AN INVESTIGAHON 0F BECTORATE r ' ' g1..;§.;.>;1:3.§
BEHAVIOR m A COMMUNITY . j_ , _ .,
taxman-mane SOON WNW»: _ :.:~L-
“0“ ”91mm FOR SOCIAL - e
W ”WWW -,

DisSertation'for-the Degree of Ph;D,::_;-'_zx~ ,
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY;
CHARLES'DWAYNE WILSON. _ V. .

V 1975' 5 ~

........
-----

 

 

 

 

T

we

IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII,1 ' gm:

 

   

AN INVESTIGATION % . MEI IflEHAVIOR IN A

COMMUNITY EXPERIEmC II SOC AL CONFLICT --ROLE

IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL WORKERS AND SOCIAL
SCIENTISTS

   

presented by
CHARLES DWAYNE WILSON

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

PH.D. degreein SOCIAL SCIENCE

C Z; :25; fl g 15 . Wax
Major professor

 

Date /;/ ”#75

0-7 639

 

 

 

 

ABSTRACT
AN INVESTIGATION OF ELECTORATE BEHAVIOR
IN A COMMUNITY EXPERIENCING SOCIAL CONFLICT-—

ROLE IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL WORKERS
AND SOCIAL SCIENTISTS

By
Charles Dwayne Wilson

The purpose of this dissertation was to demonstrate
an innovative use of political science research technique
in the production of practice guidelines for community
organization and social planning practitioners. This
demonstration included focus upon description of sociological
analysis of community conflict, description of a community
controversy surrounding the issue of school desegregation,
conflict, and demonstration of political behavior analysis as
a procedure for the assessment of patterns of political in-
fluence in segments of a community relative to the community
conflict.
Hypotheses tested were:
1. the relationship between percent yes recall
and percent Republican party votes for
President-1972 will be positive,
2. the relationship between percent yes recall
and percent vote for the white mayoral candi-

date will be positive,

Charles Dwayne Wilson

3. the relationship between percent vote for the
white mayoral candidate and percent Republican
party vote for President-1972 will be positive.

To test the hypotheses scattergrams were constructed
and rank order correlation was computed. Socioeconomic
characteristics were applied to deviant cases in efforts to
identify social characteristics which were associated with
the deviance. Correlation coefficients ranged between +.75
and +.80 suggesting strong associations between the variables
tested and support for all three hypotheses. Application of
social characteristics to deviant cases revealed the influ-
ence of variables such as family income, race, education, and
extent of involvement in the desegregation plan. It is con-
cluded that there existed dependent relationship between
partisan and non partisan electorate behaviors in the target
community during the period under study, and that votes for
yes recall, Republican party, and the white mayoral candi-
date were positively associated with community subunit popu-
lation characteristics.

Political behavior research technique can be utilized
to facilitate the identification and location of client and
target groups with highest and lowest levels of voter parti—
cipation. Such identification when combined with other
political and social data is crucial to practitioners as
they plan and structure the content of voter education pro-

grams.

AN INVESTIGATION OF ELECTORATE BEHAVIOR
IN A COMMUNITY EXPERIENCING SOCIAL CONFLICT--
ROLE IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL WORKERS
AND SOCIAL SCIENTISTS

By
Charles Dwayne Wilson

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
College of Social Science

1975

Copyright by
Charles Dwayne Wilson
1975

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Rather than citation of the supportive individual
contributions to this research effort and the traditional
form of dedication I wish to acknowledge and dedicate
this dissertation to the Supreme Being without whom it all

would not have been possible.

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT .

LIST OF TABLES

LIST OF FIGURES

Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION
PURPOSE .
PROBLEM . .
HISTORY OF A SOCIAL CONFLICT IN LANSING,
MICHIGAN . . . . . . . .

SUMMARY .

II.

III.

IV.

THEORY AND ASSUMPTIONS . .
LIMITATIONS AND OVERVIEW OF DESIGN
OVERVIEW . . . . . . . . . .
FOOTNOTES .

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

SOCIAL CONFLICT .

COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION AND SOCIAL PLANNING.

THE POLITICAL SYSTEM . .

ELECTORATE AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION
SUMMARY . . . . . . . . . . . . .
FOOTNOTES

METHODOLOGY .

DESIGN .

ANALYSIS

SUMMARY .

FOOTNOTES

FINDINGS

SUMMARY .

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND DISCUSSION,
IMPLICATIONS . . . .

SUMMARY .

iii

Page

ii

107

109
109

TABLE OF CONTENTS (Cont'd . . .)

Page
METHOD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
DESIGN AND ANALYSIS . . . . . . . . . 113
FINDINGS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
CONCLUSIONS AND DISCUSSION . . . . . . 115
IMPLICATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS . . . . . 132
APPENDICES
APPENDIX A . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
APPENDIX B. Percent Electorate Vote
by Case per Variable . . 140
APPENDIX C . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142
APPENDIX D . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144
BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146

iv

LIST OF TABLES

Strengthening Community Participation
and Integration .

Enhancing Coping Capacities
Improving Social Conditions and Services

Advancing the Interests of Disadvantaged
Groups

Analytical and Interactional Tasks by
Phases of Problem Solving

Deviant Yes Recall Percent Precincts
Deviant Republican Percent Precincts

Deviant Graves Percent Precincts

‘7

Page

53
54

57

59

63

.101

102
105

Figure

4.1

4.2

4.3

LIST OF FIGURES

Relationship Between Recall and Per-
cent Republican Party Vote for
President-1972

Relationship Between Recall and Graves
Vote .

Relationship Between Graves and

Republican Party Vote for President-1972°

vi

Page

99

103

106

CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION

PURPOSE

The purpose of this dissertation is to demonstrate
an innovative1 use of political science research technique
in the production of practice guidelines for community
organization and social planning practitioners.2 The focus
is upon description of sociological analysis of conflict
and demonstration of the utility of political behavior
analysis as a procedure for the assessment of patterns of
political influence in segments of a community. It is our
belief that through the study of politics the causes and
resolution of social conflict may be advanced. The delibe-
rate resolution of social conflict cannot be considered
adequately apart from planned change or processes of govern-
ment. In this study politics will be considered as the ad-
justment efforts of human organisms attempting to coexist
in an interdependent relationship within the political sys-
tem. The emphasis of this study suggests that we include
in our definition of politics only the behaviors directed
toward influencing governmental policy decisions, behavior

which affects or is intended to affect the decisional outcomes

2
of governmental units.3 This is not to say that there are
not other ways for political behavior to be expressed but
rather that for the purposes of this study the focus is
specifically upon ballot box behaviors.

A most important part of the issues contained in
social conflict is politics which provides the setting with-
in which most controversies are resolved. The politics of
the Lansing, Michigan community are of interest to this
study. The focus will be upon the education related issue
of school desegregation, selection of elected officials,
and the resolution of public controversies at the ballot
box in this town during the 1972-73 election period. The
descriptive research method with demonstration of political
analysis of voting behavior will be utilized to arrive at
general community organization and social planning practice
guidelines. The conversion of political science research
technique and concepts to community intervention practice
should be facilitated by the fact that most all political
science research focus is upon community conflict and divi-
sion over issues. The conversion should result in practice
guidelines which would enable practitioners to predict and

influence broad community participation in electoral politics.

PROBLEM
Those professionals who carry out the organizing and
planning functions in the human service arena represent an

emerging group of multidisciplinary practitioners who utilize

3
knowledge and technique that cut across such fields as
education, social welfare, health, urban planning, etc.
"The skill and diagnostic base for community organization
practice is an amalgam of many disciplines. Practitioners
draw on a range of disciplines, from small-group and psycho-
dynamic theory to economics and political science," as
they strive to improve the climate of conflict resolution
through the enhancement of the quality and quantity of
participation in such resolution.4 One of the realiStic
limitations that these practitioners face is that their in-
formation is frequently not adequate to the task; "there
are great gaps in knowledge in virtually all areas related
to the etiology of social problems . . . efficacy of various

forms of intervention. as well as limited application

of research tools for the diagnosis and assessment of social

problems in a community.5 The gaps in knowledge are due

to numerous factors among which are included the rare publi-

cation of social science theory and research in a form easily

transferable into practice principals. Gouldner6 argues

that the reason for this rarity is due to social scientists

as a group "having traditionally ministered to the needs of

pure or basic researchers rather than applied research.

yet applied social scientists are badly in want for such

methodology. .".7
The lack of communication between the applied and

basic social scientists has in one sense been based not only

upon boundary maintenance behaviors but also upon functional

4

factors which reinforce style and modes of thinking. The
applied practitioner's function could be viewed as encom-
passing change of parts of the system in order to produce
those things which would allow client communities to be-
have advantageously in their self interest in order to
achieve specific outcomes. The academician's primary func-
tion could be viewed as the conducting of research that
contributes to the knowledge that gives explanation as to
why the world is as it is. Therefore the preparatory train-
ing that they receive tends to impact their styles, modes

of thinking, etc., which in effect operate to restrict com-
munication. Eaton8 notes that the problem.of division be-
tween practitioners and academic types is based upon an aura
of skepticism wherein practitioners do not trust science,
and scientists do not expect utilization of their research
findings. There are numerous myths and stereotypes which
reinforce this skepticism.and contaminate the views of

9 Rosenblatt sum-

practitioners and academic researchers.
marizes the problem best when he argues that practitioners
view the "reading of research articles as the least useful

activity in improving their practice due to limited scien-
tific orientation as well as voids in content that tells
them how to carry through in a practice situation. Rarely
is social science theory and knowledge produced in a form
immediately translatable into action directives.

Compounding this problem is the current state of

knowledge in social planning for human services because "at

5

the present time much of the knowledge base of social plan-
ning is a haphazard collection of practice principals and
sundry truisms. . ." without the creation of useful con-
cepts that summarize the variables which influence planning
and the relationships existing among these variables.10
The practice principles are largely founded upon sociological
and psychological concepts which some authors have attempted

11 Some of

to pull together in their professional fields.
these efforts have been related to specific social problem
areas such as housing, delinquency aging, equal educational
opportunity, etc.12 All of these volumes deal in one way

or another with theories of community structure and process

13 notes few of the studies provide for systemr

but as Rothman
atic application in community organization and social plann-
ing practice. The social sciences are rich with information
and technique which are highly related to the aims of commun-
ity intervention but it must be extracted and applied if
practitioners are to efficiently move away from the tradi—
tional practice of courting peOple with money for fund raising
purposes into the areas of new program and policy promotion.
Practitioners' efforts in the new program.and policy areas,
working with target and clients systems of various kinds,
require the development and application of new techniques,
tactics, and strategies.

Warren14 suggests that "Sociology can make an import-

ant contribution to community organization and social planning

by providing background about the social context in which

6

practice takes place as well as about the process of social

"15 Political scientists have also accumulated

change.
research data that often touches on decision making in
vital human services areas but practitioners have for the
most part tended to avoid politically tinged activity. This
avoidance has been based primarily upon the perception that

H

politics was below the level to which an honorable

professional will stoop in the conduct of his affairs. ."16
Those practitioners who have ventured into the political
arena have often met with lack of success due to the lack

of knowledge or sophistication concerning the workings of

the political system. Thus by default ". . . vital decisions

pertaining to community policies and services which bear on
clientele and constituencies of human service organizations
have been left to others, who are often less informed and
less sympathetic regarding the client's plight. ."17
Political scientists have for quite some time conducted
research dealing with subjects closely related to community
intervention and social change. The study of the adjustment
efforts of the human population as its subunits interact in
an interdependent fashion competing for goods and services
produces data highly related to the aims of community inter-
vention and social change. Practitioners should be encour-
aged to participate in the political sphere based upon know-

ledge of the power structure and political processes. Accom-

panying this knowledge must be understanding of the application

7
and utility of political science research technique in
social change practice. The intent of this dissertation
is to demonstrate practical use of political behavior analy-
sis to enhance community practice and policy formation,
understanding that such analysis reflects only one of a
number of ways of finding points of leverage for manipulat-

ing social reality.18

This effort is made assuming that
professional change agents do indeed seek to produce ends
of specific types, that they hold responsibility for such
and thus should increasingly acquire the capacity to achieve
such ends. These ends are of course mediated through the
interplay of various actors in the community including
clients, bosses, non-clients, political elite, and electorate.
Practitioner reliance upon fuller use of sociological and
political science knowledge could in our opinion provide for
higher levels of competence, and more precision and effec-
tiveness in achieving intended outcomes. The intent of this
dissertation is directed towards those ends.
HISTORY OF A SOCIAL CONFLICT IN LANSING-~The School Desegre-
gation Controversy

In the election year 1972, each of the major national
parties generated platforms which contained sections dealing
with the issue of school desegregation. The Democratic
party platform stated: "We support the goal and means of
desegregation as a process to achieve equal access to quality

"19

education for all our children. On the other hand, the

Republican party platform on the issue was "We are committed

8
to guaranteeing equality of educational opportunity and to
completing the process of ending dejure school segregation
at the same time we are irrevocably opposed to buss-
ing for racial balance . . . we favor the neighborhood

"20 In August 1973 the Lansing School Dis-

school concept.
trict was ordered by the Western District Federal Court to
continue its implementation plan for a controversial de-

21 That order, appealed to the Sixth

segregation policy.
District Federal Appeals Court, was sustained in September
1973 and appears to have culminated a ten year policy develop—
ment process which at times appeared to polarize the Lansing
community along racial lines. The controversy can officially
be traced back to 1963 when "the education committee of the
local NAACP requested that the Lansing School Board adopt a
policy statement favoring that all children receive an equal
educational opportunity in the public school system."22
The NAACP sought to get the issue of school desegregation
taken up by the Board as a problem demanding attention and
solution. In their report, that organization asked the
school board to adopt policy favoring desegregation, redraw-
ing boundaries to balance the racial population of the major
black junior high school, and forming a citizens committee
responsible for studying the problem of integration and ad-
vising the board at regular intervals as to methods of imple-
menting the ongoing program.23 The Board could have avoided

the issue at that time by refusing to consider the question,

but the "ideology of the board members, (and) other community

9

pressure helped to lead the Board in the direction of endors-
ing the principle of racially balanced schools. .".24
At that time, the Board could have refused to consider the
question because of the prevailing rationale that the cause
of racial imbalance in the schools was attributable to segre-
gated housing patterns and not to actions by the schools.25
The acceptance of the NAACP's request in 1963 assured that
the Board would have to deal with the issue of school de-
segregation over a ten year period of time.

In July 1966, a citizen's group, appointed by the
Board in 1963, in compliance with the NAACP's request, sub-
mitted its report and plans for school desegregation. The
committee recommended that the Board adept a bussing plan
to achieve racial balance and that it commence in September
1967. Details of the plans were released in the local
Lansing paper. Before the August 1966 Board meeting, an all
white group had formed to oppose the proposed plan. "The
organizational impetus came from those white neighborhoods
that were to be affected during the (next) school year”,
by the recommended plan.26

The group called itself the Colonial Village-Eaton
Downs Citizens Committee which represented interests that
one informant, interviewed by Holland, who was not particular-
ly sympathetic to the cause of the new white group, said
were, "keeping our kids in their schools and keeping the

27

niggers out." The Citizens Committee Sponsored petition

drives and numerous town hall meetings. In early August, a

lO
coalition was formed between the white citizen's committee
and the Grass Roots Committee (G.R.C.), an all Black anti-
desegregation organization. This coalition produced the
Peeples Action Committee on Education (P.A.C.E.). This
organization was formed at one of the town hall meetings,
at the initiation of the all white group, due to anti—
desegregation statements attributed to the leader of the
G.R.C. Once the coalition was formed, the identified goals
were to oppose the methods being considered for desegrega-
tion plan implementation, i.e., bussing, rather than opposi-
tion to desegregated schools, per se.

The Board of Education, at its August 1966 meeting
decided to adopt the Citizen Committee's report and imple-
ment the plan in September 1967, in spite of the community
rumbles. The P.A.C.E. organization secured an attorney to
study the possibility of legal action and within a few weeks
had asked the Lansing District Court to prevent the plan
from being implemented. The District Court ruled that the
plan would not go into effect until "more study was done by

"28 The local

the Court concerning (its) constitutionality.
District Court restrained the School Board, but was later
overturned by the Michigan State Supreme Court. The major
black junior high school was closed in 1967 and the students,
both black and white, were "transported" throughout the sys-

tem. The opening of two new junior high schools, combined

with the redrawing of secondary school boundaries which

ll
allowed for the continued "transportation" of black and
white students, seemed to signal uneventful desegregation
efforts on the secondary school level.
A P.A.C.E. organization member interviewed by
Holland, when asked to explain the differences between the
1969 plans and the bussing plan they had opposed, said,

there isn't any difference at all. It just goes to

29 Holland states that

show, you can't fight city hall."
his unarticulated response, with which I agree, was "Yes,
you can fight city hall sometimes, (and win) but it depends

on how you do it."30

It appeared that the limited effective-
ness of what could be called the quasi instrumental function
of the P.A.C.E. organization left the impression that the
School Board had won the contest and this directly affected
organizational strength and participation. As of 1970, the
P.A.C.E. organization was "still running candidates for the
Board, (but) their members seemed interested in other
things. .".31
The community battle seemingly won, the School Board
turned to the question of elementary school desegregation.
At this time, the Board composition included its first black
member, elected in the wake of the P.A.C.E. school board
fight. During the school year 1969-1970, the Board approved
application for federal funds designed to assist in the
planning, development, and implementation of further de-

segregation plans on the elementary school level. The grant

application was approved by federal officials and funds were

12
received under Title IV of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. A
plan for planning was developed which called for the form-
ation of two citizens' study committees, one to be geo-
graphically composed of those residents in the areas from
which the G.R.C. arose, and the other to be representative
of the school system at large.32
To clearly highlight the major historical period
and events within that period, a chronology of significant
events will be provided. The major historical period
covered in this document of the Lansing School District's
desegregation controversy is 1963-1973. Our emphasis is
primarily upon the period of January 1963-September 1973.
But the following chronology of significant events covers
the period of March 1971 through November 1973. The November
events culminated a local contest between the incumbent
mayor and the challenger for that office. The contest be-
tween these contestants included issues directly related to
the residents of the community who were considered prime
recipients of the benefits of the school district desegre-
gation efforts.
The chronology is:
March 1971 - December 1971

The process by which the elementary school de-

segregation plan(s) would be developed is sub-

mitted and approved by the Board. Committee

resolutions adopted and committee members

appointed. Committees proceed with studies and

recommendation development.

13
January 1972
The Westside Ad Hoc Committee submits its report
and recommends immediate improvement of school
physical facilities in the area, and the in-
stitution of two—way bussing at the elementary

school level.33

Board schedules, in conjunction
with the school district Parent—Teacher Associ-
ation, small community meetings throughout the
school district to discuss elementary school
desegregation.

March 197234
Citizens for Neighborhood Schools organization is
formed. Wants 5,000 petition signatures to
oppose bussing. Anti-bussing plea is made by the
CNS, while interests in an eastern suburb of
Lansing, through an organization named GAIN,
(Group Associated for Integration NOW) support a
wider scale of bussing to include neighboring
communities.

April 197235
The Citizens Advisory Committee submits its
recommendations to the Board. Board members are
threatened with recall and CNS wants 15,000 sig-
natures opposing bussing.

May 197236
Board of Education announces there will be public

hearings on the recommended plans. CNS holds

town hall meetings to air its opposition to school

14
bussing. West side group, Concerned Citizens
Group, West Side Neighborhood Association back
the plans.
School Board announces the final plan
which is a "compromise" from the recommendations
received from the Citizen Committee.
June 197237
The Board of Education schedules meetings to
adopt the plan for implementation in September
1972. Plan meets with threats from the GAIN
group of a suit to force "broader integration",
formal action by the local NAACP is taken to
table a proposed suit to force the Board to adopt
a plan, CNS seeking funds to fight the decision.
CNS secures court order from local District
Court to boock the adoption meeting. CNS sub-
mits recall petitions against the Board members,
who are considered to be in favor of the plan.
Federal District Court overturns restraining
order. Plan is adopted formally by a 5-3 vote,
with one opponent Board member absent. Recall
petition against one Board member drOpped.
September 1972
Plan implemented amidst parental threats of boycott.
October 1972
Recall election set for November general election.
NAACP unsuccessfully tries to prevent the recall

election, through court action.

15

November 1972
The five Board members who voted for the de-
segregation policy are recalled from office.

December 1972
Governor appoints five interim members to
Board positions until a special election can be
held to fill the vacant seats.

January 197338
At special election, anti-bussing slate is elected
to fill the five vacant Board of Education seats.

February 1973
Board of Education recinds desegregation policy
and directs school administration to dismantle
program by June 30, 1973. NAACP threatens court
action.

March 1973
Request by NAACP for hearing at Western District
Federal Court is refused by Judge Fox who suggests
that the parties negotiate a settlement out of
court.

June 1973
After failure of out of court negotiations to
produce a settlement agreeable to both parties,
Fox holds hearings on the evidence of improper
Board action.

August 1973

Fox orders continuation of plan. Maintains juris—

diction of case and will hold trial at later date

16

on evidence of dejure segregation activities.
Board vows appeal. Primary election for selec-
tion of mayoral candidates pits Ferguson
against Graves. Graves wins primary by fifty-
five percent margin over Ferguson and other
candidates.

September 1973
Appeals Court upholds court ruling of plan con-
tinuation. School Board debates further court
battle, but decides against such move. Plan
implemented as previously designed.

November 1973
Local competition for office of mayor results
in an overwhelming defeat of the challenger by
the incumbant mayor. The incumbant received
seventy percent of the vote in all but four pre-

cincts.

SUMMARY

The desegregation controversy represents in this
study a situation of social conflict where there was change
in the patterns of access to resources, cultural values and
norms, and ultimately an anticipated effect upon the social,
cultural, and power relationships in the community. That
change appeared to be in the favor of racial minority

families and students. The mayoral election pitted a hdmetown

17

black politician, who supported increased police security,
low cost or free garbage collection, establishment of a
city commission on aging, more women in city government, ex-
panded parks and recreational facilities, and bringing of
all citizens of the community together; against the white
incumbant whose platform was primarily centered around the
elimination of wasteful spending of tax dollars by government.
The incumbant commented upon receiving the news of his im-
pressive victory in the primary that "the people sent a
strong message to city hall. You can't undersell people's

"39 The desegregation

ability to grasp what's going on.
court ruling in that same month and the implementation of an
expanded bussing plan in September suggests the potential of
some relationship between the mayoral vote and the public
controversy surrounding the bussing issue. Combined with
the fact that Ferguson, an announced Democrat, and Graves, a
formerly identified Republican, symbolically brought the
national party images into local focus, the question of the
extent of interrelationship between the electorate partisan
and non partisan voting behaviors looms high. If social
scientists are to make any sense from their observations of
political and social behavior there must be some analytic

framework available to assist in the analysis and compre-

hension of these phenomena.

THEORY AND ASSUMPTIONS
The study of conflict within communities has not been

of great popularity in the past for a variety of reasons.

18
This avoidance may be due to, but not limited to, standards
established by academic disciplines combined with societally
sanctioned normative resistance to delve into conflict.
The sociological analysis of conflict in this dissertation
will be based upon some empirical propositions cited by

40

Williams and basic assumptions about human interactions

within social systems. The propositions proposed by Williams
are:

1. All interacting human populations exhibit social
conflicts.

2. All interacting human populations that remain in
interaction over time develop normative patterns.

3. A11 interacting human populations manifest some
continuity of social patterns.

4. All interacting human populations manifest
change in social patterns over time.

5. A11 interacting human populations exhibit both
coerced and voluntary conformity.

Other assumptions:41

1. For analytic purposes social conflict does not
result from the individual tensions phenomena,
i.e., poor human relations, frustration produced
aggression or individual maladjustment. These
phenomena may be a part of the social conflict
but are not causative in nature.

2. Social conflict results from incompatible posi-
tions, mutually exclusive values, limited
resources, and boundary maintenance activity.

3. Conflict is implicit in the concepts of integra-
tion, cooperation, or consensus.

Coser42 notes that few perceive conflict as a constructive
phenomenon but rather most view it as destructive and hence
to be avoided theoretically and pragmatically. A more real-

istic point of view would be that conflict is inevitable in

19
human organization and it can and must be dealt with straight
forwardly.
It is fairly well substantiated that there are
specifiable variables which tend to account for community
division over issues and that there are systemic structures

43 Structures

which dissipate and manage conflict situations.
such as the criminal justice system with its enforcement,
adjudication, and correctional subsystems; the legislative
system with its reliance upon ballot box behaviors as well
as pressure and interest group actions, formal and infonmal
negotiation systems, etc., are all functionally related to
the management and dissipation of conflict within the social
system. Systemically the political system, i.e., the "per-
sistant pattern of human relationships that invoice to a
significant extent power, rule, and or authority", plays a
significant moderating role in community conflict.44 Func-
tionally the political subsystem can be viewed within five
basic domains: allocation of goods and services, determina-
tion of the quantity of goods and services to be allocated,
facilitation of the use of authority in the decision making
process, transmission of shared norms and values, and con-

45 These domains allow for the provision

flict management.
of services to community residents, the establishment of
mechanisms and means by which these services are delivered,
and establishment of ground rules for the allocation of

authority necessary for decision making. The functionality

20
of these domains is considered to be the fabric which main-
tains traditions necessary for the perpetuation of the
social system functions and ultimately the system itself.

In the forefront of any study of city politics be-
longs the issue of disputes and cleavages within and between
domains which give rise to the disputes, and the forces tend-
ing toward regulation of the conflict. Banfield and Wilson46
view the political subsystem from its conflict management
function and they argue that management of conflict is prob-
ably the major political function of the political system
due to the ubiquitous nature of conflict in social life.
Operationalization of the functional domains of the political
subsystem produces value incompatibility as well as compe-
tition for scarce resources and positions of authority and
power. It is important to note that the ever present
scarcity of resources throughout the social system condi-
tions the type of interaction which is necessary to create
positions of advantage for segments of any community.

The community conflict in Lansing was locally re-
solved at the ballot box which in effect provided for
political behavior performing a basic social conflict manage-
ment function. The actors in the social conflict were
various community groups such as the N.A.A.C.P., G.R.C.,
C.N.S., the School Board, and other political candidates
whose behavior and actions were aimed at resolving the dis—

pute. Actions by one group to achieve desired ends resulted

21

in counter moves by other groups based upon their perception
of desired ends. This interaction and the underlying bases
for the interaction produces social conflict. The use of
the ballot box on the local level and the courts outside

the local community supports the notion that politics arises
out of conflict and consists of those actions and activities
which insure the perpetuation of conflict but within the
systemic boundaries of acceptability. Thus a group may
organize to influence a school board's policy or defeat a
candidate, which in effect is a reaction to the mobilized
bias of the School Board or candidate organization, but in
that process must expect to encounter other mobilized group

biases.47

The transformation of social problems into public
issues whereby the electorate may use the ballot box for
their approval or rejection of proposed solutions, or candi-
dates supporting proposed solutions, is a standard procedure
in American politics. In many American communities this
procedure provides partisan and/or non partisan associations
with the controversies evident as the body politic expressed
its will at the ballot box.

The research question of interest to this study is:
Are the conflict groups on the local school desegregation
issue the same groups on the partisan and non partisan
political levels in the Lansing community. Findings relative
to this question should facilitate the formulation of prac-

tice guidelines which would enable practitioners to predict

and influence advantageous participation in electoral

22

politics. The literature of community organization does
contain some theoretical concepts applicable to the focus
of this study but they are not well developed nor integrated.
The investigation of the question provides one basis for
input to the body of literature that has prescriptive
implications for practitioners which does not neglect
applicable theoretical formulations from the social sciences.

Efforts to deal with individual misfortune may
develop into programs for organizational change when it is
perceived that individualized solutions are not adequate.
Conversely broad programs for social change require imple-
mentation at the level of individuals and groups to assure
that their potential benefits will be realized. Human ser—
vices today are provided through a complex network of formal
organizations differentiated by functions, auspices, and
domains. Whether the human service objectives involve cre-
ation of new programs, modification or rearrangement of
social structures and practices in the community, it is be-
coming more evident that practitioners need to become activ-
ely involved in the manipulation of community political pro-
cesses. This necessity has given rise to new kinds of
practitioner tasks that are not only concerned with service
delivery but also prevention which in most instances requires
the conscious use and manipulation of those community pro-
cesses which can facilitate the achievement of those ends.
We feel that practitioners have a professional obligation and

responsibility to participate in the political sphere as one

23
means of promoting greater organizational responsiveness to
target or client group perception of interest and need.
The analysis of voting behavior as it relates to policy
formation and the resultant organizational outputs can have
potent diagnostic as well as potential prescriptive utility.
The demonstration of such potential is the focus of this

dissertation.

LIMITATIONS AND OVERVIEW OF DESIGN

The greatest limitation of the voting behavior analy—
sis method when utilized in community organization and social
planning practice is that it will not directly provide evi-
dence which can be used to promote individual social action
participation. Rather it provides information which can be
utilized in the process toward that individual social action.
One process which we feel has merit in the facilitation of
the movement toward social action and the utilization of
voting behavior analysis tools has been cited by Perlman and

Gurin.48

That process is: problem identification, estab-
lishment of structural and communication linkages for problem
consideration and analysis, study of alternative solutions
and adoption of policy, development and implementation of
program plan, monitoring and feedback. Application of voting
behavior analysis techniques would be restricted to the
problem identification stage. Assumptions guiding that

application would be that social change and social conflict

are inextriably related; groups constantly compete for goods

24
and services; the social system is designed to facilitate
this intergroup competition; some individuals desire to
participate with groups in the formulation and direction of
the change competition; decisions to participate are influ-
enced by numerous factors among which are included per-
ceived benefits and organized influence of those percep-
tions; and organization and persistance is necessary to
bring influence upon governmental decisions. The problem
identification phase would have two purposes facilitated by
a preplanning and a planning component. The preplanning
component would be utilized to gather the information which
gives clarity to the competitive interactions of the various
electorate in the community as well as location of supporters
and opponents of various social changes. Voting behavior
data can assist in the identification of these aspects,
variations among interacting subgroups of the population
that may be of particular interest, as well as population
variations over time. The community organization and social
planner could utilize the following process to gather needed
information:
1. Identify local, state, and national issues of

importance to self and in their opinion, to

the community of interest. Search for indica-

tors of community interest by review of local

newspapers, historical collections, etc.

2. Select time period within which electorate were
given an opportunity to voice their opinions

through use of the ballot box.

3. Obtain voting data from city clerk for those
identified periods of time.

25

4. Identify variables of interest, create scatter-
grams, and perform rank order correlation.

5. Apply social characteristics from Federal and
local census to those units whose members be—
haved in a sharply different manner, at the
ballot box, than the remaining population on
the variables of interest.

There are other types of information of a non hard data nature
which could be obtained from the target or client groups such
as their perception of scope of the problems, consequences

of their existence, and preferred alternatives. To objecti-
fy these data the use of survey research and sampling tech-

niques would be helpful to practitioners as they plan for

movement into the next phases of the process.

SUMMARY

Of importance in the findings and the conclusions
will be the issue of correlation between ranks of electorate
voting behavior and characteristics of deviant precincts,
but also of importance will be the utility of voting behavior
research method as a diagnostic procedure for the assessment
of community subunit exercise of political power, social
change trends, location of support for various community and
social changes, and its facilitation of practice guideline
development. Social change and social conflict are inextric-
ably related and if politics is one medium by which the con-
flict is moderated, and if planned change is one primary func-
tion of government, advocates and practitioners of community

organization and social planning must utilize this

26

interdependence in the promotion of change objectives.

Although all the major strategists in practice
acknowledge the existence of conflict few acknowledge its
relevance to strategies for change in power relationships
and distribution of resources. The role of community
organization and social planning practitioners is to assist
community subgroups in the organization, crystallization of
issues and actions, and to engage them in action designed to
extract goods and services from the functional components of
the system. The guiding assumptions of this social action
should be that planned change is possible, community groups
desire change and to participate in the formulation of the
direction of that change, and that social conflict is one
requisite for the implementation of that planned change.
As Saint Matthew would have said if he had been an acknow-
ledged practitioner and student of social conflict, unto
everyone that hath the means to affect governmental decisions
shall be given and he shall have abundance; but for him that

49 The

hath not shall be taken away even that which he hath.
present social system is designed to promote the protection
and perpetuation of community subgroup perception of need

and goals. Structurally, as long as it is done according to
sanctioned procedures, groups may organize to extract goods
and services from the system in sufficient quantity to satisfy

their value positions, to occupy positions of control and

influence over distribution of resources, and to protect

27
their perceived boundaries. These actions promote compe-
tition between various social groupings and becomes the
essence of social conflict.

The assessment of community voting behavior can
provide practitioners with objective data as to who is
exercising power through the ballot box as well as provid-
ing a basis for speculation as to what forces may be influ—
encing those ballot box decisions. The practitioner could
speculate on whether or not the influence is basically
from organized forces, class factionalism, human rationality,
or a combination thereof. Do people weigh the benefits that
they will receive from their participation in resolution of
social problems? Is race or class a dominant factor in
those decisions? Through the use of voting behavior analy—
sis technique the practitioner can identify units of be-
havior with specific geographic location, observe overextended
periods of time their exercise of power related to local,
state, and national issues, develop profiles of large or mini
units, identify factionalism in the community as well as the
trends of support and resistance to social changes, and con-
struct strategies, based upon hard data, which could facili—
tate prediction and influence of electoral participation.
This type of research and analysis will not give information
as to why decisions of the unit members were made, what al-
ternatives the unit members may prefer relative to social
problem resolution, nor will this type of research provide

information as to the unit members willingness to participate

28
directly in the creation of those alternatives. That kind
of information would only be available through some form of
sampling research either through interviews, questionnaires,

or a combination of both.

OVERVIEW

In the field of social welfare the traditional approach
to need assessment and problem solution has been directed
largely toward the promotion of intervention directed toward
meeting of individual needs. Such intervention is not with-
out merit and justification but in the past few years there
has been growing criticism of social welfare organizations
and professions for being service myopic, reacting to human
suffering after damage has been done by social and political
conditions beyond the control of the individual. A strong
element in the original ideology of many community organiza-
tion programs was the commitment to a non political approach
which promoted avoidance of concepts of conflict and politi-
cal struggle. Instead there was reliance upon concepts of
unity and consensus. The shifting emphasis has been toward
intervention that prevents individual breakdown through focus
not upon the individual but rather upon environmental condi-
tions, common problems arising from those conditions, and
promotion of changes in those conditions. Such behavior must
rely upon research tools and techniques structured to facili-
tate the acquisition of information upon which decisions for

social and political action may rest. The community

29
organization and social planning practitioners have basic-
ally relied upon traditional problem assessment techniques
based on social agency data. Such data in reality takes
into account only a fraction of the persons who are elig-
ible to use agency services thus underestimating need. The
necessity for broader measures of need within the popula-
tion is evident.

Our interest in this study will be with the demon-
stration of the utility of voting behavior research tech-
nique to two interrelated aspects of electorate behavior,
patterns of voter turnout over time, and issue content. We
will be assessing the ballot box resolution of social con-
flicts in Lansing, Michigan in an attempt to formulate
practice guidelines which will enable practitioners to pre-
dict and influence advantageous participation in electoral
politics. The formulation of the problem to a large extent
sets the direction for thinking about it and acting on it.
Planners must seek to understand the problems in their broad-
est dimensions in order to consider all the factors that may
be relevant to later stages of organization and implementa-

50 summarizes this best when he

tion of planned change. Kahn
said: "a knowledge organizing scheme is in a sense also a
planning framework.” Important check points in the knowledge
base to a problem are data from census studies, trend
studies, aggregate data studies, etc., which require commun-

ity organization and social planning practitioners to have

knowledge of the sources of data and skills in assembling

30
such material so that it can illuminate alternative res—

ponses to the questions at hand.51

It is our hope that we
may contribute to the elimination of a small portion of the
gaps in the information base through the efforts of this
dissertation.

In Chapter Two we will focus on literature survey
relative to the problem under consideration and will conclude
that chapter with a summary of the major findings and the
implications to our research. In Chapter Three we will des-
cribe our population of interest, specify the nature of our
measuring devices, design, analysis, procedures, and also
propose testable hypotheses. In Chapter Four we will describe
our findings and in Chapter Five we will attempt to define

the utility of our research for community organization and

social planning practice.

FOOTNOTES

 

1. See Mohr, L. "Determinants of Innovation in Organiza-
tion", American Political Science Review, 63, no. 1
(March 1969) pp. 11-26} the author distinguishes be-
tween innovation and invention: innovation brings
something into new use; invention brings something new
into being. We are trying to demonstrate a new use
for political behavior research method in the community
organization and social planning arena.

 

2. We shall use the term practitioner in this dissertation
to refer to community organization and social planning
workers.

3. Milbrath, L. Political Participation How and Why People
Get Involved in‘PolitiEs. Chicago: Rand McNally, 1965,
p. 3.

 

 

4. Zald, M. (ed.) "Sociology and Community Organization
Practice" in Organizing for Community Welfare. Chicago:
Quadrangle Books I967.

 

5. Perlman, R., and A. Gurin. Community Organization and
Social Planning, New York: JOhn Wiley and Sons and Ehe
Council’fbr SBcial Work Education, 1972, p. 208.

6. Gouldner, A. and S.M. Miller (eds.) A lied Sociolo :
Opportunities and Problems, New York: Eree Press I965.

7. Ibid., p. 106.

 

 

8. Eaton, J.W. "Scientific Basis for Helping”, Issues in
American Social Work, New York: NASW 1962, p.’292.

 

 

9. See Zetterberg, H.L. Social Theory and Social Practice.
New York: Bedminster Press,T1962, pp. 40143; Thomas, E.J.,
ed. "Selecting Knowledge From Behavioral Science" in
Behavioral Science for Social Workers; Warren, R.L. Appli-
catiOns of Social Science KhoWIedge to the Community
Organization Field,"TJOurnaI’ofTEducation‘fbr social Work,
3, No.41, (1967); and see‘Rosenblatt,’A. "The Practitioner's
Use and Evaluation of Research," Social Work 13, no. 1,
(January 1968).

 

 

 

 

10. Callahan, J.J., Jr. ”Obstacles and Social Planning,"
Social Work 18, no. 6, (Winter 1973), pp. 70—79.

 

31

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.
16.
17.
18.
19.

20.
21.

22.

32

See Dunham, A. The New Cemmunity'Organization, New York:
Thomas Y. Crowell, 1970; Ross, MEG. ‘Community‘Organiza-
tion: Theory and Principles, New York: Harper and
Brothers, I967; Barger, G., and H. Specht, Communit

P [H73

 

 

 

Organizing for Community Welfare, Chicago:
Quadrangle BoOEs 1967, also see Wilbur, ‘M'.B. COmmunity
Health SerVices. Philadelphia: Sanders, 1962; Sumpting,
M{R. and Y. Engstrom. Schbol'COmmunity Relations: A New
A roach. New York: McGraw‘HiIl,1966;Wi11iame., and
L. 5. Biddle The Cemmunity Deve10pment Process, New York:
Holt, Rinehart, and‘Winston 1965; Franklin, R. Patterns
of Community Development, Washington, D. C. PubI1c
Affairs Press, 1966.

' gETSEENENE-’ New York: Columbia University ress,
a

 

 

 

 

 

 

For example see Colbern, F.M. The Neighborhood and Urban
Renewal. New York: National Federation ofESettlements
and Neighborhood Centers, 1963; "Community Organizing In
Public Housing and Urban Renewal” found in National Con-
ference on Social welfare: COmmunity Organization 1959,
NEW York: Celumbia University Press 1959; McIver, R.

The Prevention and Control of Juvenile Delinquency, New
YOrk: Atherton Press, 1966.

 

 

 

 

Rothman, J. Planning and Organizing for Social Change,
New York: Columbia University Press, 1974, p. 21.

 

Warren, R.L. The Community in AmericaJ Chicago: Rand
McNally & Co. 1963, pp.T60-72.

 

Ibid., p. 63.

Rothman, ., op. cit., p. 195.

Rothman, ., 0p. cit., p. 196.

J
J

Rothman, J., op. cit., p. 201.
D

Johnson, .B. and K.H. Porter. National Party Platforms
1840-1972. Urbana: University of IIlinois Piess, 1973,
p. 804.

 

 

Ibid., p. 862.

Western District Federal Court, G305-72 C.A.; and Sixth
Circuit Appeals Court, Southern Division, Lansing N.A.A.C.P.
vs. Lansing Board of Education 485 F 2nd 569.

Holland, R. Wm. School Desegregation and Community Con—
flict-~an Analysis of PdlitiCal Behavior as Relatetho
COmmunity Conflitt. East Lansing: Michigan StateTUniver-
sity, Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, 1971, p. 98.

 

 

 

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.

33.

34.
35.
36.
37.
38.

33

Ibid., p. 99 see also N.A.A.C.P. Education Committee
Report, Lansing, Michigan, 1963, p, 3.

Ibid., parenthesis this authors; see also R. Crain,
Politics of School'Dese re atiOn. Chicago: Aldine
PuEIisHing Co., I968, pp. 557-358.

Weinberg, M. Race and Place: A Legal History of the
Nei‘hborhood‘SChOOl. ‘Washington: U’.S. ’Department of

H. E. W., Off1ce of Education, 1967. This document pro-
vides clarification of the defacto/dejure segregation
arguments related to public schools and attendance zones.

 

Holland, R.Wm., op. cit., p. 113, parenthesis this
authors.

Ibid., p. 113.
Holland, R.Wm., op. cit., p. 116, parenthesis this authors.
Holland, R.Wm., op. cit., p. 122.
Ibid., p. 122, parenthesis this authors.
Holland, R.Wm., op. cit., p. 112.

See Appendix A for Critical Path Management Chart which
was the basis for the plan for planning elementary school
desegregation; and also see school board resolutions
creating the citizens committees.

The 1966 Citizens Committee Report had recommended one
way bussing and school closings as components of the
elementary school desegregation plan, and since 1967
that plan had been adhered to.

Lansing State Journal, March 2, 3, 14, 1972.
Lansing State Journal, April 11, 28, 1972.

Lansing State Journal, May 4, 24, 31, 1972.

Lansing State Journal, June 1, 5, 15, 19, 29, 1972.

The unique aspect of this event is that the opportunity
structure of the community, in terms of Board of Educa-
tion policy, required a minimum of nine years for change
of the ideological base which appeared to have supported
the concept of desegregation. In fact in just about nine
years with the recall of the five proponents, opponents
of the desegregation question had unanimous control over
policy, at the local level, in the arena of desegregation.

39.
40.

41.

42.

43.

34
Lansing State Journal, August 6, 1973.
Williams, R. "Some Further Comments on Chronic Contro-

versies", AmeriCan'JOurnal of Sociology, vol. 71, no.
46, May 1966, p. 718.

 

See Horwitz, I.L. "Consensus, Conflict, and Cooperation:
A Sociological Inventory", Social ForCes, vol. 41, 1963;
Dahrendorf, R. Class and ClasS‘CEhfliCt in Industrial
Societ‘ Stanford, Galif.; Stanford UniversityIPress,
I959; Horton, J., "Order and Conflict Theories of Social
Problems as Competing Ideologies; American Journal of
Sociolo , vol. 71, May 1966; Mack, R. and R. Snyder,

”The AnaIysis of Social Conflict-Toward an Overview and
Synthesis", Journal of Conflict Resolution, vol. 1, no. 2,
June 1957.

 

 

 

 

Coser, L. 'The Functions of Social Conflict. New York:
The Free Press of Glencoe, 1956.

 

Lenski, G. "Social Participation and Status Crystalliza—
tion", American Sociological Review, vol. 21, August,

pp. 458-464; Campbell, A. "Party identification in Norway
and the United States", Public Opinion Quarterly, vol. 25
Winter, pp. 505-525; Lipset, S.,'PolitiCal Man. Garden
City, New York: Doubleday and Co., 1960; Dahl, R.A., W22
Governs: Democracy and Pewer in an American City. New
Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press,’l96l;'Campbell, A.

et al., EleCtiOns and the Political Order, New York: 1966,
p. 204; GouIdner, A., (ed.) ‘Studies‘in‘Leadership. New
York: Harper Brothers, 1950, especialIy pages 505-559;

and Jacob, H. and Vines, L. (eds.), Politics in American
States; A Comparative Analysis, especialIy Chapter 2.
"Participafion in Sfates". TBOston: Little Brown Co.,
1965; also see Cutright, P. and Rossi, P.H., "Grass Root
Politicians and the Vote", American Sociological Review,
vol. 23, April 1958, pp. l71-I79; McClosky, H., "Consensus
and Ideology in American Politics", American Political
Science Review, vol. 58, June 1964, pp. 361-382; Prothro,
J.W., and C. Grigg, "Fundamental Principals of Democracy:
Bases of Agreement and Disagreement", Journal of Politics,
vol. 22, May 1960, pp. 276-294; Katz, E., and PT
Lazarsfeld, Personal Influence, Glencoe, Ill., The Free
Press, 1955; Key, V}O., Public Opinion and American Democ-
rac , New York: A. Knopf, 1961; Davies, J., "Charisma

in the 1952 Campaign", American Political Science Review,
vol. 68, December 1965, pp. 1083-1102;7Milbrath, L.,
Political Participation-How and Why People get involved

in Politics, Chicago: Rand MCNally 1965; wright, wm.,
A'COmparatiVe Study of Party_Organization. Columbus, Ohio:
C.F. Merrill Publishing Co., 1971, pp. 17-54; Wolfinger,

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

44.

45.

46.
47.

48.
49.

50.

51.

35

R.E., "The Influence of Precinct Work on Voting Be-
havior", Public OpiniOn Quarterly, Fall, 1963, pp. 372-
398.

Dahl, R. Modern Political Analysis. Englewood Cliffs,
New Jersey: Prentice Hale 1970, p. 6.

Easton, D. "An Approach to the Analysis of Political
Systems", World Politics 9, April 1957, pp. 383-400; see
also Froman, L.A. Jr., "An Analysis of Public Policies
in Cities," Journal of Politics 29, February 1967,

pp. 94-108. lWilIiams, O. "A Typology of Local Govern-
ment," Midwest Journal of Political Science, May 1961,
pp. 150-164; Sanders, I.T. TThe COmmunity: An Introduc-
tion to a Social System, 2nd ed., NewFYOrk: The Roland
Press, 1966; BanefieId, E. and J.Q. Wilson. City Politics,

 

 

 

 

 

Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press 1963.
Banfield, E. and J.Q. Wilson, op. cit., p. 7.

For more analysis of this kind see Bachrach, P. "Two
Faces of Power," found in Search for Community Power.
Hawley, W. and F. Wirt (eds.), EnglewoSdFCliffs, New
Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1968; Connolly, wm. The Bias of
PluraliSmj New York: Atherton Press, 1969; MbCoy,’C. and
J. Playford (eds.) Apolitical Politics, New York: Crowell,
1967; Schattschneider, E.B. 'The’Semi-SOVereign People,
New York: Holt, Reinhart and Winston, I961; Gamson, Wm.
"Rancorous Conflict in Community Politics," found in
Community Structure and Decision Making: A Comparative
Analysis. T. Clark (ed.), San Francisco: Chandler Pub-
lishing Co. 1968.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Perlman, R. and A. Gurin, op. cit., p. 201.

See James, D. Poverty Politics and Change. Englewood
Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1972, p. 68, author
paraphrased.

 

Kahn, A.J. Theory and Practice of Social Planning, New
York: Russell sage Feundation, 1969, p. 79, cited by
Perlman, R., and A. Gurin, op. cit., p. 60.

 

Perlman, R. and A. Gurin, op. cit., p. 63.

CHAPTER TWO
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

SOCIAL CONFLICT

Given that there are specifiable variables which give
reason for community division over issues52 and given that
there are mechanisms which manage and structure conflict in

this society,53

we will devote the majority of this chapter
to a review of the literature concerning sociological analy-
sis of conflict, community organization and social planning
practice, and the broader systemic environment in which ac-
tion takes place.

Empirically, there has been little research on social
conflict, although several theories have been proposed.

54 for a revived status

Since Bernard's plea of the late 50's
for sociology of conflict, among the more notable of social
conflict theorists have been Coser, Dahrendorf, Mack,

Boulding, and Gluckman.55

Dahrendorf, argued that social
conflict was ubiquitious; therefore, acceptance of such argu-
ment requires the specification of not only empirical condi-
tions necessary for a conflict state to exist but also social-
structural variables of social conflict, and mechanisms of

56

control. Mack suggests that social conflict exists when

there are competitive relationships between two or more sets

36

37

of individuals who exhibit some level of organization, and
are experiencing conditions of position and resource scarc-
ity and mutually exclusive values. Thus for a relationship
to be considered one of social conflict, modifying Mack's
conditions slightly, there must exist some combination of:
1. Sets of individuals, groups, or parties, exhibit-

ing some level of organization.

2. Interaction or contact of some kind.
3. Conditions of position scarcity.
4. Conditions of resource scarcity.
5. Conditions wherein values of the groups or par-
ties are incompatible.
The UNESCO57 published a valuable compilation of literature

dealing with conflict and that document provides analysis

of the sociological and psychological perspectives of social
conflict. In many papers that give what appear to be Opposing
views on the issue of social conflict, the impression is that
there is contradiction, rather than description of different
sides of the same coin. This is the case with the UNESCO
compilation, for its psychological and sociological analysis
describe different types of conflict. The psychological per-
spective seems to apply more to intra/inter individual con-
flicts with the sociological perspective more directly re-
lated to intergroup or social conflict. The psychological
analysis of conflict focuses upon the tension and frustration-

aggression models. Pear, Lipset, Bernard, Lewin, and Mercer58

38

support this notion along with many others. The application
of this notion to intergroup relations theory and the appli-
cation of intergroup relations theory to the tension and

frustration-aggression models has been questioned by Bernard

and Sherif.59

The sociological and psychological models are
distinctly different in their determination of the causes of
conflict. The focus of this research will be upon inter-
group conflict and will be highlighted in the methods section
of this dissertation.

The sociological view of conflict approaches the
phenomenon as a "consequence of structural processes rather
than as a result of frustration produced tension and aggres-

sive behavior ."60.

The sociological view of conflict
is conceptualized in terms of the relationship between and
among systems resulting from:

1. Incompatible positions61
2. Mutually exclusive values62

3. Resource scarcity in terms of power, status, and

other means to achieve desired ends63

4. Boundary maintenance activity64
We therefore define social conflict as the competitive inter—
actions between sets of individuals who exhibit some level

of organization and are experiencing conditions of position
and resource scarcity, mutually exclusive values, and attempt-
ing to protect their perceived boundaries. Horowitz, Horton,

65

and Dahrendorf, all make application of analysis tools to

society and the conflict and consensus phenomenon. Their

39

ultimate design is to provide explanations, from their point
of view, of the problems of conflict escalation and neutral-
ization. Our definition results from attempts to integrate
their explanations into a conceptualization meaningful to
this research.

The notion of social conflict is not new in the social
sciences for Carver in his keynote address to one of the
first meetings of the American Sociological Society, focused
his remarks upon social conflict highlighting what was the
interest and concern of first generation of sociologists
who saw themselves as social reformers. Carver stated that
"There may be many cases where there is a complete harmony
of interests, but these give rise to no problems and there-
fore we do not need to concern ourselves about them."66
Conflict was viewed not as a negative phenomenon but rather
"social conflict was seen as performing decidedly positive
functions. . . in particular, conflict provided the central
explanatory category for the analysis of social change and

of progress."67

This view dominated the field of sociology
for several generations wherein the majority of sociologists
at that time saw themselves as social reformers and con-
sciously addressed themselves to audiences of reform-minded
persons. The non reform-minded sociologists who ultimately
dominated the field, "far from seeing themselves as reformers
either oriented themselves toward merely academic and
professional audiences, or attempted to find a hearing among

0 O O O O . 68
dec131on makers in public or private bureaucrac1es."

40
Coser hypothesizes that "where the older generation (of
sociologists) discussed the need for structural change,
the new generation deals with adjustment of individuals to
given structures . . . the psychological subsumes the struc-
tural and hence individual malfunctioning subsumes social

conflict.”69

Cooley who supports this hypothesis says that
"conflict of some sort, is the life of society, and progress
emerges from a struggle in which individual, class, or in—
stitution seeks to realize its own idea of good. . . the
contemporary generation has tended to replace analysis of
conflict by the study of tensions, strains, and psychological
malfunctioning."7O
The current status of sociologists and other social
scientists could be viewed as one of comfortable middle
c1assism with its normative patterns which stress verbal be-
haviors. Such normative patterns are acted out in society by
emphasis upon discussions, writings, meetings, etc. Fairweather
concludes that this adherence to normative requirements "has
left the arena of social change through action to others.
the traditionally verbally-oriented role, however, is no
longer meeting the needs of society, if indeed it ever did."71
This author concludes that no matter where you come
from academically, professionally, or personally, the selec-
tion of either one or the other of these theories of social

functioning tends to obviate the critical concepts of inter-

dependence and interaction which all explanations of reality

41

should have. They should ”constitute complementary, rather
than alternative aspects of the structure of total societies,
as well as every element of this structure."72

Social conflict occurs within population clusters
traditionally defined as communities. The definitions of
community appear to vary with the experiences, training, and
judgments of the various authors who seriously deal with the

concept. Hillary,73

after reviewing some ninety definitions
of community, concluded that "beyond the concept that people
are involved in community, there is no agreement as to the

"74 It makes no difference as to the

nature of community.
level or amount of disagreement that exists because popula-
tion clusters are observable phenomena throughout this
nation and others. This clustering is basically representa-
tive of the geographic base of community and when combined
with the patterns of relationship, which vary from place to
place, specific and unique characteristics occur. Those
characteristics have to do with social-cultural norms which
tend to structure interaction with and through the socially
acceptable patterns created and sanctioned by the larger
society. These patterns include the member replacement sys-
tems, i.e., family and educational patterns; defense systems,
i.e., religious patterns, social control and protection pat-
terns, health care patterns; associational norms (social

organization system); and systems of distribution which could

include examples such as political parties and electoral

42
patterns.7S All of these elements vary from community to
community and within any single community over time. And
though these elements do have direct bearing on the con-
flict situations which arise, of more critical importance
is the bearing they have upon the composition of the parties
involved, which affects the scope and intensity of the
social conflict. Change in the composition of a given com-
munity and its established patterns may bring a regional or
national conflict into local focus, which is technically
called superimposition. Jackson says that "population
changes may well introduce new levels of intensity to estab-
lished conflict situations, reducing or increasing intensity

"76 What

according to the composition of new arrivals.
Jackson is arguing is that local demographic change when
combined with the growing participation of county, state, and
federal decision-making machinery in local matter,s the
likelihood of issues relating to education, housing, employ-
ment, etc., remaining strictly local is extremely low."77
Warren describes two community variables, vertical
and horizontal patterns which have direct bearing upon the

above phenomena.78

As the horizontal patterns become stronger
relative to decision-making about an issue in dispute, the
possibility of an intense conflict at the local level becomes
greater. The horizontal patterns may condition the relations

between local issue decision makers and extra community

decision makers once the scope of conflict has been expanded.

79

43

Coleman describes an identification variable that
must be considered when investigating social conflict with-
in and between communities.80 He argues that conflict
depends on contact and interaction and that it (conflict) is
governed by the context from which it arises. He also
postulates that there is a direct positive correlation be-
tween size of a community and the level of conflict expressed;
there are minimum.and maximum levels of conflict an entity
can experience before it dissolves. Organizational entities
resist the potential and actuality of dissolution based
upon a system concept defined as negative entrophy, but
there are other moderating phenomena which are more ameniable
to description. One moderating phenomena is the degree of
identification community members have and it "carries its

0 8
own consequences as d1sagreement proceeds." 1

Identity, as

a moderation component, may have direct bearing upon militancy
of conflict rather than intensity, for it appears that common
community interests, e.g., groups identifying their own

future with that of the community, would tend to moderate
methods utilized so as not to dissolve the entity held dear

to so many.

If we are to develop a global understanding of the
phenomenon of social conflict, we must consider it as being
ever present and functional within the social system. This
type consideration facilitates our search for the variables
of social conflict and the definition of their interrelation-

82

ships. Dahrendorf, defines intensity and militancy,

44

institutionalization and superimposition as critical vari-
ables of conflict. Intensity refers to the magnitude of
party involvement. High intensity would imply that all the
members of a quasi group in a state of conflict with another
group are participants in that conflict state, through the
use of conflict agencies. On the other hand, he argues
that militancy refers to the nature of specific acts directed
against the opponents, rather than the extent to which
parties are involved in these acts. Militancy is considered
the use of coercive measures in pursuing party interests.
High militancy would imply that there was use of violence
with intent to harm or injure, while moderate militancy
would imply use of threats, petitioning, calling of strikes
or demonstrations. Institutionalization of conflict would
refer to the standardization of conflict situations for con-
tinuation in a stabilized manner, which in effect, produces
a high level of predictability. A number of students of
social conflict have argued that as a result of continuous
conflict situations, the need for regulation is critical, and
that the concept of institutionalization allows for continu-
ation of the conflict in such a way that it does not dis-
solve the system. Institutionalization does not eliminate
social conflict, but rather structures that conflict in
such a way that it is regulated while continued.83
Conflict is eliminated or resolved only with the
withdrawal or destruction of one of the parties in the situ-

ation of conflict. Issue resolution and conflict resolution

45

are not the same, with the former promoting the maintenance
of intact parties, but the target being eliminated from
priority concern and interest. Institutionalization as a
concept "provides a connecting link between conflict and
integration models. . . integration resulting from institu-
tionalized social conflict and. . . it does not necessarily
imply the absence of conflict, nor does conflict imply the

absence of integration."84

Coleman, Coser, Williams, Dahrendorf, and Gluckman,85
have all argued that there are similarities in significant
social categories of highly influential variables in social
conflict. These variables include class, religion, ethnic-
ity, and political affiliation, all superimposed upon one
another. This phenomenon is only analytically possible in a
pure sense, but in reality, one can delimit to groups of in-
dividuals certain attributes they have in common, which will
in most instances reveal overlapping membership which "would
reduce the potential for highly intense and militant con-

86 Coser noted that this type

frontation between parties."
of "segmental participation. . . can result in a kind of

balancing mechanism, preventing deep cleavages along one

axis. . . . The multiplicity of non-cumulative conflicts
provide one. . . check against basic consensual breakdown in
87
M

an open society. We must keep in mind, especially related
to the participation ethos and influence variables, the
phenomenon of cross pressures and their effects on a person's

predisposition toward reduced participation in relevant issues.

46

The phenomenon of cross pressures is a common explanation
devise used in political behavior studies.88

Sociology has supplied "much of the theory used by
social work practitioners who have engaged in community
organization and social planning practice. . . but for
social work these theories (including conflict theory) suffer
from.the lack of definitive prescriptive implications for

89 The implications from the analyses of Coser,

practice."
Dahrendorf, et al., suggest that practitioners can construc-
tively use confrontation and conflict as components of
strategies for planned social change. This suggestion is
counter to the dominant contemporary emphasis in the prac-
tice arena wherein practitioners pursue strategies of planned
cooperation for equitable distribution of existing resources,
as well as for the development and distribution of new
resources. The achievement of planned social changes can

not truly be pursued relying upon planned cooperation strat-
egies alone for change entails some form of conflict which
results in some form of intergroup bargaining, negotiation,
confrontation, or force. It is our Opinion that the prac-
titioner's actions be guided by the notion that social change
is a function of social conflict and that they must "increas-
ingly become aware of the need for their deliberate partici-
pation in the public sector, to deal with, involve, plan with,
bring pressure upon, or even to cause changes in . . . the

social system."90

47

COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION AND SOCIAL PLANNING

The American system has been consistent in its pro-
duction of social problems and amazingly creative in its
efforts to cope with them. Observers have frequently re-
‘marked on the tendency of Americans "to form associations of
all kinds in the face of hunger and disease, slavery and
slums, exploitation and injustice, with membership develOped
around common interests, status, or residence. . . to

n91

organize, protest, and to plan. In the 1920's, through

the leadership of Lindemen,92

community organization as a
distinctive field of social work practice began to appear in
the literature. Community organization and social planning
practice is concerned with the identification, prevention,
and elimination of social needs and disabilities through the
improvement of the breadth of participation in the readjust-
ment of resources to meet changing needs. The practitioners
who strive to facilitate the accomplishment of this concern
do so by intervening in the social situation to secure "a
progressively more effective adjustment between social wel-

"93 In the

fare (human service) resources and human needs.
initial days of practice through the influence of Lindemen
the key to practice methodology was the strengthening of

democratic participation through the improvement of social
relationships while preserving the values of the small com-
munity in a changing society. In 1962 the National Associ-

ation of Social Workers undertook to develop a working defi-

nition of community organization practice. Their report

48
spoke of the purpose of practice as "intervening in the com-
munity processes with a problem-solving approach to achieve
a viable interaction pattern of relationships and of selected

"94 The key "to comprehending the framework

social goals.
that embraces all aspects of the practice of community
organization and social planning, is the understanding of
the organizational contexts within which practice takes

place."95

The organizing and planning functions are not the
responsibility of individual change agents but should be an
expression of an organized effort that has sponsorship,
legitimacy, purpose, and resources. It should be understood
that the "characteristics of organizations will significantly
determine the tasks of the practitioner and that these tasks
will vary according to the purpose, composition, power posi-

tion, and structure of the organization."96

Although there
may be numerous differences in the practitioner approach to
tasks in the method, there are unifying aspects of all com-
munity organization and social planning. There exists a
body of theoretical understanding concerning organization in
general; a concrete knowledge about particular systems, such
as health, or social welfare, or education networks; general
problem-solving approaches to the solution of social prob-
lems; analytic competence; and skills in communication and
interaction with other people.97
In each approach to organization and planning there

are purposes and assumptions concerning the nature of the

community, society, and the processes of social change. The

49
purposes of community organizations and social planning rest
upon certain values which, in Perlman and Gurin's opinions,
do not require proof or verification. They say "at a very
general level. . . values (underlying the community organi-
zation method) which can be stated briefly as respect for
the dignity and worth of the individual, his right to a
decent standard of living in terms of goods and services,
and his right to struggle in concert with others for social

improvements,‘ and that individuals have the right to assert

collective control over the natural and social environment.98
Assumptions that underlie the method, which in their opinion
do require verification and proof, fall within three basic
areas. (It is not our intention to provide proofs, but
rather intend to serve information purposes.) Those assump-
tions are that many human problems are social in their causa-
tion; that there is a social obligation to do something about
them; and that they can be reduced or resolved if appropriate
means can be found.99 Community organization practitioners
are proactive in their demeanor as demonstrated through
their aggressive searching out and use of interventions that
anticipate and forestall social hardships and dislocations.
Of the various views of practice which identify the
many dimensions of community organization and social plann-
ing, some of the most notable are summarized through the

identification of purposes, objectives, and proponents:

1. Strengthening Community Participation and Inte-
grationlOO

a. encourages expression of views from all groups

50

in the community relative to issues of con-
cern.

b. encourages achievement of effective inter-
action among groups on how to improve their
common environment.

c. proponents strive to achieve group adjustment
and cooperation relationships.

2. Enhancing coping capabilities101

a. focuses on improving means of communication
and interaction.

b. attempts to build the ability of the commun-
ity to cope with the environment and social
change.

3. Improving social conditions and services102

a. utilizes need and deficiency identification
to develop effective provisions and methods
for solving or preventing social problems.

b. includes setting specific goals and mobiliz-
ing resources to achieve them.

c. focus is upon achieving changes in policies,
practices, or resource allocations of formal
organizations. It is assumed that much of
social planning (efforts to resolve social
problems) consists of attempts to do just
this.

4. Advancing interests of disadvantaged groups.103

a. primary purpose of this method is to promote
the interests of particular groups by increas-
ing their share of material goods and services.

b. increasing the groups power and status through
their participation in community decision mak—
ing.

Tables 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, and 2.4 are provided to give a succinct
summary of these views of community organization and social
planning.

In summary, each proponent is oriented toward the

achievement of social changes and toward both the improvement

51
of social system service delivery, inter and intra group
relationships, as well as problem-solving capabilities. Ross

and Lippitt,104

within this orientation, stress the building

of strong intergroup relationships in the community and the
enhancement of the community's capacity to deal with its
problems. On the other hand, Morris and Grosser105 stress
change in the use and allocation of resources and ways of
obtaining those decisions which are required to produce such
changes. There are two basic areas of agreement between these
authors which relate to sources of social change, anticipated
resistance to change and the nature of the community. First,
all agree that group dissatisfaction with the system is a

prime source of social change, change which is self initiated110
or the result of application of influence along with utili-
zation of resources.111 Second, all anticipated resistance
to change but as implied above divergence in goals lead them
in different directions resulting from the type of resist-

112

ance anticipated. Ross focuses upon building value and

goal consensus as a means of handling resistance, while

113

Lippitt focuses upon the releasing of the client system

from internal resistances to change. Morris and Binstock114
focus upon the identification and neutralization of resist-
ance within target organizations, while Grosser115 focuses
upon the thrust of group action in quest of goals.

As can be noted in the above summary differences in

the proponent approaches to community organization and social

planning, rest primarily in the strategies to be employed.

52
116 . .
Ross focuses upon the development of structures identi-
fied as community associations as the vehicle for strengthen-

117 relies on the use of relation-

ing group cohesion. Lippitt
ship between change agents and the client system to develop
understanding and improvement of functioning directed toward
produce the client system's use of cooperation and conflict
to cope with the environment. Lippitt also emphasizes flex-
ibility in change agent selection and use of behaviors
appropriate to each phase of the change process. Morris and
Binstock118 focus upon rational goal setting, tailored to

the availability of resources, to overcome the resistance
assumed to exist in organizations. They do appear to accept
the notion that conflict and power are essential aspects of
community life to be utilized in problem solution. These
proponents strongly emphasize the importance of feedback, re-
assessment, and modification of tactics throughout the change

process. Grosser119

suggests that the stimulation and organi-

zation of poor people are basic to the struggle for power and

the securing of greater benefits from the society. It is

quite obvious that Grosser acknowledges power and conflict

as facts of life and promotes their use in change processes.
In our attempt to identify the connections and link-

ages between the different segments of the field of community

120

organization and social planning, Rothman proposes the

following typology of community organization and social plann-

ing practice:121

53

TABLE 2.1

Strengthening Community Participation and Integration

Major Proponent — Murray G. Ross
Assumptions

1.

106

the community is a composite of large subgroups,
each with its own cohesion,

leadership of the subgroups reflect the values
of the subgroup,

human organisms and subgroups desire change and
are capable of developing problem-solving capac-
ities through experience,

technological development is the major source of
social changes and have resulted in dislocations

and high social costs,

. motivation to plan is based on dissatisfaction

with a situation and desire to alter it which
results in more permanent change than that which
is imposed from outside,

change will lead to conflicts,

irrational conflict is the result of lack of
skills in collaboration and conferencing,
community integration is influenced by factors
such as its history and structure, mobility of
its population, patterns of role definition, and

its decision-making processes.

54

TABLE 2.1 (Continued . . .)

Task

development of community associations
production of group integration through the
reduction of impersonality, disorganization and

alienation.

Worker Role

1.

guide - helps the community establish and reach
its own goals

enabler - facilitates identification of unmet
needs and strategy development

social therapist/expert — facilitates achieve-
ment of self-awareness as a way of relieving

tensions via provision of information and advice.

Major Proponent - Ronald Lippitt

Assumptions

Task

1.

55
TABLE 2.2

Enhancing Coping Capacities

107

social problems result from faulty distribution
of power

social problems result from faulty mobilization

of energy

social problems result from faulty communication
and perceptions of one's environment

social systems move toward "steady states"in terms

of both structure and process

. when established patterns of cOping are rendered

obsolete by external change, the "steady state"
is upset

problems of internal disruption and conflict are
major stimuli for change

strains among the parts of a system reinforced by
boundary maintenance activity lead to development
of problem-solving procedures and structures.
hostility toward change stems from distorted

perceptions and ignorance of reality.

strengthen the relationship of a client system to

its environment.

56
TABLE 2.2 (Continued . . .)

2. building of a client system's capabilities for

adjusting to changes in the future.
Worker Role

1. catalyst - stimulates awareness of problems,
creates climate for analysis, improved communi-
cations, and encourages belief in the possibil-
ity of change

2. expert - provides information and advice

3. implementer - builds new power centers, develops
new programs, and when necessary uses legal
authority to produce change

4. researcher - contributes to the development of

skills and knowledge of the profession.

Major proponents - Robert Morris and Robert Binstock

Assumptions

1.

Task

57
TABLE 2 . 3

Improving Social Conditions and Services

108

community consists of individuals and groups

with different and often conflicting interests

and needs

organizational power tends to be centralized in
the hands of a few

change is possible when unsatisfactory states of
affairs arise which upset the "steady state",
organizations will resist changes that threaten
their cohesion, values, or their autonomy

planning requires that there exist dissatisfaction
on the part of an organization and a commitment

by the organization to work for change.

planners will intervene out of a concern for

human need, desire to learn or experiment, response
to outside forces, and desire for change that

will help to achieve other goals.

analyzing how the policies of a formal organiza-
tion can be changed

assessing the relationships between the planners'
influence for achieving their preference goal, and
resistance of the organization whose policies

they want to change,

58
TABLE 2.3 (Continued . . .)

3. defining the major interests of the power elite
within the target organization.

WOrker Role
1. examination of the pathways through which influ-
ence for change can be exercised
2. selection of planner resources that are most
appropriate to the situation

3. matching of pathways and planner resources.

59
TABLE 2.4

Advancing the Interests of Disadvantaged Groups

Major Proponent - Charles F. Grosser

Assumptions

1.

Task

109

influence is unequally distributed in the
society

persons who are recipients of this unequal dis-
tribution of influence, primarily the poor and
disadvantaged, exhibit apathy and inaction due
to socialization processes which are systematic-

ally operationalized.

engage the "poor" in the decision-making process
of the community to overcome apathy and estrange-
ment

realignment of power resources of the community
by creating channels through which the consumers
of social welfare services can define their prob-
lems and goals, while also developing skills in

negotiation.

Worker Role

1.

enabler - facilitate assessment of community needs
and promote self-initiated actions relative to
those needs

broker (collective) - seeks administrative and

policy changes that affect classes of persons

60

TABLE 2.4 (Continued . . .)

3.

advocate partisan - provide leadership and
resources directed toward eliciting information,
supporting of positions, and challenging organi-
zational policy and stance,

activist - actively committed to one side of

conflict situations.

61
Locality Development and Organization

The goal of this type practice is self-help and
unity of community groups. It is assumed that
there is a commonality of interests among differ-
ent groups, and the overall strategy is directed
toward communication and consensus. The worker's
role encompasses enabler, catalyst, coordinator,
and educator functions.

Community Planning

The goal of this type practice is problem-solving
of substantive social problems involving consumers
of service. It is assumed that change can be
brought about through rational decision-making.
Consensus or conflict may be employed as a strategy
with worker's role encompassing expert, fact finder,

analysis, program implementor and facilitator func-
tions.

Social Action

The goal of this type practice is change in power
relationships and resources involving disadvantaged
segments of the community. It is assumed that these
community subunits desire change and participation
in the formulation of directions of that change.
Helping the disadvantaged groups to organize, to
crystallize action, issues, and to engage in con-
flict-oriented action against the power structure
are primary strategies. Worker's role encompasses
catalyst, enabler, expert, broker, advocate, activist,
and educator functions.

We conclude that aside from the areas of agreement and dis-
agreement in the conceptual approaches to community organi-
zation and social planning, they are all based on "a

rational planning model that proceeds from a primary goal to
an examination of alternative strategies, and then. . . to
the choice of particular tactics or actions . . . (and) in-
herent in all these approaches is the assumption that planned

change in human affairs is indeed possible."122

62

Understanding that (1) the characteristics of the
organizational context have significant impact upon the
tasks of the community organization practitioner, (2) and
that these tasks will and do vary relative to purpose, con—
tent, power position, and structure of the subunits in the
organization, (3) and that resistance to change is ever
present, and (4) facilitative avenues in this social struc-
ture must be found to minimize obstacles and maximize oppor-
tunity to change agents and subunits to proceed. James,
cited by Perlman and Gurin,123 said it in other words: "The
world resists some lines of attack on our part and opens
herself to others, so that we must go with the grain of her

willingness."124

Based upon the propensity of Americans to
form associations for the purposes of organization, protest
and plan for change in those conditions which adversely

empact them, Perlman and Gurin suggest one method which con-
ceptualizes community organization and social planning prac-

tice for social action.125

The five-step process includes
problem identification, structure building, formulation,
implementation, and monitoring tasks for the practitioner.

It is our opinion that proper tools must be available and
usable for the process to be operationalized with some con-
stancy, consistancy and rationality. Of prime consideration
for the utilization of proper tools is in the problem identi-
fication and needs-assessment step. The implementation of

this process in our opinion, would be facilitated by practi-

tioner utilization of information regarding the distribution

63

TABLE 2.5

Analytical and Interactional Tasks by Phases of Problem
Solving

1. Defining the problem

2. Building structure

3. Formulating

Analytical
Tasks

 

In preliminary
terms studying
and describing
the problem-
atic aspects of
a situation.
Conceptualizing
the system of

relevant actors.

Assessing what
opportunities
and limits are
set by the or-
ganization
employing the
practitioner
and by other
actors.

Determining the
nature of the
practitioner's
relationship to
various actors.
Deciding on
types of struc-
tures to be
developed.
Choosing

peOple for
roles as ex-
perts, communi-
cators, influ-
encers, and the
like.

Analyzing past
efforts to deal
with the prob-
lem. Develop-
ing alternative
goals and
strategies,
assessing

Interactional
Tasks

Eliciting and
receiving infor-
mation, and pre-
ferences from
those experienc-
ing the problem,
and other
sources.

Establishing
formal and in-
formal communi-
cation lines.
Recruting people
into the selected
structures and
roles and obtain-
ing their commit-
ments to address
the problem.

Communicating al-
ternative goals
and strategies

to selected
actors. Promoting
their expression
of preferences

and testing

TABLE 2.5 (Continued

4. Implementing plans

5. Monitoring

64

their possible
consequences

and feasibility.

Selecting one ,
or more for
recommendation
to decision
makers.

Specifying what
tasks need to
be performed to
achieve agreed
upon goals, by
whom, when, and
with what
resources and
procedures.

Designing sys-
tems for
collecting
information on
operations.
Analyzing feed-
back data and
specifying
adjustments
needed and/or
new problems
that require
planning and
action.

acceptance of
various alter-
natives.
Assisting
decision‘makers
to choose.

Presenting
requirements
to decision-
makers, over-
coming resist-
ances, and
obtaining com-
mitments to
the programs
Marshalling
resources and
putting proce-
dures into
operation.

Obtaining infor-
mation from
relevant actors
based on their
experience. Com-
municating find-
ings and recom-
mendations and
preparing actors
for new rounds
of decisions to
be made.

65
of power and influence in given communities. Such informa-
tion is useful because social change practitioners must
deal with various levels of power in the practice of com-
munity organization and social planning, whether it be
city-wide planning, coordination, fund raising, or develop-
ment of grass root organizations. The practitioner needs to
know and clearly identify the sources of power and influ-
ence if there is to be any probability of replication of
success in the modification or rearrangement of social struc-
tures and practices in the community. The manipulation of
community political processes requires the practitioner to
be knowledgeable of the forces impinging upon policy out-

comes and factors influencing electorate behavior.

THE POLITICAL SYSTEM

The political subsystem is one aspect of community
wherein many decisions concerning policies and practices are
made which bear directly upon the clientele and constituen-
cies of human service organizations. Practitioner knowledge
as to the factors which shape those decisions can have sig-
nificant importance to change agent activity. Political
scientists have accumulated a wealth of data which is highly
related to the practice of community organization and social
planning. One can readily infer the transferability of
political science concepts to community practice concerns
upon inspection of the major categories of analysis in the

discipline, i.e., variables which influence political

66

participation and voting behavior, policy outputs and im-
pact, and political actor behavior.127

The electorate in the political system is composed
of the voting citizens whose attitudes, interests, values,
and desires become mobilized in specific political behavior
patterns. The electorate in one sense provides the energy
which operationalizes the political system and do decide who
will process throughout on a variety of issues that are sig-
nificant to community life. The resulting decisions con-
cerning services and programs are called policy outputs.

Rothman128

argues that historical, socioeconomic, and social
structural influences play significant roles in the condition-
ing of policy output. We would extend that argument to in-
clude the electorate also being a potent force in the policy
establishment process. Historical influences appear to be
significant factors in predicting policy outcomes because the
past experience of a governmental unit tends to condition the
decision makers to at least be consistent and the community

to perceive this consistency as acceptable and necessary.
Historically positive or negative experiences in a policy
area tends to generate levels of expenditures strongly associ-
ated with previously established levels of expenditure.129
Thus if an organization has had positive experience with a
policy innovation and corresponding expenditures have supported

the innovation the decision makers will be consistent in

their positive support of that innovation and the community

67
will expect the same. Negative experience with policy in-
novation will result in opposite behaviors.

Hofferbert studied twenty-one socioeconomic variables
over the 1890-1960 period and determined that only urbaniza-
tion and cultural enrichment remained stable as variables
promoting voter turnout and partisan preference. He con-
cluded based upon his findings that socioeconomic variables
which influence "voter turnout and partisan preferences were

130

highly fluid over time." Thomas found that the impact of

socioeconomic factors on policy outcomes varied greatly with

the political context of the election.131

It appears that
the variable nature of the association of historical and
socioeconomic factors upon policy decisions would require
practitioners to insure that new programs and proposals for
new programs be viewed as logical outcomes of successfully
established programs which would promote support from decision
makers and community residents. It would also appear logical
for practitioners to assess historical electoral patterns in
an attempt to guage political climate relative to the change
target of the program.

Structurally the political party has significant

impact upon policy output. Cowart132, Hofferbert133,

134

Pulsipher and Weatherby , support the notion that when

party competition increases policy outputs also increase al-
though none of these researchers found perfect associations.

135 136

On the other side of the coin Crittendon , Sharkansky ,

and Cepuran137 suggest that the party competition is dependent

68
upon socioeconomic factors as it impacts policy outcomes
Generally environmental and structural factors (competition
between parties) influence policy outputs and increase in
party competition may increase policy output. Dye138
observed that environmental forces appear to directly influ—
ence educational policy outcomes without being mediated by
structural factors such as type of governmental structure of
the existence of elected or appointed policy makers.

Froman139

studied variables such as size of city, and a
number of community population characteristics to determine
their impact upon policy formation. He found evidence in a
national sample that homogenous communities tend to support
policies that were universalistic to the community. Homo-
genous communities were those generally referred to as suburbs
and their support was for policies which affected the total
community population rather than those which had a selective
effect upon specific components of the population. Hetero-
geneous communities tended to support policies that were
particularistic or that affected different subpopulations at
different times.

It is concluded that in the policy area the past
historical experiences of a community have a strong associ-
ation with policy outcomes and that practitioners' awareness
of this fact should promote investigation of the historical
patterns of political behaviors of a community to identify

trends of support and rejection of various social change issues.

69

This information could be useful in the structuring of
change alternatives that appear consistent with previously
supported changes. We also conclude that political parties
play a valuable role in the production of policy outputs.
Party competitiveness is positively associated with in-
creased policy output; however, the nature of the community
also has significant influence. Practitioners would be ad-
vised to attempt to manipulate both the party system.and

the community characteristics in order to increase the like-
lihood of increased policy outputs. Political mobilization
and the design of proposals for change to fit the population
and political character of the community are critical com-
ponents of strategy to produce support for desired changes
in the policy arena. Political mobilization is facilitated
by manipulation of the partisan political character of the
town, and proposals with general public concern as a focus
tend to be supported by suburban type communities while
urbanized communities respond to proposals with direct sub-

population benefits.

ELECTORATE AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION - Who Votes

The basic categories of analysis of electorate be-
havior are characteristics of the community, attributes of
the individual voter, and the structure of the election pro-
cess. These categories are used to explain electoral voting
patterns and are important to this study. One of the most

widely analyzed variables is social class or some aspects

70

of class such as income, education, occupation, etc. There
is strong evidence of variance of relationship between these
variables and voter participation. In general it has been
found that high position on social class variables is posi-
tively correlated with high voter participation.140
Practitioners might use such information as the basis for
prediction of degrees of voter turnout in support or opposi-
tion of a given issue. It also suggests to the practitioner
who is interested in mobilization for voting participation
which groups might be easiest to mobilize and those which
would require extensive resources to mobilize their voter
participation potential. Political information appears criti-
cal to this mobilization process for better informed electo-
rate appear more easily mobilized to vote. The dissemination
of this political information has strong implications for
community adult education programs.141
It is evident from the literature that the quantity
of participation varies between social classes but so does
there exist significant differences in the type of issues
supported by electorate of various social class strata.
Lower socioeconomic status electorates tend to support issues
that favor their group and individual interests while high
socioeconomic status electorate support issues that are formu-
lated in terms of general benefit to the entire community.142
The highest support for human services issues such as better

education and housing opportunity, is found in the lower

socioeconomic status groups. Higher status groups do not

71
tend to support human service issues which appear to benefit
lower status groups based upon values and perceptions which
promote the belief in individual ability and motivation as

143 That belief in liberalism

the source of social mobility.
generates much hostility towards many human services programs
because of the appearance that specific citizens benefit
from.the efforts of the higher status group. This type of
socioeconomic cleavage and conflict at times acts as a cata-

144 Practitioners should

lyst for increased voter turnout.
consider the social class variable patterns as an aid in the
prediction of whether persons will support or oppose particu-
lar issues in local politics. Lower socioeconomic status
groups will support human service issues that specifically
benefit them while high socioeconomic status groups will

tend to support general benefit issues and proposals. It

must be noted that social class influence does not explain
overall patterns of partisanship but that influence is re-
flected in specific issues such as government programs to
improve the position of the poorlAS, civil liberties issuesl46,
etc. Support varies among groups relative to these specific
and collective benefit programs. Identification of social
characteristics of the electorate would be valuable allies

to more rigorous research design as well as to community
action efforts that encompass situations wherein lower socio-
economic status groups are mobilized for participation in

the political process.

Structurally the American political party system in

concert with other reference groups exercises a great deal of

72

influence over those who vote and are politically active.147
Parties are substantial in the amount of influence they
wield and based upon that conclusion it seems logical for
practitioners to strive to utilize party influence in social
action activity. Practitioners may wish to actively parti-
cipate in overt political party activity by affiliating

with local party groups. Depending upon the partisan his-
tory of the community, practitioners may structure their
programs to deliberately promote specific party association
in efforts to mold political opinion. In those cases where

a community may not have a dominant partisan history genera-
tion of support for policy innovation may require practition—
ers to structure issues and programs to respond to the col-
lective and selective needs of the various community subunits.
In those instances where there are partisan patterns identi-
fied, high rates of voter participation can result from
practitioner structuring of issues and programs to resemble
the partisan stature of the locally dominant party.

Political participation is influenced by attitudes
and participation models which the individual acquires
through previous participation and experience with other
groups, associations, or organizations. Participation varies
directly with socioeconomic variables such as education, in-
come, and occupation. The higher status held the higher is

the rate of electoral participation.148

Political partici-
pation is positively related to success with other types of

participation and successful participation promotes higher

73

propensity for more participation. The intensity of parti-
cipation is affected by the level of conflict associated
with the issues or proposals being voted on and high con-
flict produces high voter turnout. Motivation to vote in
electoral situations may be increased by elevating the con-
flict and emotion through the campaign and the pattern of
electoral reaction is influenced by structural, community,

and social class variables.149

SUMMARY

Social conflict as a theoretical construct exists
within and between interacting human populations. Our
search for a basis upon which analysis and understanding of
this phenomenon could take place revealed the existence of
variables which explain and rationalize the existence of
social conflict, mechanisms utilized to pursue group in-
terests, and methods of systemic standardization of the con-
flict. Within every community there exist established pat-
terns or relationship which vary from place to place, which
have an effect upon parties in conflict situations. The
pattern of priority interest in this study involves the
political subsystem. For the purposes of this dissertation
we see the political subsystem as encompassing those patterns
of human relationships that involve exercise of power, rule,
or authority, designed to normalize community conflict so as
to keep the overall social system from being torn apart. Of
priority interest to our study are those electoral behaviors

which were directed toward affecting decisional outcomes of

74
government.

The public controversy central to this study high-
lights social conflict as a structural state resulting from
changes in community patterns of access to resources, cul-
tural values and norms, and the potential effect of these
changes upon other established community patterns. The
activities of the Lansing Board of Education, the local
branch of the N.A.A.C.P. and other organizations, as well
as the mayoral candidate supporters, each striving for a.
desirable state of affairs relative to the redistribution of
resources and the equal access question, represent in our
opinion, examples of social conflict. The ultimate recall
campaign and elections represent competition for scarce posi-
tions, wherein the competing parties sought policy making
control over the school organization and local government.

In this study the pro and anti desegregationists assumed
opposing positions with regard to the implementation of de-
segregation policy in the Lansing school district. The
national party platforms provided support for this local
factionalism. The local mayoral candidates also appeared to
reinforce the factionalism although little was publicized
about their stands on the school issue during their campaigns.
The factionalism may have been symbolized by the racial
differences between the candidates which appears to have
triggered the same reaction of the electorate on both these
local contests. The resulting electoral competition provides
a basis for the investigation of the conflicts between various

segments of the Lansing community. The electorate were in

75
effect exchanging their ballots for goods, in the form of
policy influence and actual replacement of specific school
policy makers who were symbolic of the changes affecting
hestablished community patterns. The mayoral election came
on the heels of the court decisions which seems to have
turned the tables in favor of the racial minorities by
nullifying the local anti bussing electorate win at the polls.
The impact of the court decisions upon the electorate be-
haviors may be clarified based upon the type of associations
we can derive from our overall data analysis. The Lansing,
Michigan electoral behaviors will provide data upon which we
may assess the interaction between the votes and other speci-
fied variables while demonstrating the utility of political
behavior research method as a diagnostic tool for the assess-
ment of community subunit exercise of political power. We
will later describe the integration of such methods with

community organization and social planning practice.

52.

53.

54.

55.

56.
57.

58.

59.

60.

61.

FOOTNOTES

For more analysis of this kind see Bachrach, P., pp.
cit.; Connolly, wm., o . cit., McCoy, C.& J. Play ord
(eds.), op. cit., and c attschneider, E.B., op. cit.

Dahl, R., pp; pip., also see Prentice Hall 1970,
Milbrath, , o . pip., p. 3; and Lindbloom, C. Th3
Policy Making rocess. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:
Prentice-Hall, 1968, p. 45.

 

Bernard, J.S. "The Sociological Study of Conflict,"
in The Nature of Conflict. International Sociological
Associati0n, Paris, France: UNESCO, 1957.

 

Coser, L., pp. cit.; Mack R. "The Components of Social
Conflict," ociaI Problems, vol. 12, Spring, 1965.

 

Mack, R., pp. cit.

United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural
Organization sponsored the International Sociological
Association's meeting in Paris, France, 1957.

Lewin, K. Resolving Social Conflicts. New York: Harper
and Brothers 1948, p. 89; Mercer,TB.E., The American
Community. New York: Random House, 1956, pp. 178-79;
Bernard, J.S., pp; cit.; Pear, T.H. "The Psychological
Study of Tension and-Conflict," in The Nature of Conflict,
pp; cit.; Lipset, S.M., et al. "The PsychoIogy ofFVOt-
1ng:_AE Analysis of PolificaI Behavior", Social Psycho-
logy, Vol. 2, 1954.

 

See Bernard, J.S., o . cit., p. 116, and Sherief, Muzafer
(ed.) Intergroup Re ations and Leadership. New York:
John Wiley and Sons, 1962, pp. 8-9.

 

Jackson, J.D. Toward a Theory of Social Conflict: A
Study of French-EngliSh‘ReIatiOns in an Ontario Community.
East Lansing: Michigan State—University, Unpublished

Ph.D. Dissertation, 1967, p. 18.

 

 

Bernard, J.S., o . cit., p. 112; Boulding, K.E. Conflict
and Defense; A GeneraI Theory. New York: Harper, I962,
p. 5; Dahrendorf, R., op. cit., p. 135.

76

62.

63°
64.
65.

66.

67.
68.
69.
70.

71.

72.
73.

74.
75.
76.
77.
78.
79.
80.

81.
82.
83.

77

Coser, L., o . cit., p. 1; Bernard, J.S., o . cit.,
p. 38 and l ; WiIliams, R., op. cit., p. 45.

Coser, L., op. cit., p. 8.
Mack, R., op. cit., p. 394.

Horowitz, I.L., 0p. cit.; Horton, J., op. cit.;
Dahrendorf, R., op. cit.

Carver, T.N. Speech given at American Sociological
Society Meeting 1907, cited by Coser, L., op. cit.,
p. 15.

Coser, L., 0p. cit., p. 16,

Coser, L., op. cit., p. 20.

Ibid.

 

Cooley, C.H. Social Organization. New York: Scribner's
and Son, 1909, p. 199; cited by Coser, L., 0p. cit.,
p. 20, parenthesis this authors.

 

Fairweather, G.W. Methods of Experimental Social Inno-
vation, New York: JOhnTWiley and Sons, 1968, p. 19.

 

Dahrendorf, R., op. cit., p. 163.

Hillary, G.A. "Definitions of Community: Areas of
Agreement", Rural Sociology, vol. 20, June, 1955.

 

Ipid,, p. 119.

Lenski, pp; pip.

Jackson, J., pp; pip., p. 43.
Jackson, J., 9p;_gip., p. 44.
warren, R.L., pp; gi£., p. 162.
Schattschneider, E.B., 22;.EEE-

Coleman, J. Community Conflict. New York: The Free
Press of Glencoe, 1957}

 

Ibid., p. 21.

Dahrendorf, R., op. cit., pp. 212-213.

See Parsons, T. The Social S stem. New York: The Free
Press of Glencoe, I95I, pp. 36-39; Johnson, H.M.
Sociology: A Systematic Introduction. New York:
Harcourt, Brace & WorId, 1960, pp. I9-21; Jackson, J.,

 

84.
85.

86.
87.
88.
89.

90.
91.
92.

93.

94.

95.
96.
97.
98.
99.

78

pp: cit., pp. 33-34; Dahrendorf, R., ppfi cit., pp. 223-
;THdrowitz, I.L., o . cit., p. 183; uBEH, R.,
"Industrial Conflict afid'deial Welfare," The Journal of
Conflict Resolutionp vol. 1, June 1957, p. 1872

 

Dahrendorf, R., 0p. cit., p. 224.

Coleman, J., pp; 335., p. 22; Coser, L., o . cit., p. 76;
Williams, R., trangers Next DoOr: EthniC’ elafibns in
AmeriCan Cemmunities. EnglewoodTCIiffs, New Jersey:
Prentice-Hall 1964; p. 369; Dahrendorf, R., o . cit.,

p. 213; Gluckman, M. Custom and Conflict in ridafl
Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1963, pp. 1-4.

 

 

Jackson, J., op. cit., p. 36.
Coser, L., op. cit., p. 78.
Lipset, 8., 33.31., op. cit.

Klenk, R. & R. Ryan. The Practice of Social WOrk,
wadsworth Publishing Co, BeImont, California, 1974, p.294.

Ibid., p. 300.

 

Perlman, R. and A. Gurin, op. cit., p. 12.

Lindemen, E. The Community. New York: Association Press,
1921, cited by Peflman, R. & A. Gurin, op. cit., p. 34.

 

Harper, E. and A. Dunham (eds.) COmmunity Organization
in Action, New York: Association Press, 1954; also see
KlenE, RI & R. Ryan, op. cit., pp. 275-352.

 

Perlman, R. and A. Gurin, op. cit., p. 36, taken from
Schwartz, M. (ed.), Defining Community Organization
Practice, New York: NASW, 19622

 

Perlman, R. and A. Gurin, pp; gip., p. 8.
Perlman, R. and A. Gurin, pp; gip., p. 9.
Perlman, R. and A. Gurin, pp; pip., p. 10.
Perlman, R. and A. Gurin, 22;.EiE-: p. 38.
Perlman, R. and A. Gurin, pp;_pip., p. 14.

100. Notable proponents of this view include Ross, M. and

B. Lappin, op. cit.

101.

102.

103.

104.
105.
106.

107.
108.

109.
110.
111.
112.
113.
114.
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120.

79

Notable proponents of this view include Lippitt, R.,
J. watson, and B. Westley. The Dynamics of Planned
Change, New York: Harcourt Brace, 1958.

Notable proponents of this view include Morris, R.,
and R. Binstock. Reasonable Planning for Social
Change. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1966.

 

Many authors have contributed to this view but in the

opinion of Perlman and Gurin (pp; cit.) the most not-

able is Grosser, C.F., "Community DEVelopment Programs
Serving the Urban Poor," Social Work, New York: NASW,

Vol. 10, #3, July 1965, pp. IS—Zl.

 

See footnotes 100 & 101.

See footnotes 102 & 103.

See Ross, M., o . cit., and Lippitt, R., pp al., op.
cit., cited in erlman, R. and A. Gurin, op. 6it.,
pp. 46-47.

Lippitt, R., 35 al., pp. cit.

 

See Morris, R. and R. Binstock, op. cit., and Grosser,
C.F., op. cit., cited in Ibid.

Grosser, C.F., pp; pip.

Ross, M., pp; pip.

Morris, R. and R. Binstock, pp; pip.
Ross, M., pp; pip.

Lippitt, R., 22 21., pp; pip.
Morris, R. and R. Binstock, pp; cit.
Grosser, C.F., pp; pip.

Ross, M., pp; pip.

Lippitt, R., pp; pip.

Morris, R. and R. Binstock, 22;.21E-
Grosser, C.F., pp; pip.

Rothman, J. "Three Models of Community Organization

Practice," Social Work Practice, New York: Columbia
Univ. Press, 1968.

 

121.

122.

123.
124.
125.
126.
127.

128.
129.

130.

131.

132.

80

These are ideal types and are not expected to exist in
practice in the exact form proposed by Rothman. As
with all typologies this one suffers from.the mixed
bag syndrome which highlights the lack of mutual ex-
clusiveness between types.

Perlman, R. and A. Gurin, pp; cit., p. 47; also p. 58

for their version of the commufiify organization and

social planning process which when condensed could take

this form:

(a) problem identification

(b) establishment of structural and communication link-
ages for problem consideration and analysis.

(c) study of alternative solutions and adoption of
policy

(d) development and implementation of a program plan

(e) monitoring and feedback

Perlman, R. and A. Gurin, op. cit., p. 5.
Perlman, R. and A. Gurin, op. cit., p. 51.
Perlman, R. and A. Gurin, op. cit.

Perlman, R. and A. Gurin, op. cit., p. 62.

Rothman, J. Planning and Organizing fOr Social Change,

92.-.219
Ibid., p. 253.

 

See Cepuran, J. "CAP Expenditures in the Fifty States:
A Comparison",Journal of Urban Affai‘rs‘Quarte'r'lyl vol.
4, no. 3, 1409, pp. 325-34I; Cowart, A;TT *"Anti-
Poverty Expenditures in the American States: A Compara-
tive Analysis. ‘Midwest Journal of Political Science, 13
no. 2, 1969, pp. 219-236; Sharkansky, 1. "Economic and
Political Correlations of State Government Expenditures:
General Tendencies and Deviant Cases," Midwest Journal
of PolitiCal Science, 11, no. 2 (1967), pp. 173-192.

 

 

 

 

Hofferbert, R. "Socioeconomic Dimensions of the American
States, 1890-1960." Midwest Journal of Political Science
12, no. 3 (1968), pp. 4Ul-4I.

 

Thomas, N.C. "The Electorate and State Constitutional
Revision: An Analysis of Four Michigan Referenda."
Midwest Journal of Political Science 12, no. 1 (1968),
pp. 115-129.

 

Cowart, A.T., op. cit.

133.
134.

135.

136.

137.
138.

139.

140.

141.

142.

143.

81
Hofferbert, R., 0p. cit.

Pulsipher, A.G. & J.L. Weatherby, Jr. "Malapportion-
‘ment, Party Competition, and the Functional Distribu-
tion of Governmental Expenditures." AmeriCan Political
'ScienCe ReView 62, no. 4 (1968), pp. 1207-1219.

 

Crittendon, J. "Dimensions of Modernization in the
American States." American Political Science ReView
64, no. 4 (1967), pp. 989-100I.

 

Sharkansky, 1. "Economic Development, Regionalism and
State Political Systems. Midwest'Journal of Political
Science 12, no. 1 (1968), pp. 41-6I.

 

Cepuran, J., op. cit.

Dye, T.R. "Governmental Structure, Urban Environment
and Educational Policy," MidweStJournal of Political
Science 11, no. 3 (1967), pp. 353-380.

 

Froman, L.A. Jr., "An Analysis of Public Policy in
Cities," Journal of Politics 29, no. 1 (1967), pp. 94-
108.

 

For example see: Glenn, N.D. and M. Grimes. "Aging
Voting and Political Interest," American Seciolo ical
Review, 33, no. 4 (August 1968), pp. 563-576. e ey, S.
Jr., K.E. Ayres and W.G. Bowen. 'Registration Voting:
Putting First Things First." American Political Science
Review 61, no. 2 (June 1967), pp. 359-377; Templeton, F.

1enation and Political Participation: Some Research
Findings." Public Opinion Quarterly 30, no. 2 (Summer
1966), pp. 249-261; Zikmuod} J. and R. Smith. "Politi-
cal Participation in an Upper-Middle Class Suburb."
Urban Affairs Quarterly 4, no. 4 (June 1969), pp. 443-
458.

 

 

For example see: Glenn, N.D. and J. Alston. "Cultural
Distances Among Occupational Categories." American
Sociological Review 33, no. 3 (June 1968), pp. 563-576;
Langton, K.P. & MLKT Jennings, "Political Socialization
and the High School Civics Curriculum in the United
States." American Political Science Review 62, no. 3
(September 1968), pp. 852-8671

 

 

 

See Roth, M. and G.R. Boynton. "Communal Ideology and

 

Political Support." The Journal of Politics 31, no. 2
(February 1969), pp. 167-185; Uyeki, E. "Patterns of
Voting in a Metropolitan Area." Urban Affairs Quarterly

 

1, no. 4 (June 1968), pp. 65-77.

For example see: Yuek, E., op. cit., Lineberry, R. and
E. Fowler. "Reformism and Public Policies in American

144.

145.

146.

147.

148.
149.

82

Cities.” AmeriCan'PolitiCal Science Review 61, no. 3
(September 1967), pp. 701-716; and D. James, Poverty,
Politics and Change, pp. cit., p. 37.

 

 

See Kelley, S. Jr., R.E. Ayres, and W.G. Bowen. "Regis-
tration and Voting: Putting First Things First."
American Political Science Review 61, no. 2, June 1967,
pp. 359-377; Alford, R;R., and BIG. Lee. "Voting Turn-
out in American Cities." American Political Science
Review 42, no. 3,September 1948, pp. 796-813; Grain,
R.L. and D.B. Rosenthal. "Structure and Value in Local
Political Systems: The case of Fluoridation." Journal
of PolitiCs 28, no. 1, February 1966, pp. 169-195;
Miner,FD.Wi, "Community Basis of Conflict in School
System Politics." American Sociological Review 31, no.
6, December 1966, pp. 822-834; Lenski,’CfE. "Status
Inconsistency and the vote: A Four Nation Test."
American SociologiCal'Review 32, no. 2, April 1967,

pp. 298-301; Pinard, MIT “Poverty and Political Move-
ments.""S0cial Problems 15, no. 2, Fall 1967, pp. 250-
263; Roth, M. and G.R. Boynton. "Communal Ideology and
Political Support." The Journal of Politics 31, no. 1,
February.1969, pp. 167-185}

 

 

 

 

 

 

Rothman, J., pp; cit., p. 218; Burnham, W.D. "The
Changing Scope ofTEHe American Political Universe,"
American Political Science Review 59, no. 1, March 1965,
pp. 7-23; and also see ButtedahI, K. and C. Verner.
'Characteristics of Participants in Two Methods of
Adult Education." Adult Education 15, no. 2, Winter
1965, pp. 61-73.

Cohen, N. "The Los Angeles Riot Study," Social Work 12,
no. 4, October 1967, pp. 14-21; Fredrickson, H.G.
"Exploring Urban Priorities-The Case of Syracuse."

Urban Affairs Quarterly 5, no. 1, September 1969, pp. 31-
43; Dye, T.R. "Inequality and Civil Rights Policy in
the States." The Journal of Politics 31, no. 4,

November 1969, pp. 1030-1097.

 

 

 

 

 

Gittell, M. "Professionalism and Public Participation:
New York City, A Case Study." Public Administration
Review 27, no. 3, September 1967, pp. 237-251; Converse,
R.E., A.R. Clausen, and W.E. Miller. ”Electoral Myth
and Reality: The 1964 Election." American Political
Science Review 59, June 1968, pp. 21-36.

 

 

 

See footnote 140.

See Gamson, W., op. cit.; Milbrath, L., o . cit.;
Templeton, F., op. cit., Crain, R.L. and . . Rosenthal,

op. cit.

CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY

In Chapter One the purpose, background, and ration-
ale for this dissertation were discussed. Chapter Two
focused upon review of the literature on social conflict,
traced the development and operation of community organiza-
tion and social planning practice, and also identified
applicable political science research to community organiza-
tion practice. The purpose of this chapter is to discuss
the procedures and methodology utilized in this study. Follow-
ing a brief introduction to the method and discussion of vot-
ing behavior studies which utilize aggregate data focus will
be upon the general framework developed to direct this demon-
stration and procedures followed in the completion of this~

study.

DESIGN

The utilization of research methods for investigation
of social problems is not new in the social sciences. Perhaps
no category of social science research is more widely used
than that which is referred to as the survey, normative sur-
vey or descriptive research. Surveys are oriented towards
"the determination of the status of a given phenomenon as

"150

opposed to the isolation of causative factors. Surveys

83

84
are usually based upon large cross sectional samples. They
differ from case studies in that they are not geared to the
more intense and longitudinal study of small samples designed
to isolate the circumstances which promote the creation of
the phenomenon under study. Descriptive surveys, which be-
gin with a definite problem and seek to eventually derive
generalizations, have offered much utility to social science
research efforts through the use observation, interview,
questionnaires, etc. The data obtained through this type of
research has in essence been avoided by practitioners but
nonetheless it has merit and reliability in terms of produc-
tion of valid generalizations applicable to community prac-
tice.

Due to the fact that practitioners do face realistic
limitations in the acquisition of knowledge about communi-
ties which may be used as a basis for rational decisions
regarding social action intervention, it is our intension
to demonstrate one descriptive method by which these prac-
titioners can not only identify community conditions that
may require change but also identify potential sources of

151

support for those changes. The purpose of demonstration

is to "persuade others to accept . . . an approach that is

operationally useful and desirable. ,"152

It is parti-
cularly appropriate for the problem under consideration be-
cause of the limited attention given by practitioners to the
two interdependent aspects of voting behavior, level of vot-

ing participation and Specific issue content. It is the

85

intent of this dissertation to formulate practice guidelines
which would enable practitioners to predict and influence
broad community participation in electoral politics. Poli-
tical participation and social action are syntonically re-
lated and in the achievement of human services objectives
require manipulation of the political processes of a commun-
ity. The understanding of ballot box behaviors of specific
community subunits is an ideal entry point for social action
planning. Data for this research was obtained by observing
and analyzing the Lansing community during the 1972-73 elec-
tion period as the community subunits participate in the
resolution of conflict at the ballot box. The application
of this research to community organization and social plan-
ning practice seems appropriate at this time due to the fact
that the avoidance of the assessment of overt political be-
haviors, by practitioners, results in loss of knowledge of
significant political trends which could contribute diagnos-
tically to fuller understanding of the subject community,
social change trends, and location of support or avenues to
support for various community changes.

The study of exercise of political strength within or
between communities may be classified into six basic types

153 The classifications include

of voting behavior studies.
the hypothesis-testing exploratory study, the mass tabula-
tion case study, the comparative statistical survey, the

single-hypothesis trend study, the hypothesis-testing fact-

oral analysis, and the community dynamic type. Although

86
these categories are not exactly discrete and mutually ex-
clusive, we are demonstrating here the first type, the
hypothesis-testing exploratory study. The investigator in
such studies "assumes the significance of a proposition on
the basis of a mere hunch . . . and collects and orders
voting data in a manner designed to demonstrate the truth or
falsity of his proposition. Studies of this type are in-
itiated by intuitions and carried out in specific election
situations with no attempt at systematic exploration of
hypotheses over a span of several elections (and) . . . there

154 Although

is no exploration of alternative hypotheses.
Eldersveld points out that the contribution of this type of
study to theory construction is negligible he also points
out that this approach to the study of voting behavior "pro-
duces results which may satisfy curiosity or may provoke
further research."]'55
Such studies are primarily investigatory in nature
in that they are a functional form of research which can fur-
nish information necessary for the creation and implementa-
tion of more detailed and rigorous research design. The
data generated from this research technique will be used to
formulate practice guidelines which would enable practition-
ers to promote broad and advantageous community participa-
tion in electoral politics. The meritoriousness of the
guidelines would be determined by further research efforts.
The objective of this study is to demonstrate the

utility of political behavior analysis to community organi-

zation and social planning practice through the use of

87
hypothesis trend exploratory voting behavior technique.
Studies of this type depend basically upon aggregate data
which "consists of distributions of whole populations, the
categories of various systems of classification, without
providing information about which category any particular

unit of any population falls into."156

Ranney notes that
the greater proportion of studies of electoral behavior
since the 1940's have relied upon aggregate data, and he
argues that the basic reason for this is due to the limited
facilities and skills possessed by researchers required to

do sound survey research.157

The use of aggregate data in
any voting behavior research provides for a number of ad-
vantages. It is easily available and the analysis is rela-
tively inexpensive. There is a large body of data "rich
in its variety and coverage, and easily and cheaply access-

ible to individual scholars."158

This fact promotes repli-
cation and comparative studies on a wide scale. Another
advantage of aggregate data is that for "finding answers to
many questions about electorate behavior, they are the hard-
est data we can get in the sense that their meaning and com-
parability vary less from area to area, from time to time,
and from study to study, than do most survey data."159
Aggregate data provide for no direct interaction with the
electorate, which virtually eliminates the problem of inter-

view bias relative to sample survey methods. Other utility

values of aggregate data analysis are that they provide

88
information for the validation of various survey studies
utilizing sample data and suggests hypothesis for further
investigation by both individual and other aggregate
researchers. These studies also "help overcame the time
bound and place limitations of most sample survey studies."160
Key suggests that if the specialist in electoral behavior
is to be a student of politics, his major concern must be
the population of elections, not the population of indivi-

161 He concludes that one does not gain an

dual voters.
understanding of elections by the simple cumulation of find-
ings from the microscopic analysis of the individual in the
system. Although this may appear as an indictment against
all individually oriented research, it should be noted that
Key also argued that the most ideal analysis of electorate
behavior would be a combination of both aggregate and indivi-
dual investigations.

An assumption underlying the use of aggregate data
is that electorates are no less significant as units of
political analysis than individual voters. If the sole
objective of an inquiry is the behavior of electorates then
the analysis of the units playing special and significant
roles in the political process are thus worthy of analysis
in their own right. It is also argued that if "aggregate
data studies carefully and thoroughly identify and describe
recurring patterns of preference and turnout characteristics

of particular electorates over time . . . they can be valuable

allies to the sample survey in the investigation of electoral

89
behavior.162
With the contemporary emphasis and status placed
upon individual analysis in most of the social sciences,
one could conclude that the objections to aggregate data
studies are mostly in the area of loss of the individual
in the analysis. Aggregate data analysis can not be ade-
quately used to describe and explain the behavior of indi-
vidual voters and it can not be relied upon to produce
reliable descriptions or explanations of behavior of indi-

vidual voters.163

Aside from.the theoretical and philoso-
phical disadvantages there are technical disadvantages to
the use of aggregate data and political analysis. Errors
are inevitable in the counting of votes and the reporting
of these results which means "that official election returns
are always only an approximate, never an exact picture of

the voters will."164

Another technical disadvantage takes
the form of rare coincidence of census tracts and election
precinct boundaries. Thus determination of various social
and economic characteristics of the population could be
tenuous. This lack of coterminal boundaries for all pre-
cincts and census tracts could neutralize direct application
of statistical correlation unless there is preliminary mani-
pulation of the data.165
The plan followed in this demonstration includes
gathering of electorate voting data from.the 1972 general

election votes for the Republican and Democratic parties, and

the School Board recall vote of that same period. We also

90
will gather the November 1973 Lansing mayoral election
tabulated votes. The analysis of these elections will be
done by concentrating upon the following variables: per-
cent yes recall vote, percent Republican party vote cast
in the general election of 1972, and the percent vote for
the white mayoral candidate in November 1973. The basic
interest is to demonstrate one method for the assessment of
the extent of relationship between the non partisan school
issue votes for recall and the partisan and non partisan
candidate votes during the 1972-73 election period. These
data will be the result of votes cast from 76 of the 81
electoral precincts in the Lansing community. The omitted
precincts were excluded due to insufficient voting data and
location outside the official city boundaries which placed
them outside the county boundaries. The included precincts
represent approximately 95% of the Lansing voting population.
Voting data were obtained from the office of the Lansing
city clerk; census data from the 1970 Federal census report
for Lansing, Michigan; and the school information was obtained
from the Lansing schools census records 1973. Census and
school information such as race, income, education, schools
serving the area, whether or not the area is involved in
the bussing plan, will be applied to patterns of voting be-
havior for precincts which appear deviant from the overall
pattern in the electoral clusters. Deviant precincts will
be those cases which are plus or minus 1.5 standard devia-

tion units from the mean in percent vote on the recall and

91

party variables, and plus or minus 1.0 standard deviation
units from the mean in percent vote on the Graves variable.

The proposition upon which this demonstration

rests is that the conflict groups on the school issue are

the same as those on the partisan and non partisan politi-
cal levels. To test this proposition we propose the follow-
ing hypotheses:

l. The relationship between percent yes recall and
percent Republican party votes will be positive.
Null: there will be zero correlation between per-
cent yes recall and percent Republican party
votes cast.

2. The relationship between percent yes recall and
percent vote for the white mayoral candidate
will be positive. Null: there will be zero
correlation between percent yes recall and per-
cent Graves vote cast.

3. The relationship between Graves vote, and per-
cent Republican party vote for president 1972
will be positive. Null: there will be zero
correlation between percent for Graves and per-

cent Republican party vote cast.

ANALYSIS
There are two parts to our analysis procedure. The
first will include construction of scattergrams and compu-

tation of rank order correlation to determine not only the

92

extent of precinct exercise of political strength related
to party, recall, and the mayoral candidate, but also to
determine the extent of consistency in rank position held
per these variables. Assuming that voters tend to vote
consistently for the candidates and issues related to
candidates of the same party, it is assumed that the Lansing
electorate will consistently cast a majority of their vote
for the same party, party related issues and candidates.
Although this pattern of consistency is not completely uni-
versal in the literature it is persistent enough to result
in a relatively stable pattern in electoral behavior.

Diagnosis of this pattern in a local community's
ballot box behaviors could provide for possible practice
implications. If a strong dependent relationship is found
between partisan and nonpartisan ballot box behaviors, it
would suggest practitioners in the political process arena
strive to heighten the sense of party competition which on
the local level would increase the extent of participation
and turnout which has direct impact upon policy outputs. If
a weak relationship is found it may suggest practitioner
structuring of issues in such a way as to respond to both
collective and particularistic expectations of the target or
client population. Rank order correlation will test the ex-
tent of dependence and independence of the partisan and non
partisan variables over the time period of interest. The

rank order correlation formula used in this analysis is:

93
2 166
R' = 1 - 6 ED

n(n+l) (n-l)

 

SUMMARY

This chapter has described the use of voting behavior
research to provide demonstration of an innovative use of
political behavior analysis of aggregate electorate behaviors
as a diagnostic tool in assessment of exercise of political
power at the baloot box and location of sources of support
for specific social changes. Our hypotheses relate to the
proposition that the conflict groups on the Lansing school
issue were the same groups on the partisan political level.
Of importance in these findings is not only the issue of
correlation between the ranks of electorate behavior, but
also the utility of a political research method as a diagnos-
tic procedure for the assessment of political power exercise
in particular segments of the community and the promulga-
tion of practice guidelines which would apply to the enhance-
ment of electoral participation. The identification of posi—
tive relationships between partisan and non partisan politi-
cal behaviors would suggest the need for participation
strategies encompassing manipulation of party competition as
it relates to policy outputs. Such findings would mean that
the Lansing electorate is responsive to party clues, which
facilitate local electoral decisions, at the ballot box. Weak
correlation would suggest high independence of the partisan and'
non partisan variables and in addition participation strategies

structured to encompass both particularistic and collective appeals.

150.

151.
152.

153.

154.
155.
156.

157.
158.
159.
160.

161.
162.

FOOTNOTES

Cave, W.M. "Applicability of Social Science Research
Methods to Studies in Comparative Education." Unpub-
lished paper presented at the UNESCO International
expert meeting on Comparative Adult Education. Denmark,
January 16-23, 1972, pp. 27-28.

Perlman, R., and A. Gurin, op. cit., p. 208.
Sax, G. Empirical Foundations of Educational Research.

Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall,’Inc.,
1968, p. 338.

 

Eldersveld, S. Theory and Method of Voting Behavior
Research," The Journal of Politic L XIII, (February,
1951), pp. 70-87.

 

Eldersveld, S., op. cit., pp. 74-75.
Eldersveld, 8., Op. cit., p. 75.

Ranney, A. "The Utility and Limitations of Aggregate
Data in the Study of Electoral Behavior," found in
Ranney, A. (ed.), Essays on the Behavioral Study of
Politics, Urbana: University ofFIllinois Press, 1962,

p.

 

Ranney, A., op. cit., p. 93.

Ranney, A., op. cit., p. 96.

Ranney, A., Ibid.

Key, V.O., "The Politically Relevant in Surveys," Public
Opinion Quarterly, vol. 24, 1960, pp. 53-61; also see
Ranney, A., op. cit., p. 101.

 

Ibid.

Kasperson, R.E. "Toward a Geography of Urban Politics:
Chicago, A Case Study." EcOnomic Geographyp vol. 41,
1965, pp. 95-107; and "On Suhurbia and Voting Behavior."
Annals of the Association of American Geographers, vol.
59, no. 2, June 1969, pp. 405-408; see also,7Rbssi, P.H.
"Trends in Voting Behaviors Research, 1933-1963," found
in Dreyer, E.C. and W.A. Rosenbaum (ed.), Political
Opinion and Electoral Behavior, 1966; also see Hahn, H.

 

 

 

 

94

163.

164.

165.

95
and T. Almy, "Ethnic Politics and Racial Issues:
Voting in Los Angeles,"‘WeStern'Political‘Quarterly, vol.
24, no. 4, December 1971, p. 722.

 

Robinson, W.S. "Ecological Correlations and the Be-
havior of Individual," American Sociological Review,
vol. 15, June 1950, pp. 351-357; see also, Hahn,FW.,
and T. Almy, pp; gip.; see also, Ranney, A., pp; gig,

 

Litchfield, E.H. VOting Behavior in a Metropolitan Area.
Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1941; see also
Eldersveld, S.J. and A. Applegate, Michigan's'RecOunt
for Governor, 1950 & 1952: A SystematiciAnaIysis of
EleCtiOn Error. Ann Arbor: UniverSity of Michigan
Press’1954, p. 97.

 

 

Litchfield, E.H., pp; cit.; also see Lewis, P.F. "Impact
of Negro Migration on EIEction Geography of Flint,
Michigan, 1932-62." Annals of the American Association
of Geographers 1965, March 1965, vol. 55, no. 1, p. 9;
also see Glanz, 0., "Protestant and Catholic Voting in a
Metropolitan Area," Public Opinion Quarterly, vol. 25,
1969, pp. 73-82; also see, Hahn, H}, and T. Almy, pp;
cit.,; for description of social characteristics to vot-
ifig data see:
Salisbury, R. and C. Black. "Class and Party in
Partisan and Non-partisan Elections; The Case of Des
Moines," AmeriCan Political Science Review, vol. 57,
1963, p. 584;

 

 

Jennings, K.M. and H. Zeigler. "Class, Party and Race
in Four Types of Elections: The Case of Atlanta,"
Journal of Politics, vol. 28, 1966, pp. 391-407;

 

Boskoff, A. and H. Zeigler. Voting Patterns in a Local
Election, 1963, New York.

 

Brunn, S. and W. Hoffman. "The Spatial Response of
Negroes and Whites, Toward Open Housing; The Flint
Referendum." Annals of the Association of American
Geographers, March 1970} pp. 18-36, vol. 60, #1;

Katz, D. and S.J. Eldersveld. "The Impact of Local
Party Activity Upon the Electorate." Public Opinion
Quarterly, vol. 25, 1961, pp. 1-24;

 

 

Gilpatrick, T.V. "Price Support Policy and the Mid-
west Farm Vote," MidWest JOurnal of Political Science,
vol. 3, 1969, pp. 319-335;

Simmons, J.W. "Voting Behavior and Socio Economic
Characteristics: The Middlesex East Federal Election,
1965." Canadian Journal of Economic and PolitiCal

 

96
' Science, no. 33, 1967, pp. 389-400;

Key, V.O. AmeriCan State Politics, 1956, New York.

 

Key, V.O. Southern PolitiCs, 1950.

 

Lewis, P.F. "Impact of Negro Migration on Election
Geography of Flint, Michigan, 1932.” Annals of the
AmeriCan AssOciation of Geographers 1965. ‘MarCh,
V01. 55, #1;

 

 

Gantz, O. ”Protestant and Catholic Voting in a
Metropolitan Area," Public'gpinion Quarterly, vol.
25, 1959, pp. 73-82;

 

Kaufman, W.C. and S. Greer. "Voting in a Metropoli-
tan Community: An application of Social Area Analy-
sis." Social Forces, vol. 38, 1960, pp. 196-210;

 

Banfield, E. and J.Q. Wilson. City Politics, pp;
2.1.2.
166. Wallis, W.A., and H.V. Roberts. Statistics: A New
A roach. New York: Free Press, 1962, p. 604; also see
KendeII, M.G. Rank Correlation Methodp, London:
Griffin and Company, 1955.

 

 

 

CHAPTER 4
FINDINGS

The purpose of this chapter is to present findings
which have been generated from the data gathered and analyzed.
Previous studies of voting behavior have shown persistence
of voter tendencies to vote for candidates of the same poli-
tical party election after election. Rank order correlation
and indepth analysis of deviant precincts should provide
evidence of the character of association between Republican
party, Graves, and yes recall votes cast by the Lansing
electorate during the period of time under study. Identifi-
cation of the character of these associations in Lansing
electoral politics should provide information upon which
rational practice guidelines can be formulated.

Figure 4.1, percent yes recall and percent 1972 Repub-
lican party vote for President, depicts the pattern of the
relationship of voting percentages between these two vari-
ables. The direction of the relationship is positive as is
evident from the scattergram. The rank position correlation
between position yes recall and the corresponding percent
position Republican Party vote is .77 suggesting a fairly
strong association although far from perfect, between these

variables. Thus as percent yes recall vote increases the

97

98
percent Republican party vote also increases in a fairly
stable pattern. There are precincts which are outside norm-
ally expected boundaries relative to percent vote on each
variable. Based upon the fairly strong association and our
initial research question we would assume strong percent vote
correspondence throughout the distribution, i.e., those pre-
cincts which fall outside expected boundaries should be
approximately the same on both variables. We have categor-
ized the precincts which are deviant both high and low
based upon their standard scores and have applied census and
school characteristics to them in Table 4.1. It should be
noted at this point that our application of social and school
characteristics will be done based upon classifying recall
and party vote percentages which have positive standard
scores (1.5 standard deviation units or more above the mean
as high) and those with negative standard scores (1.5 standard
deviation units or more below the mean) as low for purposes of
this analysis.

Inspection of Table 4.1, Deviant Yes Recall Percent
Precincts, reveals those deviant precincts which are low to
be largely composed of racial minorities with low educational
attainment, less than average family income, and an average
of 89% elementary school utilization per precinct. The high
deviant precincts in this distribution are composed of almost
exclusively Caucasians who are primarily high school graduates

who earn average family incomes, and who average 93%

 

99

FIGURE 4.1
RELATIONSHIP snrwrru PRCALL

AND REPUBLICAN PARTY VOTE

 

82.0. x
x
X x
67.0‘ I: x x x xxx
2} X xx x Y
H X XX XX
2 x
E; .XX x XX x
52.01 c” y X szx xx X
pd X Xx XXX x
c> x x
“‘ xx
n:
37.0_ H ’9‘"
SI y X'x
E
c:
a; x
22. Z x"
01 a
H
,4
a:
KD
a.
E
7.0.x
I I I I I r
22.0 32.4 42.8 53.2 63.6 74.0

PERCENT YES RECALL VOTE

100
elementary school utilization per precinct. The common con-
dition that is unanimous with both high and low groups is
their area public school involvement in the bussing plan.
Table 4.2, Deviant Republican Percent Precincts, reveals
that half of the low yes recall percent precincts were also
low Republican percent precincts. The low Republican deviant
Precincts had above average racial minority composition, be-
low city average family income as well as lower percent edu-
cational attainment than the high deviant precinct. Percent
utilization of public elementary school was also lower than
the high deviant precinct. Approximately 80% of the high
and low deviant precincts had their area public school in-
volved in the bussing plan.

Figure 4.2, Percent yes recall and percent Graves vote,
depicts the pattern of the relationship of voting percentages
between these two variables. The direction of the relation-
ship is positive and the rank order correlation for this dis-
tribution is .75 suggesting a fairly strong association be-
tween the variables. Thus Graves vote, just as the Republi-
can party votes, increased with increase in yes recall vote.
Table 4.3, Deviant Graves Percent Precincts, depicts the link-
age between high deviance and low racial minority composition
corresponded with low deviant vote in this distribution. High
deviant voting precincts for Graves are likely to contain
mostly high school graduates who earn above city average in

family income and are quite likely to utilize public elementary

101

HH. ”COHumH>mU mumucmum

em.

” Hum 08

nomads oHOSB ummumw: on vmwasou mmwmucmouma

umumcss umohmmc ou monsoon oncomuu

 

H ow m x 00H wmmMH on mH HH m mN NN.H mm Nm
N mm H N «m mmmHH no NH oH N mN «o.H Nu nm
e ma H N «m mmmHH no NH mH N mN NN.H MN mm
m cm H x mm ommHH No NH «H N NN NN.H MN mm
m #m m x No HodHH Nm NH OH N mm NN.H mm Hm
m cm H x mm ommHH No NH H N NN Nw.H «N NN
N 0N NN x mm wNmNH mo NH 0H e 0H Hm.Nu NN MN
N 0N NN x x mm wNoNH mo NH mH q 0H mm.Hn mm NN
H 0 mm x Hm @HNN mm HH H m mH Hm.Nn NN Nd
mm 3 m .HHuD

N QDOHU oz mm» .ame 0800 mono mmmuo ponHo .oz HHmomm .oz
HMHomm mommam ISH .m.m N .uoz scum mumz mdwamo whoomuN mow N mmmo

mHozHommm Bzmommm HH<Umm mm» HZ<H>mQ

H.¢ mqm<H

102

Henson mHo£3 ammuwma ou mongoou mommucmoumm

UOHUGHHE UmQHNQfi 0U UmUHHHHOH GHOUwIN

 

mH. ”sOHuMH>mu unmmamum

«m. “Ceca

0 Na m x mm mNHON qw MH m m NH mH.N Nw we
H HN wN x mm mNmN «m OH NH e mH mN.Nu mN «N
N 0N NNN : x mm mNoNH mo NH 0H q 0H wo.mn «H MN
N 0N NN x x mm wNoNH mo NH mH q 0H Hm.Nn «N NN
H 0 mm M He qHNN mm HH H m mH No.mu N Nq
N mm NH N om Nomm w He HH NH H NH oo.Nu wN NH
mm mwoum 02 wow H%wmm maoo mono opmuo uuaHo .oz HHmomm .oz
HMHomm uwmmnm N uaH .m.m N .omz Imam pumz mumcmo muoomsN mow N mmmu

mHozHUMMm Hzmomwm Z<UHHmDmmm HZ¢H>mQ
N.¢ MHm<H

88.

71.

55.

39.

23.

 

103

FIGURE 4.2
RELATIONSHIP BFTI’EFI-I RECALL

AND GRAVES VOTF

 

)0!
0' x x
x x
x x xx x
XX xx Xx x
xx )(x X’ xxx x
8, X x xxx
XX XXX
X XXXXXXXX
X )< X y
6 X x x
In:
54
<5
' >. XX X
(I)
[11
E
4“ u
E...
2:
[1.]
(5
:z
‘5'.
ll
X
x
Qu
I I T W I
22.0 32.4 42.8 53.2 63.6 74.0

PERCENT YES RECALL VOTE

104
schools for their children's education. The low deviant
precincts contained the higher proportion of racial minor-
ities who were likely to earn below city average in family
income, were less educated and had slightly higher public
elementary school utilization than the high deviant group.
The population of the high and low deviant precincts were
almost totally involved in the bussing program if their
children attended public elementary schools.

Figure 4.3, Percent Graves vote and percent Republi-
can Party vote for President, depicts the pattern of relation-
ship of voting percentages between these two variables. The
direction of the relationship is positive and the rank order
correlation for this distribution is .80 suggesting a
strong association between the variables. Thus as Graves
vote percent increases there is an increase in Republican
party percent vote for president. Although the same socio—
economic patterns, observed in the previous distributions of
deviant precincts, exists here there is no correspondence
between high groups on these variables. All of the low devi-
ant Republican precincts were found in the low Graves cate-
gory and thus we suspect that the assumption of likeness be-
tween conflict groups on partisan and non partisan levels
appears false. Answers to this point are not directly avail-
able from the data and need to be sought from the literature

on political participation.

105

nomads wHosa ummumma ou popcdou mowmudmoumm

coupons ummumma ou umpasou muoomuu

"GOHumH>ou pumuamum

 

mo. "coma
« mm H x «w mmmHH No NH 0H N wN NN.H aw Nm
« mm H x «m mmmHH No NH mH N wN mo.H mm mm
H mm H x Hm omHHH mo NH NH N oN\MN mo.H mm mm
m «m m x Nm Ho«HH Nm NH 0H N Nm NN.H mm Hm
H mm o N Na «meH mm NH m N mN mH.H mm on
H HN wN x om MNmN «m 0H NH « mH mm.mn mH «N
N 0N NN x mm mNoNH mo NH oH « oH oc.mu mH MN
N 0N NN x N mm wNoNH mo NH mH « oH oo.mu «N NN
H o mm x Hm «HNN mm HH H m wH mH.«n N N«
mNH ow w x «m mmOOH mm HH N N Hm mm.Hu m« H«
NH ow m N OOH mmOOH mm HH N N Hm NN.H: on «N
N om NH x mm Nona H« HH NH H NH NN.H: om NH
mm 3 m .HHuD . . . .
N macho oz mow .aon 6800 umuw mpmho quHo .02 HHmomm .oz
HmHomm pommsm N IGH .m.m N .vmz Imam mums mdmaou whoomIN mm» N mwmu

mHUZHUMMA Hzmommm mm><mw HZ<H>MQ

m.« mHm¢H

106

FIGURE 4.3

RELZ‘ TIOI‘ISIIIP PETITE III] GRAVES

AND TIFFUFLTCI‘II PARTY VOTE

 

 

88.0d X x
XXX
AX):
X x X
X XX XXX x
X x X

71.8‘ Xxixxxx,‘

:3 xx x x

O XX XX X XX

>.

a: x x x x

g3 XX x Xx
55.6_;§

(D

"(H X XX

Z

(:1

U

ad
39.4_ g
23.2- V x

X
X

7.0.,

T l I l N I

7.0 22.0 37.0 52.0 67.0 82.0

PERCENT REPUBLICAN PARTY VOTE 1972

107

SUMMARY

Generally we find that the high deviant precincts
in all variables tend to contain low percent racial minor-
ities who are better educated and earn above average family
incomes, are inclined to utilize public elementary schools
for their children's education, and almost all can expect
to have their children in public elementary schools bussed
as a part of the school district desegregation plan. On
the other hand, the low deviant precincts tend to contain
higher percentages of racial minorities who earn below aver-
age family incomes and tend to utilize public elementary
schools for their children's education more so than the high
percent deviant group. The children of the electorate in
these precincts are also bussed as a part of the school dis-
trict desegregation plan. We also found that the partisan
and non partisan electorate behaviors to be strongly associ-
ated with each other during the time period being investigated.

We began this demonstration hypothesizing there would
be zero correlation between percent yes recall and percent.
Republican party votes cast; zero correlation would exist be-
tween yes recall and percent Graves vote cast; and there
would be zero correlation between rank positions of percent
Graves vote and Republican party vote for President. The
correlation between rank positions of precinct vote on these
variables suggest fairly strong positive relationship between
the positions held by precincts on these variables. Such

consistency suggests the possibility of influence of some

108
organized efforts stemming from organized partisan and/or
non partisan efforts or a combination thereof which shaped
the electoral behavior consistency in rank relative to
party voting, Graves, and recall percentage vote. Assess-
ment of the deviant precinct characteristics revealed that
high deviant precincts in general possessed the characteris—
tics of higher education and income, low racial minority
composition, and high involvement in the school district
bussing plan if their children attended public elementary
schools. Low categories of these deviant precincts in general
possessed characteristics of high percentage racial minor-
ities who were less educated than the electorate in the high
category, earned less than average income for families in
the community, and were highly involved in the school dis-
trict bussing plan if their children attended public element-
ary school. The low deviant category precincts had similar
involvement in the bussing plan as the high group which
suggests the possibility of factionalism which may also be a

function of race and/or social class.

CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND DISCUSSION, IMPLICATIONS

SUMMARY

Community organization and social planning practi-
tioners have basically relied upon traditional and assess-
ment techniques based primarily upon social agency data.
Such data in reality takes into account only a fraction of
the persons eligible to use agency services and results in
underestimation of need. A concomitant problem surrounding
this issue is that intervention is directed toward meeting
of individual needs with limited consideration and attention
being directed to those social and political conditions which
are beyond the control of individuals and which create and
perpetuate human suffering. Intervention is directed toward
meeting of individual needs rather than forestalling those
conditions which foster unmet individual needs. The original
ideology of community organization and social planning prac-
tice promoted avoidance of conflict and political struggle
and instead relied upon concepts of unity and consensus.
The shifting emphasis in practice has been upon intervention
that prevents individual breakdown through focus not upon

the individual but rather upon environmental conditions,

109

110
common problems arising from those conditions and promo-
tion of social action designed to produce changes in those
conditions.

The present political system is structured to res-
pond to citizens demands for goods and services. The
everpresent scarcity of goods and services promotes competi-
tive interactions among and between various social groupings
and that competition may be based upon incompatible values,
scarcity of resources, scarce positions which influence and
control resource allocation, and protection of group per-
ceived personal space. This competitive interaction is con-
sidered the essence of social conflict and this phenomena is
symbiotically related to social change. Without social con-
flict there is no social change. Political scientists and
sociologists have accumulated much research data which has
bearing upon community intervention and touches on many
vital human service areas. For the most part practitioners
have not only avoided social science research findings in
general but have defined politically tinged activity as taboo.
There are numerous reasons for this avoidance but in effect
it results in social planning and action taking place with-
out consideration of the socio-political context within
which action takes place. Practitioners must be encouraged
to make fuller use of sociological and political science know-
ledge if they are to move toward higher levels of competence,

more precision and effectiveness in manipulation of social

lll
reality to achieve intended outcomes. These outcomes are
of course, in any community, mediated through the inter-
action of community subunits such as clients, bosses, non
clients, electorage, political elite, etc. Initial focus
of this research was upon extrapolation of theory relative
to sociological analysis of conflict. We then demonstrated
the use of political behavior analysis technique as a means
of assessing patterns of political influence in a community,
and producing practice guidelines which would facilitate
practitioner prediction and influence of broad community

participation in electoral politics.

METHOD

To accomplish these purposes a ten year local his-
tory of social conflict in Lansing, Michigan is described.
The major issues analyzed were those of school desegregation
and racial minority control of the city chief executive
office. In the general election of November 1972 the com-
munity was given the opportunity to express its will at the
ballot box relative to the school desegregation issue and in
November 1973 in the local mayoral election they expressed
their will relative to the city government issue. The ques-
tions facing the Lansing electorate were whether or not the
local school district policies and operation would be directed
toward elimination of social class inequities in educational
outcomes and on the local government level whether or not a
felt supporter of the elimination of inequities on a city

wide basis could become chief executive of city hall.

112

We applied the hypotheses testing exploratory vot-
ing behavior research method to two interrelated aspects of
electorate behavior in these two elections. We analyzed
patterns of voter turnout and the relationship of this turn-
out to candidate, party, and issue content. The research
question which guided the analysis was: Are the conflict
groups on the local school desegregation issue the same
groups on the partisan and non partisan political levels in
the Lansing community? Hypotheses which resulted from this
question were:

1. the relationship between percent yes recall
and percent 1972 Republican party vote for
President will be positive. Null: there will
be zero correlation between the variables per-
cent yes recall and percent 1972 Republican
party vote for President;

2. the relationship between percent yes recall and
percent vote for the white mayoral candidate
will be positive. Null: there will be zero
correlation between the variables percent yes
recall and percent Graves vote;

3. the relationship between percent Graves vote and
percent 1972 Republican party vote for president
will be positive. Null: there will be zero
correlation between the variables percent Graves
vote and percent 1972 Republican party vote for

President.

113

DESIGN AND ANALYSIS

Aggregate data were gathered from both the November
1972 general election and the November 1973 local mayoral
election. The aggregate voting data were obtained from the
office of the Lansing City Clerk and 95% was applicable for
the purposes of this dissertation. There were two parts to
the analysis procedure. First we constructed scattergrams
and computed rank order correlation to determine the extent
of precinct exercise of political strength related to party,
recall and the mayoral candidates, and also to determine the
extent of consistency in rank position held per these vari-
ables. The second part of the analysis was the application
of 1970 Federal census data and 1973 local school census
data to those precincts which were classified as deviant.
These socioeconomic and school characteristics were applied
to the deviant cases: 'median grade completed in the precinct,
percent high school graduates in the precinct, average family
income in the precinct, percent public elementary school
utilization in precinct, percent racial group makeup in the
precinct, and whether or not the children of the electorate

who attended public elementary schools were bussed or not.

FINDINGS
Hypothesis 1
We found that there existed a positive correlation

between the rank positions held by precincts on the

114
recall and party variables. The rank correlation
coefficient of .77 between percent yes recall and
percent Republican party vote suggests a fairly
strong relationship existing between the ranks. As
the percent yes recall vote became greater there
was corresponding increase in the percent Republican
party votes cast. The deviant precinct characteris-
tics suggested that as racial minority percentages
increased there was a corresponding decrease in the
yes recall and Republican party votes cast. Low
deviant recall and Republican party votes correspond-
ed with lower than average family income, lower
education and higher public elementary school utili-
zation than the high deviant yes recall and Republi-
can party voters. The high deviant yes recall and
Republican deviant precincts were characterized by
small percent racial minority group residents, higher
education and income than the low deviant percent
groups, and also lower utilization of public element-

ary schools than the low deviant percent group.

Hypothesis 2
Relative to our second hypothesis we found that as
percent yes recall vote increased there was a corres-
ponding increase in the percent Graves vote in the
precincts. The rank order correlation coefficient of

.75 suggested fairly strong relationship between the

115
rank positions held by precincts on these variables.
The high deviant precincts exhibited these character-
istics: low racial minority percentages, majority
high school graduates, above average family income,
and the precinct members were likely to use public
elementary schools for their children's public school
education. In the area of bussing involvement the
precinct members were very likely to have their
children involved in the school district bussing
plan. Their deviance status suggested their support
of antibussing proposals and the preservation of

neighborhood schools.

Hypothesis 3
The rank order correlation between rank positions held
by precincts on the Graves and Republican party
variables of .80 suggested fairly strong relation-
ship existing between these ranks. The coefficient
suggests that as the percent Graves vote increases
there is a corresponding increase in the percent
1972 Republican party vote for President. Deviant
precinct characteristics suggested the same socio-

economic and school patterns as found previously.

CONCLUSIONS AND DISCUSSION

All of the hypotheses were accepted as was evident by

the fairly strong rank correlation coefficients observed

116

through the analysis procedure. The consistency identified
by the coefficients suggests the possibility of influence of
some organized efforts stemming from partisan and/or non
partisan efforts or a combination thereof which shaped the
electoral behavior consistency in rank relative to party
voting, Graves, and recall percentage vote. It must be noted
that we are speculating in this matter for our data does not
give any support for this possibility. Deviant precinct
characteristics revealed that high deviant Republican, Graves,
and yes recall precinct residents were better educated, earned
above average family income, were primarily caucasian, and
were almost assured to have their children bussed away from
their neighborhood school to another school service area in
the community for purposes of desegregation. Low deviant
Republican, Graves, and yes recall voters were likely to be
members of a racial minority, earn less than average family
income, and achieved lower quantity of educational experience.
The low status group vote in itself suggests that this group
held higher percentage vote status relative to Democratic
party, the black mayoral candidate, and no recall votes. The
deviant low yes recall percent vote group had similar levels
of involvement in the bussing plan as the deviant high group
which suggests, based upon the direction of their deviance,
the possibility of factionalism which may be a function of
race, socioeconomic status, and/or human rationality.

The ten year community change oriented struggle be-

tween various sets of individuals in the Lansing community,

117
which culminated on the local level with a recall vote which
was associated with the election of a President and a local
chief executive, does comply with the theoretical tenants of
social conflict. The competitive interactions between form-
alized and semiformalized groups who were striving to realize
their own idea of good for the community, resulted in the
controversy being transformed into alternatives and proposals
which were directly dealt with by the Lansing electorate.
The analysis of the electoral behavior suggests the following
conclusions:

1. There existed a dependent relationship between
partisan and non partisan electorate behaviors in
Lansing during the time period under study but
the electorate conflict groups varied in their
voting for recall, Graves, and the Republican
party.

2. Votes for recall, Graves, and the Republican party
were associated with community subunit population
characteristics.

We previously noted that political parties in concert with
other reference groups exert significant influence over
voting behaviors. The strong association found between parti-
san and non partisan voting behavior in Lansing suggests that
voters may be party oriented, i.e., looking for party clues

in order to decide upon which issues and candidates to

support or reject. These clues may stimulate other factors

118
such as social class, race, perception of benefits to self
and other group members, etc., which all have some value in
explaining voting behavior. The electorate in Lansing were
in effect through their voting behavior trying to influence
the direction of governmental decisions.

The electorate provides the input which energizes
the political system.which produces policy output in one
form.or another. Theoretically party competition and policy
output are positively associated with high party competition
being associated with high voter turnout at the polls which
results in increased quantity of policy output which fosters
change. It would appear that the electorate in Lansing could
be instrumental in creating more organizational policy out-
put and/or change, based upon their reliance upon party clues,
at the ballot box. Increased citizen participation in
electoral politics with the resultant increase in policy out-
put could be manipulated in Lansing by the conscious structur-
ing of issues and alternatives to look like choices between
the positions of the major parties.

It must be kept in mind that turnout rate in elections
also varies with the type and structure of the election pro-
cess. Research has shown that national elections have higher
turnout rates among voters than local elections, and that
members of the higher socioeconomic groups tend to turn out
in greater proportion in both national and local elections

than members of lower socioeconomic groups. Taking this into

119
account it would appear that practitioners attempting to in-
crease policy outputs through increased party competition
would have to work harder to enhance participation in local
and special elections especially with lower socioeconomic
groups.

There is apparent need for practitioners to assess
the desirability of promoting greater turnout on the local
election level especially when the greater turnout is likely
to result in increased participation of the opposition to a
given proposal to which the practitioner may have attached
their support. Thus if the practitioner is assured that the
majority of a small group expected to vote on a local issue
or proposal will go in his/her direction they might opt to
keep the issue contained so as not to stir up too much opposi-
tion.

The data reflected the existence of voting patterns
which were related to community subunit population character-
istics which suggest association of these characteristics with
support and opposition for some types of policy innovation.
Theoretically these population characteristics can be strati-
fied into socioeconomic categories. High socioeconomic strata
communities tend to support collective benefit proposals and
low strata communities being more likely to support proposals
which appear to have selective or particular benefits. The
high voting group in Lansing precincts were apparently unable

or were stimulated not to see collective benefit from the

120
election of the black mayoral candidate nor support of the
bussing plan. Both the local candidates and the issues
attached to them apparently stimulated symbols of particular-
istic and selective benefits directed at lower socioeconomic
status residents, thus being opposed by the higher status
group.

There are also patterns of electoral response which
correspond with different patterns of community characteris-
tics which tended to correspond with various issues. We con-
clude that in Lansing the opposition and support for recall,
Graves, and Republican party was determined not by voters
possessing a general guiding ideology but rather on an issue
by issue decision basis. This pattern may answer the ques-
tions of why the conflict groups varied on the partisan and
non partisan levels. Theoretically it is quite evident that
political opinions in American politics are basically in-
consistent and represent electorate ambivalence. Few citizens
arrange their political attitudes and behavior in a coherent
ideological framework. The citizen's electoral attitudes and
behaviors result from numerous factors which include the ex-
tent, form, and shape of political information available,
perception of impact of proposals upon self and family, home-
ownership, religion, race, and social class. Although there
exists this inconsistency based upon the above factors there
are significant differences in the type of issues supported by
persons of different social classes. Lower class electorate

tend to support human service related proposals which as stated

121

above provide direct benefits to themselves. High socio-
economic status persons and electorate tend to be Opposed to
human service related proposals based upon many factors but
primarily on the basis Of perception Of benefits derived and
corresponding orientation directed toward blaming the lower
socioeconomic status group membership for their plight. The
American version Of the protestant work ethic tends to en-
hance the notion that individual efforts, hard work, and per-
severance will result in all citizens achieving success in
their struggles for survival. Lack Of success is rarely
attributed to systemic Obstacles and barriers but is attri-
buted tO individual failure tO put forth enough effort, or
hard work. Symbolically the issue before the Lansing voters
represented proposals to eliminate social class inequities in
the public schools and on a city wide basis. Our aggregate
data analysis supports the existence Of differences in affirm-
ation and Opposition based upon socioeconomic characteristics
with the deviant lower socioeconomic status groups supporting
the elimination Of the inequities and the higher socioeconomic
groups Opposing it. Electoral participation rate was a sig-
nificant factor in the determination Of the direction of poli-
cy innovation potential on the local level.

The Lansing school district policy makers efforts to
Obtain local community support for their desegregation policy
met with failure in November 1972. Yes recall and Republican

party supporters exercised more strength in the election than

122
the no recall and Democratic party supporters. In November
1973 efforts to elect a black mayor also went down to over-
whelming defeat following an order by the Federal district
court which overturned the November 1972 antidesegregationist
victory at the polls. Analysis Of both sets Of local elec-
torate actions revealed there to exist positive partisan and
non partisan behavior linkages as suggested by the positive
correlation coefficients. In the Lansing desegregation and
local mayoral elections our findings suggest that practition-
ers ought to become visible parts of the local, county, and
possibly the State party machinery consciously using that
affiliation on the local level to deal with human service
Objectives. This type Of affiliation has both facilitative
as well as restraining aspects Of which practitioners should
become aware.

The practitioner's decision to affiliate with party
organizations should follow assessment Of the electorates
voting behavior over selected time periods to determine party
preference or the lack of the same on both the partisan and
non partisan political levels. Finding positive correlation
would suggest the need to structure issues and proposals to
manipulate the electorate perceptions relative to locally
dominate party images. Planning organization staff should
affiliate with the major parties in the local area and use
those party organizations as vehicles for the prmmOtion Of

various proposals for change. The practitioners could shape

123
slightly different versions Of change alternatives pushing
the ideal version at the dominant party level and the minimum
acceptable alternative at the minor party level. Such
actions would in essence heighten the electorate perception
of party conflict as well as insure the appearance of choice
which the electorate needs. The appearance Of party conflict
should increase participation and when combined with prac-
titioner actions within the party organization should insure
favorable policy output in the long run. Practitioners
electing to use this avenue for social change implementation
should be cautious for a number Of reasons. The function Of
the political system in this country is basically to manage
conflict and political parties play major roles in this manage-
ment. Parties strive to produce winners in the competition
for elected Office which forces party organization to perform
candidate nomination and election functions, development and
promotion Of party ideology, and dispensation Of party
patronage functions, as means Of maintaining a viable organ-
ization. The local agents who are responsible for these
efforts on the local level tend to function in the areas
related to candidate campaign activities. The school recall
issue did not require candidate competition for Office for it
asked for voter expression Of will as to whether or not such
competition would take place. Party agent actions would have
been primarily related to pushing ideology rather than pushing

Of candidates. There was no need to recruit, nominate, or

124

organize to win local positions since none of the Board seats
were vacant at the time of the recall vote. There was no
benefit to local, county, or state party organizations in
supporting or rejecting of the local recall issue. Instead
benefit was in national, state, and county Office seekers
winning positions whereby local actors could benefit from

the dispensation Of party favors. The generation Of party
support on the local level would be difficult unless there is
competition for actual positions whereby influence can be
exercised by victorious candidates. Practitioners who wish
tO acquire party support, understanding that the organization's
primary intent is achieving enough votes to win elections
which forces the leadership to avoid divisive issues such

as school desegregation, must transfer overtly divisive
change proposals into those with universal positive appeal.
As an organization the party is active only at election time
and afterwards is almost invisible except for its full time
staff and thus to generate their support at election time
practitioners must demonstrate that they can generate the
primary exchange medium desired by the party, electorate
votes.

The party is also a non-monolithic structure and that
factor plus its temporal nature and variable composition
would suggest that negotiation and compromise on proposals
for change would be necessary. In one sense practitioners

could expect a form of micro social conflict to become

125
Operational within the party structure as one result Of
their intervention to Obtain membership support for various
change proposals. Party support for various change propo-
sals will be conditioned by the same dynamics Of individual
social change participation evident in the population as a
whole. Party regulars would for the most part need to per-
ceive party, individual, as well as general benefits from
their participation in the creation of a change alternative.
The practitioners efforts to gain party support via influence
of party organizational policy would require negotiation and
compromise between the various stakeholders which.may result
in an Obfuscation Of the original intent of the practitioner's
change alternative. The practitioner would in essence need
to generate a social action participation and policy output
strategy directed at the party using the various actors Of
the political community to bring about facilitative movement
by the fluid and temporal party organization. The practi-
tioner must be willing and ready to respond to the party need
for viability through membership and participation in the
electoral activities performed on the local, county, state,
and possibly national level as candidates seek Offices.
Remembering that parties perform a conflict dissipation func-
tion and are not interested in divisive prOposals for change,
practitioners must not only structure issues in a positive
and general manner but also be ready to demonstrate their

ability to get out the voters. If the practitioner is

126

successful in moving the party organization in the desired
direction there are potential negative consequences to such
success. Such affiliation may eliminate the generalist
appeal needed by the practitioner to Obtain maximum.community
support. By the practitioner and change proposals being
‘meshed with the party organization image some potential
supporters for the change alternative who either resist the
particular party image and/or overt politics, may discontinue
their support. The practitioner may lose more non partisan
support than is gained on the partisan level. This loss Of
non partisan support would be compounded by the potential Of
losing the electoral contest at the ballot box. Such conse-
quence could have long term impact upon the overall effective-
ness Of the practitioner on the local level. Placing Of the
proposal on the ballot forces a situation wherein there must
be winners and losers. Losing the contest and Obtaining the
'loser' image might cause the same image to be attached to
future change proposals supported by the 'loser practitioner'.
Winning the support of community subunits for certain commun-
ity changes, especially in the human service sector, is
critical to practitioners who desire social action participa-
tion. The use Of the ballot box on the local level must be
conditioned by data relative to the probabilities of winning
the election, resources necessary to insure that win, potential
actions and resources of the Opposition which may be used to
counter the mobilized bias of the practitioner and their

supporters.

127

The data suggests that practitioners could have used
party competition on the recall issue as one means Of enhanc-
ing the turnout at the polls Of desegregation supporters which
may have led to the retention Of school board policymakers
that may have been supportive Of other human service aims and
Objectives becoming Operational in the educational organiza-
tion. TO make use Of the party organization it is our
Opinion that practitioners would need to affiliate with the
organization on the local, county and possibly the state level
to begin actions designed to influence party policy and party
'member behavior in the direction Of support for the change
proposal. Practitioners who affiliate with the party organi-
zation should be prepared tO negotiate either with party
leaders and/or regulars for organization Of intra party support
for participation in the actions necessary to achieve the in-
tent Of change proposal. Based upon the fact that parties are
non-monolithic and individual voters are in terms Of their
voting patterns, practitioners must also be concerned and in-
volved in the development Of issue appeal which must respond
to the voters selective and collective perceptions Of derived
benefits. Party regulars and general voters would be in-
cluded in our definition Of voters. Conscious use Of the
ballot box to bring about direct or indirect resolution Of
public controversy must include planning systems focusing upon
the field Of forces in the community as well as identification

Of resources and generation Of actions to overcome potential

128

resistance and increase potential support.

The socioeconomic factors identified from the data
suggest that practitioners should structure proposals and
issues tO respond to both collective and selective benefit
perceptions Of the community population. Of course it is
difficult to do both at the same time but when the structure
includes educational program the practitioners can tailor
their proposal content analysis to influence the various
socioeconomic subunits which make up the community. The
higher socioeconomic status groups will tend to support col-
lective benefit proposals and the collective nature Of the
alternatives should be identified by practitioners for these
groups. These efforts should be combined with educational
programs designed by practitioners to increase the higher
socioeconomic status group member's awareness Of the need for
change and improvement due to the existence Of barriers and
Obstacles tO mobility based upon race, sex, and social class.
Efforts with lower socioeconomic status groups would require
the practitioner to structure proposals and issues in res-
ponse to the need for selective benefits. The prime bene-
ficiary groups Of the defeat Of the recall question and poss-
ibly Of the election Of the black mayoral candidate on the
local level were the low socioeconomic status group members.
Raising their consciousness as to their political and economic
plight, which in most instances is the result Of organizational

policy and practices, may set the stage for greater electoral

129

participation which can result in more advantageous policy
output on the local level. Better informed people may be
easier to mobilize for greater participation in electoral
politics and political education can have an impact on rais-
ing information levels and that participation. Educational
efforts should be implemented which provide information as
to how to work within and capitalize on the existing politi-
cal environment. Emphasis should be placed upon the need
for mobilization to increase this groups political power as

it relates to the shaping Of policy outputs.

IMPLICATIONS

The strong association between partisan and non parti-
san political behavior patterns in Lansing suggests that
school district policy issues not be dealt with at the same
time as Office seeking choices are being contested. Estab-
lishing a ballot choice time which clearly singles out the
question to be contested when combined with structuring Of
the question tO highlight its association with ongoing
successful school programs clearly shows voters what they are
dealing with. When combined with efforts to structure the
proposal to respond to collective and selective perceptions
of benefit Of various social strata Of the community the
greater the chance Of Obtaining community support for the
change alternative. Negotiations with community subunits or
their leadership in efforts to find alternative means to

accomplish the intent Of the change proposal may minimize the

130

intensity Of local conflict. Negotiation may have provided
for the creation Of Options which included the initiation
of a voluntary participation plan with later assessment Of
merits relative to expected outcomes to determine the vi—
ability Of expansion Of the plan. On the other hand based
upon the Federal court posture on intradistrict student
assignment practitioners would be provided with an external
lever that could be used to influence if not force the
school district policy makers to overtly move in the desired
policy output direction. Using legal leverage outside the
community, which ultimately did happen in Lansing, could have
focused conflict resolution away from the ballot box and any
need to utilize party organization for support. Practitioners
who desire to minimize community conflict surrounding local
school district desegregation efforts can Opt to strive for
the creation Of voluntary student assignment plans rather than
forced assignment plans. The courts are available if there is
need for district wide systemic changes. The use Of legal
channels to manage community conflict would be beneficial to
practitioners who wish to maintain supportive policymakers
that may be responsive to future human service aims and Objec-
tives.

Practitioners who make political behavior assessments
and find positive partisan and non partisan associations in
voting behaviors and can clearly identify dominant party

organization should strive to use the party organization when

131
it is apparent that there will be ballot box competition
surrounding a controversial community issue. This is espec-
ially true when there will be need for high voter turnout
intended to influence or promote increased policy output
from the target organization. The use Of party should be
restricted to when candidates will be competing for positions
relative to the issue. The practitioner may wish to overtly
affiliate with the dominant party organization via regis-
tration but may wish to maintain a low profile by working
through party leaders. The practitioner should not expect
to be received with Open arms but neither should they expect
to be overtly refused audience. The practitioner should
expect to encounter a need for negotiation and potentially
compromise in order to gain support for particular change
alternatives.

On the Other side of the coin practitioners may strive

tO avoid party use if the following conditions are met:

1. If after assessment Of electorate voting behavior
patterns it is found that very weak or negative
partisan and non partisan associations exist.

2. If after assessment Of electorate voting behavior
patterns it is found that strong and positive
partisan and non partisan associations exist but
sample survey data relative to an upcoming ballot
box contest indicate that low turnout will produce
affirmation of a particular policy stand or candi-
date supported by the practitioner.

3. It is to the advantage Of the practitioner not to
strive to use party organization in those elec-

tions when candidates are not competing for Offices.

4. When legal channels are open and have proven to

132

be effective means Of achieving desired policy
ends.

5. When policy makers and community leaders are
accessible and supportive or amenable to
negotiate desired policy output.

SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The researcher began this study attempting to demon-
strate an innovative use Of political science research tech-
nique as a procedure for the diagnosis Of patterns of poli-
tical influence in segments Of a community with the result
being the production Of practice guidelines for community
organization and social planning practitioners. Practitioners
for the most part have traditionally avoided conflict and
politically tinged activity. This avoidance has resulted in
many vital policy decisions in the human services arena being
left in the hands Of those who are less Often informed and
less sympathetic regarding the plight Of potential and actual
client groups. Practitioners should become more active in
the conflict and political sphere based upon knowledge and
skill in the utilization Of political science research tech-
nique in social change practice. This research effort was
made assuming that professional change agents do indeed seek
to produce specific outcomes and that reliance upon fuller
use Of sociological and political science knowledge would
provide for higher levels of competence and more precision
in achieving intended outcomes.

The method used in this demonstration was to describe

efforts to resolve on the local level, public controversy at

133
the ballot box involving policies and practices of the edu-
cational and governmental units in Lansing, Michigan. We
constructed scattergrams and performed rank order correla-
tions on aggregate voting data and applied socioeconomic
characteristics to those units which met our criteria Of
deviance. Of importance in the findings and conclusions was
the issue Of correlation between the ranks Of electorate
voting behavior, characteristics Of deviant precincts, and
also the utility of voting behavior research method as a
diagnostic procedure for the assessment Of exercise Of
political power, location Of support for various community
changes, and the production Of practice guidelines.

This researcher has made what is felt tO be a sin-
cere effort to provide a constructive step in the development
Of guidelines for practice using sociological and political
science research findings and technique. The conclusiOns
reached are: social change and social conflict are inextric-
ably related, politics is one medium by which conflict is
moderated, and that planned change is one primary function Of
politics and government. Thus advocates and practitioners
of community organization and social planning practice must
be cognizant Of these relationships and means Of manipulat-
ing them. We therefore recommend:

1. Practitioners make use Of voting behavior

research technique as one means Of gaining
a cognitive grip on the social reality Of

local community political processes. Voting
behavior research method can facilitate the

134

identification and location of client and target
groups with the lowest levels Of voter partici-

pation and the Obvious need for voter education

and support.

Practitioners could become involved in local,
county, and state political party organizations
and use those affiliations as platforms for the
manipulation Of party members and electorate
behaviors in support Of human services aims and
Objectives. Risks do accompany this type Of
affiliation but any proactive change effort
entails risk.

Practitioners could actively promote political
education programs with identified low partici-
pant electorate groups. Such education programs
should be directed toward mobilization Of these
groups for greater electoral participation.

Practitioners could actively engage the identi-
fied high participant electorate groups in educa-
tion programs designed to increase their awareness
of the Obstacles and blocks to mobility within
this social system,

Practitioners could willingly make use Of legal
channels to achieve human service aims when there
is need to minimize the intensity Of social con-
flict on the local level.

Practitioners who desire to achieve human service
aims in local school districts through support Of
desegregation programs could promote voluntary
assignment programs initially if the policy makers
appear by their previous actions amenable and
supportive Of future human service Objectives.
Legal channels should be used if policy makers are
resistant to voluntary student assignment plans
and it is found that total system changes are
desired and needed.

 

APPENDICES

:

 

 

 

 

  

 

 

APPENDIX A

 

 

 
 

‘82.?” £3 to?! .5636 3.3.3.!!! I
to: niosuhfi iii-SN . It? 5. .. nLthHtWTMN
QOK Ugfiflvs Q KO
l0ki§§i
ktguhafi Ht ‘0‘ 21$ 7 .1 likuxn IIHu-Ifluflfl
k0x‘knxg VQgUh. wgg‘fl = 2. .\ x\§n . .\ k\hh 2. .on «SR RU R. r! .uhfi DI .9 .uhfi .\ HR .3 K00
A” Q @341! \u 1.35:1!
VLIIS . 333:3. illus— vaK «1).... 3.... Q )1! «11% b! NEON: 8“- Q i when ‘9 also .9
Lu.“\ We 23‘ LINECI. \I ioi‘ks‘hhudik \c toil-ioloy‘l‘ .1: s $§C§I ‘9 it: is. s! bits-i. l
‘\~L‘I‘\! LVN'I‘ £3. ‘Ui‘i :1! 3L3! V3! xii-V‘ i 3 3‘ v! ‘Ei :Lai \I ENE!
3 6!: .‘U \‘Lii‘! ‘Q‘ i‘U g: t: lhu :g.§-.“ in} '0‘ 3 i ii {at

 

 

has I
A D .. .Lvo hum/I .\ kuo I .0 “3'. .h 3.! .h\ .335 .\~ xx! 9 .3 .3! mm :3 :1!
k)... 19‘:

 

.1 11‘ Eli: xiv! \ia Otiuzii {1‘ ‘ .uh.‘ \0 .106. DL ll." .3 0.. in: . «DID-stabil D; \‘0
'O\ .‘lt .110 IN a his; :sLUHUufiQ R0 liq‘ )‘Oiaiflwuh‘fl .Vix \0 Li.‘ nitilh‘ HO Lii' \Ilii;\‘\ sidikieiltin IL

In: ‘E! obi i Iriz‘OI is“! i 3.!“ DI.- 80 L3: :1 litter. Qiliv L!‘ 1'19! Rhona). \Ill.\v80 hi9: v!!! Lit. RISEUJHV‘ £5.11 ‘V‘C‘U 0L 3‘ Hi
6‘66“ cl 3 I: O i 3‘! \I It! ILDI\I§LI. Sta i. 255. SKI). \l.‘ \E- «CI .1 I“. E.“- .L‘l. ht!!- ‘6'! v0! Q! net‘s! UC- i-Q 1!“ \oi

     
  

at!!! !\1 1.3
.H N‘!

 
 

‘- l. I“ 5‘3.

p! .Q\< DI .0 .Q\< .\ #2 VII .0« .N‘!‘ .3 as! .3 is!
R q d4 GI ®IIII®I

  
        

  

 

5! k t‘...’ ‘t

  

0 .g in! ’L Q: )Itfivhiuhu' i C III! n5 he}: .3::. s53». (It. eiso to.» Rue-{loo C 0... «1.9.36 1 1.1360 s. oi.!¢.\0o3 gdrthu Qt!
‘22. \o 3 C Vo‘ IU§~< ‘5'» .35: v9. n1 .HL‘TDOU Hun: OvuviO be.) .15.! viaudoht \Iouu roan vol «1 Lyutiht! uu\~ \ {$566 .CSSI‘6v h}: at ‘u :15
«.21!!! 3‘ ‘5 .3 3 {3' s. :4) .lOQ\ s¢\- ho i‘uitlfi! I. 3.: t3... H to \Oinxfitn out .1 4140“! EEO:
a Ea‘INL": $‘k. L9~ii l'fll~‘(

I... ‘3‘ ha

it”: E$~t 2 L: H5~.... n‘u.b9' N‘-

Qs‘ Its-C.)- k: 5'93 00“; 00,.)
l!‘ flown:

I‘LL! a...“ I“...

 

 

utoixhxax \‘QU .. Q uazumee

 

135

136
AD HOC COMMITTEE CHARGE
RESOLUTION

WHEREAS, on March 4, 1971, the Board of Education approved
the formation of the West-Side Education Facilities
AD HOC Study Committee and, by resolution, estab-
lished the composition of the AD HOC COMMITTEE: and

WHEREAS, on this date, March 18, 1971, The Board of Education
approved the formation of a Citizens Advisory Com-
mittee on Educational Opportunity which committee
shall become operational on July 1, 1971, or as soon
thereafter as possible, and established the charge
to that committee;

NOW, THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED that the West-Side Facilities
AD HOC Study Committee be charged to:

l. Engage in appropriate studies, discussions, and
investigations regarding the location, design,
development, modification or retirement from
present use of those public elementary school
facilities located in the area bounded on the
north, east, and south by the Grand River and
on the west by the boundary of the school district;

2. Engage in such studies, discussions, and investi-
gations of programs for providing equal educational
opportunities for all elementary pupils who reside
in the geographic area described in this charge;

3. Hear and consider proposals and suggestions, regard-
ing the areas of concern expressed in Items 1 and
2 of this charge, made to the committee by indivi-
duals, groups, organizations, and other committees
of citizens who wish to address themselves to the
specific concerns of and charge to the AD HOC
Committee;

4. Use, if the committee so elects, the advisory and
consultant services available from the U.S. Office

137
of Education, and/or other appropriate agencies;

5. Establish and maintain liaison and communication
with the Citizens Advisory Committee on Educa-
tional Opportunity beginning on or as soon after
July 1, 1971, as possible;

6. Having completed all necessary and appropriate
studies, discussions, hearings, and investiga-
tions, make such reports and recommendations to
the Board of Education as it deems necessary for
fulfillment of this charge, such report to be com—
pleted on or before December 1, 1971.

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, that the AD HOC Committee shall be-
come operational on or before April 1, 1971 and shall
at its first meeting select its chairman and estab-
lish its schedule and plan of operation.

138

Citizens Advisory Committee on Educational Opportunity

WHEREAS,

WHEREAS,

WHEREAS,

WHEREAS,

WHEREAS,

WHEREAS,

RESOLUTION

The Board of Education has on many occasions in the
past called on the community it serves to provide
assistance in studying educational problems and in
developing recommendations relative to the improve-
ment of educational programs, facilities, policies,
and operating practices; and,

on November 10, 1967, the Board of Education directed
the Superintendent of Schools to develop a master plan
for the school district which plan would continuously
project the needs of the school district into the
future; and,

certain activities have been carried forward under
the charge embodied in the resolution establishing
the master plan; and,

reports have been made to the Board of Education by
the Superintendent of Schools regarding school needs
that have been developed under the master plan; and,
on February 11, 1965, the Board of Education, be
resolution, established a Citizens Advisory Committee
to study the problems of educational opportunity in
the school district with special emphasis on the West
Study Area and received from this committee a compre-
hensive report dated June 23, 1966; and,

the current Citizens Advisory Committee on Educational

 

139
Improvement will make its final report and recommend-
ations to the Board of Education on June 1, 1971; and;
WHEREAS, The Board of Education has jointly with the City of
Lansing Model Cities Agency established on March 4,
1971, a West-Side Education Facilities AD HOC Study
Committee, the charge to which is set forth in a
resolution dated March 18, 1971, and whose final re-
port is to be completed by December 1, 1971; and,
WHEREAS, it is appropriate that a new study be made of the
equality of educational opportunity available to all
students in this school district; and that new recom-
mendations be made to the Board of Education designed
to improve educational opportunity at all levels;
NOW, THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED that the Board of Education,
Lansing School District, establish a new and second
Citizens Advisory Committee on Educational Opportunity;
1. To review the report of the Citizens Advisory Come
mittee on Educational Opportunity which.was sub-
mitted to the Board on June 23, 1966, and to make
appropriate changes in recommendations included in
this report;

2. To review the presently existing policies and
official statements of record of the Board of

Education regarding equal educational opportunity,
and recommend appropriate additions or changes;

O
m
U)
(D

APPENDIX B

Percent Electorate Vote by Case per Variables

70 Yes "/0 No 7.. Republican 7. Democratic 7° Graves 7° Ferguson

H
OkomVOU'IDWNl-J g

Recall Recall Party vote Party Vbte vote vote
66 34 54 46 75 25
44 56 4O 6O 7O 30
54 46 46 54 69 31
59 41 53 47 81 19
51 49 37 63 57 43
53 47 52 48 73 27
51 49 48 52 62 38
54 46 64 36 76 24
42 58 39 61 68 32
46 54 41 59 60 40
44 56 54 46 73 27
45 55 43 57 67 33
51 49 44 56 67 33
52 48 56 44 74 26
52 48 64 36 70 30
50 50 46 54 66 34
49 51 28 72 50 50
46 54 46 54 74 26
65 35 57 43 80 20
56 44 72 28 73 27
49 51 36 64 60 40
74 26 61 39 74 26
48 52 47 53 66 34
45 55 47 53 50 50
52 48 66 34 76 24
64 36 62 38 80 20
55 45 54 46 69 31
52 48 52 48 72 28
64 36 68 32 81 19
63 37 68 32 86 14
73 27 65 35 88 12
59 41 69 31 82 18
64 36 67 33 85 15
65 35 61 39 81 19
73 27 63 37 77 23
73 27 66 34 85 15
72 28 71 29 88 12
71 29 68 32 84 16
67 33 62 38 75 25
55 45 58 42 66 34

140

141
Case '7. Yes ‘70 No ‘2. Republican ‘2, Damcratic 7° Graves 7° Ferguson

No. Recall Recall Party vote Party Vbte vote vote
41 47 53 49 51 49 51
42 22 78 7 93 7 93
43 52 48 55 45 66 34
44 7O 3O 7O 30 83 17
45 68 32 69 31 74 26
46 51 49 82 18 81 19
47 63 37 6O 4O 80 20
48 59 41 54 46 8O 20
49 51 49 53 47 7O 3O
50 63 37 60 40 76 24
51 67 33 63 37 79 21
52 73 27 67 33 83 17
53 58 42 59 41 67 33
54 45 55 53 47 58 42
55 59 41 52 48 58 42
56 62 38 58 42 77 23
57 6O 4O 56 44 80 20
58 51 49 52 48 78 22
59 53 47 54 46 74 26
6O 52 48 54 46 68 32
61 6O 40 55 45 74 26
62 40 6O 45 55 58 42
63 46 54 49 51 67 33
64 45 55 50 50 74 26
65 50 50 56 44 73 27
66 39 61 61 39 8O 20
67 38 62 46 54 67 33
68 42 58 51 49 72 28
69 55 45 74 26 77 23
70 45 55 38 62 57 43
71 4O 6O 39 61 62 38
72 35 65 24 76 24 76
73 22 78 14 86 15 85
74 37 63 25 75 19 81
75 56 44 64 36 73 27

Case Number

 

APPENDIX C

Equivalent Ward and Precinct

 

Number
1 Ward 1, Precinct 1
2 Ward 1, Precinct 2
3 Ward 1, Precinct 3
4 Ward 1, Precinct 4
5 Ward 1, Precinct 5
6 ward 1, Precinct 6
7 Ward 1, Precinct 7
8 Ward 1, Precinct 8
9 Ward 1, Precinct 9
10 Ward 1, Precinct 10
11 ‘Ward 1, Precinct 11
12 Ward 1, Precinct 12
13 Ward 1, Precinct 13
14 ‘Ward 1, Precinct 14
15 Ward 1, Precinct 15
16 Ward 1, Precinct 16
17 Ward 1, Precinct 17
18 Ward 1, Precinct 18
19 Ward 1, Precinct 19
20 Ward 1, Precinct 20
21 Ward 1, Precinct 21
22 Ward 2, Precinct 1
23 Ward 2, Precinct 2
24 'Ward 2, Precinct 3
25 ‘Ward 2, Precinct 4
26 Ward 2, Precinct 5
27 'Ward 2, Precinct 6
28 Ward 2, Precinct 7
29 Ward 2, Precinct 8
30 Ward 2, Precinct 9
31 Ward 2, Precinct 10
32 Ward 2, Precinct 11
33 Ward 2, Precinct 12
34 Ward 2, Precinct 13
35 ward 2, Precinct 14
36 Ward 2, Precinct 15
37 Ward 2, Precinct 16
38 Ward 2, Precinct 17
39 Ward 2, Precinct 18
40 ‘Ward 2, Precinct 19
41 Ward 2, Precinct 21

142

143

 

 

Case Number Equivalent Ward and Precinct
Number’
42 Ward 3, Precinct 1
43 Ward 3, Precinct 2
44 Ward 3, Precinct 3
45 Ward 3, Precinct 4
46 Ward 3, Precinct 5
47 Ward 3, Precinct 6
48 Ward 3, Precinct 7
49 Ward 3, Precinct 8
50 Ward 3, Precinct 9
51 Ward 3, Precinct 10
52 Ward 3, Precinct 11
53 Ward 3, Precinct 12
54 Ward 3, Precinct 13
55 Ward 3, Precinct 14
56 Ward 3, Precinct 15
57 Ward 3, Precinct 16
58 Ward 4, Precinct 1
59 Ward 4, Precinct 2
60 Ward 4, Precinct 3
61 ward 4, Precinct 4
62 Ward 4, Precinct 5
63 ward 4, Precinct 6
64 Ward 4, Precinct 7
65 Ward 4, Precinct 8
66 ‘Ward 4, Precinct 9
67 Ward 4, Precinct 10
68 Ward 4, Precinct 11
69 Ward 4, Precinct 12
70 Ward 4, Precinct 13
71 Ward 4, Precinct 14
72 Ward 4, Precinct 15
73 Ward 4, Precinct 16
74 Ward 4, Precinct 17
75 Ward 4, Precinct 18
76 Ward 4, Precinct l9

APPENDIX D

DESCRIPTIVE MEASURES

VARIABLE N MINIMUM MAXIMUM MEAN STD. DEV.

1. YESRECAL 76 22.000 74.000 54.158 11.138

2. GRAVES 76 7.0000 88.000 69.263 15.407

3. REPUBLICAN 76 7.0000 82.000 53.658 13.434

4. NORECALL 76 26.000 78.000 45.961 11.189

5. DEMOCRAT 76 18.000 93.000 46.342 13.434

6. FERGUSON 76 12.000 93.000 30.789 15.454

RANK-ORDER CORRELATION

N = 76 RHO @ .9500 = .2263 RHO @ .9900 = .2974

VARIABLE VARIABLE G-K GAMMA TAU SE SIGNIF RHO

NORECALL YESRECAL —.9798 -.9780 .0802 O. -.9875
GRAVES -.5892 -.5707 .0805 .0000 -.7449
REPUBLCN -.5979 -.5842 .0799 00000 -.7666
DEMOCRAT .5979 .5842 .0799 .0000 .7666
FERGUSON .5792 .5612 .0805 .0000 .7401

RANK-ORDER CORRELATION

N = 76 RHO @ .9500 = .2263 RHO @ .9900 = .2974

VARIABLE VARIABLE GiK GAMMA TAU SE SIGNIF RHO

YESRECAL GRAVES .5970 .5778 .0806 .0000 .7503
REPUBLCN .6072 .5930 .0799 .0000 .7729
NORECALL -.9798 -.9780 .0802 0. -.9875
DEMOCRAT -.6072 -.5930 .0799 .0000 -.7729
FERGUSON -.5870 -.5683 .0805 .0000 -.7459

144

RANK-ORDER CORRELATION
N = 76 RHO @ .0500 =

VARIABLE VARIABLE

2. GRAVES
1.YESRECAL
3.REPUBLCN
4.NORECALL
5.DEMOCRAT
6.FERGUSON

145

.2263

G-K GAMMA

.5970
.6434
-.5892
-.6434
-.9737

RHO @ .0100 = .2974

TAU

.5778
.6251
2.5707
-.6251
-.9713

SE

.0806
.0803
.0805
.0803
.0808

SIGNIF

.0000
.0000
.0000
.0000

RHO

.7503
.8054
-.7449
-.8054
-.9850

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Alfred, R.R. and E.C. Lee. "Voting Turnout in American Cities,”

American Political Science Review, Vol. 42, no. 3,
1948.

Bachrach, P. "Two Faces of Power," in W. Hawley and F. Wirt,
(eds.), The Search For Community Power. Englewood
Cliffs, New Jersey:Prentice HaIl, 1968.

Banfield, E. and J.Q. Wilson. City Politics. Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard University Pfess, 1963.

 

Barger, G. and H. Specht. Community Organizing. New York:
Columbia University Press 1973.

 

Beatty, W.H. (ed.) Improvin of Measures of Affective Be-
havior. Washington, The Association fOr super-
vi81on and Curriculum Development, N.E.A., 1969.

 

Bernard, J.S. "Parties and Issues in Conflict," Journal of
Conflict Resolution, June 1957.

 

 

Boskoff, A. and H. Zeigler. Voting Patterns in a Local
Election. Philadelphia:‘Lippincott, 1964.

 

 

Boulding, K.E. Conflict and Defense; A General Theory. New
York: Harper 1962:

Brunn, S. and W. Hoffman. "The Spatial Response of Negroes
and Whites Toward Open Housing; The Flint Referendum”
Annals of the AssOciatiOn of American Geographers,
vol. 60, no. 1, March 1970.

Burnham, W.D. "The Changing Scope of the American Political

Universe," American Political Science Review, vol. 59,
no. 1, 1965.

Butledahl, K. and C. Verner. "Characteristics of Participants
in Two Methods of Adult Education," Adult Education,
vol. 15, no. 2, 1965.

 

Callahan, J.J., Jr. "Obstacles and Social Planning," Social
Work, vol. 18, no. 6, 1973.

146

147

Campbell, A. gt a1. Elections and the Political Order, New
York: JoHfi'Wiley & SOns, 1966.

The American Voter. New York: John Wiley and Sons,
1960.

"Party Identification in Norway and the United States,"
Public Opinion Quarterly, vol. 25, Winter, 1961.

 

Cave, W.M. "Applicability of Social Science Research Methods
to Studies in Comparative Education," Unpublished
paper presented at the UNESCO International Expert
Meeting on Comparative Adult Education, Denmark,
January 16-23, 1972.

 

Cepuran, J. "CAP Expenditures in the Fifty States: A Compari-
son," Journal of Urban Affairs Quarterly, vol. 4,
no. 3, 1969.

Cohen, N. "The Los Angeles Riot Study," Social WOrk, vol.
12, no. 4, 1967.

 

Colbern, F.M. The Neighborhood and Urban Renewal, New York:
National’Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood
Centers, 1963.

Coleman, J. Community Conflict. New York: The Free Press of
Glencoe, I957}

Connolly, wm. The Bias of Pluralism. New York: Atherton
Press, 1969.

Converse, D.E., A.R. Clausen, and W.E. Miller. "Electoral Myth
and Reality: The 1964 Election," American Political
Science Review, vol. 59, 1968.

 

 

Coser, L. The Functions of Social Conflict. New York: The
Free Press of Glencoe, 1956.

Cowart, A.T. "Anti Poverty Expenditures in the American States:
A Comparative Analysis Midwest Journal of Political
Science, vol. 13, no. 2, 1969.

 

Grain, R.L. and D.B. Rosenthal. "Structure and Value in Local
Political Systems: The Case of Fluoridation," Journal
of Politics, vol. 28, no. 1, 1966.

 

Craine, R., et a1. Politics of School Desegregation, Chicago:
Aldine Publishing Company, 1968.

148

 

Crittendon, J. "Dimensions of Modernization in the American
States," American PolitiCal SeienCe Review, vol. 64,
no. 4, 1967.

Cutright, P. and P.H. Rossi. Grass Roots Politicians and the
Vote," American SOCiological Review, vol. 23, April
1958, 1958}

 

Dahl, R. Modern Political Analysis. 2nd edition, Englewood
Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1970.

 

Who Governs? Democracy and Power in an American
Newaaven: Yale University Press, 1961.

 

Dahrendorf, R. Class and Class Conflict in Industrial Society.
Stanford, California: Stanfbrd Ufiiversity Press,
1959.

Davies, J. "Charisma in the 1952 Campaign," American Political
Science Review, vol. XLVIII, December, 1965.

 

Dreyer, E.C. and W.A. Rosenbaum (eds.). Political Opinion and
Electoral Behavior. Belmont, California: ‘Wadsworth
Publishing Company, 1966.

 

 

Duben, R. "Industrial Conflict and Social Welfare," The
Journal of Conflict Resolution, vol. 1, June I957.

 

Dunham, A. The New Community Organization, New York: Thomas
Y. CroweII 1970.

 

Dye, T.R. "Inequality and Civil Rights Policy in the States,"
The Journal of Politics, vol. 31, no. 4, 1969.

 

Dye, T.R. "Governmental Structure, Urban Environment and
Education Policy," Midwest Journal of PolitiCal Science,
vol. 11, no. 3, 1967.

Easton, D. "An Approach to the Analysis of Political Systems,"
WorldPolitics, vol. 9, April 1957.

 

Eaton, J.W. "A Scientific Basis for Helping," Issues in
American Social Work, New York: NASW 1962.

 

 

Eldersveld, S.J. "Theory and Method of Voting Behavior
Research," The Journal of PolitiCs, vol. 13, 1951.

 

Eldersveld, S.J. and A. Applegate. Michigan's Recount for
Governor, 1950 and 1952: A Systematic Analysis of
EleCtiOn Error, Ann Arbor: University of MiChigan
Press, I954.

 

 

 

 

149

Fairweather, G.W. Methods of Experimenta1Socia1 Innovation,
New York: John Wiley and sons, 1968.

Franklin, R. Patterns of Community Development, Washington,
D.C.: Public Affairs Press, 1966.

 

Fredrickson, H.G. "Exploring Urban Priorities - The Case of
Syracuse," Urban Affairs Quarterly, vol. 5, no. 1,
1969.

Froman, L.A. Jr. "An Analysis of Public Policies in Cities,"

Journal of Politics, vol. 29, February 1967.

 

Gamson, wm. "Rancorous Conflict in Community Politics," in
T. Clark (ed.), COmmunity Structure and Decision
Making: A CemparatiVe'AnalySis. ’San Francisco:
Chandler Publishing Company, 1968.

 

Gilpatrick, T.V. "Price Support Policy and the Midwest Farm
Vote," MidwestJournal of Political Soience, vol. 3,
1959.

 

Gittell, M. "Professionalism and Public Participation: New
York City, A Case Study," Public Administration

Review, vol. 27, no. 3, 1967}

 

Glanz, 0. "Protestant and Catholic Voting in a Metropolitan
Area," Public Opinion Quarterly, vol. 23, 1959.

 

Glanz, O. "The Negro Voter in Northern Industrial Cities,"
The Western Political Quarterly, vol. 13, 1960.

 

Glenn, N.D. and J. Alston. ”Cultural Distances Among Occupa-
tional Categories," American Sociological Review,
vol. 33, no. 3, 1968.

 

Glenn, N.D. and M. Grimes. "Aging, Voting and Political
Interest," American SociologicalReview, vol. 33,
no. 4, 1968.

Gluckman, M. Custom and Conflict in Africa. Oxford: Basil
Blackwell, 1963.

 

Gouldner, A. (ed.). Studies in Leadership. New York:
Harper Brothers, 1950.

Gouldner, A. and S.M. Miller (eds.). A lied Sociolo :
Opportunities and Problems, New gorE: Free Press, 1965.
Hahn, H. and T. Almy. "Ethnic Politics and Racial Issues:

Voting in Los Angeles," Western Political QuarterLy,
vol. 24, no. 4, December 1971.

 

 

150

Hahn, H. "Ethos and Social Class: Referenda in Canada,"
Polity, vol. 2, December 1969.

Harper, E. and A. Dunham (eds.). Community Organization in
Action, New York: Association Press, 1954.

 

Hillary, G.A. "Definitions of Community: Areas of Agreement,"
Rural Sociology, vol. 20, June 1955.

 

Hofferbert, R. "Socioeconomic Dimensions of the American
States, 1890-1960," MidWeSt'Journal of Political
Science, vol. 12, no. 3, 1968.

 

Holland, R. wm. School Desegregation and Community Conflict
an Analysis of Political Behavior as Related to Com-
munity Conflict. East Lansing: Michigan State
University, Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, 1971.

Horton, J. "Order and Conflict Theories of Social Problems
as Competing Ideologies," American Journal of Socio-
logy, vol. 71, May 1966.

 

Horwitz, I.L. "Consensus, Conflict and Cooperation: A Socio-
logical Inventory," Social Forces, vol. 41, 1963.

 

International Sociological Association, The Nature of Conflict,
Paris, France: U.N.E.S.C.O., 1957.

 

Jackson, J.D. Toward a Theory of Social Conflict: A Study
of French-English Relations in an Ontario Community
East Lansing: Michigan State University, Unpublished
Ph.D. dissertation, 1967.

Jacob, H., and K.N. Vines (eds.). Politics in the American
States: A COmparative Analysis. Boston: LIttle
Bfown COmpany, 1965.

 

 

James, D. Poverty Politics and Change. Englewood Cliffs, New
Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1972.

Jennings, K.M. and H. Zeigler. "Class, Party and Race in Four
Types of Elections: The Case of Atlanta," JOurnal of
Politics, vol. 28, 1966.

 

 

Johnson, D.B. and K.H. Porter. National Party Platforms 1840-
1972. Urbana: University of Illinois Press,'l973.

 

Johnson, H.M. Sociology: A Systematic Introduction. New York:
Harcourt, Brace and world, 1960.

151
Kasperson, R.E. "On Suburbia and Voting Behavior," Annals
of the ASSOCiation of American Geographers, vol. 59,
no. 2, June 1969.

"Toward a Geography of Urban Politics: Chicago, A
Case Study," Economic Geography, vol. 41, 1965.

 

Katz, D. and S.J. Eldersveld. "Impact of Local Party
Activity Upon the Electorate," Public Opinion
Quarterly, vol. 25, 1961.

 

 

Katz, E. and P. Lazarsfeld. PerSOnal Influence. Glencoe,
Illinois: The Free Press, 1955.

 

Kaufman, W.C., and S. Greer. "Voting in a Metropolitan Come
munity: An Application of Social Area Analysis,"
Social Forces, vol. 38, 1960.

 

Kelley, 8. Jr., R.E. Ayres, and W.G. Bowen. "Registration and
Voting: Putting First Things First," American Politi-
cal Science Review, vol. 61, no. 2, 1967.

 

 

Kendell, M.G. 'Bank Correlation Methods. London: Griffin and
Company 1955.

 

Key, V.O. American State Politics, New York: Alfred Knopf,
1956.

Public Opinion and American Democracy. New York:
Alfred Knopf, 1961.

Klenk, R. and R. Ryan. The Practice of Social Work, Belmont,
California: Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1974.

McCoy, Charles and J. Playford (ed.). Apolitical Politics,
New York: Crowell 1967.

 

McClosky, H. "Consensus and Ideology in American Politics,"
AmeriCan Political Science Review, vol. 58, June 1964.

McClosky, H. and J.H. Schaar. "Psychological Dimensions of
Anomy," American Sociological Review, vol. 30, 1965.

Mclver, R. The Prevention and Control of Juvenile Delinquency.
New York: AtfiertonCPress, 1966.

Mack, R. "The components of Social Conflict," Social Problems,
vol. 12, Spring 1965.

 

Mack, R. and R. Snyder. "The analysis of Social Conflict -
Toward an Overview and Synthesis," Journal of Conflict
Resolution, vol. 1, no. 2, June 1957.

 

 

152

Maier, H. Three Theories of Child DeVelopment: The contribu-

Mercer,

 

tiOnS‘ef‘Erickson,“Piagat,’and sears, and tfieir'appli-
cations. ’New York:Harper and—Row,91969.

 

B.E. The American Community. New York: Random
House, 1956.

 

Milbrath, L. Political Participation - How and WhyPeople Get

‘Involved ianolitics. Chicago: Rand MoNally, 19651

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Minar, D.W. "Community Basis of Conflict in School System
Politics," American Sociological Review, vol. 31,
no. 6, 1966.

Mohr, L. "Determinants of Innovation in Organizations,"
American Political Science Review, vol. 63, no. 1,
MarCH 1969.

Nash, A. "The Impact of Adult Education on Taxi Drivers
During an Organizing Drive," Adult Education, vol. 16,
no. 5, 1967.

Parsons, T. The Social System. New York: The Free Press of
Glencoe, 1951.

Perlman, R. and A. Gurin. Community Organization and Social
Planning. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1972.

Pinard, M. "Poverty and Political Movements," Social Problems,
vol. 15, no. 2, 1967.

Prothro, J.W. and C. Grigg. "Fundamental Principals of
Democracy: Bases of Agreement and Disagreement,"
Journal of Politics, vol. 22, May 1960.

Langton, K.P. and M.K. Jennings. "Political Socialization and
the High School Civics Curriculum in the United States,"
American Political Science Review, vol. 62, no. 3,
1968.

Lansing State Journal, Lansing, Michigan. Gannett Publishing
Co.

Lenski, G. "Social Participation and Status Crystallization,"
AmeriCan Sociological Review, vol. 21, August 1968.

Lenski, G. Human Societies: A Macrolevel Introduction to

 

Sociology, New Yorkz—McGraw Hill, 1970.

 

Lewin, K. Resolving Social Conflicts. New York: Harper and

Brothers, 1948.

153

Lewis, P.F. "Impact of Negro Migration on Election Geography
of Flint, Michigan, 1932-62," Annals of the American
Aesociation ofGeographers, vol. 55, no. 1, March 1965.

 

Lindbloom, C. The Policy Making Process. Englewood Cliffs,
New Jersey: *Prentice Hall, 1968.

 

Lindeman, E. The Community. New York: Association Press,
1921.

 

Lineberry, R. and E. Fowler. "Reformism and Public Policies
in American Cities," American Political Science Review,
vol. 61, no. 3, 1967.

Lipset, S. Political Man. Garden City, New York: Doubleday
and Company, 1960.

 

Lipset, S. et al. "The Psychology of Voting: An Analysis of
Polifical Behavior," Social Psychology, vol. 2, 1954.

 

Lipset, S. et a1. Union Democragy. Garden City, New York:
Anchor Books, Dofibleday and Company, 1967.

 

Litchfield, E.H. VotingBehavior in a Metropolitan Area, Ann
Arbor: University of MiChigan Press, 1941.

 

Pulsipher, A.G. and J.L. Weatherby, Jr. Malapportionment,
Party Competition and the Functional Distribution of
Governmental Expenditures," AmeriCan Political Science
Review, vol. 62, no. 4, 1968.

 

Ranney, A. (ed.). Essays on the Behavioral Study of Politics.
Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1960.

 

Robinson, W.S. "Ecological Correlation and the Behavior of
Individuals," American Sociological Review, vol. 15,
June 1950.

 

Rosenblatt, A. "The Practitioner's Use and Evaluation of
Research," SOCial Work, vol. 13, no. 1, January 1968.

 

Ross, M.G. and B. Lappin. Community Organization: Theory,
Principles and Practice, New YOfk: Harper anleow,
1967.

 

 

Roth, M. and G.R. Boynton. "Communal Ideology and Political
Support," The Journal of Politics, vol. 31, no. 1,
1969.

 

154

Rothman, J. "Three Models of Community Organization Prac-
tice," Social WOrk Praetice, New York: Columbia
University Pfess, I968i

 

Rothman, J. Plannin and Organizin for Social Changg, New
York: Colum ia University ress, 1974.

 

Rothstein, R. "Theories of Power in America," Unpublished
and undated paper, East Lansing, Michigan, Michigan
State University.

Salisbury, R.H. "An Exchange Theory of Interest Groups,"
Midwest Journal of a Political Science, vol. 13,
Februaryl969.

 

Salisbury, R.H. and G. Black. "Class and Party in Partisan
and Non-Partisan Elections: The Case of Des Moines,"
American Political Science Review, vol. 57, 1963.

Sanders, I.T. "The Community Social Profile," American SOCio-
logical Review, vol. 25, 1960.

 

 

Sanders, I.T. The Community: An Introduction to a Social Sys-
tem.° 2ndedition, New York: Roland Press, 1966.

 

Sax, G. Empirical Foundations of Educational Research,
Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Incorp-
orated, 1968.

Schattschneider, E.E. The Semi Sovereign People. New York:
Holt, Reinhart and Winston, 1961.

 

Schwartz, M. (ed.). "Defining CommunityOrganization Practice,"
New York: N.A.S.W., I962 mimeographed.

 

Sharkansky, 1. "Economic and Political Correlations of State
Government Expenditures: General Tendencies and
Deviant Cases," Midwest Journal of Political Science,
vol. 11, no. 2, 1967.

 

Sharkansky, 1. ”Economic Development, Regionalism and State
Political Systems," MidweSt Journal of Political
Science, vol. 12, no. I, 1968.

 

Sherif, M. (ed.). Intergpopp Relations and Leadership, New
York: John Wiley and Sons,il962.

 

Simmons, J.W. "Voting Behavior and Socio Economic Character-
istics: The Middlesex East Federal Election, 1965,"
Canadian Journal of Economic and Political Science,
no. 33, I967.

155
Sixth Circuit Appeals Court, Southern Division, Lansin
N.A.A.C.P.‘vs.'Lansing‘Board‘of EducatiOn 485 g 2d
569.

 

Sumpting, M.R. and Y. Engstrom. School Community Relations:
A New Approach, New York: CMcGraw Hill, 1966.

 

 

Templeton, F. "Alienation and Political Participation: Some
Research Findings,” Public Opinion Quarterly, vol. 30,
no. 2, 1966.

Thomas, E.J. (ed.). Behavioral Science For Social Workers,
New York: The Free Press 1967.

 

Thomas, N.C. The Electorate and State Constitutional Revision:
An Analysis of Four Michigan Referenda," Midwest
Journal of Political ScienCe, vol. 12, no. I, I968.

 

Uyeki, E. ”Patterns of Voting in a Metropolitan Area,"
Urban Affairs Quarterly, vol. 1, no. 4, 1966.

 

Wallis, W.A. and H.V. Roberts. Statistics: A New Approach,
New York: Free Press 1962.

 

Warren, R. The Community in America. Chicago: Rand McNally
and Company, 1963:

 

Warren, R.L. "Applications of Social Science Knowledge to the
Community Organization Field," Journal of EducatiOn
for Social WOrk, vol. 3, no. 1, 1967.

 

Webster, D.H. (ed.). National Conference on Social welfare:
Community OrganizatiOn 1959. ’New‘YOfk: 5Columhia
Ufiiversity Press 1959.

 

 

Weinberg, M. Race and Place: A Legal History of the Neighbor-
hood Séhool. thhington:U.S. Department of H.E.W.,
Office of Education, 1967.

 

Western District Federal Court, LansingN.A.A.C.P. vs. Lansing
Board of Education, 0305-72 CA.

 

 

Wilbur, M.B. Community Health Services, Philadelphia: Sanders,
1962.

 

William, W. and L.J. Biddle. The Community Development Pro-
cess. New York: Holt Rinehart and Winston, 1965.

 

Williams, 0. "A Typology of Local Government," Midwest Journal
of Political Science, May 1961.

 

 

156

 

Williams, R. "Some Further Comments on Chronic Controver—
sies," ”American Journal of SociolOgy, vol. 71, no. 46,
May 1966.

Williams, R. Strangers NeXt Door: ‘Ethnic Relations in
Americaanommunities, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:
Prentice‘Hall, I964?

Wolfinger, R.E. "The Influence of Precinct Work on Voting
Behavior," Public Opinion Quarterly, Fall 1963.

wright, wm. A Comparative Study of Party Organization,
Columbus, Ohio: C.F. Merrill Publishing Co., 1971.

Zald, M. OrganiZations as Polities: Concgpts for the Analysis
of Community organization AgenCies, washington, D.C.:
Office of Juvenile Delinquency and Youth Development,
Department of Health, Education and Welfare, October,
1965.

Zald, M. (ed.). Organizin for Community Welfare. Chicago:
Quadrangle Books,hl 67.

Zetterberg, H.L. Social Theory and Social Practice, New York:
Bedminster Press, 1962.

Ziegler, L.H. and W.G. Peak. Interest Groups in American
Societ . Englewood Cliffs, Now Jersey: *Prentice
Hall, I972.

 

Zikmund, J. and R. Smith. "Political Participation in an
Upper-Middle Class Suburb," Urban Affairs Quarterlyy
vol. 4, no. 4, 1969.

 

 

 

 

"IHImmmS