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COMMUNICATION AND M'ODERNIZATION:
SIGNIFICANCE, RULES, AND STRATEGIES

THESIS FOR TIIE BEGREEOF III. A.
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

LUIS ammo BELTIIIIN s.
1 9 a s

 

 

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ABSTRACT
COM’UNICATION AND MODERNIZA‘I’ION:
SIGNIFICANCE, ROLES, AND STRATEGIES

by Luis Ramiro Beltran's:

This is an exploratory study addressed to relate conceptually
the main propositions and findings existing on the relationship between
social commnication and mlturel trodemizaticn, and on commnication' 3
significance, roles , and strategies in the modernization of nations .

The problem which gave origin to this study is the absence in
the literature of a carprehensive surmary that may serve to analyze
and integiate those propositicns and findings. The ladc of such sum-
mary. seriously restricts the possibilities for building a nuch needed
theory of developmmtal commicaticn.

Caisequently, the major objectives of this thesis are:

1. To summarize sane of the main theoretical propositions and
research findings about (a) the relatimship between cammication and
fie development of nations; (b) the significance of cormxicatim for
dewloment; (c) the roles of connunicatim in development; and (d)
and the nature of development strategy and of coununication strategy,
as well as the relationship between them.

2 . To analyze the summarized propositions and findings , evalu-
ating theirmerits and limitations, asking coaparisons among them, and
attempting—at least in a partial and preliminary way-to articilate
them.

3. To moss-«on the basis of the analytical smmary--soue
ccnclnsiafns and suggestions for advancing the theory, increasing

Beltran

the investigation, and improving the action in the field of develOp-

mental communication. The sumnary is selective and occupies most of

the first three chapters. The analysis is partial and it is conducted

mainly in the fourth chapter. The propositions are tentative and are

contained mostly in the last two chapters. Chief among those propo-

sitions are the following: I

l.

2.

3.

5"

There are clear correlations between camunication and development .
In general, the higher the level of communication development of a
country, the higher its level of general develoPment. Inversely,
the less developed a country is, the less developed its coununica-
ticn system is. Thus, canmnication is both an antecedent and a
consequence of modernization.

Cannmicatim perforus many positive roles in modernization. But it
can also perform negative ones . Both slwuld be studied.

Sons of the roles camunication performs in development are univer-
sal: they are performed in all cultures. Other roles are partici-
lar: flieyvaryfromculture to mlhrreundertheinfluence ofgiven
factors . Research on the universal roles is a long-term proposition
leading eventually to strong principles of wide applicability .
Research an the particular roles is a short-run proposition leading
to limited stipulations applicable to specific circumstances . Both
types ofresearchareneededtomildatheory ofdevelomental
commnication.

No matter hm tentatively, such theory nust be built as soon as
possible if ccmmnication is to have a full impact (:1 nodernizatim.

(he approach to the problem is to carbine cmvergent propositions on

5.

6.

7.

8.

I

Beltran
commmicatim's roles on development and to refine them for empire
ical verification. Another possibility is to relate those propo-
sitions to overall models of social change and national development.
A third alternative is to elaborate and expand the few existing
preliminary models of developmental communication .

The roles of communication in develOpment are determined by a host
of complex and interrelated influences , among which ideological ,
teleological, and methodological ones are paramount. Some of these
key determining factors are: political philOSOphy, economic doc-
trine; goal-direction; level of development; and origin, process,
"mechanics," and time-organization of change.

Those factors , furthermore, contribute to determining the overall
policy of natimal development itself. Thus , communication strategy
is a crucial component of the broader general strategy of moderniza-
tion. Neither strategy is meaningful, then, without the other.

Most develoPing countries are unaware of the problems and potential-
ities of commmication in deve10pment. They seem to expect. to
develop without assigning adequate priority and resources to cannin-
icaticn, the vital tool for achieving that develoPment.

Historical experience indicates that , where such priority and re-
sources are assigned to communicatim, modernization can occur
faster. A short-term but very intensive effort to develOp a country's
communication system can stimulate and accelerate considerably the
general development of that country. In turn, increased overall
development will account for a sustained increment in developmental

commnication. These cycles of mutual positive influence should

—__..._———i~

 

 

Beltén
repeat themselves until a point of parallel growth of the processes

is reached. The less developed countries, then, have much to gain from

establishing cammnication develOpment as the launcher of heightened
natimal develOpment .

CIPDLWHINHION AND MODERNIZATION:
SIGNIFICANCE, ROLES,.AND STRATEGIES

By
Luis RamiroBeltran s.

A.THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in.partial fhlfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

.MASTER 0F.ARTS

Department of Communication
1968

. C

K

L,

Accepted by the faculty of the Department of Communication,
College of Ccmmnicatim Arts , Michigan State University, in partial ful-

fillmt of the requirements for the Master of Arts degree .

rFMka
W ' “5

AQQJOJHEIISI’IEN‘I‘S

I am indebted to many persons for having generously contributed
in making this study possible:

Dr. David K. Berlo, (hair-men, Department of Communicatim,
Michigan State university , due to whose encouragement and confidence
it became possible for me to come to this academic institution to pur—
sue a degree. Dr. Berlo--friend, teacher, and adviser—gave me un-
limited moral support, intellectual guidance, and academic assistance,
for which I am deeply indebted to him.

11-. Eyerett M. Rogers, my thesis director, to whom this study
owes so much. His stimulant orientation and patient supervision were
of a decisive importance for me in designing and completing the thesis.
With interest and cordiality , Dr. Rogers gave me unrestricted aid and
illmxinating advice at every step of the work. I thank him very much
for it.

Dr. R. Vincent Parace, wholdndlydidathoroigirevisionofflieI
draft marmacript and gave me excellent suggesticns to improve it. Many
' thanks to him too.

In additim, I am grateful to Dr. Farace and Dr. Rogers for the
special treirfing they gave me, through reading courses, in the fascin-
ating cmplexities of communication understood as an insfiument of
modernization. Their teachings helped me in building the framework of
this study and in setting the directim of it.

Ing. Armando Samper, Director General , InterHAner-ican Institute
of Agricultural Sciences (Organizatim of American States), under whose

0..

inspiring and friendly leadership I have worked in that agency since
. 1955. Ing. Sampar granted me the institution's honor scholarship to
mdertake the studies that led to this thesis. I reiterate here my
sincere recognition to him for that distinctim.

Ing. Enrique Blair, my director in the Andean Zone Office of
I.A.I.A.S. in 1965, who cooperated in making viable my caning to M.S.U.

Mrs. Rith Langenbacher, a kind and understanding lady, who is
also a typist that remains efficient under strenuous time-pressure
circumstances.

Mr. Joseph Ascroft, the talented colleague who gave me useful
suggestions on the bibliographical support for the thesis .

Mr. Mario Vilches, the carpanion who converted, ably and promptly,
some key propositions of the thesis into graphic illustrations. ‘

Mrs. Betshabe V. dc Beltran, my mother and best friend, without
whose spiritual support and abnegated help neither the studies nor the
thesis would have been possible. ,

iv

INTRODUCTION

The Problem .

Many communisadcn practitioners, several social scientists, and
a few strategists and implementers of national development believe that:

I. There is a close relationship of mutual influence between

social commmication and cultural modernization;

2. Cormnmicatim has a high significance for development;

3. Ccrmunicatim performs many vital _r_o_Z_L_e_s_ in develOpment;

u. Camunicaticn strategies ought to constitute a crucial

carponent of the overall national development strategies .

These assumptions are logical and it may not be impossible to
validate them empirically. Already, in fact, some substantiating
evidences are accuxmlating. I

In general, however, there are few formal theoretical propositions
available about developmental communication. Also, few systematic in-
vestigations have been cmducted so far on the subject. .

Precisely because of its relative paucity, that conceptual and
empirical information could have been already put together, compared ,
and articulated. Only in that way could independently formulated con-
cepts and unrelated research data be optimally utilized to cms'u'uct a
much needed theory of deve10pmental communication.

Yet , to the knowledge of the present writer, such analytical and

integrative summariation has not taken place.* “Moreover, the different

D

 

*Scne valuable summaries do exist on the relationship and on the roles
but they are partial and not related, for instance, to the strategies.

V

 

'4. To propose, also on the basis of the analytical summary, a
set of factors as determinant not only of commumication' s
roles in modernization but also of the inception of the very
overall strategy of national development, of which communi—
caticn strategy is a key part.

5'. To stress that, therefore, a conscious and careful integra-
tion of the two strategies (the general of development and
the particular of communication for development) should con-
stitute an essential feature of all modernization plans and
operations. .

6. Toshowthatatemporarybutsharpmaseinthecommmii-
cation ability of a developing country can act, as histor-
ical experience indicates it, as a very pwerful stixmlant

and accelerator of overall national development.

Ills Method of Study .

The methodology used towards accomplishing those objectives in- I
cltried three steps:

I. Documented summarization.

2 . Critical review.

3. Formulation of propositions about theory, resem‘ch, and

action 01 the matter of concern.

Though the documentation was not intended to be all-inclusive , I
it probably did go beyond the length customary for a thesis. This was
determined by an intention to approximate some appreciable degree of
comprehensiveness . In turn , the intention was determined by consider-
atims of potential utilization of the summary in countries where the

O O

mu range of literature existing on the subject of the thesis is far

from easily available. As a consequence of this way of thirfldng, pert-

inent citations were utilized beyond the usual limits.

Nevertheless, the summary is selective rather than exhaustive,

the analysis is partial rather than complete, and the propositions are

tentative rather than final. In sum, this is an exploratory concepmal

study, not an empirical investigation.

The Justificatim of the Study

The limitations of the study are, thus, self-evident.

Nevertheless, justification for it should exist in as much as

the attempt may be regarded as:

d.

l.

A modest contribution towards expanding the basis for the
formulation of a theory of deve10pmental communication ,
by—-at least-~assembling, condensing, evaluating, and
flying to relate valuable but rather disperse and, some
times , insufficiently known information on the matter of
concern.

A teaching tool, a sort of overview of the field that could
be utilized to provide some broad orientation to those
professional commmicators who are particularly concerned
with problems of modernization.

A promotional instnmrent that might be used to help bring
mareness of the virtues of organim, intensive, and ef-
ficient develoPmental communication among policy-makers ,
development planners , and technical implementers in the

developing countries .

 

The Termu'nolog of the Study

‘IWo meanings are attached, throughmt the text, to the word
Watim. One is a process notion. The other is a we}: notion.

In the first case, communicaticn will be defined—following the

model of Berlo (1960)--as the process by which a person-performing as
a source (of ewerience)--transmdts a messge, via some g; (a given
set of symbols cr signals) carried fluough some cliennel, to another
person or persons-who performs as a receiver of the message-with the
Mof attaining some effector the thoughts, feelings, and behaviors
of that receiver. ,

In the second case, cammication will be understood as the
system (a defined set of mutually influential elements) of social in-
stitutias existing with the specific purpose of promoting and facili-
tating human interaction through exchange of informative and persuasive
attempts at influencing people's behaviors. These institutions count
often cm physical facilities to accomplish their goals; i.e. , printing
presses, radio transmitters , etc. Such facilities form, thus, a part
Of the system. The mass media of camunicatimwrewspapers , radio sta-
time, television stations, etc.--are one type of those institutions.
Another type is constituted by organized grotps, such as a hireaicracy,
a co‘3'1>e.-‘:‘at::i.ve, an agricultmal extension service, or a worker's union.
They sPectialize in interpersmal communication .

Thecartextshmldbeable totellwhichofthetwoneanings is
imiended in each case . Yet , the text will often imply that improvements
in the system should account for increased effectiveness in the process.

True. when referring to commnmication develognent, for instance, it will
ix

mean the amelioration of the system in order to heighten the impact of
the process.

Communications (in plural) will be used to refer to communicatim
acts— or to the cmtents and formats of those acts: the messages.

National development will be understood, for the purposes of this
thesis, as an induced process of generalized change in a large social~~
system (characterized as a "country") by which the structure, functions,
and relationships of that system are altered with the purpose of achiev-
ing given levels of economic improvement, social justice, massive polit-
ical participation , and overall cultural betterment . ‘

Though some authors" find omvenient to make semantic distinctions
{ between the terms development and modernization, these terms will be used
interchangeably throughout the thesis . ' .

Definitions for other terms of esPecial relevance to the study

will be provided in the respective chapters along the text.

The Content and Sequence of the Study

The first three chapters are devoted to providing a general back-
4 grand for the study and to presenting the review of pertinent research
and the summary of propositions . The fourth chapter is an intermediate
unit linking the analysis of propositions and results with the formula-
tim of strategies . The last two chapters contain, essentially, the
propositions the present writer. derives from the preceding discussicn

about the determinants of caumnicatim' s roles in development and about

!

 

*
For instance, Rogers (1968) and Black (1966).
X

his nature and relationship of deve lopment strategy and communication
strategy.

Chapter I reproduces and evaluates some answers provided for
this question: What makes a society change? It reviews both the purely
eccmcmic and the noneconanic explanations that scholars have advanced
towards understanding the origin and the nature of national development .
It ends by postulating the need for a realistic compromise between them.

Easter I; reproduces and evaluates the answers provided by re—
search to this question: How are communication and develgment related?
It reviews several investigations conducted in different countries at
the individual and at the aggregate level of analysis. It stresses the
conclusion that clear correlations exist between those processes.

Chapter III records, in a condensed way, many of the answers pro-
Vided by social theorists to this question: What does communication 92
1Q Evelogrent? It enumerates several of those propositions but gives
detailed treatment to three sets of concepts specifically relative to
the roles of cammficafim in national development .

Quarter. I! cmstitutes an attempt to provide some answer to this
queStim: How can the propositions 9n roles be linked with the design

9.1: Etategies and be; moved ahead towards a theory 9}: developmental com-

 

mmlfl cation? To do so this chapter condenses further the three sets of
rOles presented in the preceding chapter and proceeds to oarpare them.
It finds them highly convergent and thus amenable to fruitful combina-
‘fim as me alternative in the construction of a theory of developmental
omnmication. However, the chapter also introduces some critiques of

those propositions . It suggest too alternative possibilities , such as
' xi

 

expanding the few existing preliminary models on develOpmental commun-
ication, and lirfldng the roles to overall models of national develOp-
ment. The chapter ends by stressing the notion that carmmication's
roles in modernization should not be formulated without a tie to other
factors prevailing in the development of societies , and should take
into account the influences of concrete variations steming from partic-
ular culmral configurations .

. 9333 y_ constitutes an attempt to provide same answer for this
questicm: How does development affect ccmrunication? To do so it
postulates eight factors as exerting a determinant influence on develoP-
mental camunicaticn. They are: political philOBOphy; economic doc-
trine; goal-direction; level of development; and origin, process ,
"mechanics" and timeoorganization of change. The chapter then intro-
duces qualificaficns and cautions to the analysis of those factors .
Also, it shows that the different factors are interrelated and form a
Part of three major sets of variables: ideology, .teleologl, and metho— '
dalogy. Finally, it proposes that the concatenation of these sets
amounts to the establishment of development strategies , of which com-
nlmicatian strategies are sham to be a dependent but fundamental
component.

O'__xapter _V}_ constitutes an attempt to provide some answers to

 

 

9}: communication strategies and how are they related tg each other?

Most of the chapter's attention is placed on the second of these
xii

questions and. on its derivations . First, after showing the intimate
relationships between the two types of strategies , the chapter deplores
the fact that most underdeveloped countries are unaware of the problems
and potentialities of communication for modernization. Second, it
proposes that such modernization can be sizably accelerated and expanded
by a short—term but highly intensive development of a .country' s comm-
icaticn system. Third, it derives from it all some recommendations for
action and a fen: suggestions for research on developmental commnication.

In sum, then, this study is an effort to conceptually interlock,
on a preliminary basis, key notions about communication's significance,
roles, and strategies in the modernization of nations.

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS

anapter
I WWOPGMNGBINSOCIEIY. . . . .
The Strictly Economic Conception of Development

The Nonecornondc Explanations of DevelOpment
The Need for a Realistic and Productive

Conpronise ,

'H'IBRELATIQ‘ISHIPBEIWEENCOI‘WNICATIG‘I
ANDDEVBLDPMENT . . . . . .

The Correlation at fine Level of Nations
The Cor-relations at lower levels of Analysis

MmaryaroImplicafionsoftheFindings

THE SIGNIFICANCE AND ROLES 0F COMMJNICATIG‘J '.

The General functional Roles of Communication

in Society

The Dysfunctional Roles of Conmnmnication
The Specific functions of Communication in

National Development

TWARDS A 'H'IEORY 0F DEVELOPIWI‘AL COPMJNICATIW

Convergence in Role-Propositions

Expansion of Developnental Comunication Models
Linkage to Models of Overall National

Develome

The Convenience of aTWo-Way Approach.
FACTORS AFFECTING THE ROLE OF WCAT‘IW

INDEVELDPI‘ENT......

Political Philosophy

Economic Doctrine

Goal-Direction

Level of Development

Origin of Change

Process of Change

Mechanics" of Change

Time Organization of Change
Necessary Cautions in the Analysis
Determinants , Roles, and Strategies

ndv

19
20

22
38

H0
H9

'53

56

58

60
63
616
66
68
69
71
72
71}
80

TABLE OFCWTDTIS

anapter (contd) Page

VI MSTRATEEYOFDEVELOPL‘ENI‘AND'DIBS'I'RATEBY
OF commwm O C I O O O C O O . O O 88

The Concept of Sunategy 89
Strategic Communication Behavior 90
Development Strategy , Communication Strateg,

and Their Relationship 9%
The Lack of Awareness of Commication's

Problems and Potentialities 10 3
An Exception: The Communist Conn‘tries 106
Commication Development as a Launcher of

National Development 111
Recommendations for Action e 116
Snggestions for Research 120

mm C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 127

 

 

10

LIST or FIGURES

Different types of mass media effects on
attimdes O O O 0 O O O I O O O O O O O

Relatedness of three sets of propositions (Fool's,
Schreumn's, and Rao's) on the roles of communica-
tioninnationaldevelOpment . . . . . . . .

Basic variables in Rogers' preliminary model of .
developmental communication
Sonroe:Rogere(1967) ..........

Graphic representation of the modifying process
through which sone of the universal roles of
communicationpass............

Eight of the main factors determining modifications
in the nature of communication's roles in
national development . . . . . . . . . . .

Graphic scheme of definition of "ideology.” as a set
of interpretive beliefs about human existence and
socialrealityperoeivedalongatimecontinumm . .

Examples of interact ions amnong factors determining
communication' 3 roles in national development . . .

Elements and relationships in the process of form-
ulation of a strategy for national development
(includingcommnnication)

Relationships of the communication process with the
decision-maldng processes (about commnication be-
havior) occnm'r'ing in the source and in the receiver,
before and after, respectively, that commmnication
PMS O O O O O O O O O O O O C C 0

Representation of the precedence of the general
development strnatey over- the developmental conn-
munication strategy which is subsidiary to it . . .

Simplified representation of elements in the
process of formulating developmental communica-
fim smegies O O O I O O O O I O I O O

Constant presence of comunication throughth the
continuous process of planning, implonenting, and
evaluatingnationaldeveloprenteffor'ts . . . . .

xvi

3n
u2
so
61
6.2

83

85

87

91
97
100

102

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure (wild)

‘.

13

1%

Description of national develOpment as stimulated
by a specially high increase in the development
of communication, which in turn should be stimu-
lated by the heightened level of national

development . . . . .

Hypothetical cumulative growth curves of national
development and of cormunication development as
determined by an initially very high increase in

communication development

Page
. 116
. ll?

Table

LIST OF TABLES

Comparative summary of communication ' s roles
in deve10pment as proposed by Pool, Schramm,

mdMOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOI

Factors determining the roles of communication

in modernization

43

81

CHAPTERI
'IHEDEI‘ERI‘ILNANTSOFCHANGEII‘JSOCETY
Modernizationhasnmmeronsdimensionsofnmichonly
soneareeconomic.

(Joseph J. Spengler, in Weinern,
1966, p. 321)

. . . Thus we deceive ourselves when we think of
economic development in the pallid terms of
economics alone.

(Robert L. Heilbroner', 1963, p. 16)
To understand and predict any aspect of social life,
wecannotignoreeconomicmatters . . . Intnrnthe
noneconomic aspects of social life affect the eco-
nomic...The iricalinterdependenceofeco—
nonic and soci variables is omnipresent.

(Neil J. Smelser, 1963, pp. 1 and 33) t \.

Neverhasmanbeconesoawareofthesocialrealityinvmnidnhis
eldstoncetakesplaceashehasinthelasthtundredyearsor'so. His
hmledgeabontthenatureofhissocietywflneonatomyandthephysio-‘
1-Day of it as well as its pathology--has expanded considerably. in that
Period. Inthelasttmdecades,nmoreover,mnanhasgromvitallycon-
earned, in particular, with the changes that his society undergoes-
theii-I'nmrtnnrearrltheir'imnplicartionsfor'hisdestingy.

Wnatarethepresmnableor'iginsoffinosechangesandvdnichare
their possible consequences for society?

The (pastor-amnion constitutes the object of attention of this

; Mmmbeof central interest, across thewor-ld,bcthfor-
WW‘BMfwPOJicy-m.

2
The ways in which social scientists are attempting to answer
questions like that are diverse and, often, conflicting. Divergence
undat- not only batman disciplines but also within each of them.
Agreement is not envisaged on the immediate horizon. In fact, a uni-
versally acceptable general theory of social change appears yet far
from available.

The Strictly Economic Conception of DeveloPment

(he of the orientations—the economic approach-«has been, how-

ver, predominant so far. from this perspective, save minimal excep-

ons, changesinthestructureandfnmnctionoflnmansocietyareseen
as-elmost exclusively and directly—consequences of material forces ,
economic patterns, and technological arrangements. EVerything else-
any noneconomic variable of some apparent significance for change—are
either mere derivations from the economic determinants or factors pure-
ly concomitant on ancillary to them.

Within such approach, innovative behavior in agricultre, for
instance is explained exclusively in terms of economic determinants .
In fact, Schultz (1%“, p. 25) says: '

The niggardliness of agriculture in poor communities

is frequently attributed to particular cultural values .

These values relate to work, thrift, industriousness,

and aspirations for a higher standard of living. They

arethenusedtoenqnlainwhyflnereissolittleeco-

nomio progress and why particular economic development

programs are unsuccessful in practice. As a rule,

however, it is not necessary to appeal to differences

-, in such cultural values, because a simple economic
explanation will suffice.
That explanation, Sclmnltz feels, lies in how profitable an inno-

Vationis,regardlessofl~mcongruentitmaycr~maymtbewiththe

"

savings, the lack of credit, and the absence of crop insurance facili-

3
people ' s values . The higher the profitability of a new idea-«he pro-
posesnthe faster it will be adopted by farmers in traditional societies.
He attributes profitability so much explanatory power that it is unnec-
essary to consider the influence of nonecononio factors, such as person-
ality, education, and social environmental variables.

Schultz does , however, perceive the power of profitability to be
limited by considerations of uncertainty and risk. In this sense, he
indicates that his explanation may be neither as "simple" as he believes
ittobenoraspurely "economic" andasquasi-almightyasheasserts it
to be. ‘
Uncertainty—an emotional state of an individual, in this case a
peasant—m be generated by situational variables, of which many can,

indeed, be economic in nature. For instance, the shortage of capital

ties to cope with a restricted and unstable market, are factors which
shculdindeedaocomntforhighlevelsofunoertainty. '-

However, the willingness or unwillingness to risk—given any
levelofnmncertainty~capitalandlabwinanimnovationisnotaneco~
nomio variable. It is a psychological variable having to do with the
attitudes of the peasants . And these attitudes , in turn, are inevitably
affected by social influences such as, to mention just one, the approval
or disapproval that each social group may give to innovative deviant
behavior on the part of their members.

Therefore, it does happen at __time_;§_ tl_n§_t_ ele_n_ when profitability
ewflewemmfiafis (meagre
33%)flgggw capital Eaveilable '_t_9_£h_m;g_ndmnarkets are

 

 

1;
made safe for them, many farmers are still unwilling to gigs fl going-
_tgn_t_ t2 innovate.

Rnrthermcre, even in countries where farming is a modern enter-
prise relatively less affected by uncertainties and where farmers are,
in general, relatively prone to innovation and quite risk-oriented, it
stilltakes agoodmanyyears, andno less pains, toget thelmto change
certain farming practices.

Profit—orientation itself is not an economic factor either. It
is an attitudinal characteristic. Most people can be thought to have a
"natural" inclination towards making material gains in life. Yet there
is no reason to assume that most people seek material improvement just
for the sake of it.

Human behavior is; motivated by economio'reasons is. E as 13y
noneconomnio reasons. Some apparently economic reasons, however, m_ay_
n_o_t_ actually be; _s_g. People may give Q beliefs, §hift_____ attitudes,
change habits, and work very hard ‘_t_9_ obtain material gangs. let, w__h§t__
Mmggglgf obtaining those things 15.1193 physical rewards 9r_nlx.
Individuals 512, 9; course, want better homes, nicer clothes, __more_;_ _e_n_;t_e_r-
tainment, efficient household and work equipments, etc. But vegy often
Mwmnt thembecause thy are instrurentalamiociégiog-
grease—erase e. issaining weer ease. sew uir' peer.
£9 influence the behavior 9_f_ m. ‘

Hence, at the bottom of what appears to be, on the outside,
merely concrete economic influences , intangible but strong psychosocial

drives may be in action. To ignore those nonmaterial facilitators and
deterrents of change is, consistently, showing to be a serious mistake

5
of some development strategists and operators. Research is increasingly
finding evidences of it all over the world.*
How can those noneconcmic influences be, then, so easily dis-
missed as insignificant?

. Economic factors are extremely impotent determinants of lmnman
behavior. But they are neither the only ones nor necessarily the don-
inant ones. They cannot, all by themselves, account for national
development.

The Noneconomic Englanations of Development |

'nne rigid one-sidedness of the purely economic approaoln towards
social change has made it vulnerable to criticism. They are increas-
ingastherealizationinoeasesofflnehighoomplendtypervadingtle
development task and as the diversity of influences part-taking in
modernization becomes more evident.

Most of the critics-~among which economists are not absent-
point to weaknesses and gaps in the strictly economic interpretation of
charge. They consider it partial, unrealistic, and dehumanized.

Moving from condemnation to remedial suggestions, some of the
critics have stressed rather the importance of psychological, social,
political, andonlturalinfluenoesinmoderrnizationasgfleitofine
importance of economic, technological, and ecological variables.

For instance, to the eyes of Hagen (1966, p. 129), an economist,

""thepurelyecononictheories ofbarriersmnichenqnlaintheabsencecf

9

growth seem inadeqnate." For him, the "supposed economic pre-requi-

 

*See, for instance, Niehoff, (195‘s).

6
sites"--such as saving ability and market capacity-fire either inex-
istent or hardly relevant.* Economic growth, he further claims, does
not occur first and cause political and social change. They are, rather,
wtually dependent.

Before a country's economy is able to "take-off" into self-
sustained growth—Boston (1950) has proposed—it must reach a given
minimum level of increase in its rate of investment; For Hoselitz
(1957), that increase is made possible by "environmental" conditions
that operate in the pre-take—off period. These conditions, he suggests,
aremostlynoneconomicinnatureasthey involve inmvationsinthe
motivational, legal, familial, and educational arrangements of society.

Smeacoofistsplaynnpfineimportancethatforgrwflnhasthe
interaction among economic variables. They refer, for instance, to the
relationships existing among savings, investment, entreprenenrship,
productivity, consumption, etc. They fail, however, to perceive that
often those variables are themselves influenced by noneconomic ones.
Smelscr (1963, p. 103) notes on the subject: .

If we move behind the immediate interplay of these

variables, we find the value of each is determined

in part by sociological variables such as kinship,

social stratification, and politics .

A case in point is entrepreneurship , the spirit of initiative
to undertake a business enterprise assnmming risk for the sake of profit.
This has usually been regarded as an economic variable. However, the
. degree to which ontepreneurship exists in a society is determined by:

 

tModels which propose given factors, economic or otherwise, as "pre-
conditions" for development have been criticized by Hirsohman (1958).
'Dney are questionable, he feels, since development has summers
occurred in their absernoe.

7
religions factors, as it was shown by Weber (19%); by political factors
suchas nationalism, as it has been pointed oat by Davis (1955); by the
nature of the familial institution, as it has been stressed by Smelser
(1963); and by personality or psychological dnarocteristics, as it has
Men demonstrated by Molelland (1961).

A few critics of the purely economic approach towards development
_ have ventured yet beyond proposing the mere concurrent significance of
the economic and the noneconomic determinants of that development. They
peroeive noneconomic factors as direct antecedents of it.

For instance, Heilbroner (1963, p. 16), amfiner'econonist, says:

Economic development .13 not primarily in economic by;
a political and social process.*

He sees much of early development as pro-economic in nature and,
as such, concerned with the shaping of attitudes and with the creation
of institutions conchncive to capital aconmlation, employment expansion,
andinconeincrease. Thosepreconditions demand, inhisviav, far
reachingsocialchanges andthey, inturn, callforaprevionsmncbili—
zctian'of'political energies.

The creation of those institutions , the implementation of those
changes, andthemobilizationofthose energies arephenouenathat cann-
not ocorr just by economic fiat. may require what Deutsch (1951) has
called §_o__cial_;__ mobilization, "the process in which major clusters of‘old
social, economic and psychological commitments are eroded and broken
and people become available for new patterns of socialization and be-

havior." This overall process, as Deutsch sees it, involves numerous

 

.‘Italicsarethoseoffleilbroner.

8
sub-processes of change in, for instance, institutions , roles , ways of
acting, expectations, habits, needs, face-to-face associates, and re-
sponses to mass media, as well as changes in residence, occupation,
~ social setting, and even in patterns of group affiliation and in images
of personal identity.

It is only through the occurrence of drastic alterationsin such \,
values , behaviors , relationships , and institutions that economic growth
becomes viable.

Therefore , noneconomic variables affecting the modernization , pro-
fidesmatleistagmnhattenfimasgngecmmicmggt.

It is probably because of the realization of that necessity that
a United Nations publication“ included preponderantly in a manual for
fieldworkersalistofindividualandsocialchangesthat theyshonld
seek to help bring about development. The same reason is probably in
back of a relatively recent increase in scientific literature about

those noneconomic factors .**

menses foraRealisticandProductiveCompronise
Toseparatetheeconomicphenonenaandprocessesfromthenon-

Woesisscnethingfareasiertodointheorythaninreallife.

Tlms,aheatedcontroversybemeonadvocatorsofthepredomfinonceof

 

*Ses Hays (1959).

MA partial list of authors who have written abont noneconomic factors

3 in modernization includes the following: Belshaw (1957); Cochran
(1960); Davis (1955); De Vries and Medina Behavarria, eds. (1963);
Eisenstaed't (1955, 1956- 57), 1966); Hunt (1966); Katana (1951);
Kautsky and Nash, eds. (1959); Kindleberger (1958); Lewis (1961);
Linton (1952); Moore (1951, 1954, 1963); Nash (1959, 1961)); Parsons
and Smelser (1956); Shannon (1957); Smelser and Lipset (1966);
anelser (1963, 1966); and Spengler (1951, 1960, 1966).

9
economic variables and supporters of the precedence of noneconomic

variables is likely to be as fruitless as it may be endless.

What needs ‘_t_o_ be; done _i_s_ (1) 32 find out how can development best capi-

 

 

 

talize g; the interaction of economic and noneconomic influences , and
(2) _t_q determine , obiectively and systematically) under what specific

circumstances and for what particular purposes, which 9; QB 3133

 

gf_factors i_.s__11£_elz_1_:_o_l_>e_more influential than the m.
i In that way, develOpment energy can be flexibly addressed to the
mostproductiveareasofaction,witho1tanyofitbei:nngwastedinthe
sterile denial of the importance of either set of factors.

Meammile, however, the strictly economic approach is, in prac-
tice, the prevalent one. It is economists and engineers-mot sociol-
ogists, psychologists, or anthropologists-mo sit in the national
planning boards of the developing countries and who advise the large
private enterprises. It is the voice ofthcse economists and engineers
what considerably influences the decision-making behaviors of the '
political leaders who govern those countries.

Thus, if a more balanced and fertile approach tmards the de-
velopmenttaskis going to emerge, the transitionwillbemostlyto
thecreditofthoseecononistsandengineersthemselves.

They can choose to stick to the notion that national develcp-
mentisrerdlyanyflningmrrefinantheincreaseinabilitytOproduce,
:dnrongh industrialization and techrnified agricllture , material goods
and services.

(rtheycanopt for'wideningtheperspectivebyincludingthe
nonmaterialandyetvitalcorponen’ooftheprooessoflmmman

10
transformafion and growth.
T‘heirdecisiontoembraceoneortheotherpositionwillcertainly
notbe inconsequential for-thefate ofthemillionscfhumanbeingsthat
form what has aptly been called the "third world. "

CHAPTER II
THE RELATIONSHIP BEIWEEN
COMWICATIM AND DEVEIDPMENT

All over the world, it has been found that those indi-
viduals and villages that have access to the printed
page or radio have more modern attitudes, are more

progressive, and move into modern roles faster than
those who do not.

(Ithiel de Sola Pool, in
Weiner, 1966, p. 99.)

There might exist-in either direction—causal connections be-
tween economic and noneconomic factors of development. ' To demonstrate
them, however, is hardly a feasible task yet. Correlations, instead
arealreadybeingcomputed. Connmicationisoneoftheareasmnere
such verification is taking place.

Itislogicaltoexpectamutualinfluencebetweonthegeneral
develowentofacomrtryandthepartionlardevelopment ofitscom-
mmnications. Connmnication is instrumental-and often in a crucial'
way—totlneoperationofvirtuallyallotherprocesses ofsociallife,
be they economic or not. ‘1

wflmmgflflm-pemsmmgg
1525:; 9_f_'_ fl existence, and given _t1'_n_a_t societies evidently m,
Infact, correlationsbetweentheoverallmodernizationofcomntries
ondthedevelopmentoftheircommmnicationresomoesandorganization
havebeenfomndbyseveralresearohers. Theirstudieswereconducted
at different levels of analysis: individuals, villages, nations.

11

12
The purpose of this chapter is to briefly review the major
findings of some of the most impotent of those s 'es.

The Correlation at the Lavel of Nations

Sibstantial theoretical and empirical basis suppcrting the see-
relational stand at the level of nations were first made available
through the work of Lamar (1957). He fomd that these two features
are cannon to all societies: (1) the direction of change in communica-
tionisalways fromoraltomediasystems; and (2) thedegree ofchange
in communication behavior appears to correlate significantly with other
behavioralchanges in society. Ierneruseddata, providedbymmsoo,
frongronps‘ofcomntries ranging from SR) to 73 innnmnber, to compose
indices for each of for major variables. They were: urbanization
(incltfling industrialization); media participation; literacy; and po-
litical participation. Then, to find ort how these factors oovaried,
he corputed correlations among them. Media participation was highly
correlated with the other three factors; its coefficient, in fact, was
second only to that of literacy.

Similar results were recorded by a UNESCO (1961) study of all
onderoeveloped countries—in Africa, Latin America, the Middle East,
and Sorth Fast Asia--having a population of at least 500,000 inhabi—
taunts,‘The study provided evidenceof a very high correlation of mass
. media factors with economic factors in general development, especially

with income.

.‘ Anindexof communication developmentwas fomdbertright \/
(1963) to be highly correlated with indices of political development,
econonicgrorth, urbanization, andeducation. l-Iisstudy,ndnichcovered

13
77 independent countries, was aimed at measuring the degree of associa-
tion between political development and other types of socioeconomic de-
velopment. Outright fomnd not only that the developmnt of communication
facilities was strongly related to political modernization but that it
had even higher correlation with economic develoPment. Rrr'thermnore, he
fomnd commmnication development to be a better predictor of political
development than economic grorth.

Commmnication was , similarily, one of the factors that Lipset
(1959) fomnd to be strongly correlated with political develcpment in
the direction of democracy. n

Correlations between a scale of economic development and scales
representing the development of mass communication systems in 100 coun-
tries were also fonnd by Schrammm and Carter (1969).

Farace (1966) studied Sin variables for 109 comn‘tr'iesnincluding
the most developed and the least deve10ped--and found support for the
notion that mass media development is interdependent with achievements
in many aspects of the "way of life" in a country.

Ascroft (1968) refers to similar evidences brought by factor—
analytical studies conducted at the aggregate level by Schnore (1958),
Dentsommann and Molly (1962), and Farece (1965). Each of these in-

\'

vestigations produced a factor on which the economic indices—such as
per capita income and urbanization-and the communication indices— .
such as mass media exposure and education-«ere "loaded" most highly.
'lheorthorsconcludedthat—atthemacrolevelofresearch, where
nations are the units of analysis—Eng dominant determinants ‘93: a
nation's mg development are fine; nation's economic .1_e_v§_l;_ar_ng_

1%
its ability _t_o communicate with its people.

The Correlations at Lower Levels of Analysis

The existence of the correlations at the level of entire nations
does not necessarily indicate that the same may be true at lower levels
of analysis. Researchers have, hmaver, found those correlations also
at the village level and at the level of individuals .

Prey (1966a), in a survey involving a sample of nearly ln60 vil-
lages in Turkey, fomnd definite correlations between a mass media ex-
posure index and numerous other indices of rural deve10pment in that
county. The relationship was particularly strong in the case of fonr
attitudinal and behavioral indices: geographical mobility, inter-
personal communication, subjective poverty, and village development.

Working with data from Kenya, Colombia, and India, Keith, Yadav
and Ascroft (1966) found that (1) mass media exposure acts as an inter-
vening variable in the paradigm of modernization; (2) variability in
mass media exposure was best explained by cosmopolitness , functional I
literacy, and education; and (3) along with education, mass media ex-
posure was the most consistent predictor of indices of innnovativeness
and achievement motivation!

k

a
Before measures of exposure to comnnication media becone fully mean-
ingful, research needs to find out more about the effects of differ-
ences in the messages involved in that exposure. It is also necessary
to define whether differences in exposure are mostly attributable to
media availability or to general style of life. Additional investi-
gationinthoseareaswoulderflnancethereliabilityofmediaexpoonre
asapredictorofothervariablesofimpor'tanceinmodernization,
such as innovativeness.

15

Acomparetive studyoftonndianvillages, conductedbyRao
(1966), also found clear correlations between conmmnication development,
on one side, and social, economic and political development, on the
other. 'lhe data supported the notion that while economic development
does lead to an increase of information, increased information—in turn-
furthers economic development , the interaction being constant and or-
mnlative.

Futon-analytical studies of certain aspects of modernization,
at the individual level of analysis, include those of Deutschmarm and
Pals Battle (1962), Jain (1965), Rahim (1966), Donahew (1966), Ascroft
(1966), Whiting (1967), Farece and others (1967), Ascrcft (1968) and
Kahl.(1968). Inallthesestudiescoummnicationvariablesshovtobe
in a significant interplay with modernization variables .

Summary and Implications of the Findings

After reviewing a set of studies such as those described above
in brief, Bebernneyer and Rogers (1966, pp. 1-2) concluded that ”mass
comrmicationhas aclearpotentialinnationaldevelopmentandmodern-
ization."

More emphatically, McNelly (1966, p. 1) reports that ". . . a
mounting number of studies haveshown striking relationships between
mass comunication development and various economic, political, and
social aspects of national growth."

In the same vein, Fagen (1966, p. 119) asserts:

Although the correlations themselves tell us nothing

aboxtcausality, it is clearthat themassmediahave

beenbothcauseandeffect, bothmoverandmnoved, in

thecomplexinterplayoffactoemniohwecallflne
modernizationprocess.‘

16

At the light of such evidence and conclusions, many social
observers feel that there can hardly be a well developed country that
exhibits poor communications. Neither, they think, can there easily
be an underdeveloped country that connts on a highly advanced organiza-
tion for truly national communication.

National development implies organized collective interaction ,
massive mobilization , and--in pro democratic social systole—universal
participation in the process of decision-meldng on matters of public
interest. And interaction, mobilization, and participation can occur

In sum, then, as Lerner (1958, p. 56) puts it, "Commmioation
amomfloflfimaemwmfl

'Dnednallengerestswithresearehtospecifytheoiromnstances
mnderfidnidn connmnication functions as an antecedent, or as concurrent,
or as a consequent facton of general national development.

'Ihe already recorded correlations, however, have immediate and
valuable implicadons for the work of development strategists and of
professional communicators involved in modernization tasks .

Atthevery least, those correlations servetowarnthenational
planners , the policy-makers and the development field operators that
fineirdnrtiescamnotbeoPtimallyfulfilledifflneyigore—intheir
blueprints, in their budgets, and in their change-promofing behaviors-
the ever-present and vital coummnication aspects of them.

; The correlational results also alert professional communicators
tofinefactthattheirparticularinstrumental activitycannotbeuse-
fully performed unless it fits tightly with the overall development
activityofthecomntryandacts todirectlysupportit.

CHAPTER III
ill-IE SIGNIFICANCE AND ROLES OF COMMUNICATION

ing through the traditional societies of the under-
developed world in the last decadeuchanges in the pro-
duction of energy, in the process of agriculture, in
the nature of weaponry-«the most fundamental and perva- \

(Of all the technological changes which have) been sweep-\ \/\

 

sive in their effects on society have been the changes
hair: communication.

 

(Max P. Millikan, in Ierner
and Schramm, eds., 1967, p. a.)

'Ihoughfurtherstudyisyetnecessary,researclnappearssofar
to have provided considerable evidence that communication and develop—
nerrtdchaveasignificantinfluenceoneachotl'er.

'llne next problem lies in being able to determnine-independent1y-
what isthekindandthemagnitudeofccmmmnication's influenceonde-*
velcpnent. Inotherwords, whatneedstobemeasurednowisjusthow
important communication actually is for modernization. If that im-
po'tanceisverymoderate, finedevelopingconmn'triesneedrotbetoo
concerned with the relationship. If, on the contrary, that importance-
as the correlations seem to suggest-~18 quite substantive , then those
countries can no longer afford to ignore such relationship.

This chapter, then, has two purposes.

'Dne first is to attempt to define where does research stand in
respect to being able to gauge the influence of communication on change.
. The second--supp1ementary to the other—is to condense, analyze,
midattenpttorelatescmeofdnemainproposifions endsfingaboutmnat

comnnieatimdoesintheprocessofnadonaldevelopnont. For itis

l7

18
in terms of general roles and of specific functions that the significance
of communication for development can realistically be appraised.

What should the criterion be to decide when communication is
important for deve10pment and when it is not? To solve this question
may well be a precondition to be able to find answers for the question
of the significance of communication for development.

An answer to this pre-requisite problem has been advanced by
Pool (1960, p. l) in the following terms:

Communication is significant if it acts in a variable

way upon the social events of which it is a part, not

if it appears as a universal constant with no opera-
tional effect upon the interrelations of other social

phenomena.

This represents a useful guiding point for the irnquiry. Never-
theless, researchhasyetmrohtodobefore itisabletoanswerthe
ultimate question. In fact, as McNelly (1966, p. 10) points out, "It
wofldbeoptimis‘dcintheextremetoenpecttheemergooeinthenear
futnmeofarwgenerelfineoyofcommunicationinsocialandecononic
development."

In other words , empirical investigation has not yet provided
sufficient and thormgh stipulations of the roles of communication in
’4 development. In the absence of them, the assessment of the magnitude
of commication's impact on development remains pretty much a question
of subjective preference, an article of faith. As such, it allows for
awide range ofpcsitions that go anywhere fromdenyingccmmmnication
any appreciable effect on modernization to raising its value for it up
to a disproportionate level.

Qrtofthatpolarization, asensible compromiseseemtobe
emerging in what MoNeily (1966) has labeled as the pragmatic position.

19
This viewPoint does not underestimate the merits of communication in
regards to development . But it does not glorify them either. It avoids
a rigid specification of the functions of media in modernization and “'
allows, rather, room for different types of data and for diverse hy-
pctheses. Regarding the effects of media, it leaves open the possi-
bility of no impact, moderate impact, and strong impact, depending on
circumstances. Also it sees media as capable of having both direct and
indirect effects as well as long-run and short-nun consequences. The
flexibility of this approach may be quite beneficial for additional re-
search on the matter. ‘

Mearmdnile, there certainly is an absence of enough decisive data
to formulate plausible generalizations. This, however, can be explained
without difficulty if sore considerations are kept in mind. First, the
concept of national development itself and the very existence of it as
a directed process of socioeconomic change are new. Second, scarcely
a decade or so has elapsed since the underdeveloped countries of the
world initiated rigorous plaming and formal organization for moderni-
zation. Third, a general theory of communication—not to speak of one
particnlarily applied to develogrent~is not yet in existence.

Througn competent observation and enlightened intuition, however,
initial pcstulations have been formulated to explain social change and
to describe the mission that communication performs in it .

'Ihe General Emotional Roles of Communication in Society
One of the first steps in the direction mentioned above is
promptly recognizable in lassvaell's (1948) formulation of the three

20
central functions of connunicaticn in any society. * Those functions

are surveillance of the environment; correlation of the members of

 

society; and unansndssion of the social heritage from one generation
to the next.

Other functions have been suggested by different scholars as
additions or elaborations related to those proposed by lasswell.

Wright (196%) , for instance, suggested the inclusion of the entertain-
ment function.“

Lazosfeld and Merton (19%) proposed other specific functions
such as: status conferral on individuals, organizations, and issues;
and facilitation of enfcroenent of social laws .

Bttendingthelnmnanonviromentandenlargingthernmnancapacity
tocOpewithproblems intheoverallenvironmentwereproposedby
Cooley (1937) as the two major general roles of communication. He per-
ceived the specific functions of nedia to be the following: (1) to
demcratize power; (2) to enlarge social-contacts; (3) to rationalize
(arndl'nmanizethesccialinstitutions; (u) toenlargeandanimate.
"rental unity"; (5) to promote widespread sociability; and (6) to favor
thedevelopmentofbcthconsensusandindi’ ' .

'ihe Dysfunctional Roles of Comunication
Other analysts have perceived coummioation media as performing,

 

' Whatever the level of development of that society may be.

“This function has indirect but beneficial impact on develoment.
While providing peOple with more "consumatory" than "instrtmental"
nessages, it stimlates them also to desire newways of life and it
gives them a broader perspective of the world.

0’

21
rather, negative functions for society as a whole; Mills (1959,
p. 311), for instance, felt that ". . . media have helped less to en-
large and animate the discussions of primary publics than to transform
them into a set of nedia-markets in mass-like society."

Mills proposed that in such a kind of society-~where the voice
of individuals and of democratic groupings no longer really counts-
awsor't of "psychological illiteracy" is facilitated by the nedia in the
service of subtle but strong manipulation of the people by the power
elites.

Alongthose lines offininking, hesawmediaas fulfillingthese
ooncreteroles: (l) totellthenaninthemasswhoheis~givehim
identity; (2) to tell him what he wants to be--give him aspirations;
(3) to tell him how to get to be that wayL-give him techniques; and (H)
to tellhimhowtc feel that he is that way even when he is not—give
him escape.

Two other negative media functions are cannonly mentioned. One
is "narcotization": the deliberate impairment of the audience's per-
ception and reasoning capabilities. ‘ The other is "evasion-facilita-

' tion": the provision of an outlet for people to deny reality and the

stinulation to live, vicariously, a semi-nythical existence. Media,
thus, are perceived not only in the roles of stimlarrts but also in
the roles of analgesics and trenquilisers. Even more, sane social sys-
tone-presided by the Connmist ideology have assigned counmication the

 

‘Whether a message is "functional" or "dysfunctional" depends on for
whom it is deemed to be so. For instance, the roles described by
Mills may be dysfunctional for society but quite functional—useful,
that is—for the power elite.

22
mission of total‘and radical transformation of the very character of
individuals through a technique of "thonghth reform" that is elsewhere
mostly known as "brainwashing."

At a not so mesons level, cornunication has also been observed
able to perform, Specifically, anti-change functions. At least the
possibility of it is implied in McGuire's (1961) experiments on what
oouldbetakenasatecl’nniqueforsoresortofnentalvaccination
against persuasion."

Virtually none of the preceding conceptualizations were construc-
ted in direct reference to situations of development of a national
social system. Neither did they involve, apparently, an effort to dif-
fe'rentiate the roles of connunication in relation to variations in other
aspectsofsocietyorinreferencetosouedetominantfactoeinthe
process of social change.

Nevertheless, such fornulations opened up the road for those
who started trying to define the communication fnunctions specifically
in terms of the relationship betwoen conuunication and developrexnt.

The Specific Emotions of Conmnnication in National Development ,
Having reviewed what sons analysts felt to be the roles of con-
nunioation in society in general I shmld prove helpful to review now
whatctheranalysts feelarethespecific functionsofcouuurnicationin
national development. lhereviewwillstartbyaterse ennuneretionof
the finnctions postulated by authors who, apparently, did notdeal in

b

 

*Urder certain cirometances in a modernization situation, this can be
judged as a possible counter-development fnunotiony

23
such detail with the tapic. The propositions of those authors who
probably did elaborate more on that subject will. then be given a longer
treatment.

Political scientists and sociologists took the lead in the ex-
ploratory enterprise . They were , however, promptly followed by con-
municologists themselves. And now social psychologists , anthropologists ,
educators and economists are joining the inquiry.

Not all of those scholars have chosen to state communication
functions directly as such. Sore have preferred to judge nedia poten-
tialities in terms, rather, of the process of conunmication‘. Others
have touched on the question through the general study of nedia effects.
Some yet have postulated the roles just implicitly or even only tan-
gentially. ’

In the fundamental works of Lerner (1957 and 1958), fine follow-
ing are suggested as sore of fine capital functions of oonmunioation‘ in
development: ‘

1. To create new aspirations, especially of a material order.

2. To foster increased participation in the general activity

of fine total social system.
3. Tohelp generatethenol leadership neededby societyto
copewifinthedemandscftheprocess of change. i

In. To teach "My" (*), most conmonly understood as a
Egan's ability t_o_put himself EtheEition o_grole
o_f_ anofiner person, partionlarily in roles which are outside

 

his day-to—day experiences and his immediate social system.

 

‘lerrner attributes coxmunication media a substantial influence in in-
ducing people to develOp "psychical nobility," of which enpathy is

21}

The attention of Rye (1963) was placed on the roles of conmuni-
cation'in'the political aspects of national develOpment. He, in es-
sence, identified the following functions ;

1. To nagnify some individual actions so as to give them

impact throughout the total social body.

2 . To provide a basis for rationality in mass politics .

3. To provide a frannework for prospectives of .the future

and for ganging the degree of vision of the leadership.

u. To help make peOple able to understand the nature of the

political process and the motives and actions of politicians.

5. To facilitate the stipulation of society's rules for de-

fining what are the antecedents and the consequences of
political acts and what are leadersand followers to
accept as plausible.

Also in particular- relation to political development, Pool (1963)
proposed two functions of media: .

‘ 1. Toprovideachannel forexpandingfine scepeoftheleader-
ship.

2. To confirm status.

Pronoting unification in extra-political questions was also per-
ceivedbyfinisarfinorasoneofcommication's roles.

 

perceived by him‘as a central component. For instance, new literates
are stinulated by fine content of newspapers to identify thanselves with
new ideas, people, symbols and objects. This vicarious participation
inalifefinatextends farbeyondone's inuediate environment ispcstu-
lated by Tamer as vital for the modernization process.

25
Spectcr (1951;) chose to stress the role played by communication,
over the life-time of individuals , in the formation and in the modifi-
cation Of their fimdamental attitudes in relation to modernization.
He perceived mass media as performing, in that, direction the following
functions:
1. To shape expectations about material objects and about
social and ethical relationships .
2 . To foster the formation and maintenance of institutions
that prouote innovative behaviors.
3 . To pronote the adaption of specific innovations .
1+ . To enlarge the educational capability of the country by
nessive promotion of attitudes, habits, and skills
conducive to nodemization. I
Davison (1965) did not concentrate his Specification of functions
anonyparticnlararea. Anongtheoneshe proposedwerethefollwing:
1. To help build nations out of mere geographical entities.
2. To link those processes which are vital to modernization:
educational innprovenent, economic growth, and creation of
a sense of nationhood.
3. To facilitate the emergence of the necessary new leadership.
In. To activate and reinforce desires for change and thus pre-
pare the grounds for innovation. Q '
5 . To involve mph in political activity.
‘ 6. To mobilize public support for the development programs.
7. Toaidingivingpecplehope fo'abetterlife.
Allthepropcsi‘dons listedsofaroon‘trdbuteddizectlyto

26
advance the analysis of what comunicat'ion does for development . Their
authors did explain some of them in detail and place than within some
broader discussion of modernization aspects. But most of them did not
attempt to group them under any given classificatoy system. Neither
did they try to formnlate them in relation to a particular conceptual
sdnenne of a more encompassing nature. Soon, however, other analysts
took to do so. 'Iheir contributions in that direction will subsequently
be sumnarized.

Pool: The Images that Precede Developmental Actions . Columni-
cation is such a decisive factor in nodernization--Pcol 'believes—that
itcanbeconsideredasflneborttlenedcofit. Hestertshisappraisal
of the roles of conmmication in modernization by rejecting the notion
that, ifcertainctherconditions ofsuchn‘odernizationarennet, the
developmnt of the comunication system will sonehow autonatically
follow.

Before he embarks in role-specification, Pool attempts to pro:-
videscnnebroaderfraneworkfortheanalysis. Hedoes sobyoonstruc-
ting an indirect definition of modernization in terns of certain values
andnodes ofbehavicr sharedby themanbers ofan advanced social system.

The definition is built by specifying behavioral patterns char-
acteristic of modern man: (1) high aspirational level, energy, and
discipline; (2) strong secular aspirations, especially those related to
iuproving the material conditions of his life; (3) ability to conpute
strategies on a broad stage; and (In) ability to calculate strategies
with relatively little inhibition by custonn. '

27

line following generalizations about key characteristics of a
modern society were used by Pool to complete his definition: (1) As
undernization prevails, ascribed status becomes less--and functional
role becomes nore--significant in interpersonal relations; (2) All these
factors make it possible for the device of organized association to be
used extensively in nodern societies; and (3) 'Ihere is, subject to re-
trieval, information covering advanced science and advanced technology
sonnewhere in the society.

‘ Pool (1960, p. 282) explains then his purpose in these terms:

(hr inquiry concerns the extent to which, and,the ways

in which, the functioning of any of these seven features

of modern life is sensitive to the kind of comnnication

system that exists in a county.

Central attention is placed by P001 to a psychological precon—
dition of the nae behaviors demanded by nodernity: the formation 9:

 

sone images that individuals have to constuct in their minds before

~m*_*

1e! become able 3:3 take developmental actions.

 

Itisingoeratingfinestimnlifcrthcseimagestoocommneie
Pcolseesoneofthemainmissions,andpmbablyfinehighestdixectim-
pact,cfthemassnediaintheserviceofdeve10pnent.

'nnefollovingisacondensationofthemainrolesstipulatedby

1. 1‘3 ge__a_t_e_ pro-development gages. Media contribute-directly
and powerfullywto build in peeple:
(a) .3; images of the whole world, of en. entire human
community that expands beyond the frontiers of one's
own land:
(b) 15.222221192de message.

I

(c)

(d)

(e)

28
an awareness of the fact that a better life is
possible, on raising of the peeple's expectations;
.69. E9. 31.: gig; subject 52. deliberate $3.92!.-
so as to replace the fatalistic acceptance of a .
supernaturally determined fate;
assessmesee matured and “educated.
so that people will want to become literate, will enjoy
cultural products , will embrace scientific explanations
ofmanandnature, andwilltaketechnoloyasnamrel
and desirable. '
;An_j_.m_a_g_e_9_f_ the possibility 9_f_ economic 5.12511, a view
of modernization as an Opportunity. for limitless progress,
andaperoeptionofthatprogressasanormalandcon—
tinucus characteristic of life .

ggpronoteawillingness forp_lgn_r_n§flgand operating g_n__a_
3239.5283- Developmentcannotoccuratatulynational

levelunlessthewholepopulationbeccues involvedintheprocess of
change. Thus, developmerrtal'actinities nust be conducted on a massive
scale. Innnstysndtradehavetoreachthemillions. Sodcesgovern-
rent in all of its agencies and, particularly, in those of education.
Culture rust becone cohesive so as to integrate all its different
ethnical and linguistic conponents . Political parties and voluntary
associations mist attain a country-wide level of effective Operation.
Andallthatcamnothapponexceptthroughsomesystonofmasscomun-

1'2 foster _the formation or consolidation of _a national
consciousness. meanediaarehighlyinstnmentalinleading

29
fine people to think of each other, in the various regions of a county,
as belonging to one and the same national conmmity in Spite of whatever
differences those regions may imply.

tn. '_I‘_o_ produce identification with new symbols, objects, and

 

situations . To become truly incorporated to fine changing

 

national life, people have to learn, along with different values, goals
and norm, the many new synbols, objects, situations, and personal re-
lations finat develOpment brings into the scene. This occurs partially
through interpersonal contacts but it also requires the facilitating
contrihntion of mass media. '
5. 29 provide §_n_ organ 9}: expression for development-
proncting individuals and groups. Natural opinion leaders
ondenergingnodernizinggrunpsondinstitUtionsrequiretobeurderh
stcodandsupportedbythemasses iftheirpicneering innovativeen-
deavorsaretobesuccessful. Mnenfinoseindividualsandgronpsare
given Opportunities to comunnicate with fine people finrcugh the mass
nedia‘channels, andvdnenfinosechannelsgive coverageandexposureto
fine developnnental activities of fincse innovators, the influence of fine
latter on the public is noticeably increased.
5. Egdissenfiratefggsggmrigggwdonamedfgg
nodernization. 'Ihese are probably the mast evident func-
tionsofmassmediainanysocietybutacquireevennoreimportancein
developing countries.
7. EQEMEM. Thepcwerofmassmediato

gonoateactualmndspecificbehaviorshasbeenslumtobelinited-
Interpersonalconnmieationsarenoredecisiveinfinisrespect. Inn-A

30

personal conuunication, however, can be used to effectively supplement
the face-to—face contacts that lead to fine desired obvert behaviors .

There may be some questions about the degree to which Pool was
able to attain the professed intention of his analysis . Perhaps the
linkages between the broader conceptual frennnework he chose and the
specific connnnication roles he came to postulate are not always as
clear and as stnong as desirable. But mete can be-Jin Spite of it--
noquestionaboltfinevalueofhiskindofapproach fortheonhancenent
and refinement of fine roles' stipulation and explanation.

Schram: The Watchman, the Policy-MakerJ and the Teacher. A

 

different but equally useful analytical approach was preferred by
Schremn (1961:). He undertook the specification of the roles of comin-
icadmindevelopnentbyusingasafrenemrkthe functions postulated
by lasswell as performed, in general, by comunication in any society.
'Ihcse were: the watchman-regger role; the alig—formnlation role;
and fine teacher role. .. , ,
Schrem perceives fincse broad roles as naturally fitting with
specificandessentialrequirementsofmodernizationfinatcanbeex—
pressed in terms of people's needs. People rneed, he proposes, (l) 39
be informed abort fine develcpment plans, problems, tasks, and achieve-
nents: (2) _t_o_bgmade participants _ifldecision-wgmggoi-
_lect___i_._v_e_concern in relation to development: and (3) 353935113313
_;___Ild.lls___;_finat finedevelopment challengedemands themto connand.
"s Byexpressingfinegenerelrolescfmediaintermsofspecific
needs ofpeople, Schremnmakes possible to classifythepar'ticular func-
tionscfconnnficatimdepondinguponndnidnoffincseneedswillitserve.

31
mrfinernrnre, it helps anticipate which roles will be best served by
mass conmnication and which by interpersonal communication. In fact,
he fins regards mass nedia as: self-sufficient to perform the "watch-
‘ man" function; only ancillary to perform the "policy-maker" function;
and only partially able to perform the "teacher" function by itself.

Paying close attention to earlier propositions on fine subject,

Schrannnexpands, articulates, and refines fine scheme. By means of de-

tailed illustnations, cf analogies, arnd of pertinent accounts of ex-

periences in different countries , he formnlates a considerably integrated

set of fnmctims. .
Hedcesallfinatbywayofrespondingtothequestion: What

can mass nedia do in development?". His answers can approximately be

condensed as follows: i ,,

In the Watchman Role nedia can:

1. Widen thehcrizons forpe0p1e, inthe sensecfalertingand
stimlatingfinemtowardstaldngadvantageofthenew.
opportunities for improvement.

2. Direct people's attention to those matters, topics, and
issues which deserve emphasis aiming fine many activities
ircludedintheprocessofrefcrmandimnovation.

3. Raise the people's levels of aspirations in fine sense of
pointing out new plausible needs, of renoving fatalism
and passivity, and of encouraging higher accouplishments.

3 ‘lhesefinreefunctionscanbesubsuned,8chranmfeelsintoa
broader one: the; creation o__f_ _a_ general "clinate" favorable 3:2 dew-
. m.

32

In the Policy—Making Role media can:

‘1'.

2.

3.

;\

Contibute to spreading the knodedge and acceptance of
emerging values and new norms .
Broadenthepolicydialogueinthesenseofenlargingfine
quantity of people participating actively in the public
discussion of political matters . \
Confer status to develoPmental leaders , in the sense of
granting public visibility not only to top political
officers but also to local innovators and to field

official change agents as well, so finat they can have the
peeple' s conprehension and support.

Serve as an activator and feeder of key interpersonal
channels, in fine sense of providing orientation, drive, and
information to those elements in society who are message-
nultiplying agents and who have a stong personal influence
on fine behavior of appreciable sectors of their communities .
Affect lightly held attitudes .

Slightly canalize those attitudes that people held stongly,
soasmhelprenrovebarriers finat thetedifionalculture
opposes to development.

Indirectly, modify very strongly held attitudes .

Directly , create new attitudes and establish given informa-
tion levels finat are indispensable to make modernization
viable, particularly finose related wifin a feeling of nation-
ness and unity.*

Hey C1966b)hasnotedfinatsclnnewritershavefornnnedalchpin-nionof

 

 

33

In the Teacher Role media can:

1. Provide substantial help to all kinds of education and
training (in school and out of it; in agriculture and for
industy; for children as well as for adults; in the service
of government or as an aid to private enterprises; etc.) ,
so as to promptly equip finousands or millions of individuals
with fine many principles and techniques ‘finat development
makesmandatoryandurgent forfinechanging societyto
master. I

2. Carrybyfinenselvesaverylargepartcfthecanplexin-
stuctional. task just described whenever limiting factors-
sucln as the scarcity of teachers, schools, arnd books—could
not be easily overcome otherwise.

'Iwoofinerfunctions ofmediaarealsosteseedbySchramn. One
Egflpmymameecononyofthecomtyistons-
four-med. The other-istginduee finepecpletgrealizeflglllm
w 5231.32: fine universal community of interdependent nations finat
the worldhasgrwntobetcday.

After Schrannm, several other United States ' s scientists have
318:: contributed to the inquiry from different viewpoints , in diverse
degrees, and with varying emphasis.

\

the impact of mass media in modernization mostly on the basis of fineir

apparently modest influence in short-run political campaigns, a f
or participation drives, and a number of small-group experiments.

The long-range and fine indirect effects of the media, he feels, have

hal‘dly been studied. For an illustration of that diversity of effects
8% Figure l. ,

3'4

moosfippm co myommmm mam: mmmE MO 893 “reactant H .mwm

GAME wamzomam Nag mMHmHQOZ .thbmmHQzH /

MW-gm Ez mmhdmmu SHOES

8mm quzofim mMNHA<z<U WAHEUHJm ‘\

a

 

35
The quest, moreover, is international in nature. Scholars from
several Latin American countries and from some African countries have
started to produce contributions. The work of some researehers in
. _ finance, Spain, and Germany testify the interest of hlrope on the subject.
Andfimlndiahas oomeavery significant contributionas it late-

ptrted belcm.

Rao: Across the Spheres of Economy, Society and Politics .
villages were chosen: ans which was stagnate and isolated and the
oflm'alreadyinthetransitimtmardsmodernity. Lackingaroadto

'IwO

connect ittotherestoftheoomtry, theformervillagehadremained
PI‘i-mifive, quiet, traditional. A road had, on the center-y, entered
madtlnervfllageandwith ithadcanenotonlygoodsandpeoplemt
3150 news, ideas, aspirations, and different modes of behavior.

It was in that counterpoint setting that Rao (1966), an Indian
W settled himself to observe empirically and to analyze rigorously
What does cannlnicaticn do for development .

Racehoseforananalytical frameworkthestandardcoroep‘tual
(which of society into spheres of Specialized activities: econanic ,
We and political. He then took several comparative measures be-
W "W" and "Pathuru," as the villages were labeled for the
Wes of the study. The comparisons yielded sufficient systematic
data to support conclusims that, in essence, are the following:

in the Ecommic Sphere, communication:
‘ l. Helps persons to find alternative ways of making a living.
2. Reduces thepressuremlsndbygereretingmarenessdf
alternative modes of profitable activity .

3.

H.

5.

36
Raises a family's economic status by increasing its total
income due to the existence of additional individual money-
producing activities. . -
Creates a demand for goods by- stimulating acquisition, con-
sumption, and investment behaviors .
Motivates local initiative to meet rising demands , extend-
ing-was more information becomes available to many on pro-
dlction methods and on marketingnthe entrepreneur class .
This breaks ths'business monopoly of the rich.

In the Social Sphere, communication: *

l.

2.

3.

u.

5.
6.

7.

Aids to change the process of status-holding from one of
lereditytoaneofachisvemsntbymaldnglcmledgeacces-
sible to many. .

Motivates the illiterate to become literate.

Helps shift influence from age and traditional status to
knowledge and ability.

Forces the traditional leaders to carpets for status re-
tention and motivates than to acquire new knowledge and
adapttochanges, sothat theycanbeoomeinflllentialnow
in the service of modernization.

Helps inducing parents to send their children to school.
Helpspecplefindrewnomsandadapttochangesinorder
toashievsbalancechringaperiodofrepidchange.
Helps brim abmrt smatw equality and greater reaped:
for human dignity.

' In the Political Sphere, communication

1.

Helpsmakeachievementtl'esourosofpwsrinsteadof

2.

3.

1+.

5.

6.
7.

37
heredity.
Motivates traditional leaders to defend their power by
raising their information level.
Helpsflnemassrealizetheirovnimportanceinthepover
structure , and stimulates a broader participation in
Enables the government and the political parties to learn
oftheneeds andreactions ofthepublicandthus, through
feedback, helps them tailor their actions to people's de-
mands.
Helps, conversely, the people to lonow about the government's
plans, possibilities, programs, and difficulties, as well as
abalt the platforms and organizations of the parties.
Helps a cannmity or nation'achieve power through unity.
Helps bring abort greater equality andrespect forhnmnan ‘
dignity in the political arena.

- Asanobservationappliedtoallhissectorsofanalysis,Rao

points out that the constant interaction o__f_conmmnication fidevelgl-

 

ment makes economic, social, and mfitical 812551.121“; modernization g

self-perpetuating process.
Finally, attentionwasplacedbyRaooncertainaspects ofthe

developmentprocesswhichleperoeivedasbeingstirmlantsofcommmi-

cation as well as stimulated by connmnication. Among them: psychical

2023-131; 22.131 is w... in. warm “terms Mrs ails confidence

Ethefilmre.

CEAPTER IV
TOJARDS A THEORY OF DEVELOPMENTAL COMMUNICATION
Speculation and conjecture, intuition and insight, class-—
ification and correlation-wall these have their place in
any scientific system; they are the raw materials from
which theory is built.

(Percy H. Tannenbaum, in Nafziger
and White, eds., 1958, p. 51.)
. . . 'I‘hesooneronmfriendbeginstotrytooonstructa
system of concepts , tentatively relating all his con-
structs to each other, the sooner he will begin to en-
4 joy certain advantages.

(Bruce Westley, in Nafziger and
White, eds., 1958, p. 255.)

Most knowledge that people have about the behavior of

. others comes from observation. . . . Observation qual-
ifies as a scientific procedure, however, only men it
is carried out systematically and yields results which
holdupmnderscrutinyastotheirreliabilityand
validity.

(Roy E. Carter Jr. , in Nafziger
andWhite, eds., 1958, p. 81.)

lbs major propositions in the literature about the roles of can-
mnnication in development have been summarily reviewed in the preceding
d'naptsr. 'Ilne purpose of the present chapter is to consider the possi-
bility of using those propositions as a basis for both further concep-
tual exploration of the matter and systematic research on it . The
chapter will also suggest alternative ways to achieve such objectives
and will stress the need for communicologists to assume the responsibil-
ity of constructing a much needed theory of developmental communication.

No limitations restrict the possibility of building such a
theory: (1) theabsence ofauniversally acceptable theoryof social

38

39
dnange or national develoomort; and (2) the lack of a general theory of
communication.

The unavailability of such broader theorie s-a deficiency which
is unlikely to be remedied in the immediate firture--should not, however,
discourage attempts at constructing a theory of develOpmental commi-
cation. 'Dne developing countries can hardly afford to wait until such
higher-order and comprehensive theories become available .

_Ng matter how roughly _c_n_r_ tentatively, a @3931 9: communication
for modernization needs to be; formulated as _s_o_gn_ as Essibl .

The sooner social scientists are able to do so, the faster will
policy-makers and development-implementere benefit . In addition, the
sooner such a theory is proposed, the more viable should be empirical
investigation on the roles of communication ’ in modernization.

A natural first step toward that theory consists of summarizing,
clarifying, and elaborating the different propositions existing on the
matter. Next, comparison, classification, and integration of the.
propositions appears mandatory. Out of such polishing and harmonizing
operations, a set of connected hypotheses should emerge to be tested.
But the search has only began. ‘ ‘

llneremaybemmflnonoemadtofineconsoucdonofthethsoy.
One suggests itself readily: to capitalize on the basic propositions on
commnication's roles advannced by Pool, Schramm, and Rao. '

Anotlerwaytoattackdneproblsmis to enqnandandslaboretethe
:few preliminary models of develoonental communication that have been
i already suggested.

A third possibility mists of attempting to adjust the role-

H0
propositions or the preliminm'y models, or both, to those models of
overfll national deveth which appear to be heuristically promising.
Combinations of all those procedures are, of course, not impossible.
Ttere may be other convenient approaches too but, whichever may
theinitialroadbe, thejobshouldbestartedatonos.

Convergence in Role-Propositions
The possibility of using the role-specifications produced by Pool,
Schrammn, andRaohas justbeensuggested. Itisrmnecessarytoappraiss
the opportunities and the limitations apparent in this alternative.
Eachofthoseanrthoeoonductsdhisanalysiswiflninaparticllar
framework as can be observed, without difficulty, in their writings
ndnich were condensed in the preceding chapter. r in a.
l. Pool's point of departure was the nature of modernity.
2. Schrammn's point of deparolre was the nature 93; communication.
3. Rao's point of departure was the nature gfmodernization.
These characterizations are suggested by the present writer,
rotbytheorthorsofthepropcsitions. Thus, sonsspecificationof
the characterizations is in order. The necessity will be met by sub-
scribing to fine following concepts of Black (1967, pp. 6-7):
Within the past generation "moderni "* has come to be rather
widely employed to describe e characteristics connon to
countries that are most advanced in technological, political,
economic and social development , and "modernization"** to
describe the process by which they acquired these character-
istics. . . If a definition is necessary, "modernization"***
may be defined as the process by which historically evolved

institutions are adapted to the rapidly changing functions
that reflect the unprecedented increase in man's Jonovlsdge,

 

 

 

*Italics, mine.
1”Italics, mine.
mItalics, mine.

1&1

permitting control over his environment, that accompanied
the scientific revolution.

Fool's propositions were constructed in relation to what he con-
siders to be the distinguishing attributes of modern-man or the charac-
teristic features of those societies which have reached a stage of
modernity. Schramm's propositions were built within the general pattern
of the services communication provides society with. Rao's propositions
wereonganizsdaroundthsimpact thatcomnmicationhasinbringing
about economic, social, and political modernization.

Insuun, RaoandSchrammnworkedwithintheframemrkoffinecon-

' onrrent processes of modernization and communication'as they relate to
eachcthsr, nmnilePoolchosetodohisanalysisinreferencetothe
final stage-«a given state of modernity-«to which those joint processes
of modernization and communication, as is illustrated in Figure 2, lead.

'Dnus, (1) if modernity is both the attrihlte of a developed so~
ciety and the goal of an underdeveloped one, (2) if modernization is

 

dneprocessthroughnmnichsuchgoalistobeattained, and (3) iffl

communicationisthe crucialbridgethroughwhichasocietygoes from

nmndsrdevelopment to development , then the sets of propositions provided by

Pool, by Schrammn, and by Rao should be amenable to fruitful combination.
That they are, in fact, combinable is clearly shown in the fact

that there is a high level of coincidence, and sonetime total overlap,

in most of their formulations . In spite of their diverse launching

pads and despite having traveled through different pathways toward the

answers , the three authors arrived—as it is easy to see when comparing

many of their statsmsnts-to pretty much the same points of destination.

In fact, their steps-mas it is summarized in Table 1-often crisscrossed

‘42

    

mamumammm .

Pig- 2.--Relatedness of three sets of propositions (Fool's, Schramn‘s,
and Rao's) on the roles of communication in national
development.

”:3

Table l. Connparative snnmnary of conmmication's roles in developn'ent
as proposed by Pool, Schramn, and Rao.

 

Roles ' Pool Schranrn Rao

 

1. To create, in people's minds, pro—
development images of:

(cheentireworldasoneconmnnity * * .-
(b) the already modernized portion of V

the world, a - -
((9 life as subject to deliberate change * a -

(d) what it is to be cultured and
educated so that pe0ple will want ,
to be literate, scientific-
minded, etc.; * * *

2. To pronote a willingness for planning

and Operating on a large stage. * * *
3. To foster the formation or consolidation
of a national consciousness. * * *

It . To produce identification with new

symbols, objects, and situations. * * *
5. To provide an organ of expression for

developmnt pronoting individuals and

groups. * * -
6. To disseminate facts and impart sons

skillsdemandedbynodernization. * * -
7. Toaidininducingtoaction. * * -

8. To stimnlate peOple to take advantage of

new Opportunities for improvement. * * *
9'. To direct people's attention toward

nutter-s, topics, and issues that

deserve emphasis. - * -

 

n
An asterisk indicates consideredon of the ccummication role specified.

nu

Table 1 (contd.) Conpamtive emery of conmmication's roles in de-
veloPment as proposed by Pool, Schramn, and Rao.

 

Roles Pool Schrazmn Rao

 

10. To raise the people's levels of aspire-
tions and to help eliminate fatalism

and passivity. a a ..

11. To prouote acceptance of emerging
values and of new norms. * * *

12. To broaden the policy dialogue by
promoting papular participation in

politics . a a n
13. To confer status to develonment leaders. * ’ * i
116. To serve as an activator and feeder of

key interpersonal channels . - * -
15. To affect lightly held attitudes. - - - i -
16. To slightly canalize strongly held

attitudes. .. a _.
17. To nodify, indirectly, very strongly

held attitudes . .. a ..

18. To form, directly, now attitudes,
particularily those related with

national unity. in a ..
19. Toprovidehelptoallkindsof

education and training - a ..
20. To carry by themselves a very large

part of fine instructional task. * t _ -
21. To help expand the market. _ - - t ..

22. To induce people to realize their
existenceas anationandtheirmenber—
ship in the world comunity. * * -

23. To help persons find alternative ways
of maJdngEa living. - - *

n
An asterisk indicates consideration of the communication role specified.

1&5.

Table 1 (contd.) Connparetive sonnary of conmunication's roles in de-
veloPment as proposed by Pool, Schramm, and Rao.

 

 

Roles Pool Schranm Rao
2%. To reduce the pressure on land. - - a
25. To raise a family's economic status. . - - *
26. To create a demand for goods. - * ' i

27 . To motivate local initiative and entre-

preneurship so as to break the

business nonopolies . - - *
28 . To notivate the illiterates to ‘

beconne literate . * - *
29. To help induce parents to send their

children to school. - - *

30. Tohelppeople findnewnorns and
adapt to changes. * * *

31. To help the masses realize their om
power and induce them to gain in-
creased participation in politics . * * *

32 . To help the government know about the
people's needs and reactions, as well
as to help the people know about the
governments' plans, possibilities and
limitations. — - *

33. To help a connnnity or nation to

31+. To help shift influence from age and

traditional status to )cnoflledge and

ability. - - *
35. To help change the source of social
- status and of political power from

heredity to achievement. - - *
36. To help bring about greater equality and

respect forhmnandignity inthesocial

and in the political spheres. - - *

 

a
An asterisk indicates consideration of fine comunication role specified.

1&6

Table 1 (contd.) Comparative summary of comrunnication's roles in de-
velOpment as proposed by Pool, Schranm, and Rao.

 

Roles Pool Schnamn Rao

 

37. To persuade the traditional and
conservative leadership to join
the cause of change for nodernization. - - *

 

‘An asterisk indicates consideration of the conmmication role specified.

one another's.

The table makes evident the numerous cases where the three
aufinors coincided, totally or partially, as well as the instances where
at leasttwoofthemwere convergent. Ingeneral, there is ahigh level
of concordance anong the finree authors. This indicates finat conbining
fineir propositions offers an attractive opportunity towards constructing
a theory of developmental comunication. The alternative , however, is
not free fron problem.

One limitation is finat Pool, Schramn, arnd Rao had concerned
themselves exclusively with fine functional roles and the positive con-
sequences of comunication in development. This onission of dysfunctional
roles and negative consequences debilitates their arguments . It makes
the authors appear convinced that communication can only do good to
developnentd" It also gives the impression that the authors share a

 

*The process of nodernization has both beneficial consequences and dis-
tressing effects on people. So does the process of cornun-ication.

Mass nedia can perform "bad" roles just as it can perform "good" roles.
That is, finey can be--as Lazarsfeld and Merton put it in Chapter III-
functional or dysfunctional for society. For instance, as Wright
(1968) added following these authors' conmmication (a) heighten anxie-
ties; (b) result in privatization-4 tendency to cut oneself away fronn

a
‘

 

 

147
refiner unlimited faith in the herits and powers of commnication nedia.
Neither bias nor enaggeretion, hoeever, appear likely to help much the
cause of connnnication's conceptual and practical improvement.

Indeed, lernner (1967) has pointed out, for instance, to the
danger that may be involved in~raising--through cormmication--the
people's expectations up to such an umealis‘dc level that may only
lead then to raise, rather, their frustrations. Kile feels communica-
tion media should not be used to induce people to want what they cannot
get nor to expect what it will not cone. It is clear, then, that de-
velopsental connmication can perform negative roles .

" To define what cormmication does in development (role-specifi-
cation) is a job that needs to be linked with that of designing alter-
native ways of using conmnmication in the service of development (stra-
tegy-fcrnulation) . However , anofiner limitation of the afore mentioned
propositions is that finey, unfortunately, remain exclusively as role-
specifications. '

A finird difficulty with the propositions of Pool, Schranm, and
Raolies intheverybroad levelofwhichtheywere formulated. The
possibility of formulating generalizations of universal applicability
abort fine roles of comunication in development is not unlimited, even
when the generalizations becore validated by Some empirical evidence.

Such law-like generalizations—hardly available either in other

 

an overwhelming informational environment; and (c) cause social apathy.
it follows that conmnication can eifiner facilitate or impede the nodem—
ization of a society. Thus, an analysis of both its positive and its
negative consequences orb-at least—a non—irresmcted foundation of
itsvirtues, alghttobenoeusefulfordevelopnentfinanproposing
those virtues alone.

‘48
concerns of fine social sciencesncanbe expected as the major end-
product of the long-rm scientific inquiry and as fine heart of the
general fineory. '
The theory should also be concerned with more restricted and

 

perhaps more practical gropos itions that stipulate which specific conn—
mlnication functions go together with what particular cultural condi-

tions under which given circumstances 9_f_ development.

 

The reasons are almost self-evident.

Does "national develOpment" nean the sane thing for Mexicans,
PakistanisandCanbodianns? IsfinenodemizationprocedureofRedGnina
comparable with those of Senegal or Philippines? Are the development
goalsofIndonesiafinesaneasfinoseofKnmait? AreCubansasinter-
ested in pronoting private enterprise as South Africans?

The answers are , obviously , negative .

Gan, therefore, conmmication be expected to perform invariably
fine same functios in the face of different ideologies, strategies,
nethodologies, structural patterns, and levels of developuent of the
diverse onlturesof fine underdeveloped world?

It certainly can not.

There are, to be sure, various cross-clltural similarities in
fieconceptandintheccnductofdevelopnent.

an; .13; _i_s_ gually evident that _ea_cl_'n_ culture defines and effects

 

develcpment _in_ _a_ way particular _t_o_ _a_ given set 9_f_ determinant circum-

stances. And the variations _i_n_ those circnmstances fronn culture _t_o_

 

 

culture influence the roles‘ finat comunication pl_ay_§_ in development
just _ag communication influences than.

 

 

us

«Therefore , the specification of commmication's roles in moderni-
zation shonld not remain frozen at the initial stage of intuitive general
absnections that may imply-«by being unconditional--an unrealistic ex-
pectation of universal validity. The exploration must move further
ahead in search for ways of interlocking those roles-conceptually and
empirically—with concrete variations in the determinant circumstances

present in specific situations of development .

bransion of Develognental Communication Models

At the beginning of finis chapter, two other possibilities were
mentioned in approaching the construction of a theory of communication
in modernization. They will be described here quite less extensively
than the first alternative-«that of role-specification—has been de-
scribed. This has to be so since finese additional alternatives involve
several possible theories and far more conplexities. Thus they demand,
indepthandinlength, aldndofuea‘oentfietexceedsfiepnmposes
of‘finis thesis. '

. One of those alternatives refers to the possibility of enranding
ondelabosdngtheveryfewandpreliminarynodelsfieteudstabout
developmental ccmnmication as such.

Fo' instance, Rogers (1967) has applied fine model of general
communication proposed by Berlo (1960) to the process of general na:
tional development. The resulting paradigm perceives a _s_gn_r__oe; trans-
mitting a message content via channels to receiver audiences with de-
w effects. For each of these headings, the model proposes a
mnnberofvariableswhichappearlistedinl‘ignmeS.

By conbining in several ways the source, message, channel,

’50

 

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5].

receiver and effects variables (S-M-C-R-E) , Rogers has produced a set
of generalizations" that help characterize comparatively the nature of
communication in developed and in underdeveloped societies. Though the
model is still at a tentative stage of conceptualization, it seems
finecretically valuable annd potentially amenable to empirical verifica-
tion.

Pye (1963) has analyzed the basic characteristics of communica—

tion systems typical of traditional, transitional, and modern societies.

 

Thongh his analysis was done with emphasis of the relationship of those
systems to political development, the analysis could well apply also

to general national development.
Pye considers that fine ortstanding characteristic of traditional

 

processes of communication is that they are not markedly differentiated
from other social processes. That is, communication is not independent
eifiner of the structure of social relationships or of the contort of
fine communications. Also, there are no professionals specialized in
communication. I '

The essential characteristic of a m communication system
is, for Pye, that it involves two stages or levels. One is that of
fine highly formalized mass media and the other is that of face-to-face
commnication. The critical feature of this system is that orderly
relationships exist between fine two levels proposed. The better these
levels are interconnected, the more can the whole system grow and
produce. Professional communicators do exist in finis system.

 

*The generalizations are not reproduced here because their number

(about uO)andfineirdctai1ednatnmedorotpermitit.

I

‘52

Transitional commnication systems , Pye proposes , are character-
ized by a bifurcated and fragmented structure. A part of the system
is based upon modern technoloy; is predominantly urban; and is directed
to those sectors of the pOpulation which are more ‘Westernizedfl' The
other part of the system, instead, is based upon interpersonal rela—
tionships througn face-to-face communication; is akin to traditionalism;
tends to follow the patterns of commnal life; and is predominantly
rural.

In sum, fine transitional system includes, but does not combine,
features of fine modern and of the traditional systems. There is usually
no direct and strong tie between the two sectors of fine transitional
system; each operates pretty much independently from the ofiner; finus
fine system is, in fact, fragmented.

Pye notes, finally, that there are important differences among
'finethreesystemrs interns ofthevolume, thespeed, andtheaccurecy
with which finey can transmit information.

It is evident finat this model offers considerable opportunities
for furfiner work leading towards a theory of developmental communica-
tion. .

Another opportunity is represented in some propositions of
Fagen (1966). These propositions, again, are focused on political de-
veloptnantbnntarsusefnnalsoasastar'tingpointtostudyfineplaceof
comnnnication in social change in general.

Fagen identifies two basic models of deve10pmenta1 communication:

-,an game one and an endogenous one.
Drawing from fine model proposed by Deutsch", Pagen proposes

 

 

*Deutsch's social mobilization model was described in Chapter I.

 

 

' 53
that social mobilization leads to changes in people ' 3 knowledge and
perception of the world. These changes, in turn, lead to such phe-
nomena as expansion of fine politically relevant strata of the popula-
tion and changes in the nature of the services demanded from the ‘ ‘
government. This is what he calls the model of eflenous change,
since the impulse for political development comes- from outside the
realm of politics.

Endogenous change occurs, he suggests , when given political
strategies and organizational forms—which, directly or indirectly, im-
ply changes in comunication pattons-are selected. 'Once those pat-
terns are in operation, he adds, they lead to new ways of perceiving
the self, the world, and politics. These modified perceptions, in
mm, induce changes in the functioning of the political system.

The key difference between the models lies in fine locus of the
primary stinmlus to change in communication patterns. The models are,
however, apt to be combined, as Fagen sees it, since comunication has
been found to have a clear correlation with modernization and has,
therefore, stmntobeasmmchanantewdentasaconsequenoeof
factoo prevailing in-the other social processes.

Linkage to Models of Overall National Development

Finally, a third approach toward the fineor'y is to relate the
analysis of conmnnication' 8 functions in modernization to existing
overall models of national development or theories of social change.
i The tie could be attempted with economic schemes, such as
Boston's well known three-stage model. It may also be tried wifin multi-

factor correlational schemes such as herner's, orperhaps with

51+
psychosocial paradigms such as those of McIelland, Hagen, and Hoselitz.

Lerner (1957) sees development as occurring in four phases:

‘ urbanization (into which industrialization is subsumed); media partici-
pation; literacy; and political participation. It is , he suggests ,
through some such a sequence-~in which each phase interacts with the
others-~that societies pass from traditional to transitional stages
and fromthemtomodernones. The fondanentalnotionof "My"
underlies fine model.*

The main springboard of modernization is for Mclelland (1961)
the individuals' levels of achievement motivation. By. that he means,
essentially, an internal impulse to do well, mostly for attaining an
inner feeling of accomplishment. Some peOple have more of that moti-
vationthanothers. This isnotduetohereditaryreasonsbutto
socialization influences . Thus the achievement motivation level of fine '
people of a conntry (infants or adults), their drive for excellence,
can be raised by education so as to contribute to development, partic-
ulary in fine entrepreneurial dimension of it. i '

Hagen (1963) also perceives the origin of modernization to be
in socialization practices but he specifically locates it in the early

 

*

Pool (1963) regards Lerner's "empathy" notion (a capacity for identify-
ing with someone else's ideas, feelings, behaviors, or situations)—
along with McLelland' s "achievement motivation"--equivalent to a
"daring finesis" that media can have profound characterological effects
on human beings. Mass media are seen, that is, as able of helping
nbring about no less than an entirely "new man" by radically mutating
his personality. That kind of contention had only been advanced be-
forebyfineRnssianandfineRedChineseonbehalfofsoxeoffineir
persuasion-cm coercion mefinods of behavioral manipulation.

55
socialization period within the familial institution. He suggests some
children of marginated social sectors are raised in ways that permits
finsn to develop autonomous and creative personalities that lead them
to have initiative and innovativeness . This value emerges in his view,
when some elite group in a society suffers "withdrawal from status g-

spect" and falls in a period of retreatism but, after a generation, be-

 

comes highly motivated to exercise develOpmnental leadership , particular-
ly in the entrepreneurial dimension of economic growth.
Eehavioral deviance, cultural @ social marginality, and the

 

 

redefinition _o__f societal objectives by a modernizing elite i_r_n alga (a
change-oriented olligarchy, for instance) , are postualed by Hoselitz
(1957) as some of fine main launching platforms of social change. At

‘ the roots of modernization, thenn, inconformity and its motivational de-
rivations are perceived to be highly instrumental for development.

Difficulties can, of sense, be anticipated in any effort to
integrate communication' s roles with those development models or with
similar ones. One source of difficulty is represented by problems rel-
ative to the developmental model finemnselves. In regard to some of finem

for instance, fine following limitations have been suggested:

1. The models assume development is a smooth upward-progressive
process while, in practice, many countries advance by a rough jump—and-
fall kind of movement which is often painful and violent.

2. 'Dne models assnmne modernization is a synonym of "Westerniza-
tion" while, in practice, many underdeveloped countries aim at develoP-
ing within their own onltural configuration as submitted to eclectical
external influences .

i 3. The models assume developing countries are geared toward

56
democratic and capitalist forms of social stucture while , in practice ,
some measure of authoritarianism may be unavoidable and some influence
from socialism may be desirable in the modernization of many of those
countries .

In. The models appear to assumefinat "dynamic equilibrium" is
fine ultimate "namral" state of a developed social system while, in
practice, imbalance and conflict--rather--may constitute the "normal"
state of finem.

5. Themodels areevolutionaryinnatureandthusmakenopro-
vision for revolutionary circumstances conducive to! national growth
whereas, in practice, the radical redistribution of power through revo-
lution may be a main precondition for the development of certain

countries.

The Convenience of a TWO-Way Approach

To the specification of communication ' s roles in development
two alternatives have just been added in search for opportunities for
finecry construction: expansion of developmental communication models,
and linkage of finose roles to overall models of national development.

Such analytical condensation of key propositions on the subject
constitutes, of course, only a first step towards establishing some
basis to facilitate the construction of a theory of developmnental com-
munication.

The evaluation 9!: those propositions is, however, sufficient to

 

 

 

supmrt the conviction finat theories 9; commnmication' s roles _ip_ 9e:-

 

velmt cannot be fruitfully done 21.2 vacuum. They must be done ‘

withdirectmferenceEdetenminantfactosigfioverallprocessgf

 

 

. |..illll ’1'. I n

57
general national development . The very correlatiois found between the
two processes suggest the convenience of doing so.

Unfortunately , with the probable and partial exceptions of
Lerner" s models“I and of Fagen's model, no attempts appear to have been
mated to also study fine effects of non-oomninication variables on
the process of communication for development. I

Therefore, the attention of the next chapter will be devoted to
analyzing some such variables that conceivably exert a determining in-
fluence hon developmental communication.

N

a
Musharedesoibedinonapterv.

CHAPTER V
FACTORS AFFECTING THE ROLES 0F
COI’MJNICATION IN DEVELOPMENT

Basically, a nation must answer the great questions

of human development in goneral--Who an I? What do

I want to grow into?--in order to have a firm foun-

dation for a oomnunication policy.

(Wilbur Schramm, in Lerner arnd
Schramrm, eds., 1967, p. 28.)

The construction of a theory of developmental commmnication can-
not best be attempted exclusively on the basis of what commica‘don
does for development. '

Theothersideofthecoinis jnstas important: howdofactors
prevailing in the development process affect commmnication as a process,
influence the behavior of communication institutions (mass media or
ofinerwise), and determine fine roles of communication in modernization.
Thus, this chapter will deal with those phenoIena.

Unfortunately , no formal and comprehensive set of interrelated
propositions is yet known to endst about non-commnnication factors which
determine the roles of connonication in national develOpment in general.

A set of propositions have already been advanced by Pagen (1966)
but they refer exclusively to factors which determine Elitical de-
velopment in particular. Essentially, he proposes forr types of factors
as determinants of communication patterns and use: (1) economic; (2)
sociconltural; (3) political; and (H) historical.

‘ Among fine economic factors, Pagen stresses (1) the correlations
oonputed, in multiple instances, beMen economic growth and communica-

tion's advancement, (2) the financial restrictions finat impede many
58 '

59

developing nations to reorganize and improve their systems of commi-
cation; and (3) socioeconomic characteristics such as social structure,
social mobility, norms, and predominant types of social organization.

The sociocultural factors emphasized by Fagen are: (1) skills,
such as literacy; (2) norms, such as those determined by values as
egalitu'ianism in democratic societies; and (3) institutions, such as
religion.

The determining influence 9f politics on Wtim is “1335?,"
sed by Fagen (1966, p. an) in these terms: “ N!

Noonewho is familiarwith the modernworldhastobe

told that patterns of political communication differ

greatly in ways directly attributable to differences

in political organization and ideology.

Finally, two historic determinants are nmnderlined by that author:
(1) the nature of the colonial experience, and (2) the impact of certain
leadership styles, say those of Castro, Roosevelt, or Hitler. He also
lists other factors as innovative personalities; technological break-
throughs; social upheavals and dislocations; and foreign influence and
domination.

Considerations a_s_the preceding ones should help make _c_l_e_a_r_t1'_ne_t_
o_ammnication does not serve exactly the same functions _ux_n£1_e_r_ gag}; 929.
.11}. circumstances 9;: national development .

Changes in the roles of it occur due to multiple determining fac-
tors. In all probabilities, these factors vary from culture to calm.
'lheymayalsovm‘y, overtimeandinspace,withineachgivenculture.

.‘ 'nneconplendtyofthosevaryinginfluencesisofamagnitude
that precludes fronthis thesis an endnaustive and fully‘integretive
malysisofflnem. Mstepecan,however,betakenhere:

60

1. To recognize the possibility that some of the universal
roles of communication in development--the cross-cultural
virtues-~pass through a modifying process governed by
several patterns prevailing in each culture and emerge
out of the process as specific functions operating in
particular circumstances. Some of those universal roles
may, however, remain constant across crltures and through-
out diverse conditions within cultures. (Figure u)

2. To propose and analyze rather succinctly some of the
main factors that, conceivably, determine :the nature of
those modifications in communication ' s roles in develop-
ment. Eight such factors will subsequently be described.
(Figure 5)

Political Philosophy
In the art of governing countries , an age-old antagonism of

ideas prevails: democracy versus autocracy, the government throngh
reasonandbythemany, a80pposedtothemleofthefewarribyfcroe.
Absolute types of either are perhaps hardly in existence. The existing \

types, however, seem more than sufficient to give raise to impotent

differences in the roles of communication.

A country governed under a democratic political philosophy should

give commnication the main role of helping bring about consensus. Com-
. munication media, then, will perform functions of carrying info'mation
‘backondfordnbetweentlwsevdnogovemandtlesemaregomrred, so

as to secure that the majorities participate in decision-making on

matta's of public interest and exercise civic surveillance over the

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63
acts of the government.

Also, media are called to aid the peOple in opinion formation.
In addition, communication institutions are expected to facilitate
relationships among the different sectors of society and to stress
basic common values and goals .

Parallel with that , the government of a democratic system will
grant information freedom and will not monopolize media ownership.

The main role of communication in a country presided by an
autocratic political philosophy will usually be to help secure strict
copliance with the norms of the system, obedience to the government,
and attainment of the State's goals.

Communication media, then, will perform predominantly the
furnction of carrying the government's behavioral prescriptions to the
citizenry. Feedback will be far less organized in autocratic politi-
cal systems since the people they have under them enjoy only negligible
surveillance power on the government. Overt and international distor—
tion, retention, and interruption of information are not unconmnon mi
these regimes .

Winona, they impose usually strong restrictions on infor-
mafionfreedomandeitheromnallmainmediainstitutions crheavily
cortrolthosevmnidntheyallovtcendstinprivatehands.

Economic Doctrine

Capitalism and Communism constitute the prevailing alternatives
cfeconomic orientation in development in today's world. For the pur-
posescfthisthesis, it mfficestobrieflydistinguishtheminterme

an i
of their concept of property and of the mission they assign to the
public and the private sectors of the economy.

The 932“ italist doctrine advocates private initiative and free
enterprise as the basis of economic Operation and thus attributes the
government only a mninor regulatory iunction.

‘lhe socialist doctrine favors government ownership—corplete or
at least clearly predominant~—of the means of production. When it
allows private enterprises- to Operate , it usually imposes on them tight
regulations. It rejects the notion of business freedom and it retains
virtually all industrial activities in the hands of the State, particu-
larly those relative to energy and transportation.

The differences in economic doctrine account for differences in
the roles of commmicafion.

Among the main roles capitalism assigns to media institutions
are to promote savings and investments, to help expand the market and
increase consumption of goods and services, and to stand in defense of
private property and in favor of entrepreneurship . .

Amnongflnetasksthatsocialisngivestomediaaretopromotein-
creases and improvements in production behavior, and to discourage
profit—oriented individnal competition as well as to encourage, rather,
cocperative work and collective effort for the common good.

Goal-Direction

The developmental efforts can be addressed toward effecting
dnangesinthestructure ofsocietyorinthefunctions ofit. Inthe
first case , what is sought for is the alteration of the very make-up
of the social skeleton, the Organic arrangement of its institutions.

65
Intheothercase, the goalie tomodifyonlythe fnmctions, the
specialized operations performed by the organs corposing the structure.

The control of resources and the disiribution of power are among
the central features of the structural aspect of society.

The utilization of natural resources and the production of goods
and services are key phases of a fundamental function of society:
securing the survival of its members .

The roles of communication clearly vary depending on whether
structural change is attempted or functional change is.

_l_'._n_ mnost mnderdevelogd countriee what needs 39 be $1335.69. is.
the social structure beige functional changes can be inside optimally
productive.

land reform-the modification of the land tenure systems-is a
common example of a kind of structural change. The reorganization’of
land use—through the introduction of modern agricnlturel technology-
ino'dertoinoeaseproonctionandproductivityisatypicalcaseof
fnmncational change.

'Iheeconouyofmestnmnderdevelopedcomntriesisbasedonagri-
culture and the majo‘ity of their pOpulationlives in the rural areas.
'nnus, landownnership constitutes the foundation of the social edifice.
Characterisfically, the tenure of cultivable land is erd by a
minority of individuals. Having concentrated economic power in their
hands, that minority becomes easily dominant in politics, and strongly
influences the behavior of education arnd communication institutions.
um such circumstances, social stratification is maximal and social
mobility is minimal. The masses are kept submerged into ignorance,

66
hunger, misery , and non-participation . Society would seem to have been
designed to impede change. '
In that kind of a set-up, communication is put to play the role
of condoner ofinequality and perpetrators of status quo. It must foster

 

conformity and it must aid in securing the continuity of the situation.
Thus, itdoesnothelp smcumalchangetooccur. Itpromotes only
functional changes preferring the light ones over the deep.

Whenthecaseisthatstmcturelonangeistooccnminasociety,
communication is called to perform a very different set of roles . For
instance: to intensify social agitation for reform; to sensitize the
ruling elite and help in persuading it to yield; to help the formation
andonergenceofanewleadersrdp; toaidingivingflnemassesorgan-
ization for civic participation; to encourage modernizing legislation;
etc. .‘

Once the social system has undergone some basic modifications
of its structure, communication shifts its-thrust to support, in many
ways, the establishment of new institutions and relationships and the
redesigning of many of the functions of society. I

wflgmmmgmfimtm for deth
sihoo 1:3 M3 the structure but :9 leave the functions untouched 33-
m m fran wins mm e191. stem ems;-

 

level of Development
The comparative study of development places countries on a con-
timnumthat goes from a traditional stage, to a modern stage, with

 

multiple intermediate positions, depending on their levels of develop—
meant.

67

Whenever a country shows signs of advancing along that pro-
gression, its goal-direction is likely to experiment changes over time.
That is , a dynamic social system tends to continuously evaluate its
accomplishments and short—comings in reference to increasingly demanding
criterions that constitute stges or steps in the process of growth.
aneacountryhasreachedagivenoneofthose stages, it setsanew
some to reset a next level. These changes in developmental goals
determu'ne changes in commmication's roles. '

When a country starts modernizing, one of the essential roles
ofcomunicationistobringabortconmuy-widesocialcohesionanda
feeling of collective purpose. 'Dney are necessary to make each indivi-
dualawareofthecomnontaskandwillingtodohisshareofit.

_ _ later in the develOpment process, the emphasis of the communica-
tioneffectmaytnmntohelpingtreinpeopleinflnediverseprinciples
andteclmiquesflneyneedtoleaminodertocontrdbutetodevelopment
and to best benefit from it.

Furtherahead, themainfnmctionofcomnmicationcanbethatof
helping consolidate the new values , institutions, and behaviors, along
with aiding to construct a national attitude of self—winding innovative-
ness, cooperation and productivity.

Atwhichlevel ofdevelognnentaconntryis consideredtobeata
givenmunentis sone‘thing'that depends upon arbitrarynneasnmes. How
many stages are identified is something also arbitrary. Internationally
‘pmposedstsndardsaswellasmdelsofdevelopnentconstmctedona
stage-basis canbeeitherappliedorignoredbyconmtriesinself—

‘ evaluating their situation and standing.

68
What is important, however, is that, as soon as some temporary
goals of a system are met, the system can be conceptualized as moving
toward a next goal which, again, represents a different (higher) level
of accomplishment in growth. Along with that redirection of objectives,
the contents , the incentives , and the formats of communication for
development may be revised and rearranged to secure its fit with the

objectives .

. Origin of clause

'Iheprocedurefinroughwhichoonmntries attempt todevelophas
severulaspectsondthusmaybeonalyzedbyplacirngattonfionondif-
ferontdimensions. Oneoffinemisfineo'iginorpointofdepartureof
developmental events.

Change can occur "spontaneously" or by induction. A social sys-
tem may refiner passively let happen things that might lead to growfin.

Or it may organize itself to actively seek for gowth to happen. \,
frequently, though not necessarily, spontaneous change implies a '

process of "progress" which is slow, refiner superficial, and uneven.

It involves solittle plamingandguidancefinat, inmanycases, itmay

be often regarded as almost vegetative.

By contrast, change by induction usually involves rigorous over-
all plarmning of development actions , profalnd structural and functional
alterations, new institutions and leaders, and an accelerated tempo in
the implementation of goals.

Infineonecase, thegovernmentisattributedamildtutorial
andregulatoryresponsibilityofpromotion. Infineothercase, ahigh
level of government intervention is characteristic.

69

Given such differences, communication cannot be encpected to
Operate in the same way in both cases . Spontaneous change requires
only very moderate behavioral engineering. Induced and directed change.
demands multiple cognitive, affective and behavioral modifications.

'lhe latter, therefore, places far higher exigencies on comnunication.

In fine first case, the predominant roles of communication are
those of helping maintain stability, running a closed system of infor-
mation designed to serve the elite only, and keep the masses in a state
of complacency.

In the second case, communication is challenged to perform nu-
merous vital, roles. For instance: fostering unity; promoting the will
to develop; expanding the information network thrmghout the entire
social system; etc.

Process offiChfiange

Another .very impotent procedural aspect of national development
isfinekindofprocess finroughwhichitistoocolrwhenitwilloomr
under Mada! cimmtances.

A process of change that is rather superficial and excludes vio-
lence can be typified as evolutionary. A process of change that is
radical and usually includes violence can be typified as revolutiomy.

By revolution is understood here the process by which power,
the ability to influence ofiner's behavior, is redistributed finrolgh in-
surrection, almost invariably associated with some degree of physical
‘violence, in order to alter fine system from its roots. This meaning
- excludes the mere substitution of one {over group for anofiner without

it having deep pro-develOpment consequences in the structure and

70
functions of the social system. Also excluded from the meaning is the
case of considerable deep social transformation not steming from insur-
rectional operations but from a radicalization of reformism.

Where the social structure is permeable .to change propositions
and flexible for readjustnn'ents , evolution-win varying degrees and at
different tempos—is one of fine usual processes finrough which develoP-
ment may occur.

M, $5133 contrary, the power holders stubbornly going any

suggestions for a transition , revolution may p__e_ the unavoidable process

 

_t_o_ 3e _u_s_e_g_.£o__r_ attaining deve10pment. ‘

Closed and rigid social structures give the masses no alternative
but subversion. Depending on cirometances , the social pressure may
reach a point of explosion where fine only tool for initiating substan-
tive change is outright revolution through armed pepular- insurgence.

Once again, communication is likely to perform very different
roles in evolution than those it is called to perform in revolution.

--Whe‘rechangeocoirebyevolution, thetasks ofcormmicationare
multiple, demanding, and complex since it has to £229. people to change,
not force them into it.

Where :change occurs by revolution , fine roles of commication
arelesseirtendedandpeflnapsless critical. 'Ihisissobecauserevo—
lution substitutes values abruptly , alters norms violently , and destroys
as well as creates institutions suddenly. Revolution, moreover, does
rnotstiveifcragreementbutitimposesnewmodes ofconduct. Behavioral
fiensfcmatim is carried by actions. Words become purely ancillary.

/ n
Mechanics" of Qnange\‘//

Behavioral changes for deve10pment may be generated by means of
incitement or by means of foroe. The didnctony is formed in this case
by persuasion and coercion.

i Persuasion is the ability to induce behaviors in pe0ple--exclusive-
1y finrough comrnmication operations -—by gaining their voluntary adherence
to those behaviors.

Coercion is fine capability to impose behaviors in people-al-
most entirely by intimidation or compulsion operations—~regardless of
their will in relation to those behaviors .

Bcfinpereuasionandooercioncanberegarfiedascases ofsocial
influence but whereas one leads to conviction-motivated behaviors the
other leads to obligation-motivated behaviors . In line with Kelman' s
(1961) model of the process of opinion change, persuasion can be re-
garded as more capable than coercion in producing longer-lasting and
finally autonomous ("internalized") behavioral responses. .

However, persuasion is far more difficult to be effected than
coercion is. A person reached by a persuasive message may, given that
he does not reject it, {take quite a long time before it fully incor-
porates it to his stable behavioral repertoire . A person reached by a
finreat, physical or otherwise, may promptly prodnce the demanded be—
havior so as to escape the threat or avoid punishment. ‘

Comunication's roles are mandrel in persuasion and minimal in
coercion. One of its roles in persuasion, for instance, is that of
making belnaviorelmeillannoe almost unnecessary. This is a very in?
portant role-directly related to needs of socialization and social
cortrol—sinceitsavesconsiderebleoneryandsueininachieving

72
behavioral unity in the system.
It's unnecessary to specify other probable roles since most of
those enumerated so far in this chapter can be judged to be performed
throngh a mechanics of persuasion.

Tine Organization of Change

Finally, another dimension of the developmental procedure is of
importance for fine discussion. It refers to the time-organization of
thedevelopment efforts. 'I'hedichctorylieshereintryingtcdode-
velopment "all at once" or "step by step." That is, growth can be bal-

Polloving Oshima (1967), balanced Moan be defined as a
method of development advocated on the basis of simultaneons growth of
allsectcrscffineeconowinaccordancewiththedemandsofconsmnere
and businesses. No single sector is given an overall top priority over
the other; agriculture, for instance, must grow hand in hand with in-
dustry and both should grow together with transportation, communica-
tion, trade, and services.

By contrast, then, unbalanced m is that development metlnod
predicated on the basis of assigning preferential energies to some sectors
Offlle econonycverthecthere. Acomnonexampleistoassign first
priority to the industrial sector, particularly the heavy-type one ,
while giving 1;» priority to the agricultural sector. This approach
over'plays the need for generating capital goods while the other approach

zseeksincreasebothincapitalgoodsandinccnswnergoods.

In a situation of balanced growth, one of the‘umain roles of con-
munication may be to help harmonize the interests of the different

73
sectors . Since no developing State has the financial power to boost
up considerably each and all sectors at the same time, discontent is
notimnusual in many of them. Conmrdcation enters to keep it at
levels that will prevent socialidisruption from occurring.

Tendency: ”towards breaking the balance develOps refiner easily ,
particularly when one of the sectors shows to account for nuch more
productivity than others . The role of communication there is to help
handle the pressure from the interest groups tlms determined to alter
the equillibrium.

In a siwation of unbalanced yowthnsay, one where indusz is
clearly preferred over agrionlture , which is a conrnon case—oomunica-
tion may also perform characteristic roles.

A nature}. one is to provide public justifications for the pri-
orities selected.

Another is to help facilitate the process of derurelization of
the popllation and to help alleviate the problems of growing urbaniza-

A “third is to help the pe0ple cope with the many behavioral
adaptations that industrialization imposes on them by altering the di-
vision of labor and, at times, by making social stratification even
nore amte. Peasants, who are forced to bear the burden of the costs
of indnstrializetion, are naturally unlikely to be cooperative with the
government . Here again communication can help diminish their unrest
and may help them operate behavioral changes leading to attain sons
sort of oozpensation for their unprivileged position.

7%

Necessary Cautions in the Analysis V

'Ihepreoedingsectionofthischapterhas servedthepurposeof
describing some of the many possible determinants of cornmnication's
roles in development. Variations in the follming influencing factors
were mentioned: apolitical philosophy; econonic doctrines; goal-direc-
tion; level of development; and origin, process, "mechanics," and time
organization of change. It was then suggested that those variations
shonldhaveaclearinpactindeterminingwhichmthe roles that
oonnnnicationistoperfominmodernization. 'Iheprobableroleswere
finononalyzedtofineextentthatthelimitsofflnisthesisallovedit.

'lhat analysis, however, is subject to considerations that it is

necessary to keep in mind:

1. Role-specification was certainly not exhaustive .

2. Sons roles remain universally applicable across onltures.

3. There are within-category variations, in space and time,
in the nature of coummioation's roles in development.

In. Interaction among conditioners or influencing factors
appears highly probable . But the interaction between
thenandtharoles momelvesneedsnotccmranrto-
matinally. Insonecases, itmaybetotallyabsezrt.

5. mgghtpostulateddeterufimnts domtbelong ina
single-category, they may be grouped in at least two
different conceptual domains.

-. 6. 'I'hejnflnondngfaetorswere'oeatedasolearhontdi-
chotom'es, in order to simplify its description. In
Practice, however, nultiple intermediate positions

75
are possible between the extreme polarities . Sore
elaboration of these points appears to be in order.

A corprehensive enumeration and description of the possible roles
of comunication in development can easily include dozens of units .

This has to be that way since cormmication is so pervasive in society
and so variously useful for development. The attention in this chapter
was restricted to a few roles: those which apparently are nore common
in many onltural settings.

Moreover, limitations were also imposed on the nunber of factors
assumed to influence communication roles. They, in turn, may be rumerh
ous. Tomontionjustoneofthem, itnustbesaidthatthepresenceon
the absence of a "social action party" makes a significant difference in
the roles of conunmication. Where the government counts on a wide-spread
and powerful national political organization, conmmicaticn can be far
meeffectivethanvdneresuchorganizationdoesnotendst. Insane
developing countries, in fact, that kind of political organization
sommtoflyasnnltiplierofnedia-inpact butevenasascrtof
"nedia" institution itself, vis-a-vis the lack of mass channels.

Ithasbeenproposedheretoothatcertainrolesofcomnmication
indevelcpnen‘tarenmivereal; theyareperformed, thatis, inallonl-
tures. Ithasalsobeensuggestedthatflgofthosemiversalroles
are either modified, or substituted by particular roles emerging fron
local cultural characteristics and needs. But other universal roles
rennin operative across onltures, regardless of local variations.

Inallsocieties, forinstance, connmica‘donperfornnsthesefnmc-
tions: spreading factual informationnfostering cohesion and unity;

d

i.‘

ill

 

76
serving as an agency of socialization and, in a way, of social control;
and teaching some skills to the masses. ’

Indeedgfauthors like and (1960) and lamer'(1963) have analyzed,
‘ more specifically, the roles of comunication in political socialization
and recruitment as well as in the artiorlation and aggregation of private
interests , so as to integrate them with the public institutions that a
country needs to become deve10ped.

Manyofthewiderroles stressedbyPool, SdnromarndRaoare
of the same cross national nature.

Pancflner widera‘tion pertinent to the present analysis is that
there are role-variations within each of the eight influencing factors
proposed.

In its process of developn'mnt, for instance, a country may change
fronbeing presidedby ademocratic politicalphiloscphy toan artocretic
one. Major change may start in aloomtry by revolution but, on time, i
will ordinarily return to evolution. A country which was only impleo
rentingfimctionaldnangesmaybeconeabletooperetealsostrucmrel
. changes.

Bvenwithinthe same ideology, twocounntries candiffer substan-
tially in fineir‘appmach toward development. That, according to Hiniker
and Parece (19.67) is, for instance, the case of massia's "Technical
won" and Red China's "Mass Mobilization" approaches.

The categories , then, are neither indefinitely stable nor are
they inpossible of being combined. Even more, within a single country,
fierenayberegionalvariationsinlevelofdevelopnent, ingoal-
direction, in origin of change, etc.

77

It is logical to assume that there is considerable interaction
ammg the eight postulated influencing factors. For instance, an auto-
cratic political philosophy may be associated with inductive change and
with the evolutionary process. Or a democratic philosophy may be assoc.
iated with a capitalist economic doctrine, with balanced growth, and
with functional Change. ' '

Inotherwcrds, alad<cfrelationshipaunngsuchfactcrsis
more likely to be the exception than the rule, thongh the combinations
need not follow any fixed pattern.

'An interaction between those influencing factors and the roles
of commication in modernization has also been postulated here. This
interaction, hmever, may not always occur. For instance, a country
that is undergoing structural changes may have its communication system
performing only roles appropriate to purely functional change .

A typical instance of that situation is constituted by land re—
form. Marnyjlatin American countries, for instance, that are attempting '
tcconcbnctaredisuibutioncfflnelandhavemtrecrganizedtreircon-
munication system to serve this structural change. Their media instim-
__ tions,then, are not performing the roles pertinent to the need. In fact,
some of them are behaving so incongrucusly in relation to a country's
need of finat structural modification that they are performing roles
M lam reform.

The opposite case is also true. Some of the countries that have
‘already been able to do the agrarian reform have failed to set new roles
for their comunication system to support the subsequently needed func-

tionalchanges. Forinstance, themassnediaarenotsufficiontly

78 ‘ .-.
pronoting yet the innovations required to modify the function of pro-
duction of food and fiber in the very regions affected by land redisti-
bution.

There are even more outstanding inconsistencies between the in-
fluencing factors and the communication 3 roles. One of them occurs
between the "mechanics" of change selected by some counties and the
lack of a compatible selection in what respects to the communication
system of it.

Soneoftnenewnationshavecoreintobeingbymeansofrevo—
lution and a few of them have chosen to follow revolutionary models for
their develcpment;

For the nest part , however, the underdevelcmd counties of _fln__e_
wc__r_n_l_._d_ g follfl‘ ' g mod____e___ls b__a_se_d_ 9;; a "mechanics" o__f_ m evolution
93 of intensified r_3_f_c_rm_. This selection E. lied necessarily-113 a E‘
conitant condition _i_f_ _n_ot__ as a 9133:; pre-reguisite—gle builg' g 9; an;
efficient communication m and the redesigning gf__ mega; _ro_le_s_. _U_n_-
fortunately, most 9_f__ those countries have M 33 realize that _113- V
plication of £132}: decision.

Aznycosrtrywhidndecides todevelcpbymeansotherthanrevclu-
tion assumes, gatomfically, the responsibility to do by persuasion
what others dcby compulsion.

Persuasion is far more difficult of being acconnplished than forced
conpliance. Thus, it demands the reorganization, incremant, and expan-
sion of the conmunication system. Countries that do not realize this
may be, than, pntting their entire development enterprise at stake.

Dube (1967) makes the point in these terns:

79

A series of costly and avoidable failures has shown the

planner that even well-drawn projects of modernization

fail to register with the people and to produce the de-

sired results unless they are supported by an imaginative,

adequate and effective conmnication program.

In sum, disparities may often exist between developmental ideas
and actions and pro-developmental comnmications . This indicates that
the interaction suggested in this thesis as existing between the assumed-
ly influencing factors and the probable connmication's roles is neither
perfect nor constant. At times , it would appear, a pre-requisite for
such relationship to exist consists of the will and effort of an inter-
vening agent of connection. Namely, the State itself.

It is also important to notice that the eight determinants pos-
mlated here pertain to diverse domains. Differences among than are ob-
servable in that some of those factors refer to structural variables in
modernization while other refer to procedural ones. Thus, refined con-
ceptual definitions and precise operational specifications would , of
course, be necessary befoe any research could be"conducted on factors 0
like these. -

A final note of caution about the analysis refers to the fact
that it treated the determinant factors as polarized types. It did so
because it was convenient for simplifying the discussion of the essential
questions. Butthedevieeslnnldnctleadonetothirkthatpcsitions
intermediate to the dichotonnies are not recognizable. 'Ihey, in fact,
may be many.

Ehrtrenepcsitions, oneitherdirection, are likelytobeuncomon
in the case of rest developing counties. Manny of then, for instance,
appearretherattenptingto blend some features cfcapitalismwith sane

80

features ofsocialism. Sonearedoingtheirbesttoachieveacon—
”promise between desirable denocretic institutions and unavoidable au—
thoritarian procedures. They are not only absorbing and coznbining di-
vergent influences from ortside. They are also tying to make them
fit with their own indigenous foundations of thought and procedure.

Therefore, the positions of those countries in reference to the
postulated determinant factors may best be represented, for each factor,
as points along a continuum. This is depict I} in Table 2, except that
only the extremes and the center are marked on it.

/

“I

Determinants, Roles , and Stetegies

The eight factors postulated as determinants of cormnnication's
roles in development have bean arranged in Table 2 into three category
groups: w, teleolgg, and methodology. This clustering was
done following a criterion of affinity.

In their attempts at develcping , counties usually depart-
manifestlycrnot, andatvaryingdegrees ofconerencewfronndcminant '
ideas that include parficular conceptions of (a) nature, culture, and
history, and of (b) man's namre, needs, values, goals, riglnts, and
duties. Sons conceptualization of what is society and of how it
Blundbeiperfectediscrdinarilyapar'tcfthat scheme. 'Ihisiscften
expressed in terns of sons theoy of political tensformaticn and of
Boemdelefeoouficgrowth. Religiouselenentscftenarealsc
important components of that sdnene.

M, then, can be defined as a set of beliefs-mostly polit-

icalandecononic-mveyingavalnativeinterpretationcfhman

I." ill.
i I11

 

 

‘ ‘ \_

Table 2 . Factors determining the roles of comunication in modern-
ization.

Influencing Factor

A

Positions on a Continuum

 

Ideolog
Political
Philosophy:

Econonic
Doctrine:

Teleology

Goal- ‘
Direction:

Level of
Development :

Methodolcg
Origin of
Change:
Process of
Change:
"nechanics"
of Change:

Time Organ-
ization of

Change:

Denocratic

Capitalist

Stuctural

Traditional

Spontaneity

Eyclution

Persuasion

Balanced

Eclectic

Eclectic

Stuctural
and Func-
tional Change

Transitional

Combination

Reform

Persuasion

'andCcer—

0.1m

Selective

Autocratic

Socialist

Emotional
Change

Modern

Induction y

Revolution

Unbalanced

 

a
This intermediate position has been proposed in the work of Oshima
(1967). He sees selective grwth as a procedure that maximizes the
advantagescfbothbalancedandunbalancedgrwdnandminimizestheir
handicaps. It implies the selection of development projects and the
focusing of public expenditures on chosen individuals, families,
institutions, enterprises, regions, and periods .

82
existence and social reality, in terms of both historical experience
and Gav-going societal actiVity, as well as in terms of the projections
of them on the further conduct of society's life.* (Figure 6)

In the pursuit of development, a conintry is almost invariably
faced with alternative courses of action. The selection of those to
be followed appears considerably dependent upon at least two major
factors: (a) the influence of the prevailing ideology, and (b) the def-
inition of the level of development at which the country presently is.
Therefore , teleological activityupirpose-fomnlating behaviors-quay
be thought as presiding organized deve10pment efforts.

Telew, then, can be defined here as a set of decisions estab-
lishingthe general sins, the specific objectives, and the final goals
of the change-inducing behaviors that are to be operated in society to
have it develop.

once the goals have been set, and again under the influence of
theideclogy, means aretobechosenorhnilttoattain suchgoals. \,
This is done in direct relation to the hmnan, material, and financial
resourcesof the social system, annd in accordance with priority criter-
ions and tempo stipulations.

"they‘thodolog, then, can be defined here as a set of procedures
and techniques through which the chosen objectives of social change
shonld b. attained.

 

*Sigymr'fl “(1963) asserts that fine word ideology has "additional conno-
tatios--of conmitment (both emotional and intellectual), of action-
orientation (the maintenance of the status duo, which may be the goal
of the conservative ideologies, is itself an action), and even of con-
scious distortion of the facts to fit a pie-established doctrine."

 

.Escfipcoo QED m woodm owing?” 33.me Hmcfivom oom moompmwxo no.5:
pogo museums 9.38335” mo pom o mm. _xnwoaooowz mo ooflwfimoo mo mascom oHcomswnné .mflm

.
.
II —
nu _
ill... -
nu _
J —
I“ _
lu _
a _
I
P... _
II -
fl _

 

8n

Conceivably , ideology , teleology , and methodology could be in-
dependent from each other.

'Dnat, however, seems rarely to be the case. Most often, the
case appears tc'be one of ideological, teleological , and methodological
concatenation. a- ham] interactions, for instance, are logically de-
tectable among the components of the three categories. A few exanples
shonld help illustrate the point .

As it is expressed by Figure 7, for instance, structural _cl'_na__ng_e—
a variation of the component labeled goal—direction, which is a part of
the category labeled teleolgg—is usually strongly assdciated with
revolution-43 variation of the component labeled process 9_f_ Q9283 ,
which is a part of the category labeled methodology. Inversely, func-
tional change is usually associated with the evolutionary process of
change. Similarily, the denocretic ideology is normally associated
with the persuasion methodology, while autocracy is clearly related to
coercion.

Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that there is a probably
significant and 1. constant interrelation among ideolcy , teleology, and
nethodology. . 3 '

'Ihemagnitude, however, oftheinfluenceofeachovertheothere
may not be equal. Nor, for that matter, should the sequence of influ-
ence be an arbitrary one. A

_Mo_s;t_ probably. , gating (l) .ideolog precedes teleology, 9r _i_s_
w w_i_t_l_n. 35,3133 both precede methodology; (3) ideolgg influences
m teleology and methodolog _t_h_a_t_ itis influenced by _t_lleg; a_n_d_ (3)

Eng influences of ideolgg and; teleolog erg enpirically less seaggble

85

evolution rouotution

struotural
onanoo

fllllfllillllfll
flllflllflfl

 

persuasion ooaroion .

 

Fig . 7 . --Examples of interactions among factors determining
cormnnication ' s roles in national develoPment .

‘ vt't I... alt-Ill 1". n

86.
fronn each other than they are; from the influence of nethodologz.

 

 

If all that is so, then the end-result of such a concatenation
of ideolog, teleology, and methodologr can be taken to mount to the
strateg 95 national development , the overall orientation of a social
system tcwards growth. (Figure 8)

If such a strategy in fact exists, then the roles of nedia in
developnent most constitute one aspect of a specialized strategy 9:
ppummication which, in turn, constitutes a part of that broader _s_tr_3-
t__e_gy_9_f_ development. (Figure 8)

What is the nature of those strategies (the general and the
partionlar),howaretheyrelatedtoeachother, andwhataretheim—
plications of that relationship for nodernization , constitute the areas
ofconoernto which the final chapter ofthis thesis will'be mostly
devoted.

87

 
    
   

MEDIA RULES

 

CUMMUNICMIUN SIHAIEGY

 

    

CWJGIN OF
CHANGE!

PROCESS OF
CHANGE:

"MECHANICS"
or CHANGE:

TIME ORGANIZA-

TION OF CHANGE:

LEVEL OF
DEVELOPMENT:

GOAL-
DIRECTION:

 

UEVHUPMENI SIHAIEBY

MUHUUULUGY

Spontaneity ..... Combination ..... Induction -

Evolution ....... Refbrnn .......... Revolution
Persuasion

Persuasion ......
Coercion

Balance ......... Selectivity ..... Imbalance

IElffllflGY

Traditional ..... Transitional .... Modern

Structural Structural Ennctional
change ......... and Ennctional.. change

change

lflEfllflfiY

Democratic ...... Eclectic ........ AthcraIiCT

Capitalist ...... Eclectic ........ Socialist

Fig. 8.—-Elements and relationships in the process of formulation
of a strategy fer national develoPment (including'communication).

CHAPTER VI

'DiE STRATEGY OF DEVEIDPMEM‘ AND THE
STRATHSY OF COMMUNICATION

A scanning of any list of the most elementary problems

comm to the new states readily suggests the conclu-

sion that the basic process of- political modernization

and national development can be advantageously con-

ceived of as problems in communication.

(Lucian W. Pye, 1963, p. 8.)

It is not surprising . . . to find that the really

basic strategies of develOPmental communication are

not merely commnnication strategies at all but are

economic and political, and grounded deep in the

nature of society.

(Wilbur Schrannnn, in Lerner and Schrenmn, eds.,
1967, p. 27.)

After reviewing the roles of communication in modernization,
the preceding chapter called attention to ideological, teleological,
annd mefinodological factors which were described as exerting a decisive
influence on those roles. 'Ihat led to noticing that the conjunction
of those three types of factors results in the existence of a develop-
ment strategy. In turn, this led to identifying communication strategy
as a part of the broader developmental one.*

'I‘heobjectofanalysisinfinepresentchapteristhenamre of
those strategies themselves and the specific ways in which they appear
related to one another. Before doing so, fine chapter briefly reviews
fineconceptofstrategyandpayssoneattentiontofineprocessfinrough

*

This connection was not unexpected since previous chapters had already
prospected both the pervasive importance of commnication for all
centralprocessesofsocietyandtheclosecorrelationrecorded,
across fine world, between comunication and developmnt.

88

89
which communication strategies might come into being. Afterwards , it
shows the lack of awareness prevailing in most develcping countries
abont comunication's problems and potentialities, but it stresses on
relevant exception to that rule. It, finen, proposes that an accelerated
development of comnunication institutions and facilities can lead to
major increases in the general development of nations. Subsequently,
the chapter proposes sone things that governments oan"‘do to bring about
conmnnioation development. And, in closing, the chapter briefly sug-
gestsoneareasndnereresearchindevelopmental conunnicationseemto
be most needed.

The Concept of Stratefl

Traditionally , the term strategy" has been used in relation to
‘ actions of war. As such, it refers essentially to the pla__rgu_n‘g_ of mil-
itary operations , to fine design gf_ methodology for connbat .

More recently, fine application of strateg has been extended to
namotherldndsofhnmnanaction, Thisis appropriate sincebelligerent
activitiesarecertainlynotfineonlytypeoflnnnanperformancesfinat
require plans.

Infect, allrationalbehaviorcanbefinoughtofascharacterh
izedbyfinspresenceofsonemeasureofanticipationofthefuture.
Rationalmannakesadecisionbeforehetakesanaction. Onceheknows
what he wants to do and where he wants to go, he evaluates the alterna-
tive courses of action available to him, sizing then up by their "pro"

and "con" characteristics in terns of probable effectiveness, cost, etc.

 

‘Itcomesfronstratos,theGreekhm~dforaruy.

 

.ll‘l- lull. ‘llll.llu i

 

 

90
He then chooses to follow one course. He selects, that is, sons means
to reach some ends.

Therefore, _a_ strateg is _a_ behavioral p_l_a_n_ which involves _d_e:-

' cisions _t_o_ attain given goals throngh 529. cific instrumental actions.

The decisions refer to what is to be done by man, when, where,
how, and what for. '

The actions involve the utilization of power, energy, and re-
sources in ways and proportions corresponding to the magnitude of the
specified objectives.

The phenomenon of human strategic behavior can, thus, be per-
ceived as- opposite to the phenomenon of improvised or instinctive be-
havior. Depondinguponcirenmetances, thesekindsofbehaviorecanco-
exist, of course, in rational persons. In principle, however, strategic
conduct is what predominates in them. Thought-mm matter how minimal
or rapid-«is what presides their motions . Decision-making , that is ,

\

constitutes for them the pro-requisite for action-taking .

Strategic Commnication Behavior

The process of making decisions about conmmication strategies _
can be perceived as antecedent to the process of coummication. Commun-
ication plans precede comnunication acts . But this decis ion—making pro-
cess can also be perceived as consequent to that couumnication process.
The fate of the transmitted message-«and thus of the effects the source
intends to achieve on the target audience-4.3 ultimately dependent upon
decisions on the part of the receiver. The relationships between these
processesarepicturedinfigweQandwillbesubsequenflydescribedin
brief.

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coflpoEomcoo cofiposoOpm

  

 

Ea; Emmwsuzzzs:

2:2” 52:; 2:2” :55”

   

91

32% ea: - saga ”5e

magma “as? $53;
Egaéamwu: afi=§=§§§ engage—323.—

92

In fact, the process of sueteg-goneretion in oomunication can
be said to involve two system: the source-system and the receiver-
system. *

In addition to the source and receiver systems, the process of
conmunication involves the nessage-channel system.

The process of commnication can be perceived as occurring, in
time, between the occurrence of the decision-neldng process in the
source-system and the occurrence of the decision-Belong process in the
receiver—system.

The decision-making process in the source-system leads to source
functions of message production , distribution , and evaluation in the con-
mnnication process . The source makes decisions on what to oomunicate
to whon and what for. These are decisions on content, audience and in-
tent. Subsequently, the source decides how and when to connnnnicate.
These are decisions on method and are those which characteristically
constitute the heart of the communication strategy. The methodological
decisions involve message-production aspects—such as structure , treat-
ment, quantity, length, etc. They also involve message-distribution
and utilization aspects—such as opportunity and frequency and, of
cones, aspects of selection and of ways of usage of the available
channels. finally, they include—though not always—aspects of message
evaluation, such as provisions for measuring the impact of the communi-

cation.

 

*Just as it is logical to conceive of the source as capable of involv-
ing himself in a decision-making process for the active strategy of
communicating (attempting to persuade), it is possible to conceive —of
the receiver as able to use a decision-neldng process for the passive

swam conmnicated (permaded or not persuaded).

93

The connunication process starts when the source attempts to
implement the strategies he, has decided upon.

The decision-making process in the receiver-system is typified
.. ,by a function of selective nessage~consumption and by functions of
either adoption or rejection of the message's behavioral proposition.
The decisions pertaining to consumption involve aspects of exposure
(including attention), perception (interpretation), and retention of the
nessage . Subsequently to them, the receiver decides either to incorpor-
ate* the propositions to his behavioral repertoire or to refuse them
access to it. It is this terminal element of the receiver's‘will what
shall-in final analysis--nnake effectual or render ineffectual the
souoe's comunication attempt.

The source and receiver decision-neking processes are perceived
here as affecting the cormmication process . What the communicator de-
cides prior to attempting to comunicate should determine , in part , how
does he actually come to commnicate. The success or failure of that
connmication act should also be determined, in part, by what the ea.-
mmiqueedecides in relation to the message he received.

an the other hand, the communication process should affect the
decision-making processes. The adjustments that Sources do in their
messages, as a cénsequence of feedback from the receivers, can be taken
as one indicatori’cf that influence.

 

*This incorpoetimnaycrnaynotbepemnannent. According to Kelman
(1961), lasting incorporation would imply a process of internalization.
Major antecedent conditions for it will be the congruence of the in-
duced behavior with the receiver's value system, and the credibility
of the source.

91+
Commnicafion research has dealt rather exclusively with vari-
EDA-93. _i_n_n_ the communication process itself .* It has not dealt with the
_n_atl__zre_ 9f the strategy decision-making processes that are perceived
here _a_s_ mag following that commnication process.“ .N_o_r_ has

at dealt with the interactive relationship suggested above as likely

 

to exist between these two kinds 9_f_ processes.

Systematic study of that process and empirical verification of
such relationship would be beneficial for the commication activity
in general. In particular, however, they would be very useful for im—
proving the strnategies of commnication for national develoPmerrt.

Develcpment Strategy , Communication Soetegr, and Their Relationship

Devel_opment strateg is the set of general teleological and
methodological decisions that form the basis for the total programming
and the overall organization of changes in society towards the attain-
hem: of a given state of modernity.

Commmnication strategy is a set of decisions on what is .to be
communicated to whom, when, what for, and how.

Developmental communication strategy is, therefore, a set of
decisions for commication behavior which are formulated as a direct

derivation of a development strategy and in particular service to it .

 

* To our knowledge, researchers have mostly worked with message and
channel factors and with receiver or audience variables, particulmnly
in terms of the effects of the former on the latter. Research specif-
ically addressed to studying channel combinations is far fronn being
well developed yet. Research on source and on receiver variables
pertinent to strategic decision-making behavior seems yet unexisting.

a
1"One reason fo' this may be the fact that these processes are obviously
not amenable to direct observation, alfinough fine results are.

95

Theoretically, the relationship between development strategy
and the conmmication strategy designed _t_g gain/fig, WEEM
m-

Thus, separating them is only a conceptual artifact to facilitate
analysis .

Ontheonehand, therecanbenosoeietyifthereisnocommn-
ication. Thus, fine process of societal development can occur only throngh
the process of commnication.* Consequently, designing a strategy to
develop a country should imply, automatically, designing a concurrent
strategy to communicate towards that end. Indeed , no sensible develop-
ment strategy can occlude ccnconnitant communication provisions . As
Schramm (1967, p. 31) puts it:

. . . After the basic economic and political questions are

deeieded--after a country decided how fast it wants to

move, and what kind of national pattern it wants to de-

velop toward-finen it faces a series of ongoing strategic
decisions directly on communication use.

On the other hand, a communication strategy designed to serve .

a stategy of development is meaningful only if it fits fine prescriptions
and attends the needs of that development strategy. Indeed, no sensi-
ble communication strategy for development can be fornmlated in isola-
tion from the general strategy finat governs finat development. As
Davison and George (1961, pp. ln37-ln38) point out:

In the absence of a clear national policy on any given

issue, the communicator is in the position of a swimmer

treadingwater justtokeepfrongoingnmnder, heisnun-
able to soike out in any direction.

 

Development by force is not impossible but, even in that case, commun-
icationispresentintheprocessattheveryleastinthetransmission
of the behavioral commands finat precede force-application or accompany
it.

*.—__a.q——.—e_.- ._ m-. _._.

_—

96
_{n_ gym, _a_ny strategy o_f develoPment should "involve a concurrent

and subordinate strategy of communication.

 

That is, in a sense, equally valid for any society regardless of
the level of develoPment at which it might be , of the goals it may have,
and of the pace it may have set for its modernization. The notion,
however, has a stronger applicability to the least advanced countries
since they have the urge of achieving maximum deve10pment with minimmn
delay. Lerner (1967, p. 316) says of them:

They want to "catch-up" fast. Hence they need, first of

all, a theory of economic deve10pment that clarifies

what they want to catch up with. Then, immediately

%, flneyneedacommunicationpolicythatshovshgg

to catch up with what they want.

Communication strategy, as it has been defined in this thesis, is
aset ofdecisionsonwhatistobecommmnicatedtondnon, when,what for,
and how. Ehtcept forthe 'Tnow," in the case of communication for national
development, none of those decisions are made by communication special-
ists. 'Dney are taken by policy-makers under the inspiration of subject.
matter authorities and with the guidance of development suategists .

'Ihose political, technical, and planning officers appraise the
situation, set the courses of action, and fix the priorities. Only then,
as Figure 10 shows, are communication professionals called inuifthey
ara-to aid in converting resolutions into operations, messages into
behaviors, intents into effects, and plans into results.

_In_n_ 9.125555%, therefore, communication _f_o_r_ develognent 93.3.
o__arsmate 9: its 222. \ '1

An example is convenient to illustrate the situation. Say a
governmentdecidestoinoeasethecomroy'sproducticnofwheatupto

afivenperoentageinacertainperiodoftime.

97

 

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nooao>mo m5 no.5 hoopgm “Cosmo.” o>oo Honocow 93 mo oocmooowuo 93 mo soapopcomwuommn: . ca . mm

...

cow pogooo

 

   

EzszEEE

l|'|""-L

my wwamwooom
soapmowdsfieoo

mpmwwmpgm .. umofiwsonflai u ..

vooanoagoo msoxmvznzonnaoo hotmaTHUo 35m

 

98

That is a technical and economic decision that forms part of the
overall national strategy of development. It is made by the leading
political officers (policy-makers) following recommendations from the
agricultural experts and the economics specialists (subj eat-matter au-
thorities) andwifinflneconcurrenceofthegeneralplanningexperts
(development strategists).

The decision is passed down for actiomamong other sectors of
the bureaucracy, to the county agrionltnnal extension agents (field
operators). Itistheirjobtoimplementthesoategybyccmmmnicating

directly with the farmers (the rural segment of the population) in
.orderto (a) persuade themtOproducemorewheat, (b) teachthemhow
todoso, and (e) helpthemobtainthematerialaidandflne financial
assistance they might require to meet the goal.

Ideally, those technicians should-in addition to mastering the
content of the messages they are to transmit for implementing the stra-
tegyubealsoconpetontintheonginewinngofmbernaviw. Inprac-
tice, however, this is rarely ever the case since their college training
provides them with knowledge on plants, soils, water, and animals but not
with knovledge on how to influence human conduct.

Ltigflflmtbmakingpointgfgngofleavo‘mflemlegge
fifldfigfimmicationspedafistsareofiticaltgfilpmpfish

 

Those specialists can assist the field agents in becoming effec-
fivepersuadersandcompetentteacl'ners. Theycanteadnthemprocedures
ondpmovidethem tools. Andtheycanfurther support the agents' east.“
ofinterpersonalcommmnicatimbyusingimpersonalonomnelsalsoandby
cobiningtheovoofthom. '

99

fimlevsleé mean, as. legitimate Eflsfim-
ication strategi es as; 58291; .

In fact, those commnication specialists will have to make, and
help the agents make, numerous specific-«even minute—decisions on how
to commnicate.

Those decisions will depend considerably upon the souroe's in-
tentions and upon the different characteristics of the audience, as it
is stressed by Figure ll. .

Some of the decisions will refer to the messages: their struc-
ture, form, style, motivation, length, frequency, etc.

Other decisions-«closely tied to the former ones-will be perni-
nent to the channels: which means of transmission are more productive
for what; which senscrial mechanisms are to be predominantly affected;
what type of contacts (individual, group, mass) are most desirable for
which specific purposes and which particular sub-audiences; etc.

& _tln_c_n_§_e_ decisions , M ax: obviously neither agricultural
. _nngg economic :_i_n_ nature, will determinenpartially but mug; Eug-
gegsgfailureoithe technical andeconomic strateggfgflgfi
mea-

That influencing power has been stressed by several analysts of
development. Pye (1963, p. 9), for instance, said:

At both the domestic and the international levels , the

process of modernization depends upon people receiving

new messages, new pictures and images of what life can

be, andlearningnewresponses tonewstimnli.

'Ihus , the choosing of given methodological alternatives to ac-_
conplish a developmental objective does amount, in fact, to strateg-
mnaking. But these communication decisions are merely instrumental to

_ .. -4 --.t.—....._,. -_

 

100

.n

. mowwoposww 538%

HoucmEongoo mfipoaafiom mo $805 new CH mpcofioao mo coflumuecomwuown ooflflofimiéa .wwm

     
   

8HHmHmWB<m§O

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101.
the prior and specific development strategy in point. Furthermore, they
are subsidiary to the general develOpmental policy that the main organs
of government-mot the commicators—-have set for the country as a
nonole.

However, the fact that develonmental commnication strategies
are subservient of national development strategies does not make the
former insignificant in comparison to the latter. “Or is the importance
of a man's feet ruled out by the impotence of his head?

Lyen more, while communication is as ible without a tie to _d_e_-
velopnnent, development is impossible without Wication.

Therefore, the fact that communication serves development in an
instrumental capacity cannot be looked upon with disdain.

. Before development action is able to start, communication has
got to be already in the scene providing situational data to plan that
action.

Wort the unfolding of the develoPmental action, commnica- ,
tion is empmsent. '

After the action has been performed, communication is still on
the job; it gauges the accomplishments and deficiencies and puts the in-
formation on the planners ' desks so that they can re—appraise the situ-
ation, readjust the strategy, and start again the action.

As Figure 12 emphasizes, that is a continuons and spiraling
process . in.

Far from being secondary, then, the formulation 9_f_ communication

development .

102

    
    

FORMULATION
OF STRATEGY

REE-FORMULATION
OF STRATEGY

3

D’IPLD’IE ATION

RB-AP "‘1‘ ‘ SAL
OF ST ' TEGY

OF SITUATIO‘ OF S I- TION

 

EVALUATION OF
RESULTS
OF l'l'la'la‘ ' ON

Communication for development

Development action through communication

Fig. 12 .--Constant presence of communication throughout the
continuous process of planning, implementing, and
evaluating national development efforts .

103

The formlation of such stategies is nothing of an exclusive
attribute of communication professionals . Public officials , government
technicians, and conmnnity leaders formlate-even if only in an in-
formal way and at simple level—a nunber of develoPHental comnmication
strategies. 'Ihat they may not necessarily do it well constitutes a
different matter. Usually, in fact, only a few of then are likely to
do it well.

'I'hatisnaturalbecausetalengcannotbeequatedwithbeing
understood, andtobeunderstandableisnotthesameasbeingableto
persuade. 'nnefact thatonepersoncanspeakorwritetoanotherperson
whocanhear, see, andreaddoesnotguarantee, byitself, that success-
ful communication will occur between them.

19 b___e_ effective and efficient, conmnnication-_i_n_ 2.1291 and; in

 

Paw-wins 991.212 2% with which 2929.12 ere ____neifi1er be“.
&___8we1wesei__canx___mdwed- mmpeoplemmw»
t1_n_e_ multiplicity _o_1_"_ factors _tl_na;1_:_ gn_ay_ m negatively 33 communication
mawme“mewen_saa__m memes;
gfl,almcsta_feat.

Inconsequence,somepeople specialize finennselvesincommnica-
tion. Arditisthetask,finen,ofthoseprofessionalconnmicato~s
tohelpallotherpeoplctoccmnmicatesuccessfullyinodertoadnieve
developHent. .

'Ihosefacts,unfortunately,arehardlyeverrealizedbythe

governments of the developing countries .

The Lack of Awareness of Communication ' 8 Problems and Potentialities
Todecidewhat todo inordertodevelcp isoflittle consequence

101+
nunless itisalsodecidedhcwitistobedone. And, asithasbeen
shownn'here, a fundamental part of that "has" is communication.

fiery time a government makes a decision on development stra-
tegy, it must be stressed, a parallel decision on communication enrategy
should be made too.

The general strategy cannot afford to ignore the partionlar
strategy that form its very main operational support and instrument.
Itmnldbelikehavingagnmbutnobnfllets.

The particular strategy cannot afford to exist independently of
fine general strategy that gives it its reason for existing. It would be
likehavingfinebullets butnotthegun.

Sadlyenough, only very fewofthedevelcping States seemtobe
properly aware of this reality.

gnu; majority g: _t_h_o_s_e_ countries have communication sgtems _fingt
£3 totally inadequate to serge _th__ei__r_ ambitions development pla__n_s_.

Mary of fine countries that have relatively satisfactory comm-
ication systems operate than wifin considerable disregard of their de-
vel.opnen't needs and aims.

Pye (1963, p. 231) noted:

Governments in transitional societies generally do not

have complete strategies for the roles of communication

in political development . Nor do they generally have a

sensitive understanding of the full potentialities of

communications in building coherent politics.

What Pye observed in thecase of political development is equally
applicable to all other aspects of national development. It would seem
finose governments think communication is there, somehow automatically,
readytoserveandumfllingtocharge. Presumably, allfinatisneeded
togeneratenar, diverse, ardconplexbehaviore innrillions ofpersons

105

is the weight of economic outlays and technological inputs . j

The leaders of a few of the developing countries are conscious '
of the importance of con‘munication in the modernization of their socie- ,
ties. Yet they perceive that importance almost exclusively in terms of I
the mobilization of massive political support and of the establishment
of national unity. These are plausible objectives but they certainly
are not the only ones of development. There is far more, indeed, for i f n:

. Inn-m4

communication to do before overall modernization can occur. i . I
A yet smaller number of leaders is already amaze of that fact. - g F ,

They would want to see across-fine—board communication improvement in z 3 I l

the service of all major needs of development programs. 'Iheir countries,
hovever, lack so much in staff, resonrces, equipment, and facilities of ;,
communication finat the good intention is quickly forgotten.
As Dube (1967) pointed out, fine communication policy of fine
developing countries, if and when it formally exists as such, is "time-
bound" and "target-oriented." ‘Iheir approach, that is, appears short .
in projection and narrow in scepe; it serves only immediate and'limited
purposes and does not have an overall, integrated, vision of the task
ahead. 'Ilms it contributes only minimally to hnildirng the "social and
psychological infrastructures of modernization. "
At times, the problem is somehow inverse. Some governments
attribute somdnpwertofinemodemmassmediathat they feel such
channels cando, almost by themselves, all that node to be done to
achieve development.
mistration soon follows such nunrealistic expectations. Ofiner
tines, sore governments use mass media for the sole purpose of attempt-
ing to indoctrinate fine entire pOpulation of their conntries with a

106
single doctrine; and others yet, virtually seek to rule by propaganda.
(Pye, 1963) This may result in political domination but it will not,
by itself, lead to general development.

'Dnere are, then, many misconceptions about the significance of
communication and about its roles in development. But they may be at-
tributed more to insufficient and defective lonovledge than to a con-
scions will to ignore that significance and to distort those roles.

Often, in fact, political speeches grant importance to the need
for educating and organizing the masses towards modernity. Similarily,
technological plans advocate in favor of the diffusion of innovations .
Actually, no one opposes communication improvement.

Yet, when it cones to taking concrete action, nobody either
appears committed to allocating resouoes to build a communication mne-
chanism comensurate with the necessities of fine national development

progam.

An Exception: The Communist Conntries

From the start of the revolutionary Russian state to the emerg-
ence of China's "people's democracy," Communists have attributed a high
level of importance to communication in the process of nation-building.

'Ihat recognition was built in, from the very inception of the
U.S.S.R., into the overall national policy. Lenin, in deciding "what
istobedone," alreadyiroludedcommnicationasafundamentaltoolin
Connunism's development kit. He exhorted his followers to "go to all
classes of fine population" and specified their roles as that of "theo-
reticians, propagandists, agitators, and organizers." As fine world has
learned finereafter, the exhortation was not in vain.

 

.‘L'

i.

R "1’ .

107

Political philosophy and coxmunioation theory are so intimately
relatedinfineCommmnistdoctrinefinat itisnoteasytodistinguish
one from the ofiner. Consequently, develoPment policy and communication
strategy are also inseparable in practice. Communication is not some-
finingjustlefttosometmhappeninfinemndemizationofOommist
states. It is somefining finat is purposefully organized and operated to
make that modemization possible and rapid.

CommicationmediaaremtusedbyfineCommunists onlyaspmp-
agondaandinformationcharmels. ‘Iheyusefinemalsoasinstifintions E
capable of facilitating social organization, intensifying collective ; I
interaction, and bringing about—with amazing relative speed—social ' ‘
cohesiveness and national unity.

Acentrelfeatmecffinatappmachisfinesystematiclinldng
ofmassdnamnelswithgronpclmmls, ofimpersonalcommmicationwith
interpersonal commnication.

Bydcingfinattoahighdegree, Comnmistsareableto (1) over».
cone or, at least, alleviate considerably fine State ' s limitations to
hdldandmnamodemoverellconnmication systemcomparebletofinat
of fine most advanced non-Communist societies; (2) compensate for the
intrinsic limitations in the capability of mass media to modify enoendned
attitudes; (3) involve virtually everybody in the tasks of national de-
velopment; and (4) gently expand fine government's ability to impart
behavioral prescriptions to fine citizens, to check fine fulfillment of
finose prescriptions, and to get feedback from the people.

But Connmists expect from communication institutions not only “
tohelpfinemnchangesomeattitudes inpeoplewtogenerateinirndivid-
uals, from time to time, specific behaviors.

108
They also demand from communication the competence to. _n_o_ less . E

 

than trensforming the entire personality 9_f_ E2;
' Itistruefinatfinetrensformationmaybedirected,in0omunist 4
countries, towards "oneating" a new type of man fully-—and often dog- E
matically—convinced of the superiority of the socialist doctrine and 1
cause, as well as totally obedient to fine State. . E
Butthatdoesnotmeanthat suchcharecterologicalchangecan-
, not be directed, rather, to non-ideological goals. For instance, in— ;
steadofpoeuadingafannertodnangeonedayanagionlnmalpractice i
and to give up, another day, an inconvenient habit or belief, cormunica- '
tion institutions could m influence that farmer to 92% generally

1
and permanently innovative _o_r_ fingy could, a; least, instill that trait E

in the children 9_f_ the new generations.

'Ihatistosayfinatfinepersuadingenergyvmldnotbeaddressed
to producing single and mostly minor behavioral modifications.

it “E...“ _b_e_ ;ai_m_n_a;d_ at the ambitions objective of refowflg Elf. \.
magmas. lathe direction etefl‘iniiaswimnmeés 322
_clflgggggfgconstant urge formodernization.

In their eagerness to achieve characterological change, Connunists
have not hesitated to recourse at times to psychological tortnne; dis-
location of the individual's social context; public and organized social
pressure for "confession, repentance, and regeneration"; and even phy-
sical violence.

Perhaps, however, characterological changes in people—at least
partial ones-ocan be attained by ethical and non-violent methods.*

 

*Mcbelland’s experiments in raising, through special training techniques,
the levels of achievement motivation of entrepreneurs constitute a sig-
nificant indication of this possibility.

”‘3 3—7

Te‘ --'-‘*r -, -.'_.-
l - u v-

.x - nu
‘1‘! 3 .

Lab:

109
If so, all oomfiies~regardless of their ideobg'es--mey some day count
onanewandmostpomerfultool for fineirmodernizationandgrowth.
Mao-Tse—Tung has carried the Russian's prescriptions on the use
of communication for develoPment far beyond the point the Soviets them-
selves had envisioned. As Liu (1966) notes:
Perhaps no emergent nation except Communist China has
integrated so thoroughly the deve10pment of a mnass
media system with national industrialization and _1
modernization. In Communist China the governmental 9""
investment in audio-visual media-~rsdio and film—- ‘
isevenhigherfinaninothermedia. . . .
It is to the effects of such integration that, in no small mea-

"13...: at -r fi:t—_E .
8'
!

sure, fineimpressive speedwifinwhichRedChinaismoving from"trna-
ditional" to "transitional" can be attributed.

From the gross characters of fine rudimentary "Tatzepao" (hand-
made verbal poster) to fine refined and frightening psychosocial manipu-
lations of "Tou Chang" (thought reform through public criticism and self-
criticismn), Red China has established itself—in no more than twenty
years—as a dramatic demonstration of what communication can do tohelp
generate modernization on a massive scale.

'nnefactfinatitisnotumnsualforComnmiststousecoereion
alangwifinpersuasioniscondemnable. Mnenforceisremovedfronfine
picture, however, fine virtues of fineir communication system still stand
highonfineirown. Theyare, ofcourse, greatlyaidedbythefactthat
finere exists, along wifin the bureaucratic organization, an organization
of "mass associations"-—wcrims' unions, youth leagues, farmers' federa-
tions, etc.--presided by a nation-scale party finat cormnands finousands
oftnainedcadresandvolnmtaryactivists. 'nnesegronm-conmmication
institutions are tightly coordinated with the mass media institutions.

110
Egg}, _tthed minese ravagegn‘ablgtgpngcommunicationgg

 

 

work _a_s_ a maior greet antecedent 91 modernization.

 

In doing 80, though their communication system is certainly not
perfect,‘ they have far excelled all non-Comunist developing countries
of the world. Some of the reasons for it are:

1. Red China does not wait for oomnnnication improvement
toocouras aconsequenceofnationaldevelopnent. It
stards to make communication work to bring about that
development. . It organizes it and assigns to it top
priority and conensurate resources. .

2. Organs specialized in conmunnication exist at fine highest
levelofpolicy-makingbothintheadmdnistmtionandin
fine party. Conmnication strategists share tap-command
positions wifin politicians and technocrats .

3. Combinations of mass media with interpersonal conmunica-
tionsaregivenahighpriority, soastoenhancethe
totalinformationpoverandoveroomeillitsrecyandofiner
barriers impeding truly national interaction for growth.

1%. Traditional modes of communication are imaginatively
adapted to serve the aims of modernization.

5. Development is not only fine government's concern. It is
fine people‘s business. Thus oomunication for development

is evoybody's duty

 

.For instance, the recent crisis of the "great cultural proletarian
revolution' amnionrevealedadeeppooerconflict, istakenbysone
analystsasmiroicadonfinattheRedGninesemasspersuasionaro
mobilization system has not been totally able to secure national unity
and absolute compliance with the present rulers of the country.

ll].

Some of the main features that characterize Red Chinese comm-

icatian strategies are the following:

1.

3.

Along with channel mnltiplicity to enhance chances of
exposure, message pervasiveness is almost obsessively
pursued soastosecure re-exposureuptoapointclose
to saturation.

Reposure alone-who matter through how many channels o‘
how frequently repeated-18 not enough. A high message
intensity has to acconnpany it, so as to put depth on
tap of volume. The ever-present "campaigns" are the
outstanding illustration of the premise.

Mnltiple, frequent , and intense conmmication is
hardlymeaningfulunless itisabletoleadtothe
specific terminal behaviors intended. Therefore ,
public connitment and consequent implementing action
are pursued frontally. ‘

These and other strategy elements are, of course, a part of the

arsenal of several professional communicators in non-Comunist societies.

Buttheyhavenotusedtheneitherinthescaleoratthelevelofef-

fectiveness that the Red Chinese pemnaders have. Thus , non-Connmists

have sonnethingtolearnfmmConnmists onnnatters ofdevelopnnortal
commication.

Commication DeveloPment as a Launcher of National Development

'nne vital instrnmentality of commication for develOpment is

denunstrableas theRedChinese case soclearly indicates.

Yettheanalysisofthesituationinmostoftheothondeveloping

112

countries points , discomagingly enough, to a dead-end alley. Because
the countries are underdeveloped they have underdeveloped cozmnnication
system. And, sirnce their cornunication system are not deve10ped, they
cannot contribute as much as they shonld to the general development of
those countries.

The problem, then, revolves around a seemingly endless vicions

India, for instance, is a country clearly resolved to overcome
nunderdevelopnent. Its government , fnuthomoe , is conscious of the
need for improving the comunication system as requisitefor achieving
developmnt. In fact, India is one of the countries where successful
attenptshavebeoncondlctedatorganizingconbinationsofmasssedia
with interpersonal communication in order to widen the national network
of communication i.e., the rural radio forums. The country's master
development plan did include commication ' s developmnt at an appreci-
able level of priority. But just how such money has India, actually, ,
put into that kind of development? ' i

In practice, as Pool (1963) has denonstrnated, the priority as-
signed by India to the development of broadcasting facilities has been
a very low one . Ebcpenditures for that concept represented as little as
gngflfigmtof the total national budget. Why so? Be-
canse money had to be used in many other developmental projects. It
could not be "spared," am: is, in conmmication operations.

'llnat ammtstofineparadoxofsaying: "We are shortofmoney.
Thus we cannot afford to spend mob of it in persuading, mobilizing,
and educating people. We have to use themoney for . . . development"

113

The Indian case is not an isolated exception. To start with,
almost no developing country formally includes conmunication ' 8 develop-
ment in its overall development strategy . Their budgets allot funds
only for postal services , non-public radiophonic systems , and tale:
grnaphic installations . They also include , scattered fiuoughout fine
organs of the national administration, meager funds for producing in-
formation materials , mostly printed ones and mostly of a propaganda
type. \

But there is, usually neither fine mention in the plans nor the
noney in the buckets for Specifically organizing human social commun-
ication for deveIOpment. And where some money, if any at all, is ap-
propriated for finat purpose , the resulting expenditures are placed ex-
clusively on the "consumption" side of the ledger. Enqnenditure in
massive education and promotion is thus, implicitly at least, not
regarded as a profitable investnent for modernization.

Sam econonists themselves disagree with that criterion. For ,
instance, Galbraith (1961+, p. 81) asserts: ’

In fact, education is of high importance as an object

of immediate consumption and also as a form of invest-

ment for future production. It is neither consumption

nor investnnenrt alone, but both. * To look at education

as a form of conswrption , given the importance that

the develOpment country attaches to investment , is to

risk assigning it an unduly low priority

-Galbreifin notes that some of the emerging states have virtually
done so; ¥et, as he points out, some studiesnsuch as those of Thedoe
Sclmltzganofiner economist—have shown that a dollar invested in fine

intellectnmladvancomantofhwnanbeingswillpeodnce,frequontly,a

 

“Italics are those of Galbraith.

llln
greaterincreaseinnationalinconefinanadollardevotedtodans,
railways, or other tangible capital goods.
_I_nd;e_e_c_l_, it is; people who have to develop first _i_f_ their country

 

 

 

i._s_ to become develfid. lig _t_h_e_ millions of human beings who have

 

to b_e induced-n-filrougn organized and efficient connunication--_t_o_ change
their feelings , thoughts , and behaviors , _s_g that--in turn-they alter

 

 

productively their environment. And changing man-modifying h__i_s_ psy-
chological nuniverse and transforming his social circumstance—is; a far:

more diffiorlt and delicate endeavor than m the course g_f_ rivers ,

 

 

the composition _9__f_ soils, and fi_n_e_performances of plants and animals.

 

Therefore , the reorganization of fine institutions that facilitate
human interaction, of fine processes finat induce transformation, and of
fine mechanism finat generate societal mobilization cannot be left to
passively wait until sonehow some measure of general development is
attained.

In other words, communication nust do such in favor of develop-
ment w'developmnt cann do sonnething for comlnnication.

It is evident finat, for the most part, developed nations have
developed comunications and underdeveloped countries have underdeveloped
commications.

Butfinecorrelationshorldnotservetopreachagospelofresig-
nation. Only fine develoPed nations can afford to rest contented.

The underdevelOped countries nust seek to alter sorehow the

 

 

nature of that interaction. They must start by developing-~finrongh an

 

 

 

especially intense effo't-u-fineir connunication system up to a point

 

finat makes possible the occurrence of heiglntoned‘generel national de-
velopment.

 

 

115

Oncesuchalamnchingpcinthasbeenreaohed—andfiniswillof
colrse vary with the counUy—ooummication development will not re-
quire to be pushed ahead at the sane original intensity; it may, for
andnile, remain relatively stationary but still productive. Its level
of growfin would, conceivably, soon be paralleled by that of general
national development. nlr'thonnore , if conununication development has
been properly conducted, the level of general development shonld there-
after exceed it. In turn, however, increased general develOpment should
later provide the basis for communication development to catch up with
it. Ronnfinat point on, theyslmldbeabletogrwhandinhand. In
fine end—once a satisfactory stage of self-propelled growth towards
modernity has been achieved by the conuntry-comnmi.cation deveIOpunent
and general development should become stably parallel and increase
simultaneonsly by stimulating one anncther.* Figure 13 pictures this
cmbined alternative strategy. ~'

The proposition is not being made here that governments stOp all n
fineirgenereldevelopment projects andput theirentireenergyandre-
sources, even if only for a short while, in developing the communica-
tion systems of fineir countries. Obviously, even if such a thing was
feasible, it would be nmdaesirable as it would not, by itself, bring
abort modernization.

.Por instance, in line with a study by Cutright (1963), Spain could be
considered an example of a country that seems to be approximating such
a point of parallelism. For a number of years , communication develop-
ment kept increasing in finat country while general develOpment lagged
behind and political development remained stationary. Recently , there
has beentnere sole appreciable increase in fine rate of economic growth
arnd, presently, political development appears to be accelerating, prob-
ably inresponsetoatendency toward equillibrinunamong sectors infine
modernization process . The rather high level of communication develop-

uerrtcanbeidentifiedas oneoffineprime explanations forthose in-
creases in the political and economic sectors.

116

.
i .pgoolngmfiu HMCOHHMC mo
Hm>mH oocmnfime: 93 no omumgpm mo 385m F95 oH £0.33 .GOHpmoHnano m0 pagodagmo
93 CH 88.85 ngc kHHMHcmom m no carcass—flew mm. uomHEOHQ/mo HMCOHumo mo COHpoHfiomeu... mH .mHm

NHwHHMHmmu I BEBEMQ A<ZOH§ ”a” m
:mHHmrnmmv I BEBE/ma ZOHBSHZDECO m . —

mHmH Emu [ Emggmm 1H<ZOHH<Z
AHmHgmv [ EZMZQQAEMQ ZOHHQUHZHE e ”am.“

35973 I Emgma «~38ng
Avgmv I BESEMQ ZOHSHZEEOU n ”a “-m

33.335 . TII ESE/ma 30% ”an a
3.883va Tl Eggnog ongHZHéao N —

Genome T Emcee/mo .22ng ”am—W
88:6 III BEBE/mo zoflfiezaeco —

116

 

reasonable extent, and £93 a limited period 9; time—g significant pro-

 

mion of a county's resources pg Qplied 1:2 commication development.
This would make possible the highly intensive effort needed 1:2 advance
conmunication. up '_t_9_ a level .c_f_ growth slightly ahead 9: that of: overall

national develOpment; iust enolgh, that is, 32 make more viable and

 

rapid that general develOpment. (See Figure lit.)

The effort, thus, would not be made for the sake of commnica-
tion‘ 3 improvenent as such but for the sake of a facilitating the modern-
ization of a country. It wolld be a device to break the viciols circle
mentioned before, a reconrse to give conunmication the opportunity to
display its full potential as one of the most important antecedents of
national developnent.

l‘bdernization is no magic happening. Development is that what
peopledotogrwasatrueandvitalnafion. Andthereismightylittle
finat people can do without communicating effectively and efficiently:

Indeed, social cormnnicaticn is to development what chemical fuel
ummmsmwvedde. It ismostneededtothrustittowardits
goal. But, once it has helped launch it, the need for the fuel dimin-
ishesasfinevehiclebecomesable torunonitsomandtogeneeteby
itself, if needed, additional energy for its uovenent.

Recommendations for Action

Assuming that a country decides to conduct some such highly in-
tensive effort to develop its communication systenn towards accelerating
its general modernization, how should it go about it?

‘Jlnee are no single and simple answers to the question. Each

117

.pCmEooinoe/oo SHpMOHEEEoo CH ommmLUCH swung are, .mHHoHpHCH Cm >3 omCHEHmeoo mm pCmEQOHQ/mo
COvaqHCQEbo mo oCo PCoEoon>mo HMCOHpoC m0 mezzo 5.39% m>HpmHEBU HmoHpmfioohmnn. :H .me

pCmEoone/wm COHpmoHCsaabo Illlll
pCoEQOme/ma HMCOHumz

 

E:

 

 

5: £225 £2523

 

 

118
county would have to provide its own according to its intentions , re-
solrces, and limitations. A special plan would certainly be needed,
in each case.

What is possible to do in this thesis is to briefly sketch ont a
few concretewfinongh general and tentative-Jsuggestions as an initial
reference for whichever government might happen to become interested in
fine enqneriuent .

Condensed as a derivation of the discussions carried in the pre-
ceding pages, those recomnendations for action are fine following:

1. The develOpment of nations demands fine development 9_f__ commn-

 

 

ications. Thus, the general ststegy 9: modernization must include _file
particular comunication strateg that is. subsidiary but crucially
inst-mental to 23F.-

Bssentially this implies:

a. Pronoting awareness of fine significance and roles of coun—

' munication in development among key decision-makers:
political leaders , planning specialists , technical inn-t
plementers, and administetive and financial officers.

b. Incorporating comunication provisions to the overall
policies and plans for national development , along wifin
giving cornunication stetegists an Opportunity to con-
t°ibute to top-level decision-making on modernization.

c. Allocating-«as an investment more than as a consumption
propositionuspecific funds for comunication develop-
mentinascalethatrealisficallycorrespondstofine
magnitude and urgency of the general developuent projects.

2.

119

Temporarily intensified communication development _ca_1_n _ac_t_

as; _a_ asrful facilitator and accelerator _o_f_ overall modernization _a_rd,

gs: such, 31; deserves g gig; priorig until 2;; £53 subsgantiallg 1.3M
_t_g nobilize _a_ coun1_:_r_y towards its sustained m.

 

Essentially, this implies:

a.

b.

C.

3.

Amelliorating the communication uechanisms and raising

fine coumlnication standards within the government, among
the people, from fine government to the peeple, and from
the peeple to fine government .

Improving and eXpanding whatever communication institutions
exist-mass nedia, interpersonal, and canbineduand estab-
lishing, wherever needed, nnew and more efficient ones both
through government action and by private initiative .
Making a special effort to modernize and vitalize commi-
cation for rural developueunt since, in most developing
conntries, the economy is chiefly agriolltural and the .
majority of the population lives in the farm areas .

Adgguate w and financial support are necessary but not

 

sufficient conditions to generate communication ' a development . Thus _a_

m _a_u_nd_ sizable effort is reguired 1:2 indoctrinate and capacita'te

those mwhgggtgbg assw’ d the responsibility gitansforming

fine coununication m 93 an M state.

Essentially, this iuplies:

a.

'Itaining people-whom in government and in private institu-
tions, and at different levels--in fine art and science of
engineering innovative hnunnan behavior through persuasive

120

b . Investigating--befcre , during , and after modernization
actions take place-mwhat factors in the source, the
nessage, the channel, and the receiver in the communi-
cation process are post critical to the deth
process .

c. Producing and distributing visual, oral, and written
materials adjusted to fine different audiences and the
diverse objectives involved in fine developmental work,
and chiefly. designed to buttress thefigeffort and inpact
iof the field change agents . I I

Cominnication specialists may wholeheartedly subscribe to notions
as those just sketched. But they are not the ones able to turn them
into consequent actions .

It is up to fine statesmen themselves-the nen endmed with the
power to set the course of nations-to decide whether or not finey want
to make communication the main springboard of modernization.

Voting foroneortheofinermayueanthedifference between
achievingfinedreamofnodernityorlmnguishinginfiedespairof
stagnation. \

flotation: for Research
Research on communication for development is at its infancy.
That is not surprising since research on general communication
is itself probably no more than a quarter of a century old.
Neverfineless, significant advances have been done in bofin areas
inthelasttenyearsorso.
0n fine one hand, general connunication research has accumulated

121
a considerable volume of findings on certain fields of inquiry.

an the other hand, research on develcnpmental commnication has
been started and some of it is taking place in the developing counties ‘
finemselves.

TWO tasks are now urgent.

One is to define to which degree the findings of general con-
munication researchnmostly conducted in the United States of America--
are (l) useful in relation to development situations, and (2) cross
culturally applicable.

The other task is to increase, systematizepand coordinate re-
search on developmental communication , looking-in the long run—for
general principles of cross-onltural applicability and—in the short
run—for differential generalizations resulting fron variations in
onltnual circuustances.

The intensification of research on developmental communication
requires to put together the theoretical proposition existing, for in- g
stance, abouttbezolesofcommicatiminnodemizatimandaboutde-
velopxental comication stategies . They need to be stuctured and
integrated so as to add up to a body of testable statements .

As a step in that direction, the propositions on coummication's
roles have been preliminarily coupared and evaluated in finis finesis.

The propositions on strategies—the few available finrough rather
recertcontibutionsofsdnolarsonchasSchromn, Lerner, Pool,andPye-
havenotbeenreviovedinthisfiesis sincefineyliebeyondthescope
of it.

Ituustbekeptinmindfinatfineneedendstsnotonlytostudy
theways invinichcoumnicationinfluencesnationaldevelopment.

122

It is also necessary 39 understand which factors prevailing in societies

undggoggg’ modernization affect _t_h_e_ fungigg and Mo: develop;-

mental comunication.

 

While all finat articulatory and clarifying work takes place, de-
velOpmental communication stetegists must make as uuch use as possible
of whatever empirically-based information already exists to light up
their road.

Apparently, nuch of what can be useful for stategy formulation
refers to uessage variables. Also, research has yielded certain types
of information on channel variables , especially in reference to relative
effectiveness of media annd to mass media exposure.

Aparfiallistofareascoveredbyfinoseldndsofreseardnes—
finegreatermajo-ityofwhichwerenot cononcted indeveloping countries—
includes the folloving:

l. The relationship between conunmication-induced cog-

nitive dissonance (and cognitive balance) and atti- n
tude onange. .

2. The effects of order of presentation in persuasion.

3. The effects of one-sided versus two—sided uessages.

In. The effects of implicit versus explicit conclusions

in uessages.

5. Tleinfluenceofsomcecredibilityontheacceptance

or rejection of uessages.

6. The impact of psychological selectivity processes on

exposure, interpretation, and retention of nessages.

7. The effects of personality predispositions in fine

response to persuasive coununication attennpts.

123
8. The effects of group pressure and of social ap-
proval and disapproval on the response to per-
suasive communication attempts .
9. The effects of fear—appeal in conmnnication.

10. The roles of "Opinion leaders" and of "gate-

keepers" in the diffusion of innovations and
in the distribution of news.

Research on diffusion of innovations is one of the most active
and productive areas of social investigation today. An important pro—
portion of it is taking place in developing countries thanselves . Mich
ofits findings isofdirectrelevanoe fordevelopuexrtalconnmication
strategy."

It is apparent from the list that an appreciable volume of scien-
tific information is already at the access of developmental communicators.
Part of that information may have only a limited applicability to the
situation of developing nations. But rmch of the data can be fruitfully
used by many of them.

1:93, as pointed _o__nr_t_:_ b___e_fgrg, _i_._1_:_ 1:5. indispensable t_o_ increase 2?.
33% research specifically directed 32 problems _o_f_ communication in
mdernization. ll _i_s_ necessgy _t_o M concrete situations in _spe_ci_f_i_<_:_
developing com-nudes _i_n;n_ m t_o_ find, clearly and precisely, how _cgn
commnication best 5% development. ‘ i
‘ lnfact,itisverylittlewhatflnoseconmtrieslomabout
sauces, messages, channels, receivers, and effectsin the developmental

 

*For a comprehensive and interpretive sunmary of more than 500 studies
in this area, see Rogers (1962).

121}

oomunicafion process .

These are, briefly, some areas where research is clearly needed:

1.

3.

5.

7.

What are the attitudes of field change agents towards their
communication responsibilities and how can their commi-
cation skills be inproved.

What are the attitudes toward modernization on the part of

the owners and staff of nedia institutions, and what is the

nature of the communication decision—making processes of both.

What is the nature of the content of mass media messagesin
relation to the develognent activity . Are the press and the
radio, for instance , contributing significantly to the oc-
We of social change?

Which message and channel strategies are most effective

to persuade which types of audiences in favor of the attain-
ment of which specific developmental objectives .

In “particular, which ‘massage strategies are likely to be
most productive in persuading the nncst conservatives sectors
p: the elites in power to yield in favor of change.
Inpar'ticular, what combinations of mass media stregies with

interpersonal communication strategies are likely to be of
highest impact in modernization. For instance, research on
@rediofonmshasmadeastartbutreqnfiresfmther
systematization and rigor.

Which of the channel and message strategies successfully
utilized in Conmnist regimes can be applied to denocratic
developing societies and which are the adaptations required

to do so.

125

8. What can be done to improve the nature of indices of
communication development beyond the level of census
of physical facilities and of measures of simple
audience's exposure to mass media. V

9. How can traditional modes of comunication, such as
folkloric plays , p0pular songs , and puppet shows , can
be adapted to serve the modernization efforts .

10. Which are the specific roles of mass media and of
interpersonal channels in the attainment of char-
acterological (personality) change in general
behavior.

ll. How do audience sectors actually differ in terms of
"consurratory" versus "instrumental" consnnuption of
messages. .

12. What is the nature of the relationship between the
develOprrental comunication processes and the de-
cision-maldng processes (in the source and in the
receiver) that precede and follow, respectively , that
comunication process.

The more conceptual construction and empirical verification
advance, the less renote should appear the possibility of arriving at
a broad and fertile theory of developnnental coununication.

‘Ihecloser'dnattheorycorestoexisting, thelesswillcommn—

ication for develOpnent be a gene of guessing and risking, an enter-
prise of trial and error.

l.—‘u—'-‘¥-" '4 .. — .

126
And the nore developmental commication becomes a key activity
supported by scientific knowledge , the greater will. its impact be in
helping millions of human beings, all over the world, to attain-
throngh noderrnity»tlne dignity, happiness , and prosperity they deserve.

##i‘

a m’>4---_
0

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