--_.‘

THE PROBLEM OF TRIBAL SETTLEMENT EN IRAQ,
WBTH SPECML REFERENCE TO THE NOMADS
OF THE WESTERN REGION

Thesis {for We» Degree of Ph. D.
[‘MCHSGIEN STATE UNIVERSITY
Abcfiu! Razzak Hussain
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thesis entitled

THE PROBLEM OF TRIBAL SETTLEMENT IN IRAQ,
WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE NOMADS
OF THE WESTERN REGION

presented by
Abdul Razzak Hussain

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph. D. degree in GeograEhz

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ABSTRACT
THE PROBLEM OF TRIBAL SETTLEMENT IN IRAQ,

WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE NOMADS
OF THE WESTERN REGION

by Abdul.Razzak Hussain

The main purpose of this study is to investigate the possibilities
of settling the present nomadic tribes of the Western Region of Iraq and
to make recommendations how this might best be accomplished for the mutual
benefit of the tribesmen and the rest of the nation. These Bedouins
number some 200,000, almost four per cent of Iraq's population, and they
occupy nearly 60 per cent of the national area.

Since problems associated with sedentarization are ones of long
standing in Iraq, a second objective of the study is presentation of an
analysis of the results of past governmental policy in this regard, star-
ting when the Ottoman Turks gained control of the area. In addition,
recent experiences in settling the nomads of other arid lands of the Old
World are reviewed in order to provide insight and conclusions applicable
to Iraq. Some of the necessary information for completion of the disser-
tation was gathered by field reconnaissance in Western Iraq during the
summer of 1963. The rest was obtained by intensive library research,
primarily in the Michigan State University'Library.

Following a Chapter describing the physical environment of the
study area and another discussing the historical background and present-
day condition of Iraq's nomadic tribes, three chapters of the dissertation
are devoted to analysis of the settlement process during the Turkish

Period (153h-1916), the British Period (1916-1932), and the Independence

2 Abdul R. Hussein
Period (since 1932). There was a reduction of nomads from 35 to 17 per
cent of the total population between 1867 and 1905, and to h per cent by
1962. The number of nomads dropped from 150,000 to 393,000, and to 250,000
the same years.

.Mudh of this change occurred in spite of, rather than because of,
government policy dealing with the nomads. It was stimulated by such
factors as improved internal security, development of steam navigation
on the Tigris - Euphrates waterways and motor transportation on the land,
introduction of water-pumps and other irrigation facilities, and growth
of the oil industry after 1926. Evaluation of government measures for
sedentarizing the nomads reveals that even the best-intentioned ones have
been only partially successful. This has been because of inadequate
planning, the leek of management experience and technical knowehow, im-
proper coordination of effbrts, and the ability of the Shaikhs, money-
lenders, and other powerful groups to twist the measures to their own
advancement. Even so, there is a growing desire among the remaining
nomads to abandon their traditional way of life.

Recommendations made in the dissertation.have for the most part
been designed to achieve settlement of these nomads in territory they now
occupy. They are based on the premise that a combination of animal hus-
bandry and some form.of cultivation is the most desirable occupation for
most of the nomads, apart from the few that may be employed in industry.’
The implementing of some of the recommendations, as for example the in-
stallation of multipurpose dams and their associated irrigation systems,
will require much time and money. They should be considered, however,
not only from the standpoint of benefiting the nomads, but for the much

greater contribution which they can make to deve10pment of the whole

3 Abdul R. Hussain
nation.

.Meannhile a great deal can be accomplished by getting started on
some of the other suggested lines of action. Particularly appropriate is
the founding of a special research institute to investigate all the
varied aspects of sedentarization of the nomads. Establishment of one or
more pilot settlement projects at especially selected places in the
'Western.Region is also of high priority, but such should become operative
only after careful planning of an overeall program. This should take
into consideration not only animal husbandry and agriculture, but most
aspects of community life, including housing, sanitation, education, and
marketing facilities. Moreover, once established, such.a project should
continue to be given technical advice and government assistance until
chance of failure is past. Voluntary c00peration of the nomads is neces-
sary fur success, but a much.more critical requisite is continuing sym-
pathetic attention to settlement problems by government policy makers.
'Without this it is impossible for subordinates, no matter how dedicated
and competent, to properly carry out the necessary planning, implementa-
tion, and followdup activities. The prdblem of successfully settling
tribal peOple is a highly complicated one, but the guide posts of past

failures and successes can point the proper way.

THE PROBLEM OF TRIBAL SETTLEMENT IN IRAQ,
WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE NOMADS

OF THE WESTERN REGION

BY

Abdul Razzak Hussain

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Geography

1966

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The writer'wishes to express his appreciation to the many persons
and organizations who have made contributions to this study, though not
all can be mentioned by name.

Professor Paul C. Mbrrison, under whose direction this disser-

tation was written, gave unfailingly of his time, understanding, and ex-
perience in guiding the work to completion. My appreciation is also
extended to Mrs. Paul Mbrrison for generous donation of time and skill in

typing major parts of the original manuscript.

I wish to acknowledge indebtedness to the authors whose publi—
cations were consulted, and especially to John Batatu for granting per-
mission to borrow valuable information from his Ph.D. dissertation.

It is not foasible to thank individually all the tribesmen and
officials who, when interviewed in the field, were highly cooperative in
providing otherwise unobtainable background information. I am particularly
grateful to officials of the Iraqi Ministry of Interior for supplying an
authorization which was very helpful in doing the field work.

.I'wish to thank the Government of Iraq, through its Office of the
Cultural.Attache in Washington, D.C., fer the financial support provided
for my study in the United States and for the field-study grant which.made
work in Iraq possible.

Finally, special appreciation is reserved for the understanding
help and patience of my wife; 'without her continued encouragement the
dissertation would not have been completed.

East Lansing, Michigan
January 15, 1966 Abdul R. Hussain

ii

TABLE

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . .
LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . .
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS . . . .
Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION . . . .

OF CONTENTS

Statement of Problem

II. PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE WESTERN

REGION OF IRAQ . . .

Physiography
The Jezira
The Western Desert

The.Alluvial Plain

Climate
Soil
Soil of the Jezira

Soil of the Western Desert

Soil of the Alluvi
Natural Vegetation
Water Supply

Surface Water

Ground‘Water
Mineral Resources

III. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND PRESENT CONDITION

OF'THE TRIBES OF IRAQ

The Nemadic Streams in Mesopotamia (Iraq)

The Process of Settl
Present Condition of

Settled Cultivators of the Mesopotamian Plain
Marsh Dwellers of Southern Iraq
Mountain Tribes of Northern Iraq
NOmadic Tribes of Western Iraq
Social Structure of the Nomads of'Western Iraq
Social Characteristics of the Nomads
Prdblems of the Nomads of Western Iraq

al Plain

ement
the Tribes

The Problem of Water

iii

Page
ii

vii

18

65

Chapter

IV.

V.

TABLE OF CONTENTS--Continued

The Problem of Grazing
Economic Problems
Social Problems
Administrative Problems

Recent Tendency.Among the Nomads Toward Settlement

TRIBAL POLICY'AND SETTLEMENT DURING THE‘TURKISH
PmIOD,153I+'l9J—6oooo0.00.000oooooooo

The Early Turkish Period, 153h-1869
The Late Turkish Period, 1869-1916

Change in.Administration
Security

The Impact of Communication
The Influence of Towns

Land Pblicy

Sanniya Land System
Ottomanization Policy

Detribalization and Settlment

Tribes of the Lower Euphrates
Tribes of the Jezira

Tribes of the Middle Euphrates
Tribes of the Lower Tigris
Tribes of the Middle Tigris
Tribes of the'Hestern Desert
Tribes of the Mbuntains

Factors Discouraging the Settlement Process,
1869-1916

TRIBAL POLICY ANDJSETTLEMENT DURING THE BRITISH PERIOD,
1916-1932 oooooooooooooooooooooo

British.Tribal Pblicy

The Position of the Shaikhs
Security
Land Pbliqy

Irrigation

Introduction of‘water-Pumps
Developnent of Agriculture

Development of Transportation
The Influence of Oil
Factors Discouraging the Settlement Process

iv

Page

115

152

TABLE OF CONTENTS-~Continued

Chapter “ Page

VI. TRIBAL POLICY.AND SETTLEMENT DURING THE INDEPENDENCE
m10n,1932'196)+000oooooooooooooooo 198

Pblicy and Settlement, 1932-1958
The Position of the Shaikhs
Land,Policy
Distribution of Landownership
The Condition of the Fallah
‘Tribal Migration from.Rural to Urban Areas
Tribal Immigrants of Baghdad
The.Asima.Settlement
Prdblems Resulting from Tribal Migration
The Development of.Agricultural Facilities
Development of‘Water Resources
Land Referm and Settlement Projects
DuJaila Project
Latifiya Project
Shahrazoor Project
SinJar Project
Prdblems of the.Settlement Projects
Technical Prdblems
SOcial Problems
Administration,Pr0blems
Tribal Policy and Settlement, 1958-19611
The New Agrarian Reform
Implication of New.Agrarian Reform to Settlement
of the Tribes

VII. RECOMMENDNTIONS FOR SETTLEMENT AND IMPROVEMENT OF THE
NOW 0 C O O O O O I. O O O O I O O C O C O O I. C O O 256

Objectives
‘ Principles to Guide.Any Settlement Project
Practical Steps Toward Settlement and Deve10pment
of the nomads
Eatablishment of a Research.0rganization
DevelOpment of‘Surface'Water Resources
Increased Use of Natural Precipitation
.Development of Ground'Water Resources
Betterment of Grazing Resources
Improvement of Livestock
Development of Agriculture
JAcceleration of Land Distribution

'V

TABLE OF CONTENTS-4Continued

Chapter Page

Establishment of Villages
Settlement Through Industrialization
Provision of Services and Facilities
The Feasibility of Settling Some Nomads in
Other Areas
Steps for a Pilot Settlement Project

VIII.e SUMMARY'AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 321
Review of the Past
Problems and Prospect
Practical Lines of Action

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 356

vi

Table

1.

ll.

13.

1h.

15.

LIST OF TABLES

Annual Temperature Range at Selected Stations - . .

Monthly NUmber of Depressions that Entered Iraq
Along Various Latitudes During the Years, l938-19h0

Average of.Annual, Winter, Spring, and Autumn
Rainfall at 16 Selected Stations in and Bordering
theWeS‘bernRegion ooooooooooooooo

.Average Monthly Relative Humidity fer Mosul, Rutba,
N381riya-randBasracoco-0.0.0.0000.

The Average Mbnthly'Water Supply of the Tigris and
EuphratesRiverSinIraq0-000-00000-0

Drilled and HandéDug Wells and Quantities of
Water Pumped in the Western Region of Iraq . . . .

Shammar and.Allied Tribes in 1879 . . . . . . - .
Anezg and Allied. Tribes in 1879 o o o o o o o o 0
Genealogy and Major Tribes of Aneza . . . . . . .

Turkish Punitive Expeditions Against the Arab
Tribes of Iraq from 15h6—1872 . . . . . . . . . .

Changes in NOmadicéRural-Urban Composition of the
Population of Iraq, 1867-1962. . . . . . . . . . .

Tribal Shaikhs and Heads Appointed by the British
as Administrative Officers During the Period, 1916-
1920 C C . . . . . C C C . . O . O . O O . C O C .

Tribal Disputes Over Possession of Land and Number
of Dead Tribesmen far the Period, 1922-1952 . . . .

Ownership of”Water-Pumps in Amara Province in
1929 O O O O O O I O O O O I O O O O O O O O O O O

RUmber and Social Status of Landholders in Amara
Province for the Years, 1918-1951 . . . . . . . . .

vii

Page

2h

27

33

37

53

57
71
72
87

117

126

158

171

172

172

Table
16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

2h.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

LIST OF TABLES-~Continued

Page
Distribution of Landholdings in Amara as Reflected
by Land Revenue Demanded in 1929 . . . . . . . . . . . 173
Pump DevelOpment of Riverine Lands for the Period
from1921-1929 ooooooooooooooooooo 176
Number of Licensed Cars in Iraq for the Years from
1.927-193!"oooooooooooooooooooooo 180
Number of'Camels Imported by Egypt for the Years
1%2-193700000000000000.0000... 182
A Sample of the Number of Camels which Crossed the
Syrian Desert for Commercial Transport and Marketing,
as Reflected by Travelers' Descriptions in the 18th
centuryOOOIOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 181‘
Approximate honéurban Pepulation of Iraq and their
Distribution in 1930 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
Shaikhé' Seats in Parliament in Iraq, 1937-1958 . . . 200
Land Tenure in Iraq as Classified by the Cadastral
smey up to 1958 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 202
Area of Private Landholdings According to Cadastral
Survey in Iraq in 1951 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206
Distribution of Lazma Grants of State Land in
Holdings of Over 10,000 Dunums in Iraq up to 195% . . 207
Lazma Grants of State Land of Over 10,000 Dunums
Held b Individuals in Nine Provinces of Iraq up
t019 OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 208
Distribution of.Agricultura1 Landholdings According
to Area in Iraq at the End of 1958 . . . . . . . . . . 209
Number and Average Area of Agricultural Holdings
in the In Provinces of Iraq in 1958 . . . . . . . . . 210
Tribal Migration to and from the Rural Interior
of Nine Provinces of Iraq, l9h7-l957 . . . . . . . . . 213

viii

Table
30 o
31 .
32 .
33.

31+.

36.
37.
38.

39-

Al.
2‘2.

LIST OF TABLES-~00ntinued

Approximate Number of Tribal Immigrants in
the City of Baghdad During Selected Years,
l951t°l963oooooooo0000000000.

Occupational Distribution of the Labor Force
of the Asima Settlement, 1957 . . . . . . . . . .

Distribution of Family Income of the Asima
SettlementperMonthin1957 ..........

Distribution of Family Income of the Asima
SettlementperMonthinl95J-L . . . . . . . . . . .

Family Expenditure per Month in the Asima
Settlement in 1951+ O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Some Components of the Fourteen Agricultural
mtension Centers in Iraq in 1961 . . . . . . . .

Facts Related to Distribution of Miri Sirf Land,
19h5.l957.oooooooooooooooooooo

Financing of the Miri Sirf Land Development
c0mm1ttee, 19h6"1955 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o

Yearly Income of 133 Families of the Latifiya
settlment H03 ect in 1959 O O O O O O .l O O O O O

lands Under the Administration of the Agrarian
Reform Organization of Iraq and Number of Fallahen
Benefitw- up to 1963 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

The Present Yearly Water Budget of the T1313 and
theEuphratesRivers ..............

StandardsforIrrigationWater . . . . . . . . . .
Mean Annual Recharge from Precipitation and Number

of Wells that Can be Supported in Fifteen Selected
DrainageAreasofWesternIraq. . . . . . . . . .

ix

Page

215

218

218

219

219

221+

232

233

237

255

268
285

289

Figure

l.

3.
h.

8.

9.
10.

12.

13.
1h.

15.
16.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Fi es

Administrative Provinces, Cities, and

Communications, Iraq . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Physiographic Regions, Iraq . . . . . . . . . . .
Physiographic Subregions, the Western Region, Iraq

Prevailing Winds, Average Annual Rainfall, and
Climatic Types, the Western Region, Iraq . . . . .

Temperature and Rainfall Data for Mosul, Rutba,
Nasiriya, Basra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Temperature and Rainfall Data for Haditha,
Habbaniya, Salman, Baghdad . . . . . . . . . . . .

Variation in Amounts of.Annual Rainfall, 1936-
1939, The Western Region, Iraq . . . . . . . . . .

Soil, the Western Region, Iraq . . . . . . . . . .
Natural Vegetation, the Western Region, Iraq . .

Sources of Ground Water Supply, the Western
Region, Iraq . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Mineral Resources, the western Region, Iraq . . .
Distribution of the Tribes, Iraq . . . . . . . . .

Main Flood Control, Irrigation, and Settlement
Projects, Iraq . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Flood'Water Irrigation in Tributary and Main
'Wadis (Schematic) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Quality of Ground Water, the Western Region, Iraq

Location of Fifteen Drainage Areas Selected for
.Analysis, in the Western Region, Iraq . . . . . .

Page

19

26

3O

31

35
39

56
62
73

226

278
283

287

Plate

III,

VI,

VII,

VIII,

IX:

Fig.
Fig.

Fig.
Fig.

Fig.

Fig.

Fig.

Fig.
Fig.

Fig.
Fig.

Fig.

Fig.

Fig.

Fig.

Fig.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS--Continued

Plates

Stony Surface in the Juraibaniya Area . . .

Birkat Hamad, One of the Masonry-Lined
Tanks Along the Darb Zubaida . . . . . . .

Irrigation Na'ur at Dagani . . . . . . . .
Bir Slubi, A.Private1y Owned Hand-Dungell

Government-Drilled Well at the Lussaf
POlice POBt O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O

Eucalyptus Trees and Small Field . . . . .
The Newly Excavated Spring of Ruhaima . . .
Vegetable Field in the Ruhaima Oasis . . .

Concrete Storage Tank NearHabbariya . . . .

The Large Spring at Ain Chaim . . . . . . .

An Idle Government-Drilled Well . . . . . .

Trucks USed fOr Conveying Water from Wells
in the Rutba Area . . . . . . . . . . . . .

A Sheep-Owning Nomadic Family on Summer
Grazing Ground . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

A Bedouin Family About to Move to A New
meation O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O

Namadic Aneza Tribesmen Marketing Salt
in B8 gldad . O O O O O O O O O I O O O O O

A Harvested Field of Wheat . . . . . . . .
Well and Pumphouse at Abu Kard . . . . . .

Habbariya, One of Three Villages Recently
Established by Aneza Camel-Owning Nomads .

xi

Page

385

316
3A6
3A6

3W
387
31+8
3&8

349
3M9
350

350

351

351

352
352
353

353

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS--Continued

Plate Page
K, Fig. 10 Main Street or Rutba o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 3514*
Fig. 2. H-l, Oil-Pumping Station . . . . . . . . . . . 35%

XI, Fig. l. Reed-Mat Huts of Tribal Immigrants in
Bafldw O O O O O O O O O O O O Q O O O O O O O 355

Fig. 2. ‘Women of the.Asima Immigrant Camp
Carrying water 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 3 55

xii

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

n‘esen't-day Iraq borders upon Iran to the east, Turkey and Syria
to the north and northwest, Jordan to the west, and Saudi Arabia and
Kuwait to the southwest and south. Its 172,000 square miles of territory
is divided into fourteen administrative provinces (Fig. l). The national
census of 1957 indicated the pepulation was about 6.5 million. According
to official estimates, this number had increased to slightly more than
6.7 million by 1962. Of these persons, approximately 2,l+l+7,000, or 36
per cent were urban; h,0h6,000, or 60 per cent, rural settled tribal
people; and the remaining 250,000, or four per cent, tribal pastoral
nomads.

Before Iraq was established as a nation, the area was known as
Mesopotamia, "the country between two rivers, " namely the Tigris and
the Euphrates. Mesopotamia formed, as does Iraq today, a large geographic
triangle extending diagonally across the southeast end of the Fertile
Crescent} Its favorable geographic location in Southwest Asia, the
richness of its soil, and the abundance of water supplied by the two

rivers have always been important attractions to the civilized nations

 

l‘lhe Fertile Crescent is defined as the area forming a semi-circle

extending between the head of the Persian Gulf and the southeast corner
of the Mediterranean Sea. George B. Cressey, Crossroads: Land and Life
in Southwest Asia (micago: J. B. Lippincott Comany, 1960), pp. h2_-h3.

 

 

    
 

     

 

  

 

33" (0° (2° 4'4° 43° 433°
ADMINISTRATIVE PROVINCES. CITIES. AND COMMUNICATIONS
IRAQ
-38° 389%
T U R K E Y
"36° 36”
~34° 34?-
P3 2° 32m
' .. .- A \ . .
- 3 ‘° .' a ~ ‘ - ' . . . .
\(i “..3:DIWANlYfi/< \ -\ - i
8’ 'I z'fiA'iICHA ,' / § M N m _
A . f ‘\ I, ’,.\'x TAF ‘\ \( ‘
---PROVINCE BOUNDARIES \_ . , 13““;- s\ , lo a m” \
KUTPRDVINCE NAME "' - ’ \. \i ,\ . ‘ «3. .,
POPULATION OP CITIEs AND TOWNs.I9ss' ~27 .‘ ‘ -- f.” q, 3,6
e moo—10.000 .saooo—Iscooo ' é; ~. wSAIyAp 533A” I .
80° 0 «moo—20.000 °OVER Iso.ooo ,A‘ -~-\ ,--r . ~\\‘$ ,g .g ..
ee 20.000-50000 ,e' x , \ ~ ..,I \
sTAR REPRESENTs CENTRAL CITY OF PROVINCE. THE 9 .' I ,o. V
CENTRAL CITIES HAVE THE SAME NAME As THEIR -\ A," I ’1 $ PERSIAN
PROVINCEs EXCEPT wIIERE INDICATED av ARROW- ‘\_ '. ./- \ ‘ ," Q
0 IMPORTANT VILLAGEs \\/NEUTRAD'>4 *- GULF
PngfiisROAos IL 7.5 150 KM- \.ZONE "
—MAIOR ROADs ' \./'
----- MAJOR TRACKS 5,51,“,
lDATA PROM: REPUBLIC or IRAQ. DIRECTORATE GENERAL OP POPULATION CENSUS.
‘0“ 412° 414° 416° 418°

 

 

Fig. 1

3
as well as to the nomadic tribes of the surrounding deserts and steppes.
The deserts to the south and west constituted no barrier to mounted no-
mads, and the passes in the mountains to the north and east provided easy
entry corridors. The history of MeSOpotamia, therefbre, reflects long
struggles between the wandering tribes and the sedentary pOpulation al-
ready in possession of the areas more suitable for settlement, as well as
among the nomads themselves. Sumerians, Akkadians, Babylonians, Assyrians,
Persians, Greeks, Romans, Arabs, Mbngols, Turks, and the British have fol-
lowed.one another in control of this area,2 and all have contributed to a
greater or lesser degree to the complexity of its society.

MeSOpotamia was, so far as is known, also the cradle of the first
civilization. This was developed by the Sumerians and carried on by the
Akkadians, the Babylonians, and the Assyrians. The dawn of written his-
tory fOund these peOple living in villages and houses much like those
seen in rural Iraq today. The abundant water supply and the fertile soil
of the Mbs0potamian valley plain allowed the early deveIOpment of a com-
plex, irrigated agriculture and the rise of great cities such as Ur, Erdu,
Babylon, and Ninevah.

The develOpment of Me80potamia and its advanced civilization was
not a continuous process. The economic and social levels of its peeple
rose and fell with the expansion and contraction of agriculture and irri-
gation systems. Furthermore, during much of its history MeSOpotamia was
a frontier zone between two great rival empires. Persia from the east
controlled the area at intervals from the sixth century B.C., until early

in the seventh century.A.D. The major contenders from the west were the

 

—— Y— W

aEllen C. Sample, "The Ancient Piedmont Route of Northern MeSOpo-
tamia," Geogaphical Review, VIII (1919), 153.

h

Greeks who were followed by the Romans. The Mbslem conquest of.MesOpota-
mia in 637 A.D. brought not merely a new set of rulers, but the Arabic
language, the Islamic religion, and a certain pattern of life which has
characterized the country ever since.

In the eighth century A.D., during the Abbaside Period, Baghdad be-
came the fbcal point of the world's cultural and scientific renaissance.
In this period, the Caliph.Harun AleRashid ruled a pOpulation of some 30
to ho million inMesopotamia.3 The zenith had been passed, however, when
the Mbngol invasions of the thirteenth century accelerated a deterioration
from'which present-day Iraq has not yet recovered. The irrigation system,
upon which prosperity depended, fell in ruin, and the agricultural areas
‘were turned into wasteland dominated by nomadic tribes.”

In 153h the Ottoman Turks gained control of MesOpotamia, which they
held, with brief interruptions, fbr about fOur centuries before losing it
in 1916. 'The Turkish Period in Iraq falls into a number of easily recog-
nized stages, ending in 17h9, 1831, 1869 and 1916 reapectively. With the
exception of'the last seventy years of this period, Me80potamia suffered
at all times from a complex of weaknesses of the Turkish rule and from the
repressions of Turkish power. .Arab tribes dominated the larger part of
the countryside. .Among these tribes there was no willingness to obey
fbreign rulers. From this antipathy resulted the problem of tribal trans-
gression.

Iraq next came under British Occupation from 1916 to 1921. This

period was characterized by several measures fbllowed by the British to

 

3RitchieCalder, Man Against the Desert (Iondon: George Allenord
Unwin Ltd., 1951), p. 131.

 

tgfimea Sousa, Irrigation in Iraq (Baghdad: New Publishers, 19u5),
pp- 33- - '

 

5

maintain law and order, especially among the tribes. In 1921, an Arab
monarchy was established under the British.Mandate. subsequently, Iraq
achieved full independence in 1932 and became a recognized member of the
League of“Nations. The revolution of'July 1h, 1958, ended the Monarchial
Period and established the present-day republic.

Contemporary Iraq can be divided geographically into five major re-
gions whose physical differences have led to distinctive ways of life.
‘These regions, shown in Figure 2, are: (l) the MeSOpotamian Plain of
central and southern Iraq, (2) the Piedmont east of the Tigris River,

(3) the mountains in the north and northeast, (h) the Jezira between the
upper Tigris and Euphrates rivers, and (5) the'Western Desert west of the
Euphrates River.

The northern.1imit of the Mes0potamian Plain extends from Belled on
the Tigris River to FalluJa on the Euphrates. This region is composed of
silt laid down by the Tigris and its tributaries, the Euphrates, and the
Karun and Karkha rivers which Join the Shatt.AleArab from the southern
Zagros Mbuntains to the east. Archeological evidence indicates that the
silt of these rivers has slowly pushed the old coastline of the Persian
Gulf southward to its present location.5 Sedimentation of this region is
heavy, being estimated by Mitchell to total about 2% million cubic meters

annually.6 The surface is characterized by large tracts of permanent and

 

v v—v - fi v_+ fl, W

5A detailed discussion of the recession of the head of the Persian
Gulf during historic thme is presented in W. B. Fisher, The Middle East:
flhysicalL Social, and Regional Geography (London: Methuen 8. Co. Ltd.,
1952), ppi'3hl-3h5; and in G. M. lees and N. L. Falcon, "The Geographical
History of the MeEOpotamian Plains," Geggraphical Journal, CXVIII (1952),
2 -39.

 

 

Paul C. Mitchell, "Instability of the MeSOpotamian Plains ,"
Bulletin dei la Societe de Geographic d'Egypt, XXXI (1958), 129.

 

 

 

 

3'8° 4f0° 4?, 4'4 0 4'60 4'80
PHYSIOGRAPHIC REGIONS
I R AQ
"38° 382‘
T U R K E Y
; h... 0 K, '
E ‘~‘~ 041;. \.
Q » ‘ '7’ \

—— $ \‘ ¢m\_\

_____—_ \

E ' ,0 \ -
.360 =u/ — * 'l 0‘ \\ 362;

342

 

 

 

 

32%
WESTERN REGION
80° .
E
% ____. $ PERSIAN
E
_€':NEUTRAL%_§ GULF
o 75 150 KM. \ZONE /
l l j \.’./
A.R.H.
49° ‘.2° 43° 49° 49°

 

Fig. 2

7

seasonal swamps which occupy slightly more than 6,000 square miles, or

7

nearly h per cent of the total area of Iraq. The extreme flatness of
land, the inefficient irrigation practices, and the periodic floods give
rise to harmful concentration of salt and make drainage a critical prob-
lem in the irrigated areas. The soils are silt, clay, silt loam, and
sand loam. Generally, throughout this alluvial and delta plain, there is
a heavy vegetation cover of common reeds, sedges, tube grasses and water
lilies. The borders of the marshes are covered primarily by such plants
as mint and Bermuda grasses.

The Piedmont regional forms a folded, tectonic belt of transition
between the flat alluvial lowlands to the south and the high mountains to
the north and northeast (Fig. 2). Elevation varies from 1,800 feet to
h,500 feet above sea level. Toward the east and northeast, the land
rises in gradual steps, each being marked by ridges. The soils are old
residual types derived from mixed and tufaceous rocks. Steppe vegetation
covers the surface and consists principally of different kinds of grasses
and bulbous plants with several varieties of thistles.

The Mbuntain region forms the northern and eastern rim of the Pied-
mont. This zone of rugged fblded highlands consists of parallel anti-
clinal ridges and synclinal valleys having a northwest to southeast trend.
Elevation varies from 5500 to 10,500 feet above sea level. Agriculture
is limited to a few elongated valleys and structural basins filled with

alluvial soils. Chestnut soils are predominate over most of the region.8

v—v fiv—v 7 W W '—

7Wilfred Thesiger, "The Ma'dan or marsh Dwellers of Southern Iraq,"
Journal of'Royal CentraléAsian Society, XLI (195k), h.

8Burnell Gt‘West, "The Soils of Iraq and Their Management,"
Prospects oprraquiologyg A MOnograph of the Biological Society of Iraq
(Baghdad: Al-Rabita Press, 1958), p. 18.

i. I r I ‘ I! I

8

The surface is covered with considerable vegetation which varies with
elevation. Above 7,300 feet, especially in the western parts of the
highlands, an alpine vegetation prevails which consists of grasses with
alpine flowers, mosses and lichens. Below this, there is a zone of
thick fOrest which covers areas of elevation down to 2,h00 feet. Over
great parts of the region, the forest cover has been destroyed by over-
grazing, burning, and the cutting of timber and shrubs for use as fuel
by the Kurdish nomadic tribes. The immediate result has been rapid run-
off, severe soil erosion, and floods. Recently, eSpecially since 1953,
the government has started some refbrestation projects in this region.9

In contrast the Jezira is an undulating land located north of the
MeSOpotamian Plain and extending between the upper Tigris-Euphrates
rivers. A.western extension of this region comprises the Jezira of
Syria, while a northwestern extension is within Turkey. In part it is
underlain by gypsum and other evaporites laid down in ancient seas.10
The surface soil varies considerably, but generally appears to have lower
salt concentration, higher organic matter content, and no major drainage
problem, in comparison to the soils of the MeBOpotamian Plain.ll The
vegetation is of steppe and desert grasses, with some shrubs and trees
in the northern, more-hilly sections. It should be mentioned here that

a more detailed discussion of the physical characteristics of this area

and of the next-listed Western Desert region will be presented later in

 

9Hassan Kettani, "The Forests of Iraq," ProsPects of Iraquiology:
A Monograph of the Biological Society of Iraq (Baghdad: Al-Rabita Press,
1958) : P- 27 -

 

loHans H. Boesch, "El-Iraq," Economic Geograpg, XV (1939), 328.

 

llWafiq Hussain.AléKhashab, The Water Budget of the Tigris and
Euphrates_Basin (Ph. D. dissertation, Department of Geography, The Uni-
versity of Chicago, Chicago: By the Author, 1958), p. 12.

 

flussmmy.

The Western Desert region represents a vast area situated west of
the Euphrates River. It forms part of the arid land which extends west
into Syria and.Jordan and south into Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. In Iraq,
the Western Desert rises gently from east and south towards the west and
northwest. Its surface is characterized by exceptional flatness broken
by numerous wadis (beds of intermittent streams) and broad shallow de-
pressions.12

The climate of Iraq_shows less regional differentiation than does
its tOpography. The temperature throughout the country displays a great
degree of continentality, as evidenced by large diurnal and annual ranges
and long summer and winter seasons. However, the degree of continenta-
lity is greatest in the central part of Iraq and decreases toward the
north and south. The north shows less continentality as a result of
higher elevations and nearness to the Mediterranean Sea; the south be-
cause of the influence of the Persian Gulf.

Arid and semi-arid climatic conditions are dominant over most of
Iraq. Humid climate is largely confined to the mountain belt. Mbreover,
rainfall is very unreliable over more than three-fourths of the nation.
Winter, Spring and autumn are the rainy seasons, while the summer months
are dry except for occasional showers in the extreme south and north por-

tions. The rainfall increases from southwest to northeast, ranging from

 

12These depressions are created by gentle fblding, wind erosion,
solution, and runoff water during rainy seasons. However, it is inter-
esting to note that the origin of Aluumchahmin depression located 90
kilometers southwest of the village of Rutba is related to a possible
meteoritic origin. See Richard Merriam and James G. Holwerda, "Al-
‘Umchaimin,.A Crater of Possible Meteoritic Origin in Western Iraq,"
Geographical Journal, CXXIII (1957), 231-233.

10
an annual average of 50 mm. in the extreme southwest to 1,000 mm. in the
extreme northeast.

Agriculture and animal husbandry are the major occupations of
Iraq's population. Nearly 60 per cent of the inhabitants derive their
income directly from working on the land. The remaining #0 per cent are
engaged in non-agricultural activities such as trade, services, trans-
portation and manufacturing. Most of the cultivated areas are concen-
trated in the MeSOpotamian Plain of central and southern Iraq. Barley
and wheat are the most important field crOps and they occupy about 90
per cent of the annually-cultivated area in the country, with corn, se-
same, and millet as minor summer crops.

On the basis of a comparison of pOpulation distribution with the
physical and occupational factors, the country can be divided into four
regions. The first includes the Western Desert, the Alluvial Plain
lying west of the Euphrates River and Shatt AleArab, and the Jezira. In
this study it will be referred to as the Western Region. 'With the ex-
ception of the riverine settlements and a few villages, oases and police
posts scattered around water wells away from the rivers, this region has
almost no sedentary pOpulation (Fig. 1). It is primarily the home of
the nomads who move with their livestock from place to place.

Of the remaining three regions, to which the sedentary pOpulation
is largely confined, the most important is the MeSOpotamian Plain of
central and southern Iraq. In this region the inhabitants are concen-
trated along the rivers and artificial distributaries and total about

70 per cent of the sedentary pOpulation of the country as a whole.13

 

13J. H. G. Lebon, "POpulation Distribution and the Agricultural
Regions of Iraq," Geographical Review, XLIII, (1953), 223-228; also
Doris G. Adams, "Current Pepulation Trends in Iraq," Middle East Journal,

X (1956). 153.

 

11
This is primarily a rural tribal area, though there is a concentration
of towns in its western and northwestern sections. These.towns function
.mainly-as.trade centers fbr the surrounding.agricultural.areas.

The Piedmont region is dotted with small villages, and rural popu-
lation is fairly heavy between Karkuk and 1408111. In the Mountain region
the pOpulation is generally sparce. However, the Kurdish peOple are con-
centrated in certain longitudinal valleys and intermontane basins. The
chief'mountain.urban centers are the Kurdish cities of Bulmaniya (h9,000
peOple) and Halabja (16,500 peOple). PopulatiOn_thins out as the.terrain
becomes higher and more broken farther north and close to the Turkish .and
Iranian frontiers (Fig. 1).

Any description of the present pOpulation of Iraq must distinguish
several groups. The most obvious differentiation is that between tribal

pOpulation and city dwellers.lh

0n the basis of ethnic origin the tribes
fall into two categories, namely the Arab tribes and the Kurdish tribes.
The Bedouins of Arabia are the ancestors of the Arab tribes which consti-
tute.the maJority of the tribal population.

There is a distinction among the tribes themselves. In their way
of life some are pastoral nomads and some are settled cultivators. The
pastoral nomads numbering about 250,000 can in turn be classified into
three groups. The first is the Kurdish nomads who occupy the Mbuntain
Iregion and part of the Piedmont zone. Their number is approximately
lIo,ooo and they are engaged in a variety of pastoral activities. be
second is the sheep-owning,Arab nomads. Their number can be.established

at nearly 10,000 people scattered throughout the cultivated areas

 

v—v v fr‘r er 7* v—v-—v YVfi—v- —V v ~~r

lh’Step‘henH. Iongrigg and Frank Stoakes, Iraq (New York: Frederick
.A.'Praeger, 1958), p. 183.

12

of the country outside the Kurdish section. The third group is the
desert nomads totaling some 200,000 people who at present are occupying
the Western Region of Iraq (Fig. 2). It is with the latter group that

this study is concerned.

Statement of_PrOblem

 

As indicated above, four-fifths of the nomadic peoples of Iraq,
comprising less than four per cent of the nation's population, occupy
territory in Western Iraq which totals nearly 60 per cent of the national
area. Included is the Jezira, the Western Desert, and an alluvial strip
of the Mesopotamian Plain lying immediately west of the Euphrates River
and Shatt.A1-Arab (Fig. 2). The latter section is included because here
nomadic tribesmen intermingle with settled riverine people. The study
area, hereafter referred to either as the Western Region of Iraq or Wes-
tern Iraq, is therefore defined by the presence of nomadic tribes in the
area, and not on the basis of physical features.

. The problem of the Arab nomadic tribes of the Western Region of
Iraq is one of long standing. In spite of the fact that public security
now extends over the entire country, these tribes still constitute a con-
stant threat to law and order because of their destructive feuds and their
traditional habit of encroaching upon settled cultivators, ruining prop-
erties and causing bloodshed. Moreover, they present difficulties with
respect to the collection of taxes, the taking of censuses, military
conscription, the operation of health and education programs, and in
other ways. Their strict loyalty to their tribes, for example, often
comes into conflict with the national interest. I

In addition, the tribes themselves have been faced increasingly

with diverse economic and social difficulties. Backwardness and stag-

l3
nation are the dominant features of their pastoral economy. Their
grazing techniques, knowledge of animal husbandry, and production methods
have remained fundamentally unchanged for centuries. At present they
represent the poorest, least educated and most backward portion of Iraq's
society. Thus,these nomadic tribes deserve Special attention to at least
bring them up to the level of decent human existence.

The same problems associated with the nomads of Iraq have long been
faced elsewhere in arid lands of the Old World, but since World War II
they have received particular attention in the Arab States of the Middle
East where nomadic tribes still constitute a considerable prOportion of
the total pOpulation.15 This has come about as a result of the nation-
alistic awakening of the Arab peOple as a consequence of the Arab coun-
tries achieving independence and initiating development plans. In the
planning the tribal community is being given due consideration, for
leaders within Arab governmental circles recognize that national unity
cannot be permanently achieved unless the nomadic segment is settled and
fully integrated with the rest of the peOple.

This desire fer amalgamation of the tribes with the rest of the
population appeared clearly in four Social Seminars for the Arab States
of the Middle East which were held at Beirut in 1919, Cairo in 1950,
Damascus in 1952, and Baghdad in 1951+.l6 These seminars were organized
by the combined efforts of the United Nations and the Arab League for

finding solutions to problems linked with the nomads in the.Arab States.

 

lSAfif I. Tannous, "The Arab Tribal Community in a Nationalist
State," Middle East Journal, I (19W), 5.
16For review of these seminars see United Nations Social Welfare
Seminar fer Arab States in the Middle East, Beirut, 15 Aug. to 8 Sept.,
l9h9, UN Publications, Technical Assistance fer Social Progress, No. 3,

 

 

 

In

More recently, these problems have received the attention of the Social
Development Center of the Arab WOrld which has been established in Egypt.
The participation of UNESCO in this connection underlines the magnitude
of the questions.17 As a result, most of the Arab States have established
special departments and have initiated programs to deal with their tribal
situation. Their major objective is to create favorable conditions for
the stabilization, and thereby improvement of economic status, of their
nomadic tribes. The measures adopted in some cases have proved a com-
plete failure, but in most instances have been more or less successful.

In Iraq, while the problem of settling the present nomads and the
bettering of their condition has been a concern of the authorities since
independence, no serious attempt has been made to establish any well de-
fined course of action in this respect. This is true even though the
solution of the problem has been an essential part of the programs of
many political parties in the country, among these being the National
Party, the National Uhion Party, the Liberal Party, the Reform Party,

and the Constitutional Party.18 The strong desire of the Iraqi

l6pp. 3h-36; Secondrynited Nations Social Welfare Seminar for Arab States
in the Middle Easy, Cairo, 22 Nov. to 1% Dec., 1950, UN Publications, TAA
Canference and Seminar Series, No. 2, pp. 61-70; Third United Nations
Social Welfare Seminar for Arab States in the Middle East, Damascus, Dec.
8 to 20, 1952, UN Publications, New YOrk, 1953, pp. 33-35, Preliminary
Report on the World Social Situation UN Publications, New York, 1952,

pp. Ih9-l56:'see also Arab League, Department of Health and Social Affairs,
Fourth Social Seminar of the Arab States Baghdad, May 6 to 21,1958,
(Cairo: Dar Al-Hana Press, 195E), in.Arabic, pp. 197-301.

 

 

17For participation of this organization in the study of the nomads '
problems and sedentarization in various countries see, UNESCO, "NOmads
and NOmadism in the Arid Zone," International Social Science Journal, XI
(1959), h8l-585; UNESCO, Arid Zone Research, The Problem of the Arid Zopg,
Proceedings of the Paris Symposium (Paris: By the UNESCO, 19627: No. 18,
especially pp. 325-267.

18Talat Al-Shaybani, The.Agricu1tura1 Property in Iraq_(Baghdad:
Dar Al-Ahali Press, 1958), in ArabIc, pp. 88-9LI.

15
authorities to deal with the domestic nomadic situation appeared very
clearly in 195% when they invited the Arab delegates who were interested
in the problem to hold their fourth Social Seminar in Baghdad. The
Iraqi government has also established a Special "Tribal Department."
Mbreover, between l9h9 and the present the government has organized four
-"Bedouin Sedentarization Committees" whose members are official represen-
tatives drawn from different ministries. The purpose of these committees
has been to outline a Settlement program for the nomadic tribes of the
country and especially those of the Western Region.

Upon investigation one finds that in Iraq there is general agree-
ment that the nomadic tribes constitute a national problem and that the
only over-all solution of this is settling the tribes and transfbrming
them to cultivators through land distribution. It is taken for granted
that once such a step is taken, the problems of the nomads will be
solved. Practically, with the exception of providing some water wells
in the Western Region for the nomads to use, the matter has not gone be-
yond this general thinking. It should be emphasized here that the prob-
lem of settlement of the tribes under consideration is an extremely
complicated one and a much more comprehensive approach than has as yet
been contemplated is required. Formulation of this is a future task of
great importance and so fundamental that it has prompted the author to
make it the subject of this study.

The primary objective, then, of preparing the dissertation was to
investigate the possibilities of settling the present nomadic tribes of
the Western.Region of Iraq and to make recommendations how this might
best be accomplished fbr the mutual benefit of the tribes and the rest

of the nation. Remembering that sedentarization of the nomads is a

l6

problem of long standing, that ancestors of most contemporary Iraqi were
tribesmen, and that these groups once roamed over more territory than
they do today, it seems evident that satisfactory attainment of the pri-
mary goal of the study requires a review of the past.

Some reasons why analysis of the process of settlement of farmer
nomadic tribes is important, and why past eXperience should be consider-
ed in fermulating plans for dealing with the nomads now living in West-
ern Iraq, are: (1) already settled tribes resembled the present-day
nomads in the earlier stages of their social and economic development;
(2) study of the settlement of the former tribesmen provides insight
and conclusions making possible emulation of the successes and avoidance
of the failures of the past in solving today's problems associated with
the nomads; and (3) past efforts at sedentarization, even when successful
were often accompanied by undesirable occurrences and the creation of
problems which can probably be avoided by rational planning based on
experience.

Thus, a second objective of the dissertation, one which supports
the first, is presentation of results of study of the influence, es-
pecially the Spatial impact, of past and present governmental policy
regarding the nomads. Consequently, after setting the stage by descri-
bing the physical characteristics of the Western.Region of Iraq in
Chapter II and discussing the historical background and present-day
condition of Iraq's nomadic tribes in Chapter III, the next three chap-
ters of the dissertation are devoted to consideration of government
policy towards the tribes and efforts to settle them during three suc-
cessive time intervals. These are the period of Turkish rule, l53h-l916;

that of British control, 1916-1932; and that of Independence, 1932-196u.

17
Following Chapter VII, in which recommendations are made for settling
present-day nomads, major findings of the study are summarized in a
concluding chapter.

Some of the data necessary for the completion of the study was
gathered by field work in the Western Region of Iraq. The author Spent
more than two months in the area during the summer of 1963, making a
thorough reconnaissance and conducting personal interviews with nomadic
tribesmen as well ES‘Wlth government representatives stationed in the
area. Additional infbrmation was obtained from officials in Baghdad,
the capital of Iraq. Being a citizen of Iraq with a long-time interest~
in the culture and problems of the nomadic tribes of the Western Region,
the author had.made other trips to the area before 1958, the year he
left Iraq to continue his education in the Uhited States. The nature of
the study also called for intensive library work which was conducted
primarily in the library of Michigan State University, both before and

after the field work.

CHAPTER II

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE‘WESTERN

REGION OF IRAQ

For the most part the area consists of an undulating plain, rising
gently from east and south toward the west and northwest. The surface is
broken by numerous wadis (intermittent stream valleys) descending toward
the Euphrates-Tigris rivers. The majority of these wadis are 50 to 100
feet deep. In.addition, there are many depressions, low folded hills,
sand dunes, terraces, and alluvial plains. The distribution of these
features is largely controlled by structural, lithologic, topographic,

and climatic conditions.

Physiographyi

0n the basis of physical factors it is possible to divide the area
under consideration into three major physiographic regions. These are
shown in Figure 3 and are: (1) the Jezira, between the upper Tigris and
the upper Euphrates rivers, (2) the Western Desert, and (3) the Alluvial
Plain, a part of the Mesopotamian Plain, just west of the Euphrates River
and Shatt.AleArab. The Jezira and the Western Desert may be divided into
smaller subdivisions (Fig. 3). The Jezira is separated by the Sinjar and
Makhul Hills into: (a) the Folded Hills in the north, and (b) the Plain
in the south. At least five subdivisions may be recognized in the'Western

Desert. From west to east these are: (a) the Hamad Plain, (b) the Upper
wadian, (c) the Hajara Stony Plain, (d) the Lower Wadian, and (e) the
18

l9

 

.380

F3 6°

,3 2° I

L300

I

 

4'0o

 

L‘Pc-W" , .2 I.
I... 40" | .. "~ :
..,_ ”3., my”, 1

. /
.A.

T

4 414° 4'6° 4's°

O

PHYSIOGRAPHIC SUBREGIONS
THE WESTERN REGION
IRAQ

l JEZIRA

IA FOLDED HILLS

IB PLAIN

2 WESTERN DESERT
HAMAD PLAIN
UPPER WADIAN
IIAIARA STONY PLAIN
LOWER WADIAN
DIBDIBBA PIAIN

MESOPOTAMIAN PLAIN

:u/MAIOR WADIS

@MAIOR DEPRESSIONS

mfllLLS

“SAND DUNES

QIARES

  
   
    

H | “x 'I/Ill-‘v

07/) W” m:

    

I' ”I 4.2:, ‘Y’éfié

',\.;& I";
(\

/-"" r~493’
\-<NEUTRAL
150 KM. \ZON§ /
J \.’v

44°

43°

49°

PERSIAN
GULF

,J

369-!

34a

3294

 

 

Fig. 3

2O

Dibdibba Plain in the extreme.south.

The Jezira

Thegfblded Hills.--This subregion of the Jezira is characterized
by low fblded ridges which extend in a west-east direction between the
Iraqi-Syrian border and the Tigris River (Fig. 3). These anticlinal hills
are separated by synclinal troughs, filled largely with recent alluvial
sediments to fbrm plain surfaces. The hills expose, in many places, rocks
belonging to the Miocene Age. Several.wadis have develOped on the sur-
face of this subregion, the most important of which are Wadi Suweidiya,
Wadi.Murr, and‘Wadi Qash. The wadis are tributaries of the Tigris River
except in the areas where they are prevented from reaching the river by
the northwest-southeast trend of the uplifted anticlinal hills such as
those lying northwest of the city of Mosul.

The Plain.--This second subregion is bounded by the Folded Hills
to the north and the northern end of the lower wadian to the south. It
is essentially flat, having relatively little relief. In the western
portion there are numerous low buttes or plateaus rising from 20 to 100
feet above the surface of the plain. This subregion is also characterized
by sand dunes, wadis, and shallow t0pographic depressions that become
intermittent lakes and marshes during the rainy seasons. An example of
these intermittent or playa lakes is the Sunaisala, which is about eight
kilometers in diameter and lies in the northwest part of the plain.1 The

area is one of internal drainage and its surface runoff flows into the

shallow depressions and plays lakes through the wadis. Wadi Tharthar,

——-— v—T v—‘fi fl

tRalpth. Parsons Company, Groundeater Resources of Iragy(Los
Angeles: Government of Iraq,.Ministry of DevelOpment, 1955), Vol. V, p. 7.

21

about 275 kilometers long, flows intermittently from north to south and
emerges into the Tharthar depression. Numerous small wadis drain east-
erly and empty their water during the rainy seasons into this larger

wadi (Fig. 3).

The Western Desert

2
The Hamad Plain.--This is an old peneplain, lying west of the

 

Upper Wadian subregion and extending into Syria, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia
(Fig. 3). Limestone, mostly of the Eocene Age, underlies the plain and
dips very slightly to the west and northwest. The plain in Iraq is al-
most featureless except for the large Wadi‘WaleJ and its tributaries.

This wadi originates in Saudi Arabia and passes through Jordan and Iraq
into Syria. Wadi Hauran also traverses the south part of this plain in
its course eastward through the western Desert to Join the Euphrates
River. The elevations range from 2,300 feet above sea level, near the
Syrian border, to about 3,000 feet at Aneza Hill, where the Saudi Arabian,
the Iraqi, and the Jordanian international boundaries meet. Drainage from
the high area at Aneza Hill is to the north, northeast, east, and west.

The Upperfiwadian.--This subdivision is underlain, for the most

 

part, by Cretaceous beds of limestone and sandstone rocks which are over-
lain by clay, gravel, marl, and other deposits belonging to the Oligocene
IAge. The area is characterized by a complex system of wadis and their
tributaries arranged in a dendritic pattern, generally draining toward
the northeast and east (Fig. 3). In the rainy season the wadis carry

streams of runoff, but are generally dry the rest of the year.

 

2Hans H. Boesch, "El-Iraq," Economic Geography, XV (1939), 327.

 

22

The most important wadis in this subregion are Swab, AkaSh, Ruk-
sta, Jeberia, Hauran, Amag, Ghud, Tubal, and Ubaiyidh. These wadis vary
in cross section throughout their courses from broad shallow valleys with
low'banks to flatébottomed, steepdwalled, canyon-like features. Some of
them originate outside the Iraqi boundaries. Some terminate within this
subregion, while others reach large natural depressions fbund on the
Lower Radian to the east. Such are Wedi Ghud and Hedi Ubaiyidh which
empty into Bahr Al-Milh. Still others, such as Wadi Jeberia and thi
Hauran, empty into the Euphrates River. In the southern part of the
subregion, some wadis are characterized by terraces and high edges. It
is believed that these features are the result of distinct cycles of
regional uplift and subsequent erosion.

There are many depressions on the surface of the Upper wadian
subregion, such as the Ga'ara, Habbariya, Mukhat, Adian, and others
(Fig. 3). The largest of these is the Ga'ara, located about so kilo-
-meters north of Rutba village, with an area of 2,080 square kilometers.
These basins are filled with recent sediments which have been.deposited
by the winds and by drainage from their tributary wadis.

The Hagara Stony'Plain.-éRocks underlying this plain for the most
part consist of limestone of the Eocene Age. The surface is largely
covered with.residual pebbles and rock fragments (P1. I, Fig. 1). Lime-
stone ridges, shallow grassy depressions, and rocky-sided wadis which
drain.toward the northeast all add some relief to the generally flat
topography of this subregion (Pl. 1, Fig. 2).

The Lower wadian.--This is an eastern extension of the Upper-
Nadian subdivision. It, too, reveals a complex system of shallow wadis

which drain towards the east, some Joining the Euphrates River and others

23
emptying into eastern depressions such as Habbaniya, Bahr Al-Milh, and
Bahr Al-Najaf. Six main wadis which cross this subregion deserve mention.
These are wadi Hauran, Muhamedy, Ghud, Ubaiyidh, Khirr, and Hudi (Fig.3).
Landfbrms such as structural terraces, mesas, and cuestas also break the
surface of this subregion.

The Dibdibba P1ain.--Located in the extreme southeastern section
of the Western Desert, the Dibdibba Plain has a slightly rolling, sandy
to gravelly surface. It has no notable features with the exception of
many shallow depressions and a few broad wadis, the most important of
‘which are Wadi Louyidh and Wadi Batin, and their numerous small tribu-
taries. Rain-pools are invariably formed in winter and spring. Some of
these are quite extensive and their waters last fer two or three months
after the rainy season. This subregion also includes the southern por-
tion of an extensive sand dunes belt which extends from northwest to
southeast bordering the lower course of the Euphrates River and varies

in width from five to ten miles (Fig. 3).

The Alluvial Plain
This is the most eastern physiographic region of the area under
consideration (Fig. 3). It is part of the Mesopotamian Plain. It forms
a narrow strip of alluvial land lying along the west bank of the Euphrates
River and Shatt Al-Arab, from FalluJa in the north to the Persian Gulf in
the south. Tb the west the plain merges imperceptibly with the Lower

Wadian in many places.

Climate
The climatic conditions prevailing throughout the study area are

typically arid and semi-arid, characterized by large daily and annual

21+
ranges of temperature, clear skies, low humidity, and extreme variability

of rainfall from year to year.

There are many factors responsible fbr the creation of these
climatic conditions, but those particularly significant are the latitu-
dinal location, the area‘s situation in relation to neighboring water
bodies and land masses, and atmospheric pressure, the prevailing winds,

and the passage of cyclonic storms from the Mediterranean Sea.

The area as a whole is located within the lower middle latitudes,
approximately between 30° and 37° north latitude. The average daily
amount of sunshine in July is about four hours longer than that of
January. The greater insolationnmakes summer months much warmer than
‘winter ones. The result is, as would be expected, considerable annual
and daily temperature ranges. Table 1 shows how the annual temperature

ranges increase with increasing latitude.

TABLE 1
ANNUAL TEMPERATURE RANGE AT SELPIITED STATIONSa'

 

 

 

'L‘ E“E " *“Ammirfimmmmhme“'fifi' Yanso!
Station Latitude Range in Degrees F. Record
Mosul 36-19 h9°1 25
Diwaniya 31.51 hh.8 10
salman 30.28 h#.7 3
Shaiba 30.25 M3 22

 

hr 1

8‘Government of Iraq,.Meteorological Department, Climatological
Means for Iraq, Publication No. 10 (Baghdad: Government Frees, 19510,
p. 6.

 

The location of the Western Region of Iraq in its relation to the
water bodies in Southwest Asia is the next important factor controlling
its climate. The closest water bodies are the Persian Gulf and the

NEfliterranean Sea, and these are the two sources from which marine in-

25
fluences commonly penetrate the area, especially during the winter months.
The CaSpian, Black, and Red seas are farther away. Moreover, their in-
fluence is largely restricted by high mountain ranges and plateaus.

‘WinteréAir;Movements.--In winter the low pressure centers concen-

 

trate over the Mediterranean Sea and the Persian Gulf. In addition, a
system of relatively low pressure occupies the MeBOpotamian lowland, ex-
tending northwest to southeast to link the Mediterranean low and that of
the Persian Gulf. .At the same time high pressure centers prevail over
the Anatolian and the.Armenian plateaus.3 Therefbre, the area is situ-
aated'within a complex of high and low pressure centers. Northwesterly
winds originate in the high pressure centers and tend to move parallel
and close to the northwest-southeast extension of the mountain chains
of northern Iraq and southern Turkey (Fig. h). The influence of these
northwesterly winds, therefore, is mostly restricted to the Jezira in
the north. Since these winds descend from high land masses, they are
cold and dry and do not bring much rain in the area. These are the
predominant local winds over Iraq from February to October and they are
eSpecially strong from.June to August.

During the winter months, as a result of cyclonic activity as-
sociated with the low pressure conditions prevailing over the Mediter-
ranean Sea, a succession of atmospheric depressions move eastward from
the sea. These lows pass over the study area and reach the rest of Iraq
along two maJor tracks. The first group tends to avoid the high pres-
sure center that exists over the Anatolian Plateau and proceeds to the

south of it by way of the Aleppo Gap eastward to Iraq. The second group

 

Y —_W v—vfiv—vv fi v

3Ali H. Al-Shalash, "The Climate of Iraq" (Unpublished M. A. thesis,
Department of Geography, University of Maryland, 1957), p. 15.

26

 

3'8° 4'0° 42° T4° 46° 4'8°

PREVAILING WINDS, AVERAGE ANNUAL RAINFALL, AND CLIMATIC TYPES
THE WESTERN REGION

 

 

 

'38" IRAQ 332m
S MAIN ZONE THROUGH WHICH
\\\ MEDITERRANEAN LOWS
\\ ENTER IRAQ
CI) PREVAILING WINDS FOR JAN.
36° 4-) PREVAILING WINDS FOR JULY 369+
ISOHYET (average annual rainfall
in mm. for a mean period of ten years)
0 WEATHER STATION
CLIMATIC TYPES:
4 ‘ H a5 MEDITERRANEAN
‘0 20° *3 EEE Low LATITUDE STEPPE
666“?» mam ”7. [:1 Low LATITUDE DESERT
b34° 0, \«fl ‘ " 349-:
6‘:
4‘ “H H 3AM}!
U E ‘..v
0 E m. ‘5
7° 'E
o 450
7.. l
’2. ‘K
'32" 3 \. ONL’KHAIB 322‘
NS \.
4 UD\_ Euhra
’ 7\— t ‘ . at
4RR)\ NASIRIYAa
"18 '\.|
’4 I
._._.I OSALMAN SHMBA
”30° ; BUSAIYA /' a
sauna. om non: comma or ram, ' \
maowxcn. comm , / ’0
mmcnxou IO. 10 l s so a . \ . T 0
:AID m monsoon“. manna-r or me. ‘\. /,/~.\ / $ PERSIAN
\. e . '
\=(NEUTRAD'>./4S GULF
0 75 150 K M. '\_ZON§./'
l l j \./.
A.R.H.
49° 412° 414° 4.60 418°

 

 

 

Fig. ll

27
travels farther to the south, following a course parallel to the southern
branch of the Mediterranean Petroleum Pipeline, which runs Just north of
the village of‘Rutba. The damp air of these cyclones first flows over
the mountainous country of the Levant and then crosses the Syrian Desert,
depositing much of its moisture, so that on arrival in Iraq only a re-
duced rainfall is possible. Nevertheless, the lows are the main source
of rainfall, not only for the Western Region, but for the entire country.
Some of these depressions remain for several days causing very heavy
rain, whereas others last no more than a few hours. Table 2 shows that

the time of their occurrence and their latitudinal distribution vary

 

 

 

 

greatly.
TABLE 2
mNTHLY NUMBER or DEPRESSIONS THAT ENTERED IRAQ ALONG
VARIOUS LATITUDE DURING THE YEARS, 1938-191Ioa
l i __l_. J ._ H?“ m
Month $500., 0 o o o o o o 0 Total
10 N 30 - 32 N 32 -3£ N 31+ -36 N 36 -38 N Per Month

J 2 2 1+ 9 1 18

F A 1 8 12 1 26

M 3 0 5 7 0 15

A l 2 10 5 o 18

M o 3 A 1 o 8

J o o o o o o

J o o o o o o

A o o o o o o

s o o o o o o

o 1 1 1 5 o 8

N 1 5 2 2 2 12

D h 1 _ ’4- 6 o 15

Total I6 15 38 1+7 II *“ 120

v— r v—v

aAli H. Al-Shalash, "The Climate of Iraq" (Unpublished M.A. thesis,
Department of Geography, University of Maryland, 1957), p. 20.

According to the table, a total of 120 cyclonic depressions entered

28

Iraq beWeen 1938 and 19%. or these, 85 passed through the middle
section of Western Iraq between latitude 320N and 36°N. The table also
shows that the depressions are unequally distributed through the seasons.
They reach their maximum frequency in winter (59 for January, February,
and December), followed by Spring (#1 for March, April, and May), and
autumn (20 for September, October, and Nbvember), while there are none
during the summer (June, July, and August). Since rain in.Western Iraq
is highly dependent on the passage of these cyclones, this means that
winter is the wettest season, followed by spring and autumn, whereas

summer is dryest.

During the winter also strong southeasterly winds, cold and rela-
tively damp, usually develop in front of an advancing depression. These
originate over the Persian Gulf, move over Iraq and meet the northwester-
1y winds. This creates atmospheric instability and thundershowers which
become common over Iraq for several days. Such a condition brings some

moisture to the area under consideration.

In winter, the frequency and the direction of the prevailing winds
vary over the western Region; the predominant winds over the Jezira are
coming from the northwest (Fig. A). Over the northern part of the
Western Desert the prevailing winds are the westerly and southwesterly,

while in the southern part they are mainly from the west and southeast.

Summer.Air Movements.--In summer the area lies mainly between two

 

low pressure centers. One of these develOps over the Persian Gulf and
the southern part of Iraq, and is believed to be a westerly extension of
the low pressure belt prevailing over the Indian subcontinent in this

season. The other center is over the island of Cyprus.” The former is

 

kW. B. FiSher,_The Middle East:.A Physical, Social, and Regional
GeograEy (London: Méthuen 3. Co. Ltd., 19327; p. 29.

 

29
stronger than the latter, and therefore, the winds which originate from
the relatively high pressure concentrations over the high mountains of
Asia Minor blow over Western Iraq toward the Persian Gulf. Being hot
and dry, these northwesterly winds bring no rain as they move southeast.
Although they are dominant throughout the year, they are eSpecially so in
summer when not interrupted by the passage of any cyclonic storms from

the Mediterranean Sea.

 

Temperature.--Figures 5 and 6 show average minimum, maximum, and
monthly temperatures for eight selected stations in the study area and on
its edge. 0n the basis of the available data from these stations, it is
possible.to make a brief statement regarding the temperature and rainfall
characteristics of the area.

The data far these stations indicate that the summer season, the
one with average monthly temperatures over 68°F., is very hot and gener-
ally five or six months in length. The winter season with average
monthly temperatures of #00 to 60°F. is short and mild, while both Spring
and autumn, having temperatures of 600 to 68°F., are very short. 0f the
eight stations, Basra has the highest average temperature for January,
this being 55°F., while the others are between A00 and 50°F. for the same
month. The proximity of Basra to the Persian Gulf at a low latitude and
low elevation is one element in explaining its higher temperature.

The average monthly temperature for July is 90°F. or above for all
stations except Mosul and Rutba where it is almost 90°F. for the former
and 8hoF. fer the latter. The relatively lower temperature far these two
stations is due to the fact that they are at a higher elevation than the
others.

.A study of the average monthly maximum.and the average monthly

3O

 

 

TEMPERATURE AND RAINFALL DATA

FOR

 

 

MOSUL NASIRIYA
12° 120
11° 110
100 100
9° 90
a 80; g 80 ~
5 a E E
a 703 a 7°§
; 60;: : 60 a
a] 508 :l 50%
s a 5 E
H Q H
a “02'; a hog
30 30
20 2°
10 ,0
° 0

 

 

 

    

 

RUTBA
12° 120 120
11° 110 110
1°° 00 100
a -3 .c
E 3° 80g 3 80 30g
. E .,

3 7° 703 370 70 g

g 60 6 a E a

u 0 60 60

a g as. a

g 5° 50; a 50 so a

5. "' '2‘:

a to 100% SM) “° E
3° 30 3o 30
20 20 20
10 ...... 1° 1°

0 o o

 

 

 

 

 

00"0 AVERAGE MONTHLY MAXIMUM TEMPERATURE
0-!) AVERAGE MONTHLY TEMPERATURE

0-0-0 AVERAGE MONTHLY MINIMUM TEMPERATURE
-AVERAGE MONTHLY RAINFALL

DATA PROM! GOVERNMENT OF IRAQ. METEOROLOGICAL DEPARTKENT,

CLIMTOLOGICAL BEAES O , PUBLICATION NO. 10 (BAGHDAD!
GOVERNMENT PRESS. 195“ I AND THE METEOROIDGICAL DEPARTHM

OI" IRAQ.

 

 

31

 

 

TEMPERATURE AND RAINFALL DATA
FOR

 

    

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

HADITHA SALMAN
120 120
10 no no
00 100 00
9o 90 90
I: I:
2 80g 3 so so a
5 g E o
a 70¢: a 70 70 g
H I H I
" <50H " 60 5° "3
H
I a a E
g a
so; 3 so so
5 =
a no 3 no no
30 30 30
20 20 20
10 10 1o
0 . o o
J I M A M J j A s 0 N D J F M A M J J A s 0 N D
HABBANIYA BAGHDAD
12° 120
110 10 110 °
10° 00 100 00
9° 90 9o 90
a:
E 8° sag a so cog
o E
3 7° 703 a 70 veg
=3 E.‘ E a
2 5° so 60 so
H g a g
3 5° so a 3 50a
E: u g
H to E ” a
a no a a no a
3° 30 30 30
2° 20 20 20
1° 10 1o 10
° 0 o o
1 F M A M J J A s o N D ] F M A M J I A s o N D
onuo AVERAGE MONTHLY MAXIMUM TEMPERATURE um non: comm or IRAQ. mzoaowcxcn murmur.
0—0 AVERAGE MONTHLY TEMPERATURE HATOLOGICAL s on IRA puaucnmu no. 10 (BAGHDAD!
o...o AVERAGE MONTHLY MINIMUM TEMPERATURE oovzamm- P111358. 195“): AND T“ mnonowcxcu. 99m”
AVERAGE MONTHLY RAINFALL 01' 13‘0-

 

Fig. 6

 

32

minimum temperatures reveals that all eight stations have a maximum for
July and August of over lOO°F. , while the average minimum for the same
months falls between 68°F. and 83°F. (Fig. 5 and Fig. 6). The average
monthly maximum for January and February for Nasiriya, Basra, Haditha,
Habbaniya, Salman, and Baghdad is 60°F. or more. Mosul and Rutba on the
other hand have averages for the same months of 55°F. and 58°F. in the
former and 58°F. and 59° in the latter. Except for Rutba which has an
average monthly minimum of 32°F. for January, the rest of the stations
have their averages above the freezing point.

The absolute monthly maximums are high and the absolute monthly
minimums are low for all of the eight stations. For example, a July ab-
solute monthly maximum temperature of 125°F. has been recorded for
Shaiba, 12h°F. for Mosul,5 and 115°F. for Rutba,6 while the January ab-
solute monthly minimum temperatures at the same places are 20°F., 10°F.,
and 60F. reapectively.

Rainfall.--A study of Figures 5 and 6 reveals that rainfall is al-.-
most absent in the summer months. That rain which does fall comes either
at the beginning or at the end of summer. Consequently, rainfall is
almost entirely during the winter, spring, and autumn. Table 3 shows
that the amount of rainfall is small at all the stations; it ranges from
95 mm. annually at Busaiya to 505 mm. at Sinjar.

Figure II indicates the average annual rainfall for the area and is

constructed from the data presented in Table 3. A study of the figure

A

r—v 7*.— ‘rfi7 f fi—fi

5Government of Iraq, Meterological Department, Rainfall in IraqL
1936-1232, Occasional Publication No. 3 (Baghdad: Government Hess, 191+O),
pp. 3‘10.

6Government of Iraq, Meterological Department, Climatological Means
for Iraq, Publication No. 10 (Baghdad: Government Press, 1951+? , p. 37.

 

 

33

.dmNH mo unmannmmon HMUHmOH0hompmz map can “AJmmH «mmoym unmadho>ou "daunmmmv

 

0H .oz nowpmofiapdm «mmuH pow mono: HmomeHOpwaHHo «pumapammon HmofiwOHOAompoz «dmnH Mo paosnhm>ouw

I

I

 

OH NH mm am a: m: an mud maehfimez
0H mm m: mm mm m: mm 00m mammm
Ha ma om em or om om cma seesaw
m ma ma am am om mm mm haemmsm
m ea ma mm mm mm mm med museum
m ma ma mm mm mm mm med peenasz
me am mm mm mm a: no one spasm
ma me am mm 0: mm we mea seenwtm
ma ma mm mm mm mm em mma theetpeom
m mm as am mm me am wed H-a
0H mm mm am mm or an mea H-m
oa em mm om a: or we mmH seueeem
0H ma em am am Hm mm mmH “whom
Ha ma mm om om mm mad mam sound
as NH mm mm mma em Ham mom seesaw
ma ma we om mma mm mam ma: Hume:
eemmmmwmo assay to a menace. acres to a meeeam Hares no * Horses Hean< seepepm

 

mmeumgmm ma a¢.gq¢mzH¢m zznaa<.nz¢..o2Hmmm .mmesz..q¢=zza.ao muamm><

IE

sea 2H ZOHQWm zmwamfiz.mmfi uZHmMQmOm nz<.ZH mZUHB¢Hm

m mnmee

3h
reveals that the rainfall increases from southwest to northeast in the
study area. The whole region of the Western Desert normally receives
less than 200 mm. annually, while most of the Jezira region receives an
average of 200 to 600 mm. each year. The dryest part of the study area,
on the other hand, is in the extreme southwest of the western Desert
where the annual average is less than 100 mm.

Another important fact concerning the rainfall of the area is il-
lustrated by Figure 7. It shows that rainfall over the whole area varies
greatly in amount and distribution from year to year, but keeps the same
pattern, i.e., an increase from southwest to northeast. Moreover, most
of the rainfall comes as heavy thunderstorms which may last for only a
short period, and which are largely due to the arrival of moist maritime
air from the Mediterranean Sea in the form of cyclones, as previously
indicated.

Seasonality is another important characteristic of the rainfall of
the area (see Table 3). The winter (December, January, and February) is
generally the wettest period of the year. In fact, most stations for
which data are presented in Table 3 receive more than half of their
annual amount of precipitation during this period.

Rainfall in spring is considerably less than in winter. This is
due to many factors, the most important being the decrease in the fre-
quency of passage of cyclonic storms of the Mediterranean Sea. This
permits the prevailing northwest winds which originate over the plateaus
of.Anatolia and Armenia to become more dominant. Being dry winds and
descending from higher to lower altitudes, they accentuate the dryness
in the area in spring.

Table 3 shows that the amount of rain received in autumn is still

35

 

r I f

33° 4 0° 4 2 ° 4'4 ° 4 6° 4'8°

VARIATION IN AMOUNTS OF ANNUAL RAINFALL. 1936—1939
THE WESTERN REGION
-38° IRAQ 38911

     
   

 

 

 

19g6- 3.._ NOTE: Isohyet represents total
19 8-40 annual rainfall in mm
1937 4 .
_36° 1937-200 . 362,
1938-2 I zoo-1937
I939-4ggf}.:§ .... .
Q- ' ‘\-.:.~.. «400-1939
4 1937-1 “2004936
(9 1936-209! \ ....... 2 00-1939
1936-150'--., . '. .
l938-ISO~ '- -/
/.
.34. 1939~zoo.,/\ .. 3 4g
./'- \ ' . \
1939459.; .. \ .. I
./ 3, "-. \~" I.
U '. 0' ‘ .‘.
O \\ e \ ..... : \‘eflfi’.
fl . ............ nt'.’).\ :0. .0. \ 2
o \ \‘~\ -’ 'z \ z
I? \- \\ '- i"
Z \‘\ \ H o . E | \\
‘\. \ E . \
\.\. \ : ' \ 2
#3 2° \‘ ‘~ \ 1. .' \\ 32
t \ :- :_ .0..OOQ~.._ -
94 (I '\ 3145“ \‘z 2 .- """" \\\
D \./\9 ‘3. 2 EU 0 \
\, '-.. ' 5 are . \
4 R\.\ \\e " . ¢
4 3/\‘ \-\-. O}; ’6‘ g 4’
4 I \ 4 ‘3 4
~ § l \\ °°°° - {9}.“ {a \ .
‘l «“49
”3:35:33: connmrr or nun, gsrzoaowcrcu. ' \\\\‘ 3079 ,__':'.-.‘_-,. 6 .1
r30° Pusucrrzoi no. no a 1 '1 “figgfsigfigt, I 2%? 301‘ ./ 6
.9 ‘.
.\. JJK :/ V
\.\ /,A.\ \ ,/$ PERSIAN
'\=/NEUTRAE‘>.Y§ GULF
0 75 150 K M. '\ZONE./'
1 I . ‘\’./
A.R.H.
4‘0" 412° 4;" 416° 418°

 

Fig. 7

36
less than that of Spring or winter. All stations listed in the table
Ireceive less than 25 per cent of their annual rainfall in this season.
It is also significant to note that none of the'Western Desert stations
receives as much as 100 mm. of precipitation during any of the four
seasons, while a large part of the Jezira receives more than this amount
during the winter and Spring.

Relative Humidity.-eA.study of the average monthly relative humidity

 

taken at 6 A.M., 9 A.M., and 3 P.M., at Mosul, Rutba, Nasiriya, and Basra
(see Table h), shows that Basra is more humid during summer than the
other three stations. This is mainly due to its proximity to the Persian
Gulf. Nasiriya and Rutba seem to have approximately the same relative
humidity, although Nasiriya is located far south of Rutba and at a lower
altitude. Nasiriya's southern latitude and low altitude compensate by
its nearness to the Persian Gulf and its location within the marshes of
southern Iraq. The same table indicates that the summer months are char-
'acterized by low relative humidity. This low relative humidity is pri-
marily due to summer drought and high temperature, while in winter months
one finds the reverse condition in these stations.

0n the basis of the previous discussion of the climatic conditions,
it is possible to divide the study area into three climatic regions
(Fig. 11). These are: (1) Low latitude Desert; (2) Low Latitude Steppe;
and (3) Mediterranean. IThe first region includes the southern portion
of the Jezira and the whole western Desert; in other words, it covers
areas which have average annual rainfall of less than 200 mm. The two
other climatic regions are semi-arid and are located in areas receiving
average annual rainfall of 200 mm. or more. Areas of the Jezira receiv-

ing 200 to LOO mm. have a dry steppe climate, while those getting over

37

111 .>H-ss .ss .Amoms .ssssm tease "seesmsmv
meH Seasons. Hmogmfipopm «mowpmflpwpm mo «2onst .35st «mafiasmam Mo anhpmfiaflz «dmaH Mo OHdemomo

 

llll l l l ll

 

sm ss mo ms sm mm sm mm mm mm ms as No so .2 .m m

sm oo mo oo mm ms os as ms 8 mm oo on. 8 .2 .s. m

sm ma om so mo mo mm mm cm oo me so so om .2 .< o
mammm

Hm mm cm mm ms ss ms om mm sm am sm om os .2 .m m

Hm os ms mm mm mm mm Hm sm om ss mm so we .2 .s.m

am on so oo ms os mm as ss Hm mo op m» as .2 .< o
whaafimmz

mm mm as mm mm 5 ms 9” ms om mm mm mm as .2 .m m

mm ms t. on mm mm am mm mm om ss om mo we .2 .< m

mm on mo so as as as os as om mm oo ow mo .2 .<.o
spasm

mm mm so as mm as ms o2 as om ms Hm oo so 42 .m m

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mm me so mo so on as as sm me no mo om mm .2 .s_o
asso2

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"final l l P l 1 l l l. E

 

E8 at so
mag ea EmHmdz Imam «Apnoea mom fig SEEM Haze: Mu§<

lug

38

400 mm. have a Mediterranean type of climate.

§gil.

Information concerning types, characteristics, and distribution of
soils in the study area is meager. An empirical study of soil conditions
in Iraq has been recently done by P. Buringh,7 but unfortunately it deals
mainly with the lowlands of the Tigris and Euphrates basin and the up-
lands and mountains in the north. In preparing the following discussion,
much infbrmation on the subject was taken from a series of reports by the

8

Parsons Company which has done intensive ground water surveying in the
study area. In addition, some data were supplied by the Agriculture
Department of Iraq. Moreover, the physiographical and climatic charac-
teristics of the area provide a basis for interpreting the probable soil
conditions. The classification used here distinguishes the following
categories: (1) Soils of the Jezira region, comprised of (a) soil of the
Folded Hills, (b) soil of the Plain; (2) Soils of the Western Desert,
comprised of (a) soil of the Hamad Plain, (b) soil of the Upper Wadian,
(c) soil of the Hajara Stony Plain, (d) soil of the lower Wadian, and
(e) soil of the Dibdibba Plain; and (3) Soils of the Alluvial Plain.

The major soil types appear in Figure 8.

Soil of the Jezira

Soil of the Fblded Hills.--The soil of this subregion belongs to the

 

 

7P. Buringh, Soils and Soil Conditions in Iraq (Baghdad: Republic
of Iraq, Ministry of.Agriculture, 19607}

 

aRalph M. Parsons Company, Op. cit., Vols. II, III, V, VII, VIII,
and XI.

39

 

.380

'36”

-3 2°

I

u°

SOIL

THE WESTERN

 
 
 
  
   
        
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
 
 
 
  
 

 

   
  
 

 

scam
COIDITIO

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MING?!

60).

, II” D“? BEN" SOIL‘).

Y G \ G ULF
LI 11m 0 75 150 KM. '\_ZON§_/'
\./'
A.R.H.
49° 42° 4l4° 4I6° 4I8°

TIC Clmdlc‘l‘IOM SEWING SOIL
I! II WTXON TO TOPOGRAPR

ND 0
Juli“ (TA

3 FOLDED SILB.
P.

Y IN
m PRO!

IRAQ

fit”
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eta} s \\

 

 

 

 

 

    
  
  
   
    

48°

REGION

rumon son. TYPES

- snow sons

aromas sac-m sons. an? mus

3213131311 snow sons. mmu um snwu PEAS!
f////A umosouc sons

° ° 13.1.14)!st can. sxsnoznl sons

 

3694

      

, . SILT m cm 019031111: 111 mmszous um um:
llllllllllll nosru cmvmr sous Hm 511111:
E cw. SILT. um was:
um mu sons
mm), ansrrmous mum sons
E Emma mum sons. sum noun muss
E GRAY 1335331 sons. cmmous
@ swan DESERT LAND
E HOSTL! sum va sou cum AND cur
E ALLUVIAL sons. sum PHASE
E rum. FLATS

COASTAL FLATS

 

SOIL TYPE TAKEN ”OH! 1’. BURIIGH, 5 XLS A
(BAGHDADI REPUBLIC OF
MINISTRY 0P AGRICULTURE, 1960): RALPH H.
C I

Masons ..
(nos 1111531251 oovtnwnxm or IRAQ. MINISTRY or
PERM. 1955-1957). vow. n. In. v. v11.

uzvxm
m1. AND X1
329-

    
 

PERSIAN

' -NEUTRAL-

 

 

MO
brown soil group. The brown surface layer is about 25 to 35 cms thick,
grading into a brownish-gray to whitish horizon of lime accumulation.9
The tap soil has about eight per cent organic matter. It is mainly de-
rived from gypsum, particularly in the southern limits of this region.
.To the east and northeast, Just west of the Tigris and south of Mosul,
brown soil is develOped mainly on gypsum and partly on sandstone and
limestone.10 ‘West and northeast of Mosul, however, limestone becomes
more predominant than gypsum as the parent material.

In the level parts of this subregion, deep soils occur over rather
large areas and especially north of Sinjar Hill. Many hilltOps on the
other hand, are barren rocky land with generally shallow soils. The
lepes of these hills have mostly stony, shallow to medium deep soils.
HilltOps and lepes are labeled on the map as lithosol (Fig. 8). An
inset in Figure 8 illustrates soil conditions in relation to the tOpog-
raphy of the undulating land of this subregion.

Crust soils of lime and gypsum occur in some places in this sub-
region, especially in the extreme north in the area where the Tigris
River enters Iraq. These crusts have been considered secondary forma-
tions, since they often develOp several decimeters below the land surface
and then are revealed by erosion of the thin upper soil layers.ll

Eggs, heaps of earth material created by man as a result of the

leveling of land, are wideSpread in.this section, some even being found

south of SinJar in the Plain of the Jezira. These tels are usually

 

T fir W 7 a

9Buringh, Op. cit., p. 78.

loBurnell G. West, "The soils of Iraq and Their Management," Pros-
pects of Iraquiology,.A Monograph of the Biological Society of Iraq
(Baghdad: Al-Rabita Press, 1958), p. 18.

 

llBuringh, op. cit., p. 78.

111
fbund in places with deep soils. It is generally believed that their
presence demonstrates that the area was densely pOpulated and intensively
used during the Assyrian period, and they indicate good soils.

Since the soil of the Folded Hills subregion was fermed under Medi-
terranean climate and a relatively thick grass cover, it develOped an "A"
horizon rich in organic matter. It appears that this soil has high poten-
tialities for future develOpment since it can be irrigated when the Eski
Mbsul Dam is built. .Attention then will.have.to be paid to drainage.

Soil of the Plain.--Soils here are of fluviatile and aeolian origin.”

 

 

.Almost the whole area is underlain by gypsum, shale and occasionally
limestone.l2

In the northern part of this subregion, Just south and east of Sin-
Jar Hill, reddish-brown soil with a deep phase is found over a quite
extensive area. It has been pointed out that twenty per cent of the
borings done in this soil show profiles of'more than 200 cm. depth, while
only fbur percent show thicknesses of less than 60 cm. which is consider-
ed to be a minimum depth for soil in this section.13

.To the south of the deep reddish-brown.soil, a belt of reddish-brown
soil with medium to shallow phase is found. The reddish-brown surface
horizon of this soil grades into a reddish, heavier subsoil, which in
turn overlies a white horizon with lime or gypsum accumulation. It is
relatively low in biological activity and chemical weathering.

In the central and southern parts of the plain there is yellowish

gray sierozem soil consisting predominantly of weathered gypsum material.

r *v—w V7 fi—v r 7v v Vfi ~17 Tr

1ZRalph M5 Parsons Company, Op. cit., Vol. V, p. 9.
13Buringh, op. cit., p. 211.

A2
The surface soil of this section is very low in organic matter and is
less than 20 cm. in depth. This grades into a highly calcareous subsoil
'with lime or gypsum.accumulation. Gypsum, which sometimes has a marble-
like appearance, is exposed to the surface in some Spots. Some areas
where the gypsum does not appear on the surface and which have not been
subjected to severe wind erosion have somewhat reddish colored silt and
clay soils. Desert pavements resulting from wind action and dry climate
are common in some areas. In most depressions clay and silt-clay soils
with some salt content are found.11+ In addition, extensive tracts of
small sand dunes or mounds ranging between 20 and 30 cm. high and about
one meter in diameter have develOped on the gypsum desert land in many
places, especially along the eastern and southern edge of Wadi Tharthar
and its depression.

The Baiji-Samarra area just.west of the Tigris River in the south-
eastern section of the Jezira (Fig. 8), has a deep soil consisting of
Sand, silt, and clay. This soil is covered to a depth of several inches
by low sand dunes, loess and other wind-hlownmaterials.15 The presence
of some plant cover on this soil causes organic materials to be mixed
with it, adding fertility and tilth to its characteristics.

The agricultural potentialities of the soil of the Jezira region
range from fair to good. The deep soil is relatively the best; brown
soil is better than reddish brown soil for dry farming. The silt, sand,
and clay soil of the Baiji-Samarra area presents great possibilities for

development and is probably the first area which should be reclaimed in

 

lllRalphM. Parsons Company, Op. cit., Vol. V, p. 9.

15Ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 23.

1+3
entire Jezira region since it is very fertile and could be easilyiiuds-
gated by the Tigris River. 0n the basis of present-day farming carried
on by some tribesmen in the Folded Hills subregion and in the Plain im-
mediately south of Sinjar Hills, a tenfold return of wheat is obtained
during good years, sevenfold in a normal year, and the equivalent of the
seed in a bad year. Experience shows that the frequency of cr0p failure
varies with the annual distribution of rainfall in the Jezira and the
Western Desert. It has been stated that in the area with average annual
rainfall between 350 mm. and 600 mm. there is one crOp failure in five
years; the area that receives 350 mm. to 200 mm. average rainfall has
one cr0p failure in four years; and that getting between 200 mm. and 150
mm. usually has one crOp failure in every three years. It is certain,
therefbre, that the results of farming in arid and semi-arid lands, such
as the Western Region of Iraq, chiefly depends upon rainfall and the
availability of water. It seems that in the absence of irrigation, a
fallow crOpping system which would be based on wheat or barley cultivation
in years of crap success followed by leaving the land fOr grazing or for
reseeding with grasses, would be_a desirable way to use the areas which

are receiving 150 mm. of rain or more.

Soil of the Western Desert

Soil of the HamadPlain.--The soil of this subregion is develOped

 

on limestone bedrock. It is very thin, subject to very severe wind
erosion, and almost without profile. Stones and pebbles of different
sizes are scattered on the surface. This type of soil is usually called
"Hammada Desert Soil."

8011 of thg Upper Wadian.--Soils in the wadi beds contain partially

 

M1
rounded, pink and white colored cobbles and pebbles of limestone and

siliceous rocks, mixed with brownish, calcareous sand, silt, and clay.

These materials have been transported to the beds of the wadis by runoff
‘water and wind erosion. In larger depressions along the courses of some
'wadis deep alluvial fills of such material have developed. The upland
areas between wadis have a shallower layer of soil, often mixed with, or
covered by, cdbbles and pebbles forming a dark brown to blackish desert
varnish. Closed basins and shallow depressions which are developed out-
side wadi beds, such as Habbariya, Mukhat, Ga'ara, and Adian, are com-
monly filled with 30118 that are generally richer in clay content than
those of the wadi beds. The fluviatile layers in many such depressions
are about three to seven meters deep, and they Often show typical cracks
during the.dry season. The surface is frequently colored with an iron
_rust layer. Moreover, some depressions have brown soils. The soils of
these depressions contain some salinity because of evaporation.

Soil;gf the ngara Stony Plaip.-5The surface of this subregion is

 

covered extensively with pebbles, cobbles, angular boulders of limestone,
flint, and chart and is dark colored due to desert varnish (Pl. I, Fig.
I). This latter is believed to be mostly associated with limestone.des-
erts. This consists of very thin dark brown to blackish material, some-
times called "Desert Lac". .A thin cover of soil is often fbund under and
between the stones and pebble layers.

There are few depressions in this aubregion. These are character-
ized by soil which is different from that of the surrounding area. The
.result.of laboratory analysis of the soil.of the Salman depression,

having an area of about 50 sq. km., is shown below.16

 

’fi fir rfiv W—Vfir—W v 1‘ v fiv v vfiV v W

16Data‘was supplied by the.Agricultural.Research Center of.Abu
(leaib, Baghdad, October 10, 1963.

45

A 0-80 cm. Brown; mixed clay and sand; small grains.
B 80-lh0 cm. Brown; mixed clay and sand; larger grains.
C 1110-200 cm. Brown; mixed clay and sand; larger grains.

Soil of the lower Wadian. --In the Lower Wadian the soils are de-
rived mainly from mixed gypsum and limestone bedrock. The presence of
gypsum makes the soil somewhat saline in many places. Descriptive pro-
files of some locations in this subregion near the Oasis of Shathatha
are given below.:L7

Sample 1 - in depression

A 0-80 cm. Brown; mixed clay, lime, and gravel.

B 80-180 cm. Light Brown; mixed clay loam, sand, lime,
and gravel.

C 180-200 cm. Light Gray-Brown; mixed clay loam, sand,

lime, and gravel.
Sample 2 - in open surface
A 0-60 cm. Dark Brownish-Gray; mixed clay and sand.
B 60-150 cm. Yellow; mixture of sand and lime.

Sample 3 - in cultivated field of alfalfa

A 0-60 cm. Dark Brownish-Gray; mixture of mud and
clay.

B 60-80 cm. Brown; mixture of clay and lime.

C 80-150 cm. Light- Brown; mixture of clay, mud, lime
and gravel.

8011 of the Dibdibba Plain. "Almost all the soils of this section
are sandy to gravelly with sane clay element. Soil samples from the

Zubair area of this region show 78 to 96 per cent sand. Consequently,

 

17Data was supplied by the Agricultural Research Center of Abu
Ghraib, Baghdad, October 10, 1963.

#6

this soil is generally moderately permeable with some impermeable
sections, as in mud flat areas.

The sand dunes of the area have been formed by the erosional
action of wind upon sandstone in Saudi Arabia. The wind transports the
sand to the Dibdibba Plain where the deposits form the dunes. The
color of the sand is white to reddish~orange, and it consists predomi-
nantly of quartz mixed with limestone.

On the basis of the meager information on the soil of the Western
Desert of Iraq, accurate and valid evaluation of the potentialities of
this soil is impossible. But it seems that the soil of this area,
when supplied with water, is highly productive. The best soil from
the farming point of view is that of the wadi beds and terraces along
their sides and that of the depressions. Soil of the Dibdibba Plain,
which consists of clay and sand, is light and could be successfully
develOped if water could be provided. The soil of the Hamad subregion
and that of the Hajara subregion present the least potentialities for
development because the former is very shallow and the latter is very
stony. Therefore, they should be left for grazing, but even this

might be unprofitable.

Soil of the Alluvial Plain
Soil of this region has been built by'more or less continuous
sedimentation over a long period by the Euphrates River. This soil is
composed of particles of sand, silt, and clay of different sizes. It

possesses high potentiality for development, and it is one of the most

 

fi—

laRalph M. Parsons Company, Op. cit., Vol. VII, p. 8.

1+7
promising soils for utilization.

Along the western bank of Shatt AlqArab, an extensive area of flat
surface has been formed by the tidal influence of the river. The coastal
flats soil at the head of the Persian Gulf has develOped in the estuary
and is believed to be non-saline or only slightly saline, but little is

known at present about its condition and potentiality.19

Natural Vegetation

 

The distribution of vegetation is strongly controlled by tempera-
ture and rainfall, and there is‘a close correlation between the climatic
condition and the vegetation pattern of the area. Four regions of natural
vegetation are recognized in the Western Region of Iraq (Fig. 9). These
;are: (l) the Wet Steppe Vegetation Region, (2) the Dry Steppe Vegetation
Region, (3) the Desert Vegetation Region, and (h) the Riverine Vegetation
Region.

The Wet Steppe Vegetation Region.--This zone is characterized by

 

a relatively dense vegetation cover, including many perennial Species in
the plant communities. It is found where there is #00 mm. or more aver-
age annual rainfall. Some trees and shrubs cover hilltOps and upper
slapes, while park-like grasses grow on lower lepes with scattered
Juniper, bushes of‘Christ thorn, or thorn and wormwood, separated by
smaller shrubs such as sage and thyme. More than half of the plants of
this region are annuals and disappear in summer. Hence, there is a
considerable difference between late winter and early spring, when num-

erous Species of grasses are in rapid growth, and the rest of the year

 

l9Buringh, Op. cit., p. 189.

is" 4'0° 4'20 73 42° '
NATURAL VEGETATION
THE WESTERN REGION
IRAQ

 

"33° 38%

  
 
  
  
  
  
  
  
   
  
   

WET STEPPE
., DRY STEPPE
DESERT

W RIVERINE 36%

GENERAL RELATIVE RANKING OF

 

'360

VEGETATION SUITABILITY FOR
PRESENT GRAZING USE AND
POTENTIAL DEVELOPEMENTZ

I. VERY GOOD

2. GOOD 3”

3. FAIR

4. POOR

1-300

 

 

 

“9

when most plants are dead or dormant.

 

The Dry Steppe Vegetation Region.--This region represents a tran-
sitional vegetation zone between the true desert vegetation region in
the south and the wet (true) steppe in the north. Here, in addition to
some thorny desert plants, gass communities are more dominant than in
the true desert. It is located where there is between 200 mm. and lL00
mm. mean annual rainfall.

The Desert Vegetation Region. «Desert vegetation?O occupies about
ninety per cent of the study area. According to Gillett, 75 per cent of
the #50 desert plant species are annuals, while the remaining 25 per
cent are perennials.21 In winter and spring, short gasses and desert
wild flowers such as red pOppies, lupines, and wild barley are fairly
common and provide the main gazing feed of the many sheep and camels
raised by the nomads. Snell sagebrush, bushes, and shrubs such as _IE_hI_,
m and m as locally known, are quite abundant throughout the
year in many of the low-lying areas in the wadis and in the shallow de-
pressions, or where sandy soil exists as in the Dibdibba Plain. Where
detritus gypsum occurs, salt tolerant bushes are common, while reeds,
lillies, and other water-loving plants thrive in wetter places such as
those along Wadi Tharthar in the Jezira.

Shrubby perennial plants such as Haloxylon salicornicum, some of

which may reach 2.5 meters in height, are developed on the dunes of the

 

20Detailed discussion of the desert vegetation of the Middle East

is presented by M. Zohry, "Hydro-Economical Types in the Vegetation of
Near East Deserts, " J. C. Thompson (ed.), Biology of Deserts (London:
The Institute of Biology, 195M, pp. 56-57.

21J. B. Gillett, "The Desert Vegetation of Iraq, " Report submitted
to the Government of Iraq, Ministry of Agiculture, Range Management
Section, Baghdad, 19h8, pp. 3-1I. (Mimeogaphed).

 

50

Jezira region.22

Annual plants can also be observed in the area and have
potential value for grazing. They are mostly confined to the tOps of low
mounds of stabilized soil.

The Riverine Vegetation Region.--In the alluvial lowlands and along

 

the banks of the Tigris-Euphrates rivers Special types of natural vegeta~
tion are to be found. These include numerous plant communities of grasses,
shrubs, and trees. They form a relatively dense cover. Aquatic grasses,
papyrus, lotus, and reeds make up a thick undergrowth in the lower course
of the Euphrates River. In addition, scattered willow, pOplar, alder,

and tamarisk are the main Species growing along the Euphrates.23 Thorn in
the Alluvial Plain west of the river is found in dense groups. This has
great advantages in improving the soil fertility by adding nitrogen to its
elements.

At the present time the nomads of the Western Region of Iraq use
these natural vegetation areas for grazing their animals. There is an
urgent need for scientific surveys, mapping, and classification of the
existing plants of the area in order to determine their suitability for
grazing.2h As a first step toward such a program, the author of the pre-
sent work presents a map which indicates the general grazing value of the

major classes of vegetation and their potentialities for future develOp-

ment.(Fig. 9). .According to suitability for grazing and develOpment the

 

22A. Q. Agnew, "Studies on the Plant Ecology of the Jezira of
Central Iraq," Bulletin of the College of Sciences, University of Baghdad,
VI (1961), h8-52.

23J. M; Khalaf, Physical, Economic, and Human Geography of Iraq
(Cairo:.Al-Bayan Al-Arabi Press, 1961), in Arabic, p. 131.

2llLSuch need for the entire area of Iraq is emphasized by Nicholas
Polunin, "0n the Need for a Flora and Ecological Survey of Iraq," Bulletin
of the College of Arts and Sciences, Baghdad, I (1956), 12-17.

 

5l

vegetation cover of the area is classified into four levels. The wet
steppe vegetation is the best. The dry steppe, the desert vegetation of
the Upper Wadian and the Dibdibba Plain, and the riverine plants rank
second. That of the lower Wadian and most of the desert vegetation of the
Plain of the Jezira rank third, while desert plants gowing on the Hajara
and on the Hamad (except those on wadi beds and depressions) are least

valuable and lowest in potential.

Water Supply

here are two sources of water available in the area: (1) surface
water which includes water of the upper Tigis and Euphrates rivers and
runoff water that accumulates in wadi beds and natural depressions, and

(2) gound water available from wells, springs, and karezes.

Surface Water

The Tigis and Euphrates Rivers.--'Ihe headwaters of these two

 

rivers are located in the mountains of Ttn'key. There are no perennial
tributaries of the Euphrates in Iraq, although the wadis which descend
from the Western Desert discharge their excess runoff into the river
during the rainy season. Wadis of the Jezira discharge their water into
the Tigris River. By reason of their rapid descent, the waters of these
wadis have enormous erosive power and large quantities of silt are brought
down to the main rivers, especially during unusually wet years. This silt
is a continuing menace to the efficient functioning of the irrigation
canals and the Shatt Al-Arab waterway. The Tigis has four major tribu-
taries Joining the main stem of the river in Iraq (Fig. 2).

Almost all the water supply of the Tigis-Euphrates system, which

52
is about 73,1I1h million cubic meters a year is available in Iraq, although
~Iraq contributes only 2h per cent of this amount.25 As can be seen from
Table 5 the Tigris tributaries taken together are the largest contributor
of the available water supply, followed in turn by the Euphrates River
and the main stem of the Tigris River.

It is also apparent that an important characteristic of all the
streams is the seasonal variation of water availability. The table reveals
that the largest average monthly supply is lh,312 million cubic meters in
April and almost as much in May. These are the two months when the com-
bination of runoff from the winter maximum of precipitation and water from
melting snow in headwater areas is greatest. The smallest average monthly
supply, 1,898 million cubic meters, occurs in September at the end of the
dry season. It should also be noted that there is a large annual varia-
tion of stream flow. In years of heavy precipitation the'water supply of
these rivers may be four times as great as during the dry years.

.At the present time, only a limited amount of the water supply of
the Tigis and the Euphrates rivers is being used (mainly for domestic
and irrigation purposes) in'Western-Iraq. In the north, because the river
valleys are deep, irrigation is restricted to a very narrow, discontinuous
strip of lowland near the river banks, where various devices for lifting

water such as diesel pumps and na'urs26

m

have been employed. .Along the

lower course of the Euphrates, on the other hand, where deposition of

A A A.
~— ‘7 V v f fir

25Wafiq Hussain Al-Khashab, The Water Budget of the Tigris and
Euphrates Basin (Ph. D. dissertation; Department of Geography, The Uni-
versity of Chicago, Chicago: By the Author, 1958), p. hl.

26A na'ur is a pump consisting of an enclosed chain of buckets
driven through a shaft and.wooden gears and powered by a horse or donkey.
The buckets dip below the surface of the water and each carries up a small
quantity of water to an artificial channel.

 

 

3
5

 

.Hmuwm .mm «Ammma «venom pooemoao>om one "emenwmmvydoaH «mno>flm mooredmmm use

mfiawfia mop hoe cram pooamoao>om «memoofiwam «havaoooz apponp< amppomfla «oommmox 80AM undamaoo momma

 

 

 

sas.me amm.m som.m meo.m mom.a emm.m mme.m was.» emo.sa mam.sa wom.m mas.m sem.s Hence
.mmmmoe mos.a mma.a ass awe mam mamsz oma.m mamas msm.s ssm.m oas.a mem.a otherness
mom.mm msa.a smo.a was mm» mmm msa.a ammem moe.s mes.m maa.a Hmm.m mmo.m moaamosmmae
as as
mantra mam Ame Hm: 0mm mm: mmw mmw.a ama.m amm.m mam.m mem.a oem.a enemas
finesse o z o m e e e z e z e e steam

 

Anyone: venom nomaafizv
od<mH 2H mmfl>Hm mae<mmmsm

92¢ mHmUHB mmH mo Hummbm mHB<2.NAMBzozflmw¢mm>d Ema

m HHM¢H

 

51+
sediments in the river bed has raised its channel above the surrounding
lands, gravity canals are used in a few areas to divert water for irriga-
tion and domestic purposes. The replenishment of ground water of areas
adjacent to the river courses seems to be an important contribution of
these rivers to the study area. It is believed that seepage which comes
directly from the rivers and indirectly from reservoirs such as the Thar-
thar, Habbaniya, and Abu Dibbis have been replenishing the ground water
of nearby areas.

Water Supply from Rain-Pools and Tanks.--Small rain-pools in

 

wadis and large shallow depressions commonly collect precipitation during
the rainy season. .Although of a temporary nature, they are of wideSpread
occurrence throughout the desert and capacially in the southwestern sec-
tion of the Western Desert west of Busaiya'Village. During the rainy
months and for a few weeks after, they are preferred to the subsurface
water supply by the nomads because of their somewhat less saline quality.
Their use at present is entirely for domestic and livestock purposes.

The rain-pools vary greatly in size and shape. ‘Water in the
larger pools may last for two months or more during the winter and spring,
as in those located at Shabicha, at Jumeily'near the Lussuf Police Post,
at Shagra northeast of the village of Busaiya, and atIJuraibaniya south
of Salman village in the central and southwestern part of the Western
Desert (Pl. I, Fig. 1).

In addition to the natural rain-pools, there are 17 artificial,
masonry-lined or rock-cut tanks, constructed to intercept local runoff
‘and store it for later use. These are located in the central section of
the Western Desert along the historic pilgrimage route of zubaida between

Iraq and Saudi Arabia. They are situated in natural depressions or in

55
wadi beds, and have circular and square shapes, and sizes of 100 feet in

length and width, or in diameter for the circular ones, with depths of 30
feet. The masonry-lined tank at Birkat Hamad (Pl. I, Fig. 2) and the
rock-cut one at Al-Hammam, both located north of the Shabicha Village,
are the only two still in use, the others having fallen into disrepair.
The water stored in these tanks usually lasted longer than that in the
rain-pools. The use of tanks such as these in the past points to one way

water supply at some places in the desert may be increased in the future.

Ground‘Water
The existing ground water supply includes water wells, both hand-
dug and drilled, perennial springs, and some kegeg_systems. Together,
these are the more permanent and the most important sources of water
supply in the desert at the present time. Their distribution is shown in
Figure 10.

Hand-Dug Wells.--There are about 312 hand-dug water wells in the

 

entire area, with 182 of these in the Jezira and the remaining 130 in the
Western Desert and the.Alluvial Plain. 0f the latter number, h8 are
scattered in the northern section and 82 are distributed throughout the
southern part (Table 6).

Some of these wells are privately owned by individual nomads, but
the majority are tribally or communally owned and maintained. .At present,
the primary use of these wells is for domestic and livestock supply, al-
though some are used for irrigation of small fields, as in the area south
of Zubair where melons and vegetables are produced. The wells are usually

circular in shape and range from four to seven feet in diameter?7 The

27Ra1ph M. Parsons Company, op. cit., Vol. v, pp. 29-30.

56

 

‘ ' I I 1

33° 40° 42° 44° 46° 48°

SOURCES OF GROUND WATER SUPPLY
THE WESTERN REGION
IRAQ

"38°

0 DUG WELL
0 DRILLED WELL

 

”*KAREZ
* SPRING
"36°
~34°
~32°
E
0(I. I"?
13:...“ -
e O
t °O ’.. ° ’1“
.0 .‘o :20 $::8 O ’1
o o ‘0 e
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e . 00., N
W me. K 0 ° 0°. v

 

 

‘\.\ ° 0;.».\°_ /$ PERSIAN

. . ' e
“(NEUTRAD’ as GULF.
9 75 150 KM. \ZONE /'
A.R.H.
49° 4_2° 414° 416° 43°

m

.m

349.

329i

 

 

Fig. 10

57

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mm ooseww, am oomuwm am oosawm mm ooahoom arrow
as 0mm.smm em ooa.mom me ooo.HoH so soaooom opaoz

“anode assesses one
our poemon geomoz

 

 

 

 

 

 

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'1
II

 

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m mamas

58

most widely used method of lifting water from these wells is by hand, but
in some instances aw device, a donkey or a camel is employed (Pl. II,
Pig. 1). finall centrifugal or hand pumps have been installed in a very
few cases, especiallywhen wells are privately owned andthe 500d quantity
and quality of their water are assured (P1. II, Pig. 2).

film depth, the dissolved salt content of the water, and the yield
vary considerably from well to well and from place to place. 'Ihe chemis-
try and quantity of the ground water will be analyzed in more detail later
in this study. It has been pointed out that wells located in the southern
portion of the Hestern Desert have depths of from a few feet up to fifty
feet. Those dug alongside or in the wadis , however, commonly have less
depth, usually under thirty feet, greater yield, and better quality water
than those in the depressions, although both are located in the same
general area.

the hand-dug wells of the Jezira have depths from five to 38 feet
with an average of about eleven feet . Those in the central and southern
part of the Jezira west of Wadi Tharthar are generally characterized by
small yield and water of relatively high salt content. These factors may
provide a partial explanation for the large number of hand-dug wells in
this part of the study area. It appears that a definite procedure of
digging wells prevails in this section of the Jezira. The nomads dig in
the ground searching for water, but when they discover that either the
quantity or the quality of the water is unsatisfactory, they abandon the
site and move to another area to repeat the process. It may be concluded,

therefore, that many of the existing wells can be classified as

28
Ibid., Vol..VII, p. 32.

59

unproductive, unused, or overused.

Drilled wells.z-In 1961 there were about 208 drilled wells in the

 

study area, with 87 of these in the Jezira and 121 in the Western Desert
and the Alluvial Plain. Approximately, this same number exists at the
present time. About 87 of the latter number are in the northern part

and 3A are in the south (Table 6). The majority of the drilled wells

have been put down by Iraqi authorities since 1933; most of the rest by
the Iraq Petroleum Company and its associates, the Basra Petroleum Company
and the Mosul Petroleum Company, for their survey parties in the area.

The wells range in depth from fifty feet to about 200 feet and
produce water of varying quality from limestone, marls, sandstones,
gypsum, and conglomerates. The water recovered varies from highly saline
to a very good quality.

The government wells all have installations of centrifugal pumps
powered by diesel engines for lifting the water to the surface. They are
also supplied with pumphouses, water storage tanks, and water troughs
(Pl. III, Fig. l). The latter are about seven meters long and allow
forty head of sheep to be watered at the same time.

The average supply capacity is estimated at about sixty U. S.
gallons of water per minute per well of safe yield.29 Thus,a total of
8, 985,600 gallons of water could be supplied by the 208 drilled wells of

the study area during twelve hours of continuous pumping. Actually, these

 

2‘9'I'he maximum annual amount of usable water that can be withdrawn
in a given area without (1) lowering the water level or reducing the yield
below economic limits, (2) causing deterioration of chemical quality by
inducing inflow of poor quality water, or (3) causing deterioration of
aquifer's yield and storage characteristics.

60
wells are operated according to the needs of the nomads. They discharged
588,650 gallons per hour in 1961. Many wells are expected to yield
larger quantities of water to be used for irrigation purposes. At pre-
sent, the main purpose of these wells is to insure a permanent supply of
drinking water for the nomads and their livestock (Pl. III, Fig. 1). In
addition, some wells are also placed to serve the needs of small villages
and police posts in areas away from the rivers, and still others have
been used for the irrigation of small fields of alfalfa, vegetables, and
wheat (Pl. III, Fig. 2).

Eérgg,--In some instances ground water is obtained from horizontal
wells known as 32522: The essential idea of a karez_is that a subterran
nean canal is provided by digging a tunnel upslope from.the place to be
supplied with'water, often along the radius of an alluvial fan, until the
water table is tapped at a point where it is higher than where the tunnel
originated. .A number of vertical shafts are dug along the course of the
tunnel to give access to it to facilitate the digging. Since the karezes
are limited to sloping lands, usually alluvial fans or outwash gravels at
the bases of.mountains, there are very few in the study area and, there-
fore, they are of minor importance as sources of water. ’There are some
located west of the Tigris River in the BaiJi-Samarra area, but almost
all have been abandoned in favor of water from hand-dug wells or from the
Tigris River. Other karezes which are still in use are found on alluvial
fans on the southern side of Sinjar Hill in the Jezira region (Fig. 10).

Spring§.--There are some 92 water springs in the area. Of these
#5 are located along a line on the eastern edge of the Western Desert,
parallel to the Euphrates River (Fig. 10). In many places, the springs

occur in natural depressions, five to ten feet below the general ground

61

surface.

In the past, springs were an important source of water supply
along the ancient caravan routes crossing the desert between Basra and
the Mediterranean Sea. .At present, because of neglect, only about twenty
of these springs are productive and each yields an average of 100 U. S.
gallons per minute, but if excavated they could be a dependable source of
‘water for domestic, stock watering, and irrigation (P1. IV, Figs. 1 and 2).

Chemical composition of water from the springs shows marked simi-
larity, but there is marked dissimilarity from.adJacent ground water. The
spring water is generally less mineralized than that from.the adjacent
wells. The total soluble salt concentration in water of springs south of
.Najaf averages between 3,000 and h,OOO parts per million, while waters of

0
those springs located north of Najaf show less than this amount.3

.Mineral.Resources

 

There has been no comprehensive mineral survey conducted in the
study area, except for oil which was started about 1927. .A preliminary
investigation was undertaken in 1958 by the Site Investigation Company.

The Western.Desert is underlined by an old shield of igneous rocks and
there is a possibility that some metallic minerals exist. The mineral

wealth of the entire study area (Fig. 11), however, appears to be pri-
marily in the form of non=metallic substances. .At present only a few of
these minerals are being exploited, or seem.capable of future development.
011 is the most important of the economic minerals now produced. Salt,
bitumen, gypsum, limestone, sulphur, and phosphate are utilized on a very

limited scale. Other minerals such as ceramic clay, sand, copper, gold,

V—w . aw w—vfi_—vfiw __ — _—

30Ibid., vol. x, pp. 6h-65.

62

 

 

 

 

33° 4'0° 43° 4'4° 416° 433°
MINERAL RESOURCES
THE WESTERN REGION
”38° IRAQ 382i
F360 3624-
~34° 34':
.320 \\.\\ .XL'KHAIB '3" 329‘
NA] r
84 0;\_\ fit
OIL FIELDS 1‘ u
SALT 44’\ ”is its R
SILICA SAND «as 4 ”WK“ 5 A 4
CERAMIC CLAY -=i:=:=:=:=: 8\I\ .3592 ”‘44 .-
GYPSUM * 4 \._ 055w.“ 4k
LIMESTONE x I ‘ -
BITUMEN A I am. A .fl‘.” «‘3
~30° PHOSPHATE fiss / «S v. .
SULPHUR c I / 2}
IRON A \_ .
COPPER @ \-\_ /,./~-\_\ $$ PERSIAN
GOLD O \- NEUTRAL' . 4‘. GULF
OIL PIPELINE —30"-—l6"—12“07l5 150 K M. \ZONy/
PUMPING STATION§= ‘ \-/'
A.R.H.
49° 43° 414° 45° ‘.3°

 

 

Fig. 11

63
silver, iron oxide, ammonium sulphates, and about 1,980 lb. of uranium
are all known to exist. Some of these soon will be exploited upon comp
pletion of proJects which have already been initiated.

' Oil is found in the.Ain Zala and Quara fields in the extreme
‘northern part of the Jezira, and at Zubair in the far southern section of
the‘Western Desert (Fig. L1). The oil at Ain Zala and Quara is recovered
by the Mbsul Petroleum Company. These fields produce an average of more
than one million tons a year. That of Zubair has been owned by the Basra
Petroleum.Company and is the second most important producing area in Iraq
Vafter Karkuk fields. Output amounted to more than eleven.million tons in
1960.

Salt of gpod quality is presently mined by smele methods for the
dOmestic market in five places. Two of these are located in the SinJar
area of the Jezira, while two of the other three are in the eastern por-
tion of the‘Western Desert, and the remaining one is in Fao at the mouth
of Shatt.AlqArab River. The latter is currently producing 10,000 tons of
salt a year, and it is believed that production could be increased to one
million tons from this area alone.31

Some five million tons of pure sands are known to be available at
about fifteen meters below the surface in‘Wadi Hauran near Rutba. This
amount is regarded adequate to supply a glass factory employing 1,500
workers. This is already projected in the city of’Ramadi,'with an ini-
tial allocation of $5,762,h00 for construction costs.32

V—f r—wfiv‘v—fi— ‘— 7* fi—— W , h— f

31Republic of Iraq, Ministry of Industry, Directorate General of
Industrial.Design and.Construction, "The Pbssibility of Development of
Salt in Fan and Samawa," (Unpublished.Report), in.Arabic, January, 1962,
P- 13-

32Republic of Iraq, Ministry of Industry, Yearbook 196i-1962,
(Baghdad: Al-Tamadon Press, 1962), p. 36.

 

6h

An extensive phosphate vein is believed to exist between Rutba
and.Aneza.Hill in the Western Desert. Large deposits of limestone are
found in many localities, but eSpecially in the Rutba area in the Western
Desert and in the northern part of the Jezira. Some is quarried and used
primarily for building materials. Occurrences of gypsum are also wide-
spread, with the most important exposures in the lower section of the
Jezira, north of the Euphrates River. There are probably millions of
tons present, but as yet it is used only in nearby cities for the making
of plaster.

Bitumen is concentrated in three places, namely Quara in the
Jezira, and Hit and Ur west of the Euphrates River in the Western Desert.
Often brought to the surface along with gas and sulphur water by natural
seepage, it has been used locally in crude form for many purposes such
as road surfacing, fuel, and for water-proofing boats.

Suitable clays for ceramics are common in the Western Desert,
especially near the village of Rutba. The available quantity is con-
sidered sufficient to warrant utilization. .A sum of $2,2h0,000 has been
allocated to build a ceramic factory in the city of Ramadi which is ex-
pected to start production during 1965.33

Sulphur occurs widely in both the Jezira and the Western Desert,
mostly fOund in association with water Springs but also as deposits. It
is believed that this mineral has potential economic importance. .At
present, a very limited amount is being exploited from an area near the

village of Shabicha in the Western Desert.

W vvfi ww P—v —

33 Ibid., p. 38.

CHAPTER III

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND.AND PRESENT

CONDITION OF THE TRIBES OF IRAQ

The NOmadic Streams in.Mesopotamia (Iraq)

 

Throughout its history Mesopotamia (present-day Iraq) has been
the destination, melting pot and eventual homeland fOr successive waves
of nomadic tribes. It has been recognized that Semitic Arabs of differ-
ent stocks, such as the Hanaians in the middle Euphrates Valley and the
Banjaminites in the north and south, as well as tribes by the names of
Suti and Amorits, moved from the Syrian Desert into the Mesopotamian
Plain around the third millennium B.C., and made their impression on the
structure of the Sumerian and Babylonian societies.1 These nomadic
groups were believed to have been organized into clans and tribes, each
with its own name. .At the head of some of them were Shaikhs (chiefs).
It also may be supposed that they lived in tents and camp settlements.
These tribesmen robbed strangers, captured herds, and even attacked
towns. They were finally influenced by the sedentary people and began
to settle with the eventual result that they learned from the existing

civilization how to irrigate the land and, above all, the technique of

 

V W — w w—f f V—

1w. F. Leemans, "The Contribution of the Nomads to the Babylonian
'POpulation," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Origg¥, I
(1958), l38-lh5. see also J. R. Kupper,file Role Des NOmades Dans L His-
toire De La Mesopotamia Ancienne, "Journal of the Economic and Social
History of the Orient, II (1959), 113-127.

6S

 

66
writing.2

It is well proven that Arabia was the original home and has been
an inexhaustible reservoir of Arab nomadic tribes. Successive waves of
these tribes have migrated from.Arabia to the other Arab countries of
the Middle East. Enormous numbers of archeological sites and historical
references indicate that the Arabian nomads for the most part were de-
scended from traders, farmers, and caravan people who took to pastoral
nomadism during the early centuries of the present era as a result of
business deterioration.3

'With the introduction of the camel around 1100 B.C., full-time
nomadism became possible, for men could now live out in the desert most
of the year and subsist almost entirely on its products. The camel also
greatly increased their mobility and their range of wandering. Moreover,
the use of the horse after 500 B. C. gave the Arabian nomads an animal
from whose back they could fight each other efficiently.h It appears,
therefbre, that the Arabian nomadic mode of life on the desert was con-
ditioned by the domestication of the camel and the horse.

In fact, the.fOrtunes of camel nomadism in Arabia were also
closely connected with the old caravan trade between South Arabia on one
side, and the Mediterranean lands and Mesopotamia on the other. The
decline of this trade must have been of great importance to the Arab
nomads. This decline set in gradually around the fourth or third century

v—v—v—V—vfir _qr _‘V—V _fi v1 fif‘rvw

2Philip K'. Hitti, History of the Arabs (London: Machllan and Co.,
Ltd an 1937). pp 10-11

3Werner Caskel, "The Bedouinization of.Arabia," American Anthro-
pologist, LVI (195k), 36-h6.

hThefEncyclgpedia of Islam, I (London: Luzac and Co., 1960), p.

 

 

872.

o 67

B. C. when the tolls which had to be paid on the road were constantly
increased because of the political division of South Arabia into many
small states. Around 115 B. 0., when the Strait of Bab Al-Mandab was
opened for direct traffic from Egypt to India, the overland traffic be-
tween South Arabia and the Mediterranean Sea was greatly reduced in
importance.5 This must have been a great shock for the rulers of the
ancient states of southern Arabia and even more so for the Arab nomads
who took part in the overland traffic and sold camels to its merchants.

.MOreover, the economic declining of the Mediterranean region, the
feudal and religious wars in South Arabia between the third and the sixth
centuries A. D., and the constant wars between the Roman and the Persian
Empires, all gave rise to great insecurity and unrest in Arabia. Not
only did the nomadic groups become more mdgratory over longer distances
in the desert, but also part of the farming population became nomads. It
has been pointed out that some oasis areas in Arabia were given up en-
tirely fOr nomadism. A distinct example is the neglect and eventual
bursting of the dam of Marib, the old capital of Saba, and the resultant
total breakdown of this town and its oasis economy.

In both Yaman and Uman the strong feudalization of the highland
agricultural tribes, in their fortified dwellings, led to an extreme
dissipation of power, anarchy, and tribal organization and feuds similar
to those of camel-owning nomads. The wars between Rome and Persia for
control of the Fertile Crescent no doubt attracted nomads who could not
easily sell their camels fer the declining caravan trade to serve as camel

trOOps on the side of one or the other opponents.

 

5;§id;, p. 88%.

68
The above mentioned factors, therefore, were among those which
caused nomadic tribes to thrust from Arabia toward the north, directed
mainly to MeSOpotamia and other areas of the Fertile Crescent. The short
popular Arab saying, "Yaman is the tando(the cradle) of the Arabs, and

Iraq is their grave, already applied in this period. Nevertheless,
there have also been migrations to the south, such as that oriented to
Hadhramaut in the sixth century A. D., which according to one scholar
numbered.more than 30,000 men.

.Close relations between settled nomads and those still in the
desert facilitated trade. Only the nomads could conduct caravans of
merchandise across the deserts, and only strong bodies of nomads could
guarantee the safe transit of such caravans. In the history of the Roman
and Persian Empires, therefore, the nomads appeared in two roles--raiders
and traders. Both empires tried in various ways to defend themselves
from the predatory encroachment of the nomads. The most practical method
was found to be the employment, through their rulers, of the semi-nomadic
tribes on the tnperial frontiers to guard the settled lands from the
raiding activities of the desert tribes. In Iraq this role was played by
the kings of’Hira, an old kingdom.established on the Euphrates near the
site of the present city of Najaf, from about 300-600 A. D., while the
corresponding role on the Roman frontier was performed by the Ghessanids.

In the seventh century A. D., the last great Arab migration was
organized under the banner of Islam. The wave of Arab tribes which was
directed toward Iraq defeated the Persian rulers and gave that country
some of its predominate present-day characteristics, including the Is-

lamic religion and the Arabic language. Most of the armies of the

69
Islamic conquest were recruited from the Arab nomads.6 There were many
factors which motivated this Islamic expansion, but the most important
were the religious one and the economic necessities which drove the nomads
beyond the confines of their desert to the rich lands of Iraq and the rest
of the Fertile Crescent. I

The flow of nomadic tribes from the southwestern corner of Arabia
(Yaman) and its northeastern section (NaJd) to MeSOpotamia and the Syrian
Desert has continued during the centuries since the Islamic invasion.
Tribes such as Rabia, Bani Lam, Tamim, Tai, Muntafiq, Dulaim, Khazail,
and sections of Shammar and other tribal groups practiced a continuous
process of gradual infiltration, especially from Najd, up to the sixteenth
century. ‘

The more recent history of the Western Region of Iraq and the ad-
jacent Syrian Desert may be considered as beginning with the conquest of
the area by the Shammar Bedouins of Najd around the middle of the seven-
teenth century.7 Until that time the Ottoman Empire, which dominated the
Middle East, had maintained its southern frontier to coincide with the
present desert road connecting Baghdad with Damascus. North of this limit
the desert tribes were subjects of the Ottoman Sultan and the common law
of the empire prevailed. MeSOpotamia and the northern section of the
Syrian Desert were occupied by different shepherd tribes. Some were of
Arab and others were of Kurdish origin, in addition to tribes of mixed
race called MOali. The latter were occupying the right bank of the

Euphrates River (the Western Desert), while Tai, a pure Arab nomadic tribe,

 

6Hitti, Op. c1t., pp. lh3-lhh.

7The Arab of Me30potamia, published by the British Superintendent
in Iraq (Basra: Government Printing, 1916), p. 138.

 

70
were roaming over the Jezira. Subject to these tribes were the Weldi,
the.Aqaidat, the Jubur, and other minor tribes whose descendents still
exist today, but in reduced circumstances, along the valleys of the
Euphrates and Tigris rivers.

When the Shammar came from Najd they gained control of the southern
frontier of the Ottoman Empire, occupied the Hamad section of the Syrian
Desert, defeated the Moali, and reduced the lesser tribes to their bid-
ding. The Euphrates Valley was next swept by them; its flourishing towns
were forced to pay tribute to them instead of to the Ottoman authorities
and their nomadic law became dominant.

Before the end of the seventeenth century another nomadic tribe
appeared on the scene. This was the Aneza from Najd.8 Having heard
about the rich pastures acquired by their predecessors, they at once
sided with the Dulaim and the MOali tribes and together drove the Shammar
across the Euphrates River to the Jezira region. In the Jezira, the
Shammar tribes found richer grazing land before them than they had left
to the Aneza. But the Jezira was already occupied by other nomadic
tribes who were eventually overcome by the Shammar and pushed further to
the north. The raiding of the Shammar was carried to Mosul and other
Tigris towns, and even Baghdad itself was threatened. The Ottoman
authorities appeared to lack interest in these events and made little
effbrt to restrain the invaders. The governors of Baghdad and Mosul,
contented themselves within the walls of their cities and watched pas-
sively the development of these tribal struggles. I

The superiority of Shammar in the Jezira and of Aneza in the Hamad

 

W ____ *— ‘r' _fifi

aAbdul J. AleTahir, The Tribes and Politics (Baghdad: Zahra Press,
1958), in Arabic, pp. 21-27. '

 

. 71
of the Syrian Desert has continued since they first appeared from northern
Arabia. The enmities and large scale wars which began among.Shammar,-
Aneza, and Dulaim in the seventeenth century continued until the first
quarter of the twentieth century. Even at the present time there are
occasional fights among these tribes.

The comparative number of tents of the Shammar and Aneza tribes
and their allies as given by Blunt in 1879 are shown in Tables 7 and 8.
Calculations on the basis of five persons per tent would give a population
of 60,000 Shammar to 137,500 Aneza, or a proportion of l to more than 2.
Tribesmen allied to the former numbered 81,500 and to the latter some
77,000. Thus, there were apparently some 356,000 pure Arab nomads at

that time. This figure excludes non-Arab tribesmen.

TABLE 7

mmmsmoummrmmsmlmfi

 

M ._i a... _ fifi

No. of Tents

 

Shammar Tribes No. of Tents Allied Tribes
Jerba 2,000 Zoba 5,000
Hathba 500 Haddadin 2,000
Aslan MOO Tai 1,000
Saekh 500 Ghess 1,000
Aleyah _ 300 Albu Hamid 1,000
Abde 1,000 Jubur h,OOO
Chedada 300 Ajuari 1,000
Ghaet 500 Jerifa 500
Drerat 500 Buggara 800
Feddara 700
Amut 1,100
Affarit 500
Sabit 1,000
Menieh 800
Lahebi , #00
Sdeyt #00
Hammara #00
Other sections 700

Total 12,000 15,300

 

v—fi #— r —v h

‘ aLadyA. Blunt, Bedouin Tribes of the Euphrates (New York: Harper
and Brothers, Publishers, 1879), pp. 380-381.

 

72
TABLE 8

ANEZA AND ALLIED TRIBES IN 18798

 

7 v—w—T fiv—vv—v v—.
*7 ’—

 

_ —.v__ mfi _Vfi

 

 

Aneza Tribes No. of Tents Allied Tribes No. of Tents
Mhed‘ 1,000 Moali 1,000
Shameylat 1,000 Weldi 1,000
Ajajera 1,000 Afuddli #00
Khryssa 1,000 Dulaim (1909)b 13,000
Gomussa 1,000
Resollin 500
Abadat 500
Duam 500
Mesekha 1,000
Amarat 500
Ibn Hadhal #,000
Hesenneh 500
Rwala 12,000
Wld Ali 3,000

Total 27,500 15,350

W fi vfi * _ _vj—fifi fi

aLadyA. Blunt, Bedouin Tribes of the Euphrates (New YOrk: Harper
and Brothers, Publishers, 1879):'ppf'381l383.

bS. S. Butler, "Baghdad to Damascus Via El Jauf, Northern Arabia,"
Geographical Journal, XXXIII (1909), 519.

 

 

Tribal wars and feuds were also common features among tribes of the
river banks and those of the plains. The present distribution of the
tribes, as it appears on todays' map of Iraq (Fig. 12), therefore, did not
take place until about the end of the nineteenth century.

The migrations of these nomadic tribes into MeSOpotamia have been
described as waves. It is more likely that, in their initial stages,
these movements were similar in nature to the European migrations to the
New”World. A few people would start and others would follow; then more
would go until the general pOpulation was aroused to the idea of moving.
Moreover, the nomadic streams of migration to Iraq, as they took place

through the centuries, represented a typical dynamic frontier in the sense

73

 

T

373° 4'oo- 43° 4 ° 42° 18°

DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES

I R A0
tsso 389i
‘T U R K E Y
C .L, “‘8
/'/§;\"\°.‘. “. \"évxk .

0Y1“: r. are.»

0‘??? I'o’sg‘figyyféég\

K .

       

a.
- . 3.4

>3 6°

424, o ’ " \>
L UOU “0 9V
N/ g”‘ 63

. \
SALAMA A
4 P. .
.’.y "v, ‘3
' ‘0 0' V
i I \ \Q
Q "
9 I
/' °

  
  
    
 

  

"tag“
4,? “a“!
48 ‘1.

LIMITS OF TRIBES OF THE } i;
WESTERN REGION OF IRAQ/u, that
SHEEP-OWNING NOMADS 55153 I
E

 

I0
I

P30° CAMEL-OWNING NOMADS ANEZA

SETTLED TRIBES YASIR "QI-
*0 ygw‘uwl

 

NOMADS OF SETTLED TRIBES ALsu soon... "as c I“
MOVEMENT OF THE NOMADS: ---. “(NEUTRAL‘
0 75 150 K M. '\ZON§,/-

SUMMER---§WlNTER——b L l . \./'

 

l

 

0
410° 12° 44 fl°

 

Fig. 12

7%
that no physical or human barriers proved to be serious handicaps to the
emdgrants. Because of easy accessibility and the presence of good grazing
lands, tribal infiltration from Arabia to Iraq and other areas of the

Fertile Crescent was not only possible, but it was inevitable.

ThefiProcess‘of_Sett1ement

In this study the term "settlement process" is used to mean the
manner by which the tribal groups (the nomads) of Iraq were transfbrmed
into either completely or partially sedentary communities, mainly villages.
When these tribes approached Iraq, the majority of them were primarily
camel breeders who were seeking good grazing areas rather than farming
lands. TherefOre, the Western Desert west of the Euphrates River, the
Jezira, and the river banks were first occupied and have been the Special
domain of nomads for centuries. Spontaneous tribal settlement first re-
sulted when the tribes moved from these desert areas to the agricultural
lands of central and southern Iraq. Successive new waves of nomads re-
placed the old ones in the desert as the earlier groups became sedentary.
This settlement process has been going on in Iraq for centuries, being
expedited or retarded by governmental authorities and.many other factors,
but never stOpping entirely.

The historical records of the tribes show only rare instances in
which a direct transition from nomadic to a settled life has occurred.
It seems, therefbre, that when the settlement process proceeds spontane-
ously or freely there are certain stages of transtrmation through which
the tribes pass befOre becoming completely sedentary. The following is a
brief presentation of the general sequence by which the already settled

tribes of Iraq voluntarily transformed from the nomadic life.

75

The first stage in the tendency toward settlement is the change of
camel-raising nomads into sheep and goat-tending nomads by adding these
animals and gradually eliminating the camel from the herds. This stage,
therefore, represents a mixed pastoral economy, with raiding as a supple-
mentary activity when conditions permit. 4At this point the range of
seasonal migration is reduced because sheep and goats need to be close
enough to watering points for frequent use, especially during summer
months, and because they are not able to match the camel in traveling
long distances.

The second stage usually comes as a result of cultural contact be-
tween the nomads and the settled villagers. This contact may take place
in.different ways. Sometimes it comes through the exchange of commodities
between the two groups; other times it may be as a result of raids and
the domination of the settled pOpulation by the nomadic tribes. Whatever
the case may be, the desire to settle is likely to be instilled into the
nomads themselves, in Spite of the disdain and contempt which they usually
hold for settled peOple.

The third stage is the acquisition of cultivatable land, usually
by a powerful tribal group. This can happen either by fOrce, by purchase,
or by government grants. In this stage the tribes commonly employ members
of subdued and weaker groups to perform the agricultural work. These
groups may be from either the same tribe, or from other weaker tribes that
need protection. This tendency had been observed among the Khazail, who
were at one time largely a camel-breeding group and who controlled culti-
vators in the middle Euphrates area in 1918. This tribe consisted of

several clans, each of which had servants, and cultivators, many of whom

76
were of non-Khazail origin.9 Another tribe that also employed weaker
peOple to work in their wheat and rice fields in 1917 was the Albu Mu-
hammad.lo The same situation held true among the Sudan and Bani Lam,
who were camel raisers and strong militarily. Even as late as 1919 they
appeared in the river valleys only for rent collection, after which they
returned to the desert with their camels.ll

In the fourth stage, increasing numbers of the nomads themselves
begin to practice agriculture, mainly the raising of wheat and barley, as
a sideline or supplementary occupation for part of the year. They usual-
ly stay near their fields during the summer months of June, July, and
,August. During the autumn season, in the months of September, October
and November they drive their herds into the desert where they Spend the
winter searching for pasture. They then return to the river later in the
Spring.

Eventually the tribesmen come to realize that, because of the harm
by birds, the danger of drought, and the threat of neighbors' animals
grazing in their fields, it is to their advantage to remain closer to the
planted land. When this conclusion is reached their range of’migration
is reduced and a smaller number of animals are maintained with the conse-
quence that dependence on wheat and barley cultivation increases. In

this stage, however, tents are still mainly used as the dwelling units.

At the present time, some members of the Shammar in the Jezira, the Aneza

_A
fl v w W

91bid., pp. 112-122.

lOArab Bureau, Tribes of the Tigris, published by the British Su-
perintendent in Iraq (Calcutta: Cavernment Printing, 1917), p. 9-

 

1lJohn Batatu, "The Shaikh and the Peasant in Iraq, 1917-1958" (Un-
published Ph. D. dissertation, Department of Political Science, Harvard
University, 1960), p. 12. (USed with written permission of the author).

77
in the Western Desert, and part of the Dulaim represent this stage in the
settlement process.

The fifth stage is when the need to store surplus grain in good
years in order to hold it for sale at more profitable prices causes the
tribe to erect storehouses near the fields. When this is done the tribes
have to remain camped near their possessions for a longer period.

The final stage is reached when the nomads settle on the land and
become mainly cultivators, with the herding of animals now a subordinate

12 In addition to this transition in means of

part of their economy.
livelihood there is an accompanying change in dwelling units used. The

tent is first sheltered with reeds or brushwood, and then is walled in by
mud bricks or matting. The roof of handewoven tenting is eventually dis-
carded, and finally the tent becomes a mud hut. Therefore, the transition

in the mode of living is gradual.l3

Present_ConditiOE of the Tribes

 

The present-day patterns Of living of the tribes of Iraq are dic-
tated by the geographical characteristics of the country. The tribes are
thus divided into fOur major groups according to their environments and
the economies they have developed. Since the river plains are fertile,
the tribes of this area have develOped a predominately agricultural eco-

nomy. The tribes occupying the marsh areas are also fbr the most part

YY Y7 T_ W —v v—— .1 fifi

l2Somewhat similar stages of transition have been noted in the
case of the nomadic tribes of Egypt and Trans-Jordan. See Mohammed.Awad,
"The.Assimdlation of Nomads in Egypt, " Geographical Reyiew, XLIV (195A),
2#0-2523.A. s. Kirkbride, "Changes in Tribal Life in TransaJordan, " Man,
XLV (1915), #O—#l.

 

13Great Britain, Colonial Office, Special Report on the Progress
of Ira 1920-1231 (London: Stationary Office, 1931), p. 237. "

 

 

78
settled cultivators. Some of the tribes of the Mountain region practice
subsistence dry farming, but many of them continue in their semi-nomadic
and nomadic states. On the other hand, the tribes of the desert areas

(the Western Region of Iraq) practically all practice nomadism.

Settled Cultivators of the
MeSOpotamian Plain

At the present time, these settled Arab tribes are the most numer-
ous cultural group in Iraq. Formerly, they were nomads and gradually
settled on the delta plain of MeSOpotamia as cultivators (Fig. 12).

Mixed farming, which consists of agriculture and stock-breeding, is their
main occupation.' Tribal coherence among these peOple is less marked than
among those who are still nomads. Social characteristics and organization
which owe their origins to desert life remain among these fallahen culti-
vators although somewhat modified. They include the emphasis on hOSpital-
ity, honor, bravery, and other social values.

The cluster village where the fallahen dwell is the typical form
of agricultural settlement in Iraq and throughout the Arab world. It is
often described as "a classic example of the in-group,"ll+ in that, tribe,
religion, language, and often even family are the same for each person in
the village. This agglomerated settlement is probably the result of a
number of interrelated factors, the most important of which are the need
fOr protection, the tribal ties, and the availability of water in certain
areas.

The typical tribal village is small and contains about forty

 

‘r— ‘7 fir —_

lhJohn Gulick, Social Structure and Culture Change in A Lebanese

Village, Viking Fund Publication in Anthr0pology, No. 21 (New York:
Wenner-Gren Foundation for AnthrOpological Research, 1955), p. 162.

 

79

households with an average of five or six persons each. The fertility of
the surrounding agricultural land and the amount of water available set
initial limits on its size. Another limiting factor is that the fields
must not be farther than a few hours walk from the village, or they will
be uneconomical to farm and difficult to protect against animals and out-
siders. Clusters of flat-roofed mud huts, each with a courtyard and sur—
rounded by a wall, and narrow, winding streets are common features of
most of the villages. Money incomes are too low to support large commer-
cial establishments in rural Iraq; there is usually only a small teahouse
and perhaps a small shop selling commodities such as tea, sugar, ciga-

rettes, and the like in the villages.

Marsh Dwellers of Southern Iraq
15

The marsh dwellers of southern Iraq are settled villagers. They
have adapted themselves to the poorly drained swampy lands. 'Water

buffaloes, fishing, and reeds of the marshes are important in their lives.
Buffaloes provide these Ma'dan, as they are locally known, with milk,

butter, and cream. Some of the animals are bred for sale to merchants in

nearby towns. Fish are a major source of foOd, and fishing is usually

 

15For a detailed discussion of these tribes see Ethel Marnnin,

"Journey to the Marshes," Bulletin of the Republic of Iraq, published by
the Embassy of the Republic of Iraqfianashington, D.C., III, No. 7
(1962), 7-1#; Jacques Dauphin, "Ies Ma'dan De Basse-MeSOpotamie,"
Annales De Geographic, IXIX (1960), 3h-h9; Shakir M. Salim, Ech-Chibay-
ish:.An.AnthrOpoligical Studygof A Marsh Village in Iraq (Baghdad: Al-
Rabita Press,Tl957), in Arabic; Henry Field, "Some Notes on Albu Mu-
hammad of Iraq," Journal of Royal Central Asian Society, XXXVI (l9#9),
27#-277; John Van Ess, "Forty Years Among the Arabs,‘r National Geographic
Magazine, 1:00:11 (1912), 385420; Freya Stark, East is West (london:
Wyman and Sons, Ltd., 19117), pp. 170-176; Gavin Maxwell, A Reed Shaken
I111 the Wind (Iondon: Iongma'ns, Green and Co., 1957); Wilfred Thesiger,
The Ma‘dan or Marsh Dwellers of Southern Iraq," Journal of Royal Central
Asian SocietL XLI (1951+), #-25.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

80
done from small boats which are also the chief means of tranSportation
in this region of few roads. Reed plants are used mainly for fuel, for
food for both the peOple and their buffaloes, and for building material
and mats fOr their huts.

For these sedentary villagers, rice cultivation, fishing, buffalo
raising, and more recently, the commercial making of mats from giant
reeds are the main occupations. Most families own herds of 20 to 30
buffaloes and a few may have as many as 120 to 200 head. Some Ma'dan
dwell in temporary Shelters built from reed mats thrown over bundles of
reeds. Others live in huts which are more elaborate and permanent.
Since there are few natural islands in the marshes, the huts are usually
clustered upon small artificial islands - mounds made by piling reeds
and reed mats in the swamps. Because the base is constantly sinking,
the level is raised by laying down new layers.

From this simple structure of hut has evolved the mudhifs (guest-
houses) which form a conSpicuous feature throughout the marsh region,
especially among the western group of marsh dwellers where the tribes
still maintain Bedouin cultural features. Mudhifs vary from 2# to 98

16

feet in length and from 10 to 15 feet in width. In the marsh they

function as social clubs in which tribesmen gather daily to hold their
courts of justice and ceremonies and where hOSpitality to strangers is

Offered.

V —v ——

16In 1953 there were about 600 of such guest-houses belonging to
1,601+ families, in the village of Ech-Chibayish alone. Shakir M. Salim,
"The Role of the Guest-House in Ech-Chibayish Community," Bulletin of
the College of Arts and Sciences, Baghdad, I (1956), 83.

 

81
MOuntain Tribes of Northern Iraq

In the mountain and the foothill regions of Iraq, the Kurds con-
stitute the majority of the pOpulation. These mountain people share the
Muslim religion, but not the language with the Iraqis Arab majority.
Although some Kurdish tribes - numbering about #0,000 persons - are
solely pastoral nomads, the great majority are city dwellers and settled
cultivators. Both the nomads and the cultivators still maintain tribal
organization and social structure in a way similar to the Arab tribes of
Iraq.17 Each subdivision in their tribal hierarchy has its Shaikh.
However, the tribal Shaikh has more effective authority among the nomads
than among the settled tribes. Detribalization and settlement have been
going on here much the same as among.Arab tribes in central and southern
Iraq.

The settled Kurdish tribes live in small agglomerated villages
each containing ten to fifteen households. Generally, these are more
substantial than the villages of the settled Arabs elsewhere in Iraq.
The houses are built chiefly from stone, wood, and brush.l8 They are
often placed so close together on the mountainslope that the roof of one
farms anothers terrace.19 The sparsity of pOpulation and the abundance
of water in the Kurdish region makes for better sanitary conditions and

l7Abbaa.A1-.Azzawy, The Kurdish Tribes of Iraq (Baghdad: Al-Marif
Press, 19#7), in.Arabic, pp. 13-1#; also E. R. leach, "Social and Econo-
mic Organization of the Rowanduz Kurds," Social Anthropology, Iondon,
No. 3 (19#0), pp. 26-27. Fbr interesting discussion on the social life
Of the Kurdish tribes see Harold Lamb, "Mountain Tribes of Iran and Iraq,"
' National Geographic Magazine, LXXXIX (19#6), 385-#08.

 

 

laJ.P.N. Galloway, ,"A Kurdish Village of North-East Iraq," Geogra -
ica1.Journal, CXXIV (1958), 361-362.

 

 

l9w1told Rajkowski, "A Visit to Southern Kurdistan," Geographical
Journal, CVII (19u6), 133. ‘

82
and higher standards of living than is true among the Arab tribes of
Iraq.

Members of the Kurdish nomadic tribes engage in a variety of
transhumance.. Some tribes such as Surcki and Herki make their seasonal
movements with their flocks (mainly sheep and goats) within the limits
of the same mountain district from lower to higher lepes. Other tribes,
mainly Jaf and Balik, migrate between Iraq and Iran, or Turkey. They
summer on the pastoral mountains in Iran and Turkey and Spend the winter
on the Iraqi side (Fig. 12). A combination of transhumance and some
farming is practiced by others who are primarily villagers.20 Living in
a humid region with abundant water and pastoral resources, these Kurdish
nomadic tribes are much better off economically and socially than the

Arab nomads of Western Iraq.

Nomadic Tribes of Western Iraq

The Arab nomads of Western Iraq can be classified into two groups:
those whose main herds consist of camels and those who own mainly sheep
(Fig. 12). The camel-owning nomads are called Bedouin, a name simply
meaning "dwellers of the desert," or the Badiyah. The shepherd nomads
are called Shwaya, a word meaning "sheep herders," are the remnants of
the now settled agricultural tribes of Iraq.

The most important Bedouin tribes of Western Iraq are Shammar,
Aneza, and Dhafir. Each is divided into several smaller sections and
subsections. The territory owned by the Shammar, a tribe of about

#0,000 peOple, is located in the southern part of the Jezira (Fig. 12).

20Galloway, op. cit., p. 36#.

83
In the Western Desert there is also a minor tribal section of Shammar
whose'wandering area is near the Amarat, a section of Aneza. The Shaikhs
of the tribal sections of Shammar are members of the.Al-yamar'family.
The Aneza tribe, on the other hand, occupies the middle and northern sec-
tion of the Western Desert (Fig. 12). This tribe is the largest of the
Bedouins and numbers about 60,000. The two major sections of the Aneza
tribe are the Gebel and the Dahamsha, which are ruled by Shaikhs drawn
from the Hadhal family and the ijlad family reapectively. The other
two, but less important subtribal sections of Aneza are Fedan and Saba.
The Dhafir tribe, numbering about 30,000, is one of the famous camel-
breeding tribes whose wandering territory is in the extreme southern
section of the western Desert (Fig. 12). It has been weakened by inter-
nal strife between its two chief ruling families and by successive raids
by nomads from.Saudi Arabia between 1922-1925. These three tribes named
are the only ones in Western Iraq with extensive territories away from
the rivers.

The other Arab nomadic tribes, forming a minority of the nomads,
are the sheep-owners. Some of these tribes have small tribal areas lo-
cated near the rivers. They raise almost entirely sheep and a few goats
and use donkeys as burden animals. The Dulaim, who number about 20,000,
is the largest sheep-owning tribe of the Euphrates between Quim.and
Falluja. They range on both sides of the river capecially between Ana
and Falluja. The Albu Nimir, Jaghuifa, Albu Rudaini, Albu Mahal, and
Albu Dhiyab are the chief nomadic sections of the Dulaim tribes.(see
Fig. 12). The nomadic tribes and tribal sections along the Euphrates
from Falluja to Samawa and those of the upper Tigris are all shepherd

tribes and have a combined number of 50,000 peOple. Among the most

8#
important Of these groups are the Khazail, Bani Salama, and Ghazalat.
South of Samawa there are Zaiyad and Chazzi sections of the Bani Huchaim
tribes. The southern most sheep-owning nomads of the Euphrates are
small sections Of the larger Muntafiq tribes. These are Juwaibir,
Husainat, and.Juwarin. Along the upper Tigris River and elsewhere in

the Jezira there are a few shepherd nomads belonging to other tribes.

Social Structure of the NOmads_Of Western Iraq

The division of nomadic society into small social units is con-
ditioned by several factors. Among these is the limitation imposed by
the availability of pasture and water. No pasture, at any time, can
support a large number of animals for more than several days. Because
Of the limited grazing and water resources, the nomads are forced to
travel in relatively small groups.

The social structure of the nomads, both the camel-owning tribes
and the sheep-owning tribes, and the terminology used by them to denote
the tribe and its various subdivisions Show no significant variations
from one to another. For purposes of general orientation it is useful
to mention social characteristics which are relevant to the objective of
this study.

The family is on the first level of the hierarchy of the social
structure of the nomads. It constitutes the smallest social unit and
consists of a husband, his wife, and their progeny, up until such time
as the latter marry and establish their own separate families. The
unit is characterized by great stability and is not easily shaken by
diapersal of its members in time and Space. USually each family consists

of about five members who live in one tent under strict control of the

85
father. Married sons in poor families commonly continue to reside in
their father's tent, while those of more prosperous families live in a
separate tent which is pitched near that of the parent.

The extended family is the nucleus of all Arab tribal organization.
It usually includes three generations of parents and children who trace
descent in the male line. The typical extended family is comprised of
many individuals including parents, grandparents, married sons, their
wives and children, and the unmarried sons and daughters. The group may
also include dependent relatives and others under the family's protec—
tion. Marriage is customarily confined to the lineage or clan.

The clan constitutes the main factor providing the individual with
a sense of security, eSpecially with regard to the men who usually Spend
a considerable part of their lives with this group. The organization
and maintenance of the clan is based upon unlimited mutual and individu-
al reSponsibility. Members of two or three extended families will form
one clan. The clan is characterized by strong bonds between its members
who usually prefer to reside in a single camp, or at least remain close.
to each other in their encampment, because they are related by blood
ties.

The political unit among the nomads is the tribe. Tribes may be-
come friendly with one another, tied by alliances, or they may be antag-
onistic and frequently at war. Members of each tribal unit usually base
their attachments to their tribes upon accepted kinship principles
through their clans or families. The size of each tribe usually ranges
from 300 to 5,000 persons. These limits are dictated by the inability
of smaller units to defend themselves effectively against outside danger

and at the other extreme, by organizational inability of larger units to

86
control their members effectively.

A group or a federation of many tribes which normally share one
common area of origin is called gabila. Its importance is mainly to ful-
fill political and military functions for the tribes which are united
within its structure. Because of its strength, it is better able to
withstand external pressure from other groups.

A collection of several tribes or federations of tribes which are
in most cases, though not necessarily, related to one common origin is
termed a confederation. This union, therefore, stands at the tOp of the
SociO-political system of the tribal society, but its political function
is much more important than its social function. Tribal confederations
such as the Shammar, the Aneza, the Dhafir, and the Muntafiq were origi-
nated and crystallized when these tribes entered present-day Iraq, mainly
from the need of more security. About the end of the nineteenth century
tribal confederations in Iraq were greatly weakened, and at the present
time they are completely destroyed. The destruction of these and other
tribal confederations will be discussed in more detail in the fOllowing
chapters.

Not all of the tribal levels listed are always found. Some tribes
may be built on two levels and others may show three or four levels.21
Table 9 illustrates the hierarchical organization and the strong ties of
the social structure of the nomads, as exemplified by the Aneza tribe.

A similar table could be constructed for each nomadic tribe. It Should
be mentioned here that these tribal groupings are highly flexible forma-

tions and subject to frequent change. One tribe, for instance, may

V— Y—.

21George L. Harris, Iraq (New Haven: Hraf Press, 1958), p. 68.

87

 

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88
attach itself to a group of other tribes and regard itself as being a
kindred unit. In another instance, a tribe may detach itself from the
larger organization of which it originally formed a part, move into
another area, and soon appear as an independent group. The Albu Muhammad,
for example, separated from the larger tribe of Bani lam and became auto-
nomous.

The size of the tribe, the subtribe, and the constituent parts is
also subject to considerable fluctuation according to the prestige and
control of the Shaikh over the tribe and according to other circumstances.
Tribes such as the Shammar22 and the Dhafir were divided into factions
among themselves and highly reduced in size during the second half of the
nineteenth century.

Each clan, tribe, and other higher organizations is led by a
Shaikh who directs its affairs and symbolizes its unity. The social and
moral position of the Shaikh is very important in tribal society. Theo-
retically, the lesser Shaikhs all submit to the authority of the great
Shaikh of the tribes, but in practice it is not rare to find that some of
the lesser Shaikhs are not always obedient to the great Shaikh. The
position of the Shaikh is usually inherited within one family, but there
is no strict rule of such inheritance. If the Shaikh has no sons, author-
ity'may pass to the hands of one of his brothers. It is the Shaikh's duty
to represent his tribe when dealing with others, to rule on grazing rights,
to protect the dependent members, to receive guests, to make the first
move in changing the camp site, and to defend the honor and the prestige

of the tribe. How much use the Shaikh can make of his authority and power

 

W V“ f w _V—v h —. fl v——.

22Stephen H. longrigg, Iraq, 1900 to 1950 (London: Oxford Univer-
sity Press, 1953), p. 21+. “ 7‘

 

89
depends to a great extent upon his personality and his psychological
understanding of the members of the tribe.

The Shaikh is often assisted by a majlis (tribal council). This
holds frequent meetings as long as the tribe is encamped. It is usually
composed of the elders and the heads of the extended families and clans.
Matters concerning the political, economic, social, and judicial affairs
of the tribe and its subclasses are discussed and settled during the
meeting on an entirely informal basis.

Intertribal problems and diaputes are reconciled by the formation
of a council of judges from other tribes and the decision of such a coun-
cil is binding. It must be emphasized here that at the present time much
of the Shaikhs' and the majlis' functions and powers have fallen into
disuse as a result of the increase of the national government's control

in tribal areas, but they still maintain a strong influence and are well

reSpected by the tribesmen.

Social Characteristics of the Nomads

 

The social and moral characteristics which the nomads cherish are
no doubt the product of a long adjustment to the precarious life of the
desert. Of the many characteristics, several should be mentioned. Hos-
pitality is one of these. This grows out of human helplessness in the
desert and from the utter dependence of man upon other men. It thus
represents the outcome of adaptation to the hardships of the physical en-
vironment, where to refuse food and drink may mean‘death to the traveler.

Therefore, it is considered shameful not to serve several times more food

90
than the guest can eat.23 Closely allied with hospitality, is the obli-
gation to defend and protect any person who enters the tent when he is
threatened by someone else. An accused man or a whole clan may seek
asylum with another.

.A good Bedouin is an honorable man, and a brave one as well. He
does not permit his honor, as he sees it, to be stained. This is esPe-
cially true with regard to the chastity of his women relatives. The
Bedouin believes that a person's honor comes from the purity of his des-
cent. Bravery, which implies courage and endurance in the face of danger
and adversity, is necessary for the survival of individuals in the desert;
otherwise, they would not be able to defend themselves and their posses-
sions or to compete with others in wresting a living from the desert
environment.

On the basis of subjective statements, made by the Arabs themselves
and by foreign observers, it is safe to conclude that these people have
among them some highly intelligent persons. They pride themselves on the
keenness of their minds and their ability to comprehend things quickly.
Certainly they understand nature in the area where they live. Moreover,
travelers often describe the Bedouin as a curious and perceptive person.

The family, the meeting place, and the surrounding environment are
the main school for education of the individual in nomadic society. In
the meeting place the child learns how to behave in his society, the
history, and the traditions of his tribe. By actual observation, the

nomads gain a detailed knowledge of the geography of their wandering

 

23The hOSpitality of the Bedouins is well illustrated in Carl R.
Raswan, "From Tent to Tent Among the Bedouins," Asia, XXIX (1929), 570-
580 .

91
territory. Almost all the landmarks and physical features are given
special names. They also learn the names of the clouds and the winds and
their directions. They are very familiar with the fauna and flora of the
desert, their characteristics, and the possible economic and medicinal
values of these resources to them and to their animals.

The nomads develOp and memorize their own poetry, which relates to
all phases of life and is especially insPired by such themes as honor,
love, bravery, and hospitality. It is clear, therefore, that these
peOple have their own well developed culture and are not, as described by
Fords and some other writers, a "savage peOple."2u

The "ability to assimilate other cultures when the Opportunity
presents itself is well marked among the children of the desert."25
Mbreover, they have proved to possess a high capacity to accept new ideas
and to adjust themselves to the changing condition within the limits of
their poor environment. From the beginning they have been influenced by
such materials as tobacco, coffee, cotton textiles, and firearms. The
most recent instance of the susceptibility to innovation from abroad is
provided by acceptance of motor cars and tractors. Many Shaikhs possess
cars and tractors which they have learned to use. They are currently
modernizing their activities as much as such a process is compatible with
the conditions of nomadic life.

Living in desert conditions where no central authority existed

which could provide protection and security to the individual has caused

the tribesmen to give their unconditional loyalty to their clans and

W—F, v—w— v— F. v ._._ _ _—

21{’Daryll Forde, Habitat, Economy and Society (London: Methuen
and Co;, Ltd., 1956), p. 327. ’

 

25Hitti, oE. cit., p. 28.

92
and tribes. .A man driven out of his tribe is defenseless, and anyone
could plunder or kill him without fear of retribution. The tribe, in
other words, has been to the tribesman not only his "country", but his
trade union, his insurance policy, and his old age pension. If he were
killed by an outsider, the tribe would seek revenge and would feed and
care fOr his widow and children. Moreover, since all the members are
related to one another and intermarry within the tribe, the tribe enjoys
great advantage over a political state. Being a single family, the tribe
can command the services and the allegiance of its members without paying
them. Among these peOple, therefore, the tribe has been the only work-
able unit and in the past did actually play the part of a miniature state.
To change the loyalty of the Bedouins from their tribes to the nation,
the authorities must provide these peOple with all the services and faci-
lities which they can get from their tribes.

Along with loyalty to the tribe, the nomads attach loyalty to the
tribal territory or dire, Each tribe has its own customary district, in
which it freely moves, laid down by centuries of precedent. Natural
features such as hills, wadis, desert trails, and rocks form the bounda-
ries delineating each territory. According to the nomads' traditions,
waters and pastures of each di£§_usually belong to the whole tribe and
are communally used. ,A tribal territory must not be encroached upon by
another tribe, except by mutual agreement, for watering and grazing pur-
poses; otherwise war may ensue.

,A third loyalty of the individual nomad is that which holds him
a faithful follower of the tribal Shaikh and other lesser leaders, since
these peOple are, in effect, the embodiments of the will of the tribes.

loyalty to his tribe may lead him to choose to support one rival claimant

93

to the chieftanship, rather than any other. Often this conflict of

loyalties may divide a tribe either for a few years or forever.

Problemsfiof the NOmads of‘Western Ir§q_

 

The problems of the nomadic tribes of Western Iraq are many and in
most cases interrelated with each other. These problems emanate mainly
from the poor physical environment, especially the scarcity of water

supply and pasture.

The Problem of Water

The shortage of water is indeed the most crucial problem the
nomads have to face every year. A.water develOpment program therefore,
should constitute the cornerstone of any project aimed at improving their
condition and facilitating their settlement. The absence of permanent
surface water, with the exception of the two border streams, the Tigris
and Euphrates, and the low rainfall, unevenly distributed over the area
and fluctuating from year to year, impose drastic limitations on the ac-
tivities of the nomads. ‘In addition to this, there are other problems
of water supply in the area.

These are associated with the inefficient use of the available
water supply. Being uncovered and unlined, most of the hand-dug wells in
Western Iraq are seriously polluted and contaminated. Living organisms,
animal waste material, clay, and other foreign matter are often deposited
in the water by the wind and surface wash (Pl. V, Fig. 1). This is also
true in the case of water obtained from Springs in the area and the'water
supplied from pools and masonry tanks. Sedimentation in the unprotected

wells, Springs, pools, and masonry' tanks is another problem of these

91+
sources of supply (Pl. v, Fig. 2). Because of this, only twenty of the
Springs and two of the masonry tanks in the area are still in use.
Sometimes Springs are even damaged purposely, as when the Shaikh of the
Aneza tribe plugged several of them in 1950 with stones in order to pre-
vent the Shammar tribesmen from utilizing them.

About 208 wells have been drilled in the Western Region of Iraq.
.At the present time, nearly half of these are out of use for various
reasons. One of these is the frequent transfer of the governmental de-
partment reSponsible for their develOpment between various ministries.
Since 1933 the Department of Ground.Water Supply has been Shifted between
six ministries, and besides the time wasted, none of these ministries
paid serious attention to the maintenance of the wells. .A second reason
is that the Operation of the pumping machines has usually been left to
untrained persons, hired from among the nomads themselves. The result
was that many of the machines were broken a short time after installa-
tion (Pl. VI, Fig. l).

In addition, the uneven distribution of the drilled wells over the
area has resulted in uneven utilization of the water supply and the
grazing lands adjacent to them. The dependence of thousands of animals
on too few wells during the summer season and in dry years created over-
use of many of them.to the extent that some were abandoned because of
salinity and low yield. Some wells which were drilled in isolated areas
are not utilized to their full capacity. This uneven distribution of
wells has resulted not only in a shortage of water in many areas, but in
severe overgrazing, erosion of adjacent lands, the death of thousands of
livestock annually, and frequent fights among the tribes. In the central

and the southern sections of the Western Desert where the shortage of

95
water is particularly acute, fights between sections of.Aneza and
Shammar tribes are common incidents.

The shortage of water supply, therefOre, is the most important
single factor for the continuous migration Of these tribes with their
herds from place to place. TO cope with this problem, some of the
tribes are forced to purchase water supplies for themselves and their
animals at a very high cost during the dry months of the year. This
water is supplied by active wells in the area and conveyed to them in
tanks at a cost of one dollar per head of sheep per month (Pl. VI, Fig.
2). For a nomad this cost is impossibly high. It is, therefore, diffi-
cult to imagine how these peOple and their animals exist under such cir-
cumstances. In exceptionally had years the peOple might be compelled to

diSpose of large numbers of their animals at a loss.

The Problem Of Grazing

We have just stressed the fact that the foremost of the forces
which compells the nomads to keep moving is the need for water. Related
to this cause and ranking second to it is the search for pasture to feed
the animals. .A shortage of natural pasture is a common phenomenon in all
areas of Iraq, so the animals survive under a severe lack of fodder for
several.months in normal years. For the nomadic tribes this is an acute
problem because their herds depend completely upon natural free range.
The quantity and quality of this in turn is determined by the amount and
distribution of seasonal rainfall. Consequently, water and grazing may
fall Short Of the Optimum requirements of the dwellers of some areas
even in the good years. While grass is abundant in the rainy;seasons,

esPecially winter and Spring, by the end of the dry season it is severely

96
inadequate. Unfortunately, the nomads are Often unable to use all of
the grass in any Specific area because of their inevitable migration
toward permanent water wells. Grass that is left dries out and becomes
too fibrous for fodder.

The problem of the shortage of pasture, which results from the
erratic climatic conditions of the area, is highly aggravated by early
grazing, overgrazing, undergrazing, and shifting cultivation. It is a
common practice among the nomads to start grazing when the grasses are
barely above the ground, while the usual rule of range management re-
quires that no grazing should be exercised on these plants until they
reach 10 to 15 centimeters in height.26 According to Schwan and other
Observers, plants Of Western Iraq are grazed far beyond their capacity
to remain vigorous.27

Overgrazing in the area is a result of several factors, the most
important of which follow. The instability of the nomads and lack Of
prOperty rights prevent their having any sense Of conservation. The
desert and steppe areas have to provide grazing not only for the animals
of the local nomadic tribes but also for those belonging to the semi-
settled tribes Of Iraq living in the cultivated areas. Farmers in the
irrigated areas do not care to produce fodder for their animals, in Spite
Of the availability of soil and water, and depend on the natural range Of
the western part of the country to which they send their livestock.

This reluctance for fodder production is a survival of the sharecrOpping

A

263. E. Schwan, "Watershed Protection in Relation to Range.Manage-
ment," Iraq_gggicultural Journal, Baghdad, XII (1957), in Arabic, 535.

 

27Ibid., pp. 53h-538; Hugh M. Bryan and H. Wayne Springfield,
"Range Management in Iraq," Government of Iraq, Ministry Of Agriculture,
Baghdad, 1955, p. 5. (Mimeographed Report).

97
system which was dominant in Iraq before 1958. The system discouraged
the cultivation Of fodder crOps since the landlord did not profit from
the animals which were owned only by the tenants.

In addition, nomadic tribes from Syria, Jordan, Saudi.Arabia, and
KHwait migrate into'Western Iraq every year and use up a considerable
portion of the pasture. This is because the western Region of Iraq is
richer in natural pasture than the adjacent areas of these countries.
Furthermore, grazing is free in this part Of Iraq while certain fees are
required to be paid to the authorities of neighboring countries, both
from their tribes and from tribes of other countries.

It is commonly agreed that the number of sheep owned by the nomad-
ic tribes of the area, at present estimated to be h,500,000 head, has
considerably increased during the last forty years. This has been par-
tially due to the ending of the fOrmerly incessant tribal warfare and
raiding. Moreover, everything which burns is cut down or dug up by the
tribes for fuel.

The Sporadic shifting of the cultivation Of wheat and barley,
practiced by some nomads of Dulaim, Shammar, and Aneza tribes, in some
parts Of the hilly section Of the Jezira and the Upper Wadian portion of
the'Western Desert, has also ruined much land. This pattern of uncon-
trolled cultivation has exposed these areas to pasture destruction, water
runoff, and soil erosion.

Seasonal Migration.--The ever-present search for water and pasture

 

forces the nomads to adopt a pattern of seasonal migration. The general
directions of the seasonal migration Of the chief sheep and camel-owning
tribes of Iraq appears in Figure 12. The sheep-owning nomads move out

each autumn and winter, following wadis and depressions in the desert

98
and steppes, and retire to the land near rivers and canals during the
Spring and summer (Pl. VII, Fig. l). The camel-owning nomads also prac-
tice seasonal movement and migrate in different directions (Pl. VII,
Fig. 2). During the summer many of them graze their animals along the
Tigris and Euphrates, and some may penetrate into the agricultural areas
further east between the rivers. The Amarat tribe of Aneza at times
grazes quite close to Baghdad.28 Other camel-owning tribes migrate
within the desert and steppe areas for the entire year. Their movement
is usually regulated by the distribution of water wells.

The distance which the herders travel depends largely upon the
season, the amount of rain, and the availability of pasture. However,
fOr some of the sheep-owning tribes this distance is estimated to be
between Six and eight kilometers per day when grazing is fairly good;
but when aiming for any particular grazing ground, 16 kilometers a day
is considered an average rate Of movement.29 Due to the great ability
Of the camel to withstand the lack of water, the distance covered by
camel-owning tribes is greater than that of the sheep-tending nomads.
This means that the wanderings Of both Sheep and camel-owning nomads are
extensive.

In addition to these seasonal movements within the political boun-
daries of Iraq, some tribal sections move seasonally to neighboring coun-

tries, mainly for the purpose of shOpping and smuggling. Certain

 

Y 7 7 v —v v

28Carl R. Raswan, "Tribal Areas and MigratiOn Lines of the North

Arabian Bedouins," Geographical Review, xx (1930), ugh-A95.

 

2gGra‘hameWilliamson, "Iraqi Livestock," The Empire Journal of
Experimental Agriculture, XVII (19h8), 5O.

 

 

99
sections of the Muntafiq Shepherds move each year to Kuwait;30 those Of
Shammar go to Syria, and the Aneza go to Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Jordan
(Fig. 12).

The nomads, eSpecially the sheep-owning tribes, usually rely on
natural grasses along the rivers for summer grazing. The high grazing
pressure which they create on the natural pasture, on one hand, and the
expansion of irrigation and cultivation in areas along the rivers, on
the other hand, are increasingly curtailing the amount of free natural
pasture available. Consequently, nomads have to depend increasingly on
the fallow fields of the settled tribes near the rivers; and since they
cannot Offer to pay high rent for this, social problems and severe tribal
fights result even in normal years. In dry years, as in 1958 and 1959,
the problems became much more complicated. Struggles take place not only
between the settled tribes and the nomads, but also among the nomads
themselves.31

From the above discussion we can conclude that the nomadic exis-
tence of these tribes is a forced way Of living which will be drOpped or
modified when its motivations can be replaced by suitable alternatives.
Economic Problems32

The primary subsistence Of the nomadic tribes has been tradition-

ally derived from their animals, mainly camels and sheep. These animals

 

30H. R. P. Dickson, Kuwait and Her Neighbor§_(london: George
Allen and Unwin, Itd., I956), pp. 158l168. ‘—

 

3tJ. P. H. van der Veen, Report to the Government Of Iraq on
Pasture and Fodder Development (Rome: Food and Agriculture Organization
Of the Uhited Nations, 1960), p. h.

 

 

32This point has received the attention of many scholars interes-
ted in the future of the Arab nomadic tribes of the Middle East. See

lOO
provide the simple, basic needs of food, clothing, and shelter. The few
supplies which have to be procured from the settled peOple are usually
paid for by'marketing some Of the animals and their products such as
wool and butter. Formerly, practically all traveling and tranSportation
of commodities in the Arab Middle East was done by camel caravan. For
these caravans the nomads not only provided camels, but also protection
and guide services. These sources of income have been almost entirely
lost to nomads due to the increasing use of motor cars and railways.

In addition to these regular means of income, the nomads in the
past engaged intermittently in other less stable and secondary occupa-
tions. These included frequent raids against each other and against the
settled tribes, and Often the exacting of tribute from the oasis farmer.
Such activities varied with the extent to which the central authorities
exercised control over the tribes. Today these sources of income have
been removed through.more efficient governmental administration. In the
past the develOpment Of the petroleum industry in Iraq and the building
of railroads provided other job Opportunities for some Of the nomads,
but this was temporary. The Bedouin Legion, which was organized soon
after World War I to assist the authorities in keeping law and order in
the tribal areas, was another short-term Job for some of the Iraqi no-
mads. In other countries of the Arab Middle East, such as Jordan and

r w fi—rfi— “_— v—7

320. S. Jarvis, "The Desert Bedouin and.His Future," Journal of'Royal
Central Asian Society, XXIII (1936), 585- 593, E. Epstein, "The Bedouin
Of Trans-Jordan, Their Social and Economic Problems," Journal of Royal
. Central Asian Society, XXV (I938), 228 236, E. Elath, The Bedouin of
the Negev," Journal Of Royal Central Asian Society, XLV (1958), 123-

' 139; Carleton»Sw Coon,fi"The NOmads,"'in Sydney N. Fisher (ed.), Social
Forces in the Middle East (New York: Cornell university Press, 1955),
pp. 23JHIEVAdhan Mathuk, "Recent Agricultural Development and Bedouin
Settlement in Syria," Middle East Journal, x (1956), 167-176.

 

 

 

lOl
Hadhramaut, this employment has been the main source of income for a con-
siderable number of nomadic tribesmen.33

The decline Of these Opportunities for making a living have brought
crises upon the tribes' economic conditions. Accordingly, the present-day
nomads have for many years been threatened by starvation which sometimes
becomes a grim reality. These and other factors which influenced the
economic situation Of the tribes in Iraq will be treated in more detail in
the following chapters.

Mbre recently, a few tribesmen have found a new supplementary
source Of income, that Of gathering salt from certain depressions in the
desert and selling it to the settled pOpulation. Some of the Shammar
tribesmen are exploiting the Sunaisala depression for this purpose, while
those from the Aneza gather their salt from the Razzaza area west of the
city of Karbala (Pl. VIII, Fig. 1). Some of the nomads are practicing
dryrcultivation, especially in the hilly section of the Jezira and in the
Upper Wadian Of the Western Desert (Pl. VIII, Fig. 2). This activity pro-
vides them with some wheat, although the supply is far from being adequate
or constant. Such occupations, however, are to be considered subsidiary
in comparison to the main source Of livelihood which is animal husbandry.

Animal Husbandryg--0fficial figures on the animals owned by the

 

nomadic tribes Of Western Iraq are lacking, but it is safe to estimate
that there are 150,000 camels, h,500,000 sheep, and about 1,000,000 goats.
Although animal husbandry is the main concern Of the nomads, they raise,

keep and utilize their animals in the same manner that their remote

_— A
fifi W ——v—v “v W w _vi w

33A.JM. Clark Hutchison, "The Hadhrami Bedouin Legion," Journal Of
ngal Central Asian Socie_y, XXXVII (1950), 62-65; Wilfred Thesiger,fi"The
Badu Of Southern.Arabia," Journal Of Royal Central Asian Society, XXXVII

(1950), 53-61

 

 

 

102
ancestors did ages ago. To a nomad the most important thing is to have
the largest possible number of animals, regardless Of their value or prO-
ductivity. This has traditionally determined the prestige and social
standing of the nomad within the tribe. Another reason why the number of
animals is so important is because of the need Of a man to pay for his
marriage with animals. The more animals one has, the more wives he can
marry. The environmental conditions Of the nomads at the present do not
lend themselves to raising a more productive type Of animal. Due to this
combination Of factors, coupled with the ignorance of the nomads, the
standard of their animal husbandry is very low. Camels, the principle
animal bred by the camel-owning nomads, are kept as burden animals, for
their milk, and for direct sale. Among the sheep-owning nomads, sheep
.and goats are raised for their products such as milk, clarified butter,
wool or hair, and skin. In addition, these animals are frequently bred
for direct sale.

The low level Of develOpment Of animal husbandry among the tribes
can be seen in their ways of Obtaining and processing the products Of
their herds. Sheep and camels are milked only during the Spring, and the
amount of milk Obtained is exceedingly low. Furthermore, milk can be pre-
served only in a sour state, or as clarified butter which can be stored in
a skin until it is sold. Due to the primitive methods and the lack Of a
ready'market, even the large sheep-breeding groups are not economically
interested in raising the milk yield or in improving their breeds for
this purpose. The amount Of butter derived from each lambing ewe is re-
ported to be 1 kg. from the A_i;e_n_h_i_ breed and l to 1.5 kg. from the m

breed per season. The same Awasi breed yields as much as 3 kg. in

103
northern Iraq.3" This low yield of the Ay§§i_of the nomads Of“Western
Iraq, is most likely the result of low nutrition and poor care.

The nomads consider wool as the least important sheep product,
although, as a rule, even its poorest quality has a more ready market
than that fOr meat and butter. The processing Of‘WOOl, hair, and skins
is conducted only by primitive manual methods and generally satisfies
only the modest home demands of the nomads. USually not much meat is
eaten by tribesmen, but the entertaining Of guests demands as lavish a
supply as can be afforded. Imus, from year to year most of the surplus
stock is used for home consumption.

-Furthermore, since these tribes lack capital, they are Often forced
to borrow money at more than 100 per cent interest fOr six months from
village and town.merOhants, in order to develOp and maintain their animal
husbandry. Such high rates are dictated by the high risk the lenders
have to take due to famine in rainless years. This interest is exacted
either in kind or in cash.

Camels suffer heavily from.diseases like mange and worms. These
two afflictions cause a high mortality rate and poor condition Of the
animals. The desert sheep, on the other hand, do not normally suffer
from.many infectious diseases. During their seasonal migration towards
the marshy areas in the vicinity of rivers, however, such ailments as
liver fluke and lung and intestinal worms flourish, and the nomads incur
many losses among their flocks. The main problem Of desert sheep during
the greatest part of the year is undernourishment, due primarily to the

lack Of good pasture and a protein deficiency in their food supply. For

 

V W fl ,— fi v1.7 “ *7 7 fi— ffi

3"Williamson, Op. cit., p. 53.

10h

these reasons most of the animals are in a very poor condition. It has
been reported that in normal years a mortality rate Of at least 50 per
cent is being suffered among the sheep herds. In addition to the above,
loss in weight and a wastage in the wool Of the body is involved. Sheep
now average about 25 lbs. dressed weight, although they have a capacity
to carry from L5 to 50 lbs. Of meat, provided that they are in good con-
dition and free from disease. The loss in wool is also very heavy and is
probably up to 50 per cent of the wool which could be produced.35 -The
detrimental effects of such waste on the nomads and the country is most
Obvious, and remedial measures should be taken as soon as possible.

Marketing.--In marketing their surplus animals and animal products,
and in buying their meager needs, the nomads also face serious difficul-
ties. Due to their isolation and the lack Of tran3portation and marketing
facilities, the tribes, eSpecially those in the interior Of the desert,
are often forced to sell their products at low prices. .As they are
moving from place to place, they cannot keep their surplus products in
good condition fOr very long. However, the shepherd tribes who live
closer to the settled areas near the rivers are more fortunate in this
reSpect. They usually market their products in nearby towns and cities
Of the Tigris and Euphrates, such as Samawa, Nasiriya, RaJaf, Karbala,
Ramadi, Baghdad, and Mosul.

The camel-owning nomads, on the other hand, have commonly been
exploited by Special dealers and the shOp owners Of desert villages.
These dealers Often go to the nomads in their summer encampments to buy

their products at extremely low prices and to sell them some daily

4*
Yfi—fiv—v—V—vfivw fl v—t f V v—v—Vfi v_H—rfiw—v

35.1. A. Salter, Development of Iraq: A Plan for Action (Baghdad:
The DevelOpment Board, 1955), pp. 196:197. —' '

105
necessities such as coffee, vegetables, and cigarettes at high prices.
The nomads do their main shOpping once or twice a year. For this they
usually go to poorly supplied small villages within and at the fringe Of
the desert. On their shOpping trips, which are normally associated with
their summer movement, they come to these villages in large numbers at

one time. This Often creates a shortage of food supply and high prices.

Social Problems

The social problems Of the nomads are dictated by their way of
life which in turn is largely the result of their environmental situa-
tion. The author feels that most of these problems could be solved, or
at least partially solved, by providing an economic climate which would
facilitate the settlement Of the nomads.

L¢XE;.9f Living.--Backwardness and stagnation are inherent charac-
teristics not only of the nomads' economy, but also Of all aspects Of
their everyday life. Their social organization and structure, tents,
household utensils and furniture, clothing, food, and means Of travel are
all oriented to the main Objective - that Of adapting themselves to the
rigors Of a nomadic existence. The life of these tribes is extremely
difficult, and it remains stagnant in its traditional fOrm.

In a tribal camp the tents are usually scattered over a wide Space.
.Each group of family tents is about 200 yards from its neighbor where
camping ground is broken, and possibly #00 yards away on flat, Open sur-
face. This is eSpecially true in winter and Spring. In summer, near
water points, the_camp is more compact. For reasons of sanitation and
grazing, the camp site is changed every ten days to two weeks. An ordi-

nary change of ground usually involves moving a distance Of about ten

106
miles, provided that water and grazing are available.

Their very simple clothing barely protects the peOple from winter
cold. Some of their clothes are crudely woven by the nomads themselves,
and the rest are bought from the settled peOple. They go barefOot as a
rule, but some use sandals purchased in nearby villages.

-The food is quite simple and inadequate for the average human ex-
istence. Sometimes, days may pass when a tribesman has nothing other
than camel or Sheep milk. Bread is Often the next main staple food.

Meat is a luxury'and is used on occasions Of honoring a guest, or when an
animal has lost its value and has to be killed. Dates and certain edible
plants like truffles, as well as locusts, are among the.foods that are
enjoyed. Coffee and more recently tea, which are purchased from settled
areas, are important drinks for the nomad. Tobacco has become one Of the
luxuries among these tribes.

It is difficult to give an exact budget Of a nomad family, but in
1930 a camel-owning family of five persons may have received a total
income of about 10 British pounds a year, and a sheep-tending family
nearly half Of this.36 In 1935, according to Glubb's estimation, the
income for a wealthy Shaikh, such as Ibn.Hadhal, the Shaikh of.Aneza
nomadic tribes, who at that time owned thousands Of livestock, was 250
British pounds a year. For a typically poor camel-owning family, 8
British pounds a year could be derived from selling two of their ten

camels.37 According to Bonne's estimation, a sum of 10-15 pounds per

 

Y—r—v _ f v 'v v—v v... y w—. '—'7—Y _ j T r

36Great Britain, naval Intelligence Division, Iraq and the Persian
Gulf (London: The Naval Intelligence Division, l9uh), pp. 338L339.

 

3ZJOhn B. Glubb, "The Bedouins or Northern.Arabia," Journal of
Royal CeptaalyAsianySociety, XXII (I935), 16.

 

107
camel-owning family in 1939 was usually obtained under normal circumstan-
ces from.the sale Of two or three camels.3'8

Insignificant as are the nomad's daily needs and expenses, and
much as he.must in bad times reduce his requirements still further, he
tends towards a diSplay of extravagance far in excess of his means when
guests enter his tents. In order to celebrate such an occasion fittingly,
he is capable Of running himself deep into debt for years to come. This
is one factor which has contributed to the continued poverty Of the
nomads.

These peOple live in tents which are usually made Of goat's hair
or sheep's wool. Sometimes they make their own tents, but usually these
are purchased from town and village dwellers. An average quality,
medium-sized tent costs about $250 and lasts only for about five years.
.At this price, the erection Of mud huts would be cheaper because they
‘would last for a longer period, if these nomads were settled. .Medium
and large size tents are usually divided into two parts by a curtain or
by piling up bags Of food and other household equipment (Pl.VII, Fig. l).
The left side is the men's section, which is also used as.a dining place
and guest room. The right side is fer the women and children Of the fa-
mily. NO matter how these wandering peOple adapt their tents to the
environmental conditions, they are still provided with inadequate shelter
regardless of the season. In summer the rule is to pitch the tent with
the larger portion (the men's section) facing the direction Of the pre-
wailing winds. In winter it is heated by an Open fire which is also used

fer the preparation Of food. There is practically no light. What little

;_ A
v—v 7v—v 7v v—v—v w—v—— _ w wfiv— fi—w—

3§Alfred Bonne, The Economic Development of the Middle East
(London: Kegan Paul and Co., Ltd; 1915), p. 37117* *

 

108
there is, is admitted into the tent by raising the sides in order to
obtain ventilation. The cold and the smoke from the fire is bad fer the
peOple's health, eSpecially that of the children.

The nomads' camp consists of a group of tents which may range from
about five tents for an individual family, to 200 to 300 tents for a
whole tribe. .A typical camp will include tents of shopkeepers, black-
smiths, etc. In choosing a camp site the proximity of water and the
nature of the grazing ground are essential factors. In summer the camp
is as close as possible to the wells. In winter it is usually within 30
miles of water.

It appears from the fbregoing analysis that the nomads are insig-
nificant, both as producers and consumers- As producers, their under-
developed livestock economy falls short of the present requirements in
quality. [As consumers, they benefit the national economy very little
because of the meagerness of their resources and the primitive simplicity
of their life, the needs of which can be met with small quantities of the
cheapest goods. In both respects they have had a delaying affect on the
economic development of the country because of their virtual failure to
.make any real contribution to it.

level of Health.--Unfortunately, no reliable statistics exist with

fir—V H V—fi

 

respect to the various diseases and the birth and mortality rates among
the nomads. In nomadic life, as one might expect, the_rate of child mor-
tality is appalling. This is due to several factors. Children in the
infancy period are handled very roughly. During the movement of the
tribe the child is placed on the camel much like a piece of luggage. In
{addition, children are constantly exposed to the hardships of nomadic

life with its inadequate food and protection from the weather. The

109
percentage of those who survive and reach.an old age is relatively small.
With the.free~moving life they have in the fresh air of the desert and
the hardships to which they have.become accustomed, those who survive
usually have well, solid, and tough bodies. On the other hand, due to
the inadequate diet, the unclean salty water, and the lack of knowledge
of modern hygiene, many diseases prevail among these peOple. And because
of their nomadic life, they rarely pay any attention to a disease until
it is very acute.

The most prevalent ailments are eye diseases such as trachoma and
ophthalmia,diseases caused by the impurity of water and food, varieties
of fever, ulcers, smallpox, and tuberculosis. The nomads believe that
diseases are willed by God for purification of sins or may be caused by
the evil eye. ‘Winds and sandstorms, according to them, are also among
the causes of sickness. For treatment primitive and often ineffective
methods are practiced. Certain desert herbs, animal milk, and dung are
used for curing a variety of illnesses.

These widespread diseases and the primitive methods used for
treatment contribute greatly to the low productivity of the nomads. Yet
little or no attention has been paid to improving their health. One dif-
ficulty is that no effective medical treatment can be extended to them
while they are continuously migrating from place to place. Mbreover,
the uncontrolled movement across the international boundaries by some
Iraqi tribes and by those of neighboring countries causes the nomads to
act as disease carriers. This has even resulted in Jeopardizing the
settled population of Iraq.

(Level of Education.-4The level of education of the nomads is no

 

better than that of their living or health conditions. Schooling and

llO
fbrmal education has not been extended to them, although there is a
genuine desire for education among these peOple. {In some of the villages,
for instance, it has been reported that requests have been sent to the
authorities by Shaikhs of settled tribesmen for establishment of schools,
but nothing has been done to satisfy this desire. Some of the villages
of the.Western Desert and the Jezira are provided with primary schools,
but the facilities of these are grossly inadequate.

Thus, it can be safely stated that about 98 per cent of the nomads
are illiterate and deprived of the barest elements of a fundamental edu-
cation. The tmo per centwho are literate is largely composed of some of
the Shaikhs' sons and a few religious leaders. There is no doubt that
the lack of education among the nomads is mainly due to their nomadic
life. The scattered pattern of their encampments, in small groups at a
considerable distance from each other, while they are grazing, especially
during the winter, makes their education extremely difficult and expen-
sive. It is not, therefore, astonishing to find a low level of produc-
tivity, high incidence of disease, and economic and cultural backwardness

among these people.

Administrative Problems
In the past, intertribal enmities, fighting and raids have had a
retarding effect on the whole social and economic develOpment of Iraq.
.At present, although public security in tribal areas is well established
pand large-scale raids have long since disappeared, the past tribal fric-
tions have not yet been forgotten by the nomads. Disputes over grazing
,and water rights often revive the old enmities among them and result in

struggles on a narrow scale. ‘This, for example, happened between

lll
tribesmen of.Aneza and Shammar in the.Shabicha area of the Western
Desert in 1952.39 This kind of fight was repeated in the _Salman area in
,1959. .Clashes between sections of the same tribe are not unusual. This
occured among the Aneza during 1956 and 1957 in the Nukhaib area, also
over water and grazing.)+0 In addition there are still struggles among
the.Dulaim, Shammar and the Jubur in the Jezira. rThis situation is most
conspicuous in the relations existing between the settled tribes at the
edge of the desert and the nomads, who in their summer grazing and in
rainless years are forced to graze the fields of the settled tribes (Pl.
VII, Fig. 1). In this respect, at least, the nomads still constitute a
latent threat to everything which favors order and security in their
areas. Furthermore, they periodically present a real.administrative
problem to the authorities.who have to provide expenditures and force to
overcome fights among the tribes.

The nomadic tribes have no concept of nationalism, Arab or other-
wise, and.have little notion of any state or national cause to which
they are loyal. .Atnomad's horizon does not reach beyond his own terri-
tory; his only loyalties are to his tribe, to his Shaikh, and to his
tribal area. National feeling and very strong tribal loyalty are differ-
ent and incompatible. The nomadic way of life thus constitutes a tremen-
dous obstacle in the way of establishing national unity in the country.

Many stories are told about the nomads' smuggling activities

between Iraq and adjacent countries to supplement their meager income

 

v—v a T— ——v v , v— v 1' , v r—V T—' 7 Y——‘ W

39According to an unpublished report of the Iraqi Ministry of
Interior No. 65%, dated 8/9/1961, (in the files of the Ministry).

hQAccording to an unpublished report of the Iraqi Ministry of
Interior Nb. 5230, dated 2/8/1959, (in the files of the.Ministry .

112

from animal husbandry. By this they cause frequent trouble for the
police posts in the Western Region and distrub the friendly relations
with neighboring countries. The penetration by the nomads of these
,countries into the territory of Iraq for grazing presents another problem.
~The grazing of these tribes in Iraq is sometimes combined with the culti-
vation of small plots of land for which they claim prOperty rights,
thereby creating conflicts between the Iraqi administrators and those of
the other countries to which the nomads belong.hl

Finally, these tribes, because of their nomadic mode of life and
their traditions, do not lend themselves or their animals to any accurate
census. Obligations to pay taxes, to participate in the armed services,
and other public responsibilities are also unknown to them. It should be
realized, however, that these nomads, living as they do outside the move-
ment of modern civilization, cannot appreciate what their real interests
are; nor can they envisage the means of achieving higher social and eco-
nomic standards by themselves. It is therefore, essential that they
should have full confidence in their government and its ability to accept
its responsibilities toward them and discharge these in a satisfactory
manner. Thus, the problem of settling the nomads is a highly complicated
one, but marked progress can be made toward its solution if proper steps

are taken.

Recent Tendency Among the meads
Toward Settlement

 

 

.At the present time, there is a strong tendency among the nomadic

 

— :7 Y7 fi—V wywr—rv—wv—r—v: fl V — v—r fi

“According to a letter from the head administrator of the Dulaim
province to the Iraqi Ministry of Interior, dated 7/21/1962, (in the
files of the Ministry).

113

tribes of Western Iraq, especially the younger generation, to abandon the
traditional way of life and to settle (Pl. IX, Figs. 1 and 2). This
tendency is generally stimulated by the tremendous hardships and in-
security of the nomadic life, along with the rapidly increasing social and
cultural contacts with the settled communities. Together, these accelerate
what is called spontaneous settlement. This willingness to change is shown
by the following evidence: (1) Many tribesmen, especially from among.Aneza,
Shammar, and Dhafir, have requested technical and financial help from the
government to enable them to develop their land and animal resources, and
have indicated their readiness to settle on the land, even though no con-
structive help has been forthcoming. (2) There is an increasing tendency
among the camel-owning tribes to raise sheep rather than camels. This
helps to reduce the range of migration of these tribes and is a step to-
ward settlement. (3) Some of the tribes, such as Shammar in the Jezira
and some tribal sections of Aneza in the Upper Wadian area of the Western
Desert, are making a good start toward settlement by practicing some dry
farming in good years. (h) The readiness for settlement among Aneza and
_Shammar can also be seen in the fact that the lesser heads of some sections
have erected permanent mud huts as dwellings rather than continuing to use
the traditional tent, even though often handicapped by the lack of main-
tenance of wells around which the huts have been built (Pl. VI, Fig. l).
(5) It is obvious that the sheep-owning tribes have reached a more ad-
vanced stage toward settlement than have the camel-owning tribes, since'
raising sheep limits their range of'movement.

This trend toward settlement among the tribes can be accelerated
and encouraged through guidance and constructive planning. It remains

for the authorities to make use of this tendency in order to facilitate a

llh
better adjustment of the tribes to the new economic, social, and political
conditions resulting from.Iraq*s entrance into the world community of

nations.

CHAPTER IV

TRIBAL POLICY AND SETTLEMENT DURING THE

TURKISH PERIOD, l53u-l9l6

In the 16th century, the Ottoman Turks gained control of the
territory of present-day Iraq. This they held, with brief interruptions,
for nearly four hundred years until 1916. In this study, these fOur cen-
turies are divided into two periods. The firstfbeginswith the year 153h
and ends with 1869, and is subdivided into three intervals: the First
Turkish Interval (lS3h-l7h9); the Mamluk Interval (l7h9-183l); and the
Second Turkish Interval (1831-1869). The second major period extends from
1869 to 1916. This division of the history of control of Iraq by the
Ottomans is based upon the nature of Turkish policy toward the tribes and
its effectiveness. During the early period the Turkish settlement poli-
cies were ineffective, but the late period saw a reversal of policy and

a subsequent large scale settlement of the tribes in Iraq.

The Early Turkish Period, 153u-1869f

 

The Early Tarkish Period is characterized by three factors which
were constant throughout its three intervals. The first is that the
central government could not control the countryside and maintained power
only in the cities. The second is that the central government incessantly
tried to force the tribes of Iraq to obey it and that this use of farce
was ineffective. The third is that the tribes not only refused to obey

115

116
the government, but increased their military power through the formation

of intra-tribal leagues and confederations.

The First Turkish Interval,gl§3y:llg9

The main feature of this interval was the clashes between the
tribes and the central government which ensued from the attempts of the
authorities to impose high taxes on the tribes. Successive Turkish cam-
paigns and punitive expeditions against the tribes resulted. The main
military operations are listed in Table 10; however, there were many
others of less importance. To resist Turkish control and to better
Oppose its military force, tribal confederations were gradually formed
toward the end of the 16th century, and eventually these became the
dominant power in the countryside. "In some places this meant that
settled life ceased--on the Tigris, for example north of Baghdad, and

on the Euphrates north of'Hilla--; even where it continued, it did so

under the protection of the more peaceble and sedentary Bedouin chiefs,

not under that of the government."1

The weakness of the Turkish governors in comparison to the tribal
power appeared very clearly when, in 1690, the Muntafiq and other tribes
collected some 3,000 horsemen, defied the government, and approached Basra.
Since the Pasha could muster only about 500 men, the city fell to the
Shaikh of the Muntafiq in 1691+.2 The same tribes.dominated a vast region
of southern Iraq, including the sedentary tribesmen and merchants in the

settled towns and villages which came under the protection of its ruling

 

lAlbert Haurani, A Vision of History (Beirut: Imayats Rue Bliss,
1961), p. hi.

2Stephen H. Longrigg, Feur Centuries of Mbdern Iraq (London:

Oxford university Press, 1925), p. 120.

Year

15u6 . .

1657 . . .
1690 . . .
1696 . . .
1705 . . .
1706 . . .
1708 . . .
172M . .

1733 . . .
1736 . . .
1737-17h0
17h1 . . .
17h7 . . .
1757 . . .
1761 . . .
1763 . . .
176k . . .
1765—1766
1769 . . .
178A . . .
1797 . . .
1800 . . .
180% . . .
1805 . . .
1806 . . .
1813-181h

TURKISH

1815 . . . °

1817 . .

1818 . . .
1819 . . .
18h3 . . .
18th . . .
18h5 . . .
18h9 . . .
1869-1872

117

TABLE 10

PUNITIVE EXPEDITIONS.AGAINST THE ARAB TRIBES

OF IRAQ FROM 15h6-1872a

Tribes involved

. Tribes of Basra province

. Tribes of southern Iraq

. Muntafiq

. Shammar, Moali, Zubaid, Bani Lam

. Khazail, Aneza, Shammar

. Shammar, Al-Hamid, Saadah, AléRafi, Zubaid
. Muntafiq

. Bani Jamail, Bani Lam, and the middle

Euphrates tribes
Qasham

. Shammar

Albu.Hamdan, Zubaid, Bani Lam
Muntafiq,.Aneza, Dhafir
Tribes of the Tigris River

. Shammar
. Chaab

. Bani Lam
. Khazail

Chaab

. Muntafiq
. Chaab
. Zubaid, Rabia

Bani Lam
Shammar
Ubaid

. Bani Lam, Rabia
. Tribes of Tigris and Euphrates
. Khazail

Tamim, Shammar, Albu Musa, Bani Umair
Dulaim, Shammar, Aneza

. Dulaim

Shammar, Khazail
Aneza, Khazail
Ubaid

. Bani Lam
. Tribes of the Dhaghara district

a‘Compiled from Stephen H. Longrigg, Four Centurigs of Modern Iraq

(London:

Oxford university Press, 1925), pp. 1-353.’I

118
family. Moreover, this same family also maintained its own customs houses
on the river to levy tolls on traffic passing from Basra to Hills and
mgmm3

The tribal confederations of Shammar, Aneza, and the Khazail Joined
together and looted Baghdad villages and threatened other cities. Other
tribes were in similar positions of power and each maintained its share of
supremacy over roads, villages, and nearby urban areas. Travelers and
traders therefore, became subject both to heavy governmental taxes and to
tolls levied by the several tribes through whose territory they passed.

In fact, they commonly had to pay more tolls to tribal potentates than to
the Turkish government.

The state of tribal unrest during this early period was agravated
by confusion associated with serious floods on the lower Euphrates in the
early part of the 18th century. Towns and villages were isolated or
ruined, and tribesmen in the affected areas were swept from their own
lands. Meanwhile, several tribal leaders took advantage of this situa-
tion to gain control of the river's traffic and of settled areas along its
course. To accomplish this, the nomads of the desert were encouraged to
press hard and disturb the semi-settled tribes along the river.

Rebellion and tribal upheaval were common features of the time.
Among the most important was the disruption caused by the Muntafiq confe-
deration in 1708. The immediate causes of this uprising were matters
associated with cultivation of land, rights over Euphrates islands, dis-

putes over taxation, and subsidies claimed by the tribe.h The policy

 

w ._V Y .fi_v —— — v— ‘—

3Haurani, 0p. cit., p. #2.

hIongrigg, Four Centuries oijodern Iraq, op. cit., p. 125.

119
followed by the governor to combat the unrest was a combination of
punitive expeditions against the tribes, the making of some land grants,
and the opening of some irrigation.canals to settle the nomads. No
doubt these remedies were enacted by local authorities and applied to
certain leaders of the more powerful tribes of the.Muntafiq rather than
being handed down by the Turkish central government, and were intended

to provide temporary relief rather than a final solution to the problem.

During the Turkish war with Persia (1727-17117), the tribes saw,
as in the other crises, a good chance to raid the settled population,
‘withhodd revenue from the government, and form new alliances. Early in
1727, fer example, the Bani Lam and Shammar Joined with Persian tribes
and raided the city of Baghdad.

The Mamluk Interval, 1749'1é3l»

During the period slaves, or Mamluks, from Georgia were able to
seize the_authority of the Turkish Sultan_throughout Iraq and to control
all power in the state for eighty-two years. Many of them proved to be
vigorous, efficient administrators and military officers. Notably, sev-

eral of the governors attempted to cape with the formidable tribal prob-
lem along somewhat different lines than had the preceding.Turkish officials.

The first Mamluk Pasha was one of these. By his quick and very
capable officers and by his h01ding the Shaikhs responsible for tax col-
lection and order in their respective tribal areas, he was able to main-
tain some measure of security for titelve years. This short period of
relative stability was ended, however, by a severe famine caused by
drought in the Jezira region. This again brought misery, disease, and
crime to the tribes. Moreover, the measures taken by the first Mamluk

Pasha were not continued by his successors, whO'were either too weak to

120

secure peace among the tribes or so strong that they followed their own
distinctive policy regarding the tribes and their settlement.

They deposed, arrested, and hanged outstanding Shaikhs and attempted
to deal directly with the tribes, a policy which highly intensified tribal
resistance against the central authority and resulted in a strong reaction
against the idea of settlement. The great Shaikh of the Ubaid tribe was
one who was suddenly arrested and finally hanged, with the result that his
sons and his tribe soon raised a force of outlaws and blockaded the city
of Baghdad. In 1800 the Shaikh of the Bani Lam was deposed, an interfer-
ence which plunged the whole region of the lower Tigris into a state of
confusion. In another case, the Shaikh of the Khazail, having refused all
government control, replied to the army sent by the governor by cutting
water canals of the Euphrates to flood the area around his tribal head-
quarters for protection, but without success. The result was that the
Shaikh was defeated and fled to the desert, heavy taxes were taken from
his tribe, and much water and cultivated crOps had been wasted.5

To set tribes against each other and to encourage feuds between
rival leaders was a common practice of the governors of this period. When
Thuwaini, Shaikh of the Muntafiq tribes, occupied Basra in 1785 and estab-
lished a tribal government there, the governor asked the assistance of the
.Chaab tribes and their leader, Hamad Al-Thamir, the eager rival of the
Muntafiq and Thuwaini.6 The Shamar tribes were similarly used against the
Ubaid, Ghurair, Albu.Hamdan, and the Dhafir tribes at one time or another.

The Arab tribes were also employed against the Kurdish tribes.

 

5Ibid., pp. 173-202..

6
Ibid., p. 205.

121

Toward the close of the 18th century, the government and the
tribes of Iraq were exposed to the threat of invasion by uneasy neigh-
bors. This created trouble which lasted into the first quarter of the
20th century and greatly retarded the settlement process. The source of
this trouble was the new religious reform and the tribal movement of the
‘Wahabbies from.Arabia.7 The founder of this reform demanded a return to
the simplicity of Islam. He gained the tribal military support of'Najd
and established a local empire in its oases. These Wahabbies began to
press on the tribes of Iraq in order to convert them to their belief.
They directed raids and successive invasions toward the desert encamp-
ments of‘Western Iraq, especially against the Dhafir, the Muntafiq, and
the nomadic shepherd segments of other tribes. The result was that not
only the security and grazing grounds of these tribes were disturbed,
but also villages and cities along the Euphrates, such as Samawa, Basra,
and zubair, and especially NaJaf and Karbala, were plundered and des-
troyed. In some cases this happened several times. Thus, conditions in
the desert and even in the riverine settlements became insecure and re-
lationships of the tribes with the local government deteriorated. This
source of danger became a continuing one, with incidents occurring in
the early decades of the present century'which were as severe as those

of the early 19th century.

The Second Turkish;Interval, 183lgl§§9
In 1831 Iraq again became part of the Turkish Empire and the Mamluk

power was over. By this time the Thrks had adopted a policy of attempting

to establish.direct control over the countries of their empire. .A body of

liberal referms and institutions based on Western principles of government

 

V— v wfiv—V—Vfifiv—V— fi VT—v v—v iff rfi vr— W fi 7 fl

7For more details on the Wahabbies, see John B. Glubb, War in the
Desert (New York: w. w. Norton and Co., Inc., 1961).

 

122

and civilization was applied.8 However, although the Ottomans increased
the number of Turkish garrisons, strengthened the army, and appointed
new civil administrative officers, the reforms were not put into real
effect in Iraq until 1869.

Thus during the years, 1831-1869, Turkish policy toward the
tribes was essentially similar to that of previous times. During the
last few years of the period, however, a few attempts at improvement
'were made by some of the Turkish governors, notably Geuzlikli who granted
lands, opened some irrigation canals, extended the agricultural area, and
gave some security to the tribes in order to encourage their settlement
and to increase the government‘s revenue. Indeed, these important meas-
ures provided a hint of what wise tribal policy should be, but unfortu-
nately they were temporary and the ancient methods of'dealing with the
tribal problem were resumed.

For the most part, the governors of this period were extremely
nationalistic, so their primary aim was to destroy the tribes by use of
arms and other Oppressive measures. Revenues demanded from tribal areas
were constantly increased and as constantly rejected by the tribes with
violence. Tribal Shaikhs were therefore frequently changed, deposed and
replaced by their rivals, and often hanged. Sufuk, the famous Shaikh of
the Shammar tribe, was murdered in 18h7, for example, and great confusion
in the Jezira region followed. In 18h9 the Bani Lam rose against the

appointment of a Shaikh from the Muntafiq tribe in their territory to

——v _v —— *— V—_

8In Syria,for example, the Turkish reform measures were effec-
tively applied by Ibrahim Pasha, the Turkish governor in 1831. Some of
, the immediate results of these were that not only large numbers of the
nomads were settled, but over 300 abandoned villages in the Jezira of
Syria and Hauran Plain were re-settled. See Norman N} Lewis, "The
Figggiersgf Settlement in Syria, 1800-1850," International.Affair§, XXXI
, .

 

123
collect the taxes of the area. Among the Muntafiq, war resulted because
of the change of one Shaikh for another from the same tribe.9 This mis-
handling of tribal matters caused war and unrest in every tribal area
and brought Baghdad and other cities to a state of blockade and danger
of looting and destruction.

It seems obvious that the Turkish policy from 153h to 1869 was
to convert the tribes into settled cultivators and obedient citizens by
force, without providing them with any incentive which would alter their
resistance. That this resulted in complete failure is not surprising.
An analysis of the happenings shows several reasons why these policies
retarded settlement of the tribes. The authorities in Constantinople
'were too distant and too indifferent, and their representatives in Iraq
too weak and too inconsistent to seriously challenge the powerful
Shaikhs, who, therefore, wielded the real power in their respective
areas. However, the vast Opportunities fOr self-enrichment offered by
the remoteness of Iraq from the Turkish capital soon made appointments
there marketable assets for the Turkish governors. Collection of taxes
from.tribal areas fell to the highest bidder who had to pay for the
costly presents necessary to retain his lucrative office. Under such
circumstances the governors did little or nothing to promote irrigation
and agriculture and provided no other inducement to the tribes to aban-
don their nomadic existence fOr a settled one. Instead, they considered
the tribesmen to be savages. In the tribal mind, on the other hand, the
Turkish rulers were unwanted foreign overlords.

Racially and socially there was nothing in common between the

Arab tribes and their Turkish governors whose names, language, customs,

 

glongrigg, Four Centuries of Modern Iraq, op. cit., pp. 290-291.

12h

and very appearance were foreign. With their long past of desert life
and freedom, their constant mobility, their traditional impatience under
restraint, their patriarchal form of government, their desert code of
'ethics, and their different social organization, the tribes were opposed
to any organized government imposed from.outside their own group and pre-
ferred the tribal code to any court of Justice. Other than accepting the
Turkish desires by force, they could consider no alternative since none
was given them, so they resisted. The tribes realized the consequences
of settled life under the Turkish rule. They knew this would render them
subject to high taxes, oppressive treatment, disrespect for themselves
and their leaders, and loss of their freedom.

Several possible satisfactory solutions might have been used by
the Turks to deal with this tribal prdblem, "but no government had bidden
them.(the nomads) cease to live thus, and live in the better way that we

shall make possible fbr you."lo

Sincere solution of’the problem.could
have been accomplished by providing an alternative life which the nomads
could accept and would prefer. In the words of one competent observer,
who wrote with reference to the governors of the first half of the 19th
century, but whose words may be applied with equal validity in all peri-
ods, "settle your tribes on the land; help them to irrigate by canals;
give them.security of hold; tax lightly and Justly; allow no trespass
against those you have settled; reward generously, punish constructive—

."11 But no such plan was provided; instead hopeless, timeaworn reme-

1y
dies and ancient methods were continued. "The result was to inflame

tribal Iraq to worse conditions than any remembered, to drive cultivators

 

____.. _ ———..—v _._' —

l°Ib1d., p. 289.

llIbid., p. 289.

125
back to the desert....and to reduce the country to the last weakness and
misery.12
Finally, the neglect of irrigation systems, the periodic floods of
the main rivers with silting and shifting of their courses, the danger and
insecurity created by the tribes of'NaJd from the southwest, the Persians
from the east, and the Kurds from.the north, all contributed to the rever-

sal of the settlement process in this period.

The Late TurkishfiPeriod,YlB§9~l9l§

.After 1869 the general condition of Iraq was much better than before
and for the first time the Turks seriously directed their attention to the
importance of developing this country and its resources. The refbrm.move-
ment and its principles were first practically applied by Midhat Pasha, the
Turkish governor of Iraq, 1869-1871. These included military and civil
reforms, economic reforms, and reforms in the general system of‘administra-
tion. The policies toward the tribes were changed greatly from what they
had been. POlicy initiated during the first three years (1869-1871) by
Midhat Pasha to settle the tribes on the land by constructive means through
land distribution and strengthening the great tribal Shaikhs, was especi-
ally fOrward-looking as compared to that ineffective policy which had been
followed previously for hundreds of years. Thus, the general tendency
during the Late Turkish Period was toward detribalization of the great con-
federations and toward gradual tribal settlement. Many factors were res-
.ponsible for this trend. The most important were: (1) a change in methods

of administration, (2) the spread of security in the tribal areas, (3) the

 

12Ibid., p. 290.

126
introduction of new means of communication into the country, (h) the growth
of new towns and the expansion of old ones, (5) the land policy followed by
the Turks, and (6) the attempt of the Turks to Ottomanize the tribes.

One result of these and other circumstances was the reduction of the
nomads from 35 per cent to 17 per cent of Iraq's total population between
1867 and 1905 (Table ll). Concurrently, the percentage of sedentary rural
population increased from.hl to 59, while the percentage of urban dwellers
remained the same. Significantly, the number of nomads apparently declined
by some 57,000 while the total population was nearly doubling, rising from
1,280,000 in 1867 to 2,250,000 in 1905. These statistics, although approxi-
mate, provide a useful measure of the general tendency toward settlement
and of the success of Turkish efforts to settle the nomads during the period
being discussed.

TABLE 11

CHANGES IN NOMADIC-RURAL-URBAN COMPOSITION OF THE POPULNTION
OF IRAQ, 1867-1962a
(Population in Thousands)

 

Total Nomads Rural ___ Urban
Year Population Percentage Number Percentage Number PercentagewNumber

 

1867 1,280 35 " M50 hi 525 2h 310
1890 1,826 25 h33 50 963 25 A30
1905 2,250 17 393 59 1,32h 2% 533
1930 3,288 7 23h 68 2,2h6 25 808
19h7 h,816 5b 250 57 2,702 38 1,86u
1957 6,495 u 260 59 3,832 37 2,h03
1962 6,7h3 he 250 60 h,0h6 36 2,hh7

v—y ‘ *—

3Figures for the years 1867 to l9h7 are from M. S. Hasan, "Growth
and Structure of Iraq's POpulation, 1867-l9h7," Oxford University Institute
2; StatisticsfiBulletin, xx (1958), 3th. ““

 

bFood and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, Medi-
terranean Development Project, Country Report, Iraq (Rome: By the Organi-
zation, 1959), p. 7.

c
Accordin to an estimation b th Bedo i S d t 1 t1
Committee of Iraq 1% 1962. y e u ns e en er za on

127
Change in Administration

During the first three centuries of“Turkish control, the local
administrators and governors were highly autocratic and their office tenure
‘was mainly planned for their personal advantage. Moreover, there was no
limit to their power, and no law providing appeal from their Judgements.
During the second half of the 19th century, however, Turkish theory and
practice of government was profoundly changed. New laws, regulations, and
administrative subdivisions, directed by a new class of officers, were in-
troduced to Iraq, and complete control over tribal areas was substituted
fer mere collection of high taxes as the main objective.

Government authority was gradually extended to the tribal areas and
assumed control over the countryside. Tribesmen became aware of the fact
that laws and courts had been established which demanded universal compli-
ance and were equally applied. In addition, the authorities became in-
creasingly involved in controlling‘waters of the great canals to assure
permanent settlement fbr those who already led a settled life, as well as
to the nomads whom they hoped to attract.

The first program.to settle the tribes was introduced by Midhat
Pasha, as previously indicated, and to him is mainly due credit fbr the
.expansion of tribal settlement and security which followed during the last
quarter of the 19th century. In 1911 the Turkish authorities again, "re-
affirmed the policy of settling such tribes as were still nomads...with the
least possibledelay..."l3 There is no doubt that there were important
changes which influenced the settlement of the tribes both directly and

indirectly.

 

V W‘f fiyv . v v —¢fi r— w—wfifi‘w fi— 7‘ w fV—fiwv—v W

13Philip N. Ireland, Iraq: A Stug in Political Development (Oxford:
The Alden Press, 1937), p. 917* 'fi ' I I“

 

128
Security

Security along caravan routes and in tribal areas, provided since
the days of Midhat Pasha, was highly significant in promoting the settlen
ment process. Travelers of the caravan route of the Euphrates between
Basra and Aleppo were supplied with armed guards. In addition, forts and
guardposts were established along the Euphrates River at such places as
Beyer Baker, Quim, Ana, Hit, and Ramadi, and in many other locations.l)+
EaCh of these forts contained soldiers supplied with horses. The contribu-
tion of these forts to tribal settlement stemmed from their functions.
They gave security to the caravans, thereby encouraging trade and at the
same time removing one of the nomads' means of livelihood. They protected
the settled communities of the Euphrates against raids and soon expanded
their activities to check tribal disturbances in adjacent areas. In fact,
the increasing settlement of the Dulaim.tribes at the end of the 19th cen-
tury was mainly due to the "chain of police posts which.was established to

protect the road between Basra and.Aleppo."15

The Impact of‘Communication
The development of new means of communication, notably'river water-
ways and telegraph lines, also had far reaching influence on the Shaikhs,
the tribes, and the settlement process. ‘With establishment of its first
telegraph line soon after the middle of the 19th century, Iraq had reserved
its place in the world's telegraphic system.; Externally, it was connected

with India, Turkey, and Persia. Inadequate as the system was internally,

 

lL'IladyA. Blunt, Bedouin Tribes of the Euphrates (New YOrk: Harper
and Brothers, Publishers: IB7§), pp. 113-11h and ppf'IE8-1h9.

 

15Stephen H. Longrigg, Iraq, 1900 to 1950 (London: Oxfbrd university
Press, 1953), p. 2h.

129
its extension to most parts of the country rendered great service in
assisting the administration, in modernizing the society, and in making it
easier to control tribal areas and bring them, under effective domination
by the government.

The natural highways of Iraq for centuries had been its great rivers
on which several types of sailing-boats, rafts, and skiffs were in use.

But during the second half of the 19th century, steam navigation on the
Tigris and the Euphrates rivers was introduced and became increasingly
important in the economy of the country. In 1861 the Euphrates and Tigris
Navigation Company was established. Several other foreign and domestic
shipping companies and individual enterprises were also in operation by the
end of the century.

The riverine tribes, particularly those of Shatt AIL-Arab, the lower
Tigris, and the latter Euphrates were first to be affected by the new river
comImmication. The economic isolation of these and other tribes was broken
and their subsistence economy was gradually replaced by a market-oriented
one. The settled and semi-settled tribesmen, who were previously wholly
isolated, became increasingly dependent upon the world market and sensitive
to its attractions and fluctuations with the visits of grain-buying mer-
chants, sales agents, and the steamship. Western manufactured goods and
commodities penetrated into every tribal area, and progress and change ,
followed. "Few of the foreign travelers of the nineties failed to comment
on the social progress of the last quarter-century and on the greater pene-
tration by government of the outlying regions."16

The traditional relationship between the tribesman and his Shaikh

——f v—Y—w—v— —.—_ j WW w‘r—v—

l6Ibid.,p. 2h.

130

also changed. "The Shaikh, who hitherto had neither the opportunity nor
the desire to exploit the tribesmen, began in his new status as Tap}; (or
leaseholder of land) to view them in a new way as a source of profit. The
tribal fallah became of greater worth to him than the fighter-tribesman."l7
Moreover, the unsatisfied tribesman now had more freedom to move to towns
and cities for Jobs outside his tribal territory, or to give his service to
another Shaikh or to the estates which belonged to absent landlords. This
meant that big Shaikhs and other landlords began to compete with each other
for the service of the tribesmen, because they found it profitable to take

more grain from their cultivators in order to export.18

This high demand
for the service of the tribesman had great bearing .on encouraging settle-
ment, sedentarization of the tribes, and the destruction of ‘old tribal
spirit. Land values rose, resulting in land grabbing practices, and the
agricultural area was expanded.

The local market also became more accessible to the tribesman than
before, and it became possible for him to ship his share of the produce to
this market and to buy his own necessities. Previously, such an exchange
occurred only through his Shaikh, and then on a very restricted scale if
at 811.19 This change, therefore, meant that the Shaikh's economic and

military hold over his tribe was highly reduced.

The Influence of Towns

The expansion of old towns and the growth of new ones along the

__v _f

17thn Batatu, "The Shaikh and the Peasant in Iraq, 1917-1958"
(Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Department of Political Science, Harvard
University, 1960) , p._ 28.

. 18Doreen Warriner, Land Reform and Development in the Middle East
(London: Oxford University, 196?), {5136.

 

19Batatu,op. cit., p. 28.

l3l
rivers was largely associated with the develOpment of river navigation.
The river steamers' service made possible cheaper, quicker, and more regu-
lar transfer of goods between these towns and between them.snd the tribal
,areas. This was undoubtedly an important contribution to the 19th century
expansion of Iraq's market. Several new towns and villages were feunded
and grew rapidly at river-steamer loading points. Such were Aziziya, Swayra,
NOmania, Kut, Amara, Nasiriya, Ramadi, Suq Ash-Shuykh (or’Suq), and others
(Fig. 1). This brought not only economic Opportunity, but also a measure
of government control to adjacent tribal areas. In the second half of the
19th century these places and others became important centers of'administra-
tive areas and were, therefbre, supplied with more police in order to main=
tain better control over nearby tribal districts. City merchants and
policemen were able to penetrate these lands with much more courage and

security than before.

Land Policy
Already befOre Midhat Pasha, the process of settlement had been

going on spontaneously in spite of the failure of'his predecessors to
evolve plans fbr this, or to govern the tribes sympathetically. Thus,
"evolution itself was very gradually settling the unsettled, tent by tent.
Nfldhat accelerated these processes by fresh.means which deserve careful
attention. His contribution was an approach to the problem of settlement
from.a new side--that of land itself."20

.As previously indicated, when the tribes entered Iraq they had no
concept of private ownership of land. Each tribe occupied a certain

fl fi—VVVfifiVsr—v m f 77—“ fifiv—vfiY—vv—v WW WWW

2oLongrigg,pF'our Centuries of Modern Iraq, op. cit., p. 305.

132
territory (Elsa) which traditionally'became communal land for its members.
NO tribe had the right to trespass on another's territory, and no tribe
could be removed from.its lands except by war. According to this concept
of land, each individual tribesman had the same tribal right to it as the
Shaikh himself. The practice of communal subsistence economy was another
principle of'the tribal landholding system, the land being used only for
the needs of the tribe as a whole.
This idea of ownership, of course, came into immediate conflict with

that held by the Turkish government.21

The Turkish belief was that, by
right of conquest, all lands belonged to the state, and that the authorities
had the right to grant the land to any person and for whatever purpose they
wished. Theoretically, the actual occupants of this class of land (Mi____r;_i_
Land) could hold it only by lease from.the state. Absolute privately-owned
lands (Mulk_Land) were few and were restricted to properties in and near
urban centers.

In 1858 a new land code issued by the Turkish authorities introduced
a new class of land tenure. This provided a kind of private ownership,
with holdings under its terms being known as Tapu Land. This system.ems
bodied the concept of Mi£i_Land by providing for retention of the right of
ultimate ownership by the state, but granted a legal right of possession
to individuals. The primary objective of this code was to settle the '
tribes on the land and to convert them into cultivators,'with the ultimate
hope that detribalization would result from.making the Shaikhs landholders

and thereby strengthening their power over the tribal members.

The actual beneficiaries of free grants of large estates, therefore,

 

‘r—v— Y ‘r ffifiFv—t F“ "f 7 ‘— r v V—V W

21An interesting discussion of this conflict is by Saleh Haider,
"The Land and the Tribe in Iraq," Al-Abbath (Beirut), (1956), in Arabic,
Pp. ”Cl-halo

133
‘were certain Shaikhs and a few other individuals, but not the tribesmen.
This caused the holders of land to cling to deeds of feudal titles, and
land in Iraq became subject to many claims. The changing hands of state
land by sale and purchase among individuals, many of them from.outside the
tribes, had previously continued for a long time outside the bounds of
official recognition by the government. Thus, "mere long possession led
both villagers and the Shaikhs of wide tribal areas to claim their holdings
as de facto 'Mulkf."22 However, the government's denial of such claims
along with demands for the payment of high taxes and scant security of ten-
ure, created uneasy conditions fatal to settlement.

‘The implications of this confusion of titles and claims to land-
holdings, and the problems it presented to the settlement process were
highly important. The absence of secure and firm.individual rights to land
impeded all kinds of agricultural improvements. These are the basis of any
sound, permanent settlement, and without them.the tribesmen could hardly be
induced to change from their pastoral nomadic life. In addition, the tribes
themselves recognized that their settlement on the land would mean their
subjecting themselves to different laws, and to a different way of life
‘which included a stricter control of their activities. The price of such
an alternative was loss of freedom.and the hard, steady work of cultivating
.the land. To this no serious efforts had been made to attract them; no
advantages had been made apparent. From it, the hard lot of the village
cultivators, in addition to their traditional social characteristics and
desert code, repelled themt This resulted in a'wilderness of untilled land

and wasted water resources.

 

_w'w #— V—v—‘V—f v v—v v—v fi

22Longrigg, Faur Centuries of Modern Iraq, op. cit., p. 306.

13%

The new approach.Midhat began in 1869 was to sell tenancy rights
(but not ownership) of small and large tracts of state land by auction on
easy terms to all the holders of doubtful titles, to those villagers who
cleaned a canal or cultivated a tract of land and thereby established a
claim, and, most important because of end results, to the Shaikhs fer their
tribal areas. Small periodic payments were required of these holders to
the state. Midhat intended thereby to reclaim.large areas of land fbr culu
tivation.23

This policy was formulated by the governor with the great hope of
settling and controlling the tribes. The anti-government fbrces of the
great Shaikhs were expected to dissipate as they changed the nature of
their control over the tribesmen, and the tribes themselves were expected
to weaken under the influence of settled life so that tribal spirit and
organization would disappear. Moreover, it was anticipated that under the
impact of settled life, many new interests, new relationships, and new
viewpoints could be introduced to the tribes, and these would replace the
old ones. As an agricultural community, both the Shaikhs and their people
‘would become more accessible to the government. By reason of its control
over land and water rights, taxes could be more easily collected and animals
could no longer be driven off or crops as readily concealed. Thus, a great
gain in state revenue would accompany increased productivity resulting from
more intensive use of larger expanses of land.

This solution of the tribal prOblem.by their detribalization and
conversion to a sedentary farming society was faced by many difficulties.
Some of these were technical in nature, while others were associated with

fl v—fi r _7

23Ibid., p. 306.

135
the social background and expectations of the tribes to be benefited. The

following were the most out standing:

1. The land registration officials who were employed to carry out
this program were, as usual, ignorant, very easily exposed to venality,
and were inadequate and unqualified to perform their services in a prOper
manner. The Opportunists were from both urban and tribal communities
and were able to acquire large estates which were originally tribal terri-
tories.

2. The lack of cadastral survey of the lands that were distributed
caused a great deal of confusion, created new disputes among claimants, and
made it very difficult to define tribal areas.

3. Some tribes perceived the objective of their detribalization
with the result that they refused land grants, preferring to remain loyal
to their traditional way of life.

1+. other tribes mistrusted any improvement, however well intended,
by the Turkish authorities from whom they had only received 111 treatment
during previous centuries. Some others, as is always true, were still too
well satisfied with their own remoteness and traditional nomadic life to
accept an change.

5. The fear of conscription was another significant factor which
kept the tribes from accepting the obligations and requirements of settle-
ment. The tribesmen realized that settlement would expose them more di-
rectly to this and other government regulations, and, above all, land
grants meant in any case, rent to be paid.

6. Those who accepted land grants registered their holdings by the
names of their Shaikhs. This procedure ended in destroying the old rela-

tionships between the Shaikhs and their tribes. It created a class of

136

feudal lords from among the great Shaikhs which has adversely influenced
the economic development of the country ever since. In this, Iraq differed
in no way from other Middle Eastern countries that passed through the same
process. In Egypt, for example, a number of the estates of Bedouin Shaikhs
were formed during the nineteenth century, when Muhammad Ali, the Turkish
governor, adopted a method similiar to that of Midhat in Iraq in his effort
to solve the Bedouin problem in Upper Egypt and to settle them on the landsg+
To achieve this end, an attractive bait was needed, and it was found in
granting ownership rights over all land on which the Bedouin were settled.
In practice, the patriarchal structure of Bedouin society and the power
and authority wielded by the Shaikhs were such as to give title to the
land to them, while the tribesmen became their tenants or hired laborers.
A series of disputes over landownership broke out beWeen the Shaikhs and
the tribes; this was especially true in the case of Shaikh Ibrahim Al-Aidhi
_and his tribe.25

7. In Iraq, at least in the beginning, "The majority of tribal
leaders feared and shunned the new status; some were forestalled as pur-
chasers by a town-dwelling speculator friendly with the Lam officials;
some gladly acquired rights, but in land far from their own people; others
paid a first installment and withheld the rest."26

Yet, in spite of all these difficulties the plan of Midhat Pasha

bore notable results, and many tribes began to settle partially, if not

——.—v v—fi‘ , .—v_ .— firfi fi fi —' a. vvfi i

2”Gabriel Beer, ."Some Aspects of Bedouin Sedentarization in 19th
Century Egypt," Die Welt des Islams V 1957 Bit-98.
i _— l n v _: ,

 

25Gabriel Baer, A History of Landownership in Mbdern t 1800-
£229 (London: Oxford mivasftfiess, 1962), PP- 56-60.” fiEQILL—

 

26Longrigg, Four Centuries of Modern Iraq, op. cit., p. 307.

137
wholly, during and after his governorship. Sometimes a part of a tribe
took up agricultural life while the others preserved their nomadic and
pastoral life with no change. Tribes of the middle Euphrates, such as the
Saadah of the Shmiyyah district, formed nuclei of settlement in their ter-
ritory.‘ It was during the days of Midhat Pasha, that tribes of'Tamim north
and northeast of Baghdad were given lands which since then have formed
their home and farms. Shaikhs of‘Chaab and Muhaisin tribes of ShatteAl-
Arab, who possessed palm gardens and farm.land in their areas, were given
a firm security of settlement by land titles. Some Shaikhs of the great
camel-raising tribes, such as Ibn Hadhal of Aneza, came to possess palm
gardens and large strips of land on the upper Euphrates north of the city
of Karbala, while Shaikh Farhan of the Shammar tribe was settled on his
own lands, along the Tigris River south of the city of'Mosul. Sections of
the Jubur tribes along the Tigris River became highly engaged in agricul-
tural occupations. Many leaders of the Kurdish tribes in the northern part
of Iraq also had lands registered in their names.

But the greatest accomplishment of this land policy was the death
blow it gave to the Sadun, ruling family of the Muntafiq tribes. Their
Shaikh, Nasir Pasha, himself‘was at this time an officer in the Turkish
government. His family took advantage of his position and made a rush to
buy the rights to estates with vague title in their tribal area. Quarrels
over ownership began among the members of this family on one hand and be-
tween them and their tribesmen on the other hand, but the seeds of settle-

ment were sown in this area.

Sanniya Land System

.A new land policy was introduced by Sultan Abdul-Hamid II in 1883

138

and continued until 1909. This was called the Sanniya Land System. The
Sultan acquired by purchase, by reversion of land, and by gift large and
highly fertile estates which became his personal property. The special
office which administered the estates, under the Sultan's direct control
launched a program of land reclamation and improvement by employing engi-
neers secured from the Turkish army and began to utilize the land directly
by employing landless tribesmen. At one time, this class of land formed
about one-third of the total cultivated area in central and southern Iraq.27
The estates were well managed and the condition of their cultivators was
much better than that of ordinary tribesmen by reason of such factors as
large production, being outside the Shaikhs control, and free advances of
seed from the government.28

It appears that this new land system.contributed greatly to the
detribalization and the settlement processes by encouraging the separation
of tribesmen from.their tribes in order to have a better standard of
living under direct government supervision. In addition, the government
tended to encourage the peaceful and more submissive tribes to settle and
cultivate not only the newly reclaimed lands, but lands belonging to more
powerful tribes which they could.not dare to use without government support.
The policy, therefore, had a profound effect in displacing some tribes by
others, a condition which caused clashes between tribes in many instances,
as among the Khazail, Fatla, and Bani Hasan. Such disputes were a result

of the trend toward settlement of tribal peoples.

,_ — _v _fi _

27Saleh Haider, "The Economic Development of Iraq," Commerce
(Baghdad), IX and x (1951+), in Arabic, 59. "

28Warriner, op. cit., p. lhh.

139
Ottomanization Policy

Another policy which was introduced by Midhat Pasha was that of
Ottomanization. This was very closely associated with his land policy,
and both were major factors in weakening the tribal spirit, destroying
the great tribal confederations, and leading to tribal settlement. Midhat
Pasha struck the right chord when he gave some of the more notable tribal
Shaikhs official titles, "Pasha" and "Bey", thus recognizing them as civil
administrative officials in the machinery of the Thrkish government, as
'well as Shaikhs of their tribes. Nasir Pasha of the Muntafiq confederation
and Fahad Pasha, and then Farhan Pasha, of the Shammar tribes are examples
of tribal Shaikhs who accepted official titles. The Shaikhs thereby be-
came directly responsible to the government to secure peace, to collect
farm taxes, and to settle their tribes on the land.29

To further encourage tribal settlement by enhancing the Shaikh's
position, a yearly allowance was often granted in addition to the title of
Pasha. Farhan, the Shaikh of Shammar, was given a sum of 3,000 British

30

pounds annually to transform his nomads into "honest" peasants. To pro-
tect his position with his tribe and to gain at the same time the govern-
ment allowances and official title, this particular leader gathered
together some hundred tribesmen. Some of these were from.his own tribe,

but the majority were outcasts of the weak tribes of the Tigris. 'With

these tribesmen, the Shaikh made special arrangements to carry on some

k
# Wfififi—r v—v— Y—-—v——v fifi fi—v—w y—f “—

29The same method was followed by the Turkish government in con-
trolling the Turkish nomadic tribes of southeastern Anatolia in the 19th
century. See WOlfram Eberhard, "Nomads and Farmers in Southeastern Turkey,"
‘Oriens, VI (1953), ho-he.

3°Blunt, op. cit., p. 376.

lho

31' A similar allowance was made to

cultivation along the river valley.
Shaikh Nasir of the Mtntafiq tribes, who was willing to settle his people.
Still another method used to solidify the Shaikh's position and to
Ottomanize them, was the establishment of a school in Constantinople fbr
the sons of tribal Shaikhs. The above mentioned Farhan of the Shammar
and Nasir of the.Muntafiq were both examples of those who had been
chosen to attend this school and learn the Turkish language. This no

doubt helps explain their willingness to cooperate with the government.

Detribaligation and Settlement

 

The main goal of those who followed Midhat Pasha as governors in
Iraq was the continued Ottomanizing of the tribes and breaking their
32

unity whenever possible. By the end of the 19th century, therefore,
detribalization had become the special phenomenon of this stage in the
history of the great tribal leagues. In fact, by 1900 many tribes and
tribal sections were largely disintegrated and settled. To put it in
the words of Longrigg, "in other tribes camel-keeping was becoming more
and more a symbol of Shaikhly respectability, less an economic necessity.
The Dulaim settled from.Ana to Falluja, the Zubaid tribes on the Tigris
and round Hills, the Shammar assumed its familiar contours of today, and
the boundary lines of the settled could be ever more confidently drawn.
Iraq by 1900 was a country of tribesmen fast losing the old loyalties,
less and less able to revert to the old livelihood, attracting local

rather than tribal relations, more dependent on order and control ...."33

 

311bid., p. 376.

321reland, op. cit., p. 92.

33Longrigg, Fbur Centuries of Modern Iraq, op. cit., p. 309.

lhl

At the time of British Occupation of the southern part of Iraq,
these processes of tribal decline and settlement were highly advanced.
Englishmen were amazed to find a mixture of tribal fragments from several
tribes utilizing lands belonging to absent non-tribal landlords and local
Shaikhs. Numerous tribal sections had replaced the old military confed-
erations. In 1918 in the Baghdad district alone about 1,186 sections
and subsections which had separated from the main body of their more
than one hundred independent tribes were counted.3h This condition very
clearly indicates the extent of tribal break up that had taken place by
this time. This in turn accelerated the settlement process, because the
authorities found it easier to deal with small and weak tribal sections
than with large and strong tribal leagues and confederations.

There were several factors responsible for tribal decline. Some
resulted from.the land registration, the Sanniya Land System, and the
Ottomanization policy; others were associated with the policy of the
governors who came after Midhat; still others were due to technical

changes and outside circumstances.

Tribes of the Lower Euphrates
The attempts at Ottomanization and the land grants which were in-
tended to settle the tribes had one definite result--they split the
Shaikhs and the tribes, as in the case of the Muntafiq and Shammar, into
groups hostile to each other.
In the case of the Muntafiq tribes, the land grants and the Otto-
manization policy not only destroyed the tribal confederation, but also

created long lasting disputes between landlord and tenant. The ruling

 

3“Batatu, op. cit., p. 30.

1A2
family of Sadun became great landlords under Ottoman auspices. The
Muntafiq tribesmen, who had seen their Shaikhs recently receiy; Turkish
titles of office, were now reduced to a tenant condition on what was
formally their own communal land and were asked to pay not only govern-
ment taxes, but also rent to the newly created landlords (the Sadun
family). The result was bitter strife, not only beareen the Saduns and
their tenants, but also among members of the Sadun family themselves.
The Sadun quarrels among themselves proved their ruin.

Mereover, the acceptance by Nasir and his son of appointment as
Turkish officials and their acting as government agents to carry out the
Ottomanization policy, created a great reaction among their family and
the body of the tribe. The Sadun family was divided into those favoring
Ottomanization on one hand and exponents of the old tribal principles on
the other. Nansur and his son.Sadun led the traditional school of hos-
tility to the Turkish government and to any change in tribal life. The
years 1880-1900 form a period of constant struggle between the two
factions, wherein personal ambition and hatred Joined with a clear issue
of policy as causes of the strife. Between the two groups, the Turkish
government fluctuated, sometimes favoring one side and sometimes the
other.

Having become landlords and being supported by the power of the
government, the Ottomanizers section of the Sadun family grew very
wealthy on the rents from.the land which was originally tribal territory.
This rent was continuously collected from the tribes until the end of the
19th century, when the tribesmen acquired adequate numbers of modern
rifles to support the refusal of many of them to pay. moreover, the
tribal feeling provoked revolt which was aided by the party of the land-

less Saduns who Opposed the government. A.period of bitter strife,

1&3

therefore, resulted between the tribesmen and landlords, who formerly
had exercised only a Shaikhly position over this tribal confederation
and had held none of the land as private property, and between tribes-
men and the government. At this point the Saduns divided the opposi-
tion by renting the land to agents from the tribal sections who were
independent of the sectional Shaikh. These agents, in turn, rented the
land to the tribesmen and thus the Saduns indirectly collected land
revenue until a few years before World.War I when the tribesmen denied
payment altogether.35

The influence of all these forces had the effect of dividing the
Muntafiq confederation into a number of'hostile tribes, which disin-
tegrated into a great number of independent smaller tribal sections.
The fear of a strong, united Muntafiq was ended. The process of settle-

ment was advancing.

Tribes of the Jezira

A similar condition existed in the case of the Shammar confed-
eration. This was the result of the reaction of some of the tribal
members against the Ottomanizing policies of Shaikh Farhan, who also
obediently settled to cultivate land along the Tigris. The high desert
spirit of the Shammar deeply resented this, and a leader Faris no
sooner appeared among them, recalling to memory the former Shaikh that
they had lost at the hands of the Turks, than he was Joined by about
half the tribe. In this way hostility and fighting developed between

the two groups of this confederation. At the end of the 19th century

v—v —— W— W

35Arab Bureau, Administration Report of the Muntafiq Division

.121 en2, published by the British Superintendent in Iraq (Calcutta: Govern-
Printing, 1920), pp. 123-12h.

 

11m
and the beginning of the 20th, the Shammar had long passed their great
days of strong unity.

Intermittent war with the Turkish Pasha of'Mosul and a bitter
struggle among the sons of Farhan Pasha, AleAsi the eldest and Hamudi
the youngest, were also important factors in the fragmentation of this
confederation. The hostility between the brothers was created by the
Turkish authorities. In 1911 the governor of Baghdad appointed the
eldest son of Farhan as Shaikh of the Shammar and made him.responsible
for his fellow tribesmen to the government. The following year, 1912,
when the governor of Baghdad was changed, the new governor deposed the
former Shaikh and installed his youngest brother in the position. This
unjustified action was the immediate cause of a long struggle between

the brothers.36

This is a good example of'how the policy followed by
the Turkish governors in dealing with the tribes often led to the re-

Jection of the favors of the government and to outright opposition.

Tribes of the Middle Euphrates

The drying up of the waters of the Hills branch of the Euphrates
River and the initiation of'the new land policy were significant factors
contributing to the decline in power of the great tribal leagues of the
middle Euphrates, notably the Khazail and others such as the Bani
Huchaim, the Shibil, the Fatla, and the Bani Hasan.

In the case of the Khazail, the silting and the drying up of the
Hills branch along which they had much of their cultivated lands, con-

tributed to their impoverishment and the dispersion of the tribal

 

1.7 fl

36Arab Bureau, Arab Tribes of Baghdad Wilayat, 1918, published by
the British Superintendent in Iraq (Calcutta: Government Printing, 1919),
pp. ISA-155-

1145
population. Since a considerable part of them were nomads only recently
settled on the land, their response to the fluctuation of the river was
predictable. Many of them reverted again to their former life as nomadic
sheep herders.37 Others migrated elsewhere and became tenants. Those
who returned to nomadism found a Shaikh to reorganize them, but those
who stayed behind were left without a Shaikh and bitter strife for the
vacant leadership began. This condition made it more possible for
government officials to interfere in the affairs of these tribes. In
addition the possession of rifle fire power facilitated the tribal
‘warfare and the struggle against the Turkish authorities.

The introduction of alien and hostile tribes such as the Fatla and
Bani Hasan to occupy most of the Khazail district, which land was claimed
by the Turkish authorities as belonging to the Sanniya Land System,
caused a long struggle between these obedient and submissive tribes and
the Khazail. Thus, the land system.helped the weaker tribes, who ac-
cepted Turkish support, to settle at the expense of the strong tribes,
and at the same time helped to break the tribal confederations into
smaller, less powerful elements.

The Turks also attracted to the Khazail district large numbers of
the semi-tribal Saadah. The Saadah soon brought landless tribesmen from
other groups to work on their large estates, and in this way helped the
Turks accelerate the process of detribalization. The new landholders
who displaced the Khazail came to possess vast tracts of extremely fer-
tile land. Holdings were often so large that the owners were unable to
look after them, and being uncertain of government policy, which was to

lease uncultivated areas to someone else, they commonly parceled their

 

37Ibid., p. 112.

lh6
lands among heads of related families for cultivation. Hence, there
arose in the former Khazail district a new demand for cultivators with
consequent progress toward settlement.

Another aspect of Turkish policy toward the Khazail tribes at the
close of the 19th century was the elimination of their distinguished
Shaikhs. Shaikh Dirb was poisoned by Turkish command at NaJaf, and one
of his grandsons was also poisoned in Mosul.38 Acts such as these con-
tributed to the further disintegration of the Khazail league.

'These diverse factors facilitated the gradual settlement of the
middle Euphrates tribes. Their records for the late 19th century show
the increasing settlement of their shepherd sections, and the gradual
introduction of Turkish tax collectors.39 This expansion of the ability
of the Turkish authorities to tax the tribes was partly made possible by
the need to regulate the waters of the Euphrates for irrigation. Since
the government was the only conceivable controller of the river, its
help was urgently needed, and the tribesmen gave up some of their

traditional rights to gain this.

Tribes of the Lower Tigris
0n the lower Tigris, the end of the 19th century also shows tribal
disintegration and a high tendency toward settlement. Here, in addition
to the weak marsh tribes and the new non-tribal town populations, the
dominant groups were those of the camel-breeding, grainugrowing Bani Lam

and the rice-cultivating Albu Muhammad. The Bani Lam had already lost

381bid., p. 112.

39Longrigg, Iraq, 1900 to 1950, op. cit., p. 25.

1%?

its domination over the Albu.Muhammad, and both engaged in continuing
inter-tribal struggles.

The fortune of these tribes, however, was not as disastrous as
was that of the tribes of the middle Euphrates. Their welfare ultimately
rested primarily on the government assignment to them of lands. This
became increasingly important during this period when stronger govern-
ment control over river navigation prevented the tribes from plundering
the traffic and thus deprived them of an important source of income.

.After 1883 the agricultural land in this region was included within
the Sanniyg Land System. ‘When the government became unable to use its
large estates, a new arrangement followed. Parcels of lands called
muqatas were rented directly to the Shaikhs of the tribes for an annual
cash payment. The concession of fertile and productive lands was let to
the highest bidder, and there was keen rivalry. This meant that lands
became subject to periodical redistribution between members of the ruling
families. By this method, the Turks succeeded in weakening the position
of the Shaikhs by encouraging competition for the possession of lands
. and by favoring one Shaikh over the others.

Punitive expeditions by the Turkish army against the Bani Lam and
the death of their paramount Shaikh were also important factors contri-
buting to the breakup of this tribe. The position of the Albu.Muhammad

was weakened by rivalries and fonds within its ruling house.

Tribes of the Mdddle Tigris
The middle Tigris tribal groups of the Zubaid and Rabia were fully

settled and their days of strong tribal unity were in the past by the

1&8
end of the 19th century.“0 In addition, the migration of a large part
of the Zubaid to another district had greatly influenced that group.
Other tribes such as the Jubur of the upper Tigris and those of the

Diyala region were in a similar condition.

Tribes of the Western Desert

The desire of the Turkish governors of this period to detribalize
and to break the unity of the great confederations through land grants
was clearly apparent in the case of the Aneza and Shammar tribes. The
grant of a parcel of land to the Shaikh of the Aneza, which formerly
belonged to a tribal section of Shammar, added new fuel to the ancient
feuds between these tribes of the Western Desert. Feuds which broke out
among different sections of Aneza were more transitory. These were often
promoted by the Turks whose purpose was "divide and rule." In many in-
stances the Turkish governors encouraged and gave to one section the
right to graze areas which were already occupied by another. Moreover,
the paramount Shaikh of this tribe, who had formerly been given the
title of Pasha and had become a government officer, was now imprisoned.

The Dhafir tribes in the southwestern section of the Western
Desert, lived on continuing bad terms with the nomads of Najd and Kuwait.
They were weakened by fighting the invasions of these tribes and by the

competition for Shaikhly position among their ruling family.

Tribes of the Mountains
In the Kurdish tribal region of north and northeastern Iraq, the

Turkish control and the settlement process varied from place to place

—‘

noIbid., p. 26.

lh9

according to the strength of the tribes and their nearness or remoteness
from central authority. In the foothills, northeast of the Tigris River,
government control and tribal settlement were greatest, while they
reached a vanishing point in the mountains to the north. After the
middle of the century, however, detribalization and the decline of
powerful tribal principalities was more rapid and the tendency toward
settled life became apparent, especially in the case of sections of the
Hamawand, the Shuan, the Dizai, the Barwari, and other tribes. In the
case of these tribes the Turks followed the same policy as elsewhere in
Iraq. Lands were largely registered in the names of the ruling families
and not in the names of individual tribesmen. Land problems resulted.
In addition, in 1885 the Turkish government established a special policy
“which applied only to the Kurdish tribes. Parties of Kurdish horsemen
recruited from.many different tribes were employed to secure peace and
loyalty to the Sultan, especially along the northern frontier of the

country.

Factors Discouraging the Settlement Process,l§§2-l9l6

As we have already seen, the settling of the tribes was going on
gradually, often being accelerated or again hindered by government
measures. At the same time, there were important physical and social
factors which slowed the process. Some of these could have been pre-
vented by the authorities of that period, or at least their influence
could have been lessened. The most significant obstacles were:

1. The periodic floods and droughts along the two rivers; the
variation in amount of water available was an important handicap facing
the settlers, causing tribal dislocation from time to time, and the re-

version of many tribesmen to nomadism. Basic solutions to these prob-

150
lems would be the provision of protection against spring flood, storage
of excess water for reuse in the dry season, and the establishment of
dams to maintain certain water levels. Turkish activities in this re-
spect were rare. The new settlers were left without help from the
authorities. They were forced to establish or repair temporary canal-
heads of brushwood, and to increase their productivity by other primitive
devices which sometimes caused the ruin of fertile land and the waste of
water resources .

2. The settlers were discouraged by the primitive cultivation
methods and the low standard of living available to them. There was no
improvement. in the quality and quantity of the limited.crops which they
cultivated because no one showed them new techniques or conservation
measures. Even if the settled tribesman had been assisted by such
measures, he probably would not have appreciated them because his social
background tended to cause him to reject innovation and sudden change.

3. The lack of security, lack of firm right to the land, high
taxation and high rent, and the prevalence of a crop-sharing system
which provided a low level of living to the cultivator all contributed
to the slowness of settlement. The motive to cultivate land was reduced
by the combined grasping of the Shaikhs and the authorities. No Shaikh
or landlord was expected to provide capital, guidance, or" cooperation in
order to improve the land's productivity and the settler’s condition.
The plundering of physical and human resources were their only perceived
obJ ectives .

h». Aggression on settled neighbors and plundering by those who '
were still nomads, along with severe annual invasions of the locust,

were a great mnace to crops and threatened the settler"s security.
5. With the exception of modern river steamers, transportation

151
was primitive. Roads were mere tracks, suitable only for camel, donkey,
or mule traffic and often impossible to use during the rainy seasons.
"As a result areas remote from the rivers had difficulty in disposing of
agricultural surplus. In some of these areas, the sole economic means
of using excess wheat, for example, was to use it as fuel.")+l This con-

dition, of course, destroyed any incentive for increasing permanent

settlement in such areas.

“Kathleen M. Langley, The Industrialization of Iraq (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1961), 5:112. “—

CHAPTER V

TRIBAL POLICY AND SETTLEMENT DURING THE

BRITISH PERIOD, 1916-1932

This period includes the time of the British Occupation (1916-1921)
and of the Mandate (1921-1932). Since these periods have only political
significance and show no important changes in British tribal policy, this
chapter will deal with the period of 1916-1932 as one unit. British con-
trol represents progress in some respects and retardation in others, not
only for the tribes, but also for the whole people of Iraq.

With the exception of the modification introduced by the Turkish
administration in the latter part of the nineteenth century, which cannot
be entirely denied as a factor in subsequent progress, Iraq had not ex-
perienced for long centuries such a measure of public security as the
British brought with them, and security is a pre-condition of settled and
progressive life. It is also true that the new British ideas and skills
in colonial administration, in irrigation, in agriculture, and in other
aspects of life helped Iraq and directed it toward a new path. It is also
clear, however, that British policy was not inspired alone by the desire
to introduce security or progress to backward tribes and peOple. Rather,
this was incidental to the pursuit of other basic ends, which had to do
primarily with exploitation of Iraq's rich resources of oil, its agricul-
tural products, and its geographical location on the route to India and
Southeast Asia. There was no doubt that for the British the benefits to

152

153

their homeland and their empire as a whole came first, and this could not
but have in some ways slowed the progress of Iraq and its people. These
same ends dictated the British tribal policy and their revival of the
power of the tribal Shaikhs.

There were many factors which influenced tribal life and the settle-
ment process during this period. The most important among these were:
(1) the British policy concerning the tribes, (2) the development of tra-
ditional type irrigation, (3) the introduction of water-pumps for irriga-
tion, (A) the development of agriculture, (5) the land policy, (6) the

development of transportation, and (7) the influence of the oil industry.

British TribaifiPoiigx

 

Control over the tribes and the establishment of law and order were
considered by the British to be an essential step towards development of
the country and its resources. The policy followed was, in fact, an adap-
tation of the Robert Sandeman system'which had been so successfully applied
in Baluchistan in dealing with the restless Pathan and Baluchi tribes on
the Northwestern Frontier of India. ‘When Sandeman first instituted his
tribal policy in Baluchistan about 1875,1 he found the tribal organization
in a condition of rapid decay and the power of the tribal chiefs highly
diminished. His policy was, therefbre, based on the following principles:
(1) preservation and strengthening of the ancient tribal system and orga-
nization, (2) encouraging self-government in tribal areas, or the so-called
"control from within," (3) civilizing the tribes, and (h) strengthening

the tribal chiefs and enhancing their positions by various means.

W v—Wfi ,__,_ fifi fl w—vw

1Zaki Saleh, Introduction to the Study of Contemporary Iraq,
(Baghdad: Al-Rabita Press, 1953), in Arabic, p. 10.

 

151'.

In developing this policy, Sandeman believed that no administrator
could be successful in dealing with the tribes unless he worked through
the tribes themselves. He also recognized the danger of trying to impose
a purely Western administration on the tribes. His idea was to build up
an administration which would be based On the traditional tribal organiza-
tion and, at the same time, conform in principle to Western standards.2
The keystone of‘his tribal administration, therefore, was a council of the
elders of the tribes. Through this council he granted tribal allowances
and privileges. Through the elders he also exacted levies and responsibi-
lity for law and peace in their tribal areas and made regulations giving
them the means by which these could be put into force. To rebuild the
weakened tribal organization, Sandeman worked through the more competent
chiefs and tribal headmen, who in turn were advised, assisted, and super-
vised by British political officers. He realized that the chiefs' personal
influence and knowledge would be a great factor for success in dealing with
lawless tribes and in preserving the ancient tribal system. Thus, mutual
assistance between the British government and the tribal chiefs was an
essential element of this policy. If the headmen were expected to support
the British administrators, the British, in turn, had to be in a position
to support the headmen.

To enforce this policy properly and in order to give adequate back-
ing to the tribal leaders, "control from within" was necessary.3 Having
gained this control it would be possible to accomplish necessary plans

whether for roads, irrigation, or any other development project which would

 

Y v—vv—vfifi v—w v—fi W —. j—

20. E. Bruce, "The Sandeman Policy as Applied to Tribal Problems
of Today," Jgprngl 9: Royal Qentral Asian Society, XIX (1932), 52.

3Ibid., p. 53.

155

bring some of the blessings of civilization within the reach of the tribes-
men. 'Without "control from within", it was believed that these measures
would be impossible to achieve.

When this policy and its principles were formulated and applied in
Baluchistan, its Justifications were the restoring of law and order in the
tribal areas, the civilizing of the tribes by peaceful penetration at
their request and the improving of their economic welfare.

Sandeman's policy subsequently became the fashion for many colonial
administrators in dealing with tribes in their areas. In the Sudan, for
instance, Lord Kitchener applied these principles to the native tribes for
the British. South.Africa was another place where the British took proper
measures to preserve the authority of the native leaders and to restore
the ancient tribal solidarity and discipline. The same was true in East
Africa, in Aden, and in other parts of the British Empire. Similar meas-
ures were ad0pted by the French colonial administrators, such as Lyautey
in Morocco and the French officers dealing with the native tribes in Indo-
China.2+

When the British took over in Iraq the condition of the tribes was
much the same as had been that of those in Baluchistan. The British
therefore gave particular consideration to establishing control over the
tribal areas by making use of the Shaikhs. Because of the lack of a
suitable British staff and the restless nature of the tribes, the British
concluded that direct governmental control over the tribes was contrary to
their immediate purpose, if not impossible to maintain. Their efforts,
therefore, were directed toward a full application of Sandeman's principles

F— Wv v—Vfi V .——. W

thid. , pp. 60-61.

15:3
especially by the British officers Henry Dobbs and H. R. P. Dickson. For
example, “A single leading Shaikh was recognized in every tribe, as in
the Suq Ash-Shuykh district where H. R. P. Dickson, Assistant Political
Officer, reported that he managed during 1916-1917, more or less to get
the power into the hands of one Shaikh in the case of each of the 22 Suq
tribes."5 All means of solidifying the power of the Shaikhs were then
undertaken and regulations for settling tribal disputes were established.
Furthermore, extensive studies of the political, social, and economic
conditions of the tribes were, at the same time, secretly conducted by
‘well organized British intelligence operatives under the supervision of

Gertrude Bell.

The Position of the Shaikhs

The British administrators had the Turkish policy and its limita-
tions in mind when they started to deal with the Iraqi tribes. th only
did they impress the tribes with their strength, but also they adopted
strict policies in dealing with them. The key to enforcement of these
policies was strengthening the Shaikhs' positions to get their help in
controlling tribal areas and towns. As a British report in 1918 put it,
"Shaikhs...certainly without government support and backing could do
nothing...our policy has been to force (the tribes) to acknowledge their
head Shaikhs, refusing to deal with individuals or sections except through

the head Shaikh."6

,rfi—wfir—T—wv— *r—w' F—f v—v— fi1v— v—w——v‘——v————w——v———v vr— vfiv 7—

5Philip w. Ireland, Iragp A Study in Political Development (Oxford:
The Alden Press, 1937), p. 91+.

6Quoted by”William.R. Polk, "Generations, Classes and Politics,
1952-1959, " Tibor Kerekes (ed. ), The Arab Middle East and Muslim Africa
(New York: Frederick A. Praeger, PuBl‘ishersfl96Iy, p. I09. -__ ‘“

 

157

Among the several measurer taken to enhance the Shaikhs' power were
the following devices. The paramount Shaikhs were made responsible for
law and order in their tribal areas and for settling all tribal disputes.
To support this delegation of authority, The Tribal Disputes Regulation
was put into effect in 1916, after British political officers had sought
the opinions of the Shaikhs of tribes and villages concerning its content.
This regulation provided that in cases of disputes or crimes where either
party was a tribesman, the decision would be reached by a tribal court
(medlis) according to tribal customs. The purpose of this procedure was
to enhance tribal customs by an elaborated Western.administrative system.

Since the powerless tribesman did not dare to disobey his Shaikh,
who was the only one who could arrive at the real truth of things in his
territory, it was apparent that the easiest way of collecting revenue
from.him was through the Shaikh. Therefore, the Shaikhs'were made tax
agents in their tribal areas. In order to make the difficult task worth-
while, these dignitaries were permitted to keep a sufficient share of the
revenue they collected. In addition, most of the Shaikhs were exempted
from both land and income taxes. "Such a scheme, incidentally, fitted
effectively into the general system.of control of the tribes."7

The dignity of the Shaikh's position was enhanced by making possible
his participation with the British in administration of the country on both
.local and national levels. On the local level, the Shaikh was appointed as
the government representative. Table 12 shows names and local administra-
tive positions of 21 tribal Shaikhs and other leaders appointed by the

British during the period from 1916 to 1920.

 

v—v—v vvv—vV—fiwy—Vfi—v—wr—v Y wV—fi v—y— rfi-V v—v v-rv va—vw v—v

 

7Henry A. Foster The Making of Modernfiliraq (Norman: University
of'Oklahoma Press, 19355, p. 66. ‘ET

158

TABLE 12

TRIBAL SHAIKHS AND HEADS APPOINTED BY THE BRITISH AS AmmISTRATIVE
OFFICERS DURING THE PERIOD, 1916-19208

 

 

Wei M
Name of Shaikh or Head Administrative Position Year Appointed
Haj Athir Mudirb Nahiac of Hartha 1916
Shaikh Farhud Al-Mukhash Mudir Nahia of Akika 1916
Hamid Al-Khamish Mudir Nahia of Al-Khamisha 1916
Shaikh Hamid Al-Mir Jahfir Mudir Nahia of Al-Makina 1916
Shaikh Hamuda Al-Bashira Mudir Nahia of Al-Hussan 1916
Said Abdul Hussain Mudir Nahia of Ech-Chibayish 1917
Abdul Karim Al-Hamdani Assistant of British Political

Officer in .Shatra 1918
Hamid Al-Suz Mudir Nahia of Al-Karidi 1918
Ibrahim Al-Habib Mudir Nahia of Diwaniya 1918
Shaikh Munishid Al-Habib Mudir Nahia of Al-Batha 1918
Khadhim Al-Hamadini Assistant of British Political

Officer in Suq Ash-Shuykh 1918
Abdul Latif Al-Atrachi Assistant of British Political

Officer in Aziziya and Wayra 1918
Kathim Al-Hamdani Assistant of British Political

Officer in .Suq Ash-Shuykh and

Albu Saleh 1918
Salman Al-Nasir Allah Mudir Nahia of Albu Saleh 1918
Taha Al-Zaidha Mudir Nahia of Shatra 1918
Shaikh Akbashi Al-Said Mudir Nahia of Qur'na 1918
Shaikh Alwan Sadun Agent to the British Govern-

ment in Kufa 1918
Shaikh Salim Al-Kayhan Mudir Nahia of Ech-Chiliayish 1919
Sajban Al-Ali Chief of Tribal Guards in

Nasiriya 1919
Shaikh Abdul Karim Mudir Nahia of Kara Tabba 1920
Shaikh Ali Al-Assia Mudir Nahia of Belled 1920

 

_ www— _r—v fiv_ #— fl

aCompiled from Abdul J. Al-Tahir, The Tribes and Politics (Baghdad:
Zahra Press, 1958), in Arabic, pp. 9-10.

bMudir means head administrator.

cNahia is an administrative subdivision of a province.

159

On the national level, under the former Turkish rule the Shaikhs
had not been privileged to be represented in the only'Turkish.mafilis or
governing assembly, that of 191%. Under the British, however, a plan was
made in 1920 to have 30 tribal members among those elected to the National
Assembly. Of these, 20'were representatives of the 20 largest tribes, and
the other lO'were from.the smaller tribes. In this connection Gertrude
Bell said, "In the course of four general elections held under the Turks
no tribesman . . . has been returned . . . An Arab National Government
could not succeed unless it ultimately contrived to associate the tribes-
men with its endeavors."8 Mbreover, when plans were made under British
auspices for the convening of the Iraqi Constituent Assembly in 192A, the
Shaikhs were allotted a considerable number of seats; out of 99 members,
hl‘were Shaikhs.9 These Shaikhs "were insistent on introducing clauses
into the Constitution which will provide for full and even more extensive
use of the Tribal Disputes Regulation and for the non-alienation of
government lands cultivated by themselves."10

Economic means by which the Shaikhly position was solidified, in-
cluding changes in land tenure and systems of subsidies and cash gifts,
were established by the British. Monthly allowances and presents of cash
‘were especially the privilege of the Shaikhs of the nomadic tribes, al-
though some religious dignitaries of certain cities and notable leaders

of settled peoples were not neglected in this respect. These subsidies

_‘ u A
v—wv—w-r—fi V—VY-‘fi vhf—v—w'fifi #— r—v WV—vfi 7+ V—wfifi

8Lady Bell (ed.),The Letters of Gertrude Bell (New York: Boni and
Liveright Publishers, 1928’ Voi. II, pi’579. “' "

v—v—v

 

9John Batatu, "The Shaikh and the Peasant in Iraq, 1917-1958"
(Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Department of Political Science, Harvard
university, 1960) p. 63.

10Ibid., p. 63.

160
were considered rewards for services rendered to the British, particularly
for keeping peace and order both in the towns and in the countryside. This
was part of British policy from the beginning of their occupation.

In this connection Gertrude Bell wrote, "For the first few days
after the capture of the city (Baghdad) the office of the chief political
officer was crowded with visitors of all degrees . . . As for the Shaikhs,
there came first those of the small neighboring tribes to pay their res-
pect . . . All alike had been nonsubmissive to the Turkish government .
They were entertained at the guest house of the government, given pre-
sents . . ., and sent back with injunctions to keep the peace and busy
themselves with their cultivation."ll
.Again in the words of another writer, "N0 figures for the whole country
are on hand except for the year 1926 when subsidies bore no comparison
with the fat rewards of earlier days. In that year they amounted only to
3.96 lakhs (29,700 dinars).12 A311 Al-Yawar, paramount Shaikh of the
nomadic Shammar alone received 1.68 lakhs (12,600 dinars) and Fahad Ibn
Hadhdhal of the nomadic Aniza (or Aneza) 1.hh lakhs (10,800 dinars) as a
reward for "services rendered" and so that they would 'protect' the over-
land routes from their own rapacity."l3 As stated in a previous chapter,
starting in the latter part of the Turkish Period the receipt of gifts
was considered by many Shaikhs as their natural right. The British did

not try to change this.

The Shaikhs of the Aneza and especially of the Shammar were also

'— ‘— V ‘— r—r V ~— —v ._. .—

11Great Britain, Review of the CivilAdministration of Mesgpotamia
(London: Stationery Office, 1920), p. 33.

12Each Iraqi dinar equals one British pound.

l3Batatu, op. cit., p. 7h.

161

given the right by the British authorities to collect tribute on motorcars
and caravans using the roads between Iraq and Syria. Even individual
tribesmen in the area were not allowed to take their purchases from towns
‘without written permission from their Shaikhs and payment of a fixed fee
per camel load.

Those Shaikhs who were privileged with large agricultural estates
were also the main beneficiaries of tax reduction and rents afforded by
the British. The most favored among these were the great and loyal Shaikhs
of the central and southern provinces of the country, such as.Amara and Kat.
"It is well known," said the British political officer of Amara in 1918,
"That Shaikhs are now rolling in wealth owing to the cheapness of their
farm.rents under our administration. we have pursued a policy of generosity
hitherto which has probably repaid us by inducing the Shaikhs to help us to
the best of their ability. But where we reduce, (land rent) the Shaikhs do
not always reduce for their sirkals (agents) and fallahs."1h The same po-
litical officer also indicated that, "...if the government took now, instead
of the fees they take from the Shaikhs, the total amount collected by the
Shaikhs from.the sub-farmers, it would be richer by thousands of pounds."15

The British went to a considerable length to enhance the influence
of the Shaikhs by direct support. For example, in 1919 when part of the
Albu Sultan tribe opposed the authority of their appointed head, Addi A1-
Jaryan, a British force of fifty soldiers headed by a British political
officer marched against the dissident tribesmen, destroyed their village,

and seized some of their cattle to a value of about $1,500. In another

 

v—v— fi 1 Wv—Vv—v— #— w H‘fifi V V—f r —f WV f fififi,v

ll‘Great Britain, Reports of Administration for 1918 (London:
Stationery Office, 1918), p. 335.

 

1‘5Ibid., p. 336.

162
case the British employed armored cars and airplanes against a tribal
section of Shammar when they defied the authority of Shaikh.Agil Al-Yawar
in 1926.

'The British were also in the habit of appointing Shaikhs to those
tribes who were either without a recognized strong leader or did not have
one at all. ‘When they found the Jubur tribes with a vacant Shaikhly posi-
tion, for example, three Shaikhs were appointed and became representatives
of the British authorities in their tribal areas.16

From the political and social standpoints, the application of the
Sandeman system and other British efforts to restore and strengthen tribal
organization in Iraq meant the imposition of feudalism on the rural popula-
tion. 'This was contrary to the principles of evolution towards progressive
political and social institutions, but it did facilitate British control of
the country. By depending on the Shaikh's power and by the application of
the Tribal Disputes Regulation, the British succeeded in maintaining law
and order in tribal areas. 0n the other hand, the arbitrary techniques
used for restoration of the Shaikhly position led the Shaikhs to abuse their
authority and use it for the advancement of their own interests. This not
only paved the way for the tribal insurrection of 1920 against both the
Shaikhs and the British, but also was a continuing source of dissatisface
tion with British rule among the common people. In addition, the national
"spirit of great Shaikhs was destroyed and their loyalty turned against the
national interest. Thus, the great Shaikhs and land-owning dignitaries of
Amara, Diwaniya, Hilla, Kut, and Karbala provinces, who were dependent on

the British for possession of lands and political position, supported all

 

fiflfi—v—r v—y—v ‘1' fly v— * vfi—v‘fifi a v—v v—— vv—wvfiw‘r

16Abdul J. Al-Tahir, The Tribes and Politics (Baghdad: Zahra Press,
1958), in Arabic, p. 103, r +~ s~ -l______

 

163
signed declarations for continued British control in Iraq at the end of the
Occupation Period.17 The very men who should have emerged as leaders of an
independent nation failed to.do so because of their vested interest under

the British.

Security

An important contribution of the British to the acceleration of the
process of tribal settlement was the security which they introduced both
to the settled tribes and to those who were still nomads. In addition to
the measures included in the Tribal Disputes Regulation, which were designed
to control the tribes in their tribal lands, the British followed several
other lines to maintain order in the rural areas. Tribal blood feuds which
at one time were exploited by the Turkish governors, were now discouraged
wherever possible. For example, the age-long enmities and endless fights
among the tribes of Tamim, Khazraj, and Dulaim were brought to an end in
1920 by the British intervention. Intertribal meetings were encouraged and
formed to solve disputes, and since then harmony has prevailed among these
tribes.18

Another measure of security followed in tribal areas during the
British Occupation was the establishment of tribal guards, or shabana.
These were tribesmen who were chosen through their Shaikhs, and paid by the
local political officers for performing a host of miscellaneous services in
the settled tribal districts, including the maintenance of order and the
protection of communication lines. By the end of 1916 there were some 500

17Ire1and, op..cit., pp. 166-169.

13Mbhammed F. Jamali, The New Ira : Its Problem of Bedouin Education
(New York: Columbia UniversityifBureau of Pubiications, 193R), p. 122.

 

16h

tribal guards in the British occupied territory of the country.19 But
later these people were found to be abusing their positions, and because
of this they became extremely hated by both tribesmen and city dwellers.
The Iraq Levies, organized in divisions under British officers, were con-
sequently established in 1920.

The security measures taken by the British during the Occupation
and the Mandate periods also extended to the nomadic tribes in the western
Desert and the Jezira. Before 1922, however, no strong governmental
machinery for control of these areas had been developed, although a number
of Bedouin tribesmen of the Dhafir, Aneza, and Shammar were made responsible
for security and order during the Occupation Period. In addition, among
the tribes themselves, the weaker ones had to pay protection fees to the
stronger according to special arrangmenets. For example, the nomadic tribe
of Shammar formerly received such protection money from.the weaker tribes
of the Jubur,.Albu Badran, Albu Hamad, and other tribes and villages of the
upper Tigris. The.Aneza tribe followed the same practice with the riverine
tribes of the Euphrates, such as the shepherd sections of the Dulaim and
Ghazalat.

Furthermore, not until 1922 did the Iraqi government have a fixed
frontier with Najd. Therefore, it was the concern of both Iraqi and British
authorities early in the Mandate Period to rectify this deficiency and to
put an end to the raiding activities between the tribes of Naj‘d and those
of Iraq. As a consequence, the Treaty of Mohammara was Signed in May, 1922,

by British, Najd, and Iraqi representatives. This treaty included articles

L—

l9Foster, op. cit., p. 208.

165
in which the nationality of the main nomadic tribes of the frontier area
of both Iraq and NaJd were defined, and the position of the boundary line
between.the two countries was established. The treaty also gave the right
of any tribe belonging to one country to use pasture land in the other upon

20 In actual practice the Iraqi authorities have

payment of a grazing fee.
not required the payment of that fee since then.

.After having agreed upon the boundary and the nationality of the
tribes, the other task was to put an end to the tribal raidings from both
sides which had increasingly threatened the peace of the desert and the
settled life of both countries in the past. In 1925, a second treaty
called, the Bahra Agreement was signed by Iraq and NaJd, with the help of
the British authorities. In.this pact a number of issues concerning graz-
ing rights and many admdnistrative problems associated with the seasonal
migration of the nomadic tribes between the two countries were settled. In
addition, the agreement provided that a special tribunal should hold peri-
odic meetings to study intertribal frictions, to fix responsibility for
raids, and to assess damages and losses caused by them. Migration of the
tribes across the boundary was prohibited, except when necessary for graz-
ing and in this case a special permit was required.21

In the autumn of_l926 an order was issued forbidding all kinds of
tribal raids.22 But occasional raiding activities continued between the
nomads of Iraq and Najd. As a result, stronger measures were taken by the

fl ‘___1 A— , .— _.
v..—

20Great Britain, Colonial Office, Special Report on the Progress Of
Iraq, 1920-1931 (London: Stationary Office, 1931), p. 35.

 

flIbid., p. 35.

220f the same sort as the foregoing agreement was that made between
the governments of NaJd and of Trans-Jordan, the Hadda.Agreement of 1925.

166
British and the Iraqi government to prevent the raids. A most effective
role was played by the Royal Air Force. During the years 192% to 1930,
this group assisted by the Iraqi army, was able to secure peace in the
Western Desert.23 In addition, several desert police posts, such as those
at the villages oijutba, Salmon, Busaiya, and other smaller stations were
organized and subsequently had a profound effect in maintaining order in
the area (Pl. X, Fig. 1). 0n the other hand, these measures created an
economic problem for the nomadic tribes. Raiding among these tribes them-
selves and against the settled tribes, which, especially in time of drought
had represented an important means of income, became nearly impossible.
The protection fees received by the stronger tribes from the weaker ones
were stripped out Of their hands. A tendency toward semi-settled life was
the result. This was further encouraged by the safety offered by desert
police posts which acted as the nuclei for settlements. These in some

cases have grown into Sizeable villages (P1. X, Fig. 1).

Land Policy
The British had inherited enormous difficulties concerning landowner-
ship and taxation, which lay at the heart of the problem of tribal settle-
ment. Records pertaining to titles and landed property were almost non-
existent. The few land titles were incorrect and indefinite. Moreover,
it was found that many deeds had been acquired in manners contrary to law,
or were worded with extreme vagueness. Extensive tracts were reported at
a small acreage to avoid the larger registration fee. Areas were usually
never mentioned. This confused picture of landownership and the lack of

23C. Reginold, "The IraqéNaJd Frontier," Journal of Royal Central
Asian Society, XVII (1930), 81+.

 

167
security of rights in lands handicapped real progress toward permanent
tribal settlement, as previously mentioned. .The execution of agricultural
development programs caused great difficulties with respect to tax collec-
tion and the elimination of land disputes. Moreover, the land registration
policy of Mhdhat Pasha, referred to earlier, was largely responsible for
the concentration of big estates, formed from tribal lands, in the hands of
the Shaikhs and of townsmen, at the expense of the tribes.

In the last quarter of the 19th century, the breaking up of the
tribal system, the opening of world and domestic markets for Iraq's agri-
cultural produce, the greater political security and technical change, and
the increasing use of water-pumps gave the Shaikhs strong motives fOr grab-
bing tribal lands as their own property, thereby converting the tribesmen
into tenants. Possession of large estates became the highest measure of
social value for the Shaikhs. "A Shaikh. without land came to mean in
effect a Shaikh without a tribe...."2h .A very clear and vivid description
of one method used by the Shaikhs to acquire land during the late 19th
century and continuing into the 20th century was provided by a British
political officer who pointed out that, “A common form of land-grabbing
'was to build towers in a strategic position on the land coveted. In many
cases these towerS'were.erected in a night, full preparations were made
beforehand, all materials were conveyed to the site, and in the morning
the temporary owner of the land upon which the tower had been built found
himself the victim of an aggressive neighbour. The next step was either.
an attempt to drive off the invader, ending up probably by bringing all the
tribes(from)round and about into the fight or a retirement from the holding

until a favorable opportunity occurred for downing the invader and getting

 

2hBatatu, op. cit., p. 10h.

168

back the land'.'25

During the British Period and up to 1958 this practice was a dis-
tinguishing feature of the tribal areas in Iraq. Shaikhs, government rep-
resentatives, dignitaries, and aggressive towns people participated. An
example of this is the Shaikh of the Shuweilat, whose tribe in 1919 owned
a tract of 37,000 acres along the Gharraf Canal. By using the above men-
tioned method, the Shaikh, within a period of a few decades, gained personal
control of 583,000 acres of land. He thus had control of 620,000 acres of
land either directly as the owner or indirectly as Shaikh.26

In addition, during the early Occupation Period the British adopted
the already existing land registration policy of the Turks, and they also
accepted the Turkish theory of government ownership of land. By the end of
1919, before the Mandate Period, five land registration offices were in
Operation in the Baghdad district and others were opened in other parts of
the country as in Mosul and Basra.. But the main thing was that the acti-
vities in these offices were not for the benefit of the individual tribes-
man, because lands were registered for the Shaikhs of the tribes who were
employed to support the British authorities. It was common practice for
these authorities to issue, from time to time, special documents concerning
particular districts which enabled the Shaikhs to register large tracts of
tribal land in their names, a matter which deprived the tribesmen of their
rights to the land, and brought firm support to the feudal system of the

country.

After the national upheaval of 1920, and during the Mandate Period,

_— ———— WW fi v—vfifiTV
fl y—V

25Great Britain, Reports of Administration for 1918, op. cit., p. 362.

26Batatu, op. cit., p. 106.

169

the British policy and attitude toward the tribes remained basically the
same, but with some modifications.27 The changes were intended to weaken
the position of tribal.Shaikhs who were against the British during the
revolution, while giving easy access to land possession by those who were
in favor of their policy. Thus, in 1922, Shaikh Khaiyun of the Abudah
came to hold a large area of state land in the south free of rent. The
Shaikh of.Albu Muhammad was also helped by the British to obtain consider-
able areas of land in the Amara district.

During the Mandate the British also initiated a policy to encourage
lesser tribal heads and individual tribesmen to contact government authori-
ties in order to express their problems. Moreover, certain large estates
‘were parcelled and given to individual tribesmen, especially in Amara and
Diwaniya. Small properties in newly reclaimed lands, as along the Yusufiya
Canal, were likewise distributed to landless tribesmen. In other districts,
Shaikhs who had left their tribes to reside in the cities were no longer
supported by the British, since these Shaikhs had lost their usefulness.
The authorities also began to respect the leases of landholdings of state
lands, except when the holder rersed to pay the required taxes or intended
to disturb the public security. The rule to renew the rent of land every
year was also applied very strictly during the Mandate Period. This pro-
cedure helped considerably to stabilize landholdings and to avoid a great
deal of confusion in landownership.

In spite of all these late remedies, land disputes, illegal posses?
sion of holdings, trespassing on neighbor's territory, and acquisition of

v—f W—W y__ 7— _ fl Wm fifi w

27Abdul S. .Alwan, Studies in Agrarian Reform with Special.Reference
to Iraq (Baghdad: McAswaq El—Tijariya Press, 1961), in Arabic, pp. 135-
136-

170

large estates by great Shaikhs and town merchants continued and remained
unsolved problems after the British Period. The accompanying Table 13
reflects only a sample of the consequences of tribal disputes and the
Shaikh's greed for land, as measured by loss of human lives.

The complexity of land problems was intensified by the lack, for
the greater part of the country, of cadastral surveys, although in some
tribal districts air photography and mapping were carried out very rapidly,
such as in Hilla province.

Moreover, the introduction of water—pumps by individual tribal
Shaikhs, townsmen, Saiyids (religious men of tribes), and by partnership
of a Shaikh with a townsman and/or a Saiyid during the Mandate Period ag-
gravated the problem of land in tribal areas (Table 14). Landownership
disputes, therefore, occured between the tribesmen, the Shaikhs, the towns-
men, and the Saiyids. Theoretically, the greater agricultural productivity
which accompanied the use of pumps should have benefited both the pump
owners and tribal cultivators. Practically, it increased the power of the
Shaikhs, created a new class of abSentee landlords (townsmen), enhanced
the process of turning tribal land into privately-owned property, and
gradually contributed to the poverty of the settlers. Due to the settlers'
lack of market experience, they became subject to easy exploitation by
their Shaikhs and other pump owners who were in a better bargaining posi-
tion. ‘The peasant had to buy his food, clothing and other supplies,
through his Shaikh, from.the townsmen pump owners; consequently, he became

more and more in debt to both.

. .171
TABLE 13

TRIBAL DISPUTES OVER POSSESSION ORLAND Ann NUMBER OF DEAD
TRIBESMEN FOR THE PERIOD, 1922 ;_ 19523

 

 

Year Tribes InvOlved Number of'Dead
1922 WithintheDulaim................ 22
1922 Within Bani Khaikan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
1922 ‘Within Tai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
1922 Albu Duhaidah and Albu Ardi . . . . . . . . . . . 9
1922 Within Zaiyad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
1922 Within MuJarrah . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
1922 Albu Humaidi,A1bu Hamdan, and MushaireJah . . . 15
1922 'Within Tamim . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
1925 TWithin Zaiyad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
1926 WithinFetla.................. 10
1932 AlqualiJah and AleAmarihhaun . . . . . . . . . . 12
1939 .AleAzairiJ and Al-Bazzum . . . . . . . . . . . . 100
19h0 WithinAdh-Dahawalim 100
l9’+1 Al-Hatim and Al-Mana . . ..... . . . . . . . ’49 killed
3 100 injured
19h2 ZaiyadandShibilandZaiyad 25
l9h3 Adhthawal m and Albu.Jbash . . . . . . . . h
l9h5 ,Al-Karshiyyun and Al-Hamman . . . . . . . . . . . 9
l9h5 Within Al-Yasin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . tens
19l+6 MatyutandShammar . ..... 1hhkined
93.1nJured
19h? Al-AridandAl-Jayash 15
19h? .At-Tawalih and Albu Hasan . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
19:8 WithinAl-Sudan................. h
1918 WithimTamim 3
l9h9 'Within Aneza . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . tens
l9h9 Shuweilat and Ukail ....... . . . . . . . . 7
l9h9 ‘Within AleAid . . . . . . . . . . . . . , . . . . 7
1919 WithinBaniJuhaim.............. 30
1919 Within Adh-Dhawalim . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
1951 UbaidandAl-Sayih............... 18
1952 Juwaibir and AlpTawbah . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
1952 .Azza and Ubaid . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100

' " . "

:aJohn Batatu, "The Shaikh and the Peasant in Iraq, 1917-1958"
(unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Department of Political Science, Har-
vard university, 1960), p. 108.

172
TABLE 1h

OWNERSHIP OF‘WATER-PUMPS IN AMARA PROVINCE IN 19298

Owner Number of“Water-Pomps
Shaikh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
Townsman.......................3O
Saiyid . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Shaikh-Townsman Partnership . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Shaikh-Saiyid Partnership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

Total 105

8'John Batatu, "The Shaikh and the Peasant in Iraq, 1917-1958"
(Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Department of Political Science, Har-
vard University, 1960), p. 1H3.

During the depression years of 1930 to 1932, when the pump owners

found it more difficult to meet their obligations to the pump importers,
they increased economic pressure on the settlers who were finally forced
to give them whatever share they had in land. Table 15 shows very
clearly that three classes of landholders were sharing tribal lands in
the province of Amara. The introduction of townsmen to landownership of

the Amara province, as Shown in this table, was through the installation

of'water-pumps.

TABLE 15

NUMBER AND SOCIAL STATUS OF LANDHOLDERS IN AMARA PRO-
VINCE FOR THE YEARS, 1918-19518

 

a _— M

Social Status

 

Year Number

 

Shaikhs 'Saiyids Townsmen
1918 33 29 3 1
l921 A3 37 5 l
1929 81 55 b 8 18
19AM 181 Elh8) 33
1951 177 1hh)b 33

 

_— _ WW1..—

quhn Batatu, "The Shaikh and the Peasant in Iraq, 1917-1958"
(Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Department of Political Science, Har-
vard university, 1960), p. 1&5.

bIncludes both Shaikhs and Saiyids.

173
Another example from the province of Amara which indicates the
concentration of large landholdings in the hands of a few Shaikhs, as
reflected by government revenue (land .tax) demanded from them in .1929,
is shown in Table 16. This reveals that only five Shaikhs out of the 81

landholders payed 61 per cent of the land revenue of the province.

TABLE 16

DISTRIBUTION OF IANDHOLDINCS IN AMARA As REE‘IIETED
BY LAND REVENUE DEMANDED IN 19293

   
 

 

 
 

_1..-7 ___- ___,,a_._~_ _ _—_,1., - -—~____i ~. —.__.._.—._.__-_____ ~. ______..~—-___—..._-——

Revenue Demanded Number of Social Status Per Cent of
(in dollars)b Landholders Shaikh Saiyid Townsman Total Revenue

 

 

Vfi

 

Less than 200 8 3 5 )
201400 3 2 1 )
h01-1,000 13 6 1 6 g 22
1,001-2,000 11+ 6 5 3

2,001-h,000 21 17 2 2 )
h.,001-6,000 7 6 1 )
6,001.8,000 6 6 _) 17
12,000-18,000 A A )
60,000-80,000 5 5 ‘7 61

Total 81’ 5'5“ ' 8 18 “ I ‘ 10‘0“ '

r 1, vv . v—v r—q ‘ Y—v

SJohn Batatu, "The Shaikh and the Peasant in Iraq, 1917-1958"
(Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Political Science, Har-
vard University, 1960), p. 139.

bRevenue demanded was given in rupees (the monetary unit of India).
One rupee equals about 20 U. S. cents.

Irrigation

 

British administrators, while primarily focusing their attention
on the achievement of political stability, did initiate some measures
which encouraged the process of settlement. They found it desirable to
proceed with several irrigation projects and the development of'agricul—

ture. This British interest was mainly to provide enough food for their

17A

troops,meet the increasing market for agricultural products in Great
Britain,28 and finally to promote the pacification and settlement of the
tribal population.29 It appears, therefore, that although the British
measures in this respect were only partly designed to settle the tribes,
the process of settlement was incidentally encouraged.

For the purpose of extending the agricultural area of Iraq, the
Department of Irrigation was organized in 1917 and continued in exist"
ence until 1931. During this period it accomplished certain projects
which included flood prevention, the completing of irrigation canals left
unfinished by the Turks, the construction of new canals and the improve-
ment of old ones, and the undertaking of some drainage work. The most
important of these activities was the reconstruction of the Hiniya Canal
which branches from the Euphrates below the city of Musaiyib. This pro-
ject was done by employing some of the local tribesmen under the
direction of their leaders, but it was sponsored by the British political
Officer at Hilla. Some other projects on the Euphrates River that were
carried out included the Bani Hassan, Hussainiya, and Saklawiya canals.
These waterways were gradually extended and brought under control, with
a consequent reduction in the wastage of water resources and an improve-
ment of the soil conditions of the areas irrigated by them. On the Hilla
Canal two regulators were installed at its lower reaches in 1928, while
the embankments of the Euphrates River in its middle course'were pro-
gressively strengthened thereby reducing the flood hazard.

Irrigation improvement was then extended to other areas on the

 

v Wfi V v—v—PV—f __ W

28Bell (ed.), op. cit., p. A97.

2gGreat Britain, Colonial Office, Special Report on the Progress
of Iraq, 1920-1931, op. cit., p. 178.

175
Tigris and Diyala rivers. Along the Tigris, reconstruction of the Yusufiya,
the Latifiya, and the Iskandariya canals resulted in an increase in the
area irrigated by them from 103,500 to 200,000 acres between 1920 and
1930.30 In addition, a regulator was built on the Gharraf’Canal to control
its water level and to revive the former channel of the river. In 1928,
control of the principal canals of the Diyala River was accomplished and
with this came more.careful distribution of their water supply.

One result of these various projects was that many tribal sections
were attracted to settle permanently along the canals, causing extension
of the settled area and an increase in agricultural productivity. For
example, the extension of the Saklawiya Canal attracted many sections of
the Dulaim.tribes from the banks of the_Euphrates as well as from the de-
sert. The Abu Ghraib Canal south of Falluja was settled and cultivated by
Zuba and Tamim.tribesmen. Moreover, these improvements in irrigation also
created resettlement movements among some peoples. For instance, "the

canalization for the Shatra area caused tribesmen such as the Khafaja,

formerly scattered in other provinces, to reassemble on their own land."31

Introduction of Water-Pumps
The availability of oil as fuel which developed during the mandate
Period and the encouragement of the Iraqi government and the British army,
caused a great expansiOn in lift irrigation by water-pumps after 1921.
The Iraqi government stimulated the use of pumps by granting tax exemp-
tions on crops produced by this method in 1926, and in 1927 grants of

m vv v—‘fi iv—

3°Ibid., pp. 183-185.

31Ibid., p. 159.

176
state lands were provided on favorable terms to those who were willing to
use pumps. Another ramification of this policy was that customs duties on
pumps were removed. As a result, during the years from 1921 to 1929 the
number of water-pumps and the total area served by them increased rapidly

(Table 17).

TABLE 17

PUMP DEVEIOMHVT OF RIVERINE IANDS FOR THE PaiIOD
FROM 1921-1929a

WW

 

Total .Average .Approximate
Year Number Index °f| Horse Area Served Index or

of Pumps Increase waer (in Sq, Kms.) Increase
1921 1A3 100 10.8 190 100
1922 169 118 11.9 250 132
1923 179 125 12.0 270 1A2
192A 221 155 1A.2 390 206
1925 A07 28A 18.A 9A0 A95
1926 673 A71 18.8 1,580 832
1927 892 62A 23.0 2,560 1,350
1928 1,A81 1,036 25.0 A,67O 2,A6O
1929 2,031 1,A20 29.1 7,380 3,883

 

‘7 —v—v fl wfififi Vw— ‘— v 'V( v wwfiv—y

aErnestDawson,An Inquiry into Land Tepure and Related Questiong,
Report to the Iraq Government (LatEEworth: Garden City'PreSS,‘193l).

In 1921, there were 1A3 pumps on the Iraqi rivers, irrigating an
area of 190 square kilometers; by 1929, there were over 2,000 pumps, irri-
gating about 7,h00 square kilometers. By the end of 1930 the number of
such pumps reached more than 2,500, representing a total investment of
over two million British pounds and irrigating an area of about 9,000
square kilometers. The introduction of the pumps enhanced the opportunity

for greater agricultural productivity, both on old cultivated land and on

177
newly irrigated areas which could not be supplied water by methods used
previously.

The installation of the pumps had a great influence on the life of
many tribes. Pump owners were mainly tribal Shaikh and town merchants.
Some of the more important and more enlightened Shaikhs purchased.them and
started to cultivate the riverine areas. ‘Widespread settlement on such
land was the result and several tribal sections of the nomads and the semi-
nomads changed their ancient mode of life and took up agriculture. .Tribal
sections of Shammar, Rabia, and Bani Lam are good examples. As a conse-
quence, great tracts of land along the rivers, especially in the central
and southern parts of Iraq, which had been largely used by semi-nomadic
atribes as grazing land, became regularly-cultivated private property by
the end of 1932. Moreover, the availability of arable land and the high
prices of grain created a big demand for more agricultural labor, so the
pump owners competed in employing tribesmen to carry out the agricultural
'work. Relative to this fact the British Government Report to the Council
of the League of Nations for the year 1928 pointed out that, "There is no
abatement in the number of applications for pump permits, since up to the
present large profits have been.made. The supply of cultivators for these
lands is inadequate to meet the.demand, with the result that pump owners
have to compete for labor by means of large cash advances."32 Thus, the
use of‘water-pumps made agriculture more attractive work to the tribesmen
at the beginning and induced them to a more permanent life, but later on
it contributed to their impoverishment and created disputes about land-

ownership in tribal areas, as was indicated earlier.

var i r fi—rv—v +— V—— Y—__ r—fi fiv fi

SzGreat Britain, Colonial Office, Re rt to the Council of the
Lea e of’Nations on the Administration.offilraq (London: Stationery
OTTgce,-l928),'p.153.

 

178
Development of‘Agriculture

The British efforts in Iraq included some agricultural undertakings.
These were primarily to supply their army with enough food. ThiS'was in«
dicated by the fact that out of the total production of 125,000 tons of
grain in 1918, about 60,000 were furnished to the British troops.33 A
Department of Agriculture was established to increase productivity, but
unfortunately its budget was small. From 1921 to 1929 its expenditures
were only one per cent of the total government spending. An additional
0.7 per cent of the total was used on a locust prevention campaign during
the years from 1925 to 1929. The efforts which this department made in
the field of agriculture, therefore, were limited and largely experimental.
Nevertheless, it encouraged and stimulated the tribal tendency toward
settlement by certain measures. These included: (1) the establishment of
agricultural research stations where methods for improving seed crops were
applied, (2) the carrying on of serious activities to overcome plant in-
sects and diseases, (3) the introduction of agricultural education and.the
spreading of knowledge of modern farming methods, (h) the creation of a
veterinary service, and (5) the supplying of free seeds and advice for the
improvement of cr0p and fodder production to settlers through military
units.

The British paid particular attention to the stimulation of cotton
cultivation. Experimentwae e carried out under military supervision near
Baghdad and in some other areas of the country.' Encouragement by the
British Cotton Growers.Association and the Department of.Agriculture, along

‘with the high demand for raw cotton after the First World war, promoted

 

,fi.‘ Y—Y fiflrf Y—‘Y—v _fi fi fiv firw—w—fi

33Fbster, op. cit., p. 210.

179

greater production of the fiber for a period of time. The result was that
the cotton export in bales of MOO lbs. increased from 300 in 1922 to 5,200
in 1928.3h

The grains of Iraq had been of low quality. By the breeding and
selection of superior grades of wheat and barley, and by the introduction
>of new methods of cultivation, the quality was highly improved and became
more acceptable in both the domestic and the world markets. Between 1926
and 1927, the export of wheat and barley was increased from 90,000 tons to
181,000 tons, but during 1930 and 1931 this export was reduced to about
100,000 tons annually.35

Dairy and grass farms were established on a limited scale early in
1918, and some livestock of foreign breeds, especially sheep, was intro-
duced. Mbreover, several foreign enterprises such as the Latifiya Estate
Project, a British plantation company, and the Mosul Farm.Company were
launched on ambitious agricultural development programs, but without much
success. Nevertheless, they stimulated interest in settlement and better

agricultural techniques among some of the tribes.

Development of Transportation
Before l9lh carriages, carts, and pack animals, mainly camels, were
the only means of overland transportation used in Iraq, During the British
Occupation and Mandate periods, new roads were opened and old earth routes
‘were maintained and improved, such as those between Kut and.Amara, Kht and

Nasiriya, Baghdad and Ramadi, Baghdad and Basra, and others. Railroad

 

v—r 1v 7 Vfi—v y—w—vw 7' v v varfifi “hf—v v fivv—v ivr—‘v Irv—v fiVV—w—v

3hGreat Britain, Colonial Office, Special Report on the Progress of
Iraq, 1920-1931, op. cit., p. 195.

35Ibid., p. 209.

180
lines, especially those between Baghdad and Basra, Baghdad and Mosul,
Baghdad and Kut, and certain secondary branches were also constructed,
chiefly for military purposes. There was no civilian motor transport in

the country until 1920. During the years from 1927 to 193%, the total

number of trucks and passenger cars increased from 2,h96 to 5,028 (Table

18).

 

 

TABLE 18
NUMBER OF LICENSED CARS IN IRAQ FOR THE YEARS FROM

1927-193Aa
veer No. of Passenger Cars No. of Trucks Total
1927 2,059 137 2,196
1928 2,663 575 3,238
1929 2,9h9 Bhl 3,790
1930 2,918» 797 3,714
1931 3,2h2 593 3,835
1932 2,979 683 3,662
1933 3,100 727 3,827
1931+ 11,009 1,019 5,028

a A
v—v fiv fiv—v—vv—Vfi—rfi fif fififi ivfiv—vv—VfiYW—v— jfi er

aSaid Hamada, The Economic System of Iraq (Beirut: The American
Press, 1938), in ArabichC3OBT " ’m ’

 

The expansion of the transportation system and the introduction of
new'means of transport during the British Occupation and Mandate periods,
and during the Independence Period which followed, deeply influenced the
life of the tribes in Iraq. The tribal areas were brought within easier
reach of government authorities, and travel in them.became an everyday
matter. But in addition to the regulating effect on the tribes, the trans-
portation lines provided new employment opportunities for both town-dwell-

ers and tribesmen. Moreover, the tribesmen themselves now used automobiles

[hi I 1|I|| ll 1] III I‘ll: III. III III I It. ill-ll | I]

181

and trains in their travel to settled areas in the country. One result
of this improved contact between the tribes and the settled areas was a
high degree of cultural diffusion among the tribes. In addition, the
fact that the motor cars and railroads to a great extent took the place
of camel transport, caused a reduction of camel prices on the domestic
market. This f0rced some of the nomads to take up an agricultural life;
others turned to sheep breeding.

Competition between the traditional camel transport and modern
transportation means, also developed after the First World War in the
other countries of the Middle East. These had been the main markets

36

for Iraqi camels prior to the war, the camel being used for transpor-

tation, as meat for local consumption, especially in Egypt, and as riding
animals by the army, particularly in Syria, Egypt, and Palestine.37 As

a result of the introduction of more modern means of transport the Mid-
dle Eastern market for Iraqi camels was much smaller after the War and
the well-being of the tribes dependent on camel breeding was adversely
affected.

In addition, the rising standard of living in these countries after
the War caused a reduction in the demand for camels as a source of meat.
Although there are no figures available to indicate the share of Iraq's
camels in the Middle East market either before or after World War 15 fig-
ures presented in Table 19 clearly indicates that the Egyptian market

for Middle Eastern camels declined sharply after the War. The average
annual import of camels by Egypt during the years 1902 to 1912 amounted to

 

r—wv— fi—v ‘— _fiv—Vfi—fi

36Taha Al-Hashimi, Detailed Geography of Iraq (Baghdad: Dar A1-
Salam Press, 1930), intArabic,p f387 ___

 

37Eldon.Rutter, "The Habitability of the Arabian Desert, " Geo-
graphical Journal LXXVI (1930), 51A.

.182
us,8h7 head, while from 1922 to 1937 it was.only 26,566 head. This was a

reduction of about 58 per cent after the _War.

TABLE ’19

NUMBER OF CAMELS IMPORTED BY EGYPT FOR THE
YEARS 1902-19373

Year Number of Camels
1902......................111,198
193. .... .... ... .... .. . .. mafia
1am. ... ... ... ........ ... .. 95mm
1910 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3h,317
1911 . . . . . . . . . . . .'. . . . . . . . . . h6,619
1912 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ha, 982
1922 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23,291
1935 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22, 628
1936 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35,55h
1937 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2h,792

Compiled from E. Epstein, "The Economic Situation of the Trans-
Jordan Tribes," Journal of Royal Central Asian Society, XXVI (1939), 179.

Furthermore, the average price of an imported camel on the Egptian
market dropped from 12.5 British pounds in 1922 to about 5.6 in 71935.
It is, therefore, safe to conclude that the share of the Iraqi camels and
their prices in the Egyptian and the Middle Eastern markets were reduced
greatly after the (War. This caused a decline in interest in camel breed-
ing among the Bedouin tribes . For example, Ibn Hadhal, the great Shaikh
of the Aneza tribe who had sold 12,000 head of camels in the year 1927,
subsequently turned to the practice of dry farming of wheat and sheep
raising in the Western Desert of Iraq. Among the Aneza tribe, this trend
has been.continued (Pl. Ix, Fig. 2). It was reported.that in 1952 there

were about 280,000 ‘camels owned by the nomadic tribes of Iraq.38 In. 1963

 

.r—'_' r—v—r—V—w m W fi—vv—w w v v— W

38International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, The Econo-
mic Develggient of Iraq (Baltimore: TheJOhns Hopkins Press, 1952,, p. 17.5

 

183
the number was estimated at only 150,000 head.39 In fact, since 1925 Iraq's
Bedouin tribes have become more and more interested in Sheep breeding rather
than camel breeding.

An outstanding example.which illustrates the influence of’modern
means of transportation on the reduction in prices of camels and the under-
mining of the nomads' economic base is provided by the decline of the
.Syrian Desert Route. This was usually called the "Great Caravan Route"
and was a short-cut between the Mediterranean Sea and the Persian Gulf on
the way from Europe to India and Southeast.Asia. For centuries this route,
and especially its branch along the Euphrates River from Basra to Aleppo
and on to Damascus, was preferred by the European bound caravan merchants
and travelers to the long sea passage around the Cape of Good Hope, or the
way via the Red Sea and Egypt befbre the opening of the Suez Canal. "0f
the three great routes which have been the main thoroughfares between
Europe and.Asia -- namely the Red Sea, the Euphrates Valley, and the Cas-
pian -- the Euphrates is the most ancient and most direct. From remotest
antiquity it had been the main channel by which the riches of the East
flowed to thefWest.""O

For centuries, large and small trade caravans, organized by Euro-
pean merchants, made round trips across the Syrian Desert, especially from
Basra to Damascus or Aleppo, from Basra to Baghdad, Mosul, and on to
Aleppo or Damascus, and from Basra to Baghdad and then west toward Aleppo

or Damascus. In addition to the laden caravans, there were also unladen

_fi—vf V—— fifi fi fi 7 r ‘7 vv—v 7+ v—vfirv fl

39AlinAl€Rawi, "The Natural Pastures of Iraq," Report submitted to
the Bedouin Sedentarization Committee, Baghdad, 1963, in Arabic, p. 1.
(Mimeographed) .

 

"oDouglas Carruthers (ed.;, The Desert Route to India (London:
Cambridge University Press, 1929 , introduction page.

18h
caravans of camels which were organized in Basra or Baghdad to cross
the desert in order to be marketed in Syria, Palestine, and Egypt.
The magnitude of some of these caravans, as measured by laden and
unladen numbers of camels, is very clearly revealed in Table 20. In-
dividual merchants also traveled this route with small caravans ranging

from 80 to 200 camels.

TABLE 20

A SAMPLEOFTRENUMBER OFCAMEISWBICH CROSSEDTHESYRIAN
DESERT FOR COMMERCIAL TRANSPORT AND MARKETING, AS REFIECTED
BY TRAVELERS' DESCRIPTIONS IN THE 18th CENTURYa

 

 

 

WEI fiesta-m l _f l .11 1+1 _t
Traveler Route followed Number of Camels
Barker Baghdad to Aleppo 5,000 laden
Eldred Baghdad to Aleppo h,000 laden
Plaisted Basra to Aleppo 3,000 (#00 of

which were un-
laden), plus 1,000

men
Plaisted Basra to Aleppo 2,000 unladen
Beawes Uhknown 2,000 (#00 of

which were laden)
Bernardino unknown l,h00 laden,

plus 800 unladen
Carmichael Unknown 1,200 (600 of

which were laden)
guarded by 2h0

Arabs

Tavernier Basra to Aleppo 600, plus #00
men

Teixeira Unknown 150 laden

 

i. T W _ _v V M— v—v _w a? fi

aCompiled from Douglas Carruthers, "The Great Desert Caravan.Route,
.Aleppo to Basra," geographical;Journal, LII (1918), 166.

Both trade and passenger camel caravans were also operating over

the Arabian Desert routes from Basra, NaJaf, and Baghdad to Mecca; the
number of camels ranged from h,000 to 20,000 for each caravan, and had1x>

185
be purchased and organized continuously for this purpose."1 Trade between
Iraq and Iran was also conducted by camel caravans. Iraq was, therefore,
the focus of caravan routes radiating west, east, south, and north.

The contribution of the caravans to the economy of the nomadic
,tribes of Iraq was highly important. 'The tribes benefited in several
ways. For one, the nomads looked upon the desert as their own territory,
and this feeling not only led them to refuse to pay taxes to the authori-
ties, but caused them to exact tolls as protection money from all travelers
and caravans, commercial or otherwise, crossing the desert through their
tribal areas. Even modern motor transport caravans, for their own security,
had to subsidize the nomadic tribes of“Western Iraq for a short time.

The system of tribute which was applied by the nomads to the commer-
cial caravans was very complicated and passed through several stages of
development. During the 16th and 17th centuries, each caravan leader had
to make a Special personal arrangement concerning the safety of his cara-
van with the individual Shaikhs of the tribes, whenever his caravan set
out to cross their territories. The amounts paid fer the guarantee of
protection varied according to the.size of the caravan, the value of its
merchandise, and the personal prestige of its leader among the tribes.

Some principal Shaikhs claimed the right to charge from three-quarters of

li2

a piaster to one and a half piasters for every kind of load, regardless

of its nature. But, unfortunately for the merchants, there were usually

_r—fi— '— _ T_~—v w, fiv fifiv— v rq fl 7 h

"IChristine P. Grant, The Syrian Desert (New York: The MacMillan
Co., 1938), p. 229.‘ For additional information concerning the importance
of the Syrian Desert, see Christine P. Grant, "Tracks.Across the Wilder-
ness," Geogr_phic Magazine, I (1935), h7- 56 and 2h5~255, D. F. Harford,
"Old Caravan Roads and Overland Routes in Syria, Arabia, and Mesopotamia,"
Nineteenth Century(London), (1918), 97-113.

 

"2A piaster is Turkish money and each equals five English shillings.

186

a number of Shaikhs encountered more or less accidentally, who also con-
sidered themselves entitled to exact a transit fee."3 Some other Shaikhs
charged five piasters per camel-load of high value goods and a lower toll
on every other kind of load. The.Shaikh of Ana, during the 17th century,
charged a toll of six piasters on every single load."h Likewise, every
village and rest-house (khag_or caravanserai) had a fixed rate of charge
which usually averaged two and a half piasters per load, in addition to a
special tax on both men and animals.

During the 18th century and until the end of the 19th century, a
regular understanding was established between the merchants of the.cara-
vans and the nomadic tribes through theAgails."S .According to this new
arrangement, a sum of money was to be paid to the Shaikhs for the pass of
a caravan upon demand through their respective tribal areas. The amount
‘was usually based on the number of camels in the proposed caravan without
regard to the kind of goods.

.At the close of the 19th century and during the early years of the

20th still another system of tribal subsidy by the commercial caravans

was evolved. It was called the "brotherhood" system. .According to this

V—v —'fi fi W fli—

"3Grant, The Syrian Desert, op. cit., p. 155.
""Ibid., p. 15%.

"sThe.Agail is an Arab tribe which was interested in the carrying
of desert trade, and providing guards and leaders, as well as camels,
which were purdhased from various nomadic tribes of‘Western Iraq, for the
commercial caravans. Their kind has been found in Arabia, Syria, Egypt .
and Iraq. .At present, many of the Agails of Iraq are residents of Baghdad;
and more of them live in the village of Zubair near Basra. The present
occupation of many is the bartering of rice, coffee, sugar, and other com-
modities for camels, sheep, and other products with the nomadic tribes.
Each individual Agail has his Special tribe which he usually visits every
year for this purpose. See Carl R. Raswan, Black Tents of Arabia (Boston:
Little, Brown, and Co., 1935), pp. 135-136. 7*

187
method, a certain member of one tribe adopted a brother from another
tribe. The caravan guide who was usually secured from among the nomads
would adopt a brother from each tribe or village on the way which his
caravan intended to pass. This brother, upon receiving a sum of money,
would conduct the caravan in person to the next tribal area, where he
would give up his protection duty to another brother, and so on.

The nomadic tribes also looked upon the pilgrims‘ caravans to Mecca
as a source of tribute. Passage money was claimed by the Aneza tribal
sections from the Syrian and the Iraqi pilgrims bound for Mecca. For
example, it has been reported that one of these sections took a yearly
tribute of about 1,000British pounds."6 Besides passage money, the tribes
also received payment from the pilgrims' caravans for the use of well
water supplies in the respective tribal areas along the route.

In the past, camels were the only means of transportation across
the Syrian and the Arabian deserts, and a large number were needed for
this purpose, as was indicated previously (see Table 20). As a result,

a second way in which the caravan trade benefited the nomads was from the
sale and hire of their camels to the merchants and other travelers along
the desert routes. In addition, a large number of tribesmen of the Aneza
and Shammar customarily hired out their services and acted as guides for
the caravans. The nomads were in fact the middlemen and carriers in this
desert trade. Furthermore, in spite of all the arrangements made to in-
sure the safe passage of caravans across the desert, nomadic desert tribes,
as well as the settled ones along the Euphrates, habitually directed their
raiding activities against the caravans. In this respect, the riverine

tribes constituted a stronger source of danger to the caravans than did

 

1+6Grant, The Syrian Desert, op. cit., p. 228.

188
the nomadic tribes.

Still another benefit was the costly gifts which apparently were
always given to the tribal Shaikhs by caravan leaders. These gifts in-
cluded pieces of expensive clothing, strain gold or silver brocade,
saddles ornamented with silver.and gold, etc. The gifts varied in value
according to the rank of the Shaikh.

The camel has more recently become a minor means of transportation
because of the development of the Suez Canal, railroads, highways, and
air routes. The Baghdad Railroad linking Iraq with Syria and Turkey
through the northern section of the Syrian Desert, had been started
building in 19lh and was completed and used in stages befbre the entire
,route'was finished in l9h0. By 1908 the HeJaz Railroad was extended be-
tween Damascus and Medina in Saudi Arabia. Pilgrims from Iraq and Iran
used the HeJaz_Railroad from Damascus after using the overland motor
route between Iraq and Syria. This railroad operated far about six years
befbre it was disconnected in l91h.as a result of the‘War.

.After the Suez Canal was opened in 1869, the importance of the
Syrian Desert Route as a great camel caravan highway between the Persian
Gulf and the Mediterraneous Sea declined rapidly, and it was brought to
an end after the First Worldear when several trans-desert motor companies
and private freight transport enterprises were established. .After l92h
individual truck drivers and several Iraqi, Syrian, and Jordanian freight
,companies began to operate across the Syrian Desert continuously. In 1930
two large transport companies, namely the Nairn Transport Company and the
,Eastern Transport Company, were inaugurated to carry both passengers and
freight between Iraq and the Levant. Mbreover, the old caravan route

which connected Baghdad, Karbala, and NaJaf with. Hail and Mecca was
opened to motor traffic in 1930, and the caravans’ function was thereby

189

replaced. The most modern of all desert transport services are the air
lines. Since 1929 air lines have linked the large cities of Iraq, such
as Baghdad, Mosul, and Basra with Damascus, Aleppo, Beirut, Medina, and
Mecca.

Thus, the development of‘modern transportation facilities.largely
subsequent to the First WOrld War, almost entirely displaced the camel as
the only transportation means across the.desert, and thereby reduced camel
prices and deprived the nomads of all the other sources of income which
had been associated with the caravans. Although the Nairn Transport
Company and the Eastern Transport Company employed some of the Bedouins
as guides for their drivers in crossing the deserts, this was only for a
short period. The fbrmer Company, for example, used Bedouin guides far
one and a half years, subsidizing the entire group far about 2,000 British
pounds a year. Moroever, dromedary postal service across the Syrian
Desert, which for several centuries was carried on by the nomads, and
especially the.Aneza tribesmen,h7came to belong solely to the air and
motor services after the First Nerld'War. Therefore, after the War, the
nomads' economic condition declined greatly. This economic problem ac-
celerated the nomads' tendency toward settlement by farcing some of them
to change their interest from camel to sheep breeding, others to engage
in alternative occupations, especially crop cultivation. Large numbers
of the Jubur tribesmen, for instance, sold their camels after the War and
turned to agriculture along the eastern bank of the Tigris north of
Baghdad.

Many old caravan towns and villages, such as Palmyra (Tedmor) and

fi—‘f ‘. , ~— ‘_ —

"7Stephen H. Longrigg, Iraq, 1900 to 1950 (London: Oxford Univeri-
sity Press, 1953), 1). 3h. “

 

190
other cases in the middle of the Syrian Desert and along its northern
margin, which had been dependent on desert travel and trade for their
existence as resting places and exchange centers, declined or even be-

came ruins after the disappearance of the caravans.

The Influenge of Oil

 

The development of the oil industry in Iraq started in 1926 when
the Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC) opened the Karkuk fields. The con-
struction of pipelines to convey Karkuk oil to the Mediterranean was the
industry's primary objective during the years from 1926 to l93h. The
two double lines built from Karkuk ran parallel across the Tigris to the
Euphrates, and bifurCated at Haditha, 1&8 miles away. From Haditha, the
northern double line (pipes 12 inches and 16 inches in diameter) ran by
way of Syria and Lebanon to Tripoli; the southern one of the same size
ran across Trans Jordan to Haifa 620 miles distant (Fig. 11)."8 The
western part of the southern line from station K-3 to Haifa and its
stations have been completely closed down since l9h8 because of the
trouble with Israel (Pl. X, Fig. 2).

In its earliest development, the oil industry set in motion a series
of economic and social forces that helped to revise desert standards and
accelerate the process of settlement of the tribes which associated with
its projects. The magnitude of the construction of pipelines and the
ultimate increase of the production of the oil fields obviously created
large demands for labor from which the tribes benefited tremendously.

From the beginning, the Iraq Petroleum Company realized that all the

 

— m7 _w W W —v V

"BIn 1956 a 30 inch line was laid paralleling the northern double
line between Karkuk and the Syrian coast.

191
districts through which the pipelines passed were identified with
various tribal groups such as Ubaid, Jubur Shammar, Dulaim, especially
Albu Mahal and Albu Nimir, and the Amarat and Dahamsha of Aneza. Claims
of these tribes to recognition and to benefit from the Company's opera-
tions in their respective areas were considered. The different areas of
tribal influence were demarcated by the Oompmy and within their limits

"9 It

the tribes were given the opportunity to provide unskilled labor.
was thoroughly understood by all tribe smen that once construction Operations
reached the limits of a particular tribal area, the labor of that tribe

was paid off and replaced by that of the next tribe. This procedure was
regulated by the Company and contributed greatly to tribal peace, admin-
istrative convenience, and good relationships between the tribesmen and

the Company. In 1933 about 10,000 unskilled Iraqi tribal workers were
employed in the construction of the pipelines. The work performed by
tribal labor consisted mainly of ditch-digging and earth-work for laying
down the pipelines. They also provided local guards at all mid-desert
locations to protect the Company's camps, stations, and camunications.
Because of their social traditions, this work was much more to their

liking. In the pumping stations and oil fields, tribesmen were gradually
elevated to other higher forms of work.

Undoubtedly, the IPC enterprise was the typical desert tribesman' s
first intimate contact with western life and industry. Although his com-
plete reaction has never been determined, it is known that he immediately
appreciated the better food, but disliked sudden change and enforced

regulations, especially the Conway's insistence on haircuts for those

 

..—.r _r

"9E. A. Kinch, "Social Effects of the Oil Industry in Iraq,”
International Labor Review, LXX'V (1957): 196.

192
living in construction camps.50 The tribesmen usually wear their hair
to its full length and are very proud of it. Only group agreement
through efforts and mediation of their Shaikhs made compliance with this
order possible. In general, however, Company officials established a
good raport by respecting tribal influence and tradition. They permitted
Shaikhs to screen their tribes for prospective employees and to select
those deemed most capable. In.return, the Shaikh normally received one-

51 It is also cer—

tenth of the wage paid to the laborer he recommended.
tain that tribesmen were impressed by an organization whose seemingly
endless wealth prowided food, shelter, transportation, telegraphic and
wireless equipment, ice, water, and established small towns at the
pumping stations in the desert. Apparently, they also realized that the
construction of the pipelines was merely a transient occupation. "Chm-
pany efferts, however, unfolded a new'and impressive way of life befOre
the tribesmen. Although at first they reluctantly accepted some of its
facets without completely understanding them, experience ultimately
broadened their outlook and improved their condition. They learned new
skills and adapted themselves easily to the requirements of their new
work."52 The following statement from.the report of the IPC is evidence
of this: ”The mid-desert, purely nomadic tribesmen, utterly'unaccustomed
to manual labor, showed itself glad to undertake-and undertook with suc-

cess-unfamiliar tasks at all mid-desert locations."53 In the early days

 

0
5 Kathleen M. Langley, The Industrialization of Iraq(cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1961), p. 767

 

51Kinch, op. cit., p. 197.

52Langley, op. cit., p. 76.

53Iraq Petroleum.COmpany, Cbnstruction of the Iraq-mediterranean
Pig Line (London: St. Clements Press, Ltd., 193k), p. 914.

 

 

.}!I.'I{‘llla‘ll{'l.llll|'l

193

of their employment, they found it difficult to remain under a solid roof
for any length of time because of their nomadic life. Those who have re-
mained in permanent service with the Company are now dependable workers.5h
Their output increased rapidly during the early days of employment,
probably as a result of better food and housing, well regulated diet, and
improved health. At Company expense, tribesmen received their first
scientific medical examination and treatment .with modern drugs.55

What is more important, these were not transitory vistas. Visible
,evidence of their permanence lay in the twelve pumping statiOns built be-
tween Karkuk and the Moditerranean (Pl. X, Fig. 2). Of these, seven
(including three double stations) lay in Iraq, three in Syria, and two in
TranssJordan. At each, not only a large-scale pumping plant56 and con-
nected installations, but also tankage,57 power, light and'water,.stores,
repair shops, housing for all types of staff and labor, usually an ele-
mentary school,58and hospital facilities were provided. ‘Each of these 0
stations became a miniature modern town lying either on the fringes of
the settled areas or deep in the desert (Pl. X, Fig.2). The stations
‘were partially populated by tribesmen who traded their hair tents for

permanent.dwellings. The water available to the pumping stations and to

v —‘ —7— V—. ‘“ —_.— v— fl —‘

5%Kinch, op. cit., p. 197.

~558eeJMarcella Hurley, "Dental Service Follows the Pipe Lines,"
Oral Hygiene, XXX (l9h0), 36-hl; also Marcella Hurley, "The_Desert Nemad
sees his Dentist,” Oral Hygiene, xxx (19%), 157-163.

 

56Each double station (K-l, K-2, and K-3) had six and each other
station three sets of pumps and engines.

57StationK—l‘was provided with six 97,000 barrel tanks; each of
the other stations with one of 30,000 barrels.

581m 1957 there were five in the IPC concession area; one at the
Karkuk oil fields had an attendance of 137 pupils, and.the others at four
pipeline stations had an attendance of 55, 83, 166, and #18.

191.

the construction activities along the pipelines was also used by the
pounds and their herds. Meat and milk for the employees of the Company's
projects'were.supplied by the tribesmen. Thus the tribes could no longer
remain completely isolated from contact with the.West.

Old towns and villages located near oil fields and pipelines, such
as Karkuk, BaiJi, Haditha,,Ana, Quim, and Rutba, were also benefited by
the Company's operation. These benefits were endowed mainly in the ferm
of employment at high wages with improved security and welfare. .Although
no precise estimates are available, oil employment undoubtedly increased

the population as well as the purchasing power of the affected tribes.

Factors Discouraggg the Settlement :{rocess

By the end of the British Period, the nomadic pOpulation.had been
reduced from 393,000, or 17 per cent of the total population of Iraq in
1905, to 23h,000, or 7 per cent of the total in 1930. During the same
years, the sedentary rural population had increased from 1,32%,000 to
2,2h6,000, or from 59 per cent to 68 per cent of the total population,
while the urban population.increased from.2h per cent to 25 per cent from
1905 to 1930. Thus, it is apparent that the ten per cent drop in the
proportion of nomadic population between 1905 and 1930 was at least partly
responsible for the nine per cent increase in the ratio of‘rural popu-
lation. These figures have been previously indicated in Table 11.

Table 21 presents approximate figures concerning the composition of
the non-urban population of Iraq in 1930. .The semi-settled section of
the rural population numbered 1,3h1,000, about one and a half times as
many as the.922,000 completely settled agriculturalists. This means

that in 1930 the majority of the agricultural population (other than
genuine nomads) were still rather mObile and were not permanently settled

195
on the land. .Moreover, they were engaged in both agricultural and

pastoral occupations. Among.the factors causing this loose attachment

.toathe.land, there were several of particular importance.

TABLEZl

APROXMTE NON -URBAN POPULATION OF IRAQ. AND
THEIR DISTRIBUTION IN 19308
(In.Thousands)

 

 

 

 

”— fl W W fi fi .... W11 .1 ... 1 W m
Rural Population
mm” "W“ mama _ — “rm
Dulaim 59 “9 39
Diwaniya 5h 101 79
Mosul us 20 176
Muntafiq 20 295 25
Karkuk 19 78 63
Sulamaniya 15 28 51
Basra 10 100 3h
Arbil 3 56 M7
Baghdad 2 7h 93
Karbala 2 5 83
Diyala 1 160 79
Kut -- 100 60
Amara -- 202 63
Hilla -- 73 30
Total 230 1,3h1 922

 

—v ‘r (Y V—7—v—v r V a VFW—f v—v— VW fl

aErnest Dawson, "Land Tenure in Iraq," Henry Field, The Anthro-

010 of Ira ,Anthropological Series, Field Museum of Natural History,
Vol. xxx, (19%0), p. 105.

.As we have previously seen both Thrkish and British land policy,
in addition to the introduction of'water-pumps for irrigation, resulted
in changing tribal lands into private properties belonging mainly to
great Shaikhs and city merchants. Uhder this condition, the tribesmen
lost their lands and came under the mercy of large landholders. This
meant that many of the tribal population lost interest in agriculture,

while others were.fbrced to move in order to give their agricultural

196
services to those landholders who promised to provide better farming con-
ditions.

Moreover, the lack of security in landownership made the land-
holders and the settlers extract as much as possible from the land and
water resources without any incentive toward resource conservation and
improvement. The result was that land salinity increased, leading to
impoverishment and frequent mobility of many of the settlers. This was
especially true in the central and southern provinces of the country,
such as in.Muntafiq,.Amara, Kut, Diwaniya, Hilla, and Basra (note the
relative predominance of the semi-settled population of these provinces
shown in Table 21).

The dependence on the traditional methods of cultivation, the lack
of education, and the damage by uncontrolled pests, as well as the
scarcity of funds available for improvement of agriculture and irrigation
facilities were other factors which slowed the process of settlement and
contributed to the mobility of the settlers.

The poor economic condition of the settlers during the British
Period considerably hampered the course of settled life. ,In addition to
the above mentioned factors, there were many others which contributed to
the impoverishment of both the settled and the semi-settled tribesmen.
Sharecropping was the prevailing system in paying the fallah in Iraq.
Daily wages were practically non-existent. .This will be discussed in
more detail in the fellowing‘chapter, but under this system, the fallahen
(farmers) received relatively small amounts as their share from the pro-
duce of the land. In 1930 the share was as low as 25 per cent in the
southern irrigated zone and reached as high as 60 per cent in the northern
rain-fed region, as in Arbil and Sulamaniya. In terms of cash value,

this share may be estimated to have averaged about $20 in the south and

197
$h0 in the north according to the 1930 prices of crOps.

As a result of this low share, the maJority bf the settled tribes-
men fell deeply into debt. This was especially true in the pump-
irrigated areas, where the pump owners, in competition with each other,
offered high advances of money to the fallah which he was unable to pay
back, particularly in years of crop failure and in times of low prices.
Many of the fallahen, therefore, became indebted for as much as $300 at
that time.

As is obvious, the reduction of the number of nomads in Iraq
during the Turkish and British periods was not entirely due to policies
of the authorities toward the tribes. Other factors related to the
economic development of the country and its resources which changed the
environment of the tribes were all important. Real interest in the
problem as a human one, however, does not begin until the National Period,
when for the first time, Iraqi authorities launched effbrts to help the

tribes, especially to stabilize the already settled and semi-settled
tribes.

CHAPTER VI

TRIBAL POLICY AND SETTLEMENT DURING

THE INDEPENDENCE PERIOD, 1932-196h

The period of Iraqi independence can be divided into two parts.
These divisions are political, the first being the period oijonarchal
government between 1932 and 1958 and the second that of the Republic
which came into existence in 1958 and continues until the present.
Neither saw any great change of policy toward the tribes, except for
the possible ultimate effects of a radical program of agrarian reform
and land distribution initiated during the second period. The two periods
are distinguished only to make this study more specific.

As was indicated in the previous chapter, in 1930 there were about
1,3h1,000 semi-settled tribesmen and 230,000 pure nomads in Iraq (Table
21). When the National government assumed power in 1932 the authorities
gave the impression that their objectives were: (1) to solve land prdb-
lems in tribal areas;(2) to insure permanent settlement of the semi-
settled, landless tribes; (3) to try to settle the pure nomads; and (h)
to increase the quantity and quality of agricultural production in the
country as a whole.

A cadastral survey and the passing of certain laws and regulations
concerning land tenure were the principle measures accomplished by the
government from 1932 to l9h5. Between l9h5 and 1958 the main activities
included: (1) undertaking of irrigation projects; (2) improvement of

198

199
agricultural facilities; and (3) initiation of land reform and settlement
projects on state land. These effbrts, however, failed to secure either a
permanent settlement of the tribes, or much improvement in their living
conditions. It was reported that at the end of 1960, there were 1,h00,000
semi-settled, landless tribesmen.l This was more than in 1930. The number
of pure nomads was also greater, there being 250,000 in 1957. Many factors
'were responsible f0r the failure to benefit the tribes by the measures
adopted by the government from 1932-1958. The two main ones, however, were:
(1) the shortcomings of the planning; and (2) the influence of landlords
who managed to twist the various measures toward their own welfare.

With the revolution of’July 1%, 1958, Iraq became a Republic. The
most important contribution of the Republic toward the tribes has been its
radical land reform policy. In this chapter the author intends to discuss
and evaluate the measures taken by the various governments after 1932 to
solve the problem of settlement of the tribes. The activities of the

Monarchal government will be considered first.

Policy and Settlement,*l932:l958

 

’From 1932 to 1958, the Iraqi Monarchal government followed very
closely in the footsteps of the British during their Occupation and Mandate
periods in dealing with the tribes. Since the British policy favored the

Shaikhs, the Monarchal government did the same.

The Position of the Shaikhs

The Tribal Disputes Regulation was enforced in administering tribal

 

.vv

lThe Higher Committee for the Celebration of the lhth July Revolution,
The Iraqi Revolution in its Second Year (Baghdad: The Times Press, 1960)
PT 2555'? "' P"' ‘T

200
areas until 1958. The Shaikhly position was enhanced by the same means
followed by the British, as well as by new regulations initiated in this
period. Economically the Shaikhs were supported by grants of large estates.
Politically they were given power through a considerable number of seats that
‘were assigned to them in the various parliaments (Table 22). The Shaikhs
who held these usually belonged to large tribes, such as.Albu Muhammad,
Bani Lam, Tamim, Shammar, Dulaim, Rabia, etc., and were also rich landlords.
Mbreover, some of the great Shaikhs were associated with the executive body
of the government. The Shaikh of the Humadat tribe, far example, was made

Minister of Agriculture in 1952, and the Shaikh of.Albu Sultan was the

Minister of Economics in the l9h0's.

 

 

TABLE 22
SHAIKHS' SENTS IN PARLgAMENT IN IRAQ
1937-1958
Seats Assigned Percentage to

Year Total Seats 130 Shaikhs Shaikhs
1937 111 22 20
1951 127 51 ho
195% 119 51 ha

1958 1&5 58 ho

_ _ vf

‘aJohn Batatu, "The Shaikh and the Peasant in Iraq, 1917;1958"
(Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Department of Political Science, Harvard
university, 1960), p. 87.

 

In the political parties of the ruling group, the Shaikhs were also
heavily represented. The majority of the great Shaikhs, far instance, were
members of the Constitutional Party. .The Shaikhs, therefore, were the main

beneficiaries of land settlement laws enacted during this period. This

201

fact will become more clear in the discussion below.

Land Palicy

In 1930 the Government of Iraq invited Ernest Dawson, a British land
expert, to study the land tenure problem. After his investigation he sub-
mitted prOposals in 1932 for the initiation of land refbrm. The government,
in line with these recommendations, passed the "Land Settlement Law of 1932"
and inaugurated a cadastral survey to be carried out by settlement commit-
tees. The functions of the committees were to survey the whole country, to
investigate conflicting land claims among the tribes, and to regulate owner-
ship according to the forms of tenure recognized by the law. The survey,
started in 1932, was almost completed by 1958 in most of the provinces, ex-
cept for those parts of the provinces within the Western Region.

Four main forms of tenure were recognized by the law of 1932 (abol-

ished in 1958) .
l. Mir; Land (or state land), of which there were three kinds:

a) Miri_Tgpquand held in permanent tenure from the state amounting
to absolute private ownership. Proof of such tenure could be
supplied by documentary or factual evidence showing the land had
been productively used by the holder for at least ten years
during which no rent'was paid, or showing that the land had been
planted with trees. Tgpu land could be sold, mortgaged or in-
herited.

b) Miri Lazma-Land held under_the same general conditions as MEEE.
Tgpu, except that a holder was required to prove that he had
made productive use of the land during the past fifteen years

before the initiation of the law. In contrast to Tapu, the

202
authorities could reject the transfer of such land under certain
conditions .

c) M§£i_§i££fLand‘which exclusively belonged to the state. The
government had the right to grant title to this whenever so
doing made it possible to extend the agricultural area.

2. Mglerand held in absolute private ownership. jMuch of this was urban
property.

3. EaggfLand administered for the benefit of religious or other public
institutions.

h. Matrukaand which was unproductive and was treated as state land.

The figures presented in Table 23 show the areas of land under vari-

ous systems of tenure as classified up to 1958 by the cadastral survey.

Over 61 per cent was Miri Sirf, i.e. state land.

TABLE 23

LAND—TENURE IN IRAQ AS CLASSIFIED BY THE
CADASTRAL SURVEY UP TO 19588

 

 

(In Dunums )b
Kind of Tenure Area 4 Per Cent
Miri Sirf 51,306,939 61.h
Tapu l2,89h,l30 l5.h
Lazma 12,298,881 lh.7
mum. iWin $2
Waqf 86h,h62 1.0

 

m Total 6%: ifi

_f —v f ‘7 —v

' gAbdul SI Alwan, Studies in Agrarian Reform with Special Reference
to Iraq (Baghdad:.AleAswaq EI-TijariyawPress, 1961), ififArabic,Vp.rlh5.

bOne dunum equals 0.62 acres.

203
The 1932 law and the classification of tenure bore some good results:

(1) It helped to solve some tribal disputes over land.2

(2) It enabled the
authorities to know the location and area of land belonging to the State,
making it possible for them to rent, lease or utilize large tracts of Mi£i_
§i££_lands. (3) It helped the government to regulate the methods of land
utilization.

0n the other hand, administration of the law was subject to many
criticisms. ‘The most important were that: (l) the Shaikhs and other in-
fluential people exploited the possibilities of Mir; Lazma tenure and reg-
istered large areas of this type of land for themselves; (2) owing to the
primitive methods of survey, and to the inexperienced officers conducting
it, many tribesmen were dispossessed of their land while vast areas were
placed at the disposal of a few leading Shaikhs and influential notables;
(3) land that was illegally acquired by Shaikhs in the past was automatic-
ally registered under their names by this law. A widening of the social
and economic reft between the Shaikhs and the tribesmen resulted. Mbreover,
the main purpose of this law, which was designed to tie the tribes to the
land, was not achieved.

In order to better organize land use, the government later legis-
lated the "Law fer the Sale of’Miri Sirf Land of l9h0". According to
Hassan Mohammad Ali, this law also accelerated the process of assigning
tribal land to large landowners, especially in the flow-irrigated southern
3

region of the country.

 

V—w—v v—v fifi j—Vfi ?— vv r v fifi—r 7v

2Mekki ElaJamil, "Settlement of Land Rights in Iraq", Irag.Agri—

cultural Journal, Baghdad, VIII (1953), in Arabic, 300.

 

3Hassan.M.Ali, WMiri Sirf Land Development in Iraq," International
Social,Science1Bulletin, V (1953), 71h.

 

201+

BeWeen 1932 and 1958 several land laws concerned specifically with
the settlement of the landless tribes, and which were intended to put an
end to land disputes, were legislated. The most important of these related
to the land problems of the Amara and the Muntafiq provinces.

In Amara the "Amara Miri Sirf Land Law of 191+8," the ”Lazma Rights
in Miri Sirf, Amara Land Province Law of 1952," and the "Law for the Dis-
tribution of State lands in Amara" were enacted to settle the local tribes,
but without success. Actually, they encouraged tribal migration out of
the rural areas.l+ The failure of these laws was due largely to the Oppo-
sition of the local Shaikhs to giving lands to their tribes. Another
reason was that the nature of these laws allowed the Shaikhs to claim most
of the arable lands of the province as their property, leaving only the
poor tracts to the tribesmen.

In the Muntafiq province large landholdings in possession of the
Shaikhs, and especially of the Sadun family, were predominant. About
half of the landholdings were of Tapu tenure and the remainder were I__.a_z___ma;.
There had been a long-time conflict between the Shaikhs and the tribesmen
concerning the T33 holdings. Several attempts were made to settle these
disputes, but with no success. In 1952, a law was passed to insure a
permanent settlement of the tribes of this province. Under this, the
holders of T__ap}1_ title were to be compensated by the government, either in
cash or in state land, for giving up their rights, and the landless tribes-
men were to receive possession of the released land. Since most of the
Tapu holdings of this province were unsurveyed, with their boundaries and

areas undefined, the application of the law had little or no effect on

 

v—v j—V , :7 r—Vfij— r V

”Doreen Warriner, Land Reform and Development in the Middle East
(London: Oxford University-Pfess, 1962)} P- 153 v r r

205
on settling the tribes.

Another approach followed by the authorities during this period to
tie the tribes to the land was by the enactment of a law called "Rights
and Duties of’Cultivators, No. 28, 1933." In one of its debt clauses, the
law prescribed that when a fallah was dismissed or moved from his farm he
had to pay his debt to the landlord immediately, and if he failed to do
this, he could not get employment anywhere unless he got a certificate of
release from his landlord. This law not only reduced the fallah to a
state of virtual servitude, but also caused him to lose interest in culti-

vation and permanent settlement.

Distribution of Landownership

One definite result of the land policies followed by the authorities
through the Turkish Period, the British Period, and during the Monarchal
government (1932-1958) is shown in Tables 21+ to 28 inclusive. Statistics
presented indicate that much of the land was concentrated in large holdings,
mainly in the hands of tribal Shaikhs and other notables.

Table 2h shows the distribution of landownership by size of holdings
in 1951, when the cadastral survey was about half completed for the 1h
provinces of the country.

These figures include the total area of land in private ownership

(Mulk, Tapu, and Lazma) and indicate that holdings of 100 dunums or less

 

accounted for only 15.7 per cent of the total number at that time. This
evidences the small number of tribesmen proprietors. Over 67 per cent of
the holdings were over 1,000 dunums in size. However,the figures do not
reflect the full picture. For instance, it is known that of the private

holdings in six of the provinces in 1951, those of 10,000 dunums and over

206
. accounted for the following percentages: Amara, 75.8; Kut, A7.5; Karbala,

31.3; Mosul, 27.2; Baghdad, 29.9; and Diwaniya, 20.6.5

TABLE 2%

AREA OF PRIVATE IANDHOLDmcs ACCORDING To CADASTRAL
SURVEY IN IRAQ IN 1951a

(In Dunums)
Area of Holdings Per Cent of All Holdings
100, 001-200, 000 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o l o 1
lo , 001-100, 000 a o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 23 o 2
1,001- 10,000 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o h208
501' 1,000 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 602
101‘ 500 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 1100
1" 100 o a o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 15 07

3International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, The
Economic Development of Iraq (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1952),
p2 152i' Y _.__1

Table 25 concerns the number of Lazma grants of state land of over
10,000 dunums in area made up to 195A in nine of the provinces of Iraq.
These figures support the conclusion that large grants of state lands were
a significant part of the total area in certain provinces of the country.

Table 26 indicates that 65 of these holdings were granted to single
individuals. The other thirty were in the names of more than one person.

At the end of 1958'we have a more complete picture of the distribu-

tion of Iraqi land. By then 83,582,868 dunums were surveyed and classified

according to kind of tenure. Table 27 reveals that the total number of

agricultural landholdings was more than 168,000 and these included some

_ v“ 17v v _ V Y—v VVYV f

5International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, The

Economic Development of Iraq (Baltimore: The_Johns Hopkins Press, 1952),
P0 11‘2me fifi T “w

207
TABLE.25

DISTRIBUTION OF LAZMA GRANTS OF STATE LAND IN HOLDINGS
OF OVER 10,000 DUNUMS IN IRAQ UP To 195Aa

 

Total Area Of

 

 

. No. of Lazma Grants Per Cent of
PrOVlnce Over 10,000 Dunums Laigfioggagtiugzer Total Area
Kat 37 755,96A h0-6
Mosul 28 521,252 28.0
Diwaniya 1h 2h0,2hh 12.9
Hills 6 1&3,930 7.7
Amara 3 86,h83 A.7
Baghdad 2 38,627 2.1
Diyala 2 37,255 2.0
Arbil 2 21,331 1.2
Karkuk l 15,AA2 0.8

Total 95 ' I' 1,860,528 I' " 00.0 ‘I

 

—v fififivwv~wfirfiv fifivyfiYv—fifiy fif V v—vv— v vrfiv r ya

8‘Government of Iraq, Ministry Of Development, Miri Sirf Central
Committee, Agricultural Reform and Land Development (Baghdad. ,AléRabita
Press, 1956); in Arabic, pp. lh64150.

23,327,259 dunums of surface. If we assume that each of these holdings
belonged to one person, the holders were only about 2.5 per cent of the
total population of Iraq. It is also clear that small holdings, each of
which was less that 100 dunums in area, comprised more than 86 per cent
of the total number, but only 10.5 per cent of the area of all holdings
in the cOuntry. Two per cent of the agricultural holdings were one
thousand dunums or more in size, but they actually contained 68 per cent
of the total area of all holdings. It is also important to note that
there were nineteen of these large holdings, each with an area of more
than 50,000 dunums, and five others which were 100,000 dunums or more in

size.

208
TABLE 26

LAZMA GRANTS OF STATE LAND OF OVER 10,000 DUNUMS HELD BY
INDIVIDUALS IN NINE PROVINCES OF IRAQ UP TO 1951+a

 

 

 

"' ‘ i—m
Province Individuals Granted Size of Individual
Lazma of Over 10,000 Dunums Grant
Kut 33 10,000-20,000
Kut A 20,000-30,000
Mosul l3 10,000-20,000
Mosul 2 20,000-30,000
Diwaniya 1 hl,87l
Hilla 1 13 ’ 17,06
Hilla 1 29,h09
Hills 2 22,098
Hilla 1 21,8A6
Hilla 1 lh,377
Amara 1 18,361
Baghdad 1 21,788
Diyala 2 18,351
Arbil 1 10,351
Karkuk 1 IQLHAE
Total 65 “”

 

a

Government of Iraq, Ministry of Development, Miri Sirf‘Central
Committee, Agricultural Reform and Land Development (Baghdad: AléRabita
Press, 1956), in Arabic, p. 151.

 

Note: This table does not include holdings (Lazma grants) of state land
of over 10,000 dunums in area granted to more than one person.

Table 28 lists the number and the average size of holdings in each
of the fourteen provinces of Iraq. It shows that the average area of the
holdings in the country was 212.6 dunums, but there were wide deviations
from this from province to province. The highest average was in the Kut
province, followed by those in Amara, MuntafiQ,.Arbil, Karkuk and Bagh-

dad.

209
TABLE 27

DISTRIBUTION OF AGRICUIJI'URAL LANDHOIDINGS ACCORDING
TO AREA IN IRAQ.AT THE END OF 19588

 

 

 

 

 

 

W i fir--:‘c—.lL——~ , m -evciiaf r
Total Area Per Cent Per Cent
Area of Holdings Number of of Holdings of Number of Total Area
(in dunums) Holdings (in dunums) of Holdings oleoldings

less than A dunums 57,958 73,055

11-30 56.725 696,889

30-60 18,507 782,301

60-100 11,612 89A, 707
SubeTotal of “lhh,802"' "‘2,hh6,952‘ 8621f‘ ’ifiii
small holdings .

638—600 18,616 3,862,001

-1,000 1,510 1.1511732

Sub-Total of "20,126 5,021+,736I “11.9 ‘ 2115'
medium.holdings

1,000-2,000 1,395 2,012,6h3

2,000-10,000 1,7h8 7,077,633

10,000-50,000 251 A,55h,280

50,000-100,000 19 1,33h,102

100,000 and over 5 876,913 _
Sub-Total of 3,1+18 " 15,855,571 2.0 I 68.0
large holdings
Total 168,3t6 23,327,259 * “ loOTO ' " Io‘o.o‘II

 

v — v ff V—vvvv v v p Vv—vv

aAbdul S. Alwan, §Eggig§_in Agrarian Reform'withSpecial.Reference
no.1:a2. (Baghdad: AlwAswaq El-Tijariya Press,fl961); pi'lH9.**“‘ *'

 

Note: An agricultural holding is defined as "a farm or an agricultural
estate worked or organized as one unit."

210
TABLE 28

NUMBER AND. AVERAGE AREA OF AGRICULTURAL HOLDINGS
IN THE 1% PROVINCES OF IRAQ IN 19588‘

-fi-“m—u“.m—_ ~‘---——---——~

 

Average Area

 

 

Province No. of Holdings of Holdings

(in dunums)
Kut 2,h27 9h6.8
Amara 296 319.2
Nmntariq 3,922 278.3
Arbil 7,6h0 258.9
Karkuk 11,112 257.7
Baghdad 6,661 217.h
Mosul 31,2h7 169.h
Diyala 15,03h 167.h
Hilla 15,302 93.2
Diwaniya 2h,700 89.0
Sulamaniya 16,831 68.0
Dulaim 9,819 h9.7
Karbala u,721 h6.0
Basra 18,63h * lh.9
Total 7168,16Vfi V fi ‘ Average ”212.6

 

r, T— ‘._v 1 fly a v ‘7 r fwvw w v f v fi r v

éRepublic of Iraq, Ministry of Planning, Central Bureau of Statis-
tics, Report on the Agricultural and Livestock Census of Iraq, 195871952:
(Baghdad: Zahrarrress,*l9607j'p. 30. f*' "' I? 2‘

The Condition of the Fallah

The large majority of the fallahen were tenant sharecroppers , whose
share of the crops varied widely from place to place in the cultivated
area of the country. The factors of whether or not the land was fertile
or poor, rain-fed or irrigated by pumps or flow, and whether the landlord
provided the seed, water and other elements of production entered into the
determination of the fallah's share. In the rain-fed region of the north,
his share was higher than in the southern irrigation zone. In the flow
irrigated areas of Amara province, the fallahen of the Albu Muhannnad tribe

received beWeen one-half and one-third as their share of the crops. 0n

211

the Euphrates their portion of crops was one-third from fertile lands and
one-half from poor lands. In pump-irrigated areas the share‘was between
two-sevenths and three-sevenths of the crOps. In the rain-fed region the
range was between 70 and 90 per cent of the winter crops. It should be
remembered that the fallahen did not receive their shares from the.total
produce, but from what was left of the crops after various dues had been
subtracted.

until recently, therefore, the fortune of the Iraqi fallah has been
a very sad one. In terms of cash money, his income in 19h5'was estimated
by one writer to have been 10 to 12 dinars in the south and 15 to 20 dinars
in the north.6 In the same year, another writer estimated income to have
been 6 to 10 dinars in the south and 9 to 15 dinars in the north.7 In
1952 the average net income was hypothetically calculated to be around 20

dinars for the year.8

If we divide this by 5, the assumed average number
in the .fallah's family, this would bring the annual income to only A dinars
per person. This small amount barely served to keep body and soul together.
In addition to working land alloted to him, the fallah had to perform
gratis several duties outside this area. He had to cultivate the reserved
land of his Shaikh and of the religious man (or Saiyid) of his village.

He was also usually called upon to clear and deepen old canals, or to dig
new feeder channels without compensation.

Other aspects which illustrate the.depressed condition of the settled

 

v .fi—W v vvfi—var ———fi ——v— v i—y f‘f fiV—w

6HashimJawad, The Social Structure of Iraq (Baghdad: .Al-Marif Press,
1916), in Arabic, pp. 51- 52. *

 

TAlfred Bonne, The Economic Development of the Middle East (London:
Kegan Paul and Co., Ltd, W19h5), p. 36. -

8InternationalBank fer Reconstruction and Development, The Economic
Development of Iraq, op. cit., pp. l33-lh3.

 

212
tribesmen in Iraq were the low standards of their health and education.
Rural areas were characterized by a high incidence of such chronic diseases
as trachoma, bilharzia, malaria, dysentery and hookworm. Illiteracy in
these areas was higher than ninety per cent.9 In 1958 there were only
1,860 primary schools in all Iraq, whereas the number of villages was more
than710,000.

The large landholdings and the sharecrOpping system contributed not
only to the low estate of the fallah, but also to a great.waste of the
physical resources of the country. Under this arrangement neither the
fallah nor his landlord had any incentive to improve the lands. One re-
sult was that in recent times an estimated 20 to 30 per cent of the culti-
vable land in Iraq has been abandoned and yields on the rest have declined

between 20 and 50 per cent because of salini'zation.lo

Furthermore, the
humble condition of the fallahen has caused thousands of them to migrate

to Baghdad and other large cities of Iraq.

Tribal Migration from
Rural to Urban Areas

*7 Vfi—f"

 

 

Tribal migration cityward started during the 1930's, but it has
accelerated highly since l9h0. Table 29 shows migration to and from the
rural areas of nine provinces for the decade from l9h7 to 1957. The rural
areas of seven of these provinces lost a considerable number of their popu-

lation. Only Baghdad and Karbala gained, 33 per cent and 6.3 per cent

_g
w—Yfier H vv—fV 77— ~— Yfifier—vv y—v V v W v— #—

9A detailed discussion of the health and educational condition of
the Iraqi fallah is presented in Abdul R. Hilali, Reflections on Rural
Reform (Beirut: Dar Al-Kashaff Press, 195A), in Arabic.

 

loJ. A. Salter, Development of Iraq: .A Plan for Action (Baghdad:
The Development Board, 1955), p. 193.

 

213 .
respectively. The_rural areas of Amara, Kut, Basra, and Muntafiq lost
36.2 per cent, 16.6 per cent, 16.3 per cent, and 11.8 per cent of their
population respectively. These provinces were the most feudal and their
tribes experienced the most depressed conditions in Iraq. This movement
away from the country, particularly in the case of.Amara province, has

caused considerable concern among the authorities.11

TABLE 29

TRIBAL MIGRATION TO AND IROM THE RURAL INTERIOR 0F
NINE PROVINCES OF IRAQ, 19117 to 19573

 

19#7-1957 Migration Per Cent of

Province POpulation To or From the In-

Increase or

 

Province of l9h7.Apart from terior of Province, Loss of
,That of Its Main City Excluding Its Main Population
City

Amara 258,911 -93:726 '36°2
Kut 208.701 6156““ '15-6
Basra 267,26A "-13:56+ '16'3
,Muntafiq 317:829 -37,50h '11'8
Hilla 2215629 -21,31+O - 9.5
Diwaniya 2118,2110 -23,332 - 9.1+
Dulaim 158,06h - 9,326 - 5.9
Baghdad 296,605 + 97.880 + 33.0
Karbala 105,111+ + 6:622 “’ 6'3

 

aJohn Batatu, "The Shaikh and The Peasant in Iraq, 1917-1958"

(Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Department of Political Science, Harvard
University, 1960), p. 158.

The main cities receiving the rural immigration in Iraq are Baghdad,

Basra, Karbala and Karkuk. The leading factor pulling immigrants to each

(Baghdad: Al-Najah Press, 1958), in ArabiEfpp. 135-17‘7.‘

vi

”Abdul R. Hilali, Migration of Rural Folk to Towns in Irgq

 

21A

is: Baghdad, the capital, has industries, and Basra is the only port;
Karbala enjoys religious prestige; and Karkuk possesses a thriving oil
industry. In these and in other headquarter cities of the fourteen pro-
vinces of Iraq, thousands of rural immigrants have erected camps of’mud
and reed huts (sarifas) and live under the most unhygenic conditions (Pl.
XI, Fig. 1). To be more specific let us focus attention on the condition
of the tribal immigrants in Baghdad and especially those in the section

called Asima.(Pl XI, Fig. 2).

Tribal Immigrants of Baghdad

The population of the city of Baghdad is slightly more than one
million. In 1963 approximately 33 per cent of the total were immigrants
who dwelled in sarifas (see Table 30).

This table indicates that tribal migration to Baghdad has been a
continuing phenomenon and the number of immigrants has been increasing.
In 1951 their number was estimated at 60,000 persons; in 1963 at 310,000.
The migrants live within the metropolitan area of Baghdad and are.concen-
trated in five main settlements. These are: (1) the Asima Settlement,
just east of Baghdad, (2) the Tel Muhammad Settlement, in southeast Baghdad,
(3) the Sarrafiya Settlement, on the east bank of the Tigris, just beyond
the north gate of old Baghdad, (h) the Whashash Settlement, in the north-
'western section of the city, and (5) the Atafiya Settlement, in an area

north of Baghdad along the western bank of the Tigris River.

The.Asima Settlement
The area occupied by this settlement was formerly used as a dumping

ground for waste materials and consisted of pits produced by the excavation

215
of mud for nearby brick factories. The lack of any sanitation facilities
in the site and the congestion of mud buildings creates an extremely unde-

sirable condition for human settlement (Pl. XI, Fig. 2).

TABLEBO

APPROXIMATE NUMBER OF TRIBAL IMMICEANTS
IN THE CITY OF BAGHDAD DURING SELECTED YEARS,

1951T01963
Year Number of Immigrants
195113.”... 6O,OOOinBaghdadasavho1e
195’+c 92,0001nBaghdadasawhole

1955 . . . . . . . . . . . 110,000 in Asima section only
1957a...... 3h,OOOinAsimasectiononly
1957 200,0001nBaghdadasawhole
1963. 310,0001nBaghdadasawhole

IB‘International Bank for Reconstruction and Developnent, The Economic

 

Development of Irgq (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1952), p. 55.

bGovernment of Iraq, Ministry of Economics, Principal Bureau of
Statistics, Report on the Hou51r_lg Budget EnquirLin the City of: Baghdad
and its Environs (Baaldad: Zahra Pfess, 19510, p. 10.

 

cDoreen Warriner, Land Reform and Develo pme ent in the Middle Est
(London: Oxford University Press, 19627, p. 181. WI

 

Ca‘Doris G. Phillips, "Rural - to - Urban Migration in Iraq," Economic
Development and Cultural Change VII (1959), 1:12. "W'-

 

eAbdul J. Al-Tahir, "The Sarifa Dwellers in Baghdad ," Report sub-
mitted to the Ministry of Social Affairs, Baghdad, 1958, in Arabic, pp.
1-2. (Mimeographed).

fRepublic of Iraq, Ministry of Work and Housing, "Problems of .
Sarifa in the .City of Baghdad," Report for Afro-Asian Housing Conference,
Baghdad, 1963, in Arabic, pp. 2-3. (Mimeographed).

In 1957 Phillips conducted a socio-economic survey of the Asima

l2

Settlement. The study was based on a h per cent sample of the dwelling

 

fi—f T fi—wfi wfi r v V V H HY it, h

12Doris G. Phillips, "Rural-to-Urban Migration in Iraq, " Economic
Development and cultural Chgngg, VII (1959), 1:05-1:21. "

2.16

units. In all, interviews were conducted with 259 families consisting of
1,360 people. The sample indicated that.78 per cent of the immigrants
had come from the province of Amara. They belonged to the tribes of.Albu
.MMhammad, Al-Sudan,.Al-Suwad, Albu Darrage and Bani Lam. Kut province
supplied another 1% per cent of the Asima population, while 5 per cent
were from Diyala province. The remaining 3 per cent were mostly from the
rural parts of Muntafiq and Diwaniya provinces. It appears that the main
destination of the rural immigrants from the last two provinces was Basra
rather than Baghdad. Basra is reported to have received 20,000 immigrants
in 1951.

The high percentages of the immigrants from.Amara and Kut indicates
the extremely low living conditions of the tribes of these provinces and
.the effect of feudalism on pushing tribal people out of rural areas. At?
cording to Phillips' study, 88.5 per cent of the immigrants of Asima Settle:
ment had been landless fallahen before they moved to Baghdad, and an addi-
tional 2.h per cent were sirkals.l3 This brings the total of those who
had been employed in agriculture to more than 90 per cent, none of them
being landed proprietors.

The expectation of better wages and advancement, the lure of city
pleasure, and wider employment opportunity in the city for unskilled labor
were the main factors attracting tribal migration to the urban areas. The
most important forces causing the tribesmen to migrate, as indicated by the
Asima sample, were the low level of living in tribal areas, oppression by
the Shaikhs, and disputes with the Shaikhs over crop shares. Underlying

causes were the decline of soil fertility, the reduction of crOp acreage,

 

l3Sirkals are intermediaries who were employed by the.Shaikhs to
supervise the farms and the distribution of‘water. For this.duty they

receive a share of the farm products.

217
the large size of landholdings held by a few Shaikhs, and the low crop
share of the fallahen. These combined left the fallahen with a bare sub-

sistence and pushed them out of their former tribal lands.

Condition of the.Asima Settlement

 

The occupations of the labor force of Asima, as revealed by Phillips'

survey, are summarized in Table 31. This indicates that only a small per-
centage of the immigrants have any industrial skills. Simple forms of
commercial seem to be an important occupational possibility, for about 20

per cent of them are so employed.

About 65 per cent of the families were receiving an income of less
than 10 dinars (about $28) a month as is shown by Table 32. With 5 persons
in each family this would result in less than $5.60 monthly income per

capita. The average number of workers per family is about 1.3 persons.

Table 33 which is based on a "Housing Budget Inquiry in the City
of Baghdad and its Environs" shows the monthly income of 55 families of

the same settlement in 1954. According to this 85.h per cent of the
families received less than 10 dinars. The inquiry showed the average
monthly income per family to be 6.23 dinars ($17.hh), so per capita in-
come must have been only about $3.50 per month. This is a further indi-
cation of the low level of living of the tribal immigrants in Baghdad.
The same condition must have prevailed among immigrants in other cities

in Iraq. Even though incomes were higher than those received in the past,
it is very difficult to see such low incomes could support the individuals,

providing them with the bare necessities of daily life. Table 3% shows
how the family income was spent. About two-thirds was for food, only a
little over one per cent for furniture, and none for rent, since most of
the Asima land is owned by the government. Slightly over one-half of the

expenditure on food was for cereals, which means that the standard of

nutrition was low.

218
TABLE 31

OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE LABOR FORCE OF
THE ASIMA SE'ITIMENT, 19573

mm

 

 

 

. Per Cent of
0 tion b of Persons

ccupa hum er Labor Force
Unskilled Labor 181 55.3
Skilled Labor 32 9.8
Commerce 65 19.9
Army or Police 26 8.0
Unemployed , 23 i T , __ 7.0
Total 327 . 100.0

_L ¥
—— ‘— v —'

a'Doris G. Phillips, "Rural-to-Urban Migration in Iraq," Economic
Developmentfiand Culturalfihange, VII (1959), #15. '

 

TABLE 32

DISTRIBUTION OF FAMILY INCOME OF THE ASIMA
SE'I‘I'LMT PER MONTH IN 19578

 

m V , 7.1M

 

 

Mbnthly Income NUmber of Per Cent of
(in dinar)b Families Families
Less than 5 6h 2h.7
5 - 9,999 104 no.2
10 - 1h,999 h5 l7.h
15 - 19.999 21» 9.3
20 - 215999 7 2.7
25 - 29,999 6 2.3
30 - or more 6 2.3

Data not available 3 fifi 1.2 fl
Total 259 100.0

 

_V *wv W V fi

— Wfi Vi v—y

aDoris G. Phillips, "Rural-to-Urban Migration in Iraq," Economic

Development and Cultural 39535;, VII (1959), #16.

bOne dinar equals $2.80.

219
TABLE 33

DISTRIBUTION OF FAMILY INCOME OF THE.ASIMA
SETTLEMENT PER MONTH IN 1951;8

4 A

 

w—V ——v—w ———r v— a

 

 

Monthly Income Number of Per Cent of
'(in_dinar) Families . Families
1-3 6 10.9
3-6 19 3h-5
6-9 22 no.0
9-12 8 lh.6
Total 55 lfib.o“—'

 

8.Government of Iraq, Ministry of Economics, Principal Bureau of

'Statistics, Report on the HousinggBudget Enquiry in theACity of Baghdad
and its Environs (Baghdad: Zahra Press, l95h7, p. 5E6} ‘I‘

TABLE 3h

FAMILY EXPENDITURE. PER MONTH IN THE.ASIMA
SETTLEMENT IN 1951+a

 

 

 

Item 0f . Monthly Average Monthly Average
Expenditure (in dinar) Expenditures
Food 7.986 65.55
Clothing 0.935 7.67
Fuel (Kerosene) 1.2% 10.18
Cleaning Material 0.358 2.9M
Furniture 0.137 1.12
Rent ----- ----
Miscellaneous 1.528 12.5% ‘_

Total 12.18% 100.00

 

w—— Y _— F.

8Government of Iraq, Ministry of Economics, Principal Bureau of
‘Statistics, Statistical Abstract (Baghdad: Zahra Press, 1956), pp. 132-
133. V

The sad condition of these immigrants is also revealed in their low
standards of housing, education, and health. .According to_the Phillips'

220

survey, 9h per cent of the families lived in simple mud and reed huts,
of which about 90 per cent had only one room. Dwellings of the remain-
ing 6 per cent were even poorer, being built of either reeds or mud
alone. In the whole settlement no house had plumbing, water supply (Pl.
XI, Fig. 2), special cooking space, or bathing facilities.lh

The levels of education and health were very low. Only 11 per
cent of the males and three young girls had some elementary schooling.15
No health center was available in the settlement for immigrant use. The
result was, and is, widespread incidence of various kinds of disease such
as trachoma, tuberculosis and malaria among the inhabitants. The infant
death rate per 1,000 pregnancies was found to be 3hl.l6 Yet, 80 per cent
of the families in Phillips' survey indicated that their total income
was higher in Baghdad than in their fermer homes, 90 per cent believed
that their present food was better, and 75 per cent indicated that their
housing was more favorable than before.17

It is also interesting to note that surveys concerning Asima and
other immigrant camps in Baghdad show that these immigrants tend to
group their dwellings according to their tribal origins and that they
do not quickly relinquish their tribal ties and traditional social

18

system. The continuence of these ties was the result of the insecurity

on the part of the tribesmen in their new environment.

 

ll‘Ibid., pp. ul6-hl7.
15Ibid., p. h18.

16A. Michael Critchley, "Observations on a Socio-Mbdical Survey
in Iraq," Journal of the Iraqi Medical Professions, IV (1956), 79.

 

17Fhillips, op. cit., p. hi9.

l8Abdul J. Al-Tahir, "The Sarifa Dwellers in Baghdad," Report
submitted to the Ministry of Social Affairs, Baghdad, 1959, in Arabic,

p. l. (Mimeographed) .

221
Prdblems Resulting from Tribal Migration

The heavy movement of the tribal peoples to urban centers has
created serious economic, social and planning problems, both in the rural
and the urban areas of the country. As might be expected, most of the
migrants are young adults. The Asima sample showed that the age group
of 13 years and over of both males and females comprised 56.h per cent
of the 1,360 people.19 This group with a large number of children to
support, provides Baghdad with unskilled labor force willing to accept
low wages. They compete with the city labor and tend to depress wage
rates. 0n the other hand, their movement out of the countryside has con-
tributed to the reduction of agricultural production. Moreover, the
immigrants have aggravated the health, crime and housing problems of Bag-
hdad and have frustrated city planning. The makeshift hut-camp: which
they have erected has added an element of slums and unplanned growth
around and within the city. A

Concrete planning as to what can be done with these camp dwellers,
particularly of the city of Baghdad, has only begun during the last few
years. About 7.3 million dinars has been allocated fer resettlement of
these people.20 The Ministry of‘Works and Housing is now planning three
new villages outside the metropolitan area of Baghdad for some of them.
The total area of these new villages is 9,500 dunums and that of the plot

assigned to each family ranges from lhh to 160 square meters.21

 

fl WV Pfi—v—Vfifi fi—v—fi vw— v—r— ——V—v v—f i

19Phillips, op. cit., p. hl3.

20IraquVents, Official Newspaper of the Republic of Iraq, issued
by the Ministry'of Guidance, Baghdad, in Arabic, December 31, 1959, pp.
121-122.

 

2ljRepublic of Iraq, Mdnistry of'Work and Housing, "Problems of
Sarifa in the City of Baghdad " Report for Afro-Asian Housing Conference,
Baghdad, 1963, in Arabic, p. . (Mimeographed).

22
Electricity and water have been extended to these villages and the process
of the resettlement has already been initiated. The remoteness of the
villages from Baghdad, the immigrants' place of work, and the lack of
transportation facilities are problems which must be met. The lack of
sewage systems and other sanitary measures in these new villages means

the health hazards to the dwellers will still exist.

The Development of;Ag;icultural Facilities

In the agricultural sector the main activities of the government
after l9h5 include the establishment of a system of agricultural credit,
the introduction of agricultural cooperatives, and an attempt-to.ad0pt the
concept of an agricultural extension service. Soon after the Secondeorld
War, the State Agricultural Bank was founded to provide agricultural cre-
dits to cultivators at 3 to 5 per cent interest. But since the landless
fallah could not provide the necessary security required for credit, he
was automatically excluded from the benefits of this serVice. Thus, the
main beneficiaries were the big landlords.

In addition, the activities of this bank were hampered by its in-
adequate capital and the political pressures exerted on it by influential
'1andlords. This is contrary to the mistaken views of some writers who
have attached high importance to the bank's influence on the settlement
of the tribes during the period under consideration.22 For example, be-
cause the fallahen were unable to provide security, they could not take

loans, and consequently they had to turn to their landlords or to private

 

.._v .f fifififi iv v—Yfi *7 V Y—fi v—v 1, v... fi —

22A representative example may be found by referring to Abdul J.
Al-Tahir, The Bedouins and the Tribes in the Arab Countri_e_s_ (Cairo:
.AleAtmadrPres§,fil955),‘In.Arabic, pp:fi25-28."F' 11. li_r_

 

223
money leaders for credit. The interest paid the landlord was often in
the form of a larger proportion of the crops which concealed the high

charges ranging from 100 to 300 per cent.

With the passage of Law No. 27 of l9hh, the agricultural cooper-
ative movement was fostered for the first time through state action.
During the l9h0's, however, only a few cooperatives were established.

Due to the inadequate guidance provided, the lack of experience, and

the lack of knowledge of the administrators concerning the traditions of
the rural society, most of the early cooperatives failed. Then the
government tried to encourage the cooperatives by: (1) providing loans

to members at a low interest rate (3 per cent), and (2) by obligating
the settlers on newly occupied state land to Join settlement cooperatives
when they were organized. In spite of all these measures, in 1955 there
were only 25 consumer and credit agricultural cooperatives in rural areas
of Iraq. It appears, therefore, that this measure also did not make any
real contribution to the settlement of the tribes.

The concept of an agricultural extension service was next adopted
as an aspect of rural reform. One service center was organized in 1956,
and by the end of 1957, it had a staff of 11 supervisors. In 1961 the
number of rural extension centers in the whole country was lh,‘with #2
smaller social units and 177 supervisors. But these centers were ser-
ving only 231 villages (Table 35). That the service is very inadequate
is evident when it is remembered there are more than 10,000 villages in

Iraq and an ever increasing need fer application of modern techniques.

22h
TABLE 35

SOME COMPONENTS OF THE FOURTEEN 3
AGRICULTURAL EXTENSION CENTERS IN IRAQ IN 1961

Components Number
BeneficiaryVillages............. 231
RuralSupervisors............... 177
Vocational Training Officers .5 . . . . . . . . 1h
Nurses eoooeeeeee-eeeooooeo 7
Persons Attending Literacy Classes . . . . . . 2, 936
FirstAidMedicalCases........... .. 18,185
Beneficiaries From Milk Distribution . . . . . 22,963

a
Republic of Iraq, Ministry of Planning, Central Bureau of
Statistics, Statistical Abstract, 1961 (Baghdad: Zahra Press, 1962),

p. J30.
Development of Water Re sources

To develOp the resources of the country, the government established
a Development Board in 1950 and diverted to it 100 per cent of the oil
revenue. In 1952 the Board's share was reduced to 70 per cent of this
income. Serious beginnings were made by the Board toward the harnessing
of the water resources of the triads-Euphrates system. In the first
Five Year Plan, 1951-1956, there was 53,371+,000 dinars allocated for
irrigation projects. In the second plan, 1955-1959, a sum of
107, 935,000 dinars was budgeted for irrigation, drainage and flood control.
The main objectives of these two plans were: (1) to provide adequate flood
control on the Tigris and Euphrates, and (2) to utilize the water stored
by the flood control schemes and that provided by irrigation projects for

the expansion of irrigated areas from 12,596,000 to 24, 810,000 dunums.23
The Board was abolished after 1958. Some of its projects had

been completed, others studied but only on paper and some others are still

 

23J. H. G. Lebon, "'Ihe New Irrigation Era in Iraq, "Economic
Geogapgz. XXXI (1955). Bit-55. " ""'

225
Si
under construction (Fig. 13). The irrigation schemes were critized on the
basis that they were provided wholly through public revenue which belonged
to the whole society, while their immediate benefits would largely serve
the interests of the landlords who did not pay comparable taxes due to

their political power.2“

FloodfiControl and Water Storage

 

The main flood control and water storage projects are:

1. Lake Habbaniya. This facility was completed in 1956 for flood

 

control and storage on the Euphrates. Its storage capacity is about 2.3
billion cubic meters of water. It has raised the summer water supplies
of the Euphrates from 280 to th cumecs,25 an amount which can be used to
bring under cultivation about 2.5 million dunums of new land in the
southern part of Iraq.

2. The Tharthar Project. This is the major flood-control work

on the Tigris.26 It has been completed and uses the vast Tharthar de-

 

pression in the Jezira to store the excess flow of the river. Although
this depression has a storage capacity of 6.8 billion cubic meters of
water, the potentiality of using the water for irrigation has not yet
been determined.

3. The Dokan Dam. Located on the Lesser Zab, a tributary of the

fiw—v—v—

 

Tigris, this multi-purpose project was completed in 1958. The storage

 

V. .fi— fi vv—v—v W _fi wh—vfi ——— _‘fiv

21*Salter, op. cit., pp. 5h-55.

25Cumecs refers to cubic meters of water per second throughout
this study.

26A detailed discussion of this particular project is presented
by Brad Fisk, "The'Wadi Tharthar Flood Control Project," Middle East

Journal, V (1951), 366-370.

 

226

 

    

 

 

 

318° 4'0° 4'20 4'4 ° 43° 43°
MAIN FLOOD CONTROLJRRIGATION. AND SETTLEMENT PROJECTS
IRAQ
-38° 3ng
T U R K E Y
/ \ “I \../ \
”36° 364
. 34a
'34 ././ KHAN BAGHDAD! u
'/ RAMA - r
B \- Habbaniya \?
75 \. 1..
o \. . .
\ Abu DIbblS‘
'7 - L.
2 L.
.32. '\-\. 32%
\
84 05\'
I :i\,\ l
.\ ._
fie CANAL R4 \~. “39. l
_ EXISTING BARRAGE ’4 '\ ...... " I4,

I: BARRAGE UNDER CONSTRUCTION "-~---, v;
n¢EXISTING RESERVOIR i ...._. 94
Boom RESERVOIR UNDER CONSTRUCTION ./ é ‘

=- PROPOSED BARRAGE ! - / V
0 PROPOSED RESERVOIR \'\. /,A.\ / é PERSIAN
_SETTLEMENT PROJECT '\=<NEUTRAE‘>/§ GULF
0 75 150 K M. '\_ZON§./’
. n J \./'
A.R.H.
4 ° ‘.2° 43° 435° 4}"

 

227
capacity is figured at 2.8 billion cubic meters of water, enough to irrigate
1.3 million dunums. The project also serves the purpose of flood control,
the generation of 170,000 kilowatts of power, and can be used as a resort
area.

A. The Derbendi Khan Dam° Like Dokan, this project is a multi-

 

purpose one providing water storage, flood control, and potential genera-
tion of hydroelectric power. It is still under construction and is
expected to irrigate some 1.5 million dunums.

5. The Batma Dam. Considered as part of the Dokan Dam Complex,

 

the Batma Dam was designed fOr irrigation of h15,000 dunums of new land.

At present it is still under construction.

 

6. The Demir Dam. Like The Batma Dam, it is also part of the
Dokan project and still under construction. It is expected to irrigate
876,000 dunums on both sides of the Adaim River.

7. Other Proposed Dams. The Eski Mosul and Dairich on the Tigris

 

north Of Mbsul, Bekhme on the Greater Zab River and Rawa and Khan Baghdadi
on the Euphrates were studied and the suitability of the dam sites was

established, but construction has not begun (Fig. 13).

Irrigation PEEJeCtSA

 

The most important of these projects are:

1. The_GreatervMusaiyib. Completed in 1956, this project was

 

designed to bring about 250,000 dunums of new land under cultivation.

2. The Hilla Cana1_§ystem. WOrk on this scheme was proposed to

 

include expansion and remodeling of the Hilla Canal to serve 1.8 million
dunums of new land. At the present time, part of the project is com-

pleted.

228

3. TheéHindiya Canal Project. This is actually the western branch

 

of the Euphrates which has been canalized. In addition to irrigation
facilities, a navigation lock is already completed. Further progress on
this project will permit irrigation of 750,000 dunums of new land and
provide transportation by water.

A. The_§harrafLCanal Project. Preliminary studies indicate that

 

canalization and the building of four regulators in this project will
bring 795,000 dunums of new land under irrigation.

5. Other Projects. These are projects to be developed in the

 

future. Reclamation of Nahrawan land, located on the eastern bank of the
Tigris south of the Diyala River, will add 1.2 million dunums for culti~
vation. The irrigation of the Ishaqi area on the Tigris south of Samarra
Barrage has been studied and an area of 680,000 dunums of land is ex-
pected to be reclaimed. Improvement of irrigation and flood control on
the Shatt AleArab and Lake Hammar, and projects in the northern provinces

are also proposed.

Develg'gnent of ground Water

 

In 1933 the authorities started to develop the ground‘water re-
sources of the country, mainly for the purpose of settling nomadic tribes.
A small office was, therefore, established to study the proper sites for
drilling water wells, but its activities were handicapped by an inadequate
technical staff, the.lack of equipment and the absence of scientific stu-
dies of the geology of the country. By the end of 1953, a total of only

116 Operating wells had been opened.27 Of these, only 36 were for the

 

vfi—vfii—V j—‘fiwmfi if Y—VWW' ‘7 v fifi Vfiv YVVVV

27Ahsan Rifat, "The Artesian in Iraq," Iraq Agricultural
Journal, Baghdad, VIII (1953), in Arabic, hi7.

 

229
benefit of the nomadic tribes of the Western Region. In 1955 the Parsons
Company was engaged by the Development Board to investigate and report on
the ground water of Iraq, and a sum of about 6.5 million dinars was allo-
cated for this purpose. By the end of 1961 some 208 wells had been
opened for the nomadic tribes in the Western Region. More discussion will
be presented in the following chapter, but it should be mentioned here
that these walls have been insignificant as a means of settling the no—

madic tribes.

LandRefOrm and Settlement Projects

 

Because the same people who owned extensive tracts of land'were
the controlling body of the pre-revolutionary Iraqi government, it is
hardly to be expected that any significant land reform measure would be
forthcoming during that time. Such a policy would destroy the economic
and social position of the landlords and jeopardize their political
power.28 Nevertheless, after WOrld'War II, because of inside pressure
from the newly formed and agitating middle class and outside pressure in
the form of foreign expert advice, fear of communism and more recently,
the extensive land redistribution in neighboring Egypt, moderate land

distribution programs were initiated.29 The'widening of social and

 

r— v—‘v—W v fiv—vfi m vv —' v—vv— v w—v—w fl W v

28The attitude of the government toward the peasants in this period
is correctly described by Warriner. She wrote, "From l9h5 on successive
Iraq governments have stated that their aim is to encourage small owner-
ship by distributing state land to cultivators. During the same period
settlement of title has proceeded steadily in the Opposite direction."

Warriner, op. cit., p. 150.

29Rasool M5 Hashimi and Alfred L. Edwards, "Land Refbrm in Iraq:
Economic and Social Implications," Land Economicg, XXXVII (1961), 75.

 

230
economic differences between the Shaikhs and their tribesmen, the con-
tinued migration of the tribesmen to the urban centers, and the increase
in oil revenue were other essential forces which motivated the land re-
form movement. Consequently "The Miri Sirf Land Development Law, No. 23,
of 1914.5U was enacted.

This law laid down the principles for distributing state lands to
the landless fallahen. In 1951 it was replaced by another law, known as
"The Land Development and Settlement Law, No. A3, of 1951".30 Although
finally suspended by the revolution of 1958, the main objectives of this
law while in force were:

1. Improvement of agricultural conditions from the technical

standpoint and the expansion of agriculture.

2. To provide assistance and encouragement to the fallahen in

Iraq and to create a class of small peasant proprietors.

3. Full employment of a maximum number of people in agriculture.

h. To provide an Opportunity to settle the tribes permanently.

5. The creation of modern rural communities.

6. Reclamation and utilization of all state lands.

It was commonly agreed that, in the long-run, the resettlement of
a large number of landless fallahen would reduce the power of the great
landowners and challenge their political and social position. Let us
first present the relevant provisions of the law, then an analysis of
four of the settlement projects that were established, and finally turn

our attention to the main problems and achievements of these projects.

 

w . .—

30For a detailed treatment of this law see Fahim I. Qubain, The

Reconstruction of Iraq; 1950-1951 (New York: Praeger, 1958), pp. 92-95.

231

The projects were administered by a Central Committee, composed
of an agricultural economist, an agricultural specialist, an irrigation
engineer and a physician. These members were assisted by experts from
England, India, Egypt, the United States' Point Fbur Program, and the
various United Nations' agencies.

The law limited the size of plots to be distributed to settlers
to: (a) 20 dunums in mountain lands; (b) 100 dunums in flow-irrigated
lands; (0) 200 dunums in low-pump irrigated lands; (d) #00 dunums in
rain-fed lands; (e) 500 dunums in high-pump irrigated lands. It also
required that the land be distributed free to landless fallahen. Pri-
ority was given to inhabitants in the area of the project, fbllowed by
those of neighboring areas. No more than one plot was assigned to each
settler. Graduates of agricultural schools and retired army and police
officers with at least four years service, were allowed all together not
more than 20 per cent of the area of each project. Retired civil ser-
vants who had no less than eight years service and graduates of religious
schools could be allocated up to 25 per cent of each area. A settler
received full title to his plot after ten years of continuous occupation.
He had to build his dwelling on his land, had to plant an orchard, and
had to follow the Committee‘s recommendations fOr utilizing the land.

As shown in Table 36, betveen 19)+5, when the first law was enacted
and applied on the Dujaila project, and 1957 over 2.3 million dunums of
state land were distributed. Of this, more than 1.6 million dunums were
developed in settlements under government supervision. The rest was dis-
tributed without reclamation or assisted development. The areal dis-
tribution of the main settlement projects is shown in Figure 13. Table

37 indicates most of the investments which were allocated to land settle-

232
ment under the Miri Sirf Land DevelOpment Committee between l9h6 and

1955-

TABLE 36

FACTS RELATED TO DISTRIBUTION OF.MIRI SIRF LAND, 1915-1957a

 

 

 

 

 

Persons Living Area of Unit Average Area
Project in Project at Project by Di t ibsted of Uhits Dis—
End of 1955b 1957 (in 3 r u tributed (in
dunums) in 1957 dunums)
Dujaila lh,320 250,000 1,5h0 100-200
Hawiaa 1.595 37.650 #62 7o
Shahrazoor 2,5h5 32,500 380 70
Iatifiya 2,325 25,000 hue 50
Makhmoor 930 7,200 100 68
Musaiyib 875 303,000 A31 66
SinJar 7.580 ISOOQIOOO 935 150-300
Sub-total “**30.070 1,655,350 ‘ *h,290 ‘ ‘***
Karma 3,590 70,671 718 Unknown
Saadah 325 5,200 65 Unknown
Land in other
areas 14,680 169,870 2,936 Unknown
sub-total 18}595 ‘ 2H5,7u1 3,719 "
Land distri-
buted but
unidentified Unknown #211 ,210 fi Unknown Unknown ‘
Total h8,665 2,325,301 8,009

w—v _f v— v —

aFigures presented in this table are taken from Government of
Iraq, Ministry of Development, Miri Sirf Central Committee, Agicultural
Reform and Land Development (Baghdad: AléRabita Press, 1956), IETArabic,
p. lhlgfiand‘WarreH E. Adams, "The PreéRevolutionary Decade of Land Re-
form in Iraq," Economic Development and Cultural Change, XI (1963), 272.

 

bThese persons are not necessarily those to whom land was distri-
buted. The official statistics on the number of people who actually re-
ceived land in these projects are not available.

233

TABLE 37

FINANCING OF THE MIRI SIRF LAND DEVEIOHIITT
COMMITTEE, 191:.6-1955a

 

 

 

Y Iraq Budget Joint Fund American Budget
ear (in dollars) (in dollars) (in dollars)
l9h6 70,000 unknown Unknown
.19A7 100,000 Unknown Unknown
l9h8 50,000 unknown unknown
l9h9 36,000 Unknown unknown
1950 30,000 Unknown Unknown
1951 32,000 Uhknown unknown
1952 Unknown unknown Unknown
1953 300,000 20h,000 123,000
195A h20,000 130,000 90,000
1955 600,000 150,000 88,000
Total 1,638,000 ‘EBh,000 301,000

 

fiv—wwfi— f v—v W v ‘7 _

aWarren E. Adams, "The Land Development Program in Iraq with
Special Reference to the deala Settlement, 19h5 to 195k" (Unpublished
Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Economics, University of California,
1955)) P' 221'

Dujaila Project

This project is located about 10 miles southeast of the city of
Kut (Fig. 13). It was the first settlement scheme of the Miri Sirf Land
Development Committee and was opened in l9h5. The Dujaila Canal (about
51 kilometers long), which receives water from the Tigris River upstream
from the Kut Barrage, irrigates the project. Settlers were selected from
different local tribes such as Bani Lam, Makasis, Albu Darraj, Al-Yasir,
Atamish, Al-Maiyah and Al-Sary.

It was hoped that by settling these tribes together in one commu-
nity, tribal prejudices would be reduced and national spirit encouraged.

The farms of the project, therefore, were laid down in rectangular pattern

23h
and the.settlers' houses of mud were situated in clusters of four at the
adjoining corners of f0ur tracts. Each cluster included A to 12 build-
ings with A0 to 50 persons. This was a deviation from the prevailing
village system in Iraq, which is traditionally a random agglomeration of
dwellings.

The project is administered by a main office and several branch
offices established in various sections of the settlement. Both Iraqi
and foreign.specialists in various field have been employed. From l9h5
until 1952, however, very little effort was made by the Iraqi officials
to suggest a sound agricultural program, or to demonstrate new crops and
techniques, but subsequently the work of the.American technicians and the
UNESCO team began to Show some positive results. The fallow system of
cultivation was organized and four demonstration farms, four nurseries
and four greenhouses were established. Light.rural industries were also
instituted by UNESCO to improve the economic condition of the settlers.
These included a wool processing plant, a carpentry plant, a blacksmith
plant and a simple metalaworking operation. A water plant capable of
providing 200 gallons of pure water per hour was provided to one section
of the project through cooperative effort. The health service available
includes two simple clinics and one mobile team.

At the end of 1955 Six primary schools were operating with a total
of 20 teachers and 702 students. .The schools were organized by the Iraqi
Ministry of Education and UNESCO under its program for "Fundamental Edu-
cation". In addition, the UNESCO team had fOunded three classes to dem-
onstrate more advanced teaching methods, 9 literacy classes, and one of
the health clinics mentioned above.

In l9h7 the settlers, with government help, were organized into a

235

general-purpose cooperative with consumer and producer sections. This
was liquidated in 1951 owing to inexperience, bad management and lack of
adequate capital and guidance. Government aid in the form of loans of
100 dinars repayable in installments over a period of five years were
given to the first 300 settlers at official rates of interest which
ranged between 3 per cent and 7 per cent. No further loans were provided.

There is no data available to present an accurate picture of the
present economic condition of the settlers of this project. However,
Fisk estimated the annual cash income of the individual settler's family
to be between $h20 and $1,u00 in 1952 (excluding the value of produce
consumed at home).31 Burns stated that, according to local settlement
officials, net return from the sale of crops and animals (including pro-
duce consumed at home) averaged $960 a year per family in 1950. He indi-
cated, however, that the return may actually have been no more than half
of that figure.32 In any case, the return to the Dujaila settlers was
much higher than that realized before while working for the Shaikhs. It
is also believed that the per acre cereal yield on farms of this project

during the 1950's was more than that of nearby areas.

Latifiya Project
.This project is located about 50 kilometers south of Baghdad (Fig.
13). It occupies relatively flat, poorly drained land which is irrigated

by the Latifiya Canal. At the end of 1955 there were 2,325 peOple living

 

fivv— fl v

31Brad Fisk, "Dujaila: Iraq's Pilot Project for Land Settlement"
Economic Geography,"XXVIII (1952), 353.

32Norman Burns, "The Dujaylah Land Settlement," Middle East Journal,
v (1951). 36h-365.

 

236
in the settlement. About #0 per cent of the beneficiaries of this project
were chosen from retired civil servants, military officials, and graduated
students of religious schools. The remaining 60 per cent were selected
from the local tribes of the area. These included people from the Janna-
biyn, Maamra, Bani Ajal, Ubaid, Khafaja, Al-Farun, and Ghurair tribes.

The project was hurriedly Opened in 1952 and early settlers were
established on their plots befOre adequate preparations were made. The
hasty settlement was due to a political attempt by a new cabinet to Show
its interest in the public in time of stress.33 A nursery experiment and
demonstration fields were established later as part of the project. No
health or educational services were available until about 1955, in spite
of the fact that trachoma, malaria and other diseases were, and still
are, widespread among settlers.

In 195% an economic survey was conducted in.this settlement by the

authorities. It was discovered that the yearly net cash income per five
member family was only 33.23 dinars, or less than 7 dinars per person.
It was also found that #6 out of 51 farmers were indebted to an average
amount of 35 dinars each. As a result, the authorities decided to raise
the level of living of the settlers by providing them with supervised
credits, but only 69 of them received such financial help in 1955.

A clearer picture concerning the condition of the inhabitants of

Latifiya is provided by a socio-economic survey by the Ministry of Social

 

fiv—v fifi W T—_ Vfi v— fifi W—

33Warren B. Adams, "The Land Development Program in Iraq with
Special Reference to the Dijala Settlement, 19h5 to 195%" (unpublished
Ph. D. dissertation, Department of Economics, University of Califbrnia,

1955), P- 237-

237
Affairs of Iraq during 1959.3" In this study 133 (families comprised of
870 persons were interviewed. Some of the results are presented in Table
38. Nearly ‘3h per cent of the families received an annual income of less
than 50 dinars each and another Ah per cent one between 50 and 100 dinars.

The average income per person was reported to be not more than 8 dinars

 

 

 

a year.
TABLE 38
YEARLX INCOME OF 133 FAMILIEs OF THE LATIFIYA
SETTLEMENT PROJECT IN 19593
ml A m
Yearly Income Percentage of
(in dinars) Number of Families Families
less than 50 1+5 33.9
50-100 59 Mao
’ lOl-l50 13 10.0
151-200 7 5-3
201—250 _ 6 u.5
251-300 2 1.5
301-350 #_ l 0.8
Total 133 I W fi fi 100.0

iv f v_ r fiq

8“Republic of Iraq, Ministry of Social Affairs, "Report on Socio-
Economic Survey of the Settlers in the Latifiya Project," Baghdad, 1959,
in Arabic, p. 10. (Mimeographed).

Moreover, the survey revealed that about 80 per cent of the fami-
lies held plots ranging in area beWeen 10 and 60 dunums, 11+ per cent
between 60 and 120 dunums, and 6 per cent between 120 and 2,h00 dunums.

This variation in area of holdings indicates the uncontrolled

 

fl r w W v v

31‘Republic of Iraq, Ministry of Social Affairs, "Report on Socio-
Economic Survey: of the Settlers in the Latifiya Project," Baghdad, 1959,
in Arabic, pp. 1-11. (Mimeographed).

238
distribution of land to settlers and the failure to apply the laws of the
Miri Sirf Land Development Committee. Of the 133 families interviewed,
131 lived in mud huts and two in tents. None of these dwellings had elec-
tricity, bathroom facilities, or pure water supplies. .The settlers
relied on water from ditches and irrigation canals for their domestic

needs.

Shahrazoor Project

This project is situated in the Kurdish region of northern Iraq.
It depends primarily on natural springs and rainfall for irrigation. AS
indicated in Tab1e36, a total of 380 plots of 70 dunums each were dis-
tributed to settlers from the Jaf and other Kurdish tribes of the area.
‘When the project was established, these settlers were already living in
villages on the land of the project; for them, therefore, there has been
no relocation.

Simple measures to improve agricultural practices such as a demon-
stration farm and a nursery were introduced. A health center was main-
tained at the nearby town of Halabja. Only one area of this settlement
has a school, one of six rooms. Other service facilities do not exist.
It seems that this project has been the least successful of all.

Two successive years of crop failure in 1953 and 195A, as a result
of pest damage, caused the majority of the settlers to have insufficient
income to meet family and farm expenses, and brought them heavily into
debt to city merchants. It was reported that 12% out of 198 farmers
interviewed in l95h grossed less income than was required for living.

At the same time, 160 of the 198 farmers owed an average of about

67 dinars each. This indebtedness was obtained at 100 per cent interest

239
per year which had to be returned in produce rather than in cash. Mbre-
over, the way the interest was exacted was to bargain with the cultivator
and buy in advance his agriCultural produce at one-half the market price
of the crops. This high rate of interest and the method of repayment
contributed substantially to the poverty of most of the settlers. When
the Committee studied this problem in 195A, they recommended the granting
of loans ranging from 30 to 100 dinars to 6A of the settlers, yet only 19

35

actually received the loans.

Sinjar Project

Located in the northwestern section of the Jezira region near the
Iraqi-Syrian border, the area of this project consists of about 1,000,000
dunums north and south of the Sinjar Hill. The land is marginal and sub-
marginal and farming depends entirely on rainfall. Before the prelimi-
nary investigation of the physical Characteristics of the area, which
started in 1952, was completed, and'while discussion concerning the de-
sirable size of units to be distributed and the type of farming which
could be successf 1 was in progress, the authorities hastily opened the
project for settlement. In this connection, the land classifier pointed
out in 1952 that, "At this time only general impressions can be given.
However, at present it appears that extreme care is needed in developing
this area because serious repercussions may be had from fostering imp
proper land use. Improper use of these lands will result in making them
less productive than at present and will cause extreme undue suffering

to the people settled or to be settled in the area. The end result will

 

m N f w v‘w

35HassanM..A11, Land Reclamation and Settlement in Iraq (Baghdad:
Baghdad Printing Press, 1955), pp. 115-121. ’F V '—

 

2&0
discredit the affirmed efforts to better the conditions in this area and
may defeat the aims of the Miri Sirf Program."36 Obviously, this state-
ment was not taken into consideration by the authorities in developing
,the project.

It is commonly believed that the hasty settlement action was the
result of two pressures. The first was fulfillment of the promise of a
nebulous plan of the 1930's by the Iraqi authorities to settle the
Shammar tribes of Syria who suffered.under the French Mandate and lost
.their grazing land. The second was the strong desire of the Shaikh of
the nomadic Shammar in Iraq to possess land for himself in the better
area of the project. The settlers were chosen from various Iraqi tribes,
such as the Shammar, Matyut, Jubur, Albu Badran, and Albu.Hamad, and from
retired civil servants, army personnel and students. The size of plots
distributed was usually between 150 and 300 dunums, but there were units
as small as 50 dunums in area. ,Settlers live in a number of scattered
small villages established on sites where wells were drilled to supply
water for domestic and livestock use.

‘With the exception of granting the land and providing drinking
water, no other necessary aid was extended to the project. The result
had been that the economic condition of settlers, especially those in
the remote section south of Sinjar Hill (a large percentage of whom were
newly settled nomads), has been reported as being wholly unsatisfactory.
The following statement illustrated the condition in this southern sec-
tion in 195%. "Some of these villages were in very badly pauperized

f ' vvv v —v ' m'v

36Quoted by Warren E. Adams, "The Land Development Program in Iraq
‘with Special Reference to the Dijala Settlement, l9h5 to 195h", op. cit.,
p. 2AA.

2hl
condition and the people in one village were near the edge of starvation.
They had come to the village with little property and crop failures to-
gether with their lack of knowledge of farming had reduced their worldly
gpods to where they could not buy seed to plant in the 1953 crop season
which would have returned them a very good yield. They did not own a
sheep or a mule, only a few donkeys and some neighboring village had
given them a few head of goats to give milk for their children."37 The
report further indicated that, "Government assistance in showing them
the best techniques in farming and in improving and managing their sheep
herds and in aiding them with some credit to get the necessary capital
goods to use in making a living may enable these farmers to stay on the
land. Without this assistance, it is very likely that most of the agri-
cultural class 3 land (the area at the extreme southern end of the
southern section of the project) will only intermittently be occupied by
farmers, and without this assistance, there is a strong possibility that
this area will chiefly revert to grazing lands for the nomads as in the

t."38 But nothing was done by the authorities to improve the-economic

pas
condition of these settlers. The result was that many of them were
fOrced to sell everything at their disposal, especially in dry years,
and go to Syria or elsewhere to become laborers, or to rent their land

to merchants of Mosul.

Problemsof the Settlement Projects

From the previous discussion, it becomes clear that these projects

 

v—V V— fw 77 V 1 WV

37Ali, Land Reclamation and Settlement in Iraq, op. cit., p. 170.

38Ibid., p. 17h.

2A2
have not achieved as much as they should have in order to improve the
living condition of settlers. The projects faced many interrelated tech-
nical, social and administrative problems which must be considered in

initiating any settlement project for the tribes in the future.

Technical Problems

One of the major problems faced by settlement projects in the past
has been the lack of adequate planning and preparation, such as soil
surveys, land classification, and provision of irrigation and drainage,
before the land was opened to settlement.39 The lack of these essentials
created several other difficulties. Let us review some of the problems
which beset the Dujaila project. The first settlers were subjected to
flood in l9h6 because protective dykes were not completed. In 19MB, many
irrigation canals had already been completed, but the earth removed from
the canals was piled along side of them. In l9h9 it was reported that
one canal, at least, was obstructed, because the wind had dumped the
piled earth back into its channel. This caused severe loss to the several
farmers dependent on the canal's water and all of the settlers had.to con-
tribute to the cost of 700 dinars to reopen it.)+0

_Also, the lack of establishment of drainage systems in this settle-

ment caused the destruction of fertility of the soil in many sections,

 

V (Y fi—v

39‘The fOllowing observation of Adams supports this statement. He
wrote that, "In my own experience, I learned of one project manager who
had mapped, subdivided, and was preparing to settle a new section of land
without ever having seen the area; neither he nor his staff could even
tell a visiting consultant.whether the area was irrigated." warren E.
Adams, "Reflections on Recent Land RefOrm Experience in Iraq," Land
Economics, xxxzoc (1963), 200. '
"QMohammed.A..Al-Soory, Feudalism in the Kut Province (Baghdad:
Asaid Press, 1958), in Arabic, pp. l6lI-165. “

 

2H3
eventually forcing the movement of about 300 settlers elsewhere, while
others complained of low crop yields. In 195%, nine years after founding,
drainage work had been begun on only one section of the project, and, as
would be expected, the cost was high, especially after the settlers had
established themselves on their land and built houses and other facili-
ties. The cost of providing drainage to this one tract of 25,000 dunums

"1 This

was h0,000 dinars, or an average of over 1.5 dinars per dunum.
amounted to nearly 150 dinars per settler. This illustrates the need for
certain basic preparations before opening a project for settlement.

A soil survey and land classification of the Dujaila project was
delayed until about 195%. In Latifiya and Sinjar this kind of work was
imcomplete when the projects were opened while no effbrts in this respect
have been made in the Shahrazoor settlement. The results have been a
great waste of land and water resources and poverty for the settler. For
example, in the Latifiya more than 25 per cent of the area was discovered

to be uncultivable in 1955."2

Failure of the farmers because of this
high percentage of waste land could have been avoided by proper soil
investigation before settlement.

Another problem of the projects was because authorities opened
five of them within four years. The Hawija was opened in 1950, Shah-
razoor in 1951, Latifiya and Sinjar in 1952, and Makhmoor in 1953. The
launching of several projects in such a short time caused great difficul-

ties in their management because of the distribution of efforts over a

'wide area and the disadvantages of not being able to transfer experience

 

"W v— v—V V—V v

"lwarriner, Op. cit., p. 165.

"gAli, Land Reclamation and Settlement in Iraq, op. cit., p. 138.

2AA
gained from one project to the others.

The isolation resulting from the lack of roads and communications
between different parts of the same project and between the projects and
other settled areas in the country posed other problems. As Adams puts
it, "More fortunate projects were located near good secondary roads, but
others were more isolated, and all internal roads on the projects became
virtually impassable from mud during the rainy season or hard-baked ruts
in the summertime.""3 This created difficulties with regard to the mar-
keting of the products and the maintenance of agricultural machinery,
vehicles and other equipment. It also handicapped proper working of the
social agencies, technicians, and administrative staff associated with
the undertaking. The lack of good roads in the Dujaila settlement, fOr
example, slowed the work of the UNESCO team there and was considered one
of the main reasons for their dropping fundamental education efforts in
l956."h MOreover, the rigours of travel between these projects and the
large cities caused the refusal of many foreign and Iraqi personnel to
continue their services in the settlements.

The settlement of newly independent fallahen and people who had
no previous experience in cultivation created trouble which made success
difficult to attain. Old crops and traditional methods of farming had
to be re-examined and fit to the background of the settlers. In addition,
research which was carried out in connection with these projects required

expert ability and continuous supervision. This demanded time and effort,

 

v V... fifi—rfi Vi _fi

"3Adams, "The PreéRevolutionary Decade of Land Reform in Iraq,"
op. cit., p. 27h.
""Government of Iraq, Ministry of Education, "Report on the

FUndamental Education Project in Iraq," Baghdad, 1957, in Arabic, pp.
2-3. (Mimeographed) .

225

but the results gained from the experiments were often used to serve
private interests, and their unjustified high cost reduced their userl-
ness to the settlers.

The attempts made by some foreign experts to rapidly change exist-
ing ideas and methods of cultivation to new, locally untested ones (fer
example, replacement of the prevailing labor—intensive method of agricul-
ture by a highly mechanized system) were unsuited economically and so-
cially to the local conditions and raised problems. In addition, compe-
tition between local and foreign experts on the one hand, and among the
fOreign experts themselves on the other, for the establishment of good
reputations often resulted in poor organization of effbrts and hasty
advice to settlers."5

An Obstacle at the Duajila project related to the pattern of
settlement. Locating.the settlers at considerable.distances from each
other in a sparsely populated area has created many hardships. For one
thing, it has prevented the settlers from enjoying the social relation-
ships which were available in their old village communities. FOr
another, it has presented difficulties in bringing the settlers together
for educational purposes, cooperative meetings and demonstrations. In
addition, it has caused high costs in providing settlers with adequate

health care, schooling, pure water and other facilities.

Social PrOblems
The proper fUnctioning of settlement projects already f0unded has

been handicapped by several social and cultural problems. The attitude

 

v——v P—v—rv H v r Vr‘vv v _rYV v v fi WV—vfi —— v- v v f

"5Adams, "The PreéRevolutionary Decade of Land Refbrm in Iraq,"
OE. Cite, P' 279-

2A6

of the settlers toward the government has been one of these. .To the
settlers the government and its representatives were considered as
exploiters, not interested in the tribes beyond tax collection and army
conscription. The settlers, therefore, failed to act in good faith with
much that was attempted. The result was that they paid little attention
to cropping instructions, farm demonstrations and other official efforts
to raise their level of production.

The lack of a genuine impetus for tribal development.was obvious
in another quarter. The Shaikhs and rich landlords, who constituted the
majority of the parliament and the governing class, exerted a great in-
fluence against reform. In the case of the Dujaila settlement, for
example, the local Shaikhs were against the project from the beginning.
Later, they dominated most of the good land and in the case of one it
:was reported the authorities reserved an area on which they spent thou-
sands of dinars for reclamation."6 MOreover, in l9h6 some of the Shaikhs
threatened to break dykes in order to flood the entire settlement and
thus prevent the movement of fallahen from their estates."7 In the
Sinjar settlement, also, most of the best land was given to the Shaikh
of the Shammar nomadic tribe, Ahmed.Al-Yawar.

The considerable lack of attention to certain needs of the settlers
of these projects is illustrated in other ways. In the Dujaila, disputes
over water rights between settlers were not unusual."8 Some.of the social

services offered to settlers ignored their tribal social system. For

vv—_ vv fl. ‘1 —v w— ——v—v—va7

"éAl-Soory, op. cit., p. 162.
"7Burns, op. cit., p. 365.

"aAdams, "The PreéRevolutionary'Decade of Land Refbrm in Iraq,"

op. cit., p. 283.

2117
example, the activities of the extension services were based on the values
of the individual and not on the family, which is the main decision making
unit in tribal society. The settlers' participation in project activities
from the beginning is essential, yet all Iraqi administrative officials at
the Dujaila project were appointed; none were elected by the settlers.

The unequal and inadequate supply of facilities and services such
as schools, cooperatives, extension services and credit, not only among
the different projects, but also within each project, created social gaps
and problems between settlers. The Dujaila and, to some extent, the
Latifiya settlements were provided with complete programs of develOpment,
while in others such as the Sinjar, the authorities simply made land
grants without fUrther assistance. Even where facilities were provided,
they were inadequate to meet the settlers' needs. The lack of credit'
forced many to secure loans from city merchants, according to a system
called "selling green." In this system, not only'must high interest be
paid on loans, but the marketing of products and the buying of goods must
be done through the moneylenders.

Inadequate credit given to settlers has contributed to.a deficiency
in the quality and number of livestock which they own. The animals ought
to be considered an integral part of the economy. The problem facing the
settlers of Sinjar in this respect has already been indicated. In the
Shahrazoor project it was reported in 195% that 1AA farmers out of 198
‘were buying their fat from outside; 133 farmers had no sheep and 136 had
no goats, in spite of the fact that the availability of pasture would
indicate strong possibilities for raising a large number of these animals.

In Sinjar and the Latifiya projects the problem of tenants and

sharecroppers under absentee landholders has developed. This is the

2&8
result of having given land to retired policemen, soldiers and students
who preferred to live elsewhere either leasing their plots to cultivators
or hiring others to do the work for them. .This is contrary to what the
law originally intended. In Sinjar, tenant cultivators were introduced
mainly because of the financial inability of the settlers to utilize
their land for themselves; therefore, they find it more profitable to
rent to merchants from nearby urban centers. The large plots given to
the.Dujaila settlers, which they could not handle, caused them to employ
assistant farmers and seasonal immigrants from the southern part of Iraq.
This resulted in social differentiation between two distinct classes of
people in the settlement. Children of the season workers and hired hands
are less often sent to local schools, thus perpetuating the lack of edu-

cation of this lower class.

Administration_Problems

The settlement projects have also suffered from.many administrative
problems. The frequent transfer of the agencies responsible fOr adminis-
tration from one Ministry to another and the lack of cooperation and co-
ordination between these agencies has caused serious difficulties. .As
a result, the agencies have been unable to properly assist the settlers.
This situation is well illustrated by Warriner when, with reference to
the Dujaila project, she states that, "The weaknesses in organization
result from a lack of coordination between local needs and the central
authorities. The original conception was sound, but there has obviously
been no sustained interest at the top level. Several different Minis-
tries - Agriculture, Irrigation, Education, Health.- are responsible for

different activities, and neglect them, since there is no organization

2A9
at the settlement itself to co-ordinate their spheres or to urge action
on theauthorities.""9 Mbreover, the highly centralized power, and the
hierarchical system of administration has resulted in great waste of
time and effort on paperwork and payment of very little attention to
planning and rational decisions.

The shortage of experts and technicians has also been a serious
problem to these projects. Iraqi officials often have avoided work in
rural areas, mainly because of inadequate facilities such as recreation,
medical service, etc. . . This has caused high reliance on foreign ex-
perts fOr running the projects and providing the impetus fOr their devel-
Opment. The problem arises as to what will happen if the.foreign agencies
and staff leave the country. In the case of the Dujaila, for example,
the FUndamental Education Program collapsed immediately after the UNESCO
team left. This indicates that in the longhrun the success of any pro-
ject should come through the active participation of the people of the
country.

In spite of all these problems which face the projects, there is
no doubt that those in operation have yielded some good results. In the
Dujaila, for instance, the settlers have been better clothed, housed and
fed than they were before. Settlers of these projects also enjoy a
greater sense of security than they formerly had. Almost without excep-
tion, they do not wish to return to their fbrmer life under the Shaikhs.
The projects have in general indicated the possibilities of creating a
‘well-trained, small land owning class out of landless peasants. Many of

the settlers have become familiar with new crOps and new techniques of

 

w fivf wfir 7* ’— T—V W m.

"9Warriner, op. cit., p. 167.

250
cultivation.

Most important have been the benefits realized from the efforts
of foreign experts associated with the projects. The Iraqi officials
have come to recognize the advantages resulting from their working with
the foreign agencies in the fields of local research, experimentation on
new crOps, irrigation and drainage, the use of proper methods of farm
management, etc. MOreover, the problems and difficulties faced by the
authorities in developing projects in the past indicate what must be done
in the organization of such schemes for success. If bad decisions and
mistakes made before can be avoided in the future, then this will cer-

tainly result in the saving of a great deal of time, money and effort.

Tribal Policy and Settlement, 1958-1961+
The New Agrarian.Reform

As we have previously seen, the dominant results of the proposals
for tribal settlement and agrarian reform initiated during the Turkish
Period, the British Period, and the National Period before 1958'were the
strengthening of feudal influence in tribal areas of Iraq and the ex-
ploitation of the tribesmen. These were among the main factors which
led to the change in the political regime on.July 1A, 1958, the establish-
ment of the Republic, and the subsequent introduction of a new "Agrarian
Reform Law, No. 30, 1958."50

This law was designed to serve three main objectives: (1) to

abolish the feudal system and the political influence of the feudal class;

fit. if "v—v v—f

5ORepu‘blic of Iraq, Agrarian Reform Law and the End of Feudalism
(Baghdad: University Press, 1958), in Arabic. ‘—

251
(2) to raise the standard of living of the major segment of the people,
particularly the peasants; and (3) to raise the level of agricultural
production in the country, as a main component in strengthening the
national economy. To arrive at these objectives there would be: (1) a
limit on size of landownership; (2) distribution of land to the peasants
to ensure a minimum decent standard of living for the fallah family; (3)
establishment of cooperative systems in agriculture; and (h) regulation
of the agricultural relations.

The maximum size of a personal holding of land according to the
law is 1,000 dunums in irrigated areas and 2,000 dunums in rain-fed areas.
‘Agricultural cooperatives are permitted to hold more than the maximum
limit in non-cultivated lands for the purpose of reclamation. The govern-
ment was given the right to seize all excess land within five years, be-
ginning in 1958, and the owners of seized landS‘were entitled to fair
compensation. Seized lands and previously state-owned landS'were to be
distributed to the fallahen so as to provide each with a holding of 30 to
60 dunums in irrigated land, and 60 to 120 dunums in rain-fed areas.

The recipient bf land must be an Iraqi farmer by occupation. First pri-
ority is given to those who formerly cultivated the redistributed lands.
The second most favored group is that of the agricultural workers of the
same area who support the largest families with the least income. Finally ~
the law includes non-residents of the area.

The organization for agrarian reform reserved the right to retain
part of the land for public use, for pasture, and for certain other pur-
poses. The law also provided that all lands granted by £§2m§_and Tapg_
rights will be considered as state land without compensation. What the

new landholder pays for his share of land is to be paid off in

252
installments within a 20 year period. After this, landowners will have
absolute rights over their plots.

By the enactment of the new Land Reform Law of 1958, the following
laws were abolished: (1) Law No. 23 of 1955 regarding the distribution
of lands in the Amara province, (2) Law No. ho of 1952 regarding the
settlement of disputes over state lands granted by Tapu_in the_Mnntafiq
province; (3) Law No. ’43 of 1951 for the development of M__i_1_‘_i_.- gig-f Lands;
(h) Law No. 28 of 1932 concerning the duties and rights of farmers, and
(5) the Tribal Disputes Regulation of the British Period.

The new landholders are required to join the agricultural cooper-
atives which have the following functions: (1) to supply members with
money advances; (2) to provide them with seeds, cattle, agricultural
equipment and storage facilities; (3) to market the principal crops for
the members; and (h) to render all other agricultural and social services.
These cooperatives are also required to be under the supervision of the
government.

The existing tenancy relations between the landlords and the
fallahen are regulated by the law. The landlord has to provide the land
and supply it with enough water. The fallah is responsible fOr plowing,
harvesting, threshing and transporting the crops. The landlord has no
right to move or dismiss the fallah or the farm laborer from the land
against his will, provided that he has performed all of the prescribed
duties properly.

Each year the wages of the agricultural workers will be deter-
mined by a special fiveemember committee formed by the Minister of
Agriculture. In addition, the agricultural workers are granted the
right, for the first time in the history of Iraq, to form unions in order

to defend their interests.

253
Implication of New Agrarian
Reform to Settlement of
the Tribes

Several criticisms have been made of this new agrarian reform law
and its operation. The most important are:

1. Except for classification of land into rainfall and irrigated
land, no explicit consideration is given in the text of the law to dif-
ferences in fertility of soil, location, and/or different levels of
management skill.

2. The land distribution was started before any necessary studies
and surveys relating to the physical characteristics of the land, the
kind of soil and its productive capacity, irrigation and drainage condi-
tion of the areas and other basic features had been initiated. The dis-
tribution also proceeded without socio-economic studies of the recipient
people. Information concerning the living condition of the new landown-
ers, number of persons in their families, their monthly expenditures and
required income should have been available to the authorities to aid
them in assigning the proper sized plots to be distributed.

3. Lack of proper maps, well trained personnel, and transporta-
tion facilities presented serious difficulties in the process of land
seizing and distribution, especially during the early years of the re-
ferm.

h. It is commonly agreed that the repayment within 20 years of
the costs of land and related structures is not enough time and should
be extended to 35 years, and that no payment should be required for the
first 5 years of tenure, during which the farmer should be able to
establish himself on the land.

5. Since proper decisions in farming problems should not be

251+
expected to come from poor peasants, more governmental supervision and
guidance are needed. Otherwise, the productivity of land, the raising
of the income of the fallahen and their permanent settlement will not be
ensured.

6. In one of its provisions, the.Agrarian.RefOrm Law of 1958
provides that the recipient of land must be an Iraqi farmer by occupa-
tion. This means that the nomads are automatically excluded from ac-
quiring rights to land. It is necessary, therefore, that this law be
redefined to benefit these tribes if they are to be settled.

Some of the results of this agrarian refbrm between 1958 and 1963
are indicated in Table 39. By 1963, the area of both state land and
seized land under the supervision of the Agrarian Refbrm Organization
amounted to more than 5.5 million dunums, and a total of 193,395 peasants
had been benefited by land distribution. There is no doubt about the
potential contribution of the new reform law to the permanent settlement
of the landless tribesmen. It should be remembered that the redistribu-
ted land is in areas which were under cultivation befOre the initiation
of the 1958 agrarian refbrm law. The processes of land seizure and re-
distribution are still continuing and more land will be available for
more settlers.

.Another advantage of the law is its creation of small owner-cul-
tivators who receive the benefits of their own labor and thus have more
incentive to increase output. This means that in the short-run they
‘will have higher economic and social status. In the long-run this will
probably lead to a fUrther increase in their efficiency and productivity,
and result in still higher incentive and stardard of living.

A result that the new reform has already achieved is the

255
TABLE 39

LANDS UNDER THE AJMINISTRATION OF THE AGRARIAN REFORM
ORGANIZATION OF IRAQ AND mm OF FALIAHEN
BENEFITED UP TO 19638

 

 

 

“Area of .Area of number of
Province State Land Seized Land Total Area Fallahen

(in dunums) (in dunums) (in dunums) Benefited'
Mosul 1,052,166 915,6hl 1,967,807 h2,138
Arbil 1h8,h22 250,230 398,652 5,933
Karkuk 255.065 85.503 3&0, 568 11.1137
Sulamaniya 53,189 57,292 110,h81 A,299
Baghdad 552,201 233,1h8 785.3h9 25,h5h
Diyala 222,030 165.967 387,997 8,077
Hilla 1,032 1h,809 15,8hl 63h
Karbala ho 13,121 13,161 56h
Dulaim 102,835 7,227 110,062 h,l66
Kut 2h,000 395,310 h19,310 5,896
Amara 636,093 33.132 669,225 50,980
Muntafiq 377.190 17.3% 3911.830 25,321+
Diwaniya 58.398 95,158 153.556 h,977

Basra 23 021 ‘ 6 077 29 098 3 516 .
Total 3,505,582 2,239,955 5,795,937 193.395

gData obtained from the Ministry of.Agrarian Refbrm of Iraq, in

 

1963.

destruction of the feudal system in the rural areas and the reduction of
the economic and political power of the great Shaikhs. Large holdings
and severe exploitation of the cultivator tribesmen no longer exist.

The traditional sharecrOpping system has been abolished and the law is
operating in determining a fair share of the return for each element
required for agricultural production, such as land, and water, capital

and labor.

CHAPTER VII

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR SETTLEMENT

AND IMPROVEMENT OF THE NOMADS

The present nomadic tribes of the Western Region of Iraq are
faced with many economic and social problems. That their difficulties
cannot be solved effectively without eliminating the underlying causes
is obvious. In the pages which follow suggestions and recommendations
are made which, if followed, it is believed would provide partial or
complete solution of the problem of the nomads and assure their settle-
ment. This advice is based on study of: (l) the past experience in the
settlement of the tribes in Iraq, (2) the physical characteristics of the
area, (3) the immediate needs of the tribes and the requirements for
their future development, and (h) the experience of other nations in
dealing with the same problem. The technical aspects involved in im-
plementing the suggestions are beyond the field of this study and should

be investigated in detail by specialists.

Objectives

 

~Since these tribesmen live in arid and semi-arid land, the com-
bination of stock breeding and some fOrm of cultivation is the most
desirable occupation for most of them, apart from the possibility of
some settlement dependent upon industrialization. This agriculture,

whether based on dry farming or irrigation, must be largely on a

256

257
subsistence level and remain secondary to stock raising. The idea of
encouraging some form of a mixed economy for these nomads, accounts for
the recommendations made. Nevertheless, because the physical environment
makes this type of economy impossible in some areas, while in others the
peOple will not accept this way of life, nomadism will remain the occu-
pation of some tribes.

The transition from nomadism to a mixed economy should be a
gradual one. Such a course will make it easier to accomplish a complete
change to settled agriculture where that is possible, and at the same
time it will enable the continuance of pastoral pursuits in suitable
areas. The combination of stock breeding and a subsistence type of
farming also represents a way of life which is more acceptable to the
nomads than pure farming (Pl. IX, Fig. 2). This type of economy, when
rationally guided and encouraged, will assure the tribes the highest and
safest possible standard of living. In fact, the economy of already
settled tribes in Iraq is characterized by the combination of agriculture
and stock breeding, although in this mixed economy agriculture is the
primary economic activity, rather than animal husbandry.

Before 1933 Soviet attempts to settle the nomadic Kazakh in
Central Asia, demonstrated that these tribes did not consider pure agri-
culture to be,a higher and.more profitable fbrm of occupation than stock
breeding. Consequently, the Russian policies since 1933 haVe been based
on combining cattle breeding with agriculture in,a collective farm
economy fer the Kazakh. This new arrangement, called a "roving cattle

economy," consists primarily of cattle breeding.1

lIrene‘Winner, "Some Problems of Nomadism and Social Organization
Among the Recently Settled Kazakhs," Central Asian Review, II (1963)

258

The idea of a mixed economy may be further illustrated by the
1938 British shift of policy in dealing with the tribes of TranSqurdan
and by the recent policy of Israel toward its nomads. In.Trans-Jordan
the original British.Mandate design was to convert the nomads into set-
tled cultivators. The first program, formulated in 1933 by the Trans-
Jordan Department of.Agriculture, provided a tract of land for each of
the Bedouin tribesmen. In addition it called for the distribution of
the necessary requirements for successful agriculture. Yet the nomads
refused to give up animal husbandry and become cultivators. Consequently,
the settlement policy was shifted from full cultivation to a mixed eco-
nomy in which agriculture provided only a supplementary income for the
tribes.2 The new strategy was stated this way: "The objects of the
encouragement of Bedouin cultivation are briefly (a) to broaden the
basis of their economy and to prevent the whole of their livelihood from
depending upon one somewhat fickle form of capital, and (b) to give them
a fixed stake in immovable property in the country, which will be not

only an economic insurance but also a social anchorage."3 As a result

 

1Part I, 250-258. For comparison between the nomads of Southwest
.Asia and Central Asia the reader is referred to Catesby T. Jones, "A
Comparative Study of Northern and Southern Pastoral Nomadism in Asia"
(Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Department of Philosophy, Johns Hopkins
University, 1952); Raphael Patai, "NOmadism: Middle Eastern and Cen-
tral Asian," Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, VII (1951), hOl-hlh;
Elizabeth E. Bacon, "Types of Pastoral Nomadism in Central and SouthweSt
Asia, "Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, X (l95h), hh-65.

2Benjamin Shwadran, Jordan A State of Tension (New York: Council
for Middle Eastern.Affairs Press, 1959), pp. 195-193.

3Ibid., p. 198.

——F

259

of this policy change, the 1938 annual Mandatory Report expressed great
satisfaction that by the end of that year not only every tribe, but also
every section of every tribe in Tranquordan had been put into a position
to carry out some.cultivation.h .According to Glubb, by 1939 one could
,hardly find a nomadic family in.Trans-Jordan that did not own its field
of grain in addition to its flocks.5

.The experience of Israel's settling of the nomads of the Negev is
similar. There, despite the increasing tendency of the tribes to adopt
a settled farming occupation, livestock breeding, mainly sheep, still
remains a very important and growing element in the.economy. .TherefOre,
every encouragement is provided to those tribes which desire to expand
this segment of their occupation.6 It is further estimated that.approxi-
mately 60 per cent of the total incomes of those tribes is derived from

this source, and the rest comes mainly from the sale of surplus crops.7

Principles to Guide Any Settlement Project
The need fbr a logical and comprehensive body of settlement prin-
ciples fbr Iraq's nomads is shown by the past experiences not only in
Iraq, but in other nations such as Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Russia.
In.Saudi Arabia, in 1912, a combination of political and reli-

gious motives prompted Ibn Send to implement a program.f0r the

 

T‘V fiv—v'vfiry fivFvfi wrr—v—vw—v va __v V W v. V ‘—

IRaphael Patai, 'The Kingdom of'Jordan (New'Jersey: Princeton
university Press, 1958), p. 195. ""“‘

 

iJohn B. Glubb, ‘The Story of the Arab Legion (London: By the
Author, l9h8), p. 170.

 

6E. Elath, "The Bedouin of the Negev," Journal of’Royal Central
Asian Societ ,XLv (1958), 135.

 

 

7Ibid., p. 135.

260

settlement of Bedouins in Najd around a number of old water wells. By
1927, the program had grown to include about 100 villages with a total
population of 100,000 people. Many of these villages demonstrated imme-
diate failures, and ultimately the whole scheme was handicapped for
several reasons. ‘TheiPrimary one was that the wells did not yield as
much water as had been expected. Secondly, the concentration of the
nomads into small areas, and the lack of proper sanitation and medical
facilities, resulted in the spread of various kinds of diseases among
them. The social standards of the nomads which prevented them from
accepting cultivation as a way of life, inadequate financial aid, and
the lack of such technical assistance as needed in land clearing and
develOpment of water resources also contributed to the failure.8

During the 1930's the Shah of Iran attempted to settle the nomadic
tribes of‘his country and to break down their tribal organization by
fbrce, without any substitute plan. The results were disastrous. One
writer described the situation: "...in the course of half a dozen years
or more many hundreds of them died from the.effects of disease.or famine,
and (that) their health and morale, especially of the younger generation,
‘were radically'impaired."9

Early Soviet settlement programs for the Kazakh cattle-breeding
nomads provide a third example of the need fbr sound principles. Since
the.Soviets believed that nomadism works against the spread of socialist

ideas and that farming is a higher level of economy than.herding, the

 

fl ‘ Y fl Yv—w Wv— v—vfi r V v fiTv—f ——v v fifi

aMenahem Kapeliuk, "Settling Bedouin in Saudi Arabia: the Story
of An Experiment," Ne: Outloo_k, Tel Aviv, I (1958), 16-21.

901iver Garrod, "The Nomadic Tribes of Persia To-Day," Journal
of Royal Central Asian Socie 1, XXXIII (19%), 3h.

 

261
nomads were forced to settle in limited areas in large numbers. The
results were the death of thousands of animals, social disruption and
10

poverty among the tribesmen, and an eventual return to nomadism.

The author believes that the following guiding principles are
essential in carrying out any settlement or improvement program for the

nomadic tribes of Western Iraq:

1. The plan should provide for a gradual change, involving tran-

sitional stages, rather than a radical shift from a nomadic to a settled
life. It must be remembered that these tribes represent a very old
cultural group with a long history. Consequently, they have developed
a clearly crystallized social pattern with a definite set of attitudes
and behaviour principles toward a peculiar type of natural environment.
Transforming them from nomadism to settled communities is a major oper-
ation involving time, patience, tact, money, planning, and education.
As one authority states with reference to the nomadic tribes of Syria,
"Settlement on a fixed plot of land will not in itself turn the Bedouin
into a farmer or an artisan, fbr sedentarization is a process of gradual
social development and not one of social will or action,"11 Slow de-
velopment, then, is the safest,1m3stlogical, and most practical approach.
2. The obtaining of voluntary cooperation of the tribes concerned
should be the basis of any measure proposed for their settlement or
development. Success cannot be guaranteed without gaining their full

support and participation. Centralized planning and administration of

 

1°"Stabilization of the Nomads," Central Asian Review, VII (1959),
226.227.

llAdnan Mahhouk, "Recent Agricultural DevelOpment and Bedouin

Settlement in Syria," Middle East Journal, x (1956), 176. See also
Afif I. Tannous, "The Arab Tribal Community in a Nationalist State,"
Middle East Journal, I (19w), 12-17.

 

 

262
projects are necessary; but the needs, the desires, and the experiences
of the tribesmen should be taken into serious consideration in such
planning. .A special effort should be made to convince the Shaikhs and
subleaders that the proposed measures are for the benefit of their people,
and that their cooperation is essential to ensure success.

3. The program should take into consideration not only animal
husbandry and farming in the narrow sense, but also all elements of com-
munity life. It is obvious that pastoral nomadism is a total'way of life,
as is settled farming. T0 transform these people from one to another is
a tremendous task which involves change or modification of almost all
aspects of living. A settlement project, therefore, should not concen-
trate on one of these aspects to the exclusion of the others. In addi-
tion to those supplying enough water, land, implements, and other factors
required for agriculture, any plan should contain provisions fbr housing,
credit facilities, schooling, community welfare and a total coordination
of the proposed settlement's activities. In other words, the problem
calls for comprehensive planning. .Absence of this will create a troubled
community, constituting more of a national liability than an asset. The
transformation of the already settled tribesmen of Iraq from free desert
nomads into peasant sharecroppers with no improvement of living standards,
underlines the dangerous consequences of the lack of comprehensive pro-
gramming.

h. An enlightened project should be based on the fellow-up con-
cept. The granting of basic services and facilities for tribal trans-
formation is fundamental, but it is also necessary that from the start
.a long-term program of extension services should be devised. This should

be designed to perform several essential functions. It should assure

263
that the services and facilities granted to settlers are being effectively
utilized, altering the old patterns of behavior to better ways of doing
things. In addition, it should keep the authorities and experts in con-
stant toudh with the problems which arise in the new settlement and pre»
vent these from becoming critical in the life of the settlers.

5. The project should be inspired and tested at every stage by
the ultimate objective of raising the nomads' standard of living and
thereby their economic contribution to the nation. In initiating any
measure, the question should be asked: does the proposal actually aim
at bettering the welfare of the tribes concerned and assure improvement
in their health, food, housing, education, and other amenities of life?
Considering the physical environment and their present pastoral occupa-
tion, the second question that should be asked is whether the proposed
scheme offers the nomads a sound basis for long-run progressive settle-
ment.

6. Any measure for tribal settlement must remain the concern of
the government. Only on very rare occasions can initiative be expected
.from the nomads themselves. This must come from the government which
should carry the responsibility of providing and supervising all possible
teChnical, material, and moral aids. Furthermore, without adequate ad-

ministrative control by the authorities, it would be extremely difficult,

if not impossible, to attain success.

Practical Steps Toward Settlement
and DevelOpment of the_Nomads

 

 

Keeping in mind the previous discussion and the principles enu-
merated above, the author believes that a beginning for the settlement
of the nomadic tribes of“Western Iraq can be made by taking the

following steps.

261+
Establishment of a Research Organization

It is clear that the prOblem.of settlement of the nomads is very
complex, and its solution requires overcoming diverse physical and
social difficulties. To deal with all aspects of the problem must be
the responsibility of a team of experts drawn from all the relevant
fields, such as climatology, hydrology, soil science, botany, animal
husbandry, agriculture, engineering, economics, and sociology. The
.division of responsibility of these experts, if carefully planned within
a research institute, would assure cooperative work and eliminate both
duplication of effbrt and the overlooking of any part of the prOblem.
Through their integrated efforts, this research group could accurately
determine the suitability of the soil fer different uses, the available
water supply and natural vegetation, and the potential of other physical
elements which affect settlement. In suCh a broad development as arid
lands require, Cressey claims that it is the responsibility of the geo-
grapher to correlate the data and introduce suggestions.l2

In both Egypt and Israel, for instance, settlement of the no-
madic tribes has been aided by the establishment of such Desert Research
Institutes. These institutes are assisted by other agencies. The Cairo
Institute fbr Desert Research in Egypt is aided by the Department of
Sociology and Social Anthropology in the Egyptian Universities, and by
government agencies such as the Department of Desert Irrigation. These
institutions have coordinated efferts to study the economic and social

conditions of the nomads of the Western Desert of Egypt, and the

George B. Cressey, "Water in the Desert ,".Annalsvofrthe Asso-
ciation of American Geographers, XLVII (1957), 12A.

 

 

265
possibility of their transformation to settled people.l3 Consequently,
several tribal settlement projects such as Wadi Al-Natrun, the Qattara,
and the Ras Al-Hikma in the Western Desert have been established. These.
projects are intended to develop ground water resources, to preserve the
rain for irrigation, stock watering and domestic purposes, to increase
the cultivated area of the desert, to improve the pastoral resources in
areas where agriculture is not practical, to improve the existing primi-
tive crafts of the tribes, and to establish new industries.

In Israel also, settlement of the nomads of the Negev has been
accelerated by the combined efforts of experts of the Israeli Desert
Research Institute and research workers drawn from various agencies.
Among these are the Ministry of Agriculture, the Ministry of Development,
the Government Department of Antiquities, the.Department of Meteorolo-
gical Service, the Hebrew University, and the Weizman Institute of
Science.11+ These agencies are carrying on extensive research to encour-
age the Bedouin tribes of the Negev to change their nomadic and semi-no-
madic life into that of permanent settlers.15 The measures adopted
include increasing the supply of water for irrigation and other uses,
introduction of modern agricultural techniques, leasing of land to
Bedouin families, and development of the pastoral and animal resources
of the tribes. In addition, the settlers are provided with long—term

loans, the benefits of agricultural cooperatives, and medical and

 

l3A. M..AbouéZeid, "The Sedentarization of Nemads in the'Western
Desert of Egypt," International Social Science Journal, XI (1959) 55C.

 

” l”Michael Evenari and Dov Koller, "Desert Agriculture: Problems
and Results in Israel," Gilbert F. White (ed.), The Future of Arid Lands
(washington, D.C.: The American Association for the AdvanCement of

Science. 1956), pp. 391-392.

15Norman Bentwich, "Development in the Negev," Journal of Royal
Central Asian Society, XLII (1955), 176-183.

 

 

266

educational services.16 In spite of the scope of aid provided the
nomads in Israel, many writers feel that even more attention should be
devoted to the problem.17

The efforts of experts in both Egypt and Israel have resulted in
considerable improvement in.the material life of the tribes and in pro-
moting a spontaneous tendency toward settlement. .According to AboueZeid,
the nomads of the'Western Desert of Egypt numbered_about 68,000 in l9h7.
By 1959 this had been reduced to about 2h,000 peOple.18 In Israel, the
nomadic population was reduced from 103,000 in 1922 to only 27,000 in
l96l.l9 Other sources indicate the number of the nomads of the Negev

Desert alone was about 90,000 in 1916,20 during the British Mandate

Period, and were estimated to number only lh,000 to 1959.21

Development of Surface‘Water Resources
There are, in the region under consideration, possibilities for

the development of and better utilization.of water resources. Where

 

HWY v—V fi if v Wfiwvv—‘fiw . vyvv

l6Elath, op. cit., pp. l3l-lh0. See also Israel.Hertz "The
Bedouin .of the Negev, New Outloo_k, Tel Aviv, III (1960), 30-31.

 

17Mussa Al-Atawna, "What the Bedouin Want, " New Outlook, Tel
Aviv, III (1960), 15-18.

l8Ab‘ou—Zeid,op. cit., pp. 551-552.

19D. H. K. Amiran and Y. Ben-Arieh, "Sedentarization of Beduin
in Israel," IsraellErploration Journal, XIII (1963), 162.

20Semi W} Dajani, "The Enumeration of the Beersheba Bedouins in

May 19%, "Population Studies, 1 (19h7-l9h8), 301.

21H. v. Muhsam, "Sedentarization of the Bedouin in Israel,"
Igternational Social Science Journal, XI (1959), 5hl.

267
these exist it is obviously desirable to efficiently utilize water for
domestic purposes, for livestock watering, and for the cultivation of
fodder crops. The fodder so produced should be used to build up dry“
season reserves for the animals, and should be the basis of a settled
form of animal husbandry. The production of fodder reserves, of course,

depends upon the optimum development of water resources.

Water Supply of the Tigris and the Euphrates

During a normal year the water supply of the Tigris-Euphrates
rivers amounts to 73,hlh million cubic meters of water (Table #0). Of
this amount 6k per cent (h7,00h million cubic meters) is supplied by
the Tigris and its tributaries, and the remaining 36 per cent (26,h10
million cubic meters) by the Euphrates. In a dry year, the water supply
of the two rivers is estimated to be about 50,000 million cubic meters.

A great part of the water supply of the two rivers is withdrawn
and consumed in the Mesopotamian Plain. This region uses about 65 per
cent (h7,675 million cubic meters) of the average yearly water supply
of both rivers (Table #0). Nearly all of this water is being used for
irrigation. The remaining 35 per cent (25,739 million cubic meters) of
the yearly supply, flows to the Persian Gulf, where it is wasted (Table
#0). During dry years, a shortage of water occurs in the Tigris basin
in all months except January and February, whereas in the Euphrates
basin, about half of the minimum supply is sufficient for the required
consumption and the rest is dissipated.

It is proposed that, when the flood control schemes are completed,
an amount of 7,700 million cubic meters of water out of the annual
25,739 million cubic meters which now flows to the Persian Gulf without

use will be reserved for irrigation. Nevertheless, there will still be

268

TABLE LO

THE PRESENT YEARLY WATER BUDGET OF THE TIGRIS AND THE
EUPHRATES RIVERSa

(In Million Cubic Meters)

 

 

 

 

 

River Yearly supply Yearly_USe Dissipated Yearly
Average Minimum Average Dry Year

Tigris h7,00h 31,000 38,068b 8,936 -7,000
Euphrates 26,h10 19,000 9,607 16,803 yggggz;
T0173]- 73: (+11“ 50:000 (+7.9675 25.9739 +2) 593

 

aCompiled from‘Wafiq Hussain Al-Khashab, The Water Budget of the
Tigris and Euphrates Basin (Ph. D. dissertation, Department of Geography,
The University of Chicago, Chicago: By the Author, 1958), pp. 80-81.

 

bThis estimated amount, theoretically exceeds the minimum yearly
supply. This gives the impression that in dry years all the water avail-
able in the Tigris is consumed. This is not the case because some farmers
during dry years give up the idea of cultivation.

18,039 million cubic meters of water wasted each year. Of this, 13,603
million cubic meters will be from the Euphrates River supply.

Another way'water is wasted is through inefficient irrigation
methods and especially by uncontrolled'water diversion. It has been
stated that efficient irrigation of crops requires only about 6,000
million cubic meters per year.22 The amount of water actually applied
through irrigation canals totals h6,000 million cubic meters. Thus, a
waste of h0,000 million cubic meters of water occurs every year. Some
of this can be considered as economically justified, but unjustified

waste is calculated by Al-Khashab to be 36,000 million cubic meters of

22Wariq Hussain Al-Khashab, The Water Budget of the Tigris and
Euphrates Basin (Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Geography, The Uni-
versity of Chicago, Chicago: By the Author, 1958), pp. 86-87.

 

269

water annually.23

Much of the water wasted through inefficient irrigation methods
raises the water table, or works its way either as surface or sub-surface
flow to the swamps of central and southern Iraq. Most of the underground
water comes from the unlined irrigation canals and deep percolation from
the flooduirrigated fields. Although this water eventually is either
evaporated or returns to streams it creates certain problems in the pro-
cess. Seepage'water, raising the water table, has caused an increasing
concentration of harmful salts in the soil, with result that a consider-
able area of land has been abandoned in central and southern Iraq because
of salinization. The saline condition of the soil, in turn, ferces the
farmers to use excessive amounts of water to wash out the salt in order
to cultivate the land, but at the cost of raising the water table again.
Consequently, high expenditures on drainage projects are required to re-
duce the danger of salinization. About $8M million for drainage works
in the presently irrigated lands of Iraq was allocated in 1961. More-
over, the swamps constitute a source of many epidemic diseases affecting
the people living in the marshy, irrigated areas. Approximately 90 per
cent of the bilharizia cases, 75 per cent of the ankylostomiasis cases,
and over 70 per cent of the malaria cases in Iraq are found among the

peOple living south of Baghdad, where most of the swamps are located.2h

The excess water resources of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers,

instead of being wasted, could be used to irrigate considerable areas of

 

2 .
3Ibid., p. 87.
2hIRepublic of Iraq, Ministry of Planning, Central Bureau of
Statistics, Statistical Abstractyl96l (Baghdad: Zahra Press, 1962),
pp. 36h-3660 I

270
the Alluvial Plain, the Western Desert, and the Jezira. First priority
should be given to the irrigation of the Alluvial Plain. In the author's
opinion, the following possibilities should be considered in supplying

fwater to these areas.

Utilization of the Tigris Water Supply

Eski MosulDam.--Studies of the Development Board have proved the

 

possibilities of erection of two dams on the Tigris River north of Mosul;
namely the Dairich and the Eski Mosul Dam (Fig. 13). However, it appears
that the government is not interested in the initiation of these projects.
The author feels that both should be reconsidered and a start made to
erect at least the ESki Mosul Dam. This would permit reclamation of‘a
considerable area of fertile land in the northern section of the Jezira
for settlement of nomads.

There are several advantages favoring completion of the Eski Mesul
project. It will make possible irrigation of about 1,000,000 dunums of
good (first and second class) land near the city of Mosul.25 rThe soil
here is both irrigable and not salinated. Its proper utilization would
facilitate conservation of soil and grazing resources. The dam would
help to nourish the ground water through percolation. It would also
protect the city of Mosul and other downstream areas against the flood-
ing.of the Tigris River. It has been stated that present flood control
schemes, including the DOkan, Derbendi Khan, and Wadi Tharthar, do not

promise adequate protection against Tigris flow of more than 75 per cent

_fi‘rv—v ‘fivv v_.,——‘Y V W Vfi v _v

25Food and.Agriculture Organization of the United Nations,
Mediterranean Development Project, Country Report, Iraq (Rome: By the
Organization, 1959), Chapter III, p. 8.

271
of the probable maximum flood peak.26 Finally, construction of Eski
Mosul will provide jobs to the tribes of the area.

The Ishaqi Project.--This project may be initiated to irrigate the
southeastern section of the Jezira, which is one of the most promising
areas for development in the whole Western Region. If watered, the allu-
vial soil of the area can provide much opportunity for cultivation and
settlement. The water could be diverted to the area by utilizing the
high level of the Tigris River north of Samarra Barrage. When this pro-
ject is completed an area of 680,000 dunums can be reclaimed.27

The Tharthar'Project.-~At the present time this facility is used

 

to store excess flow of the Tigris in the flood season. A.great deal of
the water is lost as seepage through cracks in its bed. This has raised
the water table and created a large area of swamps in fermerly cultivated
lands south of the project. Even some localities near Baghdad have been
affected by the seepage, especially during flood seasons. In addition,
a great amount of the stored water is lost through evaporation. It
seems, therefore, that it might be possible to utilize the water of this
project to irrigate the surrounding areas of the Plain of Jezira, espe-
cially those areas southeast of the project, by the use of pumping
methods or pipeline. Electricity generated by the dam could operate a
water pumping complex, thus making irrigation possible. If part of the
reserved 6.8 billion cubic meters of this water is used for irrigation,
it will bring large areas of desert land under cultivation; however,

26EEE§c2 Chapter III, pp. 6-7.

.27_I_bii._, Chapter IV, 1). 11; also J. A. Salter, Develgpment of

Iraq: .A Plan for Action (Baghdad: The Development Board, 19537;- 1
pp. 180-1810 fl V

 

272

much investigation is needed to test this possibility.

Utilization of the Euphrates Water Supply

more than half of the annual water supply of the Euphrates River is
‘wasted during both normal and.dry years. The.Babbaniya reservoir is the
.Only storage unit on this river. Consequently, additional projects must
be initiated to get maximum benefit of its water resources. There are
some possible dam sites within the Iraqi Border. Most important are the
Khan Baghdadi north ole t and the Rawa near the town of‘Rawa (Fig. 13).
The development of these sites to store excess water of the Euphrates
fer the irrigation of adjacent areas may provide advantages similar to
those of the Eaki Mosul and Tharthar projects.

Babbaniya Project.--This reservoir presently is not capable of

 

capturing all the excess water of the Euphrates. Its capacity is 2.3
,billion cubic meters of water. Surplus water is relieved to the.Abu
.Dibbis depression, about 60 kilometers north of the city of Karbala,
where it is wasted (Fig. 13). IMuch of the excess is lost during the
spring flood. The Abu Dibbis depression contains too much salt to be
usable as a'water storage area. It has been reported that in the spring
of 1955, the salt content of the water of this depression was 9,000

parts per million.28

In addition, the depression's water storage capa-
bility is not favorable because of its shallowness. It might be feasi-
ble to spread the exceSwaater of the Habbaniya» project to adjacent

lands without using the Abu Dibbis depression. This possibility should

 

‘— 7* W V v 7 I‘v—r w fiver V

28P.Buringh, Soil and Soil Conditions in Iraq (Baghdad: The
Mdnistry of Agriculture, 1960), p. 202.

 

273

be studied.

Bahr Al-Najaf Project.--Bahr Al-Najaf is a broad depression with
an area of 20,000 acres, located just west of the city of Najaf (Fig. 3).
It can be supplied with water from the Euphrates River. The economic
and technical feasibility of this project has been determined by the
Development Board. It has been reported that its initiation may cost
27h,000 dinars, but its benefit is estimated at about 3,620,000 dinars.
The ratio of the benefit to the cost was calculated to be 13.2.29 The
project has the merit of reclaiming about 15,000 acres of land.

In addition to the above mentioned projects, there is a great
possibility of irrigating the Alluvial Plain along the west bank of the
Euphrates River. However, in doing this, great attention should be de-

voted to the drainage problem because the water table is high and the

land is low.

The USe of Pipelines

There are many ways to convey available water. The use of pipes
is one. At present, in the arid and semi-arid regions of the United
States irrigators are relying more and more on the use of concrete pipes
for water distribution. Thousands of miles of these lines are being
used in the western states.30 Most of the irrigation system in Israel
also depends on this method. The Israelis have built several pumping

stations which lead into a spectacular series of canals, tunnels, and

 

2gcovernment of Iraq, Development Board, Development of the
Tigris-Euphrates Valley, (Baghdad: AleAni Press, 195A), p. 2h.

 

30Orson'w. Israelsen, Irrigation Principles and Practices (New
York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1958), pp. 16h-165.

27A
concrete pipelines up to nine feet in diameter to carry'water from the
Sea of Galilee to the new settlement in the barren Negev Desert 150
miles to the south.

The use of pipes fer conveying irrigation water has several advan-
tages over the use of open canals. Pipes are better adapted to irregular
topographic conditions and their use makes possible better control and
regulation of the quantity of‘water that is delivered to the fields.
Moreover, this method prevents loss of‘water through evaporation and
seepage. True, the initial installation cost of a pipe system can be
expensive, but it might be worthwhile to try this method in supplying
Tigris and Euphrates water to some carefully selected areas of the west-
ern Region of Iraq. Experience in Israel shows that it is economically
feasible to lift water by pipes up to an elevation of 600 feet above the
source. If this method is applied to the Western.Region of Iraq, cer-
tain areas within such elevation limits might be provided with water.

Even though installation of a pipeline system is costly, the
method could easily be experimented with by using already existing sys-
tems. There are two unused oil pipelines with diameters of 12 and 16
inches, which pass across the Euphrates and over the northern section of
the Western Desert; there are also four pumping stations along these
lines. The stations, K-3, H-1, H-2, and H-3, are shown in Figure 11.
The pipelines and the stations are located near Wadi Hauran. Since
191:.8 the pipelines and three of the pumping stations (H-1, H-2, and H-3)
have been unused (Pl. X., Fig. 2).

The author feels that the use of these pipelines to convey water
from the Euphrates River to the western Desert should be investigated.

Since fuel could be supplied from nearby oil fields, the cost of pumping

the water should not be prohibitive. Furthermore, the inherent fertility

275

of the area justifies irrigation if this is possible.

The USe of Sprinklers

 

Although this aspect of irrigation has never been tried in Iraq,
its consideration should not be excluded. Recently, this method has
come into more frequent use for irrigating arid lands and also fer pro-
viding supplementary irrigation in the humid regions of the United States
and other countries. The widespread use of sprinklers is mainly due to
the invention of inexpensive lightaweight aluminum pipes. The sprinkler
system, when properly installed and operated, has several advantages.
It can be used on all soil types, on land of widely different topography
and slopes, and for various kinds of crops. This method is especially
desirable for irrigating soils having high infiltration rates, shallow
soils whose topography prevents proper leveling for surface irrigation
methods, and areas having steep lepes and erosive soils. Consequently,
application this way saves water and labor, protects soils, and usually
increases crop production over any other method.31

Under these conditions, the sprinkler irrigation concept might
‘well be applied to the hilly subregion of the Jezira. It may also be
used successfully in the northern section of the Western Desert in com-
bination with the now unused pipelines, and in irrigating the sandy soil
of the Dibdibba subregion. The Cost of installing sprinkler systems in
these areas may be high, but the possible benefits would no doubt justify

such expenditures.

The economic feasibility of a pilot project in the northern section

 

31Tyler H. Quackenbush and Dell G. Shockley, "The Use of Sprinklers
for Irrigation," Water, the Yearbook of Agriculture, 1955 (Washington,
D.C.: Government Printing Office), p. 267.

276
of the Jezira has been explored byAl-Khashab.32 He believes that one
of the immediate benefits which would result is the saving of‘water. He
states that in order to irrigate a square meter of land in southern Iraq
by the conventional canal method, an average of 1.2 cubic meters of water
is consumed. However, an average of only 0.7 cubic meters would be con-
sumed irrigating a square meter in the Jezira by the sprinkler method.
Therefore, for every acre of land in the Jezira irrigated with sprinklers,
instead of by canals, 2,000 cubic meters of water could be saved. The
cost of installing such an irrigation system for one acre in the south is
about $86; in the Jezira it would range from $75 to about $87.33 USe of
sprinkler irrigation in the Jezira would improve the quality and quantity

of the ground water through deep seepage of unmineralized water. In ad-
dition, return flow from the water diverted for irrigation of this area

could possibly be used again in the lower parts of Iraq, depending upon

its quality. Year round cultivation in the Jezira would be possible.
More specific study and perhaps the initiation of a pilot project are

needed to determine the validity of these benefits.

Increased USe of Natural Precipitation

Water Spreading
Although rainfall in the Western Region of Iraq, and especially
in the Western Desert, is scarce, the sudden downpours, the limited per-

colation of water in the soil, and the resulting excessive runoff, often

cause tremendous flash floods in the wadis. In the Negev Desert of

 

33A1-Khashab, op. cit., pp. 95-100.

33
Ibid., p. 99.

 

277
Israel, for example, it is not unusual after a rainfall of as little as
10 millimeters on the watershed, to have 30,000 cubic meters of water

per hour crash through a wadi.3h

Although no measurements of runoff are
available for western Iraq, in the Upper Wadian subregion of the Western
Desert, it has been stated that within a few hours, runoff in wadi beds
often reaches a depth of about one meter during the rainy seasons. These
great quantities of'water are lost, but not until after they have caused
extensive soil erosion. PoSsible answers to this problem are the erection
of various types of dams, dykes, terraces, and all other workable water
spreading techniques to slow the movement of the water (Figure 1h). In
order to effect successful water spreading, the topographical character-
istics of each locality must first be studied.

In this respect, the Israeli experience in the Negev is worth
discussing. The steep narrow tributary wadis of this desert are altered
by constructing a series of'broad terraces across their courses (Fig. 1h).
The terraces range in height from 25-50 centimeters and become plots for
wheat and pasture.35 The stone edges are reinforced by planting bushy
vegetation on their front. The plants resist flood flow, slow the move-
ment of‘water over the surface, thus encouraging the accumulation of
soil, and eventually provide grazing resources. Due to the stronger flow
and larger amounts of water in the main wadis, they have been treated
differently. Small earth dams are built across the course of each wadi
following the contour. Each dam is terminated by a spillway which is

located at the.opposite ends of successive dams (Figure 1h). This

 

__v v—— —r v—V W W

3hEvenari and Keller, op. cit., p. #03.

35Ibid., p. non.

278

 

 

FLOOD WATER IRRIGATION IN TRIBUTARY AND MAIN WADIS
(SCHEMATIC)

Gt"; 0,”.

A r n

   

  
         
     
  
    

that
\
3‘.-

    

~\ .
'~\“'\\§‘}

\

A. nmmnr HAD: (scamrzc)

a. TRIM“! HAD: (Pun VIII)

e. no» m1 us: (run vnw)

1. 310!“ sun! on com Ln:

2. was numncmn

3. CULTIVATSD mine: 1- nm com;

1:. STOHB SPILLIA!
IODIPIED PRO!!! IICHAEL “SHARK AID DOV 10“.”!!! AGIICULTURII

5. EARTH D!!! OK Corral! LXI! PROBLEM AND RESULTS Ill ISRAEL.‘ GILBIR'I' P. VII" (31).). T53 my“
Q: .EID LANw (WASHINGTON B.C.l m MIC“ ASSOCIATIOI POE fl!
6. POND” ARIA I)! um COUBI ADVANCE!“ P SCIENCE, 1956).

‘0!!!”on O? M

 

Fig. 11+

 

279
artificially creates a much gentler slope, slowing the velocity of the
runoff considerably and spreading it over a larger area of the wadi bed.
Soil erosion is thus reduced, and the water has more time to percolate
and moisten deeper layers of the ground.

The problem of water conservation in broad wadis characterized by
deep channels was solved by the ancient Nabataeans and Byzantines in the
Desert of Negev.36 They built series of dams across the deep channels to
raise the water level so that it would spill over terraces alongthe
,sides. Stone conduits were also built upstream from the dams to divert
flood water to high cultivated terraces downstream.

Basic ideas and techniques similar to those used in the Israeli
experiments for utilizing surface runoff have been employed in the
Eastern Desert of’Jordan, in Western Pakistan, in the Western Desert of
Egypt, in the Libyan Desert, and in the Western arid and semi-arid
regions of the United States, especially in Arizona, Texas, and Cali-
fornia. The water spreading methods applied in these countries have
yielded successful results, particularly with respect to the production
of grasses for pasture. In.Jordan, for example, 63 earth dykes with a
total length of 65 kilometers were constructed in 195%, affecting an
area of 17,000 dunums in the Eastern Desert close to the Iraqi boundry.
Each dunum produced A tons of green grass in rainy seasons which was

used as fodder for the animals of the nomads.37

 

_v—v vH v V Vfi— V __v Wfir Y 7 fi—w ~ f

36MichaelEvenari and Dov Koller, "Ancient Masters of the Desert,"
Scientific_Americg, CLXLIV (1956), 3945.

37Mohammad I. Al-Hindi, "The Modern Methods of Utilizing Runoff
Water and the Development of Pasture Resources fer the Settlement of the
Bedouin Tribes," Arab League, Department of Health and Social Affairs,
Fourth Social Seminar of the Arab States, Baghdad, May 6 to 21, 1951+
(Cairo: Dar Al-Hana ‘PreE's‘, 19511), pp. 288-289.

 

280
In West Pakistan, in 1963, water spreading was conducted on 3,000

acres of the Dera Ismail district, near the Suleman Hills.38

The pro-
ject was sponsored jointly by the Forest Department of Pakistan and the
United States Agency for International Development. More than 200 small
dams and dykes were erected to store and spread runoff'water to nourish
starving grass roots. The cost was only $20 per dam. The test area soon
became rich pasture land, in spite of the small amount of rainfall. The
native grass grew 30 inches high and provided fine hay. It has been re-
ported that during the fall of 1963, villages of the project harvested an
extra one million pounds of hay with a cash value of about $10,000, as a
result of this technique. This is an example of what can be accomplished
in arid lands when the local authorities, the inhabitants of the area,
and the personnel of foreign agencies work as a team on a development
project.

In Iraq, none of the water spreading techniques discussed have
been attempted. Since the Wadian section of the Western Desert and much
of the Jezira are characterized by suitable topography, the author feels

that such an approach should be tried, if on only an experimental basis.

The construction of even a pilot project may produce enough pasture land
to induce some of the nomadic tribes of the area to settle. The initia-
tion of such schemes, however, requires a detailed survey of the physical

conditions to select proper sites. This should be the responsibility of

irrigation planners.

Enlargement of Natural Depressions

Another possible measure which could be carried out in Iraq is the

_nl

38The State Journal, (Lansing, Michigan), June 7, 196A.

281

enlargement and deepening of carefully selected natural depressions,
which during rainy seasons form rain-pools (Pl. I, Fig. 1). With a little

effort these could be turned into reservoirs imponding runoff water for
domestic use and the watering of animals during and after the rainy months.
These should be sited near water spreading projects so as to be used in
conjunction with the grazing lands as watering points for the livestock.
This practice had been tried in the Eastern Desert of‘Jordan and
in the Negev of Israel. In Jordan, where four depressions have been en-
larged and improved, one million gallons of runoff'water was contained
and used for stock watering in 1954. Because of the success of this

project, additional ones have been planned.39

There is.a great possibi-
lity for such improvement in arid areas, although the high evaporation
losses may act as a deterrent. On the other hand, recent investigations
in Australia fer the reduction of evaporation losses by using cetyl
alchohol and related compounds, to form a thin film on the water surface,
raise new hope for the conservation of water in arid lands. These ex-
periments have proved highly successful. Tests in Victoria showed an
average of 50 per cent reduction in evaporation for a period of eighteen

1+0

months.

Repair of Water Tanks

 

Cleaning and repairing the previously mentioned 17 artificial
masonry tanks in the Western Desert is another possible measure to in-

crease the water supply of the area and thereby improve the condition of

 

39A1=Hindi, op. cit., p. 289.

“OErank Dixey "Variability and Predictability of Water Supply,"
Gilbert F. White (ed.), The Future of Arid Iggds (Washington, D.C.: The
American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1956), pp. 131-132.

 

282
nearby nomads (Pl. I, Fig. 2). The benefits will justify the cost, since
each tank was originally capable of holding 30,000 cubic feet of water.
In Jordan where the authorities have realized the usefulness of such tanks,
four masonry ones have been repaired and 5 million gallons of water have
been thereby'made available for domestic and livestock purposes.1+1 .Judged
by the Jordan experience, if repaired, the 17 tanks in the Western Desert
of Iraq will store more than 20 million gallons of rain water. If reno-
vation of the old tanks proves successful, it may be desirable to build
others in the area, each of which could serve as a nuclei of settlement.
Since the existing tanks are relatively small, it might be feasible to
cover them in order to reduce evaporation, and at the same time protect
the stored water against pollution and contamination (Pl. V, Figs. 1 and

2).

Development of Ground'Water Resources

As previously indicated, ground water is the main source of water
supply in the interior of Western Iraq. In the full development of this
resource lies another hope of increasing water available in the area.
'Water obtained from underground must, apart from any question of econo-
mics, satisfy two conditions: (1) it must have a quality, judged by its
dissolved mineral constituents, acceptable to man for his own drinking,
for watering his livestock, and for the irrigation of his crops, and (2)
it must be produced in sufficient quantity.

The quality of ground water in Western Iraq is shown in Figure 15.

This map delineates the areas within which the ground waters are of equal

 

__ “V—vfi—v ‘— fl

l“Al-Hindi, op. cit., p. 289.

283

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
 
  

 

   

 

3’8" 410° 4'2 0 4'4 0 4'60 4'8‘,
QUALITY OF GROUND WATER
THE WESTERN REGION
~38° IRAQ 339i
_ TOTAL SOLUBLE SALTS CONTENT
’ f (In Parts Per Million)
. ”I < 1000 REM.
~360 "mam moo-3000 REM. sonfi
....... 5
- ’ . .;.;.;.:.;.: 3000-6000 REM.
a}? .53. - “ i 3’- > 6000 REM.
JEE? .. 9
pk ...?“ """ ' *7,- REPRESENTATIVE DUG WELLS”
‘1‘ m. g DRILLED WELLS(o), AND SPRINGSR)
. 9,, SHOWING TOTAL SOLUBLE SALTS
IN REM. .
~34° 34..
»3 2° 32?-
9'.
4
. -. -. ',.-‘:.§:E [‘4’
DATA 730m mun n. masons c0.. "- . .3. _, "EWEQ'IIKE: q’6
'3 0° L03 - .. -
ANGELESI GOVERNHEN 0 MO. H N 0? RLOPKEN‘I'.
1957).
PERSIAN
. , 4" GULF
0 75 150 K M. '\.ZON§./'
L l 1 \.’.
A.R.H.
410° 412° 414° 433° 413°

 

 

 

28A

or nearly equal salinity. It indicates that high concentrations of salts
prevail through Western Iraq, except in parts of the Western Desert
area to the west, southwest, and in the dune area, and in the southeastern
corner of the Jezira. The great thickness and vast expanse of surface
mantle and bed rock containing soluble minerals such as magnesium sulfate,
calcium sulfate, sodium chloride, and calcium carbonate are the source of
mineral concentration in the ground water of Iraq. When rain percolates
through these sediments, or when runoff traverses them, the minerals are
taken into solution, imparting undesirable characteristics to the water.

Despite the lack of general agreement on the limits, the tolerance
of human beings, plants, and animals to these salts is not great and
concentrations above these points become increasingly toxic. It has been
pointed out that in an arid region, water with a salinity of h,000 parts
of mineral by weight per million is acceptable to man. Fer short periods
even a figure of 5,000 parts is endurable.1L2 Domestic animals are even
more tolerant. In Western Australia, for example, experience shows that
the maximum allowable totals of soluble salts in drinking water fOr
horses, cattle, and sheep are 5,500, 10,000, and 15,500 parts per million
respectively.)+3 The united States Department of Agriculture gives the
following standards for classifying irrigation water (see Table #1).

Thus, it appears that most plants are less tolerant of mineralized
water than is man or his animals. There is no doubt that the figures

given for plants are general, however, and some easing of their stringency

 

F Y ‘— _—

h2F. w. Shotton, "The Availability of Underground water in Hot
Deserts," J. L. Claudsby Thompson (ed.), Biology: of Deserts (London:
Institute of Biology, l95h), p. 1h.

“3

 

Ibid., p. 1h.

285
is permissible in semi-arid areas, where there is sufficient rainfall to
leach out some of the accumulating salts. It is also certain that plants

vary widely in their resistance to salty water.

TABLEJ-ll

STANDARDS FOR IRRIGATION WATERa

 

Total Salt Content

 

Rating Grade (ppm)
1 Excellent Less than 250
2 Good 250-750
3 Permissible 750-2,000
h Doubtful 2,000-3,000
5 Unsuitable 8 More than 3 ,OOO

 

j, — v fi vfiv—Y—V w—r

8'L. V. Wilcox, "The Quality of Water for Irrigation Use," United
States Department of Agriculture, Technical Bulletin, No. 962 (Washington,
D. 0.: Government Printing Office, 196), p. 27 .

 

The date palm, certain forage crops such as salt grasses, Bermuda
grass, Canada wild rye, alfalfa, and legumes and cereals used primarily
for pasture or hay are examples of plants with high salt tolerance. 0n
the other hand, tomatoes, rice, and forage plants such as clover, barley
(hay), birdsfoot trefail, and Sudan grass are considered plants with
lower salt tolerance}lJJr In the Western Desert of Iraq, date palm, alfalfa,

and barley have been grown in the Shathatha Oasis on ground water having

 

v—v—r ' v v ‘— ‘r

MLC. E. Miller and L. M. Turk, Fundamentals of Soil Science (New

York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1951), p. 1.32.

 

 

286
3 ,OOO ppn. salt concentration without definitely determined adverse effect.
In the Jezira small scale irrigation is presently practised which uses
water with up to 5,000 ppm. total soluble salts. The produce is chiefly
green, leafy vegetables, tomatoes, and to a minor extent, melons and
rice."5 In another case even water having 7,100 ppm. total dissolved
solids is used for irrigation of wheat in the southern Jezira.(Pl. II,
Fig. 2).

If one accepts the above stated limits of water quality as a
basis for assessing the ground water of the Western Region of Iraq, it
appears that most of the water of the area is suitable for animals and
especially for cattle and sheep. From the standpoint of human beings,
however, it appears that a large number of wells in the area produce
water with total salts beyond reasonable tolerance by man, although the
water is being consumed out of necessity. For agriculture most of the
water of the area is undesirable or even injurious, especially to more
sensitive crOps. Areas with water having total dissolved salts less than
2,000 ppm. can be considered permissible for most plants. Waters with
salt concentration from 2,000 to 6,000 ppn. can be used for moderate to
high salt-tolerant plants, particularly those used for pasture produc-
tion. However, when using such highly mineralized water for irrigation,
the land should be well drained to prevent the accumulation of salts in
the soil.

In considering the quantity of ground water in Western Iraq, fif-
teen drainage areas were chosen for analysis (see Fig. 16). Table 1&2

gives the size of each area, its computed and probable maximum mean

 

w “ivy—w v—v—Vw v—w 7vfi—wr ‘I’

 

"SRalph M. Parsons Company, Ground Water Resources of Ira (Los
Angeles: Government of Iraq, Ministry of DevelOpment, 1955), Vol. V,

p. 36.

287

48°

LOCATION OF FIFTEEN DRAINAGE AREAS SELECTED FOR ANALYSIS
IN

THE WESTERN REGION
IRAQ

38°

BASED on om comma non. um n. masons co.. ‘ p.
0° C u 0U (L03 “631.33: covnmwr ‘ ‘ -.
0 ma. MINISTRY or P . 1955-1957). vote. 11. ; reap N

III. V. VII. VIII. IX. AID X. . T
/. .\ / é ERSI
. . Q
. NEUTRAE->/,¢ ULF
150 K M. '\.Z\0N§-/'
l .’0

 

44° 46°

 

Fig. 16

288
annual recharges of water in U. S. gallons per minute, and the computed
and possible maximum number of wells which could be supported. The Table
helps to visualize the amount and significance of ground water available.
In the total area of about 190,765 square kilometers of the fifteen se-
lected drainage basins, the computed mean annual recharge from direct
precipitation only is 23l,h91 U. S. Gallons perzminute, or h60,877,537
cubic meters of water annually. The probable maximum value of recharge
over the same area amounts to 558,756 U. S. gallons per minute, or
1,112,h32,h00 cubic meters per year.

.A safe yield analysis indicates that the computed recharge in the
fifteen drainage areas can support 3,858 wells, each producing continu-
ally at the rate of 100 U. S. gallons of water per'minute. The prObable
maximum number of such wells is 9,312. The safe yield analysis used is
based on the assumption that the consumptive use of water is 60 per cent
of pumpage, and that the remaining ho per cent returns to ground water as
deep seepage. The purpose of this analysis is to determine the amount of
‘water which may be pumped from the ground economically without exceeding
the supply or deteriorating its quality.

An example will clarify the safe yield approach applied in this
study. Recharge from precipitation only over drainage area number 1 in
Table A2 is 60,h80 U. S. gallons per minute. If consumptive use is 60
per cent of pumpage, the remaining ho per cent returns to groundeater
as deep seepage, and if recharge is entirely recoverable, the estimated
mean annual pumpage which can be supported is equal to 60,h80 divided by
0.60 which equals 1,008 wells each producing continuously at the rate of
100 U. S. gallons of'water per minute.

In addition to that from direct precipitation, other possible

289

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290

sources of recharge to ground water come as influent seepage to the lands
closely bordering the Tigris and the Euphrates rivers, the Tharthar reser-
voir and the Habbaniya flood control project. Other possible contributions
may come from outside sources either as surface runoff or as subnsurface
seepage. For example, the northern section of the Jezira may receive a
considerable quantity of recharge from the humid Mountain region of Iraq
and Turkey to the north. It is also probable that the ground water of
'Wadi Hauran in the northern section of the'Western Desert is recharged
from the humid region of Syria since the head of this wadi originates in
that region. .At the present time the total amount of recharge to ground
water of Western Iraq from these sources is unknown. However, according
to the Parsons Company, drainage area number h, the BaiJi-Samarra area
shown in Figure 16, receives a considerable amount of influent seepage
from two sources, namely the Tigris River and the Tharthar flood diver-
sion channel.

Seepage from the Tigris River affects a strip of land which extends
for a distance of about 100 kilometers along its western bank and 7.5
kilometer west from it. This portion of the BaiJi-Samarra drainage area
receives a computed amount of 300,000 U. 8. gallons of water per minute,
or about 600,000,000 cubic meters of water per year through seepage from
the Tigris. The prdbable maximum amount may be upwards of 1,000,000 U.
8. gallons per minute, or nearly 2,000,000,000 cubic meters of water
annually.1+6 0n the basis of the safe yield approach the computed seepage

'water from this source to the area can support 5,000 wells producing

A A
v—— WV ‘—

1|’6.Ralp'hM. Parsons Company, Ground Water Resources of Iraql(Los
.Angeées: Government of Iraq, Ministry'of Development, 1955),Vol. IX,
p. 7 .

291

continually at,a rate of 100 U. 8. gallons per minute. The maximum
number of such wells may be as high as 16,666. The estimated land area
which could be intensively irrigated by pumpage supplied from the river
influent seepage, without exceeding economic pumping depth, is from 750
to 2,500 square kilometers.“7

The.second source of influent seepage to drainage area number h
comes through the Tharthar flood diversion channel which extends west of
the Tigris River from Samarra to the Tharthar reservoir (Fig. 16). The
land bordering this channel receives a computed recharge of 10,000 U. 8.
gallons per minute,h8 or the equivalent of 20,000,000 cubic meters of
water annually. .According to an interview with the experts of the Ground
water Office of Iraq, the probable maximum amount of recharge from this
source is about 50,000 U. 8. gallons per minute, or 100,000,000 cubic
.meters of water annually. The prObable maximum recharge figure from the
channel is based on,a reasonable estimate for two reasons. .The first, is
that since the Tharthar channel is newly opened, wide, and unlined, it is
possible that large quantities of its water percolate to the adjacent
land along its route. The second, is that the geological structure of
the Tharthar area is characterized by large and numerous cracks_which
permits great amounts of water to filter through the ground not only from
the bed of the channel, but also from the reservoir itself. The computed
recharge from the Tharthar channel can.support 166 wells and the probable
.maximum number of wells is 830, each yielding 100 U. 8. gallons per min-

ute.continuously.

 

Y—v—vj,v—Y :—r~ v—r-r—v —y—— _ "— flaw ———v— r— V fiv—Y

h71mm, p. 81.

h81h1d., pp. 78-81.

292

Thus, the combined influent recharge from the Tigris River and
from the Tharthar flood diversion channel into the BaiJi-Samarra drainage
area can support 5,166 wells operating on a safe yield basis. The prob-
able maximum number of such wells may be 17,196. Consequently, the number
of wells which can be supported by influent seepage from the two sources
in drainage area number k is greater than that which can be supported in
the entire fifteen drainage basins of the Western Region by recharge from
rain alone (see Table #2).

.Actually, in the fifteen drainage areas the total of wells possible
would be considerably greater than the number indicated in Table h2 be-
cause influent seepage from rivers, reservoirs, and flow irrigation in
the lower Euphrates occurs continuously in several places, mainly on.the
eastern border of the Western.Region.

The evaluation of the quantity of ground water resource of'Western
Iraq requires calculation of the amount of water discharged from drilled
and hand-dug wells, springs, and karezes. 0n the basis of 1961 produc-
tion, the 208 drilled wells in the entire area produce 588,650 U. 8.
gallons of'water per hour (Table 6). The capacity of hand-dug‘wells is
limited because such wells penetrate only a short distance below the
‘water table and because of the ineffective methods of'water withdrawal
(Pl. II, Fig. 1). Consequently, they have a small yield. Assuming
that each hand-dugfwell produces 20 U. S. gallons per minute, the total
yield of the 312 wells in the area would be 37h,h00 U. S. gallons per
hour. In addition, the 20 productive springs in the area produce an
amount of 120,000 U. 8. gallons per hour. . An additional 25,000 U. 8.
gallons of water per hour is allocated for the production of the karezes

dug in the area. The total amount of ground water withdrawn from the

293
entire area of Western Iraq from all these sources is thus 1,108,050 U.
8. gallons per hour, while the computed recharge in the.fifteen selected
drainage areas is 13,889,h60 U. S. gallons per hour (from rain only), and
the probable maximum recharge is 33,525,360 gallons per hour. .Conse~
quently, the computed recharge and the probable maximum recharge of the
fifteen drainage areas are more than the present ground water used in the
entire area by 13 and 33 times respectively.

Thus, it seems evident, that there is great possibility of in-
creasing the use of ground water in Western Iraq. Suggested means by
which this can be accomplished are:

1. Existing springs and wells which at present are either not in
use or yield only small quantities of‘water, should be cleaned, repaired,
deepened, and curbed to make them.more productive (see P1. V, Fig 2 and
P1. VI, Fig. 1).

2. New wells should be drilled. The most promising locations
are in drainage areas 1, 2, 3, h, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 1h, and the Alluvial
Plain west of the Euphrates River.

3. The possibility of diverting‘water from the Tigris and the
Euphrates rivers, the Tharthar flood control project, the Habbaniya pro—
Ject, and other water control schemes for spreading to replenish the
ground'water reservoirs should be fully considered. The addition of
relatively unmineralized'water will also tend to better the quality of
the present ground water.

h. There should be long~term, more eXhaustive, studies of ground
jwater in the area incorporated in a development program for progressively
increasing the supply of water.

5. The program of test drilling and putting down new wells now

291+
being carried out by the Government of Iraq should be continued and ex-
panded. Although the objective of the current program is to relieve
water deficiencies where the most critical shortages exist, it may advan-
tageously'be broadened to embrace other areas where new wells will provide
a supplementary source for irrigation, relieve high water table conditions
by providing drainage, and recover losses from deep percolation of rain
water. West of the Euphrates River are many areas where such systematic
development promises good results.

6. Continuous hydrologic investigation should be extended over a
much broader range than has before been done. This program should be
under skilled direction. Precipitation and evaporation stations at a
number of locations in the area are needed to institute a system of
records from which water availability may be estimated. 'Water movements
underground should be studied through wells in key locations to give both
a broad regional coverage and a close analysis of areas where the water
supply problem is most critical. These wells should be subject to peri-
odic measurements of water level, yield, drawdown, and quality. .A care-
fU1 record of the pumping history of each well should be maintained.

7. .A study of the effects of saline and contaminated water upon
human health should be undertaken by qualified medical personnel. ,A
determination of the extent and source of bacterial pollution of domestic
water should be part of this program, along with educational and correc-
tive measures to raise the general standards of water sanitation (Pl. V,
Fig. 1).

If the above recommended measures are carefully carried out and
ground water resources of the area are more fully developed, enough water

will be provided for domestic uses, for animals, and also for the support

295

of small scale irrigation projects. The present need for water for do-
mestic purposes and for animal consumption must be alleviated, however,

before irrigation schemes are considered (P1. VI, Fig. 2). The primary

purpose of such irrigation should be the production of pasture.

Betterment of Grazinngesources

In developing grazing resources, it is essential to first survey,
analyze, and map the existing plant cover, so as to determine its compo-
sition, ecology, and potential carrying capacity. This infbrmation will
be of great practical value in the optimum development of livestock carry-
ing capacity, the selection of areas for reseeding, deciding cultivation
activities, and in other ways. It will help correct present poor grazing
practices and will ultimately facilitate the settlement of the nomads.

Such a survey should be the responsibility of a team of botanists, soil
scientists, animal husbandrymen, agronomists, and other specialists. As
a first step, the author has already presented a general map showing the

potentialities of pasture regions in the Western Region of Iraq (Fig. 9).

Regeneration of Vegetation

 

Regeneration of the natural vegetation is essential to provide
enough grazing. This can be done by natural restoration and by reseed-
ing. If the plant cover in selected sites of the Western Region of Iraq
could be fenced and protected from grazing for a period of 5 years, it
would be possible to make full use of the remarkable capacity of nature
to rejuvenate the pasture.

This was proved by an experiment of the Range Management Section
of the Ministry of.Agriculture of Iraq at Kadhir Al-Mah in the southern

section of the Western Desert. In 1958 an area of #00 dunums'was fenced

296
off and protected from grazing animals. ‘With no other improvement, in

two years results were obvious. The number of annual and perennial

plants expanded 10 times. The size of the perennial plants increased 5
times and of the annual plants 10 times.h9 Plants outside the fenced area

showed no such improvements. Other results were betterment of the tap
soil in structure and in its water absorbing capacity; With more time
than the two years the experiment lasted, the vegetation cover and the
soil would no doubt have showed even more, improvement, and this in spite
of the fact that this area receives the least rainfall of the entire
Western Desert. Because of the encouraging results, this type of de-
velopment should be extended to other larger and more favorable areas.
Reseeding is another measure suggested to increase the quality
and quantity of the grazing resources of“Western Iraq. There has been
successful reseeding of arid and semi-arid sections in many countries.
This can be accomplished by selecting local species or by importing
plants from other areas. In the United States, reseeding of ranges has
been achieved with the use of imported grasses. Species introducted from

South Africa and the Middle East, such as crested Agropyron.desertorum;

 

‘wheat grasses, and Russian wild rye, have been successfully adopted in
New Mexico and Arizona. Through their use fodder production increased

between ten and twentyfold in these two states. 50 Reseeding

thepublic of Iraq, Ministry of Agriculture, Directorate General
of.Agriculture, Range Management Section, "Report on Development of
Natural Grazing Resources of Iraq," Baghdad, 1958, in Arabic, pp. 1-2.
(Mimeographed).

5ORaymond Price, "Pbssibilities of Increasing and Maintaining
Production from Grass and Forest Lands Without Accelerating Erosion,"
Gilbert F. White (ed.), The Future of Arid Lands (Washington D. c.:
Thg American Association fer the Advancement of Science, 19565, pp.
21 -239.

297

has also shown encouraging results in the arid lands of Australia. Be-
tween 1923 and l9h8'Western Australia'was able to extend its area of
pasture land_from 25,000 to 2,250,000 acres, mainly by the use of sub-
terranean clover.51

Investigations of similar possibilities have also been carried
out in some countries of the Middle East.52 In Egypt, 300 species of
native and introduced plants have been reseeded under 6 inches annual
rainfall in the Ras.A1-Baikma Desert Range Project, covering 25,000
acres in the Western Desert. .A tenfold increase of vegetation has been
obtained.53 Israel has a large scheme under way and has established
special seed multiplication nurseries at Migdal.Askalan, Rahal.Arva, and
some other places in the Negev Desert.5h Several native and imported
species of drought and saltdwater resistant planHBare being tested. It

has been found that.Colutea istria and Orygopsis miliacea perennial

 

grasses are highly valuable for pasture and soil conservation.

In Iraq, very little attention is being paid to bettering the
vegetation cover, although experts indicate that there is good possibi-
lities for both improvement of native species and the adaptation of

of introduced ones in several localities in the Western Region. The

_— ,__‘ V‘fi v—F—‘m v vfi—f fi‘w j—Vfi _f +—

518a1ter,oop. cit., p. 195.

52Fbod and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, Report
of the Second Meeting of the FAO Workin P_ty on the Development of the
Grazing and Fodder Resources of the Near st Held in Teheranj‘fran,
12-19 may, 1958j‘IRome: By the Organization, 1958), p. 28.

 

 

53omar Draz, "Adaptation of Plants and.Animals, " Gilbert F. ‘White
(ed. ), The Future of.Arid Lands (Washington, D. c.: The.American.Associ-
ation for the Advancement of Science, 1956), pp. 333-338.

 

51‘R. 0. Whyte, "Grazing Resources of Arid and Semi-arid Lands,"
Wor1d_Cr9ps, VII (1955), 351-352-

298

northern section of the J ezira is particularly suitable for development
as mixed pasture and crop land. By planting suitable fodder crOps such
as clover, it can provide year-round gazing for a large number of
animals. A five-year rotation of four years pasture and one year wheat
might be suitable for this section of the J ezira without irrigation.

CloVer may also be reseeded in conjunction with a variety of other
pasture gasses, especially with goose gass and barley gass which are
abundant in Iraq. When a mixed pasture is sown, the gasses make an
initially stronger growth than the clover and thereby provide early
spring gazing for the animals of the nomads. Experiments in Australia
indicated that the carrying capacity of pasture was tripled by the in-
troduction of clover. In the northern section of the J ezira similar
results could probably be obtained, Opening new possibilities for the
production of animal products. Clover could no doubt be introduced into
other areas of Western Iraq as well.

According to range management experts native perennial species
of Western Iraq which could be restored or replanted to provide in-

creased pasture and fodder are Lolium rigid-.3, Salsola rigidg, Poa

 

 

bulbosa, Carex stenophylla Wahl, and bird's-foot trefoil. Other local

species which have important gazing value and which could also be used

 

 

as fuel are ChenOpgiaceae, and Rhanterium W in the southern
section of Jezira; tamarisk, in the southern part of the Western Desert

(the Dibdibba Plain); and Achillea £22 and Artemisia herba in the

northern part of the Western .Desert.55

1 v—vfi .fi—v fiv—f ,—
V ‘— * wifi fl, V_v fi

55.1. B. Gillett, "The Pastures and Wild Fodder Plants of Iraq,"
Report submitted to the Government of Iraq, Ministry of Agiculture,
Range Management Section, Baghdad, 191+8, pp. 24+. (Mimeogaphed).

299
Introduced species which have been tried experimentally in Iraq

and proved successful are Viloia marhanensis, Secale montanum, and Sor-

ghum vulgare var Sudanenses. The latter is especially suitable because
56

 

of its high capacity to resist drought and high productivity. These

and other species should be planted extensively in Western Iraq.

Proper Distribution of Livestock

Obviously, wells and watering places should be provided wherever
possible so that animals can make effective use of the available pasture.
Properly spaced watering places help distribute the animals over the
range, thereby preventing local overgrazing and keeping livestock in a
better condition. The number of animals watered at any place should not
exceed the grazing capacity of the area within a distance of one and a
half to two miles of the well. This practice will help lessen the mi-
gration of the tribes fur the purpose of grazing and watering their herds,
and will thus facilitate their tendency toward permanent settlement. But

the prOper distribution of water points also depends on factors such as
the quality of water, its amount, and the availability of pasture in the

area. Where it is unpractical to develop wells, it will be necessary to
convey'water from a distance in order to assure the proper use of pasture

over the entire range.

Improvement of Livestock

Treatment of Animal Diseases

 

The first requirement for improving the health of livestock, as

mentioned earlier, is to provide adequate pasture and water. At the

 

w—. W

56H.‘Wayne Springfield, "Pasture and Forage of Iraq," Iraq
Agricultural ionrnal, Baghdad, IX (1951+), in Arabic, Alli.

 

300
same time, attention should be given to the prevention and cure of dis-
eases among the animals (Pl. VII, Fig. 1). According to an Australian
expert, the elimination of disease in sheep presents neither a costly nor
a difficult problem and could be largely accomplished within a year.57
The methods to be adopted are well known and the Veterinary Department

of Iraq could spread this knowledge. In the case of liver fluke it would

be necessary to apply carbon teéachloride on the affected areas around

the watering points. Intestinal worms could be treated with arsenical
drenches, while the administrarion of chloroform in the prOper dose is
recommended for the treatment of lung worm cases.58 If the tribesmen were
shown the advantages of disease control, especially the elimination of
big losses in animal production, they would no doubt buy the chemicals
necessary for the treatments. It is certain, however, that such measures
can only be carried out if the tribes are partly or completely settled.
Concurrent with their settlement, the government should help initiate the
program. The Ministry of Agriculture would be well advised to explore
methods of providing the necessary instructions to the tribesmen by such
means as the establishment of'wellmequipped veterinary extension centers

in tribal areas.

Reducing Pressure of Livestock

 

Since the destruction of natural range is largely due to over-
grazing, attention must be devoted to the reduction of the pressure of
livestock on the grazing land where needed, and to regulating present
uncontrolled stocking. The introduction of these measures demands that

nomadic tribes of the neighboring countries, as well as settled and

 

57SaIter, op. cit., pp. 196-197.
58.13213... p. 197.

301
semi-settled tribes of Iraq, be prevented from grazing their animals in
the Western Region of Iraq. Unless this is done, remedial measures may
prove worthless. Reduction of the number of animals belonging to the
local nomads is also essential. There must be a change of philosophy
from mere numbers to quality. The wide variation in rainfall and the
consequent differences in annual forage production makes prOper stocking
essential. A breeding herd built up to use the ferage crop produced in
good years cannot be maintained during dry years. .A margin for safety
can be provided by stocking at a level less than the average forage
production can support.

In southern New Mexico in the United States, stocking at 65 per
cent of average forage production is recommended on arid ranges. More»
over, it is also suggested that the basic breeding herd should be kept
low, 55 to 60 per cent of the total number grazed. The rest of the herd
should be made up of younger, more salable animals which can be disposed
of easily when dry periods and short pasture supplies occur.59

Such a grazing system should be designed for Western Iraq. 0b-
viously, the levels of stocking desirable will vary widely with local
climatic conditions in these arid and semi-arid lands. under such a
grazing program, ungrazed pasture produced in favorable years will pro-
vide a fodder reserve for dry years. Because of better feeding, a
smaller number of animals will produce just as much or more products,
and of a better quality, than before. It will probably be difficult,
however, to convince the nomads to keep fewer animals, since wealth

and social prestige are proportional to the number of livestock owned.
Nevertheless, if the process is one of gradual change accomplished

 

— y_—~__. fi—w —.__ —_

59Price, op. cit., p. 236.

302

through guidance and education, this difficulty could be overcome.

Upgrading of Livestock

 

After the immediate necessities of water and pasture have been

solved, the nomads should be trained to think of their animals in terms
of quality rather than quantity. Upgrading is necessary to increase the
production of the animals, so as to both satisfy the material needs of

the tribesmen and provide a surplus for sale. This end can be achieved

gradually through selection and cross-breeding.6O

There are promising indigenous types of sheep which could be used
as the starting point to improve breeds. Among these are the A!§§i_
raised by Dulaim tribesmen in the northern part of the Western Desert.
This breed is very hardy and can do without water longer than most stock.
Moreover, it produces one of the best types of wool in Iraq in regard to
softness, length of fiber, and color. Another good breed is the A5521.
sheep which is raised in the southern part of the Western Desert. It
likewise is hardy and yields wool comparable to that of the Aggsi. These
two breeds could be used to upgrade the other types of sheep owned by the
nomads, provided improved management of animal husbandry were made avail-

able.61 ‘With regards to cross-breeding, Rumboly Sheep, suggested by

Dokrumaghi, could be used in experimental breeding stations established

 

w " v w

60Phillips, in discussing methods of breeding'which can success-
fully be applied in underdeveloped areas, recommended the following: (1)
selection within the native types; (2) grading up with already improved
types or breeds from other countries; and (3) development of new types
out of animals that are graded up only a part of the way. See R. W.
Phillips, Breeding Livestock Adopted to Unfavorable Environment (Rome:
Food and Agriculture Organization of the Uhited Nations, 1953),.Agricul-
ture Studies No. I, p. 153.

 

61Kiurni Dokrumaghi, "The Sheep of Iraq,"Iraq.Agricultural Journal,
Baghdad, XIV (1959), in Arabic, 7-8.

 

303
in representative future settlement areas.62 The offspring of breeding
of this type could be distributed to the tribes and eventually replace
the indigenous, less productive sheep.

There is much room fOr improvement in shearing to increase wool
production. Experts should be recruited to teach the tribesmen the way
to secure a maximum clip. These experts hired by the government, should
be assigned to clipping sheds established in the future settlement areas.
The tribes would thereby be encouraged to bring their sheep to the sheds
to be clipped. The sheds could, at the same time, be used as wool-
grading stations and collecting centers.

Due consideration should also be given to the possibility of in-
troducing productive breeds of cattle to gradually replace camels, es-
pecially in areas of more abundant water and grass. JMudh care, however,
must be taken to put the cattle in the hands of the most intelligent
tribesmen. The need fur such a step is obvious because the camel no

longer has the economic value that it once had.

 

Fodder Reserves

The introduction of easy and inexpensive deder storage methods
will help facilitate settlement of the nomadic tribes. Since there is
usually an oversupply of forage in winter and spring, it is desirable to
train the tribesmen to gather and store the surplus for later use.
Several advantages will be achieved by this measure. It will help avoid
overgrazing the ranges in times of low production and consequently will

protect the soil. It will also reduce the extent of migration of the

2
Ibid., p. 11.

30h
nomads with their animals and thereby facilitate their settlement. The
resultant constant supply of sufficient food will produce stronger and
more productive animals.

A mission of the International Bank to the Government of Syria
has suggested establishment of fodder reserves as a possible solution to
the nomad problem. The recommendation was that the government erect
stone shelters, stocked with reserve food, in the desert around water
wells for the nomads' use. Fodder would be shipped in from cultivated
areas. Each shelter could protect 300 to #00 sheep and would cost
$1,680. The sheep would be fed in the shelter, for periods of 20 to 30
days, only during times of exceptionally severe conditons. According to
the mission, the feeding and operational costs would be about $6.72 per
sheep.63 This same plan has been suggested by the mission for the nomads
of Iraq.

In the author's opinion, however, it is impractical to apply it
to the tribes of Iraq for several reasons. The erection of such shelters
would be too expensive. It might involve the nomads and the authorities
in difficulties arising from overconcentration of stock at the watering
points, especially during dry seasons, as well as in possible complica-
tions arising from competition for food and shelter. Since these items
could not be provided for more than 20 to 30 days, this would be a tem-
porary solution. Moreover, the transportation of fodder from other areas
of Iraq to points deep within the desert might be difficult and economi-

cally infeasible. In addition, the concentration of animals in the

 

_ _V

63International Bank fer Reconstruction and Development, The
Economic Development of Syria (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1957),
p. 81.

 

305
shelters would intensify the problem of diseases among them.

A more realistic approach to the problem of fodder reserves may
be found by using the resources of the area itself. The application of
the measures previously suggested for the development of grazing re-
sources of the area, such as reseeding, fencing, and use of water
spreading techniques will produce an excess of pasture. This surplus
forage could be gathered by the nomads themselves if the government
would teach them the techniques involved. The reserves could then be
stored, not in expensive buildings, but by using a method which is both
effective and familiar to the tribesmen. The gathered fodder could be
deposited near watering points and covered with mud from the desert.
The mud hardens and protects anything it covers. Encouragement of use
of a method this simple would facilitate the people adopting it into

their way of life.

Development of.Agriculture

As previously indicated, at present some tribesmen from the
Shammar, the Dulaim and Aneza tribes are practicing dry farming in areas
receiving 150 mm or more of rain a year on the hill slopes of the Jezira
and in wadi beds and natural depressions of the Upper Wadian of the
Western Desert (Pl. VIII, Fig. 2 and P1. IX, Fig. 2). Although the suc-
cess of dry farming is related to the fluctuation of rainfall, it is
generally agreed that in Iraq it is feasible in areas receiving not less
than 150 mm of annual rainfall. Therefore, due attention should be given
to the improvement of the dry farming practices of people in these areas
before introducing agriculture to the rest of the tribes. Cr0p rotation
and contour plowing should be taught in order to prevent soil erosion.

Advice on new types of seeds, such as the drought resistant.varieties of

306
wheat and barley developed in Australia, should be given. In addition,
the authorities should provide all services and facilities required for
agriculture. If these measures prove to be successful in raising the
production of tribes already engaged in farming, eventually they will
help to induce the other tribes to cultivate. Perhaps those most easily
persuaded would be the present sheep-raising tribes found near the
rivers. These people have had closer contact with the villagers and
town dwellers than have the camel-owning tribes living farther from the
rivers.

Once agriculture is established in the area, mechanization
should be a gradual process. Any attempt to mechanize overnight would
most probably result in poor Operation of the machinery and definitely
result in a great deal of unemployment in the area. As other demands
for labor increase, mechanization will be necessary to maintain product-
ion. A second important factor is that irrigation agriculture will be
eventually introduced to some areas, especially those near the rivers.
Since salinity is a present problem in many of the irrigated areas of
Iraq and has caused great difficulties for previous settlement projects,

and especially the Dujaila, adequate drainage systems must be provided.

Acceleration of Land Distribution
Land distribution among the tribesmen is another measure which
should be adopted by the authorities. At present, as previously indi-
cated, each tribe in Western Iraq claims traditional communal ownership
of the land over which it wanders. This form of tenure is related to
the nomadic existence of these tribes and accounts for the destruction
of natural grazing in the area. In distributing land every effort should

be made to avoid the shortcomings and mistakes made by the authorities

307
in dealing with the already settled tribes of Iraq. Since no cadastral
survey has been carried out in most parts of the Western Region, it is
necessary to survey, classify, and delineate accurately the land before
distribution. This can be achieved most efficiently through the use of
aerial photography. In addition to the cadastral and physical surveys,
a social survey should be carefully conducted. From this the authorities
should be able to determine the number and size of the families in each
locality, the number of animals they possess,and the area of land re-
quired to support a family. Although the advice of the Shaikhs should
be considered in distributing land and in the initiation of other
measures for the tribes, care should be taken to prevent the Shaikhs
from gaining absolute control. To avoid disputes over land and to elimi-
nate many social problems, such as the concentration of large landholdings
in the hands of a few people and the poverty that results from this,
individual tribesmen rather than tribal Shaikhs or the tribe collectively,
should be considered the legal owners of holdings within their own
tribal territory.

It should also be emphasized here that due to local enmities
among the tribes, such as that between Shammar and.Aneza, each tribe
should be settled, if possible, within its traditional area. Mixing of
tribes might widen old wounds. Land should not be granted, but should
be made available on long, easy terms of payment. That non-tribal
people should be excluded from receiving grants is most essential in
order to exclude absentee landholders. To facilitate the distribution
of land, the Agrarian Reform Law of 1958 should be redefined with re-
gards to the size of the plots granted, the payment terms, and in other
relevant provisions to make it better fit the physical environment and

social needs of the people. Distribution of land on the basis of these

308
principles will give each tribesman more pride, security, and an Obli-
gation to himself which will result in a permanent attachment to the

land.

Establishment of Villages

There are some localities, especially in the Western Desert,
where new villages might be established for the settlement of the nomads.
As already stated, there are three abandoned petroleum-pumping stations
with all facilities and equipment and two pipelines in the northern sec-
tion of the Western Desert (Pl. X, Fig. 2). Near these stations the
alluvial soil of‘Wadi Hauran is very fertile and suitable for cultivation.
With little investment these stations, in conjunction with the water
conveying pipelines, could be utilized as cores of villages fOr nomadic
tribes of nearby areas. If these proved to be successful, more such
centers might be created along the pipelines.

Other localities where villages could be established are along
the highway across the Western Desert (see Fig. 1). This has great com-
mercial importance in linking Iraq with Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, and the
Mediterranean Sea, but with the exception of the village ovautba, there
is no permanent settlement on it within the Iraqi boundaries. .At the
present time, some of the tribes follow this highway in their summer mi—
gration from the interior of the desert to grazing land along the
Euphrates River. By drilling wells and locating some gas stations,
grocery stores, coffee shops, police posts, and clinic units at carefully
selected sites along the road, a series of small villages could be
created. It is likely that in a short period of time these settlements
would grow and become important trading centers in the desert, benefiting

both the nomads and the highway traffic. The nomads will be aided

309

economically and culturally. Economically, they will be better able to
sell their animal products and purchase their necessities. Culturally,
they will appreciate the use of public services and facilities which
will be within their reach. The economic and cultural contacts will
cause some of the nomads to become members of established communities
and attract all of them to a more settled life.

Across the southern section of the Western Desert there are two
old pilgrim.routes extending between Iraq and Saudi Arabia. These are
Darb Zubaida between Najaf and Hail, and Darb Al-Haj between Samawa and
Hail (Fig. 1). At present, the importance of these routes is enhanced
by the use of busses and trucks. Because the routes are unpaved, how—
ever, they present great difficulties to travelers. Repair and improve-
ment of these two routes and the erection of some villages along them,
would be a contribution to the settlement of the nomads and also result
in safer and faster transportation linking the two countries.

Equally important to improvement of the economic condition of
the nomads and their settlement would be expansion of the already exist-
ing small villages in the interior of the study area, such as Busaiya,
Salman, Shabicha, Rutba, and Hadir. In order to satisfy adequately the
needs of the nomads and the villagers, it will be necessary to supply
these villages with more commercial and public establishments such as

food stores, coffee shops, clothing stores, schools, and clinic units.

Settlement Through Industrialization
Another factor which should be considered as a means of settling
the nomads is industrialization. This has played an important role in
the history of nomadic tribes in many countries. The establishment of

industries based on agricultural and livestock products in the nomadic

310

area of Kazakhstan in Russia has basically changed the peOple of this
area, both materially and socially. Their standard of living has been
considerably raised and the problem of their settlement has been pro-
gressively solved.6h

In the Western Desert of Egypt, settlement projects for the
nomads are based on the development of agriculture, livestock, hand-
crafts, and the establishment of important new industries. The ex-
traction of the salt and natron (sodium carbonate) of the wadi Al-Natrun,
located 80 miles west of Cairo, is an example of industrial development.
There are also factories for the manufacturing of carpets and rugs based
on the local resources of wool. All the unskilled labor employed in the
carpet industry, as well as that in the extraction of salt and sodium,was
recruited from the local nomads.65 As a result, when the season of ex-
traction is over and work is temporarily suspended, the workers do not
take up nomadic herding again, but rather prefer to engage in agriculture.

For the nomads of Western Iraq, the possibility of such develop-
ment must not be excluded. Preliminary surveys indicate that there is
considerable untapped mineral wealth in this area (Fig. ll). Future
development of these resources will demand a considerable number of un-
skilled laborers. The author feels that the government should rely
primarily on the local tribesmen to supply these workers, for example,
'watchmen and drivers. Such occupations are in harmony with the social

attitudes of the tribesmen toward labor. The new labor ferce will create

 

—.

6%A. Tursunbayev and A. Potapov, "Some Aspects of the Socio-
Economic and Cultural Development of Nomads in the U.S.S.R.," Inter-
national Social Science Journal, XI (1959), 516-52h.

6
5"Wadi AluNatrun: A Model Experiment in Desert Reclamation,"

Arab Review, I (1960), 15-19.

311
an expanded demand for the animals and agricultural products of these
people still working the land, while.the growing industrial centers
'will act as nuclei around which fixed dwelling units will replace the

tents of the nomads.
A In addition to extractive industries, the possibility of de-

veloping simple handcrafts based on animal products should be considered.
Small plants for wool-spinning, rug and carpet manufacturing, tanning of
hides, meat packing, leather working, and cheese making;might be estab-
lished. This industrial develOpment could be supplemented by family A

factory'units.

Provision of Services and Facilities
It is clear that unless the nomadic tribes are settled, it will
be very difficult to provide them with necessary services and facilities,
such as education, health, credit, and marketing. Education of the
nomads, in particular, poses a special problem to the authorities. In

the last #0 years there have been two major approaches to its solution.

66

Some countries in the Middle East, such as Syria, Saudi Arabia,67 and

Iran,§8ad0pted the idea of providing mobile schools which.follow the

moving tribes.69 This approach involves serious difficulties and the

vfiwr—v V—fi _— w w—w v fifi—v v 1.—

66MohammedA'wad, "NOmadism in the Arab Lands of the Middle East,"

UNESCO, Arid Zone Research, The Prdblems of the Arid Zone, Proceedings
of the Paris Symposium.(Paris: By the UNESCO, 196?), Nb. 18, p. 330.

 

67A. S. Helaissi, "The Bedouins and Tribal Life in.Saudi Arabia,"
International Social Science Journal XI (1959), 532-535.

68Willie Snow Ethridge, There' 8 Yeast in the Middle East (New
York: The Vanguard Press, 1962), pp. 106-107. Ft

 

69It is .mistakingly stated by Atiyah that this method has been
tried in Iraq. See Edward Atiyah, The Arabs (Edinburgh: R and R Clark
Ltd., 1958), p. 227. ""”'”

312
results are disappointing. For one thing, it is hard to find teachers
ready to accompany the nomads. Secondly, the tribal groups are seldom
sufficiently large to Justify provision of a traveling school. In
addition, the tribes are not encouraged to settle when they see that
mobile schools and teachers are ready to follow them continuously. The
same limitation will be faced in supplying the tribes with mObile medi-
cal clinics.

Another approach to the problem of the nomads' education has
been the establishment of boarding houses which are attached to primary
schools in some of the towns and villages located within reach of the
tribes. This has been practiced to educate some of the nomads in Syria,
Egypt, and Saudi Arabia. Six such boarding schools have been set up in
different parts of eastern Syria for example.70 Similarly, in the
southern region of the Sinai Desert of Egypt, ten primary schools have
been established and supplied with boarding facilities. In both areas,
the tribesmen are being encouraged to leave their children behind as
boarders, while they move from place to place with their animals. The
children in these schools are given their primary education, food, and
lodging free of charge.

However, this approach also seems impractical, though it is more
realistic than the mobile school. Experience in Saudi Arabia showed
that, once the rainy season came, the children usually left school to
accompany their parents on their wandering. In addition, because the
parents needed their children to help look after the animals, they

usually refused to send them to the schools. To compensate for losses

fir WV v v

7°Awad, "Nomadism in the Arab Lands of the Middle East," op. cit.,
Po 330-

313

as a result of the children's attendance, the Saudi Arabian government
has instituted a system of financial grants which are paid in monthly
installments to the parents, in addition to paying for the education of
the children.71 It is obvious that this system of double payment is
very expensive.

The first mentioned approach to education, without examining
its feasibility, was suggested for the nomads of Iraq by Jamali in 1931+.72
The author feels that with respect to the nomadic tribes of Iraq both
approaches are impractical because of the mentioned difficulties. Con-
sequently, the final answer to the problem of the education of the
nomads here would seem to be to provide proper facilities after they are
settled partially or completely, through the establishment of permanent
schools.

It should be emphasized that the educational methods, principles.
and objectives of these schools, must in the beginning differ from those
offered in long established schools of cities and towns. Primarily, the
program should concentrate on immediate adult education in the fields of
animal husbandry, farming, conservation of natural resources, and health.
Nothing impresses the tribesmen more than to see something proved befOre
their eyes. Therefore, demonstration and activity rather than verbalism
should be followed in their education. The education of children
should, of course, provide the basic tools of reading and writing. They
too, should be taught the same principles which their parents are

are learning, but in more detail. Since these children may be more

 

71Helaissi, op. cit., p. 53h.

72Mohammed F. Jamali, The New IraqL: Its Problem of Bedouin
Education (New York: Columbia University, Bureau of Publications,vl93h),
pp. llE-llS.

 

31h

easily molded than their parents, they should be taught the broader
concept of civic loyalty rather than absolute loyalty to their tribe.
It is also important that, as much as possible, education of tribal
children should be controlled by people of the tribe. As previously
mentioned, it is very difficult for a teacher accustomed to city or
town life to carry out his duties among the tribes and be able to stand
their hard life for any length of time. The practical prOblem, then,
is how to train educators from the sons of the tribes for the tribes.

The nomads are able to maintain a relatively effective standard
of sanitation by constant exposure to the sun and by moving from place
to place. In addition, they do not have to live in close proximity to
others. Accordingly, the breathing of germs and the chances of con-
tagion are reduced to a minimum. In spite of these facts, though, many
diseases are prevalent among the tribes. It is possible that the trans-
formation of the nomads into settled communities will result in increased
passage of germs from person to person. A primary factor would be the
lack of knowledge of adequate sanitation techniques. A comprehensive
health program should therefore be planned for the tribes. As in the
case of their education, however, the health service cannot be fully
extended to them unless they have settled. A clinic unit should be
assigned to each village to maintain a reasonable level of health. Such
a program will have to face the problem of the unwillingness of doctors
and health workers to live among these people.

Consequently, the first step to be taken toward any educational,
health, social, and agricultural or livestock extension program is the
establishment of an all-purpose training center. The staff of this
center should be provided by the Ministry of Education, Ministry of

Health, Ministry of Social Affairs, and Ministry of Agriculture. It is

315
important that care be exercised in choosing its members. Their will-
ingness to serve, sacrificing the comforts of city life, is the first
and foremost requisite. A number of intelligent young tribesmen should
be recruited to be trained for a certain period in the principles of
animal husbandry, preventive medicine, health, the art of agriculture,
and small-handicraft techniques. At the end of this time the trainees
would be aSsigned to teach their fellow tribesman.

Such a training cente;::;tablished in Iran in 1956 and has per-
formed successfully. It was,established in conjunction with two ex-
perimental villages located 150 miles north of the city of Shiraz. The
objective was the training of 200 tribesmen, chosen from the migratory
Ghashghais and other tribes in the principles of education, health, and
agriculture. The center has the support of the Department of Agriculture.
and the Department of Fundamental Education of Iran, with the assistance
of the Ford Foundation.73 Its success has encouraged the Iranian gov-
ernment to establish a second center.

The Iraqi nomads presently have no seeds or other farming
materials. They also lack cash and all facilities for marking their
animal production. For loans, they rely on money lenders, and usually
they are forQed to pay high interest. Since they have little concept
of their products"worth, they sell them at very low prices. Therefore,
they should be provided with the capital necessary to start production
and help in marketing. The setting up of an adequate credit system at
low interest rates and an effective marketing organization are in many
respects the principle keys to improvement in the economy of these

tribes. At present, credit could be provided to these tribes by the

 

73Ethridge, op. cit., pp. 106-107.

316
Agriculture Bank, a government institution, and the Commercial Bank.
Marketing facilities could best be achieved through forming cooperative

societies in the proposed settlement areas.

The Possibility of Settling Some
Nomads in Other Areas

 

 

At present the number of the nomads in the Western Region of
Iraq is about 200,000. As a result of sanitation, education and other
social welfare services which may be introduced their number will in-
evitably increase. A solution of this increase would be to settle a
number of the nomads by allotting them small landholdings in the arable
areas of the country and especially in newly reclaimed lands which will
be available upon the completion of the proposed irrigation projects
discussed earlier. However, this will be a temporary solution, because
for those remaining within the Western Region of Iraq, a better diet
will enable a somewhat larger percentage of children to survive, which
in turn will result in the reattainment of the present population within
a few decades. To be prepared for this future population prdblem, land
in the arable area of the country should be reserved for these people.

Let us examine the settlement potentials of other regions of
Iraq to see if this is possible. The two most important factors to be
considered are the availability of arable lands and the existing water
supply. From these two points of view, Iraq seems to offer a great
promise. Arable land is estimated to be about h8,000,000 dunums, or 27
per cent of the 177,789,600 dunums area of the entire country. About
one third of this arable area, or 16,000,000 dunums, is in the northern
part of Iraq, where cultivation depends on rain alone. The remaining

two-thirds, or 32,000,000 dunums, is in the irrigatable land of the

317
southern and central parts of the country. At the present time, only
21,286,712 dunums, or less than a half of the arable land, are under
cultivation. or this, about 8,690,712 dunums, is lying fallow during
any one year; therefore, the area under actual cultivation is 12,596,000
dunums, which is only slightly more than one-fourth of the total arable
land. It is expected, however, that with the completion of the irri-
gation and drainage projects discussed earlier, it will be possible to
bring an additional l2,2lh,000 dunums under cultivation. This amount
will also be used on the basis of the fallow system, which means that
perhaps 6,107,000 dunums will be cultivated yearly and the other half
will be idle. Thus, expected expansion will bring the actual area of
cultivation to about 18,703,000 dunums. Nevertheless, there will still
be 29,297,000 dunums, or more than half of the arable land uncultivated.

Moreover, the presently cultivated land of Iraq is not used to
the best advantage. MOdern techniques and proper farm management are
quite unknown. Land preparation is very poor and the use of fertilizers,
soil building crops, and crop rotation are rare. This means that with
proper cultivation methods and modern management techniques, more pro-
duce of a better quality can be obtained while utilizing less land than
is presently cultivated.

.Surplus water of the Tigris and the Euphrates rivers, as pre-
viously discussed, is now wasted. The fellowing points are worth
repeating: (1) At present, about 25,739 million cubic meters of'water,
or 35 per cent of the annual flow of these rivers is dissipated to the
Persian Gulf without being used. Even after the completion of all
presently planned irrigation and flood projects, there will be a yearly

waste of about 18,039 million cubic meters. (2) About 36,000 million
cubic meters of water diverted for irrigation is economically unjustified

 

_fi____-—-___

318
waste. As Cressey puts it "If all of this water which enters Iraq might
be controlled and properly used, millions of desert acres could be

”’4’
cultivated, providing foOd for twice the present population or more. 7

Not only is there ample land and water in Iraq, but the present
small number of the rural population has been recognized by many ob-
servers as being partially responsible for the low agricultural pro-
ductivity of the cultivated area of the country. Since there is a
deficiency of farmers, but water and good soil are in supply, some of

the nomads of the western Region should be relocated to work this land.

Steps for a Pilot Settlement Project

To bring into operation the various ideas suggested in the
present chapter for settlement of the nomads. the establishment of at
least one adequately equipped desert institute is essential. It is ob-
vious that this facility should be sponsored by the government, be head-
quartered in the Western Region, and be staffed by specialists.

Studies of the soil, water, and other physical characteristics
should be conducted in the potential development areas suggested by the
author and elsewhere. The aim should be to discover land which can be
successfully irrigated for settled grazing and limited farming. These
studies can be facilitated by an aerial photography survey, making it
possible to more correctly ascertain the actual number of people and the
exact physical characterists of the area. In light of the information
gathered, with consideration of the tribes' willingness to settle, a

specific location for the development of a pilot project should be

chosen. Then, a small experimental farm should be established to test

 

7I‘LCressey, "Water in the Desert," op. cit., p. 11h.

 

319
the most likely crop and pasture-resource management practices. If this
proves successful, the next step will be to attract settlers to the area,
but not until roads, drainage facilities, water supply, and other techni-
cal requirements have been provided.

The sweetness and availability of water in the project area will
attract some of the nomads to pitch their tents on the adjacent land.
Once they show tendency toward permanent settlement and interest in the
project activities, public and commercial establishments should be in-
troduced. The public establishments should include a police post, a
weather station, a school, a health clinic, and a livestock breeding
station. The commercial establishments should include a grocery store,

a clothing store, and a coffee shop. The coffee shop will give these
peOple a focal point for their social life. The grouping of these es-
tablishments will result in a clustered type of village, which will be
in harmony with the traditional village pattern of settlement, yet will
facilitate proper operation of the project. The mistake made in de-
signing the Dujaila project, which was based upon dispersed housing
units, should not be repeated.

Representative tribesmen should be selected through their Shaikhs
to work on the project for wages. They will learn the proper methods
and principles of grazing, farming, and conservation. During this learn-
ing period, the tribesmen should be encouraged to construct their own
permanent dwelling units fer themselves and their animals. .As the pro-
ject expands, a plot of land should be put aside for experimental
purposes, and the rest of the land should be distributed to the tribes-
men. If this project proves to be successful, other similar settlements
can be established in the study area, each with modification to suit

the specific situation. A considerable period of time should be allowed

320
to pass befbre embarking on another project so that the experiences
gained from the first project can be utilized in planning the second.
The laCk of this principle in the previous settlement project has moti-
vated the author to indicate the importance of'time when planning new

settlements.

CHAPTER VIII
SUMMARY.AND CONCLUSIONS

According to official estimates the total population of Iraq was
slightly more than 6.7 million in 1962. Of these people approximately
36 per cent were urban, 60 per cent rural settled tribal people, and four
per cent tribal pastoral nomads. The 250,000 nomadic people can be
classified into three groups: (1) the Kurdish nomads in the north number-
ing about h0,000, (2) the sheep-owning Arab nomads, about 10,000 people
scattered throughout the cultivated areas of the country, and (3) the
desert Arab nomads, totaling some 200,000 people, who occupy the Western
Region of Iraq and are engaged mainly in raising sheep and camels (see
Fig. 12). It is on the latter group that this dissertation was fecused.

The major findings and conclusions are considered under the
following headings: (1) review of the past, (2) problems and prospect,

and (3) practical lines of action.

Review of the Past

 

The problem of settling the tribal groups and integrating them
socially, politically, and economically with the rest of the nation has
been present throughout the history of contemporary Iraq. .A review of
the past, starting when the Ottoman Turks gained control, demonstrates
that tribal settlement is closely connected with the influence of the

central government and the process of economic develOpment.

321

322

During the Early Turkish Period, 153h-l869, government policy
of converting the tribes into settled cultivators and obedient citizens
by force, without providing them with any incentive for accepting the
change, resulted in failure. The most fundamental and obvious defect of
the early'Ottoman rule was its inability to exercise some sort of con-
trol over the tribes apart from the punitive expeditions which were
carried out with extreme brutality. This condition resulted in a state
of near anarchy, except in the larger cities, and dangerously broadened
the extent of empty villages and untilled lands.

To better resist Turkish control and oppose its military force
tribal coanderations were gradually formed toward the end of the six-
teenth century. Not only did these become the dominant power in the
countryside, but at times they challenged Turkish authority in the gates
of the cities as well. To counter this force, it was common practice of
the governors to make every effort to set the tribes against each other
and to encourage feuds between rival leaders within a tribe. Shaikhs
‘were frequently changed, deposed and replaced by their rivals, and often
killed. The settled tribes were taxed to, and sometimes beyond, the
limit of endurance with the result that some resumed the nomadic way of
life. In addition, such recurrent calamities as flood, drought, attack
of pest or disease, and raids by tribes of Najd, Persia, or the Kurds
added to the disturbed conditions and retrogression of the settlement
process.

During the Late Turkish Period, 1869-1916, the conditions des-
cribed above were reversed. A body of liberal reforms was first applied
by Midhat Pasha, the Turkish governor of Iraq, 1869-1871. The reforms
included military, civil, economic, and administrative measures. Al-

though progress was uneven through time and from place to place, it was

323
conSiderable. The population grew, the frontier of settlement was pushed
forward, tribal confederations were disintegrated, nomadic and semi-
nomadic tribes began to settle down. The degree of change was demonstrated
by a reduction of the nomads from 35 to 17 per cent of the total population
of Iraq between 1867 and 1905 and an increase of sedentary rural people
from #1 to 59 per cent during the same time (Table 11).

These figures reflect a real improvement in the efficiency of
the administration, particularly as regards to internal security, land
distribution, and increased in trade and economic activity. The formation
of a new "model" army began and the rule of law was imposed on tribesmen
as well as urban people; forts and police posts were established,with
larger garrisons at such places as Deyer Baker, Quim, Ana, Hit, Ramadi,
and in other locations. By the end of the century the Euphrates caravan
road between Basra and.Aleppo was much more secure and much used, and the
settlement process had been encouraged by removal of one source of tribal
income, namely tribute from the caravans.

The development of new means of communication-~n0tably steam
navigation on the Tigris-Euphrates waterways and the telegraph system--
during the second half of the 19th century had far reaching influence in
increasing control of tribal areas, opening up the country to foreign
commerce, changing the subsistence economy of the tribes to a market-
oriented one, raising land values, and creating a demand fer the services
of tribesmen as farmers rather than fighters. New towns and villages
‘were founded and grew rapidly at riveresteamer loading points. Such were
Aziziya, Swayra, Nomania, Kut, Amara, Nasiriya, and others. These places
‘were supplied with more police and became main.administrative centers.
Thus, they brought not only economic opportunity, but also a measure of

government control over nearby tribal areas.

32h

The first serious attempt at fitting the tribes into the exist-
ing agrarian social and administrative system was made in the 1870's by
Midhat Pasha. His policy consisted of selling to the tribes by auction
on easy terms, tenancy rights to state-owned domains. The aim was to
settle the tribes, weaken their tribal spirit, establish new relations
with them and increase the state revenue by a more intensive use of large
expanses of land. This approach was faced with many difficulties and
some of its results were not very happy ones because of inadequate organi-
zation, lack of a cadastral survey of the lands that were distributed,
and disregard for the boundaries of tribal territories. The mishandling
of land rights resulted in a great deal of confusion and long lasting
disputes among the tribes. Some tribes still resisted settled life, pre-
ferring to remain as nomads; others mistrusted any improvement intended
by the Turks, being suspicious of conscription and other requirements of
settled life, and so tried to avoid anything calculated to connect them
'with the governmental machinery.

Tribes which accepted land and settled, had the lands registered
in the names of their Shaikhs. Because of the great authority yielded by
the government ix>the Shaikhs and the pressure exerted by a few land
speculators from urban areas on land registration officials, some were
able to acquire large tracts which were originally tribal areas. This
ended in destroying the old relationships between the Shaikhs and their
tribes, created a class of feudal lords from among the Shaikhs and the
land speculators, and reduced the tribesmen to the status of tenants.

Yet many tribes began to settle, such as the Shammar south of Mosul, and
Jubur along the Tigris, and the Tamim north of Baghdad. Later others
were to be attracted to agriculture in the boom years at the end of the

19th century.

325

From 1883 onward the government tended to encourage the peaceful
and more submissive tribesmen to settle down and cultivate not only land
belonging to the Sultan, i.e. " anniya Land", but lands belonging to more
powerful tribes which they could not manage to use without government
assistance. These two trends contributed greatly to the detribalization
process among the tribes and eventually resulted in the settlement of
many.

The Ottomanization policy which was instituted was also of par-
ticular importance. NOtable.Shaikhs were entrusted with official titles
and were given the responsibility of tax collection, conscription, and
the settling of their tribes. The establishment of a special school in
Constantinople for the education of the sons of tribal Shaikhs was another
aspect of this policy. Sometimes yearly allowances, in addition to the
titles, were allocated to Shaikhs in order to enhance their positions and
gain their cooperation in bringing about the settlement of their people.

The above mentioned factors, particularly the land policy and
the Ottomanization policy, not only destroyed the great tribal confedera-
tions, but resulted in long lasting disputes between the Shaikhs and the
tribesmen, and even among members of individual Shaikhly ruling families,
as in the cases of the Muntafiq and Shammar. Iraq, therefore, by the
beginning of the 20th century was a country of tribesmen fast losing their
traditional loyalties. This tribal disintegration in turn accelerated
the settlement process because the government found it easier to deal with
small and weak tribal sections than with the former large and strong con-
federations.

While the process of settlement was encouraged during the Late
Turkish Period by some factors there were at the same time others which

slowed it down. The most important of these latter were the periodic

326
floods and drying up of the rivers, the primitive cultivation methods,
the lack of firm right to the land, the high taxes on crops and high
rents on land, the lack of capital, and the inadequacy of transportation
for marketing the agricultural produce.. In addition, neither the
authorities, nor the Shaikhs and landlords provided the settlers with
genuine incentive to improve the land's productivity. On the contrary,
the plundering of physical and human resources were generally their only
perceived objectives.

During the British domination of Iraq, 1916-1932, the forward
course of tribal settlement was continued. The nomadic people declined
from 17 to 7 per cent of the total population between 1905 and 1930,
while the percentages of the rural and urban population increasedfrom
59 to 68 and from 21+ to 25 respectively (Table 11). or the many factors
which influenced tribal life and the settlement process during this period,
the most important may be grouped under three categories: (1) those re-
lated to the British policy concerning the tribes, (2) those associated
with economic development, and (3) those linked with technical changes.

As an adjunct to their policy of pacification during World War
I, the British reversed the process of tribal disintegration which was
the heritage of the Turkish Period. The Tribal Disputes Regulation was
put into effect in 1916 to restore tribal customs. All means of solidi-
fying the Shaikh's position were undertaken. The paramount Shaikhs be-
'came responsible for law and order in their tribal territory, and for
collecting government revenue. The escape of agricultural tribesmen
from their Shaikh’s lands was prevented. Shaikhs were appointed to those
tribes which were either without a recognized strong leader or had no
leader at all. Outside tribal areas, the dignity of the Shaikh's position

‘was enhanced by making possible his participation in administering the

32‘?
country at both local and national levels along with the British. In
addition, subsidies, land grants, low agricultural land rents, and re-
duced taxes were his special privileges. Although the British succeeded
in maintaining law and order and continuing the settlement process by
depending on the power of the Shaikhs, the abuses which followed restor-
ation of the Shaikhly position were a continuing source of dissatisfaction
with British rule among the common people.

An important contribution of the British to the acceleration of
the process of tribal settlement was the public security which they in-
troduced both to the settled tribes and to the nomads. This improvement
was part of administrative efficiency. The enactment with the help of
the British authorities, of the Treaty of Nahammara in 1922 and the Bahra
.Agreement in 1925 between Iraq and Raid concerning solution of the fron-
tier and tribal problems of the two countries, and the establishment of
a number of desert police posts, were symbols of this development. Hav-'
ing the power to end raiding activities and to protect the villager
against the exacting of Bedouin tribute, the British were able to control
the Bedouins as never before. In the desert the new order imposed a
severe crisis upon Bedouin economy, making it necessary to adopt either
settled life continuing the trend begun earlier, or at least a more peace-
ful mode of’nomadic existence.

During the early Occupation Period the British followed the al-
ready existing land policy of the Late Turkish Period with the tribes.
Large tracts of tribal land were registered in the names of Shaikhs willing
to support the British authorities. This brought a firm footing to the
feudal system in rural Iraq and increased economic inequalities and
social distinction between the landlord Shaikhs and the tribesmen. Dur-

ing the Mandate Period, however, the British made moves to modify their

328
land policy. Certain large estates were parcelled and given to individual
tribesmen especially in the Amara and Diwaniya provinces. Small proper-
ties established in newly reclaimed land were likewise distributed to
landless peasants, and leases of state landholdings were respected. This
procedure helped considerably to stabilize landholdings and enabled some
tribes to settle. But land disputes, illegal possession of holdings,
trespassing on neighbor's territory, and acquisition of large estates by
great.Shaikhs and urban merchants continued despite the tardy efforts of
the British to remedy the situation.

The introduction of water-pumps for irrigation, which was en-
couraged by the British and Iraqi authorities, had a great influence on
the life of'many tribes. The use of this machine raised the agricultural
productivity, made it possible to irrigate areas which could not be sup-
plied with water by older methods, and created a big demand for agricul-
tural labor. As a result, settlement of tribesmen increased. On the
other hand, installation of the pumps required capital and in the end
facilitated the acquisition of large tracts of tribal land by pump owners
(generally Shaikhs, and urban merchants) mainly because the settlers
lacked savings, credit facilities and marketing experience. Thus, while
the water-pump encouraged settlement, it did little to improve the lot
of the settlers.

The British administrators, who primarily focused their attention
on the achievement of political stability, did undertake some irrigation
,and agricultural improvement projects. The irrigation measures included
flood-prevention works, completion of canals left unfinished by the Turks,
the construction of new canals and the improvement of old ones, as well
as the initiation of some drainage work. In the field of agriculture the

British efforts included the establishment of research stations, the in-

329
troduction of agricultural education, the organizing of a Veterinary
service, and the supplying of free improved seeds to settlers. In
addition, some dairy and grass farms were put into operation and foreign
breeds of livestock were introduced. In spite of the fact that the
British measures were primarilydesigned to provide enough food for their
troops in Iraq and to provide exports to meet the increasing demand for
agricultural products in Great Britain, they did extend the agricultural
area and encourage sedentarization among the tribes.

Before 1911+ carriages, carts, and pack animals (chiefly camels)
were the only means of overland transportation used in Iraq. The intro-
duction of mechanized transportation--the railway, the automobile, and
water transportation (largely subsequent to World War I in Iraq, as in
other Middle East countries)--deeply influenced the life of the tribes.
Tribal areas were brought within easier reach of government authorities .
'me construction of roads and railroad lines provided new employment
opportunities for both town dwellers and tribesmen. Cultural contact
beWeen towns and countryside was enhanced. But most significant was
the fact that the motor trucks and railroads to a great extent took the
place of caravans moving goods in Iraq and across the Syrian and Arabian
deserts. This resulted in a considerable drOp in camel prices on both
the domestic and the Middle Eastern markets.

Thus establishment of new means of transport and increased se-
curity deprived the Bedouins of major sources of income, namely the pro-
vision of animals for caravans, the handling of these caravans, and the
raiding of them as the case might be. Moreover, the rising standard of
living in some countries of the Middle East after the War caused a re-
duction in the demand for camels as a source of meat. An example was in

Egypt which had been a good market for Iraqi camels . To find a way out

330
of their economic quandary, some of the nomads of Iraq became cultivators;
others turned more to sheep breeding; and still others found employment
by the oil companies.

Development of the oil industry in Iraq started in 1926 when the
Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC) opened the Karkuk fields. From its earliest
days the industry set in motion a series of economic and social forces
which helped to change life of the desert and to accelerate settlement of
tribes, such as Ubaid, Jubur, Shammar, Dulaim and Aneza, which became
associated with its projects.

Tribesmen were employed as unskilled labor in the construction
of pipelines between Karkuk and the Mediterranean coast, in the pumping
stations, and in the oil fields. Gradually, some were trained to higher
forms of'work.‘ In one way or another, all were exposed to a new and im-
pressive way of life. .At Company expense they received their first
scientific medical examination and treatment with modern drugs. Housing,
schooling, and pure water were provided at all pumping stations. Each
station became a modern town lying either on the fringe of the older
settled areas or deep in the desert. Although the nomad's complete re-
action to this new way of life has never been studied, it is known that
they quickly became dependable workers, learned new skills easily, and
eventually adopted themselves to solid roofs and the enforced regulations
of a settled existence. Oil employment undoubtedly increased the popu-
lation as well as the purchasing power in the affected tribes.

In spite of the tendency of the tribes toward settled life dur-
ing the British Period, it was fOund that in 1930 the majority of the
rural population of Iraq were still rather mobile (Table 21). Conse-
quently, it can be said that real interest in solving the tribal prOblem

began during the National Period, 1932 to the present, when for the first

331
time Iraqi authorities themselVes launched efforts to help the tribes,
especially the already settled and semi-settled ones.

During the first part of the period, the years 1932 to 1958, the
authorities of the Monarchal government followed very closely in the foot-
steps of the British in dealing with the tribes. The.Tribal Disputes
Regulation'was enforced and Shaikhly position was solidified by the same
means followed by the British. Politically, the Shaikhs were given
higher status as members of parliament and some of them became associated
with the executive body of the government. Economically, they were the
main beneficiaries of laws enacted to settle the tribes. The trend toward
the concentration of large estates, especially of good lands, in the hands
of a few landlords continued, with the result that the tribesmen were in-
creasingly reduced to the role of indebted sharecroppers in their former
tribal areas. Since their share from the crops was seldom above the sub-
sistence level, the end results were the.same as those of the Turkish and
the British Period, namely impoverished people, impoverished soil, wide-
spread nutritional diseases, and hunger which now caused an increasing
migration of tribesmen to the cities.

In this new urban environment, the tribesmen erected poor huts

and lived under extremely undesirable conditions (Pl. XI, Figs. 1 and 2).

lMOreover, the heavy movement of tribesmen to urban centers created serious.'

economic, social and planning problems, both in the rural and the urban
areas of the country. In the former, their leaving reduced agricultural
production; in the latter, their coming depressed wage rates because of
their competing with city labor, aggravated the health and crime prob-
lems, and frustrated city planning, especially in Baghdad and other large
centers.

In order to slow the movement from the countryside to the towns

332
and to improve the agricultural economy of the country, the Monarchal
government initiated several remedial measures between l9h5 and 1958.
These included: (1) the establishment of'a system of agricultural credit;
(2) the introduction of agricultural cooperatives; (3) an attempt to adopt
the concept of agricultural extension service; (h) the construction of
irrigation projects, and (5) the initiation of land reform and settlement
projects on state land. However, because of shortcomings of the planning,
the lack of management experience and technical know-how, and the great
influence of the Shaikhs who once again managed to twist the various
measures to their own advancement, these measures generally failed to
benefit the tribes.

For example, the State Agricultural Bank which was founded soon
after World War II to provide credits to cultivators at a low interest
rate, came under the political pressure of influential landlords. In
addition, since the landless tribesman could not provide the necessary
security required fer credit, he was automatically excluded from the
benefits of this service. During the late l9h0's some agricultural co-
operatives were established, but because of inadequate guidance and the,
lack of understanding of the administrators concerning the traditions of
the rural population, most of these ended with only qualified success at
best. The same was true in the case of the agricultural extension pro-
gram which was started in the same period. ,AS for the irrigation projects,
many of them are still in the stage of construction, while others are be-
_ ing studied on paper, and still others are not even this far advanced.

It is, therefore, difficult to assess their real contribution to solution
of the tribal problem up to now, but it is certain that potentialities
for agricultural development and settlement are great if‘water can be

added to the land.

333
The shortcomings of planning and the inadequacies of management

are best exemplified by the results of settlement efforts undertaken
during the period under consideration. Soon after World War II, as a
result of inside and outside pressures, the Monarchal government attempted
to settle tribe amen on government lands. Although the program was largely
financed and implemented by Iraq, there was some foreign assistance from
Egypt, Great Britain, the Unites States, and the United Nations. Between
1915, .when the program was started, and 1957 over 2.3 million dunums of
state land were distributed. Of this, more than one and a half million
dunums were developed under government-supervi sed settlements such as
the Dujaila, Sinjar, Hawija, Shahrazoor, Latifiya, Makhmcor, and Musaiyib
projects (Fig. 13). me rest of the land was distributed without prior
expenditures on reclamation, or aid in its subsequent developnent.
Assessment of four of’the government projects (the Dujaila,
Shahrazoor, Latifiya and Sinjar) indicates that these schemes have not
achieved as much as they should have in improving the living condition
of the settlers, because of the interrelated technical, social, and ad-
ministrative problems and difficulties encountered. 0n the other hand,
experience gained should provide valuable guidelines for initiating any
settlement scheme for the tribes in the future. Past failure or partial
failure to find prOper solution of settlement problems has demonstrated
the need for detailed studies and planning. The lack of proper soil sur-
veys, suitable land capability classification, and provisions for irri-
gation, drainage, roads, and cmmnunication before the land was Opened
to settlenent were major obstacles to success in the past. In addition,
the launching of several projects in a short time caused great diffi-
culties in management and did not allow for transfer of experience

gained from one project to the others. The efforts by experts to rapidly

33h
replace deeply rooted ideas and traditional methods of cultivation with
new, locally untested, and economically unsound once created other prob-
lems.

In addition, the proper functioning of the projects was handi-
capped by several social difficulties. The lack of mutual faith between
the government and the settlers, the absence of genuine concern among the
governing class for tribal development, the failure to anticipate many
of the settlers needs, and the inadequate provision of services such as
for health improvement and education were common faults in implementing
the projects. Not only was there a lack of dedicated and honest admin-
istrators, but the shortage of domestically trained technicians caused
high dependence on foreign technical assistance. The overlapping of
functions performed by the foreign groups injected additional complexities
to the projects.

In spite of all these problems there is no doubt that the projects
placed in operation yielded some good results. Settlers generally felt
better off, since they were more free and enjoyed a greater sense of
security than they had befOre under the Shaikhs. Mere tangible were the
benefits realized from the effbrts of fereign experts in the field of re-
search, experimentation in new crOps, the introduction of improved
techniques and otherwise. Mast important, the projects indicated the
possibilities of creating a well-trained small landholding class out of
landless peasants, if given proper direction by government planning and
foreign aid.

The change in the political regime in Iraq on July 1h, 1958 and
the declaration of the Republic, resulted in the new WAgrarian.Reform
Law No. 30, 1958." This law called for: (l) the confiscation and re-

distribution of lands held in large private tracts, as well as continued

335

allotment of those belonging to the state; (2) the establishment of a
cooperative system in agriculture (3) the regulation of agricultural
relations; and (h) the abolition of old laws regarding landownership.
Once again the new regime repeated many of the errors of its
predecessors. Land distribution was started before proper surveys and
land classifications were made, before other relevant information was
acquired, and generally before land reclamation was accomplished. There
still persisted serious lacks in planning and faults in management
policy.1 Neverthless, up to 1963 slightly more than 5.5 million dunums
of land were distributed to a total of 193,395 peasants. Moreover, the
agrarian reform had accomplished its political goal of removing the land—

lords.

Problems and Prospect

 

Contemporary nomadic tribes of the Western Region of Iraq are
still faced with many of the diverse and interrelated problems of the
past. The shortage of water and pasture and the traditional way of using
the resources available impose drastic limitations on their activities.
The raising of livestock, namely camels and sheep, for their own susten-
ance and a small surplus for sale is the nomads' main occupation (Pl. VII,
Figs. 1 and 2). The standard of their animal husbandry is very low when
compared with that of the settled peoples. Backwardness and stagnation
characterize almost all aspects of their everyday life. Their hair tents,

household materials, clothing, and fbod are quite simple and barely

 

lDetailed assessment of this aspect is presented by John L.
Simmons, "Agricultural Development in Iraq: Planning and Management
Failures ,“ Middle East Journal, XIX (1965), l29-luo.

 

336

adequate for human existence. The widespread incidence of diseases and
the primitive treatment methods contribute much to the low average pro-
ductivity of the tribesmen. Their level of formal education is the
lowest of any pOpulation segment in Iraq. Thus, these people are insig-
nificant, both as producers and consumers. In.most respects they have
had a delaying effect on the economic and social develOpment of the
nation, rather than making any real contribution to its advancement.

At the present time, however, there is a marked desire among the
nomads to abandon the traditional way of life for a settled existence
(Pl. IX, Figs. 1 and 2). This tendency has in part been stimulated by
the tremendous hardships and insecurity of their existence and in part
by the spread through improved communication of knowledge of how other
peOple live. It remains for authorities to make use of this trend by
aiding in a rational manner the adjustment of the tribes to the new
economic, social, and political conditions resulting from Iraq's entrance
into the world community of'nations. It should be realized, however,
that the problem of settling these tribal people is a highly complicated
one.

Nevertheless, the author believes that marked progress can be
made toward solution of the problem if the procedures already outlined
in this dissertation are fellowed. The advice given is based on the
premises: (1) that a combination of animal husbandry and some farm of
cultivation is the most desirable occupation for most of the nomads,
apart from the limited number who will be employed in industry; (2) that
the agriculture, whether based on dry farming or irrigation, should be
largely on a subsistence level and remain secondary to stock raising;
and (3) that because the physical environment makes this type of'mixed

economy impossible in some areas, while in others the people may not

337

accept it as a way of life, nomadism will remain the pursuit of some
tribes.

After study of past experience in Iraq and of attempts in other
countries to solve the same problem, the author believes that the follow-
ing guiding principles are essential in successfully carrying out any
settlement program for the nomads of Western Iraq: (1) Transitional
stages rather than a radical shift from nomadism to a settled life is
the safest and most practical approach. (2) Although centralized plan-
ning and administration are necessary, participation of the tribes
through voluntary cooperation should be the basis of any measure proposed
for their settlement or develoynent. (3) The program should take into
consideration not only animal husbandry and farming in the narrow sense,
but also all related elements of counmmity life such as housing, school-
ing, credit facilities, etc. (h) Such an enlightened program must be
carefully planned and efficiently administered in all its aspects. (5)
It should be examined and evaluated at every stage of implementation in
the light of the ultimate goal of raising.the nomads' standard of living
and enhancing their contribution to the nation. (6) Any measure for

tribal settlement must primarily remain the concern of the government.

Practical Lines of Action
With the premises and guiding principles outlined above in mind,
practical steps for success in settling Iraqi nomads on land they now
occupy, improving their welfare, and firmly incorporating them into the
economic and social fabric of the modern nation have been recommended
and discussed in this dissertation under eleven headings. Fol-lowed to—
gether, or in succession if such is dictated by their character, these

steps will provide a multipronged attack on the problem. A recapitulation

338

of the more significant measures advised is as follows:

1. A research institute, staffed by experts drawn from all
relevant fields, should be established to investigate the varied aspects
of the nomad problem. The collection and analysis of background infor-
mation to determine potentialities of the physical and human resources
of the area can best be accomplished by specialists working as a team.
The findings of this body should be considered and their advice followed
by those planning and implementing settlement projects. In both Egypt
and Israel such a Desert Research Institute has been an important factor
in successful settlement of nomadic tribes.

2. The considerable potentialities for development of and better
utilization of surface water resources should be studied and exploited.
One large possibility lies in greater use of the supply of the Tigris-
Euphrates rivers. During an average year 35 per cent (25,739 million
cubic meters) of this water flows unused to the Persian Gulf (Table #0).
Even more water, an estimated 36,000 million cubic meters annually, is
wasted through inefficient irrigation methods, especially because of un-
controlled diversion of the water.and loss by evaporation and percolation
moving it through unlined open canals.

Much river water is now lost because it flows away during flood
stages. If stored and subsequently applied to the land, considerable
areas of the Alluvial Plain, the'Western Desert, and the Jezira could be
irrigated. This could be accomplished by: a) construction of multi-
purpose projects such as the proposed Dairich and Eski Mbsul dams on the
Tigris and the Khan Baghdadi and Rawa dams on the Euphrates; (b) canal-
ization of the Ishaqi ancient waterway; (c) utilization of the water of
the Tharthar and Lake Habbaniya projects; and (d) installation of irri-

gation facilities in the Bahr.Al-Najaf depression, the Dibdibba Plain,

339
and the Alluvial Plain west of the Euphrates.

The possibilities of moving water via idle pipelines which for-
merly carried crude oil from the Karkuk oil fields to the Mediterranean
Sea, of constructing irrigation pipelines such as used in Israel, and of
introducing sprinkler irrigation should be investigated, and if found
practicable, action should be taken.

3. Efficiency of use of the rainfall in the nomadic areas can
no doubt be increased by installation of earth dams, enbankments, ter-
races and other structures designed to slow and spread runoff after
‘desert showers (Fig. 1%). Such water spreading techniques, practiced by
some peoples in ancient times, have recently been revived and used with
success in the Negev of Israel, the Eastern Desert of'Jordan, Western
Pakistan, and elsewhere. These should be tried, especially in the Wadian
section of the Western Desert and in the Jezira.

Enlargement of carefully selected rain-pools for temporary stor-
age of runoff, repairing and may be covering the existing masonry storage
tanks in the Western Desert and the building of other similar tanks are
other possible measures to be pursued in increasing use of the natural
precipitation (Pl. I, Figs. 1 and 2).

h. Rational development and increased effectiveness of use of
the ground water of the Western Region is another step that promises
much, Assessment of the quality of this water has revealed that most of
it is suitable for animals, especially sheep. From the standpoint of
human beings, it appears that although many wells in the area produce
water with saline content beyond that normally considered tolerable by
man, much of itibeing consumed out of necessity. For agriculture most
of the water is either undesirable or injurious to sensitive crops, but

it can be used fer the production of pasture and hay, providing that the

3h0

land be sufficiently well drained to prevent the accumulation of salts
in the soil.

Calculation of the ground water budget of the area indicates
that the present water recovery from all sources is about 1,108,050 U.S.
gallons per hour, while the computed recharge from precipitation only
approximates l3,889,h60 U. S. gallons per hour. The probable maximum
recharge is 33,525,360 gallons per hour. Consequently, the computed re-
charge and the probable maximum recharge are more than the present water
recovered by at least 13 and 33 times respectively. On the basis of safe
yield analysis, the computed recharge could support 3,858 wells, each
producing continuously at the rate of 100 U. 8. gallons per minute, with-
out exceeding the supply of water or deteriorating its quality. The
probable maximum recharge could support 9,312 such wells (Table #2).

Actually, the number of wells possible is considerably greater
than indicated above, if influent seepage from rivers and reservoirs is
considered. For example, the combined influent recharge from the Tigris
River and from the Tharthar flood diversion channel into one drainage
area alone (Number h, Figure 16) could support 5,166 wells on the com-
puted recharge, and possibly as many as l7,h96 wells on the probable
maximum recharge. 4

Thus, it is evident that there is great potential for increasing
the use of ground water in the area. This can be realized by improving
and maintaining existing sources of supply, by drilling new wells, and
by planning and executing a more comprehensive long-term water develop-
ment and conservation program than has so far been attempted. In such a
program, however, the immediate needs for domestic purposes and for
watering the animals and growing forage for them.must be satisfied before

irrigation schemes are considered.

3&1

5. The development of water resources should be accompanied by
betterment of grazing resources. The first step is to study and map the
existing plant cover in order to determine its composition, ecology, and
potential carrying capacity. The second is to adopt a program including
both regeneration of the natural vegetation and the establishment of
’pasture of desirable introduced grasses. There are some promising native
species which could be the starting point of such development, while much
is known about valuable forage plants from other parts of the world.

Every effort should be made to prevent overgrazing. Proper dis-
tribution of livestock can in part be achieved by planned distribution of
wells and watering points but more than this is needed, such as advice by
'experts and regulation of present uncontrolled stocking.

6. Concurrent consideration should be given to improvement of
the quality of the livestock, especially the sheep, by instituting
scientific breeding practices. At the same time, attention should be
given to the prevention and cure of animal diseases by establishing well
equipped veterinary extension centers in the tribal areas. There must be
a.change of the nomads' philosophy in regard to the animals from quantity
to quality. This upgrading can be achieved through education in methods
of selection and cross-breeding. There are promising local breeds of
sheep, such as the Ag§§i_and the Arab}, which could be used to start
such a program.

The maintenace of stronger and more productive animals dictates
that stocking ,of the arid grazing lands be not more than 65 per cent of
the number the average forage production can support. The basic breeding
herd should be kept at 55 to 60 per cent of this number. Also required,
is the provision of fodder reserves for use.during periods of short pas-

ture supplies. This excess food can be supplied from the area itself

3A2
and stored near watering points, if proper measures are applied. Con-
vincing the nomads to keep fewer animals may at first be difficult, be-
cause of their tradition that wealth and social prestige are proportional
to the number of head owned, but it can be accomplished once the benefits
of such a course are understood.

7. Attention should be given to improving dry farming methods.
These should be applied first among tribesmen already practicing dry
farming as part of a semi-nomadic existence and than among others as
they adopt this way of living (Pl. VIII, Fig. 2). Still later, more
expensive facilities for irrigation agriculture can be introduced in
suitable areas .

8. Since it will be impossible to realize all the advantages
expected from settlement of the nomads unless they gain title to the
land they use, acceleration of land redistribution should be considered
an integral part of the process of sedentarization. Every effort must
be made to avoid the shortcomings of the past with regard to land policy.

9. Attention should be paid to planning the morphology and
distribution of the agricultural villages and service centers which will
result from the nomads adOption of semi-sedentary and settled modes of
life. Elaboration of already-established cultural landscape patterns
should be stressed first, as for example the founding of new settlements
at suitable places along major travel routes .

10. Another prospect for settlement and improvement of the
nomads which merits examination is extraction of the mineral resources
of Western Iraq. The unskilled labor required should be drawn primarily
from among the tribesmen. In addition, the developnent in central places

of simple handicraft and home industries based on the animal products

of the area should be‘ undertaken.

3&3

ll. Since any project for settlement of the tribes is likely to
(end in partial or complete failure if education, health, credit, market-
:ing facilities, and other services are nOt available, these should be ex-
tended to the new settlements as part of the overall plan. Education of
both adults and children is perhaps the most important key to success.

To start with, the basic tools of reading and writing and practical
learning should be stressed.

The recommendations made have for the most part been designed to
achieve settlement of the Iraqi nomads in the territory they now occupy.
The implementing of some will require much time and money, as for example
the installation of’multipurpose dams and their associated irrigation
systems. Such should be considered not only from the standpoint of
settling the nomads, but for the much greater contribution which they
can make to development of the whole nation. Meanwhile, a great deal
can be accomplished towards converting the nomads to a semi-sedentary
life, directly benefiting them without uprooting them from their accus-
tomed habitat, by getting started on some of the other lines of action.
To bring these into operation in an orderly manner, appropriately testing
the procedures, one or more carefully designed pilot projects should be
established and carried to completion at places in the Western Desert
especially selected because of their promising site and situation. If
these projects prove successful, other similar ones can be initiated,
each with modifications dictated by experience and to suit the local
conditions.

There is little doubt that successful settlement of the nomads
'within the Western Region of Iraq will result in a higher rate of natural
increase of population in the area. If rapid population growth is not

to nullify other gains and thereby prevent attainment of a better level

3I+1+
of living, many people will probably have to migrate to other parts of
the nation. Consequently, the possibilities of settling nomads and -
their descendents elsewhere than in their present homeland must be
considered.

At present, the arable land of the country is estimated to be
about ’48, 000,000 dunums. However, the area under actual cultivation
during any one year is only 12,596,000 dunums, and even this land is not
used to the best advantage. By applying modern farming techniques, much
more produce of a better quality could be obtained from less land than
is presently used. Moreover, the area of arable land could be greatly
expanded if efficient use were made of available water resources.

Thus, it can be concluded that there are very favorable possi-
bilities of settling the nomads of Iraq, both in the Western Region and
in other parts of the country. Much depends upon man's perception of
the Opportunities which exist and the steps he takes to develop these.
Although the problem of settling the nomads and improving their level of
living is a complex one, whose ultimate solution should be sought as part
of the larger effort to promote economic and social progress in the
nation as a whole, much can be accomplished by an immediate attack on
this limited front.

Voluntary cooperation of the nomads is necessary for success,
but the most critical requisite is continued sympathetic attention to
the problem by government officials in policy making positions. Without
the support of these men, it will be impossible for subordinate officials
and technical staff, no matter how dedicated and competent, to properly
carry out the planning, financing, implementation and follow-up necessary
for success of projects designed to benefit the nomads,:rmclllch of the aid

provided by foreign capital and technicians will have been wasted.

345

PIATE I

 

Fig. 1. -- Stony surface in the Juraibaniya area,
typical of the southwestern Western Desert. A bush—
bordered rain-pool is in the background (Ralph M.
Parsons Co. .

 

Fig. 2. -- Birkat Hamad, one of the masonry-lined
tanks along the Darb Zubaida. It is about 100 feet in
diameter and 30 feet deep. Notice flatness of the
desert (Ralph M. Parsons Co.).

3&6

PLATE II

 

 

...—fl ““”'": Z a

Fig. l. -— Irrigation na‘ur at Dagani in the
southern part of the Jezira. Water raised from just
below the surface is carried by canal to the village
garden plots (Ralph M. Parsons Co.).

 

 

Fig. 2. -- Bir Slubi, a privately owned hand-dug
well, in the southern Jezira. The yield of 200 gal—
lons per minute of water having 7,100 parts per mil-
lion soluble salts is used for irrigation of wheat.
(Ralph M. Parsons Co.).

3W

PLATE III

531”“

 

Fig. l. -- Governmentqirilled well at the Lussaf
Police Post in central part of Western Desert. Camels
are watering at trough leading from well and storage
area at right.

" 3‘ J mfllw. ‘5»

 

Fig. 2. -- Eucalyptus trees and small field irri-
gated by water from government-drilled well at the
Lussaf Police Post.

 

Fig. l. -- The newly excavated spring of Ruhaima
flows an estimated 600 gallons per minute. In the
line of springs, it supplies the Ruhaima Oasis west of
Najaf in the eastern part of the Western Desert.

fuss» :. - "

 

Fig. 2. -- Vegetable field in the Ruhaima Oasis,
irrigated by the spring of Ruhaima.

3&9
PLATE V

....-.q ,._

- -p--o.. '
’O floor-.... ‘v"""‘“
‘ ,.

 

Fig. l. -- Concrete storage tank near Habbariyain
the central section of the Western Desert. Pollution
by wind-blown dust and bird excrement and loss of water
by evaporation are problems of open tanks such as this
(Ralph M. Parsons Co.).

 

Fig. 2. -- The large spring at Ain Ghaim west of
the Euphrates near Najaf. The water is high in sul-
fate and has a soluble salt content of 3,525 parts per
million. Sedimentation, and contamination also reduce
usefhlness of the supply (Ralph M. Parsons Co. .

3 50
PLATE VI

 

8
northern section of the Western Desert. At the time
of the picture (Sept. 20, 1963) the engine in the pump—
house to the left was broken, and ten of eleven nearby
dwellings were vacant because of lack of water.

 

Fig. 2. -- Trucks used for conveying water from
wells in the Rutba area to nomadic tribes in the Wes-
tern Desert during the summer. The supply is used
primarily for watering animals.

  
       
   

. its... lflgmfl- .4‘75""I3'5" z“
Fig. l. -- A sheep-owning nomadic family on sum-
mer grazing ground west of the Euphrates River near
Samawa. The sick and the young animals are kept in-
side the tent while the main herd grazes on fields of
wheat stubble belonging to settled cultivators.

Fig. 2. -- A Bedouin family about to move to a
new location for better winter grazing land. This view
over the Plains of the Jezira shows the scattering of
low brush and patches of short grass characteristic of
the area (Ralph M. Parsons Co.).

v .

352

PLATE VIII

 

Fig. l. -- Nomadic Aneza tribesmen marketing salt
in Baghdad gathered from the Razzaza area near Karbala.

 

Fig. 2. -- A harvested field of wheat belonging
to nomadic tribesmen of the Dulaim in the Upper Wadian
subregion of the Western Desert. In the foreground.are
tamarisk plants.

. 'II'I- ‘0 I
‘ .‘

353
PLATE IX

 

Fig. l. -- Well and pumphouse at Abu Kard in the
Plain of the Jezira. This settlement of Shammar
tribesmen was made possible by possession of a diesel
engine to pump irrigation water (Ralph M. Parsons Co.).

 

Fig. 2. —- Habbariya, one of three villages re-
cently established by Aneza camel-owning nomads north
of the Rukhaib Police Post. Sheep raising and wheat
dry farming support the village. The well to the left
supplies water for the flocks.

 

Fig. l. -- Main street of Rutba. This village
was founded in the 1920's as a police post in the
northern part of the Western Desert.

. n
-

.Wr"-t"§b ’
4r?‘.'.~h.~'
9 and

..,.,.yc¢evba > .
.....eioécv‘if- .....ev‘

 

Fig. 2. -- H-l, oil-pumping station in the north-
ern section of the Western Desert. It has been closed
and unoccupied since l9h8.

a
U
3

l
.-

r

 

Fig. l. -- Reed-mat huts of tribal immigrants in
Baghdad erected in vacant lots between houses of urban
people.

    

q.‘
n

Fig. 2. -- Women of the Asima immigrant camp
carrying water from a fountain in the settlement.

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