and harmony in
creation." "I give no theory of my own-—I deduce."

Fourier's supporters, particularly Albert Brisbane
and Horace Greeley, of the New York Tribune, claimed Fourier
was the "Kepler of the New Science" (Of social organiza—
tion), and that the "Inductive method could not do its work

. . . . 2
in the soc1al sc1ences, Since they were too vast and complex."

 

lJohn Humphrey Noyes, History of American Socialisms
(New York: Dover Publications, N. C., 1966), p. 662.

 

2Noyes, p. 663.
256

257

The "laws" of social science cannot be discovered by
"empirical observation,"they claimed.

Noyes is not at all content with this reasoning.

He does not find Fourier's methods to be scientific at all
but rather philOSOphic. Science, Noyes claims, is all of a
kind, whether social or physical. "It Observes the available
evidence, then by induction, raises it into generalities."
The "principles thus established" then permit the legitimate
deduction to practice:

. . . verification by facts or by the logic of events,

is always . . the supreme check on both induction and

deduction.

Noyes concludes that Fourier's scientific methods
are inadequate and instead of being the "Kepler of Social
Science" Fourier was one of the ancient philosophers."
Instead, the Shakers and Rappites were the pioneers of
modern socialism, Noyes claims, since it was their practice
which gave the basis for all the European theories. Thus,
it can be concluded that Noyes is sensitized to the pitfalls
Of inadequate scientific method. The question remains
whether or not his theological beliefs were detrimental to
his study, and if not, then how were the two related?

It must be noted that Noyes distinguished between

 

3 . .

Noyes quotes from Yourman's New Chemistry for his
definition of science, apparently a standard reference at
the time, Noyes, p. 667.

4

 

Ibid.

 

5Noyes, 668.

258

two ways of talking about matters of faith. The first way

involves a statement of belief as a reflection of empirical

 

evidence; for example, after noting the longevity of the
Shakers, the high level of commitment among the participants
and the strong leader (the evidence),Noyes was willing to
claim that this must indicate both a strong medium and a
strong afflatus. The second method involved reasoning in
the reverse direction; for example, from a belief in the
existence of a strong afflatus to the reasons for the longe—
vity of a community. (Noyes claims this is how Fourier
reasons.) Noyes utilizes the first method. With the evi—
dence and conclusion before him, Noyes then feels free to
express the discovery in terms of his faith.
We insist that God's appointed way for man to seek truth
in all departments is to combine and alternate thinking
with experiment and practice--and constantly submit all
theories, whether obtained by investigation or by intui—
tion and inspiratéon, to the consuming ordeal of practi—
cal verification.

Thus it must be concluded that because of the
reasoning process he employed, his theological beliefs were
not detrimental to the validity of his conclusions. Rather,
in fact, the Opposite appears true in two ways: his beliefs
apparently sensitize him to certain elements of structure

which other commentators of the day apparently missed; and

7
his notion of a "medium" sensitized him to the impact of

 

61bid.

 

7A "medium" was a leader who was selected and directed
by an "afflatus" or spirit from God.

259

leadership in a community, such as Robert Owen's absence
from New Harmony.8 Also Noyes' notion of an afflatus or
community bond appears to have alerted him to the solidi-
fying function Of religious authority and commitment among
people in community. The popular notion of first Owen and
later of Fourier, which, in turn, swept across the country,
either ignored the religious bond or declared it objection—
able and banned it from the association (as Owen's "Declara—
tion Of Personal Independence" banned religion).

Did Noyes' personal interest in communities inter-
fere with his investigation? Noyes was living at Oneida (a
religious community) during the course of his investigation
and bearing the primary leadership responsibilities of that
community. However, by the time of the writing (1870), all
of the non—religious communities had failed, and it was
quite clear that the religious bond was a significant ingre-
dient in the survival of eXperiments.

Noyes' personal interest may be seen as an impetus
to meticulous research. Life and death of communities was
no mere curious matter but rather one of grave import for
Noyes, whose own community might be next among the many

failures.

 

81h this Noyes appears to be on solid ground theo-
logically as well as scientifically. In 1033, the great
Anselm, father Of modern theology, described theology as
"faith in search of understanding," which is precisely how
Noyes sees it.

260

It must be noted that Noyes never argues the merits
of community life over individualism. He assumes that the
quality of communal life is superior and is clearly biased
on this point. It is a tribute to the consistency of his
scientific method that nowhere may be found attempts at
persuasion to his religious beliefs or social beliefs in the
superiority of community life.

It is certainly high time that Socialists should begin

to take lessons from experience and for this purpose,
that they should chasten their confidence in flatteréng
theories, and turn their attention to actual events.
(This book) . . . is first and chiefly a collection of
facts; and the attempts at interpretation and generaliza—
tion which are interspersed are secondary and not inten—
tionally dogmatic.

Fortunately, he manages to achieve his goal rather

well.

 

9Noyes, Preface, p. iii.

lOIbid.

 

APPENDIX E

A WORSHIP SERVICE

A close observation of one particular worship ser—
vice will provide an insight into one dimension of the
group's life as well as into the theological beliefs which
are so influential in shaping the group and welding it
together.

On the Sunday in question the service was held in
the original building at 727 Urban Place as usual. The
first floor had been reserved for community functions and
the informality of the living room setting contrasted
severely with the elaborate accommodations of some churches.
Before the service, several worshipers were storing the
tables used for the Fellowship supper the night before and
erecting folding chairs. Even this simple sharing of the
work by the worshipers reflected the group's views that the
worshiper is not a passive spectator nor is worship a liturgy
to be performed for him. Rather worship is a part of the
group life in which he engages.

Before the worship service began at 727, one of the
members played the piano as the other members and guests
arrived. At the appointed time, one of the group stood by

the fireplace and led three or four songs. Anyone who could

261

262

sing was eligible to rotate into the song leader role for a
Sunday or two. Often several others accompanied the singing
on the guitar, banjo, or ukelele. Folk rhythms prevailed in
the tunes, usually hymns Of praise expressing the joy or
challenge of being "disciples of Jesus Christ" rather than
sadness or even theological themes. One of the members had
reproduced the words into a booklet and these were passed
around as the singing began.

After the singing, the two to four year Olds were
dismissed to the backyard or the basement playroom. The
members believe it is profitable for the children to partici-
pate with their parents in the worship at least in part so
they will see what the parents do and feel some relationship
to it.

Jacob Deed, one Of the members, went to the front to
introduce the guests. Jacob is a European immigrant pre-
sently working as an associate architect. He has been a
lnember about four years and has no theological training. He
introduced the guests he knew and asked the other members to
introduce those they knew. Several were visiting the Fellow—
ship from other parts of the city or country; one was from
Canada, another from South Carolina. Each had heard of the
group through friends and had come to visit.

Another member indicated that twenty youth were pre-
sent from a church youth group in nearby Moosehart. They
had been visiting and working at U.P.F. for the weekend. The

members wanted each youth to indicate his name and something

263

about himself. Thus, finally every visitor or guest was
acknowledgec-—a way of indicating the esteem in which the
Fellowship holds others.

After the introduction Jacob asked for "items of con-
cern"and "observations of the week." Joyce Mead indicated to
the group how much work was done by the visiting teenagers in
peeling wallpaper and painting the Elmwood Street apartments.
Several others expressed the thanks of the Fellowship to them.
Joshua Leaven noted that a family who had just moved into the
neighborhood had been experiencing some family problems and
outlined the type of help needed from the other members.

Another member mentioned a concern for the Vietnamese
war victims and a relief program which was being started.
Someone else mentioned the needs of a black youngster in the
next block who had been stabbed at school by a white youth.
Another mentioned a school election which he believed was of
considerable importance and reminded the members of the need
for their participation. The range was both more diverse and
more personal than one would find in a conventional church
service. It was more diverse because it dealt with more than
items of church activities and more personal because each
item related to the members' lives whether it concerned the
war or a neighborhood election.

Jacob then led the group in a prayer. It was simple
and free of metaphors and theological constructs. It simply

mentioned the personal concerns which had been reported,

264

commended them to God's attention, adding only an admonition
for God to influence the national leaders to hasten the end
of the war. The prayer reflected the group's conviction
that their daily lives and tasks constituted the arena where
their discipleship to God was expressed.

Then another member, Victor Verity, came to the front
to introduce a drama. He first asked if the eight to fifteen
year old group desired to stay for the play or meet in their
own group. They told him they had elected to stay. The
election revealed the members' view that meaningful partici—
pation in the life of discipleship is freely chosen and that
maturing youth must be given a voice in determining the
directions of their lives and views.

The play concerned the impact that Jesus made upon
various peOple as a result of his healing of a beggar.
Various scenes were enacted, such as the disciples relating
the event to different people, and finally, a court scene
where Jesus was brought before the local priests. The play
was written by members of U.P.F. by taking the Biblical story
and adapting the action into several scenes, writing dialogue
which emphasized one particular point of the story.

The entire first floor Of the house served as a stage
with the "actors" coming out of the kitchen and down the
stairs although the main action was centered in front Of the
fireplace where all could see. The actors read their lines
from a script which each carried. The fifteen people

involved in the drama seemed to represent a cross—section of

265

the Fellowship: men and women and youth, old members and
new, single and married and a few guests who lived nearby.
The use of the play expressed the group's belief that a
meaningful study of their faith and of the Bible must engage
the present lives and actions of the members.

After the drama Victor opened a discussion of the
play. Most of the analysis focused on Jesus and his rela—
tionships with the people and his challenge to them of a
different style of life. Several interpreted the healing
miracle to represent Jesus' challenge to the beggar as being
penetrating and fundamental and that life and health are
found in such relationships with God and with other persons.
The discussion generally avoided the impasse of hgw the mira—
cle was performed or whether it was, in fact, performed at
all. Rather they believed the value of the story lay in what

it revealed about relationships between God and man, and how

 

man might live responsibly. After a time Victor found a good
stopping point in the conversation, summarized briefly the
various points of view, added a brief interpretation of his
own and closed the discussion and the service. Not all those
present had entered the discussion, but the range of ideas
was large and several remained to discuss the drama further.
Some visited with guests or friends while others folded up the
chairs and put away the song folders.

The several elements of the service together reflect
the members active commitment to "radical Christian disciple-

ship in every area of life": the direct activity Of the

266

participants, the identification of the members' concerns,
the rotation of the leadership roles, and the avoidance of a
priestly role, the translation of the Biblical stories into
present concerns, and the use of modern instruments. These
help bridge the distinction between sacred and secular and
help the members understand and actuate their commitment to

discipleship in "every area of life."

BIBLIOGRAPHY

267

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