SQéZifi.‘ RQCTQfilfi AN? SQCiAL PSVCwL‘fiGEC-AL fiffiPLANWi‘IW‘éS OF flGN'MEGRLA‘EHQN Thesis ”$01“ the» Dames of Ph. D. .‘AlCHiGIAN EATS UNEVERSWY Jeanna Bubafiz Eicher 1959 1 This is to certify that the thesis entitled Social Factors and Social Psychological EXplanations of Non-Migration presented by Joanne B. Eicher has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph. D. degree in Sociology and Anthropology ) .--\‘ ,"l r r 1' i j 14] ‘ » if) ~ ( "’/111111£.\_L;‘w4’ / 7/] Major professor } Date May 15. 1959 LIBRARY Michigan State University SOCIAL FACTOLS ALD SOCIAL BSYGHOLOGICAL EXPLAEATIOLS OF NON-LIGRATION by Joanne Bubolz Eicher AN ABSTRACT Submitted to the School of Advanced Gracuate Studies of hichigan State University of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PflILOSOPHY Department of Sociology and AnthrOpology Year 1959 r‘ l" f ‘ ‘x Approved 4.: Law; J a ,. L‘QAA Joanne Bubolz Eicher Why do some people not migrate while their neighbors do? This dissertation investigates the relationship of two social factors, ethnic background and age, with explanations for non-migration, in order to understand better the process of non-migration. The theoret- ical feundation of the study was a fermulation by the Procedures .Committee of the North Central Regional Project Concerning Field Studies of Migration. To explain the decisionemaking process of migras tion, (and therefore, non-migration), use was made of three components: satisfactions, aspirations, and social costs. The two control vari- ables of ethnic background and age were hypothesized to be instrumental in explaining why some people remained behind in an area of constant outemigration. Three general hypotheses were formulated for each variable associating the controls with the three components, giving a total of six general research hypotheses. The area selected for study was Ontonagon county in the Upper Peninsula of Michigan, a county with constant outdmigration for the past thirty years, with a low level of living, and a low proportion of employed workers engaged in manufacturing. The county is typical of the cut~over areas of Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan. From the eleven townships in the county, two were Selected which best repre- sented the rural non-farm and rural farm division for the county, in addition to representing it for the age-sex structure and for ethnicity. Joanne Bubolz Eicher 2. A twenty-five percent sample of household heads or spouses in the townships was drawn, resulting in 168 interviews. 4A total of 76 specific associations was used to test the six hypotheses. Twenty were statistically significant. Ethnicity was not proved a discriminating factor in relationship to satisfaction, sepira- tion, or social cost as explanations of non-migration. Age was not discriminating for the subjective indices of communflw'satisfaction and not for social cost appraisals. Statistical results support only one hypothesis, namely, older age is highly associated.with aSpirations obtainable within the community, for six of the eight associations were statistically significant and one approached significance. Seven of the eleven objective indices for community satisfaction support associa- tion with older age. Although several associations of age and community satisfaction are nonpsignificant, they approach significance and provide important insights and guides for future research. First, the overwhelming major- ity of nonamigrants of all age and ethnicity groups seem extremely satis- fied with the community, for few seriously intend to leave. Second, if the community maintains its gtgtggiggg and no innovations occur to bring about better schools, recreation, and other improvements, then this same ”hard core" of non-migrants will still remain in Ontonagon county. Next, it follows that out-migration will drain off only a handful of the family heads of all ages and ethnicity categories, for they demon- strate a strong preference to remain because of marriage, family and J oanne Bubolz Eicher 3. friendship ties as well as occupational ties. Since this study is restricted to family heads, it is not possible to assess the out- migration potential for young single male and female adults. However, it appears that the young family heads are extremely satisfied with the conmmni tyc SOCIAL FACTORS AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL EXPLANATIUNS OF NON-MIGRATION by Joanne Hibolz Eicher A THESIS Submitted to the School of Advanced Graduate Studies of Michigan State University of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DLETOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology and Anthropology Year 1959 Approved \.t AC KN O slump-mm T3 The writer is indebted to the many persons who made possible the completion of her dissertation and degree program. Those deserving special acknowledgement are: Dr. J. Allan Beegle, thesis advisor, for the long hours spent in guidance and counsel from the initial stages of the project to the finish of the dissertation. Gratitude is expressed for his ready willingness and help. Dr. William H. Form for his critical reading of and constructive suggestions for the manuscript. Drs. Charles P. Loomis, John Useem, Charles R. Hoffer, and Henry 8. Leonard for encouragement through difficult stages of graduate work. Harold F. Goldsmith, Francis M. Sim, Drs. Jay Artis and Joel Smith for methodological and technical assistance and advice. My parents, George and Stella Bubolz, who were generous and thoughtful in many ways, providing me with "extra" time. my husband, Carl K..Eicher, for his stimulating ideas, endless patience, and constant help. His perseverance and unselfishness have been inepiring and are deeply appreciated. TASLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES 0000000000 ooooooo coo-000000... ....... .. v Chap tar I. THEOHATICAL FRAMEWORK, RESEA&CH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY .0000OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOIOOOOOOOIOOOOOOOOCOOOC l IntrOdUCtion ooocrooooooOOQOOOocooc«a--ooooo.ooooooooo l BaCkground coo-000.0000ooocooo00000000000000.0000... 1 Statement of the Problem .............,..fi,......... Significance Of this Study cocoon.00.000000000000000 Theoretical Framework Of Migration 0.0000000000000000. cps—Eb) DefinitiUn Of Terms 0000 ----- OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO ResearCh HypOtheseS 0.0.0.0000.0.0000000000000000... 9 Research Design and Methodology ......,............... 12 Area Selection ..................................... 13 Sample Selection ................................... 15 Schedule Construction .............................. 17 Field Work ......................................... 18 Data Analysis .................. ...... .............. 19 A. Control Variables ............................ 19 1. Ethnicity ................................ l9 2. Age-Grade .............-.................. 21 3. independence of Control Variables ........ 22 B. Decision-Making Components.................... 22 C. Statistical Eachniques ....................... 23 Dissertation Outline oooooooooooofoooooooooooooooooooo 2h Chapter II. SURVEY OF THE LITERATURE ........................... Selective Migration Studies......................... Low-Income Studies ................................. Community Studies .................................. 111. Tea NON-MLGRANTS' commJNITY SATISFACTIONS, ASPIRATIONS, AND SOCIAL COST APPdAlSALS ........... Area Description and HiStOry 00.0000000000000000000. The HypOtheSBS TeSth ooooooooooo00000000000000.9000 Satisfaction coo.-coo-00.00.00.000.oooooocoooooooo Aspiration 00.000000000000000...0.000000000000000. SOCj—al COSt 0.0.0.0...OOOOOO§OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO' o. 1?. SEIILTNARY 4WD CRITIQUE ............................... Summary ...........................................o Critique ........................................... EDHJUGRAPHY ................................................ APPENDIX A. TABLES REFERRED TO BUT NOT USED IN TEXT ........ APPENDIX B. II‘JTMVIERVV SCI—LEDULE 00.00.000.00.000.000.000.000. an an 51 52 66 7O 75 75 .76 82 86 125 LIST OF TABLES Table Page Summary of Association of Ethnicity and Age with Objective I. Indices of Community Ties ,............................-......... 5h Summary of Association of Ethnicity and Age with Opinions of II. Community satiSfaCtion 00.000000000000000...Cotoooooogogogogg.... 60 III. Summary of Association of Ethnicity and Age with Factors of Aspiration .ooOcOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOo-nto-0000oOQOQOoooooOoooogo.o.... 67 IV. Summany of Association of Ethnicity and Age with Social Cost Factors 0000000000000000000000000.0000...00000000000000.0000...o. 7]. 1. Association of Ethnicity and Age with Number of Organizations to WhiCh Head Belongs coco...0.0.0.000oto0000¢o°oooo.ooo.t.¢.o.o. 8? 2. Association of Ethnicity and Age with Offices Held by Head or Spouse in past 5 years ooooooeo0000.00.00.00coco-00.000.00.00.ono 88 3. Association of Ethnicity and Age with Indication of Religious 89 Affiliation 0f FaMihr Head.00000000000000.0000...000900.000...one h. Association of Ethnicity and Age with Home Ownership............. 90 5. Associations of Ethnicity and Age with Level Of Living Index..... 91 6. Association of Ethnicity and Age with Location of Friends........ 9? 7. Association of Ethnicity and Age with Present Occupation of Family HeadOCOOOOOOOOOooo00.000...canoe-00000000cecaloooeooeooooo 93 8. Association of Ethnicity and Age with Present Occupation of Head (Census ClaSSj—fication)ooooooeuoooeoooogooeooeoo00.00.000.00 9h 9. Association of Ethnicity and Age with Prestige Rank (North-Hatt) 0f Pl‘esent Occupation.......o..uu...........o.............n... 95 10. Association of Ethnicity and Age with Number of Jobs Presently n.9.0.0.0...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOIO... 96 Held by HeadQOOOOOOOOOOoOOOcnIp 11. Association of Ethnicity and Age with Income Per Famiiy.......... 97 12. Association of Ethnicity and Age with Reasons for Moving to Pl‘esent ReSj-dence...............00......OOCOOOOCOOOOOOOO.OOOOOO.. 98 13. Association of Ethnicity and Age with Community Satisfactions.... 99 In. Association of Ethnicity and Age with Community Dissatisfactions. 100 .Ou Table 15. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 2h. 2S. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. vi. LIST OF TABLES (CONTINUED) Page 0 Association of Ethnicity and Age with Specification of Community Improvementsoooooooooooooooooo00.000000000000000.000000 101 Association of Ethnicity and Age with Intention of Remaining Regardless 0f ChangCSQOQOOOoooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooo 102 Association of Ethnicity and Age with Residence Location Preference to Present Dateoeoooooooooooooooooooooooocoo-cocoon... 103 Association of Ethnicity and Age with Preferred Residence of All KnOWTIOOOOO IIIIII 0..0.00.00.00.00000COOOOOOOOOO00.000.00.00... 1014 Association of Ethnicity and Age with Preferred of all Known Residences for Children............o............................. 105 Association of Ethnicity and Age with Community Satisfaction Score............................................................ 106 Association of Ethnicity and Age with Perception of Who Leaves... 107 Association of Ethnicity and Age with Perception of Who Remains.. 108 Association Ethnicity and Age with Job Satisfaction Score........ 10? Association of Ethnicity and Age with Preference for New Location 110 Association of Ethnicity and Age with Preferred Location......... 111 Association of Ethnicity and Age with New Location Qualifications 112 Association of Ethnicity and Age with Advantages Gained by MOVng to CitYOO910.0.0.0000...0.0.0.000...000......00.00.0000... 113 Association of Ethnicity and Age with WOuld you Move for a) More Pay, b) Health Reasons, c) To Get Ahead.......................... 11h Association of Ethnicity and Age with Financially‘Unachieved Goal 115 Association of Ethnicity and Age with Previous Consideration 0f Movj-nEOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0....OOOOCOOOOOOCOCCO0.00.0.0...0.0... 116 Association of Ethnicity and Age with Reasons for Remaining 11? in Community............o.....o.............o......oo-....o...... Association of Ethnicity and Age with Rating of City Image....... 118 Association of Ethnicity and Age with Negative and Positive Images Of Typical City Lifeooooooo00000000000000.000.000.00.00... 119 . , . 9 . , 1 o . . .9001! “or... - . on n a u 9 p . . a. - 1Q...° 0.9. 9 - . O Q 0 t u C Table 3h. 35. 36. 37- 38. vii. LIST OF TABLES ( CONTINUED) Page Association of Ethnicity and Age with the Most Important Differences Between Present and City Life........................ 120 Association of Ethnicity and Age with Friends' References to City AdJUStmentoooooooooooooooooooooeoooooocooooooooeoooooooooooe 121 Association of Ethnicity and Age with Friends' Acknowledgement Of City AttractionS........o..........................o..oo...... 122 Association of Ethnicity and Age with Friends' Specifications or City Attractionsooooeoo000.0000o.o0000000000000000000000000000 123 Association of Ethnicity and Age with Perceptions of Initial City AdeStmentSoooooooooooooooooo00000000000000.0000000000000000 12h ’- Fe Iv . “I. In. ‘3 ll.‘ CHAPTER ONE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK, RESEARCH DESIGN, AND METHODOLOGY Introduction Background. Explanations for human migration have been linked to environmental conditions, war, population and economic pressure, and desire for freedom.1 Systematic analysis began with the Industrial Revolution in Vestern Europe, when increased mechanization created pepulation and economic pressures.2 This analysis was most often statistical; it was concerned with volume, direction and flow, and differential selectivity in migration.3 There were also descriptive studies, dealing with the migrants' adjustment to their new environment, their acculturation and assimilation.h Both statistical and descriptive studies usually dealt with international move- ment, emigration and immigration. Not until the 1920's did American scholars become curious about the internal migrant and begin studies of in—migration and out-migration. Dorothy Swaine Thomas attributes this indifference toward H'- 1 warren S. Thompson, population Problems, New York: Random House, 1956, p. l. Donald R. Taft, Human Migration, New York: Ronald Press 30., 1936, p. 56. '3 An example of a discussion of both volumes and streams of migration.may be found in Dudley Kirk, EurOpe's Population in the Interwar Years, Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, Series of League of Nations Publications, II. Economic and Financial, l9b9 II.A.S. PP. 72-97- h The classic in the field of sociologr is the study by W. 1. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, 5 volumes, Boston: .Richard G. Badger, 1918. Other books treating the same subject are Maurice R. Davie, World Immigration, New York: The Macmillan Company, 19h9; and Lawrence Guy Brown, Immigration, Cultural Conflicts and Social Adgustments, New York: Longmans, Green andfiCo., 1933. internal migration in the United States to the vast possibilities of economic and population expansion before Werld War I.5 According to her, social scientists' growing interest in internal migration is based on the following factors: 1. World War I reduced immigration when labor demand in northern industry was high. This demand began to be filled by Negro migrants from the South. 2. Immigration restrictions of 1921 and l92h, strictly applied in the depression years, made immigration an historical problem. 3. Rapid declines in the rural and urban birth rates caused concern and provided data for investigating rural—urban differentials as affected by fertility and migration variation. h. ployed masses in the cities, both with their usual migration channels "Stranded" pOpulations of agricultural drought areas and the unem- blocked, provoked interest. Early investigations of internal migration were mainly concerned with ungration selection or migration streams.7 The concern of the present study, reasons for migration and non-migration, has been the subject of many explanations and much theory but little empirical fact-finding.8 __ 5; Dorothy Swaine Thomas, Research Memorandum on Migration Differentials, Bulletin h3, New York: Social Science Research Council, 1933: p. 2. 6 Mo, pp. 2-3. 7 The summary of all migration selection studies to 1938 is presented in ibid. A current example of streams of migration studies is: Donald J. Bogus, Henry S. Shryock, Jr., and Siegfried A. Hoermann, Subregional Migration in the United States, 1935-bo, Vol. I, Streams of Mi%ation I9§;een u regions, 0 , hi6: ScrippsfiFoundation, Miami Un verSity, 8 One notable exception to this statement is the study done by Clyde V. Kiser,‘§§a Island to City, New York: Columbia University Press, 1932. .L‘ ' R f” '4 r. h- As a part of the North Central Regional Project 18, the Agricultural Experiment Station in c00peration with the Department of Sociology and AnthrOpology of Michigan State University undertook a study of reasons for.out—migration in the cut—over area of the Upper Peninsula of Michigan.9 The Michigan State University research views the decision-making process of migration from three perspectives: 1) that of peOple still living where outemigration has been going on; 2) that of high school students there who must soon decide whether to stay or to leave; and 3) that of former resi- dents who have settled elsewhere. This study limits itself to the first phase; it is interested only in those who have "stuck with" the area and its limitations-the non-migrants in an area of out-migration.lo Statement of the Problem. Why do some people not migrate while their neighbors do? This dissertation investigates the relationship of two social factors, ethnic background and age, with explanations for non-migra- tion, in order to understand better the process of non-migration. The study is not a traditional demographic analysis. Instead it incorporates the sociological facts of a person's background with social psychological ____ 9 The procedures committee report of the North Central Regional Project states that the first two major phases of the regional project centered on estimating net migration by the residual method and analysis of regional pepulation characteristics as related to migration patterns with sources of data for both phases coming mainly from census volumes. The report further states: "While such sources are invaluable, they are not amenable to supplying answers to questions concerning motivation in migration or institutional adjustments in areas of population gain or loss, for example." Report of Procedures Committee of NC-lB, North Central Regional Project Concerning Field Studies of Migration, unpub- lished manuscript, no date, p. l . J. Allan Beegle, Chairman; Thomas R. Ford, Roy Francis, Siegfried A. Hoermann and Ward Bauder, committee members. loPhase two is the subject matter for a dissertation in progress by Harold F. Goldsmith, Michigan State University. Phase three at this time is not underway. w .. uh. ‘We need answers to basic questions: Do the resi- reasons for remaining. dents like the community? Why or why not? Have they thought of moving? What are their aSpirations? Can these aspirations he fulfilled within the (immunity? How do therresidents view the process of migration? Significance of4this study. next chapter indicates that peeple migrate mainly because of economic Understanding Review of relevant literature in the pressures. Thessame pressures also affect non-migrants. of their motives for remaining will help explain pOpulation trends, and will be useful in predicting and interpreting future migration. Further- more, this information may be of practical use when it seems desirable to Speed or retard migration in a specific area. Theoretical Framework of Migration Migration is defined as "the voluntary movement of individuals beyond and outside their interaction systems in the community of residence."11 It is recognized that the word "voluntary" is not always used in defining 12 Indeed, the typologies of migration developed by Davis and In this migration. Peterson13 distinguish between forced and voluntary migration. study, we are concerned only with voluntary movement, for migration is Seen as an on-going decision-making process. In a forced movement there is no choice as to whether 25 not to move, although there may be a choice as to where to move.1b Pure migration refers to complete severance 11 .Report of Procedures Committee, NC—18, 223 222°: p. 2' 12 Kingsley Davis, Human Society, New York: Macmillan, 1950. 13 William Peterson, "A General Typology of Migration", American Socio- logical Review, 23:3, June, 1958, pp. 256-266. 1h .Report of the Procedures Committee, NC-18, 32, cit., p. 3, states as .I a A. v I d -\ IA1 ‘1. II ~ ~ . , . DH an r . .1 - of group and patterned relationships in the community of origin. Instances of pure migration are rare, for migrants more often than not, retain some ties with the community of origin.15 Hen-migration then means the voluntary non-movement of individuals teyond and outside their interaction systems in the community of residence. Like the migrants, these individuals have had a choice. They chose to stay. Beagle introduces the three major concepts of this decision-making process in the preliminary statement for studies of migration of the Pro- cedures Committee. The phenomenon of migration is viewed here as an on-going process of decision-making in which satisfactions with life in the community of residence are weighed against the social costs of leaving the community of residence. This evaluation process occurs in relation to the level of aspirations, rooted in the value orientation, range of knowledge, and eXperience of groups and individuals.16 Satisfactions result from group and structural ties. Cohesiveness with the community which the individuals perceive and/or feel arises from the patterned relations of those ties.17 The satisfactions may be viewed as the net which binds to the area individuals who like living there, who are secure, integrated. Their meaningful relationships in the community are too important to sever. Conversely, dissatisfaction with the community in- dicates disagreeable or fragmentary group ties. If satisfactions were the only factor, we could assume that high community satisfaction means preference follows: "Volunta retains its general sociological meaning. It does not reject the idea that one may feel forced by a social situation to move. It asserts that persons who leave because of legal compulsion (deportation, exile, etc.) or 'against his will' are not migrants in our sense." 15 16 Ibid., p. 2. Ibid., p. 2. 17 Ibid. not to migrate and low community satisfaction, preference to migrate. However, satisfactions are only one facet of the decision—making pro- cess. Aspirations too affect personal satisfaction. Aspirations, viewed as desired states or conditions,18 include desires for material objects, Jobs, or places to live. If the aspirations can be fulfilled within the community, they reinforce the satisfactions with the community,19 and con- firm a decision not to migrate. If not obtainable within the community, these wishes may change or influence the satisfactions or offset them; for if the pull of aspiration is stronger or more urgent than community satis- faction, migration might result. The third component of the decision-making process is the social cost appraisal. When individuals decide to migrate, the affiliations at the community of origin are at least partially severed and must bel'eplaced at the community of destination. "Hence migration is viewed as an [Essen- tially painful] socially costly process."20 Brackets are placed around the words "essentially painful" because this gives the term social cost an implied, negative tone. To neutralize the term, social cost is here defined as the ease with which a person may leave the community. If an individual perceives moving away as an act disrupting group ties which he cherishes, then the social cost of moving will be appraised as high. If, on the other hand, he perceives that moving will release him from groups he dislikes, or if he has few important group ties, then the social costs of moving will be low. One who views social costs as high will have less —._ 18 19 20 Ibid., p. 3. Ibido, p. 2. Ibids’ p. 2. ml C) (I) (—3 inclination to leave than one who views social costs as low; This third factor can tip the balance when the other two factors cancel each other out. Thus, we will designate individuals as having high or low community satisfaction, in or out aspiration, and high or low appraisal of social 21 cost. 21 The Procedures Committee when preparing the preliminary statement on migration discussed the interrelationship of the three components. They realized the possibility of the three not contributing equal weight in the decision—making process of migration. Since the present study was one of the initial attempts to utilize the frame- work, it was decided estimate the three variables separately before approaching the problem of their interrelationship. It is acknowa ledged that the combination of the three factors yields eight possible and logical types; however, this typology will not be dealt with in this dissertation. Using the abbreviations S for satisfaction, A for aspiration, and SC for social cost appraisal, the types are as follows: 1) High 5, In A, High sc 2) High 5, In A, Low SC 3) High 3, Out A, High 30 Is) High 5, Out A, Low so 5) Low 5, In A, High so 6) Low 3, In A, Low SC 7) Low 5, Out A, High sc 8) Low 8, Out A, Low SC Assuming that each of the three factors carries equal weight in the decision-making process, we can divide the eight types into four main categories of orientation to migration: first, three factors favorable to staying in the community gives us the clear-cut non-migrant, Type 1) above; second, two factors favorable to staying and one leaving, gives us the probable non-migrant, Types 2), 3), and 5); two factors favor- able to leaving and one staying gives us the probable migrant, Types h), g), and 7); and three factors favorable to leaving, the clear-cut mig- rant, Type 8). Type 1 represents the satisfied community resident whose aspirations are obtainable within the community and whose estimates of social costs in migrating are high. He is the clear-cut non-migrant. Type 2 represents a person whose in-aspirations reinforce the satis- factions, but whose appraisal of social costs is low. This resident would no doubt prefer to stay in the community, for there is no indica- tion that he wants to leave. The low social cost estimate indicates Definition of Terms. For clarification throughout the rest of the dissertation, several terms need now to be defined. Decision-making. ”The process whereby alternative courses of action are reduced."22 The resident in an area of constant and high out-migration is faced with the alternatives of staying or leaving and with weighing satisfactions, aspirations and social costs. Migration. "Voluntary movement of individuals beyond and outside their interaction systems in the community of residence."23 21 only that if faced with leaving, he sees few problems connected with the move. Type 3 individuals prefer the present community, yet have sapirations not obtainable within it. This dilemma is further complicated by their perceptions of high social costs. If the pull of the aspiration is powerful enough, it may overcome the force of the other two factors. Assuming equal weight, however, this is a probable non-migrant. Type h, although satisfied, may find that migration seems to provide few problems, and his aspirations can be met only outside of the com- munity; the latter two factors make him the most likely candidate for migration of the first four types. Type 5, not satisfied with the community but having aspirations obtainable within it and finding social costs high, is a probable non- migrant. Type 6 dislikes the community and appraises the cost of moving as He is a prob- low although his aspirations are obtainable within it. able migrant, and if he realizes that his present aspirations are also obtainable outside of the community, he would become Type 8, the clear- cut migrant. Type 7 has low'satisfaction, and out-sepirations despite a high appraisal of social cost; he too, is a probable migrant. Type 8 is the migrationeprone resident who has low community satis- faction, out-aSpirations, and low social cost estimates. It must be understood that these are orientations toward migration 0r.non-migration, based on three categories of‘theoretically equal 22 Charles P. Loomis and J. Allan Beegle, Rural SociolOgy, New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc. 1957, p. h68. 23 Report of Procedures Committee, NC-lS, 22. cit., p. 2. "Any collection of social beings who enter into distinctive "en Group. social relationships with one another. Migrant. A person who has voluntarily moved beyond and outside his interaction systems in the initial community of residenee. Non—migrant. A person who voluntary remains in the community of origin, maintaining, more or less, a day-to-day contact and interaction with systems in that community. Community. "A social system encompassing a territorial unit within which members carry on most of their day-to-day activities necessary to . 2 meeting common needs." 5 Satisfactions. "Feelings of cohesiveness and security rooted in identification with groups and structures (patterned relations through time.)"26 . . , . . . 2 Aspiration. "DeSired future state of conditions sought." 7 Social Costs. The perception of the ease with which a person may leave the community. Research_dypotheses. When studying a community in which out—migration has been constant over a period of time, the sociologist asks: What groups would be most satisfied with the community? What groups have aspirations ootainable within the community? Valid variables which could be used to investigate the attributes of 2h Robert Maclver and Charles H. Page, Society, New York: Rinehart & Company, l9h9, p. lb. 2 . q S Loomis and Beegle, Rural Sociology, OD- cit., P- 22' i. 26 _ Report Cf Frocedures Committee, NC—lB, op. cit., p. 27 *Ibidu‘) p0 30 r...- ru- .‘1 0. alt .\.v Add .‘I :15 lO non-migrants include age, sex, education, income, family status, occupation, and ethnic affiliation. The:3tudy at hand will focus on two of the above: ethnic affiliation and age. Ethnic affiliation was selected because in Ontonagon county, the par- ticular community studied, the population is of a predominantly Finnish 28 The Finnish immigrants were attracted to the area because of background. 29 and they have created its similarity in appearance to their native land several Finnish cultural islands in the Upper Peninsula of Michigan. The Finnish language is spoken, some Finnish food habits persist, the Finnish sauna steam-bath is used. Therefore, the hypothesis developed that those who exhibit the Finnish ethnic tie will be more oriented toward non migra- tion, whereas other community members are more likely to accept mobility for economic gain. Though many studies of immigrants have shown cleavages between the first and second generation, a study of the Finnish in Minnesota describes second generation Finnish who "have interiorized the culture of their parents so thoroughly that sociologically they should be considered as members of the immigrant generation."30 In an isolated area like Ontonagon, h 28 J.F. Thaden, "Finnish Farmers in Michigan," Michigan agricultural Experiment Station Quarterly Bulletin, Vol. 28, No. 2,'N6vember, l9h5. "The heavy settlement of Finns in the northern 2 9 Kolehmainen states: Many have seen regions of America naturally has invited speculation. in it the play of geographical forces; in their Opinion the 'indispen- sable concomitants' of Finnish settlement have been 'cold, snow, boulder strewn areas, lakes typical of a glaciated terrain.‘ Yet other factors as well persuaded immigrants to set up their households north of the Mason and Dixon's Line. Who, for example, could resist the shrewd land agent's description of Upper Michigan as a veritable Eden that counted among its varied blessings 'a beautiful nature, healthful atmosphere, many lakes rich with fish, streams and rapids'; a domain eternally safe from ’cyclones, snowslides, hail storms, floods, famines...and poisonous snakes.“ John I. Kolehmainen, The Finns in America: A Bibliographical ‘Qgide to Their History, Hancock, Michigan: Finnish‘Eutheran Book Concern, l9h7. pp. 18—19. a)... this possibility becomes even more likely, for the dominant American culture does not surround the second generation closely as it does the urban immigrants' Since this research is dealing with an adult pOpulation only, most On the basis of children. of the Finnish respondents are first and second generation. the above discussion, ethnic affiliation will apply to people with a Finnish background and not just the Finland-born. Age-grades are another important classification, for age indicates position in the life-cycle and consequent status-roles and obligations. In differential migration studies, younger age proves to be correlated with outemigration and older age with non—migration.32 Is this correlation borne out by the explanations that respondents offer? we prOpose to find out whether the older-aged residents consider themselves more satisfied with the community than do the younger-aged ones. If so, the younger "non-migrants" hey still be potential migrants. If not, there may be indications that the young who stay are different from the young who leave but more like the old who stay. Individuals under age thirty—five are most easily mobile, often having fewer permanent possessions to diapose of or take along, and fewer ties to and reSponsibilities within a community. In addition there may _‘ 30 ‘Wblfrid John Jokinen, The Finns in Minnesota: A Sociological Survey, unpublished M.A. thesis, Louisiana State University, June, 1953, p. 39. 31' For a general reference discussing the importance of age groups or age- grades, see S.N. Eisenstadt, From Generation to Generation, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1936. 32 T. Lynn Smith, The SociOIOgy of Rural Life, New fork: Harper and Brothers, l9h7, p. 186 and Conrad Taeuber, "Recent Trends of Rural-Urban Migration in the United States," in Postwar Problems of Hi ation, New York: Milbank Memorial Fund, l9h7, pp. 129-130. 12 exist different norms and values regarding migration for different age-grades. The guiding question for this study may be stated thus: Are Finnish ethnicity and older age more highly associated with high satisfaction, in-aspirntion, and high social cost appraisal than are non- Finnish ethnicity and younger age? The following research hypotheses are derived: I. Satisfaction A. Ethnicity. Finnish ethnic affiliation is associated with a higher community satisfaction than non—Finnish ethnicity. B. Age-Grade. Older age is associated with a higher community satisfaction than younger age. II. Aspiration A. Ethnicity. Persons of Finnish ethnic affiliation are more likely to eXpress aspirations which may be satisfied in the community than are persons of noneFinnish ethnicity. B. Age-Grade. Persons of older age are more likely to eXpress aspirations obtainable in the community than are persons of younger age. III. Social Cost A. Ethnicity. Persons of Finnish ethnic affiliation are more likely to appraise the social costs of migrating as high than are persons of non-Finnish ethnicity. B. Age-Grade. Persons of older age are more likely to appraise the social costs of migrating as high than are persons of younger age. Research Design and Methodology This research was initiated to test the hypotheses stated above. Since it was carried out in conjunction with the North Central Regional Project on migration, the objectives prOposed by the Procedures Committee were kept in mind. It must be understood that the formulation of the 13 research design occurred in the spring of 1956 and the field work in the summer of 1956, while the committee meetings for the North Central Region were held in May and November, 1956. The initial field studies executed in the summer by the participating universities (including this study by Michigan State University) helped clarify the objectives proposed by the committee in November. They are: (1) To formulate an integrated conceptual framework for migration studies. (2) To specify minimum or core items within this framework to be covered by studies contributing to a regional report. (3) To plan methods, techniques, and instruments for'securing Specified types of information. Area Selection. The North Central Regional Committee plans to conduct research on migration in three different types of areas, referred to as l) in-hi-hi; 2) out—lo-lo; and 3) out-hi-lo. These abbreviated designa— tions refer, in order, to direction of migration, level of living, and pro- portion employed workers engaged in manufacturing. The cut-over areas of Minnesota, Michigan, and Wisconsin fall into Type 2: out-migration, low level of living, and low prOportion in manufacturing. Such areas are typified by low incomes, high birth rates, large prOportions of foreign- born, and many rural-non-farm residents who depend on income from occupa- tions such as mining.3h The areas are isolated, and have limited land resources; their small, uneven fields are often badly eroded. The tools of production are simple, life in unhurried, and leisure is not a luxuny. Farm work, plowing and planting in the spring and harvesting in the fall, __ 33 Report of Procedures Committee, NC-18, 32.‘gi£., p. 6. 3h Charles P. Loomis and J. Allan Beegle, Rural Social Systems, New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1950, pp. 277-278. See also, Report of the Committee on Population Problems to the National Resources Committee, of a Changing Population, washington: United States Government Printing‘ Office, 1938. The Problems L1. lb allows hunting and fishing as favorite pastimes., Formal organizations or Special interest groups are less prevalent than in other areas, relationships in business and politics are personal, and family relationships assume great importance.35 In terms of area size, the suggestion was that first, "the unit should have a definable network of systems." Probably a small town or clearly defined multi—service area with definite nucleus would be adequate, for studying a complete econumic area or even a county of large population is not feasible.36 Second, "the unit should be representative of the type area being studied."37 To carry out these stipulations, such factors as age, sex, residence, and ethnicity were examined for all counties in the Upper Peninsula. A county was considered the unit for study because: The county is a meaningful and readily identifiable unit in all states; 2. Many counties possess more than nominal status in the social system sense; 3. POpulation data con- cerning characteristics and components for inter-causal estimates are more readily available; and h. Historical materials seldom relate to a "community" apart from some 13 rger con ten t .3 l. The committee also suggested that the size of the county should be approximately 10,000 pOpulation, a "manageable" size in regard to research funds, sampling, and interviewing. The counties in the western part of the Upper Peninsula comprise Economic Area 1, and in the eastern part, k. 35 Ibid., p. 270. 36 Report of Procedures Committee, NC-lB, pp. 313., pp. 7-8. 37 Ibido’ p. 80 38 Ibid., p. 13. 15 Economic Area 2. The counties included in the latter were not considered because the counties had experienced either increases in pOpulation or minimal decreases. Therefore, only counties in Economic Area 1 were elig- ible. After counties with populations over 10,000 or with most of their populations clustered in towns had been excluded, the selection narrowed to Keewenaw, Baraga, and Ontonagon counties. Keewenaw was drOpped because it was atypical in having a concentration of occupations in the resort industry. Baraga and Ontonagon counties remained. They were similar as to the research requirements, but practical considerations swung the choice to Ontonagon. A contact had been established previously there with the county agent, who had offered to provide introductions into the communities for the fieldwork team. Also, housing for the fieldworkers was available in that area. Sample Selection. From the eleven townships in the county, two were selected which best represented the rural-non-farm and rural-farm division for the county, in addition to representing it for the age-sex structure These two townships were McMillan and Greenland. In and for ethnic ity . McMillan is located the small village of Ewen, with about 500 pOpulation. In Greenland are the villages of Greenland with about 3h0 residents, and Mass with about 500. Both townships were areas of out-migration. The following tabulation shows the pepulation decline from the 1920 peak to 39 1950, with an increase during the depression years: __. 39 U.S. Bureau of the Census, Michigan, Number of Inhabitants: 1950, p. 20 and U.S. Bureau of the Census, Fifteenth—Census of thelgnited States: 1930, POpulation, Vol. I. .1. 16 Greenland McMillan Township Township 1920 2,606 1,081 1930 1,788 989 l9h0 1,855 1,016 1950 1,639 872 A ridge separates the villages of Mass and Greenland; at one time it contained two or three active copper mines, and the mining captains lived in homes on the ridge. In 1952, the Caledonia Mine on the ridge was respened fku'exploration. It presently employs about twenty-five men. It was decided to take a one-third random sample of village and farm residents. Informants would be either the head-of-household or Spouse. Maps were secured from the Michigan Highway Department, but because they were dated 19h0, new maps of each of the three village areas were drawn up during the first week of fieldwork; location of residences were indicated on them and then each residence numbered. A map of the Greenland farm area which had been drawn by the county agent in 1950 was modified and verified by the fieldworkers in consultation with the Greenland postmaster; each residence was numbered. For the McMillan farm area, the county agent sup- plied a list of the farmers, a map was drawn up, the farms located on it and numbered. A one-third sample from each of the five areas was drawn randomly and the numbers listed in the order drawn. After two weeks of fieldwork, when it appeared impossible to complete interviewing in the alloted time, the sample was reduced from one-third to one-fourth by dropping the numbers selected last. The research project, then, was to gather and analyze 168 schedules. The following shows the distribution of the sample by residence cate- gofiies of rural-farm, rural-non-farm and village. The latter category is not 17 the census designation but indicates a pOpulation concentration. According to census categories, it is rural-non-farm. Residence Number McMillan Township Ewen Village 33 Rural-non-farm 1 Rural-farm 22 (56) Greenland Township Greenland Village 29 Mass Village 39 Rural-non-farm 7 Rural-farm 37 (112) Total ‘168 The sex and household position of the respondents is as follows: Informant Number Male head-of-household ' 82 Female head-of-household 15 Spouse of head: wife 71 Total KB The distribution of the heads-of-households of the sample by sex is 153 males and fifteen females. The marital status of the household heads is shown below. Sex and Marital Status of Head Number Single: Male 13 Single: Female 3 Married: Male 128 Married: Female 0 Widowed: Male 10 Widowed: Female 11 Divorced: Male 2 Divorced: Female 1 Total 168 _§ghedule Construction. The schedule was designed for an area of out- . O migration, to be answered by a head-of-household or spouse who would provide —— ho ‘At the outset of constructing the schedule, it was intended that if either head-of-household or Spouse were unable to be interviewed, the 18 certain "face-sheet" information in addition to giving responses to open- ended Questions about satisfactions, aspirations and social costs. Other requirements for the schedule designated by the North Central Committee 1) a migration history (l9h0 to present), 2) an occupational history were: Some problems in schedule (19h0 to present), and 3) household composition. The complete construction areciiscussed under "Data Analysis," infra. schedule is found in Appendix B .h1 Field Werk. Five interviewemiincluding the field director, comprised the field teamohz The first week in the field, maps were drawn, samples selected, and contacts made in the communities. The fieldworkers secured a farm house in a township located between Greenland and mcMillan; thus by living in, shopping in, and observing the area, they were also participation observers. Contacts and informal interviews were carried out with the county agent, home demonstration agent, a Ewen restaurant-gas station owner, his son and daughter, the school superintendent, postmaster and assistant postmaster in Mass, a variety store owner in Greenland village, a "sauna" stove manufac- turer and a dairy co-operative representative. 1‘0 eldest child, if adult and living with the family, could answer the questions. After attempting a few schedules in the field, it was found that the children were unable to answer some questions for their parents and only heads-of-households or Spouses were used. 1 h Only selected sections of the schedule are used for this dissertation. Other parts are being analyzed for a report for the North Central Regional research. be Dr. J. Allan Beegle was field director; three of the interviewers were sociOIOgy graduate students, including the writer, and the fourth a secretary from the Department of Sociology and Anthropology. 9,. A , u- In an- v. ‘1- 'n U I H 19 During the month of interviewing, the fieldworkers attended a Finnish dance held in Greenland village for the Greenland township area. They visited the Caledonia mine and informally interviewed one of the surface workers of the mine. They also drove to White Pine mine in the northwest corner of the county. Within a particular villaye or Open country area, an interviewer was assigned a daily quota of reSpondents. If the household head or spouse was busy, an appointment was made for a later time; if not at home, another call was made. Interviewers worked alone, except when an interpreter went along. There were three outright refusals, and a few other selected res- pondents were replaced when repeated calls failed to reach them. Because prior contacts had been made with influential residents, entry into the area was easy. The interviewers carried identification cards from Michigan State University, but were seldom asked for credentials after they had stated their purpose!‘3 Since a few of the older Finnish in the Mass area Spoke no English, the team enlisted the help of a second-generation Finnish woman from the area who interpreted for the fieldworkers. In some cases, children (usually adult children) living with parents performed this function for the interviewers . Data Analysis A. Control Variables l. Ethnicit . Ethnic affiliation of the reapondent was iden- tified by asking, "Of what nationality background do you consider,yourself to be? your spouse? " (See Appendix B, p. 9). The answers were ‘ h3 See frontispiece of interview schedule, Appendix B. then coded separately for head and spouse, even if deceased, and tallied thus: Nationality Head Spouse Finnish, "Swedo-Finn", orlFinnish-related* 109 89 French 9 5 Swedish 1 1 German ll 9 English 5 6 Other Western European - 2h 30 Croatian and Slavic 6 2 Other Central and Southern European 2 3 Unclassifiables l 5 Not ascertainable or query doesn't apply** 18 Total [158 T3? *- Finnish-related was actually a multiple punch indicating Finnish and other; there were two in this category for head and one for spouse. ** Indicates head-of—household was single; nationality background for deceased spouse was included. It was decided to dichotomize background into Finnish or noneFinnish, and then to use a three—way classification for nationality background com- bining the head and spouse categories. It was assumed that in an area where ethnicity is a strong bond, the ethnic background of one spouse may influence the mate, attaching both to the dominant ethnic group. The differences between first and second generations purposely were ignored on the assumption that any tie to Finnish ethnicity would be important. The threeeway classification tallies thus: Number Both head and spouse (if married) Finnish 9O Either head or spouse Finnish 26 Both head and Spouse (if married) non-Finnish 52 Total 138 21 2. Age-Grade. The respondent was asked, in the Family and Household Composition section (see Appendix B, p. 5a), "Year born?" for self and spouse. These ages were coded by fiveeyear categories thus: Age Category Head Spouse 20—2h 3 11 25-29 11 9 30-3h 8 18 35-39 16 12 hO-hh 27 23 145-149 214 15 50-5h 15 13 55-59 15 11 60-61; 15 10 65-69 16 u 70-71; 7 2 75 up 11 1 Query doesn't apply 38 Not ascertainable 1 Total TEE TEE Sociologically, age is an important variable for it indicates the stage of the life-cycle to child-bearing, work positions, and productivity, etc. It was decided to use age of only the family head—of-household as the con- trol variable for age grade. Because the respondents were either family heads or Spouses, to use the age of reSpondent as the variable would give no consistency to the category. The category of "young" includes all family heads under thirty-five years of age, for according to previous studies,hb most individuals have migrated before they reach thirty-five. The married persons with families in this age-group have young children, while most of the middle-aged have children in school and some who are in the work world. The older group consists of families whose children have married and left home. Clearly, compared to the nation as a whole this is an old pOpulation: _~ uh Smith, 22. 22.-Ea, p0 1860 t< 22 ‘Age of Family Head Number 20-31: (young) 22 35-5h (middle) 82 SS and up (older) _§Q Total 168 3. Independence of the Control Variables. The independence of the control variables was investigated by cross-tabulating them and running a chi-square test of significance. The results are presented below: Both Head and Either Head or Both Head and Spouse Finn Spouse Finn Spouse non-Finn Total_ Head-Age 20-3h 7 7 8 22 Head-Age 35-5h h6 13 23 82 HeadeAge 55 up 3? 6 21 6h Total 90 26 52 168 X2 = 8.102 .1 p .05 According to the criteria of significance which are discussed on page 2h, this table demonstrates the independence of the two control variables. If anything, the magnitude of the chi-square, insignificant though it is, is contributed by the unstable cell having seven observed frequencies in the cross—tabulation of Head-Age 20-3h with Either Head or Spouse Finnish. Since the expected frequency is only three, this cell contributes almost half of the significance. B. Decision-Making Components. In constructing the field schedule, the researchers tried to include questions which investigated separately the three components: satisfaction, social cost, aspiration. In certain in- stances, this proved difficult. Some questions focus on both aspiration and satisfaction, or social cost and satisfaction as, for example, the Question, "Can you remember any specific occasions when.you seriously con- {‘3 s“! C) 23 sidered moving? Yes No Don't know . If yes, what were the occasions? " (See Appendix B, p. 8). The response to such open-ended questions may be appropriate to more than one category. In addition, for the satisfaction component, there are both objective and subjective "measures." This means that a question like "Of what organ- izations are you and your spouse members?" elicits answers of kind and amount. The answers of one respondent may be compared with those of other respondents. The response here gives an objective index of the extent of organizational ties with the community. When, however, an opinion is re- quested, such as "What do you like about your community?" (See Appendix B, p. 7), the reapondent is asked for a subjective appraisal. Either type of answer can be analyzed statistically by the social scientist. C. Statistical Techniques. The statistical test used to analyze the data is the chi—square test of significance, for the two control vari- ables and the three components in the decision-making process are qualitative,16 and do not fulfill the requirements for more refined statistical treatment. The fact that chi—square allows combining of cells also made it helpful in some instances, for the total N of the sample was too small to allow anal— ysls of many—celled contingency tables. The researcher attempted to have as few tables as possible with any cell having a theoretical frequency less than five. In some cases, categories with few and scattered reSponses were dropped from the analysis. In the tables where a theoretical frequency less —____ hS With ages combined into three classes, the control variable of age is more qualitative than quantitative because the three categories stand for "young,” "middle," and "older", groups, respectively, and not as a continuous, metric variable. NIH 2h than five existed and where significance occurred, the table was inspected to see if that cell contributed the significance. Often the tables had either three or more degrees of freedom which therefore minimized possible error. In this research chi-square is called significant if it reached a probability of .05 or less. The following terms are used in the dissertation to describe probability values. They do not imply intensity. 1) When probability is greater than .05 .. "not significant". (NS) 2) When probability is .05 or less but greater than .01 ... "moderately significant". (P .05) 3) When probability is .01 or less but greater than .001 ... "highly significant“. (P .01) h) When probability is .001 or less ... "extremely sig- nificant". (P ~001)h6 Only two indices were constructed out of the questions in the field schedule: One was an index of job satisfaction and another an index of community satisfaction. There was no attempt to design or use questions which fit the theoretical requirements of a scale analysis such as Guttman's. Dissertation Outline With the theoretical framework articulated and the methods of research explained, it is now appropriate to outline the rest of the dissertation. Chapter II will review the relevant literature in light of the research hypotheses. It will not attempt a complete review of literature on migration, k h6 The last three of these qualifying adjectives were originally used by George W. Snedecor, Statistical Methods: Applied to Experiments in égriculture and Biolggy,TTAmes, Iowa: State College Press,’ch ed., 1956. Reproduded in Margaret J. Hagood and Daniel 0. Price, Statistics {9; Sociologists, New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1952, p. . 25 but will single out material connected with non-migration in an area of out— migration. Chapter III is the substantive report of the association of the two control variables, ethnicity and age, with community satisfaction, aspirations, and social costs. A summary and discussion comprise Chapter IV. CHAPTER TWO SURVEY OF THE LITERATURE This survey deals with the theories and empirical studies pertaining to motivation in or eXplanations of the decision to migrate (and therefore not to migrate). It is more a bibliographical essay based upon selected studies than a traditional review of the literature, for there have been few investigations of non-migration as such. Three major categories of studies yield background on motivations for migration and non-migration. The first are studies of selective or differen— tial migration. Second are studies of lowhincome farm areas. Third are community studies in which out-migration is mentioned as a problem. Selective Migration Studies The most definitive statement on selective or differential migration is by Dorothy Swaine Thomas.l She states: The problem of migration differentials is essentially the same as the problem of selective migration for the very question of whether persons who migrate are differentiated from those who do not implies a process of selection. It does not, however, imply anything at all about the extent to which the selected qualities are innate predispositions or environmentally modified characteristics. .It is of sociological significance if age, sex, family status, occupation and income level, intellectual ability and performance, and psychophysical Status differentiate the migrant from the non-migrant. Any study of migration 1- figsearch Memorandum on migration Differentials, Bulletin h3, New York: Social Science Research Council, 1938. £213” pp. 14-50 2? differentials implies these two groups, the migrants and the non-migrants. At three points in time they may be differentiated: 1) upon migration; 2) during migrating; and 3) while assimilating. In addition, three other factors should be considered: 1) structure of the community of origin and destination, 2) phase of the business cycle in which migration takes 3 place, and 3) distance involved. Thomas' annotated bibliOgraphy includes all studies of selective migra— tion up to 1938. Shesstates, however that: Variations in the statement of the problem, in the definition of migrant, in the type of data used, in the technique of analysis, and in the control of disturbing variables, render many of the studies incomparable with one another, and the net result has led to few acceptable generalizations. The conclusion of the Memorandum is that the only acceptable generaliz- ation about strength and direction of selective migration concerns age. "There is an excess of adolescents and.young adults among migrants, particu- larly migrants from rural areas to towns, compared with the non-migrating or general pOpulation." For the present study, this generalization is important since we expect the motivation of different age-groups to vary. Thomas asks the following of further research investigating motivations: (1) What grievances do migrants have against the environment of origin that are not shared by non-migrants in the same environment? (2) What goals do they hope to reach through migration? __ 3 .EPid-. pp. 5-7. h Ibid., p. 8. 5 Ibid., p. 11. 28 (3) How realistic are these goals in terms of the conditions actually existing in the chosen destination, and how successful are the migrants in goal attainment in the environment of destination, compared with the settled population in this same environment? Of all studies executed by 1938, only five met Thomas' requirements for adequate research and merited extensive discussion in the Memorandum. One pertains to our present research: a study by Kiser on motivations to migrate and subsequent assimilation of Negroes from a South Carolina island to New York and other cities.7 Since her Memorandum was published, especi- ally pertinent to the present research are three studies: Puerto Ricans urban residential mobility in Philadelphia;9 and a low- 0 These four studies imply that in New York City;8 income Southern Appalachian community.l selectivity occurs in moving, and they include concepts similar to the three facets of the decision-making process, as outlined in the theoretical frame- work. These studies assume that the "push" out of a community is based on a dissatisfaction, usually economic or social. The "pull" involves the attractions, usually economic, of the beckoning community. _§ea Island to 0123.11 Off the South Carolina coast lies St. Helena with a preponderantly Negro population. Early development included land h 5 Ibid., p. 187. 7 Clyde V. Kiser, Sea Island to City, New York: Press, 1932. C. wright Mills, Clarence Senior and Rose Kohn Goldsen, The Puerto Harper and Brothers, 1950. Columbia University _§ican Journgy, New York: 9 Pager H. Rossi, Why Families Move, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 19 5. 10 B. H. Luebke and John Fraser Hart, "Migration from a Southern Appalachian Community," Land Economics, XXXIV:1, February, 1958, pp. hh-53. 11 Kiser, 2E- cit. 29 clearing, lumbering and small-scaled tillage followed by cultivation of in- digo for export to England. The difficulty of cultivation and the poisonous nature of the crop made slave labor partLCularly suitable so that the importation of Negroes from the Barbados and from Africa to supply this need accounts for the presence of increasing numbers of blacks in St. Helena.1 The Revolutionary War cut off the indigo market; cultivation was never resumed, but the plantation-slave system adapted itself to the cultivation of sea-island cotton. 'With the out-break of the Civil War, most white plantation owners sought refuge up-state. The slaves remained behind, and the Federal Government sent aid to harvest the crOp. After the wartLhe free 13 Negroes were allowed to buy small land parcels. The raising of long—staple cotton, which continued after the break—up of the plantations, was disturbed first by the cyclone of 1893 and then by the coming of the boll weevil in 1919. Since the latter, long-staple cotton has not been produced. The descendents of the first slaves have carved a A few peeple work in oyster canneries, 1L. liVing by farming their small tracts. and some are seasonally employed in nearby Savannah. During the 1870's - 1890's, Sea Island offered employment in phosphate mining. The industry had begun to decline in the late 1880's. High taxes had placed it in a precarious competitive position. The hurricane persuaded the companies to pull out, and the last mine in the area closed in 1906.15 —— l2 13 Ibid.’ p. 590 Ibido’ pp. 59-63. 11‘ Ibido ’ pp 0 85, 63-700 15 MO’ pp. 89'92; 100-103. POpulation losses began after 1900. The decade 1900-1910 showed a drop of 25 percent, indicating a delay between the hurricane and its impact on migration. At first, no doubt, many hOped that mining would boom again and that crop years would get better. When these wishes were unfulfilled, the exodus started, continuing into the 1910-1920 decade when the loss was 10 percent. The draft for Vorld war I pulled some residents from the island, but many more left voluntarily for high wages in industrial centers.16 Attitudes toward migration changed, and for many individuals migration was eXpected. All the children of a large family were not needed on the farms, nor could each child inherit enough land to have a farm of his own. Some- motives times death of a family member precipitated migration.l7 Therefore, of the migrant to leave St. Helena included economic hardship and dislike for farming as a livelihood and mode of life. As in Ontonagon county, we see here the decline of agriculture and mining and the attraction to outside industry. Of particular interest to mnéstudy'are reSpondents who insisted they left because they were attracted by "city life" as much as by city jobs.18 In terms of our theoretic frame- work, these migrants viewed social costs as low. Others, however, moved only because of economic advantage, but would have preferred remaining in St. Helena. In our terms, they perceived social costs as high. Those remaining include the older individuals with family responsibilities, land ownership, and community ties meaningful to them but not to their 16 Ibid., pp. 92-93; lob-108. 17 Ibid., p. 135. 18 Ibid., p. 128. 31 migrant sons and daughters.19 There are also young, unmarried individuals remaining behind, ...who prefer to remain. The latter are not easily tempted by stories concerning the cities. Some have had temporary residence off the Island and have found it dissatisfying. Other apparently do not care to make the test. They are not oblivious to the possibility of earning more per week away from home, but they consider the freedom, fresh air, inexpensive living, and community life of the neighborhood as being of greater value than "cash money." Doubtless such individuals are the ones who carry on the farms after their parents pass on.20 For such individuals, farming is a way of life and not just a way of earning money. we expect to find the same to be true in Ontonagon county. The Puerto Rican Journey.21 In 1898 when the United States took over Puerto Rico the main crOps were coffee and tobacco. Soon afterwards sugar, a plantation-grown cash crop, assumed dominance. The island's economy is based on the export of raw materials and import of foodstuffs. Government policy is to keep the small farmer on the land and to encourage industrial— ization.22 These measures do not solve the problems of overpopulation. Migration is retarded by the cultural fact of strong kinship bonds, among other factors.23 It is encouraged by "the push from the homeland, the pull of the new country, and the sources of information about the new."2h The writers submit that the crucial factor is the pull of New York City, 19 Ibid., p. 11.0. 20 Ibid. 21 Mills, 33. 11,, 92. fit. 22 Ibid., pp. 16-180 23 Ibid., pp. 8-10. 21* Ibid., p. 1.3. kAO. rn n ’l ’. ‘v -,“, 4.. ‘J. 1‘) ‘1 t 32 for information about the city is plentiful and it has a reputation for economic opportunity. When the United States economy is working well, it acts as a magnet, drawing migrants from Puerto Rico; when the economy slumps, it loses its pulling power and the Pgerto Rican migra- tion ebbs or even flows back to the island. In our terminology, we would speak of community satisfaction, out-aspiration, and appraisal of social cost. Migrants were classified as decision-makers or followers. Their moti- vations differed: Eighty-nine percent of the men deciders, but only bh percent of the women followers migrated for economic reasons; whereas 83 percent of the women followers, but only 16 percent of the men deciders came for family reasons. Respondents were asked about occupational and educational aSpirations. 2? They were asked also to estimate their chances of obtaining these goals. Why Families Move.28 Rossi's book is a study not of migration but of mobility; indeed, its purpose is to predict moving from knowing the family's structure and attitude toward housing. The study analyzes housing needs and desires of families and plots whether or not the family carries out its intent to stay or move. The objectives are: l) to characterize mobile and stable areas; 2) to analyze mobility of individual households; and 3) to . 2 . analyze individual residence snifts and reasons given for them. 9 ROSSi's __ 25 Ibid. 26 27 28 Roasi, gp. git. Ibid., p. 50. Ibid., p. 161. 29 Ibid., p. l. 33 accounting scheme consists of: a) complaints about the previous dwelling, b) Specifications for a new home, c) claims of the new home's particular attractions and superiority over others, and d) information sources which brought new dwellings to the family's attention.3O Findings of particular interest in household mobility were that large families were more mobile than small and young families more than old for family growth pushed them from too—small quarters. Renters were more mobile than owners, and renters who preferred to own were the most mobile of all.31 Roesi, too, refers to the pushes and pulls. The residents were pushed out by dissatisfaction with the amount of space, with the neighborhood, or with rent or maintenance costs. They were pulled to the new home by space, design features, location, and cost. This study involves residential mobility rather than migration (although some moves within a city's boundaries may fit our migration definition if group ties are severed and replaced with others). However, the terms "com- plaints" and "specifications" may be worthy of use in analyzing satisfaction, aspiration and social cost. Migration from a Southern Appalachian Community.32 Most of the Uplands of the Appalachians have had greater pOpulations than they could support. Chestnut Hill, Tennesee, is an example. "Current migration from Chestnut Hill was estimated by determining the present location of all pupils regis- tered in local elementary schools in grades h to 8 between l9h3 and l9h5.“33 k 3° Ibid., p. 128. 31 Ibid., p. 6. 32 Luebke and Hart, 22. cit. 33 Ibid., p. h6. EL 3b The total was 156. One out of five was still in school or service, two had moved away, and two remained. This to percent migration rate seems high, but compared to 70 percent leaving similar areas, in the Eastern Highland Rim, it is low. Now, what of thse wno do not migrate? ...the Chestnut Hill area has a larger number of unemployed young people who are just "hanging around", and the same appears to hold true of older folk as well. What is it that holds these peeple? Why do they fail to take advantage of greater economic Opportunities elsewhere?3 The answers to these questions involve factors of land ownership, preference for farming, conservatism, wife’s attitude, and stage of community disposi- tion. Land ownership retards migration. Two-thirds of the families who con- tributed migrants to the North in the last generation were tenant families, even though only one out of every ten farmers in Chestnut Hill is a tenant. Small farms abet non-migration by providing a home and subsistence, although often substandard. Liking to farm or knowing nothing else encourages staying. The marginal unskilled worker may prefer to remain because of his weak market power. Deep conservatism here is composed of a contempt for material things, a regard for living within one's income, a love of the land and of farming, hunting, fishing. Strong family and community ties too keep residents in the area: The birth rate is high and large families discourage residential mobility. Long distance moves from Chestnut Hill are virtually always made by single persons or childless couples although a few one-child families have left the child with relatives, especially if it is of school age. In addition to the problems and expenses of moving with children, there is the difficulty of finding ade- -_ 3h Ibid., pp. h6—57. 35 quate accommodations in the city where apa ment house managements discriminate against children.3 The wife's attitude is important. She often has the stronger home and com- munity ties. On the other hand, "death or divorce...tends to favor migra- tion."36 Another factor in conservatism is the stage of community depOpu- lation. It is more difficult for residents to move when community institu- tions are strong. We will expect to find similar behavior in Ontonagon which discourages migration, for many people are tied to the land and the occupation of farming and the possibility arises that the relative isolation of the community will encourage conservative values. In sum from Thomas' survey of studies up to 1938 on selective migration the following generalization can be made: it is largely older peOple who do not migrate. She also acknowledged the importance of investigating moti- vations. Kiser's study gives insight into motivation: economic disasters pushed persons from St. Helena, particularly if they were otherwise dissatisfied and were pulled to the city by its glamour. In several cases, death of a family member dissolved ties to the area. In terms of our framework, crises lessened satisfaction and lowered social costs, releasing the person to fulfill out-aspirations. The non—migrants liked farming, enjoyed the is- land's natural facilities, and cherished their group ties. The Puerto Rican Journey indicates thatleconomic decisions were crucial in pulling men to New York City, while women were pulled largely by their 35 Ibid., pp. h8—h9. 36 Ibid. .1} 36 family ties. From this it is implied that satisfactions with a community involve economic considerations for men and primary group integration for women. From the study of mobility in Philadelphia we learn that satisfactions may be broken down into complaints and specifications, and estimates of social costs into attractions and information about other places. Luebke and Hart found that non-migrants had a higher incidence of land ownership, more preference for farming, and more conservative beliefs than the migrant. Aspirations were obtainable within the community, satisfaction high, and views of social costs highciespite the fact that the land affords a poor living. Low—Income Area Studies Agricxltural economists and rural sociologists have investigated low- income farm areas with problems of overpopulation, recommending subsidy payments or planned migration. Though the present study is not interested in policy, two classic studies of the 1930's by Goodrich and the National Resources Committee provide background information about the cut-over region. Migration and Economic Oppprtugity.37 The researchers set out to dis- cover where in the United States are the places of economic opportunity and distress. The four major areas lacking opportunity are: the Southern Appalachian Coal Plateaus, the Old Cotton Belt, the Cut-Over Region of the Great Lakes and the Great Plains. Our interest centers on the chapter de- voted to the cut-over region. In it, descriptive particulars are presented along with statements of the chronic problems of the region, their basic *— 37 Carter Goodrich, Migration and Economic Opportunity, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1936. 37 causes, additional distress caused by the depression, suggested remedies, and the accomplishments of the 1930's. The chronic problems include rural poverty and isolated settlement, excessive local government costs, and de— clining employment in mining and woodworking industries. The causes for these problems include the forest exploitation, unfavorable natural con— ditions for agriculture, and competitive and technological changes in mining. The depression situation of acute unemployment of the mines and the back-to- the-land movement deepened the difficulties of an already distressed area.38 Thestudy provides background of the economic area in which we are interested, but it does not deal, directly or indirectly with the subjective reasons for migrating or not. It implies that migration, if not based on economic con- siderations, should be. Problems of a Changing Population.39 The National Resources Committee published a general report in 1938 on the problems of a changing population, attempting to appraise the demographic future of the United States. The report touches several aspects important to our study in either foreshadowing the theoretical framework or providing specific regional information. ProblemSof maldistribution of pOpulation occurs when a region‘s dwindling resources cannot support an expanding population. A vicious circle results with low incomes, inadequate education, and little outside contact.produc1ng high birth rates. The overpOpulation is sometimes only partially relieved by out-migration. 38 ‘£§i§., pp. 11-51. 39 Report of the Committee on Population Problems to the National Resources Committee, The Problems of a Changing Population, Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1938. . 38 The Great Lakes cut-over area is treated in detail as to the timber exploitation from 1880 to 1900, accompanied by pOpulation increases and then gradual slowing down of pOpulation growth to the point of net pOpulation losses by 1930. The economic emphasis turned to agriculture, but this, too has been economically unsatisfactory for the land is poor.hO The copper mining industry has had difficulties, and its future in hichigan seems bleakj‘l Even with plans for reforestation and deveIOpment of resorts, "there remains a considerable number of peOple for whom no prospect of profit- able employment exists within the region."hz Population redistribution involves not only the major motive of economic betterment but desire for adventure, for varied and freer opportunities for living. Thus other appeals than economic ones are involved in the moves to New York, Washington, Cleveland, and Los AngeleS.h3 Two main currents in American culture--rural—to-urban movement and the diffusion of products, tastes, and ideas-~and cross—currents of the economic, educational, and political systems tend to produce "a complex, more or less homogeneous American civilization, with many diverse and conflicting motives."hh The difference between metrOpolis and province narrows and some difficulties of migration lessen. Migration and economic Opportunity and Problems of a Changing POpulation ho Ibid., p. h?. bl Ibid., p. 52. t2 Ibid., p. 67. h3 Ibid., p. 85. N4 Ibid., p. 2&3. 39 provide source material and details on the cut—over region. They indicate that the economic situation of Ontonagon is not endemic to that county but part of a larger, economically disturbed area. Community Studies In two community studies, not only is out-migration mentioned, but the economic histories of the communities are similar to that of Ontonagon. In addition, the research benefits from a cross-cultural perspective since one is a French village and the other a Southern Illinois town. People of Coal Town."‘5 Life for the migrants from the hills of the South who first settled the Coal Town area was isolated and provincial before foreign-born immigrants and native migrants swarmed into the area after the discovery of coal and the beginning of industrialization. Coal Town was first a coal camp in 1900. A second mine was started in 1918 and continued until 1956, while the first closed in l9h8. The resi- dents' economic position depended on the mines. After 1930, population declined. Executives and office people began to move out, then miners, "first those without preperty and children, later the property owners."h6 Some breadwinners left their families behind and went to work elsewhere. The remaining individuals feared to take financial risks and hesitated to move, eSpecially the middle-aged who realized the difficulties of obtaining new jabs.h7 A few peeple still believe the mines will re-open, others claim ;—L hS Herman R. Lantz, People of Coal Town, New York: Columbia University Press, 1958. h6 Ibid. , pp 0 191-1920 In ._Ib_id-, pp. 195-196. L10 the community has a future in farming or attracting new industries. The more realistic state that the "old and inadequate remain, the young and ambitious leave."l‘8 The out-migration of the young has changed age-group distribution. In 1930 the percentage of the population over 21 was 58.2. By l9h0 it had increased to 63.9 percent and by 1950 to 70.1 percent. Approximately 25 percent of the residents of Coal Town are currently 65 years old or over.h9 Parents dislike the prospect of their children leaving for the city, but are resigned to it. Coal Town appears to be the place for old people to retire on relief, social security and pension incomes, and the economic base of the community now depends on these sources of money rather than regular pay- checks. The attractions of Coal Town include its country setting, the nearby hunting and fishing places, and the old friends. Aspirations of many resi- dents are simple. Village in the Vaucluse.SO wylie studied a French village, Peyrane, which is a rural commune having 779 inhabitants. The population curve, and the industrial and agricultural disasters, are parallel to those in the his— tory of Ontonagon. The peak pepulation year was 1861. Then silkworm diseases struck, aggravating competition from other silk-producing areas of the world. In 1870-71 not only was the olive crOp destroyed when the trees froze; but also the root garance, used in dye production, was being replaced by arti- ficial dyes; and a vine—destroying insect exterminated the area's vineyards. —_ ha Ibid., pp. 197—201. “9 Ibid., pp. 201-202. 50 Laurence wylie, Village in the Vaucluse, Cambridge, hassachusetts: Harvard University Press,—l9§_. However, by 1901 mining enterprises began extracting ochre from the red and yellow cliffs. Then World War I cut off foreign markets; production drapped to nothing, but later resumed until horld war 11 closed off the mar- kets again. After the war, the United States was producing synthetic ochre. : In 1951, the mines were employing only 1h inhabitants.~1 Peyrane today is a community of about 92 small farms. Sixty percent of them are worked by their owners, 25 percent by cash-rent farmers and 15 percent by 50-50 sharecroppers. The farms are inefficient, for the land is in small tracts. The three population pyramids which wylie presents for 1851, 1901, and l9h6, reflect among other things, the changing economics of and migration from the area. The 1851 pOpulation pyramid is symmetrical and broad-based. The 1901 pyramid shows a lower prOportion of children and a much higher proportion of old people. A substantial section of economically productive adults, those born between 1855 and 1860, is lacking. These are the people who were naturally the first ones to leave the commun- ity and go off to the city.... The true loss in the population is also masked by the fact that the birth rate jumped after 1895. There were many more children born between 1895 and 1900 than in any of the pre— ceding five-year periods. The influx of outsiders and the substantial increase in the birth rate are indications of a completely new deveIOpment in the life of the village.52 By l9h6, the prooortion of old peOple had increased even more and the economically productive ages decreased along with further decreases in the number of young children.53 M 51 Ibid., pp. 16—23. 2 . S Ibldo’ pp. 20‘210 53 Ibid., pp. 26-27. I... L2 Wylie's main task is an anthrOpological study of the lives of the peOple of present-day Peyrane. Since most of the exodus has already occurred, out- migration is not mentioned extensively; however there are a few references to the best pupils of the school being expected to leave for the city to con— tinue their studies and find an occupation. Other categories of people who leave are sons and daughters for whom there is no work in Peyrane. When one first arrives in Peyrane and meets [the childre§7 who are following the professional tradition of their parents, one gets an exaggerated impression of stability. He does not see the many adolescents who have left home. The only time they are seen in Peyrane are on the tradi- tional homecoming holidays, All Saints Day and Whitsuntide. Then they come home to visit. The two community studies of a coal town in Illinois and a French agri- cultural village are mainly interested in the norms and objectives of the residents. They mention that out-migration occurs in connection with economic decline. They also furnish evidence that many persons faced with the economic decline, find satisfactions in their group and institutional memberships and adjust their aspirations in order to remain in the area. For many the idea of leaving the area is difficult and the attraction of other places, eSpecially cities, is not important. The young, however, are often eXpected to leave for there are no jobs or Opportunities available to them. Summary Unfortunately, in all the above studies, data and evidence are presented only in a descriptive manner. There is no statistical analysis to indicate _. 51‘ Ibid., pp. 101-102. whether generalizations may be made. It is important, however, that in the literature review, there were individuals who faced economic pressures, but for Varying reasons, some left and some remained. Our present research will analyze a similar community situation, attempting to explain why some peOple are oriented toward non—migration. ‘1 in .. C HAPTER T HEEE THE NCN-MIGRANTS' COMMUNITY SATISFACTIONS, ASPIRATICNS, AND SOCIAL COST APPRAISALS Area Description and History Ontonagon is located in the western part of the Upper Peninsula of Michigan. It is bounded on the west and southwest by Gogebic county, on the southeast by Iron county, on the east by Houghton county, and on the north by Lake Superior. It contains eleven townships; Ontonagon village with 2,307 inhabitants is the only large pooulation concentration. In 1950 the county had a pepulation of 10,282,1 all rural, divided tween 63.7 percent non-farm and 36.3 percent farm residents. The median age was 32.6 years and 11.0 percent of the population were sixty-five years of age or over.2 The age pyramid snows an old population. The median income of families and unrelated individuals was $931,718.3 According to figures of only one decades earlier, about three—quarter of Ontonagon's residents were foreign-born or children of immigrants--most1y Finnish.)4 Many of these Finnish immigrants came during the 1890's to work in the copper mines or the lumber industry. Job opportunities are few, consisting mainly of dairy farming, mining, H 1950 United States Census, P-A22, hiphigan, Number of Inhabitants, p. 20. “1950 United States Census, P-B22, Michigan, General Characteristics, p. as. 3 Ibid., p. ‘46. h J. F. Thaden, "Ethnic Settlements in Rural Michigan," Michigan Agricul- Egral EXperiment Station guarterly Bulletin, Vol. 29, No. 2, November, l9h6, pp. 102-111. .1 V4 an ..IL 'u Au. .Q LE) woods work, and resort work. Many of the residents own farms, but numbers of them have had to seek alternative or supplementary employment because farming has been unprofitable. The farms are small, often with no more than forty acres of cleared land. The growing period is too snort for most grain crOps, but since hay is the main crop, many farmers keep small dairy herds (usually no larger than nine or ten cows). The price of milk per 100 pounds in 1956 was $3.50 as compared to $5.00 and l5.50 in lower Michigan. Dairying is shifting from a small subsistance Operation to larger-sized herds. Some of the local dairy co-ops have merged to better their economic poSitiOn. Some small farms have been abandoned; the former occupants have moved out of the county, eSpecially to the cities of lower Michigan, Wisconsin or Illinois. The Opening in l95h of the White Pine copper mine in the northwest cor- ner of Ontonagon county provided 1000 jobs, and deterred some residents from leaving. However, workers drive from as far away as Ashland, Wisconsin, Houghton, and Hancock to White Pine, and competition is keen for jobs. The mine uses a new process for extracting copper from two percent ore. Boston interests which control White Pine have financed new housing, a shOpping center, hospital, grade school, and churches. This mine PTOVideS employ- ment for many of the residents of McMillan and Greenland townships. Without White Pine, there would have been great economic hardship. As it was, DGPsons unable to subsist on their farms had a chance to live on their land and work elsewhere. The pOpulation change of the county from 1850 to 1950 is as follows: .4 \Au ’1 “'\1\ 1850 389 1860 h,568 1870 2,8t5 1800 2,565 1890 3,756 1900 6,197 1910 8,050 1920 12,h28 1930 11,11u l9h0 11,359 1950 10,252 5 In sheer numbers, the decline in papulation from the peak in 1920 to the present is not impressive. However, when viewed percentagewise from 1890 on and compared to the pOpulution growth of Michigan as a whole, the decline is more striking as shown in the following tabulation: 1890- 1900- 1910- 1920- 1930- l9h0— 1900 1910 1920 1930 19h0 1950 Ontonagon County 65.0 39.6 h3.7 -lo.6 2.2 -9.5 6 Michigan 15.6 16.1 30.5 32.0 8.5 21.2 The slight increase from 1930 to 19h0 is not unusual or unexpected for rural areas experiencing general out—migration, for depressions pull former resi- dents from the city back to the land.7 The presence of cepper in the county attracted many an enthusiastic prospector even before the first whitermn1,James Paul, settled at the mouth 0f the Ontonagon River in 18h3 hoping to claim the five-ton copper boulder located there.8 By 1850, a score of mines had been developed and the town —¥_ 5 Information for this tabulation was taken from the Twelfth Census: 1900, Vol. 1, Table h, pp. 2h-25; Fifteenth Census: 1930, Vol. 1, Table h; and Seventeenth Census: 1950. 6 Thirteenth CenSus: 1910, Vol. I, pp. 110-1113 Fifteenth Census: 1930, Vol. I. 7 T . _ . _ National Resources Committee, The Problems of a ChanginggPOpulation, washington, D.G.: v.8. Government Printing Office, May, 1938, pp. 103—10h. 8 James K. Jamison, This Ontonagon Country, Ontonagon, Michigan: The Ontonagon NanaWA PA.n--“- 1030 nn- 1.6- of Ontonagon grew.9 During the 1850 decade, the 527 ton mass of copper in the Minnesota Mine was cut up and hauled away. Ontonagon flourished: ...all the wealth of this new country is not in its mines, some people are:3aying. There‘s a printing press and new.- paper...the Bigelow House, a five story hotel, and it contains a grand ball—room;...“The legislature has granted a charter to a company they call the Ontonagon and Brule River Railroad. There is a Philharmonic Society for music lovers. There is a county fair. The Methodists, the Presbyterians, the Epis- copalians, the Catholics have all built churches. A Board of Supervisors meets regularly, and there are five townships: Ontonagon, Pewabic, Rockland, Greenland and Carp Lake.lo During the sixties the Civil war and production of munitions pushed the price of cooper to fifty—five cents a pound. The proud claim was made: "There are thousands of men in the Ontonagon mines."11 The harbor was improved and a smelter built on the river. Ontonagon was the largest town After the war's end, the inevitable slump came to an on Lake Superior.12 industry based on making war materials. Men left the area. The seventies saw a silver boom begin in 1872, reach an apex in 187h and subside by 1876.13 Michigan's share of the United States 00pper output declined dramatically from 53 percent in 1886 to 25 percent by 1900 to four percent in 1936-h6.lh Gates says, "a community which has grown up with a mining industry as its economic core of ten faces the prospect of a more prolonged and agonized 9 Ibid., p. 10, and pp. 51-73- 10 Ibid., p. 114. 11 Ibid., p. 18. 12 Ibid., pp. 18—19. 13 Ibid., pp. 220-221. 1h William B. Gates, Jr., Michigan Copper and Boston Dollars, An Economic fligtory of the Michigan Qgpper Mining industry, Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University‘Press,‘l951, p. 89- -.- ‘V' .\.— .. w decline than that of the industry itself."15 This was especially true for the other two counties of Micnigan‘s "Copper Country," Houghton and Keewenaw, which had 66 percent of their families on relief in the middle 1930's as compared with the Michigan average of 12 percent.16 However, for Ontonagon there were still two chapters to unfold. In the 1880's the pine episode began with the wholesale purchase of land by the Diamond Match Company. By 1890 the two saw mills owned by the Diamond Match Company cut 300,000 feet of lumber daily, an annual rate of 100 million feet of lumber. In 1896 fire swept the town of Ontonagon. The company never rebuilt the saw mills; instead it pulled out. The pins episode was over.17 Next came the heyday of farming. With the influx of Finnish immigrants, the land was worked to its fullest. A few Finnish miners resided in Ontonagon as early as 1870;18 many others lived in other parts of the "COpper and Iron Country" of upper Michigan, but they tired of the risks of mining, and turned to the land. Most were originally poor farm tenants from the Finnish provinces of Vaasa and Oulu who had taken the first jobs they could obtain when arriving in America.19 Kolehmainen and Hill state that glib land agents, aggressive realty companies, and a host of rural apologists rushed forward to rescue the unhappy 15 Ibid., pp. 165-166. 15 Ibid., p. 167. 17 Ibid., pp. 186-211. 13 Ibid., p. 2h. 19 Ibid., pp. 23h-253; and John I. Kohlemainen and George W. Hill, Haven EEThe Woods, Madison, Wisconsin: The State Historical Society, 1951, especially pp. 33-h6. .7 .m/Ik and insecure Finns, for the sake of God, the Mother Country, and the welfare of the immigrant famil;y.2O Writers in the Finnish newspapers of America argued that rural settlement would encourage the preservation of Finnish culture, for in isolated areas there would be little contact with other nationality gr0ups. Still other journalists emphasized the independence and security of owning land and the healthy environment of rural areas.21 Many postulated a "Finnish rural spirit": A highly successful Finnish-American colonizer...thought it "safe to say that every Finlander who comes to this country has the ambition to own a little home of his own and 'farm it.'" Another immigrant added: "we lack com- pletely a propensity for business speculation and generally for all other activity except the cultivation of land."22 Thus, the cheap land of the cut-over area attracted the immigrants who were tired of mining, urban manual labor, logging and fishing. They did not realize that it was unfertile, stony, and submarginal. They bought this land and "discovered in a new world a landscape, a soil and a climate that reminded them of their homeland."23 The steady trickle of people in the'eighties and‘nineties turned into a migration by the early 1900's. The peak of the agricultural expansion occurred between 1910 and 1920. h 20 Kolehmainen and Hill, pp..333., p. hl. 21 . Ibldo, pp. bl“h20 22 we, pp. 1454;60 23 Jamison, pp. cit., p. 2&7. C) | In that decade the population of the county was increased fifty percent. In certain parts of the county the growth of population was marked. About Ewen the pine episode was definitely over by 1900. McMillan township then had a population of 868. That had decreased by 1910 to a mere h58. Yet by 1920 that township had a papulation of 1,801, due almost entirely to agricultural settlement.2h Since the twenties, the county like most other cut—over regions has lost population steadily. For some family heads the problem of earning a livelihood has been solved by leaving the community to find work in industrial areas; for others, economic pressures are offset by the physical attractions of the Ontonagon countryside, by friendship and kinship bonds, and by a stero— type of undesirable city life. The norms are different for younger people. Most high school students are eXpected to seek their fortune in the city after graduation. Almost all girl graduan§;migrate, for there is little employment for them in the county; but male youths can work on a family farm, at White Fine, or "in the woods" (Cutting pulpwood). Youths who leave often go in cliques to Detroit, Milwaukee, or Chicago, where relatives and friends now work. Although part-time employment and low wages are acceptable for non—migrants, the migrants are expected to find well-paying, regular jobs in the city. Within Ontonagon there is a narrow range of jobs: few professional and white-collar positions are available, while mining, farming and woodswork __¥ 2h Ibid., p. 250. The Fourteenth Census: 1920, Vol. VI, Part I, Agricul- ture, p. h28 gives the following statistics corroborating the 585v3?_——' The number of farms in Ontonagon for 1900, 187; 1910, 371; 1920, 917. The number of native white farmers was 2&8 and of foreign born white farmers 669 in 1920. See also J. F. Thaden, "Finnish Farmers in Michigan", Michigan Agricultural Experiment Station Quarterly Bulletin, Vol. 28, No. 2, November 1955} positions predominate. Farming is a category which provides much of the "flatness" to the stratification, since most farms are similar in size and are owner-Operated. The slight prestige differentiation among mining jobs favors surface work which is cleaner and easier than underground workwaven though. the latter is better paid. Political affiliation also affects stratification in Ontonagon. The Finnish who belonged to co-Operatives with Russian affiliation during the ‘thirties are known as "Red Finns", while nonmembers are termed "White Finns." The latter have more prestige. Closely connected with this cleavage is church membership. The “Red Finns“ are not religious believers, while \T“ rm.) the "White Finns" belong to either the Finnish Apostolic or Lutheran church£8,;i Elsewhere, non—migration may stem from a "locking—in" effect of stable incomes, steady employment, and stable institutions. But non—migration in a community that has experienced severe economic shocks is a different phenomenon.25 Ontonagon is an example of the latter problem. The Hypotheses Tested In view of this background information of the human and physical resources, non—migration is analyzed in terms of ethnicity and age, and their contribution to eXplain present non-migration. Brief discussions of the statistically significant associations and those approaching significance are presented in the pages to follow. The investigations reported in Chapter Tho are descriptive rather than statistical. This study goes one step further, statistically measuring the association between control variables and the Components of the decision-making process of migration, in order to generalize __ 25 we are reminded of the statement by Thomas that investigations of migration and nonemigration must be controlled in terms of business cycle phases. Dorothy Swaine Thomas, Research Memorandum on Migration Differentials, Bulletin h3, New York: Social Science Research Council, 1938, pp. 6-70. HI i. about non-migrants. This study attempts, therefore, to determine whether such an association could have occurred through chance alone. All respondents were assumed to be "non-migrants" at the time of this study, since they were living in an area which many people had left. How- ever, before analyzing their explanations for remaining in Ontonagon, their migration histories are-briefly presented. Although 62 percent of the house- hold heads were born outside of Ontonagon county, more than half of these were twrn in some other Upper Peninsula county, and the majority of the remainder came from Finland. Thirty percent of the sample havez‘esided at their present home since before l9h0; 16 percent moved to this home from l9h0 to 19h5, 30 percent from l9h6 to 1951, and 2h percent since 1952. As for total number of sociological moves, 11 percent had made three or more, 17 percent two, 15 percent one, and 57 percent none at all. A sociological move is one which involves a change of high schools for the children and grocery shepping for the family. The definition attempts to distinguish migration from mobility. Community Satisfactions. Two methods are used to ascertain community satisfaction. The first is based on "objective indices": ties which a res- pondent has in his community as indicated by his formal group affiliations, home ownership, and occupational status. Thezsecond is called "Opinions of community satisfaction." The hypotheses concerning community satisfaction are: 1) Finnish ethnic affiliation is more highly associated with high community satisfaction than non-Finnish ethnicity. 2) Older age is more highly associated with high community satisfaction than younger age. The objective indices of community satisfaction areaanalyzed for associ- ation with ethnicity and age in Tables l-ll, Appendix A. The summary of un- 41” fl“ rd 5 ”a. AQ. r v IA ‘9‘ u these associations follows in Table 1.26 There are eleven objective ties, six classified as general ties and five as occupational. The six general community ties include the number of organizational memberships, offices held within the past five years, church membership, home ownership, level-of- living estimate, and location of friends. The five occupational ties are general and census job classifications, an occupational prestige score:for the occupation, present number of jobs held, and family income. No general index of community ties shows a significant association with ethnicity, but three of them, namely, home ownership, level-of-living, and location of friends, are significantly associated with age of family head. Another index —- offices held by head and Spouse - approaches significance. Table 1 indicates that 57 percent of the sample belong to one or two organizations and 23 percent to three or more, leaving only 20 percent who do not have any groLp affiliations. The association of the control variables with the number of formal organizational memberships is not significant. The association of age with officerships, as shown in Table 2, does approach sig- nificance. For the entire sample, 3h percent indicate that either the head or Spouse has held an office during the past five years; by age groups the percentages are distributed among 27 percent of the young, hS percent of the middle, and 22 percent of the older. The middle-aged persons have more of these positions than expected by chance distribution. Church membership (Table 3), does not indicate a significant aesociation with either age or ethnicity; descriptively it shows that 60 percent of the middle-aged belong k 26 The summary tables in the text are indicated by Roman numerals and the detailed tables in Appendix Ilby Arabic numerals. TABLE I Summary of Association of Ethnicity and Age with Objective Indices of Community Ties Control Variables Table No. Objective Indices Ethnicity Age (Appendix A‘ of Community Ties Probability rrobabili‘gy__~ m1 l Numter of organizations NS NS 2 Offices held NS NS 3 Religious affiliations NS NS h Own or rent home NS .001 5 Level— of—living NS .001 6 Location of friends NS .05 Occgpational 7 General job classification NS .001 8 Census job classification NS .001 9 Prestige rank (North Hatt Score) .01 NS 10 Number of jobs held .05 .001 NS .001 11 Family income ‘J'l d. to a church as compared with 50 and hO percent of the young and old heads, respectively. Although 87 percent of all respondents own their own homes, (Table h) only 12 out of 22 (or 55 percent) of the young heads exhibit this tie to the community as contrasted to 90 percent of the middle and 9h percent of the older-aged family heads. The extremely significant association of home ownership and age is contributed largely by the lower incidence of young heads and high incidence of older heads awning homes than expected by chance alone. Owning a home makes moving more difficult, and generally its pur- chase indicates a sense of permanence and planning for the future in the 2 community. This reinforces the findings of Luebke and Hart 7 that owner- ship is linked with non—migration. The association between level-of-living28 and age is extremeLy sig— nificant (Table 5). There is a strong trend for the young in the community to maintain a higher level of living than their elders. This inverse rela- tionship implies that the young will stay if they can enjoy a high level of living, whereas older people will often settle for less. The moderately significant association between age of head and location of friends (Table 6) supports the hypothesis that older age is associated with higher community satisfaction. Sixty-six percent of those aged 55 and g. v 27 B. H. Luebke and John Fraser Hart, "Migration from a Southern Appalachian Community," Land Economics, XXXIV, Number 1, February, 1958, pp. hh-SB. 23 The level-of-living index is composed of ten items adapted from William The ten items Sewell, "Socio-Economic Scale," Rural Sociology, l9h3. There are some diffiCul- used are found in Appendix B, p. 9, number l-lO. ties involved in the index scores, as items which are ordinarily discrimin- ating did not prove to be for our sample. For*example, telephone service is unavailable in sections of the county and TV sets are found in almost every home. Some of the well-constructed, well-kept homes also rated low if the family did not take a daiLy newspaper although the closest "daily" is from Heughton or Hancock, forty miles away. h '- !I .v 1 war 31. ‘1) 3.5: 0 pa, . 2 "l t “S a‘.., r-. :3- over have friends located in Ontonagon county only, as compared to 50 percent of the other two age-grades. Although the older family heads have fewer formal affiliations, their high degree of informal, local friendship bonds supports the research results of Luebke and Hart and of Kiser. These results imply for the older respondents a higher social cost of leaving. Job classification was intended to distinguish thosexvhose occupations link them to the area from those whose skills qualify them to engage in their occupation ju3t as well elsewhere. 0f the five occupational items associated with ethnicity, the prestige ranking as indicated by a North- Hatt score is highly significant, and the number of jobs held by the family head exhibits moderate significance. Four of the same five items are extremely significant in their association with age, the only exception being the prestige ranking score which is not significant. As Table 7 reveals, although only 1h percent of the total sample of family heads are employed in mining, b5 percent of the young family heads are miners as compared with 12 percent of the middle and five percent of the older heads. While none of the young heads farm, either full or part- time, 35 percent and 19 percent of the middle and older heads, respectively d0. Forty-two percent of the older heads are retired. The occupations of the family heads are reclassified in Table 8 according to census categories. AS a result, the mining and woodswork jobs are divided mainly between skilled and semi-skilled classifications, while the distinctions of the residual cate- sony 0f "others" in Table 7 are subdivided into wholesale and retail dealers, _—_ 29 Luebke and Hart op. cit., pp. hh-53; Clyde V. Kiser, Sea Island to City, New York: Columbia University Press, 1932, pp. 117-135. other proprietors, managers and officials; and clerks, or other semi-skilled employees. From these two tables, it is apparent that farming as a way of life has not interested the young family heads of our sample, for all are skilled and semi-skilled wage earners.30 It is the middle-aged and older heads who are the farmers and business entrepreneurs. Their high investment in land, buildings, and equipment is another community tie closely related to the high percentage of home ownership. The wage occupations and low prOportion of home ownership of the young afford them relative ease of moving. The rationale underlying the data presented in Table 9 is that persons with higher prestige positions may be more satisfied with the community. Each respondents' current job (or most recent job, if retired) was given a North-Hatt prestige ranking score.31 The occupations common to the area are similar in prestige, for the range of our sample varies from hO to 89, 30 Furthermore, most of the young heads live in the villages and not on farms as compared to the other groups. The distribution for the three family age-grades is: Residence Village Open-county Age (farm and non-farm) Total 20—3h 2O 2 22 35-5h hl 141 82 55 up ”39 2h 6h Total 101 ‘67 T68 Cecil C. North and Paul Hatt, "Jobs and Occupations: A Pepular Evalu- ation,"ggpinion News, September, l9h7, pp. 3-13. Interpolations from the scale have been made at Ohio State University and University of Wisconsin. h . '7“ ' I u (J .... p. no. 5:. (D on ‘r q with only 12 percent scoring between 70 and 89. This is a fairly flat structure. The prestige:ranks are highly significant with ethnicity. Twenty-three percent of the non-Finnish group score above 70 as compared with only eight percent of the Finnish and four percent of the mixed ethnic group. The other important indicator is the high number (Sh percent) of the Finnish heads who score between 60-69, the prestige score for farmers. The Finnish heads comprise the largest numbers of farmers and part-time farmers in the sample. Association of age with the prestige ranks of occu- pation is not significant. Table 10 presents a moderately significant association between ethnicity and the number of jobs concurrently held by the family head. A total of 2b percent of Finnish family heads hold two or more jobs as compared with 12 percent of mixed ethnic family heads and ten percent of non-Finnish heads. This table also points out that the number of jobs held by the family is extremely significantly associated with age. This supplements Table 7 and 8 as to the significant association with age indicating that the young miners and other workers hold only one job; the middle group exhibits dual occu- pational statuses, combining part—time farming with woodswork or mining. The income data presented in Table 11 demonstrates an extremely signifi- cant association of age with income. (The same significant association was found between age and level-of-living.) The striking feature is the high economic position of the young family head. Fifty percent of the Young group earn d5,000 or more annually as compared to only 17 percent of the middle-aged heads and nine percent of the older ones. The significance 0f the chi-square is contributed mainly by the clustering of older heads in lower income brackets, for 70 percent of them make less than $3,000 annually. ‘9'- 63¢ I~ u 5.” an. .4) file r} i... ‘52 ..i This reflects the general low agricultural incomes and the low income of many in retirement status. The inverse association of income and ethnicity again implies that a high-insome job is required to keep the young from migrating; whereas older people will continue to accept a lower income and remain. Furthermore, different age groups and family sizes require different incomes to maintain an equal level of satisfaction. The older group has few depen- dents to support, and over 9h percent own their own homes. Thus a young family head with several dependents and a 65,000 income may be no better off than an older couple without dependents and a $3,000 income. In addition, no allowance was made for the dollar value ofifamily goods contributed by the farm in the income analysis, this underestimates the real farm income and creates an artificial downward bias for farming, the most important occupation of the older age groups. Thus income as an objective index of community satisfaction is not meaningful alone. Although ethnicity and income (Table 11) are not significantly associ- ated, the data reveal higher income positions for the non-Finnish. For example, of the six heads and spouses earning over p7,000 annually, all are non-Finnish. Moreover, only 11 percent of the Finnish and 15 percent of the mixed ethnic families earn more than $5,000 per year compared to the 33 per- cent of the non-Finnish in the same income category. In sum, the research hypothesis that Finnish ethnicity is associated with higher community satisfaction is not supported by the objective indices of community ties which are analyzed in this research. Only two of the eleven indices are statistically significant. However, these results are not conclusive. Possible reasons will be discussed in Chapter Four. Seven of the eleven statistical tests support the hypotheses that age I.‘.I r a '..v 1'" 1A7 and objective indices of community satisfactions are related. Moreover, it seems that the four non-significant indices were not strictly relevant to the Ontonagon pOpulation. For instance, membership in one specific organiza- tion may be more important than total number of memberships (Index 1); if so, number of offices held (Index 2) is hardly relevant. The second technique ascertaining community satisfaction is a measure of expressed feelings of satisfactions. Table II summarizes these responses. More detailed tables are found in Appendixll, 12 through 23. TABLE II Summary of Association of Ethnicity and Age with Opinions of Community Satisfaction Table No. (Appendixfig: 7' Control Variables 12 13 1h 15 16 2O 21 22 23 Opinions of Ethnicity Age Community Satisfaction Probability Probability Reason for moving to present residence NS NS What do you like about this community? NS NS What do you dislike? NS NS Are improvements needed? NS NS Will you stay even if Changes are not made? NS .02 Community Satisfaction Score NS NS What kinds of pecple leave? NS .05 What kinds of people stay? .05 .001 Job Satisfaction Index NS NS —_#-—.-*-~ 0— '—"'—~-’ want..._l. .r ’4‘ to o “a. 54‘ a 1:. u“ 61 The questions dealing with the association of ethnicity and opinions about the community yield only one significant association, while the associ- ations with age yield three. Although the data are not statistically significant, Table 12 shows consensus as to three main reasons which pulled the reSpondents to their present residence location, D3 state jobs, h3 housing and 36 the pull of family and friends. One—fourth of the Finnish responses indicate they moved to their current Ontonagon location for occupational reasons. Almost the same percentage list ties of marriage, family and friends. In contrast, the nonéFinnish list housing reasons as the main pull to the current home followed by friendship and family ties and job Opportunities. The mixed ethnic category list the following reasons: one-third of the responses are job and one-third are housing attractions, and only ten percent are ties of marriage, family and friends. When I‘QST:Ond(-3nt5 were asked directly what UN!" like: about. the sonar-121:1 Lu . V J a I ‘ U c I 1 - c . xTanle 123 sncia] attributes rank hl‘ for all tnree ethnic categories. ) Q \ —' For example, nearly half of the responses of each ethnic category focus on ties of friends, family and marriage. We conclude that the Finnish respon- dents are not distinguished from the other ethnic categories in selecting this characteristic of the community. Therefore, the research hypothesis associating Finnish ethnicity with high satisfaction is not supported by the data. Table 13 also shows that more than half of the young and middle-aged like the social attributes of the community. Although migration drains off the young, it appears that those who are young and stay on like the community. Table lb summarizes the respondents' dissatisfactions with the community. The lack of jobs is mentioned as important for all ethnic groups and for the iv ...» NW 62 middle and older heads, in addition to highway inadequacies and climate. None of the young heads listed "no work" as a community dissatisfaction. Forty-six of the 182 total responses indicate no dissatisfactions with the community, Association of the reaponses with the control variables is not statistically significant. A slightly different approach to the problem of opinions of community satisfaction was taken in asking whether or not the community needs improve— ments. The "yes" and "no" reaponses and spontaneous Specifications are shown in Table 15.. Although improvements are not statistically significant in association with ethnicity, examination of the table reveals consensus by all ethnic categories as to needed improvements in the four areas of recre- ation, school, health, and shopping facilities. The association between age and improvements needed approaches statistical significance. Recreation is the most needed improvement as reported by all age groups. Seventy-three percent of the improvement responses among the young heads concentrate on the three areas of school, recreation, and health; 90 percent among the middle-aged group on the same areas plus shopping, while responses given by the older heads are scattered throughout all categories. The two younger groups desire "child-centered" improvements such as schools, recreation and health facilities, as might be expected. However, the oldsters' lack of interest in medical and health facilities is most perplexing. The basic question of whether the reSpondents plan to stay even if improvements are not made (Table 16) was designed to reflect community satis- faction in the face of admitting community inadequacies. Only seven percent 0f the entire sample state they "don't know" whether they will stay and four Percent say "no". The chi-square computation is based on the distinctions ’r (x‘ 4.: L.) between the "yes" as being "unqualified", or "qualified" by an expressive or obligatory explanation. Expressive qualifications include Spontaneous remarks about liking the community, while obligatory ones include responses of women who say, "I'd like to move, but my husband wants to stay; we'll stay," or the men who say, "I'd like to move, but we can‘t sell our house." The latter imply that the social costs of moving are too high. For ethnicity, the chi—square is not significant; for age, it is moderately significant. Even though the percentages of all "yes" answers are high for the older (82) and middle (8h) groups when compared to the young (73), the distinctions between the "yes" answers indicate an inverse relationship, for the youngest group haveéihigh proportion of "yes“ answers with no qualifications attached (ho percent as compared to 22 percent of the middle and 30 percent of the older groups). In addition, more of the young (32 percent) and middle (30 percent) groups indicate expressive qualifications than the old (19 percent). Thirty-six percent of the latter group state they will remain because of obligations as compared to none of the young and 26 percent of the middle groups. The analysis shows that the young and middle group voluntarily choose to stay and the older group feel obligations to stay in a higher proportion than expected by chance. The evidence from Table 20 does not support the research hypothesis about Finnish ethnicity and community satisfaction, for the observed fre- Quencies of the control variables and the community satisfaction scores are about the same as those eXpected by chance.32 In fact, the scores for —-_.._..l 32 Table 20, Level of Community Satisfaction, is based upon the answers to the questions analyzed in Tables 17-19, Appendix A- In a previous study the writer devised an index of job satisfaction based on three questions: I... 3t... community satisfaction are almost evenly divided for the total sample, with h8 percent scoring zero or one and 5h percent scoring two or three. The questions, "What kind of peeple leave the community?" (Table 21) and "What kind of peOple stay?" (Table 22) were included with the rationale that perception of who leaves and who remains suggests whom the respondents think is satisfied with the community. Associations with age are moderately and highly significant, respectively. The older residents reply in terms of age, both for who leaves, that is, "the young," and who stays, that is, "the old." The middle-aged and young answer that people with ties and investments (social or economic) remain in the area. A moderately significant association exists between ethnicity and per- ception of who stays in the community (Table 22). The non-Finnish and mixed 32 1. Of all the jobs you have had, which job did you like best? 2. Of all the jobs in this community, which job would you like ’ to have? 3. Of all the jobs you can think of, which job would you like best? The answers to these three questions were scored zero or one, zero if the respondent replied by naming a job other than his present job or one if the reapondent replied by naming his own. Adding the scores for the three questions, the totals range from zero to three. The research proposed that these scores were an indirect measure of current job satisfaction. - As the present study was developed, this same technique was used, to devise a measure of community satisfaction. The questions were modified as follows: 1. Of all the places you have lived, which place did you like the best? 2. Of all the places you know of, which place would you like to live? 3. Of all the places you know of, where would you like your children to live? The reSponses are scored in the same way, "zero" if another than the present location is mentioned and “one" if the present location is men- tioned. The distribution of reSponses to each separate question and association with the control variables are presented in the detailed Tables 17-19 in Appendix A. A ‘r ft 0“) cu ethnic groups perceive that people with social obligations, jobs, or invest- ment in prOperty remain while the Finnish perceive the distinction in terms of age-groups remaining. Job satisfaction was used an an indicator of community satisfaction on the assumption that if a man likes his job, he will like the community that offers him his job. Although previous research reported that job satis- faction was directly related to occupational ranking, the relatively flat occupational structure of Ontonagon allows us to test the association of age and ethnicity to job satisfaction without controlling for ranking. Data on the association of ethnicity and job satisfaction and a re-test of the association of age and job satisfaction33 are summarized in Table 23. Although neither association is significant, the age variable approaches a .05 probability. Most of the significance is contributed by the older aged group that exhibits a higher proportion of the extreme scores (31 and 33 per- cent, respectively) while the middle-aged group has a higher proportion of middle scores (55 percent) than eXpected by chance. This may indicate that 33 The writer previously had analyzed job satisfaction and its association with occupational, stratification, and community variables. Joanne Bubolz Eicher, Job Satisfaction: Its Relationship to Uccupational, Stratification, and Community Variables, unpublished M.A. thesis, Michigan State University, 1956. In addition to the three questions used previously two more were added to determine whether the index would become more discriminating on the rationale that the family head satisfied with his job will think of the job as a good selection for his children. The two questions are: 1. Of all the jobs you can think of, which job would you like your son to have? 2. Of all the jobs you can think of, which job would.you like your daughter to have? As in the community satisfaction index, the answer to each question is given a score of either one or zero, depending on whether the respon- Adding the dent answers by naming his present job or a different one. u. ‘- in Au 4.. m CR 0 the old near or at the end of their work life, have strong Opinions about liking or disliking their jobs, while many of the middle-aged still reflect on other occupational opportunities. Apparently community and job satis- factions are more complex in their association than a simple one-to-one relationship. A man may dislike his job and still be happy in the community. As a summary, the hypothesis that Finnish ethnicity is associated wdth Only higher community satisfaction is not supported by statistical test. one of the nine indices is statistically significant. Three Of the nine indices of association of age and Opinions of community satisfaction in Table II are statistically significant. It is inconclusive QJxxaonly one third of the tests are significant. If more Specific hypotheses had been formulated, then each statistically significant test would have presented conclusive evidence. Aspirations. This dimension of the decision-making process of migration was investigated through questions of where respondents desire to move, and Specific hypotheses to be tested are: why . 1) Persons of Finnish ethnic affiliation are more likely to express aspirations obtainable in the community than are persons of non- Finnish ethnicity. 33 scores for the five questions gives a range from zero to five in increasing job satisfaction. The addition of the two questions is found to be only partially discriminating. There were eight scores above 3, the other 151 clus- tering between 0 and 3. In analyzing the data it was realized that these extra questions raised problems, since many occupations.are unsuitable for members of the Opposite sex; it is unlikely a man Most respondents would select mining occupation for his daughter. found it difficult to answer the two questions and if they did, often indicated a choice for which their children appear suited or which their children themselves mentioned. 2) Persons Of older age are more likely to express aspirations Obtain- able in the community than are persons of younger age. Table III summarizes the results. The detailed tables in Appendix A for ethnicity and age are 2h to 29. TABLE III Summary of Association Of Ethnicity and Age With Factors of Aspiration Ethnicity Age Table No. Factors of . (Appendix A ASpiration Probability Probability 2h where would you move? a) Intentions of moving _ NS .01 25 b) Specific location NS .02 26 What do you like about that place? NS NS 27 If you were to move to the city, what do you think advantages would be? NS .001 28 Would you move for a) more pay? NS .01 b) Health reasons NS NS 0) to get ahead NS .01 29 What do you want most that you don't have enough money for now? NS .01 .....7 None of the variables even approach a significant association with ethnicity. Hence the hypothesis concerning aspiration and ethnicity is not supported. However, of the eight tests for age and aspiration, six are statistically significant and another approaches significance. After asking the respondents where they would move if they were to leave the community, the answers were classified in two ways, first as to 0\ whether or not they had considered moving (Table 2h), and second, whether they had considered moving to the specified location (Table 25). Table 2b exhibits a highly significant association, with a higher prOportion Of older residents than expected indicating they either would not move or had never thought of it. Table 25 exhibits a probability falling between .02 and .01 in the apprcpriate direction of prOportionately more old than young and middle-aged residents eXpressing a desire to move somewhere within Ontonagon county. Table 26 shows the desirable features of the location named in Table The ycung heads name job Opportunities, the middle-aged name job Oppor- 2%. The O tunities and climate, and the old designate social ties to the area. older family heads desire to maintain social ties reinforces their desire to move within Ontonagon county and the Upper Peninsula. The direction of the findings in Table 26 is worth mentioning, even though non-significant, for the young tend to express job values and the old tend to eXpress values Of friendship and kinship bonds. Table 2? reflects the extremely significant association between age and the anticipated advantages of movement to the city. The largest prOportion of those over 53 feel there would be no advantages for them in moving. The middle-aged express a desire to move in order to make more money and the young want to enjoy the opportunities that a city affords. Values are scrutinized more carefully in Table 28 where age is associated with (a) moving for more pay, (b) moving for health reasons, and (c) moving to get ahead. The young and old exhibit proportionately less Of a desire to move for more pay than the middle—aged. This is a highly significant relation- ship. It appears that the young would move primarily because of the job itself. It was pointed out previously that half of the young age group report an income greater than $5,000. Therefore, their present financial position is high relative to the rest of the community; non-monetary factors that can be gained from moving are more of an attraction than a higher income. The middle-aged who are in that phase of the life-cycle having the heaviest financial demand for their families exhibit a desire to move for more pay, while the financial demands of those over 55 have declined and this reason for moving seems less pressing. The:5econd association of age and moving for health reasons is not significant by the statistical standards designated. However, the probability falls between .2 and .l and shows that proportionately more of the middle- aged would move for this reason than either the young or old. The third association of this table is also highly significant. It demonstrates that more of the young and middle-aged than expected reply "yes" in answer to the question, "Would you move to get ahead?" More older reSpondents answer "no" than would be eXpected by chance alone. It may be conjectured that since the oldsters areaapproaching the end of the life-cycle, "getting ahead" is no longer particularly meaningful. In the general question on aspirations, "flhat do you want most that you don't have enough money for now?" a high proportion of the oldsters answer "nothing" (Table 29). Other categories contributing to this highly Significant chi-square are the young respondents who want a new home and the middle-aged respondents who want new cars. The research hypothesis stating that persons of older age‘are more likely to have aspirations obtainable in the community than persons of young age is supported both by tests of statistical significance and by the direc- tion of the evidence in all but one of the associations. ‘3. 'LJ Social Cost Appraisals. Social costs were investigated by asking respondents whether they perceived difficulties in moving to the city. The specific hypotheses to be tested are: 1) Persons of Finnish ethnic affiliation are more likely to estimate the social costs of migrating as high than are persons of non- Finnish ethnicity. 2) Persons of older age are more likely to appraise the social costs of migrating as high than are persons of younger age. Table IV summarizes the detailed Tables 30 to 38. In addition to each question being analyzed separately, questions 5 through 10, page h, in Appendix B were rated by the coders for the respon- dents' image of the city. These questions were designed to find out how they compared city life to their present location, and to assess the res- pondents' appraisals of the ease or difficulty of moving to the city. The hypotheses are not supported, for only one of the 18 chi-Square tests computed shows a statistically significant association. This is a moderately significant association between ethnicity and reasons for staying in the community (Table 31). TABLE IV Summary of Association of Ethnicity and Age With with Social Cost Factors ‘4‘; J— Ethnicity Age Table No. (Appendix B) SogialJQQst Factors Probability Probability 30 Any specific occasions when you seriously considered moving? NS NS 31 Why have you stayed? .05 NS 32 Rating of image of city NS NS 33 Typical of city life NS NS 3h What are the most important ways in which city life differs from life around here? NS NS 35 Friends' problems in getting started NS NS 36 Have you heard friends talk about what they liked? a) yes or no NS NS 37 b) specifications NS NS 38 If you were to move to the city, what do you think would be the hardest part of NS NS getting started? 1. a V — and H my the 01", serious consideration of moving impossible. The reSponses shown in Tables 30 and 31 link aspects of satisfaction social costs. For+example, in answer to the question, "Can you remember Specific occasions when you seriously considered moving?" 61 percent of total sample replied, "no." The "no" answers may indicate satisfaction on the other hand, an appraisal of social costs so high as to make Perhaps they considered moving, but never considered it seriously because of the difficulties involved. The "yes" answers appear to be social cost appraisals, but they might also indie ate residents satisfied with the community but who considered moving to fulfill job or other aspirations not obtainable within the community.3b The answers to "Why would you say you have stayed?" (Table 31) also link aspects of satisfaction and social cost, for some reSpondents answer in the expressive term of, "I just like it here," or "This is home," or "I like the work here," while others answer in terms of high investment. These investments range from owning homes and businesses to having social "investments" of friends or having an "investment" in age. "Investment" in age means their older age prevents them from entering the labor market in the city. The moderately significant association of ethnicity with reasons for staying is mainly contributed by the higher proportion of the Finnish stating eXpressive and investment reasons than expected by chance alone. On the other hand, the mixed and non—Finnish families submit a higher proportion of reasons involving their jobs than eXpected in a chance dis- tribution. As we relate this to the previous findings of occupational cate- gories of the Finnish and non-Finnish (Tables 7 and 8) hich point out that a higher proportion of the Finnish are farmers than the other two ethnic groups, it becomes clear why the investment category is important to the Finnish. Although the aSsociation of age with reasons for staying (Table 31) is not significant according to our standards, the direction of the findings n 3h The follow~up question, "What were the occasions?" provided some insights into the moving considerations, but the variety of answers prevented adequate coding. 0f the 60 reaponding "yes", to a serious consideration of moving, the largest number (I?) mention work Oppor- tunities in other areas as an occasion, six mention better pay. Ekamples of other scattered answers: "After husband died," and "when younger I planned to move to city, but soon family'was too big to move." does support the hypothesis that older groups appraise the secial costs of moving to be high. PrOportionally more of the older group than expected by chance indicate'they have stayed because of high investments, while the middle-aged group select as most important, the eXpressive reasons, and the young, job reasons. This matches the findings that the oldsters have more friends close ty'and a high proportion of home ownership. Tables 32 through 3D, although not significant, do indicate that most reSpondents have unfavorable images of the city. They think in negative terms of hurry, pressure, overactivity, crowdedness, artificiality (Table 32). One hundred of the 129 respondents answering the question, ”What is typical of life in the city?" reply with such categories, while the remaining minority mention the positive aSpect of convenience, entertainment, and good job opportunities. Answers to "fihat are the most important ways city life differs from life around here?" (Table 3b) fall into two main categories which point to the consensus about the "good life" in the Upper Peninsula and.the drawbacks of cities. Seventy-one reSponses focus on the positive characteristics of the present location and 101 on the negative characteristics of the city. Table 35 reveals the responses of the 69 persons who admitted to hearing friends talk about problems 0f getting started in the city, emphasizing housing, jobs, and money as areas of concern. Table 36 shows that almost one-third of the total sample reply to the question, "Have you ever heard friends, neighbors or members of your own family talk about what they liked?" that their friends don't like the city. In Table 37, those 107 who have heard friends discuss the attractions of the city mention four main cate- gories: jobs, income, entertainment, and physical facilities. The distribution of reSponses to a final question is found in Table 38. Again, respondents emphasize that the hardest part of getting started would be to find housing, to get jobs, and to meet eXpenses. Two new categories show up: "getting around" or becoming familiar with city facilities; and missing friends and making family adjustments. Only four of the 168 see no problems involved in migrating and consequently could be classified as appraising social cost as low. With only one moderately significant association out of 18 tests of significance, the two research hypotheses that Finnish ethnic affiliation and older age are associated with high social cost must be rejected. It appears that most of the sample views the social cost of moving as high and the two control variables of age and ethnicity are not discriminating in this regard. In addition, in a pilot study there is always the problem of whether the questions designed to investigate a component such as social cost carry out the task assigned. Summary The purpose of this chapter is to present the substantive findings associating the two control variables of age and ethnicity with items testing the three components of the decision-making process of migration, namely, satisfaction, aSpiration, and social cost estimates. Six research hypotheses were formulated; several separate associations were found to be statistically significant with age and ethnicity; but only one of the six general hypotheses can be supported on the basis of the evidence presented. This hypothesis is that older age is associated with aspirations obtainable within the community. An assessment of the study, presented in Chapter Four,will cover the contributions and limitations of the research. CHAPTER FOUR SU MERRY AND CRITIwE This chapter has three purposes: 1) to discuss the conclusions of the research; 2) to assess the study, reflecting on strengths and deficiencies; and 3) to comment on implications for further research. Summary The theoretical foundation of this study is a formulation by the Procedures Committee of the North Central Regional Population project. To explain the decision-making process of migration, use is made of three components: satisfactions, aspirations, and social costs. For this study, the two social factors of ethnic background of the family head and spouse and age of family head were selected as control variables. They were hypo- thesized to be instrumental in explaining why some people remained behind in an area of constant out-migration. Three general hypotheses were for- mulated for each variable associating ethnicity and age with the three com- ponents. A total of 76 specific associations was uwwd to test the six hypotheses. Twenty were statistically significant. ethnicity was not proved a discrimin- ating factor. Age was not discriminating for the subjective indices of com- munity satisfaction and for social cost appraisals. Statistical results L Supra, Chapter 1, p.12 support only one hypothesis, namely, older age is highly associated with aspirations obtainable within the community for six of the eight associations were statistically Significant and one approached Significance. Seven of the eleven objective indices for community satisfaction support association with older age. Although several associations of age and community satisfaction are non—significant, they approach significance and provide important insights. First, the overwhelming majority of non-migrants of all age and ethnicity groups seem extremely satisfied with the community, for few seriously intend to leave. Second, even if the community maintains its status £22 and no innovations occur to bring about better schools, recreation, and other improvements, then this same "hard core" of non-migrarts will still remain in Ontonagon county. Next, it follows that out~migration will drain off only a handful of the family heads of all ages and ethnicity categories, for they demonstrate a strong preference to remain because of marriage, family and friendship ties as well as occupational ties. Since this study is restricted to family heads, it is not possible to assess the out-migration potential for the young single male and female adults. However, it appears that the young family heads in our sample are extremely satisfied with the community . Critique The contribution of this research stems from its use of statistical methods to analyze explanations of non—migrants' behavior. Previous studies have concentrated on migration differentials, streams of migration, or the volume of net migration. The few studies investigating or mentioning non- migration, reviewed in Chapter Two, were purely descriptive. This research attempted to provide the basis for generalizations about non—migrants, con- cluding that one such generalization is upheld namely older age is associated with in-aspirations. If more hypotheses had been borne out, however, the statistical approach would have enabled further generalizations. The theoretical framework emphasizes the distinction between migration and mobility. Migration involves severance of ties to a community and its social systems: mobility does not. The framework validates the study of Egg—migration by showing that it is not merely inertia, but an on-going dynamic process. Three components-~ community satisfaction, aspiration, and social cost of leaving--are seen as interacting forces, as vectors in a dynamic situation. Theoretical and methodological problems arose in using these components, because it was difficult to delineate the boundaries of each. To ascertain satisfaction, "cohesiveness and security rooted in iden- tification with groups and structures," the researcher analyzed the objec- tive attachments of respondents to the community and the subjective opinions about cohesiveness. Problems arose in the selection of items indicating attachment and cohesiveness. It was difficult to separate what people con- sider satisfactory about a community from their obligations in the community; both were fused as ties and attachments. Aspiration is the most clearly defined component. No theoretical prob- lems were encountered in using the definition, "a future desired goal or state." It is however, a broad term, and perhaps could be given added rigor as specific aspirations or goals are designated for jobs, communities, retirement, or material goods. For future research a supplementary concept of expectation of obtaining these goals may be incorporated for comparison with aspirations. Social cost was first defined as "the perceptions of insecurity, dis- ruption, and rootlessness which would attend migration." This statement implied that migration is essentially painful. However, the possibility looms that some individuals considering migration perceive that moving will release them from a frustrating group or community trap. Therefore, the re- definition of the term was offered as "the perceptions of the ease or’dif- ficulty with which a person views leaving the community." Another theoretical difficulty involved relating the three components to each other. If they are of equal weight, then it is possible to set up a logical typology (as discussed in Chapter One) of eight categories: the migrant, the non-migrant, and six intermediate types favoring migration or non—migration. The typology was not used in this study. Rather it was thought prerequisite to investigate each individual component before deciding the relative weight of each component. Operationalizing each component is closely related to the theoretical delimitations of it. Problems occur when the concepts are translated into interview questions and when the survey data are classified, measured, and tested. From the results of Chapter Three, it appears that the three questions designed to ascertain community satisfaction by asking for community location preferences, are not appropriate for the task assigned them. For future studies, a possible substitute is the Vernon Davies' Community Satisfaction scale. Another technique may be to ask the reSpondent a direct question, "Are you satisfied with your community?" and then determine if the responses are correlated with the scale questions. For aspiration, a more detailed set of questions could be included in addition to the general one, "What is it that you don't have enough money for now?" The question as presently stated precludes answers such as a good job or steady job. It would also be desirable to follow up the questions by asking whether the reapondent thinks his aspirations are obtainable within the community, and if not, what are his intentions of remaining. The questions designed to investigate social costs were found to be elusive and difficult to analyze. For example, questions about city images should be more specific as to city size and as to available facilities. In addition, the idea of social costs is a difficult one to convey to respon- dents, for it forces them to estimate future changes. The many social factors involved in migration are not easy for an individual to perceive as be con- siders the possible move, for he weighs not only the negative but also the positive aspects of the move out of the community. Perhaps a fourth com- ponent ought to be included: appraisal of social gain or benefit. Thus cost would be weighed against benefits gained, providing a net estimate of the results of migration. The next problem area is that of constructing the research hypotheses. Are the hypotheses sequential? If so, then the rejection of the first on the basis of empirical evidence will affect the hypotheses which follow.. For example, if the Finnish are satisfied with the community, then this would lead them to adjust aspirations to this "satisfactory" community and finally to estimate the social costs of migration as high. This problem tr A RI I‘d involves the previously mentioned one of the interrelationship and weighting of the three components; further study will shed light on the problem. Another refinement for future research is the formulation of more Specific hypotheses. Resulting statistically significant associations would then present more conclusive evidence about age and ethnicity of.fannly heads as factors in non-migration. Follow-up studies may use more specific hypo- theses by scrutinizing the results of this pioneer study. questions may be chosen and worded more judicially in order to categorize replies more clearly. Finally, there are key questions about Operationalizing the ethnicity and age variables. Ethnicity was determined in this study by asking nation- ality background. With a larger sample this variable could be subdivided into generations to incorporate the age variable, making possible trivariate tabulations. For this study, itwwas assumed that generational differences (in relationship to ethnicity) were not important, for the tie of being "Finnish" was hypothesized as explaining, or at least contributing to, an explanation of non-migration. Therefore, bivariate tables were run in order to retain the three-way subdivision of the ethnic categories, to discover whether or not families with head and spouse both Finnish, either one Finnish, or neither Finnish differed in orientation to migration. The re- searcher contends that retention of the three categories (rather than dividing the three into two) was a useful technique, for the "mixed" family responses often differed in direction from the other two. However, since the ethnic affiliation hypotheses were not supported by statistical test, it is proposed that further studies interested in ethnicity as a control variable incorporate the generational differences with the ethnic differences. Another possibility is to separate all foreign-born from native-born. 51 It may be that any immigrant, once settled, will be a more likely non-migrant than a native—born inhabitant. This would involve studying ethnicity car as rather than Finnish ethnicity only. It is hOped that the conclusions, criticisms, and suggestions offered here will not only be of practical help in future research, but will stimu- late active interest in understanding motivations for non-migration. BIBLIOGRAPHY 83 BIBLIOGRAPHY Beegle, J. Allan, Thomas R. Ford, Roy Francis, Siegfried A. doermann, and Hard Bauder, "Report of Procedures Committee of NC-18, North Central Regional Project Concerning Field Studies of Migration," unpublished manuscript, no date. Segue, Donald J., Henry S. Shryock, Jr., and Siegfried A. Hoermann, Subregional Migration in the United States, 1935-bQ, Vol. l,_Streams of Migration Between Subregions, Oxford, Ohio: Scripps Foundation, Miami University, 19S7, Brown, Lawrence Guy, Immigration,_Cultural Conflicts and Social Adjustments, New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1933. Davie, Maurice R., World Immigration, New York: The Macmillan Company, l9h9- Davis, Kingsley, Human Society, New York: The Macmillan Company, 1950. Eicher, Joanne Bubolz, "Job Satisfaction: lts melationship to Occupational, Stratification, and Community Variables," unpublished M.A. thesis, Michigan State University, 1956. Eisenstadt, S. N, From Generation to Generation, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1956. Gates, William B., jr., Michigan COpper and Boston Dollars, An Economic History of the Michigan Copper Mining InduStry, oambridge, Mass: Harvard Universitngress, 1951. Goodrich, Carter, Migration and Economic Opportunity, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1936. Hagood, Margaret J., and Daniel 0. Price, Statistics for Sociologists, New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1952. Jamison, James K., This Ontonagon Country, Ontonagon, Michigan: The Ontonagon Herald COmpany, 1939. Jokinen, Nolfrid John, "The Finns in Minnesota: A Sociological Survey," unpublished M.A. thesis, Louisiana State University, June, 1953. Kirk, Dudley, Burcpe's Population in the Interwar Years, Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, Series of League of Nations Publications, II. Economic and Financial, l9h9 II A.S. 8b Kiser, Clyde V., Sea Island to City, New York: Columbia University Press, 1932. Kolehmainen, John 1., The Finns in America: A Bibliographical Guide to Their History, Hancock, Michigan: Finnish Lutheran Book Concern, 19h7. Kolehmainen, JOhn 1., and George W. Hill, Haven In The Hoods, Madison: Wisconsin: The State Historical Society, 1951. Lantz, He nan H., Peoole of Coal Town, New York: Columbia University Press, 1958. Loomis, Charles P., and J. Allan Beegle, Rural Social Systems, New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1950. Loomis, Charles P., and J. Allan Beegle, Rural scriolo , New York: Prentice-Hall,1nc., 1957. Luebke, B.H., and John Fraser Hunt, "Higration from a Southern Appalachian Community,“ Land bcpppmics, XXXIV:1 (February, 1958), hh-SB. Maclver, Robert, and Charles H. Page, Society, New York: Hinehart 1 Company, l9h9. Mills, C. wright, Clarence Senior and Rose Kohn Goldsen, The Puerto Rican Journey, New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950. North, Cecil C. and Paul Hatt, "Jobs and Occupations," Opinion News, (September, 19h7), 3—13. . Peterson, William, "A General Typology of Migration," American SOL ologir.l Review, 23:3, June, 1958, pp. 256-266. Report of the Committee on Population Problems to the National Resources Committee, The Problems of a Chan:ring Population, Washington: United States Government MDLiIT' ng Lffice , 1938. Rossi, Peter H., Why Families Move, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1955. Sewell, William, "A Short Form of the Farm Family Socio—Economic Status Scale," Rural Sociology, 7111, June,.l9h3, 161-170. Smith T. Lgrnn, The Sociology of Rural Lfi a, New York: Purper ard Brothers, l9h7. Snedecor, George W., Statistical Hethods: Applied to Experiments in ‘flgriculture and Biology, Ames, Iowa: State College Press,—Lth ed., l9h6. Taeuber, Conrad, "Recent Trends of Rural-Urban Migration in the United States," Postwar Problems of Migration, New York: Milbank Memorial Taft, Donald H., Human Migration, New York: Ronald Press 00., 1936. Thaden, J.F., "Ethnic Settlements in aural Michigan," Liehiganvkgricultural Experiment Station auarterly Bulletin, Vol. 29, No. 2, November, 1936: pp. 102-111. Thaden, J.F., "Finnish Farmers in Michigan," Hiehigan Agricultural Experiment uuarterly Bulletin, Vol. 28, No. 2, November, l9h5. Thomas, Dorothy Swaine, ugsearch Memorandum on Migration Differentials, Bulletin h3, New York, Social Science Research Council, 1938. Thomas, W.I., and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, 5 vols., Boston: Richard G. Ledger, 19H8. Thompson, warren S., POpulation Problems, New York: Random House, 1956. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Twelfth Census of the United States: 1900, Population, Vol. I. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census of the United States: 1910, Population, Vol. I. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Fourteenth Census of the United_States: 1920, Agriculture, Vol. VI. .- U.S. Bureau of the Census, Fifteenth Census of the United_States:.l930, Population, Vol. I. U} U.S. Bureau of the Census, eventeenth Census of the United States:_l950, Populatigp, Vol. I. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Michigan, Number of Inhabitants: 1950, P-A22. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Michigan, General Characteristics: 1950, P-B22. Nylie, Laurence, Village in the Vaucluse, Cambridge, Massachuseits: Harvard University Press, 1957- APPENDIX A TABLES erb'birtfib‘D TO BUT NOT INCLUDED IN TEXT 87 .coprQSQEoo mamsvmlfino cw Umvsaocw poz * H. n N. a oem.m u Nx on N am 44 Nm Hm Hmpoa go 0 Ha ma HN NH as mm Nm 0 MN :N NN ma gm n mm NN N m m m a em 1 ON emmm Ngasmm mo mNa .m m. n mm. a oNo.N u Nx mea N mm a: Nm Hm Hesse Nm 0 4H NH ma Ha nonpamz 0N H m e N o toepam om H oN 0N mN ea seem omsoam use Ummm «0 Npaoacepm smaccaa .4 * Hmpoa dz once no means 029 0:0 0:02 mmcoamm wwmm Lows: op macauwuficwmpo mo umnsmm mmcoamm mem soars op mSONpmuwcwwpo we I H mqmfid H0 HO>04 ZéfiS 0®< UCN hJflOflCCHfl H0 QCOfiONflOCZNQ m .414: 4‘. 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Yes No DK (Probe for church and church related, extension, cooperative, farm organizations, School, service, fraternal, veterans, professional, and Sportsman's clubs.) moors; fl CONTROL ASK ONLY OF RURAL NONéFARM (Not living on farm). 1. DO you own or rent your home? Own Rent DK . 2. ‘What would you estimate to be the family's gross income last year?__________ 3. 'What is the main source of your income? h. Of what nationality background do you consider yourself to be? YOur spouse? INCOME AND CONTROL ASY ONLY OF RURAL-FARE l. 2. 2. Do you own or rent your home? Own Rent DK . How much land do you own/rent in Ontonagon County? Own Rent . How much of the land is tillable? (Acres). 'What would you estimate to be the family's gross income last year? 'What percentage of this is from farming? All 3/h 1/2 l/h None . What is the main source Of farm income? What is the source/sources of your nonfarm income? About how many days did you work at this/these jobs in the last year? Of what nationality background do you consider yourself to be? Your spouse? LEVEL 93 LIVING Construction of House 8. Telephone. . . . . . . Yes 6 Brick, stucco, painted frame. No 3 Unpainted frame or other. . . 9. Auto (other than truck)Yes 5 2 No Lighting facilities .____ Electric. 0 O O O O O O O O 0 Gas, mantle, r pressure. . . Oil lamp or 0 her . . . . . . lO. Takes daily newspaper. Yes 6 No 3 11. Central heating. . . . Yes Water piped into house Yes N ____ o NO 12. Indoor fluSh tail-etc Q Yes Power washer. . . . . . Yes N O NO Refrigerator l3. Bathtub or shower. 0 9 Yes____ Mechanical (Electric or gas . N°____ Ice . . . O O O O O O O O 9 Other or none . . . . . . . lb. Number of rooms in house 15. Location of House Hard surfaced. I o o o o Gravel, shell, or shale. Dirt or unimproved . . . Radio 0 O O O O O O O 0 Yes NO TV. 0 O O C O O O O O 0 Yes NO W" awntwm ROOM LSE ONLY «I g 6‘ n v- u , [:2 ' of S : *n ‘2 l_ 3 A: .1" K i k I '- v J‘s“ ' ¢ L: ' “I?” . §,\b ‘4‘: u hr; :‘3‘? 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