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'sz '1‘ mi? 1&1“le :. ’ 11.1. 3.91;. . u. : j"1‘| :le (,3), "'1‘~':I: , 11 In 1- . 1 1' 1 '1'1 1‘1'1‘ This is to certify that the thesis entitled THE SCHOOLING 0F THIRD CULTURE CHILDREN: THE CASE OF THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE presented by Jerry Douglas Hager has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. dngehlEducation Major professor Date July 14’ 1978 0-7 639 79-”7.33‘~’ EW‘CT“ WWW! ROUCLIS ’ \ "I'Ff (‘f‘l'P I '!A q— '7'! my. (‘v' —. pr- pg. .Fo ‘t‘L JVn‘ F“! o -': I!’l i\‘ \ \ 1.;11'“:— \I|i!!‘[‘r‘i- ~l: ”L!!- f‘"” "r 'T'!"‘ Wire ."."| r ."‘.“ n "Hr' ‘1 L. ‘11.»... at,'.. o .l.- .lK-"l‘ QC! «1.3L "L- II‘L l Ffl'.F h.‘ 1.4!. ‘l r" Ar"? (“*r'"' H!" . .0 U'll'fin- «NHL Ull‘l'ELD‘Slwl-‘II. “1|.S.. 1078 Uni . M _ ms Imernanonal 300 N. ZEEB ROAD, ANN ARBOR MI 48106 C) Copyright by JERRY DOUGLAS HAGER 1978 THE SCHOOLING OF THIRD CULTURE CHILDREN: THE CASE OF THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE By Jerry Douglas Hager A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Secondary Education and Curriculum 1978 ABSTRACT THE SCHOOLING OF THIRD CULTURE CHILDREN: THE CASE OF THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE By Jerry Douglas Hager The purpose of this dissertation is twofold: first, to extract from the third culture paradigm thoseprinciples which help to explain the attitudes, values and norms of those individuals who make up an American—sponsored over- seas community school; and second, to suggest modification of the third culture paradigm in order to improve its use- fulness in analyzing overseas schools. Participant observation during the six years this writer served as Principal of The American School of Hague Middle School is the primary methodology used. Six com- ponents of the school were selected for indepth analysis: 1. The sponsoring employer 2. The host culture institutions 3. The third culture institutions 4. The central operating forces of the school (the governing board, the adminiStration and the policy they produce) Jerry Douglas Hager 5. The teachers 6. The Middle School The most helpful principles from the third culture paradigm for explaining the attitudes, values and norms of those associated with the school are those dealing with: l) employer sponsorship, 2) the third culture community as a support system, 3) the concept of newcomers to the third culture community vs. the experienced,4) the role of schools for elitist foreigners and 5) the desirability of a special educational program designed to meet the unique needs of third culture youth. The study suggests five areas in which the third culture paradigm can be modified: l) The importance of the role of sponsoring employers in the third culture is not only confirmed in this study, but is also expanded. Differences in status between the general citizenry and those in the third culture communities of developed nations are less accentuated than in under- developed nations. This is true in spite of the fact that those in the third culture represent large collectivities. The location and type of housing usually provided either directly or indirectly by the sponsoring employer seems to Jerry Douglas Hager have an influence upon the child's friendship patterns and participation in youth activities. 2) The third culture institutions which serve youth in The Hague tend to occupy a large share of the youngsters' time, leaving little if any time for participafion in activ- ities involving Dutch youth. Those youngsters who have made inroads into Dutch youth culture tend to keep their circles of friends separated. 3) The school governing board retains tight control over the operation of the school or at least retains the power to exercise such control when it chooses to do so. The Superintendent, while being held in close check by the governing board, exercises greater control over school per- sonnel than would normally be the case in the U.S. This is partially due to the lack of teacher unionism and state employment laws, and a system of contracted employment. 4) The teachers in The American School of The Hague do not usually become fully integrated into the third culture cOmmunity. Teachers arrive as strangers to both the country and their employer. Their salaries are not high enough for them to socialize on an equal basis with most others in the community. Age, marital status and conflicting working hours are also factors in lack of community participation. Jerry Douglas Hager As a result of not being fully integrated into third culture life, teachers often do not become acculturated and cannot successfully pass on the third culture community's values to their students. 5) The school's educational program appears to be designed primarily for youth who are planning to return to the mainstream of U.S. life with little thought being given to the possibility that many of them will not do so and will follow in the footsteps of their parents and become members of the third culture of the future. Finally, recommendations are made with respect to curriculum and further research. Curriculum changes are suggested to accomodate the special needs of overseas stu- dents. Further research is proposed to expand the current research to a wider variety of overseas schools. To Judy and Lisa with love ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Literally hundreds of people have participated either directly or indirectly in the development of this dissertation. First have been the many students and teachers at The American School of The Hague Middle School who were without question, some of the finest people I have known. Next, I would like to thank the many pe0ple at Michigan State University with whom I have worked both in The Hague, through the Graduate Education Overseas Pro- gram as well as on the MSU campus in East Lansing. Fore- most among these pe0ple are my doctoral committee members: first, my Committee Chairman and Director of my disserta- tion, Dr. Cole Brembeck, whom I met in The Hague and who originally inspired my interest in the program at MSU and who has worked with me for a number of years in guiding me through the program and directing my dissertation; second, Dr. Charles Jackson whom I also met in The Hague, whose advice I sought so often and whom I respect as a teacher and have come.to know as a friend; thirdly, iii E __4 Dr. Stanley Wronski, whom I met in The Hague, have enjoyed as a teacher and a person and who has always given willingly of his time whenever I have needed it; finally, I wish to thank Dr. Ruth Hill Useem, whom I respect as both a scholar and a person and whose previous research provided the sub- stance for this dissertation. I thank her for the research she has done in the field, for giving me that extra push and for her words of encouragement when they were so needed. Most important of all, I thank my wife Judy and daughter Lisa, whose contribution has been so important. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter I. THE PROBLEM . Introduction. American-Sponsored Community Schools. The Third Culture Paradigm. The Problem Purpose Methodology Components. Limitations of the Study. Organization of the Dissertation. II. REVIEW OF LITERATURE AND RELATED RESEARCH The Third Culture and Expatriate Communities Definition. . The Useems' 5 Third Culture Studies in India. A Study of An American Community Abroad A Study of Expatriate Communities Page 22 23 26 26 26 30 33 37 TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont'd.) The Dutch, The Third Culture Community and The School. . . Overseas Corporate Personnel. The American-Sponsored International Community School. Teachers. . Central Operating Forces. Summary III. THE COMMUNITY The Host Country. The Welcome Foreigner and International Trade . Language Learning The Work Ethic. . Changing Individual and Family Lifestyle . Sponsoring Organization - Why?. Effect of Sponsorship Upon Student Behavior. . Housing Third Culture Institutions. Summary Dutch Internationalism and the Foreign Language Problem. Sponsoring Organizations. vi Page 42 46 52 59 62 67 72 72 74 76 78 79 BO 88 90 107 119 119 120 TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont'd.) Housing and Transportation: Their Effect Upon Socialization Drugs and Sex . . Third Culture Institutions. IV. THE SCHOOL. Introduction. Central Operating Forces. The The Governing Board . Executive Committee - Analysis. The Administration. The Superintendent. The Principal . . The Administration - Analysis Teachers - Introduction Recruitment and Selection of Professional Staff. Teacher Orientation . . . Teacher Life in the Community . Physical Setting. Students and Their Educational Program. Physical Setting - Description. A New Facility? . . The Reigersbergen Project Other Attempts at New Facilities. Special Educational Needs of Third Culture Youth . vii Page 121 122 123 124 124 124 126 132 137 137 140 142 145 147 153 166 175 176 183 184 190 193 'TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont'd.) Hague Middle School Educational Program . Administration Organization Informal Education Program. Extra Curricular Program. Procedure - Typical School Day. Pre School Time Trip to School. Arrival at School School Day. After School. Dinner. . Dinner to Bedtime Typical Non-School Day. Pertinent Questions Summary . Central Operating Forces. The Teachers. Physical Setting. School Program. V. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND OBERSERVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS Review of the Study . The Problem Purpose Methodology . Conclusions and Observations. viii Page 204 205 215 216 219 223 224 226 227 228 229 230 230 233 238 238 239 241 243 246 246 248 248 250 251 TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont'd.) Useful Themes from the Third Culture Paradigm. . . . . . . . . Expansion of the Third Culture Paradigm. Summary Recommendations Recommendations to the School Recommendations for Further Research. BIBLIOGRAPHY. APPENDICES. A. EMPLOYER SPONSORS B. SELECTED POLICIES C. NEW STAFF 1977-78 . D. SALARY SCHEDULE 1978-79 . E. INSTRUMENT #3 . F. INSTRUMENT #2 G. INSTRUMENT #1 H. INSTRUMENT #4 I. PERMISSION LETTER . J. THANK YOU LETTER. K. ADMINISTRATION ORGANIZATION CHART ix Page 251 268 278 279 279 281 283 288 288 295 330 336 340 343 345 350 352 353 354 CHAPTER I THE PROBLEM Introduction This is a study of an overseas American-sponsored community school and its environment. The specific focus of this study is The American School of The Hague and its community in The Hague, The Netherlands. When reference is made to a specific division of the school, that refer- ence applies to the Middle School unless otherwise stated. In other instances the reference applies to the school system (K-12) as an entity. To gain an understanding of this school and its environment, paradigmatic constructs have been extracted from the third culture paradigm of John and Ruth Hill Useem and applied to six selected com- ponents of the school and its environment. The third culture paradigm deals with individuals who represent societies or segment of societies and who serve as medi- ators between those societies. Thus, the study has two purposes: first, to extract from the third culture paradigm those principles which help to explain the atti- tudes, values and norms of those individuals who make up an American-sponsored overseas community school; and second, to suggest modification of the third culture para- digm in order to improve its usefulness in analyzing over- seas schools. American—Sponsored Overseas Community Schools The term "American-sponsored international community schools“* shall be used to describe those schools estab— lished abroad primarily for the purpose of providing elemen- tary and secondary education to the dependents of third culture people. They usually have a relatively open admis- sions policy in that students seldomly are denied admission on the basis of race, religion or nationality. Such schools take on various forms, but are usually private insofar as they are supported primarily by tuition, which is usually * It is clearly recognized that certain other nation- alities also support schools abroad. However, for the pur- pose of this dissertation we will confine our definition to include only those schools based upon a U.S. curriculum with instruction being given primarily in English. paid by the employer of the student's parent or sometimes by the parents themselves. They are usually independent, in that they are not sponsored directly by any government, corporation or foundation. A number of these schools do receive limited financial support from the U.S. Department of State. They are nearly always non—profit in that their purpose is not to make a profit, but rather to provide a service. Most of the time they are governed by a board which in turn is responsible to the parents of their stu- dents. The governing board is usually selected either directly or indirectly by the parents. In most cases the parents live in or near the city where the school is located and it is thus "community” in nature. The student body 1 almost always includes students of diverse national back- ground. Most of the students come from affluent families. The language of the educational program is primarily English and the curriculum follows, at least in a general way, the type of curriculum one would expect to find in an upper middle class U.S. suburban school. There are several kinds of overseas schools which are excluded by this definition. Among those schools being excluded are Department of Defense Dependents schools oper- ated by the U.S. military for the purpose of educating the L__—__—_ children associated with the military. A second type of overseas school which is excluded by this definition is the overseas boarding school. Such schools often have student bodies of diverse nationalities, but the parents of students in these schools seldomly reside in the community where the school is located. It should be pointed out, however, that American-sponsored overseas community schools sometimes do have students who board, but such students are in a minority, and in most instances their parents have previously lived in the community where the school is located and have made arrangements for their youngsters to board with private families. A third type of overseas school being excluded by this definition is the private school established as a pro- prietorship or corporation for the purpose of making a pro- fit. A fourth type of overseasschool excluded by this definition is the school established by a company primarily for the children of its employees. Such schools are often established by mining and oil companies and are often in remote locations where suitable educational opportunities are not available. These schools are sometimes run directly by the company or else the responsibility for the school's operation is contracted to an outside agency. A fifth type of overseas school excluded by this definition is the school established by a church or other religious institution for the purpose of educating children of missionaries and dependents of other church employees. These schools are excluded because they are usually operated by a single religious institution or a consortium of religious insti- tutions and are generally not community oriented. In addition to those exclusions mentioned above, there are certain other schools which are marginal to the definition. Such schools might include the John F.Kennedy School in Berlin, the United Nations School in New York, the World College of the Atlantic, and several schools operated by the European Economic Community which are sponsored by governments or international institutions. The Third Culture Paradigm The third culture paradigm was developed by two Michigan State University sociologists, John and Ruth Hill Useem. The paradigm was formulated as a result of extensive sociological field study in India and the Philippines and is based to some extent upon the theoretical constructs of the ancient "Oikoumene" of Kroeber and extended by Hewes into the concept of the "Ecumene" (1961: 73-110 & 1960: 379-95). —¥— 4 The Useems present much of their information in a series of eight publications written and edited primarily by themselves. There is an extensive bibliography on the third culture child which was revised in 1975 and is cur- rently undergoing further revision. Included are some 355 entries dealing with aspects of third culture. Most of the overview of the third culture paradigm presented in this chapter comes from four of the Useems' original eight publications listed below. A more detailed analysis of the third culture paradigm will be presented in Chapter II, Review of the Literature. Number 4 The Interfaces of a Binational Third Culture: A Study of the American Community in India (From The Journal of Social Issues, "Conflict and Community in the International System" Vol. XXIII, No. 1, January, 1967, pp. 130-143.) Number 5 Men in the Middle of the Third Cultures. The Roles of American and Non-Western People in Cross-Cultural Administration (From Human Organization, Vol. 22, No. 3, Fall 1963, pp. 169-179.) Number 6 The Study of Cultures (Originally pub- lished in Sociological Focus, Summer, 1971.) Number 7 The American Family in India (Originally published in The Annals of the American Academy of P0 itical and Social Science, Vol. 368: 132-145, 1966.) The third culture includes those behavior patterns which are created, shared and learned by people of different societies who are in the process of relating their societies or sections thereof to each other. Essential to the under— standing of this paradigm is acceptance of the concept that the third culture generates values, norms and social struc- tures which make it different from the societies it spans and becomes, instead, a common ground through which its participants live and work together. I will briefly review the above sections of this third culture series from the standpoint of their contri- bution toward understanding the third culture paradigm insofar as it is related to the purpose of this disserta- tion. Number five develops the theoretical structures. Reference is made here by the Useems to the comparable universe of earlier civilizations analyzed by Kroeber and Hewes. Culture, in this context, is defined by the Useems as "the learned and shared behavior of a community of interacting human beings" (1963: 2). The Useems then go on to delineate this "binational third culture" as being similar to the third cultures defined above, however, with the emphasis upon the two parties coming from Western and non-Western societies with a history of superordinate and subordinate societies. Under the new third culture pattern they will serve as coordinates. Much of the Useems' work is presented with this concept in mind due to their exten- sive field work experiences in the interstices of Western and non-Western cultures. This fact will account for some differences in conclusions found in this dissertation since my experience deals with a third culture in the interstices of two western societies. The Useems call the third culture people "men in the middle“ and in explaining their role say: The crucial role of both the nationals and the Americans is that of mediating between societies. They are men in the middle, they are not just individuals from different societies relating themselves personally to each other but repre- sentatives from different societies relating their societies or at least segments thereof, to each other by way of their interpersonal relationships, by way of the structures they erect, and by way of the cultural patterns they create, learn and share (1963: 9). While it may appear from the above statement that the only third culture people are those primary represent- atives from different societies who directly interact with each other in carrying out their functions, in subsequent writings the Useems have included dependents (1966, 1972). It is also important, the Useems note, that the third culture has generally not been passed on from parent to child, but is usually learned as an adult. Third cul- ture people are divided into three categories, "first timers," "experienced," and ”old foreign hands.” After presenting this third culture theory the Useems hypothesize that "whenever there exists a viable coordinated third cul- ture, there is greater possibility of more effective admin- istration--and as a general result, more successful cross- cultural programs" (1963: 21). On the subject of culture, John Useem presents a position which calls for recognition of the limiting condi- tions in the previous uses of culture without downgrading or abandoning them. Instead, he calls for clarifying, speci- fying, and extending what we mean by culture and obtaining a better fit between sociological concepts and the newer social realities (1971: 2). He divides history of rela- tionships between societies into two periods, colonialism from 1850 to World War II, which was a period of super- ordination and subordination. The second period which followed World War II and the granting of independence to former colonies manifested the sustaining of co-equal norms among the members of different societies which he calls lO neo-colonialism. Useem hints that because the promises of the second period have not been fulfilled, we may soon move into a third period which he now calls global. Useem uses the third culture as an example of one type of contemporary culture. He views third cultures as being future oriented, mediating cultures carried out by limited segments of highly educated individuals who are recruited into these cultures as adults. Because these members are part of larger collectivities of societies, countries and the international world, they are subject to numerous changes, conflicts and accommodations (1971: 16). Useem illustrates the third culture theory with a study of the national and international science commu- nities. Scientists are part of both and move in and out of each. They are nation based and world based (1977: 21). Developing nations tend to prefer that scientists work on practical problems of the country in the form of applied science. Yet these scientists are usually forced to become part of the global perspective of the more developed nations during their period of training which often takes place in a foreign country. The developing nation is in a bind since it cannot progress without a trusted national science com- munity but has to send its people into the ecumenical science 11 community for training. This, in turn, contributes to the ecumenical collectivity of the scientific community. In two other sections of their "Third Culture Series," the Useems apply the paradigm of the third culture to studying the interfaces of a binational third culture in India and to studying the American family in India. In their study of The American Community in India, which involved approximately one year of field study, the Useems interviewed intensively 192 heads of households and their wives out of a universe of approximately 2,000 Amer- ican households. From this study the Useems found that there were two major American groupings: locality-linked groups and functionally lined groups. The first of these are con- nected by places of residence and the latter is a network with a similar consciousness (1967: 4). Each group is then divided into four sub-categories according to the social role the primary employee plays in that group: integrated, fringe, deviant and isolate. It is found that nine out of ten Americans have a social involvement with groups of other Americans. Interestingly enough, most of the people going out for the first time say they didn‘t think of being involved with their fellow countrymen or 12 had determined that they will not become "caught up" in the "American crowd" (1967: 5-6). The Useems concluded that these American communities serve to fulfill needs such as housing, education, body maintenance, recreation, social, etc. Furthermore, their groups tend to facilitate making meaningful contact with Indians (1967: 6-7). The Indians with whom Americans did come into contact are generally pe0ple of influence and authority and are well educated, English speaking, urban, upper middle class and mobile in lifestyle. Americans living in India feel that they serve as a representation of American life. They are often highly transient. New arrivals tend to be critical of the Ameri- cans who socialize so much with each other. Newcomers tend to plunge into Indian society, often breakmg ground rules as they go along. The old line groups often seem to resent the way newcomers collect natives in "going native." They also resent the newcomer's lack of respect for the third culture (Useem and Useem, 1967: 12). Finally, these levels of mediation between Ameri- cans and Indians are described. The first level consisted of "getting along" sufficiently well to gain acceptance and 13 to avoid making serious social mistakes. This is the norm of the American community. Americans at the second level are characterized by less need to explain things American. People at this level do not feel compelled to defend a position and are freer to explore a topic. The persons in the third level are more global and c0ncern themselves with the larger community of mankind. These Americans at this level keep their membership valid in all groups but are seldom hard core members of any group (Useem and Useem, 1967: 13-16). The Problem One of the basic differences between schools in the United States and schools of other nations is that U.S. schools generally aspire to local control. Thus, the citizens of a given U.S. community, taken collectively, exercise certain controls over the school including such essentials as financial support, curriculum, personnel policies, and student discipline. Although some of the control has been removed in recent years by state and federal law, court decisions and 14 tnie rise of teacher unions and professional educators, the principle of local control over education rather than cen- tralized control by the national government is still prev- alent in U.S. education. With the exception of providing schools overseas for U.S. military dependents, the U.S. government has taken only very limited responsibility for providing educational institutions for the dependents of other U.S. citizens who live overseas. While in many instances employees of U.S. governmental overseas personnel are provided with an edu- cational allowance for their minor dependents, schools as such have not been created. Instead, communities of Amer- icans as well as other nationalities have joined together to form private schools on location for the purpose of educating their youngsters. In most instances, an important carryover from United States education has been the adoption of the prin- ciple of some form of community control over the school. In those overseas schools which are assisted by the U.S. Department of State, sixty-nine percent indicated that the parents always have a voice in electing the board (Orr, 1976: 34). Orr elaborates on lay control: 15 Lay control may be the single most important characteristic of American education, and hence, American schools. The A305 (American Sponsored Overseas Schools) are operated, with few exceptions, from this very basic premise. Lay control recognizes that parents and a school "community" should have a strong voice in the education of children and youth. The majority opinion in the U.S. is that education, unlike many other professions, should not be controlled by the profession itself, but what the children and youth are taught is indeed too important to exclude the citizenry in general and parents in particular. Most individuals who have been associated with over- seas schools, whether as teachers, students, parents or administrators, seem to be in general agreement that such schools are different. The differences are many. New teachers are often quick to recognize how easy discipline becomes. Students often seem more mature, at least in their relationships with adults. But they often appear immature especially in their relationships with the opposite sex. Students seem to be bright and even those who are not so bright seem to have a high level of achievement. Stu- dents seem willing to accept the authority of adults. These are but a few of the differences one notices in such a school. It is in attempting to explain these and other differences that the problem for this dissertation emerged. 16 Purpose Orr indicated that one of the basic differences be- tween American schools and schools of other nations is that in American schools the community exercises control over the decision making process. If this is so, and if one has an understanding of the attitudes, values and norms of those in the community who are responsible for school decision making, including primarily parents but also including school administrators and teachers, then onecan gain a better under- standing of how the school operates and why it Operates and why it operates as it does. O The most highly developed paradigm for explaining the roles, attitudes, norms and values of these individuals and their dependents living in a foreign setting charged with the responsibility of relating their societies to each other, or at least segments thereof, has been the third culture paradigm of John and Ruth Hill Useem. The purpose of this dissertation, then, is three- fold: first, to look at the third culture paradigm itself and to extract those principles which might be helpful in interpreting the attitudes, values and norms of the pepple who compose the school; secondly, to apply those principles 17 to an institution, specifically, The American School of The Hague Middle School to find out the extent to which such principles may actually be used in explaining its existence; thirdly, to modify and expand the third culture paradigm. In summary, a study is being made of a school and a study is also being made of the third culture paradigm with the intention of making recommendations for its modification and expansion. Methodology The methodology used in this dissertation is that of participant observation. The writer served as Principal of The American School of The Hague Middle School for six years, 1971-77. During this time, he participated in all kinds of activities which a person in such a position would be likely to do, including formal and informal meetings and conferences with teachers, administrators, governing board members, students and various community groups. In certain instances written records exist of these meetings. In other instances, hand written notes are available. In still other instances, only impressions remain in the minds of the 18 participants, sometimes being reinforced by a repetition of similar incidents and circumstances. In addition, a two volume set of written school policy and administrative regulations has been carefully scrutinized, and a complete set of governing board folders has been analyzed for the past five years. Minutes from parent advisory council meetings and various reports on all aspects of school operations which have been compiled, primarily for the school governing board, have been used in analyzing the school. Components A number of principles are extracted from the third culture paradigm and used to explore certain components of the Middle School of The American School of The Hague. The purpose here is to analyze these components. To what extent does the school exhibit third culture characteristics which are in keeping with this paradigm and in what ways does the school differ and why? What modifications must be made of the paradigm to encompass these differences? This disser- tation will examine attitudes, values and norms held by members of the school community with respect to six selected 19 components of The American School of The Hague. The first three components will be dealt with in Chapter III, THE COMMUNITY, and the last three will be dealt with in Chapter IV, THE SCHOOL. The first component to be examined is the direct and indirect role of the institutions sponsoring the pri- mary third culture employees. Besides giving the main categories of these sponsoring institutions, specific areas to be examined in this section will include: What behavior patterns does the sponsoring institution expect and demand of its employees and of their dependents? How does the sponsoring institution assist its employees and their depen- dents in preparing for overseas moves, adapting to the foreign environment, coping with events during the period of residence and making ready for the next assignment? The second component to be examined is the host country. Included in the study of the host country is its physical setting as well as its political, economic and social forces as they relate to the foreign community in its midst. How have the Dutch related politically and socially to foreigners? What are the economic factors which encourage foreign business people to come? What frustrations do the foreign business people encounter in 20 carrying out their responsibilities? How do the Dutch provide such essential services as housing and transpor— tation? Since the necessity for obtaining these services results in an interaction between the foreigner and the Dutch, how does the foreigner react to these individuals and the services they represent? The third component to be examined will be the institutions, other than the school, which have been extab- lished by and for the third culture community. What insti- tutions has the third culture community established? Why? What effect do these institutions have upon the lives of children in the school? The fourth component is the central operating forces of the school including the governing board, the administra- tion and school policy. The school governing board is made up of individuals from the expatriate community, nearly all of whom are part of the third culture. The actions taken in board meetings and the policies they develop over a period of years, represent the collective thinking, atti- tudes and values of a large number of people toward numerous aspects of school operation. Through a careful examination of these policies and an analysis of what takes place at board meetings, one can gain insight into the thinking of 21 third culture people on such subjects as educational phil- osophy, managerial thought, cultural transmission, official school relationships with the host country, attitudes toward minority groups within the third culture, curriculum, per- sonnel administration. One can also find the aspirations they have for the future of their children. The fifth component to be examined are the roles of teachers in the third culture community. How are the teachers supported by the community? How do they view themselves? How are they viewed by others? To what extent do they adapt to third culture values? How do their values differ from those of others in the community? How do they cope with these differences? The sixth component to be examined is the Middle School. This section will describe in detail the school's purpose, organizational structure, plant, formal education program, informal education program, activities, public information program and students. A detailed analysis will be given of a number of questions. How does the school facilitate or hinder students of third culture communities in coping with their environment? What attitudes and values do students acquire through their association with the school? How does the school serve as a support system in the third 22 culture setting? How does the school serve as a trans- mitter of both American and third culture values? How do school personnel become cultural mediators in carrying out their responsibilities? To what extent are school reporting procedures, public relations programs, etc. effective in assisting students and their parents in adjusting to their environments and understanding their third culture com- munity? Limitations of the Study 1) While conducting the study as a participant ovserver, I also served as principal of the school and was, therefore, an authority figure in the school. In some instances there were subjects, such as drugs and sex, that students were reluctant to discuss. Parents, staff and board members might also have been reluctant to discuss certain subjects. Since many of the meetings were run by me, including faculty meetings, parent information meetings, and advisory council meetings, I saw them from the point of view of a chairman running a meeting and not exactly from the point of view of an unbiased participant observer. Finally, after devoting six years to the development of a 23 school, I am sure that I would be somewhat less than human if I did not have a certain amount of ego involvement in that school. 2) The study makes no attempt to explain the entire operation but instead has been limited to the six components which the author considered most manageable. 3) This study is a qualitative study of a partic- ipant observer and paradigmatic analysis of selected com- ponents of a school and makes no attempt to analyze these components in terms of quantitative design. 4) Only one school was involved in the study and it does not necessarily follow that conclusions made from this study would be valid if the study had been conducted at more than one school. Organization of the Dissertation Chapter I includes an introduction, a description and definition of American-sponsored, community international schools, a brief overview of the third culture paradigm, a statement of the problem, a statement of the purpose of the dissertation, a description of the methodology, a list of 24 the components being studied, a notation of the study's limitations and a section on the organization of the dissertation. Chapter II is a review of the literature dealing with the third culture. An extensive review is made of the work of those authors most closely related including Useem and Useem, Nash and Cohen. The remainder of the literature review deals with writings which are concerned with the community and those which are concerned with the school. Chapter III contains sections on the host country, attitudes toward foreigners, international trade, spon- soring organizations, housing, third culture institutions, language, the work ethic, changing lifestyle and a summary. Chapter IV contains sections on the school's cen- tral operating forces including the governing board, the administration and the policy they produce. A section is devoted to the teachers including recruitment and selection, teacher orientation, and lifestyle. A section is devoted to the school's physical setting as well as to attempts which have been made to obtain new facilities. The school's educational program as well as the education of third cul- ture youth are the topics of the next two sections. The school's organizational and administration structure are 25 given attention in the next section. The chapter is con- cluded by sections on an informal education program, the typical school day and a summary. Chapter V includes a review of the entire study, presents the significant observations and conclusions, and makes recommendations for further research. CHAPTER II REVIEW OF LITERATURE AND RELATED RESEARCH The literature related to the topic of this disser- tation is grouped into four general categories: (1) studies on the third culture and expatriate communities; (2) the aspects of Dutch society which have an effect upon the third culture community and the school; (3) overseas corporate personnel; and (4) the school in the third culture community. The Third Culture and Expatriate Communities The three studies most relevant to third culture communities are those of John and Ruth Hill Useem, Dennison Nash and Eric Cohen. Definition In the first chapter, a description was made of the third culture paradigm as it was extracted from four of the major writings of the Useems. In the present chapter the 26 27 review of the literature will emphasize those aspects of the third culture insofar as they deal with the community. The theoretical framework for the third culture paradigm was develOped by John and Ruth Hill Useem and grew out of their studies conducted in India of Americans in residence there who were, for the most part, associated with larger collectivities including business, U.S. Depart- ment of State, aid programs, and missionary enterprises. Culture the Useems define as “the learned and shared behavior of a community of interacting human beings" (Useem, Useem and Donoghue, 1963: 2). The binational third culture they define as: . the complex of patterns learned and shared by communities of men stemming from both a Western and a non-Western society who regularly interact as they relate their societies, or sections thereof, in the physical setting of a non-Western society (Useem, Useem and Donoghue, 1963: 4). It should be noted that this early definition placed an emphasis upon men from Western and non-Western societies. In subsequent writings, that definition has been changed to exclude the need for those societies to be both Western and non-Western and has also been broadened to include dependents (Useem, 1966; Useem, 1972). 28 What happens within the third culture which makes its membership different from that of the societies it spans is described below: The binational third culture is not merely the accommodation or fusion of two separate jux- taposed cultures. As men continue to associate across societies while engaged in common enter- prises they incorporate into the ethos of their ingroup, standards for interpersonal behavior, work related norms, codes of reciprocity, styles of life, networks of communications, institu— tional arrangements, world views, and on the individual level, new types of selves. These composite patterns differentiate a third culture from the cultures it transcends. Nonetheless, a third culture is not carried by a self- contained group which lives in a cultural enclave between societies for the crucial roles of mem- bers who carry the binational third culture are the roles of cultural middlemen mediating between societies. Hence. the third culture cannot be fully understood without references to the societies it relates and in which the partici- pants learned how to act as human beings and to which they often return (Useem, Useem and Donoghue, 1963: 5). The authors go on to emphasize that those in the third culture form a "bridge“ between societies and that certain groups of foreigners who live in societies do not become mem- bers of the third culture. A key point in determining if the individual is actually a member of the third culture is by determining his purpose for being there. If his mission is that of relating his society or a segment of that society to another society or segment thereof, it can generally be 29 concluded that he is part of the third culture. In most instances he will represent a larger collectivity within a society such as a business, a department of government, the military, a church, etc. Thus, certain groups are excluded from the third culture or become only marginal to it. Some such groups mentioned by the Useems include tourists, the jet set who move around but do not have mediary functions, migratory peasants and laborers, foreigners married to host nationals, and immigrants. If the individuals mentioned above are excluded from or marginal to the third culture, then just who should be included? According to the Useems: The crucial role of both the nationals and the Americans is that of mediating between societies. They are men in the middle, they are not just individuals from different societies relating themselves personally to each other but repre— sentatives from different societies relating their societies or at least segments thereof, to each other by way of their interpersonal relationships, by way of the structures they erect, and by way of the cultural patterns they create, learn and share (Useem, Useem and Donoghue, 1963: 9) To further define who the foreign individual members of the third culture are, a ohssification system was devel- oped by Useem, Useem, Downie, Krajewski, Rainey and Gleason —'—’i 30 which defines four sponsorship categories and one residual category: Department of Defense (DOD), Federal Civilians, Missionary, Business and Other (Downie 1976: 33—34). It should be emphasized that the third culture includes host country nationals as well as third country nationals, but such individuals to fit into the third culture must meet the same requirements as the Americans, basically that they represent larger collectivities and are involved in relating their societies or segments there- of to others. Having defined the third culture and its partici— pants, we shall now take a look at three overseas third culture community studies, explore the major findings of each and show the extent to which these findings are and are not supported by the findings of others. The Useems' Third Culture Studies in India Several publications have resulted from the Useems' study of the overseas Americans in India which include publications on the community itself as well as those on the work roles of the primary participants. 31 The American Family in India deals primarily with the role of wives as household managers and mothers in a foreign environment. In addition to the responsibilities which such wives perform back home, their dependency relationship to their husbandSines them ”representational“ status which tends to intertwine family life with the work life of their husbands. “The Interfaces of a Binational Third Culture: A Study of The American Community in India” (Useem and Useem, 1967) deals with social groups in the American community, interaction between Americans and Indians, and transiency. Two types of groupings were discovered: locality-linked groups and functionally-linked groups. The first consists of Americans who are connected because of their place of residence. The second are Americans having professional, business or religious interests in common or who share any other types of concerns. A person's identification to either type of group is classified as integrated, fringe, deviant, or isolated. Indians with whom Americans interact socially are well educated, sometimes Western educated, English speaking, upper middle class, mobile, urban and either Hindu or —'—'—'—"r 32 Parsee.* They often have importance in the decision making structures of their area or country. Relationships between Americans and these Indians might be: A. Categorical, non-personalized contacts B. Congeniality relationships C. Interpersonal but work-role—related friendships Three levels of mediation between Americans and Indians were discovered. The first level, subscribed to by most Americans, involves getting along in order to gain minimal social acceptance and to avoid making glaring mis- takes or causing "incidents." The second level involves greater exploration of each other's ideas with fewer defense mechanisms and greater ability to keep lines of communication open despite severe outside strains. At the third level, the larger view of mankind is taken into con- sideration. Membership is kept viable in both Indian and American groups. Transiency of both Americans and Indians has caused disjunctures. New arrivals sometimes show little sympathy for old-timers, who acted according to the norms of an * Some Christians in the case of missionaries. % 33 earlier period. Plunging into Indian life by one time outers was viewed dimly by the old-timers who felt these newcomers often lacked respect for the ground rules of the prevailing third culture. The Indian participants, on the other hand, were not nearly as concerned about their image as a totality. While Americans might observe and criticize the manner in which they carried out their personal lives, the behavior of the Indians was always taken as a given. Such behavior did not make the Indians highly visible. It was their country. In an earlier article, John Useem went into even greater detail about the different generations of the third culture. "First time outers" were defined as persons new to transsocietal ventures, the "experienced" were defined as those who had come to terms with the third culture and "old hands" were defined as those socialized to an earlier version of the third culture who have to learn the newer patterns (November, 1966). A Study,of An American Community Abroad A Community in Limbo is an anthropological study of an American community abroad. The focus of this study is Ciudad Condal, a name which the author gives to the city —'-'———” 34 he describes as an industrial port city in Spain being, along with Madrid, one of the two largest and most influ- ential in the nation. The study deals with a small American enclave which is used to illustrate the author's contention that Americans in Ciudad Condal are imperialistic. He states: . . . we hold that any overseas representation of an imperialist power such as the United States participatesto the extent that his 3 project is acceptable to his government. Whether he knows it or not, he bears the stamp of an imperial power, and by his very existence abroad, contributes to the expan- sion or maintenance of its authority. In Ciudad Condal there was a variety of such American representatives (Nash, 1970: 12). Nash was highly concerned about problems of Americans' adaptability. This can be seen in the following statement: Among the factors which affect an imperial nation's destiny are the adaptive qualities of its people. It has been said that Americans are ”lousy imperialists" which might be interpreted to mean they are lousy adaptors (1970: 20). In the beginning, most Americans were overwhelmed by the helpfulness of the Spanish. However, this helpfulness was not always encountered in other areas of life. Tran- sients were often surprised to hear of the hostility toward the Spanish by some American residents. 35 In covering the domestic side of life Nash con— cluded that Americans tended to be reluctant to mix in host society and culture. This resulted in an increased valuation of "American" in comparison to the host culture and was expressed most untactfully by American adolescents (1970: 75). There appeared to be a lack of cooperation, not only between those Americans in Ciudad Condal who were on different missions, but also between some of those on the same missions. In spite of this, Americans had several commonalities including a common heritage and were strangers in a foreign land facing similar problems of adaption. According to Nash: They were frustrated in their mission by hosts who were said to be difficult to organize, slow to accomplish, and laking in reliability, fore- sight, courtesy, objectivity, specialized skills, and precision in their work. With the possible exception of lack of courtesy, all these traits point to the lower level of rationality in the host culture. The American missions in the city functioned to rationalize host culture, but in order for the missions to be successful, it was necessary that American representatives first come to terms with less rational hosts. This problem, which appears to beset American mis- sions everywhere abroad, is made inevitable by the high level of rationalization in American culture (1970: 91-2). Nash observed a general lack of cohesiveness and friendliness toward newcomers by other Americans unless 36 these newcomers happened to be important. While they were civil enough, they were not hospitable. He attributed this partially to a lack of cohesive community organizations which, in turn, was due to the departure of organizational types found in the Navy and Air Force who had left when the U.S. Navy and Air Force had withdrawn its forces. Rather than to generate the superficial friendliness and loyalty to larger organizations, these individuals tended to rely upon family and perhaps cliques to carry their burden of adaption (1970: 121-122). This line of thought coincides with that of Useem and Downie who felt that family life overseas tended to bring families closer together (1976: 104). Nash found that those who adapted best were those who had made inroads into the host society. In an earlier laboratory study Nash and Heiss had advanced the hypothesis that stranger anxiety was related to rejecting acts by hosts. Unless Americans had established contacts with hosts through pre-arrangements, they were usually confined to the American circle (Nash, 1970: 145-46). Finally, Nash attributes Ciudad Condal's lack of attractiveness to most Americans to their inability to adapt. This, in turn, he attributes to the failure of 37 the American community to develop a world view which would function effectively to orient its members and therefore reduce stranger anxiety (1970: 186). This appears to support the earlier assertion made by the Useems that where a viable third culture exists, mediation between cultures will be facilitated. A Study of Expatriate Communities One of the most recent in-depth studies of expatriate communities was conducted by Eric Cohen at the Hebrew Uni- versity of Jerusalem. He broadens the term "expatriate" from its original meaning which included only persons who were driven away or banished from their native country to include the following: 1. Business - private enterpreneurs, repre- sentative managers and employees of foreign and multinational firms, foreign employees of local firms, professionals practicing abroad. 2. Mission - diplomatic and other governmental representatives, foreign aid personnel, representatives of foreign non-profitmaking organizations, military stationed abroad, missionaries. 3. Teaching, research and culture - academics, scientists (e.g. archeologists,anthropol- ogists, etc.) and artists. ——————i 38 4. Leisure - owners of second homes abroad the wealthy, the retired living abroad and other 'permanent tourists,l bohemians, and drop-outs (1977: 6). Excluded from this definition are migrant laborers and foreign students. Thus, we can see that while there are differences between the population which Cohen refers to as "expatriates" and the population included in the Useems' ”third culture concept," there are also similarities. Under the Cohen definition, the role played by the individual, that is, being in a role of mediating between societies, is of little significance. Hence, Cohen can include the group he calls "leisure.“ Cohen also does not include the host country nationals, so important in the Useem paradigm. However, by keeping a few of these differences in mind, the population is similar enough that Cohen's general conclusions can be compared to those of the Useems. Cohen also seems in agreement with Nash that these expatriates are imperialist: . they are still a neo-colonial or imperialist phenomenon. They represent the large multi- national corporations, foreign governmental organizations and other foreign interests, and hence often symbolize and help to perpetuate a relationship of dependency between the developing and major developed countries (1977: 5). —_—-—-————f 39 This study differs from that of Nash in that it does not deal with the individual style of adaption or types of expatriates, but rather it deals with expatriate communities, their structure and variety. Cohen agreed with the Useems that the post—colonial expatriates are highly mobile and do not find their careers tied to the host country and consequently are not as inter- ested in the long range development of the host country (1977: 9). Because of this dependency relationship as well as the exclusive andelaborate behavior patterns exhibited by certain expatriates, a growing resentment is taking place toward them, especially by the young and certain radical nationalistic groups. To cope with strangeness in their new environment, Cohen says the expatriates establish what he calls an "environmental bubble" analogous in function to that pro- vided for tourists in a tourist establishment (1977: 16). The "privileged status" of this group of expatri- ates is given attention by Cohen. Part of this privileged status is ascribed, coming from the colonial period. However, even if the privileged status is not of the ascribed variety, it still exists by virtue of the 40 institutions the expatriates represent, the roles they per- form and the rewards they enjoy. Cohen also recognizes the problems of the repre- sentational role pointed out by the Useems. He states: The representational role may add to the expatriate's prestige, but it also increases his responsibilities and puts constraints on his behavior, life style and choice of his associates not only on the job but off it. Hence, it creates strains from which the expatriate may seek to relax in the privacy of his environmental bubble (1972: 22). In describing housing patterns of expatriates, Cohen feels there is a movement away from the housing compound but the expatriates still are not evenly dispersed throughout the city. They tend to cluster in compact neighborhoods offering what is generally considered to be the best housing and are near service clusters that Cohen refers to as CBD's (expatriate central business districts): It appears that such areas are usually located in the modern parts of the city; they lie out- side the main urban center, but are conveniently located in relation to the major expatriate residential clusters. In them will be found those services which cater specifically to all or most expatriate communities such as branches of foreign banks, traveling and shipping agencies, European or American style shopping facilities, and consular, medical and legal services. In the vicinity of the CBD, but further to the outskirts, the clubs of the different expatriate national communities are often located. Though the emergence and 41 principal raison d'etre of these services and clubs is the foreign community, they also tend to become a major focus of attrac- tion for the new Westernized elites in the cities of the developing countries. For the same reasons for which they penetrate residential areas, local elites make increasing use of expatriate services and strive to join expatriate clubs, partaking thus in a highly prestigeous lifestyle which, moreover, was until recently the sole privilege of foreigners (1977: 30). In essence, expatriates appear to be ecologically segregated from their hosts although not necessarily spatially concentrated. In spite of the bubble concept and in spite of the allegations that Americans tend to live as if they had never left home, Cohen still concludes that it would be a mistake to assume that eXpatriate com- munities replicate their home communities (1977: 39). This conclusion coincides with that of the Useems', "The American Community overseas is by no means a direct reproduction of a community in the United States, nor is it a celTOphane-bit of America transplanted to a new site" (Useem, Useem and Donoghue, 1963: 14). Thus, although expatriates do not "go native" and although they cannot replicate their home lifestyle, their new lifestyle is not exactly a hybrid of the two, either. Instead, they develop a lifestyle similar to that of the 42 affluent leisure classes of modern Western societies. There is little to differentiate theexpatriates regardless of where in the world they live and their lifestyles are similar regardless of nationality. Cohen tends to agree with Nash that there is a relatively low degree of cohesiveness in expatriate commun- ities. He attributes this to their transiency which re- duces their stakes in the preservation of the community. Furthermore, since these expatriates are privileged, they are more capable of fending for themselves in the host society (1977: 52-53). Cohen recognizes that it is the highest status role bearers who entertain most extra-community contacts. He also recognizes that little social intimacy, beyond inter- action between elites, exists between expatriates and regular, non elite members of the host society. The Dutch, The Third Culture Community, and The School Although very broad, for purposes of this disser- tafion, the tapic has been narrowed to those aspects of Dutch society which have an effect upon the international community and the school. 43 Shetter traces the cultural roots of The Nether- lands over six centuries of civilization. In his final chapter, he concludes that: Of the threads that run unbroken through the colorful tapestry of cultural history, the one singled out most often is a theme that can best be called "practicality." The culture assigns great importance to things as they are. On the most down-to-earth level this can be discerned in a habit of businesslike pragmatism, a safer realism that assures commercial success, but always skirts the edge of preoccupation with the petty (1971: 178). However, this orderly pragmatism referred to here also brings with it a process of give and take among equals. This process sometimes runs dangerously close to degenerating into a struggle for advantage by one party at the expense of another, one of the most condemned evils of Dutch society. The author goes on to say: On a higher level, this sense of the equality of individuals is the vision, captured back at the dawn of the modern era, that authority is not imposed from without, but implanted from within and that one finds his true self not in rigid hierarchy but in a process of interplay. This is the liberal ideal that in turn sowed, on the practical level, the seeds that grew into a dominant respect for individual dignity (Shetter, 1971: 179). The inclination of the Dutch for one party not to gain at the expense of another and to work together coop- eratively is entrenched in a social system referred to as 44 verzuiling, a tendency that is expressed in the image of separate pillars supporting a common roof (Goudsblom, 1967: 124). Thus, if those in one pillar of society take advan- tage of those in another, the entire societal structure is weakened. Much has been written about The Netherlands' high density of population. Some authors have called it the most densely populated nation in the world. If it is not, it is at least among them. This population density is further compounded by the fact that it is not distributed evenly throughout the country. One author describes it this way: The density of population is nearly 1000 to the square mile, but in the western part of the country it is nearly eight times as high. About five million people live in the Randstad, a ring town, which is about the same size as Greater London. Forty-five miles long and forty miles across at its widest point, this huge conurbation contains most of the major towns, including Dordrecht, Rotterdam, Delft, The Hague, Leiden, Haarlem, Amsterdam, Hilversum, and Utrecht (Huggett, 1973: 8). It will later be seen that the attitude of the Dutch toward work and the density of p0pulation have an effect upon the foreign population in their adaptive process. Focusing upon the problems of newcomers living in a new culture, the minister of The American Protestant 45 Church of The Hague in his doctoral dissertation concluded that problems exist at two levels: The first level is the need for information about the new community. The second level is the cultural level of adjustment. The group decided to concentrate on this second level because it is the more significant one, and one to which no group is addressing itself. The group identified three signif— icant problems people face in adjusting to their new community: the language problem, the problem of differing attitudes toward work, and the problem of lifestyle. It was seen that language is related to a person's self-understanding and sense of belonging in a new community. In the area of work, the group differentiated between American and Dutch values and attitudes. The final problem opened up the possibility for pe0ple to re-evaluate their own lifestyle in light of the new experiences they were having abroad (Duggan, 1977: iii). In expanding upon his findings, Duggan observes that the Dutch attitude toward work is different from that of the Americans. Due to the fact that it is nearly impossible to fire anyone, the work relationship becomes one of cooper- ation rather than superordination-subordination. Of great interest to Duggan was the language prob- lem. At first this seems to be no problem since most Dutch speak English, but Duggan noted that despite the fact that many Americans studied Dutch, sometimes for several years, they still did not become fluent in the language. He finally -‘——14 46 attributed the problem to the reluctance of Americans to use the language for fear of making mistakes. Since Amer- icans did not learn Dutch, in spite of what seemed to them to be intensive efforts, the result was a feeling of guilt and a lowering of self esteem. Part of the problem Duggan attributed to the Dutch. In Dutch society, any educated person speaks several languages. For the Dutch to feel a need to communicate with Americans in Dutch is to admit a lack of education with a feeling of low self esteem resulting. Duggan found that individuals often re-evaluated their lifestyles as a result of their overseas experiences. Living in a new culture caused peOple to view their pasts in terms of the present. Overseas Corporate Personnel In view of the fact that The American School of The Hague has such a high percentage of dependents of overseas business pe0p1e, the literature on this subject was reviewed to determine who they are and why they are there. Also, the literature was reviewed in terms of finding clues as to attitudes and values such business people might hold. 47 Global corporations, or multinational corporations, as they are more commonly referred to, are not necessarily as international in terms of nationalities as one might assume. A study of 1851 top managers of leading U.S. companies reported in Global Reach revealed that only 1.6% of these high ranking executives are non-American (Barnet and Muller, 1974: 14). What tends to make the global enterprise unique is that it views the world as one eco- nomic unit. Furthermore, these corporate leaders do not generally come from the elite of our society. Barnet and Muller pointed out that: In comparison with the generation that has constituted the "Eastern banking establish- ment," the Wall Street law firms, the brokerage houses, and the world of national security, the World Managers are not noticeably patrician, Eastern or Ivy League (1974: 49). Although top management of American corporations may be of U.S. citizenship, this does not mean that their primary loyalty is to the United States. Several quotations from Barnet and Muller indicate this: The global corporation is the ideal instrument for integrating the planet,the World Managers contend, because it is the only human organi- zation that has managed to free itself from the hands of nationalism (1974: 56). But other global giants are actively seeking to create an anational image and an antinational 48 consciousness in a variety of other ways. The names "American" and "U.S." are quietly dis- appearing from some of the nation's oldest and most prestigious firms. American Metal Climax is now "Amax." American Brake Shoe is now "Abex." U.S. Rubber is "Uniroyal." To function success- fully on a global scale, a company must not appear to be an extension of a nation-state. It is now a commonplace in corporate speeches that management must not put the welfare of any country in which it does business above that of any other, including the United States (1974: 56-57). The carriers of the new globalism are executives and employees of global corporations who have developed a loyalty to their companies and to their professions which is far more important to them than their loyalty to their country (1974: 62). We see from this that Barnet and Muller believe that while management of global firms may be primarily in the hands of nationals of the firm's country of origin, their leadership does not necessarily maintain a loyalty to that nation, but instead takes on a more world point of view or at least tries to remain neutral. Several writers have recently tied the purpose of education to that of feeding global capitalism with its manpower needs. Bowles and Gintis echo that point of view throughout their recent book: In short, the history of twentieth century edu- cation is the history, not of progressivism, but. of the imposition upon the schools of 'business values' and social relationships reflecting the 49 pyramid of authority and privilege in the burgeoning capitalist system. The evolution of U. S. education during this period was not guided by the sanguine statements of John Dewey and Jane Addams, who saw a re- formed educational system eliminating the more brutal and alienating aspects of industrial labor. Rather, the time-motion orientation of Frederick Taylor and “Scientific Management” with its attendant fragmentation of tasks, and imposition of bureaucratic forms and topdown control held sway (1976: 44). Making people useful to capitalism was also argued as a major purpose of education by Carnoy. We argue then, that the purpose of Western schooling as it was instituted around the world, was to make people useful to the new hierarchy, not to help them develop social relationships which carried them beyond that social structure to others (1974: 18). The tendency of businessmen to create successors in their own image is explored in a sociological study of a corporation by Kanter. Although the corporation studied was not necessarily multinational, this study does reflect the thinking of those involved in corporate work: Management becomes a closed circle in the absence of better, less exclusionary responses to uncertainty and communication pressures. Forces stemming from organizational situations help foster social homogeneity as a selection criterion for managers and promote social conformity as a standard for conduct. Con- cerned about giving up control and broadening discretion in their organization, managers choose others that can be 'trusted.‘ And thus 50 they reproduce themselves in kind (Kanter, 1977: 68). A more positive view of the overseas businessman, or at least a more idealized view, is taken by Aitken. In quoting from the Harvard Business Review he states that the international manager: is almost sure to be a troubled man But this does not mean that the critically motivated executive can do nothing. In fact, if he does nothing, he may so bleach his con- ception of himself as a man of conviction as to reduce his personal force and value to the company. His situation calls for sagacity as well as courage. Whatever ideals he advocates to express his sense of social responsibility must be shaped to the company's interest. Asking management flatly to place social values ahead of profits would be foolhardy, but it can demonstrate that, on the basis of long-range profitability, the concept of corporate efficiency needs to be broadened to include social values, he may be able to make his point without injury--indeed with benefit to his status in the company. It may be that the future of our enterprise system will depend upon the emergence of a sufficient number of men of this breed who believe that in order to save itself business will be impelled to save the society (1973: 20-21). Although a somewhat enlightened point of view and one which does not necessarily predominate among overseas executives, there does appear to be a genuine feeling among those in the overseas business community that their 51 presence is making a contribution to the general welfare of the host society. Since the primary purpose of this dissertation is not the study of the international executive, but rather the application of the third culture paradigm to selected components of the school of which the international executive is certainly a part, we will not dwell upon this topic. Several writers have addressed themselves to related topics including Fayerweather who elaborates on the theme that the difficulties in relations between United States and foreign executives are primarily cul- tural concludes that the solution is not for the American to go so far that he loses his initial attitudes, but rather, those who "have retained their own attitudes and values intact, but are able to depart from their dictates sufficiently to take positions in relation to foreign executives which are realistic in that they are capable of producting useful results" (1959: 10). These same themes are found in the writings of Brannen and Hedgson (1965) and Chorafus (1967). 52 The American-Sponsored International Community School This section of the review of the literature will be devoted to those studies, articles, books and pamphlets which have contributed to our knowledge of overseas schools, their teachers, the central operating forces including administrators, governing boards, and the policy they produce. There appears to have been somewhat less written specifically about the components of overseas community schools, but several authors are worth noting. Useem presents an overview of the historical devel- opment of the third culture including the colonial, the neocolonial periods, and the post modern periods. A section of this work is devoted to the types of schools attended by American overseas dependents with another section being devoted to the third culture teenagers them- selves. Emphasized in the former section are differences between DOD(Department of Defense) schools and the Ameri- can sponsored community schools, with the first being a large system of schools financed by the U.S. government and providing an American curriculum. The latter schools are private, governed by a board of directors elected by 53 parents and subject to the controls of the host government and those who support them through payment of tuition. At the secondary level, the program is mostly college prepara- tory. The latter section discusses the third culture teen- ager as a subculture. The parents of such teenagers, because they are employees of foreign sponsors, have a greater responsibility for the behavior of their children than would be the case in the United States. Several special types of teenagers are singled out for futher analysis. During the war in Viet Nam there was the "safe haven" teenager who had a father working in one country while the mother and children were living in another country. This teenager was sometimes embarrassing to the community because of lack of control exercised by the father. Another overseas teen- ager given special attention is the "hyphenated-American" teenager, who is a child back in the country of original derivation; for example, the child of Japanese-American origin living in Japan. His/her identity problems stem in part from the derogatory remarks often heard about his/her national origin. An even more subtle example of” this kind of situation are the children of Dutch parents who return from abroad to The Netherlands and enroll in the American School. Since these children may have 54 attended American schools overseas throughout their educa- tional career, they appear to be fully American to their peers who feel free to criticize host nationals in their presence. Of greater significance in this writing is the recommendation made by Useem to provide secondary schools for dependents of U.S. citizens on American soil and to establish small experimental learning centers in the more isolated sectors of the various countries (1973: 121-38). This recommendation is of particular importance for several reasons. First, the presence of schools for elite foreigners is becoming a source of embarrassment to the governments of host nations because such schools are indicative of the dependency these nations have upon the "developed" countries. Secondly, due to the fact that an educational program tailored to the needs of the third culture child has never been adequately addressed, this appears to be an early attempt to cover that inadequacy. A guide to raising children overseas is written by Werkman to serve as an introduction to overseas life for first time outers and deals with the special concerns of parents in such environments. Of special interest to this portion of the literature review is Werkman's assessment 55 of the school situation. Although very general in its treatment of overseas education, the chapter does give the ne0phyte a basis upon which to begin searching for educational alternatives in the overseas situation (1977). We do not know the impact which attendance at over- seas schools has upon its clientele. However, identity formation and re-entry are the topics of a doctoral dis- sertation by Downie in which he concludes that youth who return to the U.S. to attend the university from overseas schools: 1. Find that their third culture experience sets them apart from their college peers because of having experiences which are not easily shared. Consequently, they end up on the periphery of the mainstream of college life. 2. Find the task of friendship making to be difficult since the cues apprOpriate to friendship making in third culture life are no longer apprOpriate in the U.S. 3. Find that they went through a modified form of culture shock. 4. Find they no longer have an ascribed identity due to the sponsorship of their father. 5. Find identification of home and roots to be difficult (1976). Students who attend overseas community schools appear to attain a greater sense of worldmindedness. 56 This was confirmed in two doctoral dissertation at Michigan State University. In a study of the American High School of Mexico City, Beimler concluded: The data confirm the existence of a signif- icant relationship between the amount of cross-cultural interaction and a sense of worldmindedness in students who attend the American High School of Mexico City. In turn, both the amount of cross-cultural interaction and worldmindedness are related to length of stay in the school (1972: 82). Gleason came to similar conclusions in his earlier study. He felt the following contributed to worldmindedness: 1. Living on the local economy in an over— seas area. 2. Frequent interaction with local citizens in both social and work roles. 3. Making an attempt to learn and speak the local language. 4. Having foreign students as best friends. 5. Feeling "at home' in the foreign environment. 6. Living a considerable number of years in an overseas environment and preferably in several different overseas environments (1969: 112). Greater worldmindedness among overseas students is also confirmed by Duffey (1976). If the overseas student is more worldminded, he also develOps a greater facility in foreign language. However, language facility is dependent 57 upon a number of variables. Place of residence can be used in predicting which languages are learned. This is espe- cially true in the cases of Spanish, French and German. Department of Defense dependents seem less proficientwhile students of missionary and business sponsorship have higher proficiency. Length of stay is an important predictor. Females generally learn languages better than males. An exception to this seems to be in speaking German. The type of school attended also was predictive concerning the learning of languages. Department of Defense schools tended to be quite low. Students of missionary-sponsored schools in contrast tended to have a high ability to speak local language (Rainey, 1971: 237-40). Patterson made a study of differences between U.S. and foreign (most Mexican) students at the American High School in Mexico City. He found that there are great dif- ferences between students within national groups and they cannot be treated as a homogeneous block. Secondly, there is a need to develop valid measures of ability for the bi- national population. Thirdly, he found that even thoUgh Mexican students were less proficient in English, they achieve as well as Americans. Fourthly, Mexican students 58 seemed to face some difficulty in establishing their identity (1960: 94-99). The effect of short term and long term stays in Japan was studied by Downs who determined that students who stayed in a school in Japan on a long term basis were rated higher by their teachers in leadership, self-confidence, respect by classmates, and personal responsiblity. Their verbal SAT scores were about the same as the short termers while their SAT math scores were slightly higher (1976: 66-71). A follow-up study of high school graduates of The American School of The Hague class of 1974 indicates stu- dents 1elt the school could have provided them with more business and/or occupational courses as well as more advanced placement courses. Upon returning to the US., students found they were "out of things“ and also found their compatriots provincial in their attitudes and interests. They felt the school had failed to give them adequate courses in Dutch language, history and culture and that the school should help get them out of the American ghetto. Academically, the students were doing quite well. Seventy-one percent were receiving mostly "A's" and "8's" and eighty-one percent listed no grades 59 lower than “C." A great majority of students felt that their education abroad gave them deeper insights into life, wider interests and more empathy for other pe0p1e, even though their educational experience in a small school was somewhat sheltered from reality (Dykstra, 1977: (l) - (18)). Teachers Little has been written about the overseas teachers in the international community school. Although reference has been made in a number of studies and other writings to such problems as transiency, preparation and qualifications, no in-depth study of the teachersrole, their places in the community, or their understanding of the types of youth they are working with, has been made. Quebeck made a study which explored the high degree of turnover among overseas teachers. To alleviate the problem he recommended that: A structure should be provided which will offer security in the overseas schools in order to continue to encourage them in recognizing the value of regular and re- occurring assessment of the outcome of classroom teaching processes. Team teach- ing concepts were cited by overseas respondents as an example of an organi- zational design for such a structure (1970: 109). 6O Utilizing a jury consisting of twelve overseas school administrators, Quebeck discovered that overseas administrators recognize four unique characteristics for success among overseas teachers: 1. A desire for an opportunity for pro- fessional growth. 2. An interest in being evaluated. 3. A strong sense of justice. 4. A desire to learn foreign languages (1970: 105). In a study of the overseas education of American overseas school, Mannino concluded that American-sponsored overseas schools are too small, have a high turnover of personnel, and are economically unsound (1970). Although the Bentz study focused primarily upon the role of the superintendent in Central America, he did include a section on teachers. He found a predominancy of females, that most teachers were employed on a full time basis, and that only 37.5 percent of the professional employees were U.S. citizens. The largest segment of professional staff also held degrees from non-U.S. institutions. Special attention was given to the fact that 13.4 percent of the teachers held no degree at all and 27.5 percent held no legal certification (1972: 156-59). 61 Bentz broke American teachers down into two groups "stateside hire" and "local hire." Stateside hires were usually of short range duration in their employment, young, and few considered overseas teaching a career but rather considered it as a means of enhancing one's personal development. Salaries were low by stateside standards. Local hires were often just passing through or else were dependents of primary participants in the third cul- ture. They were frequently quite transient. Host country nationals were the third category of teachers mentioned by Bentz. These teachers were usually educated in a local teacher training college. Finally, the smallest group of teachers were those termed "third country nationals." They were usually teachers recruited in the host country and were difficult to characterize because of the smallness of their group. Cutting across these characteristics were the long- termers vs. the short-termers. Short-termers were pri- marily the American stateside and local hire who had been contracted on a short term basis. The long-termers were primarily the host nationals. American long-termers were primarily those married to host nationals and it was they 62 who gave the degree of stability which enabled the institu- tions to survive (Bentz, 1978: 170-79). Central Operating Forces Again, very little research has been done on the components which make up the overseas community schools' central operating forces: the administration, the board and the policies they produce. Perhaps the most extensive study of overseas school board policy and its relationship to school governing boards was undertaken by Orr. It is Orr's impression that one of the greatest weaknesses of overseas community schools is that they have inadequately developed policies and procedures. Specifically, Orr says: One of the most significant problems con- fronting the overseas school is that they have not developed policies and processes to assure continuity and improvement. Currently, the school's chief administrators have an average tenure of less than two years and school board membership also turns over after short times of service. The net result is that many of the schools lack a sense of direction and have no systematic plan to develop and improve (1976: preface VI). Orr points out that lay control may be the single most important characteristic of American education and that this tradition is retained in American Sponsored Overseas 63 Schools (ASOS) which are operated, with few exceptions, by lay boards (1976: 3). A problem Orr finds with overseas boards is in keeping them confined to policy making since many board members are administrators in their own professions. If school superintendents are forced into a work pattern where they spend hours each day listening to and responding to individual board members, they are likely to lose time which is needed to provide school leadership. Orr high- lights this problem in the following statement: The nature and circumstances of the A505 are such that board functions tend not to be in balance: (1) they employ an outstanding superintendent and place on him total respon- sibility for policy and administration or (2) they become overly involved in the day-to-day administration of the school. Both actions appear to result from the following: 1. People are elected or named to the board who simply have no interest in the school; or because they have a special interest . . . educational, political, social or vindictive. 2. Newly elected board members are often well-intentioned but are not provided with adequate orientation. _Obviously, if a school has not developed policies, role orientation is not productive. 3. The high turnover of board members in the A505 in the absence of adequate policy direction for the school, 64 results in confusion and sometimes impulsive rather than planned and considered action. 4. The higher turnover of ASOS super- intendents, coupled with a higher than normal incidence of undertrained and inexperienced administrators, frequently places the board in a position of temporarily assuming some administrative responsibility. 5. The close knit nature of many ASOS communities results in board sup- ported nominations of personnel for ASOS positions of individual friends, who may be charming but unqualified. 6. Even though each ASOS is not unique, all do have many differences in addi- tion to similarities. Some boards tend to adOpt policies of other schools without adequate deliberation and thereby create confusion about their own direction. The greatest common- alty among the ASOS may be underdeveloped policy. If this is the case, the common but serious problem of communication about a school is intensified. Employing a superintendent whose beliefs are not in harmony with the board about the direction of the school is a possible result (1976: 6). The remainder of the Orr publication presents a sys- tem for coding school policy and has extracted samples of policy taken from existing policy handbooks from ASOS all over the world. These sample policies cover nearly every t0pic of school Operation which is normally covered by policy. 65 Another study of the central Operating forces of overseas schools, dealing specifically with the role Of the Superintendent, and through that role with governing boards and school policy, was written by Carlton Bentz. In his section on governing boards, Bentz indicated that the annual turnover rate was about 33 percent. This figure might have been somewhat higher if the study had not been conductedianntral America since American schools in this area tend to have a relatively high percentage of host nationals on their boards and in their student body. This high percentage of host nationals was due primarily to the reason for establishing such schools in the 1930's. These schools were established by the United States in an effort to counteract the increase of Nazi influence taking place in Latin America during this period. These host nationals tend to be more stable than their U.S. counterparts. Bentz noted that the rate of turnover among American board mem- bers was 40 percent while only 18 percent among host country nationals (1972: 113). In any case, a high rate of turn- over seemed tO exist. Bentz also noted that new board members were usually inexperienced, but as they became experienced they tended to change their points Of view to become more congruent with those of experienced board 66 members and school administrators. There is a tendency on the part Of overseas governing boards to avoid controversial issues which can place the school in a state of limbo. This in turn can place stress on administrators as they attempt to maintain an organizational balance in the school (1972: 125-26). Handling financial matters, raising funds and making expenditures was an area in which all of the administrators interviewed had encountered direct Conflict with the board and reported lack of funds to be the principal Obstacle in managing the school. In summarizing how overseas chief school adminis- trators perceived their roles Bentz said: The chief school administrator perceived his role Of articulating the school's educational public service orientation as difficult and highly complex. The difficulty was compounded by the degree Of institutionalization of the American school. Low institutionalization appeared to be related to the absence of a recorded history with prescribed goals, recorded policy procedures, and tenure con- tinuity. .In other words, the mode was an absence Of an institutional heritage with well-defined institutional boundary main- tenance system. Consequently, conditions Of stress surrounded the administrator in performing his role (1972: 58). Since so little has been written on the central operating forces of the school most of what will berdiscussed 67 in subsequent chapters concerning these components is original and is extracted from the aUthor's personal experience, from board meeting folders, from school policy, from conversations with others and from general Observa- tion. Summary In this chapter on the review of the literature, only the major material used as a basis for the disserta- tion is presented. It is not intended that a complete review of literature and research related to American sponsored overseas community schools shall be presented since such a review would be broader than is necessary. This review is divided into four major categories. The first section focuses upon those studies Of the third culture community. It should be noted that dif- ferent authors tend to use different terminology in des- cribing the third culture. Three major works stand out in this area including the work of the Useems, Nash and Cohen. In defining the third culture the Useems note that the third culture is not simply the interaction Of human 68 beings from different societies, but rather the learned and shared behavior of peOple who relate their societies or segments of their societies to each other. The third cul- ture, then, becomes different from either Of the cultures it spans. New patterns of behavior emerge which are dif- ferent from those of either of the principal cultures. These patterns of behavior are observable in work related norms, styles of life, world views and in the types Of "selves" develOped at the individual level. An anthropological study of a single American community abroad is reported on by Nash. In this study Nash concludes that the force behind this settlement Of Americans is imperialism. Nash recognizes that imperialistic forces of the United States are not always carefully coor- dinated and sometimes work in Opposition to each other. Nash expresses concern about the adaptability Of Americans in this community and concludes that Americans are poor adapters and consequently poor imperialists. He also emphasizes the reluctance of Americans to mix with host country nationals and also the lack Of cooperation between Americans. He attributes part Of the Americans' lack Of cooperation with each other to the lack of "organizational types“ in the community resulting from 69 the pull-out of the American military. As a consequence, Americans tend to rely upon other family members as well as cliques for the necessary support needed for adapting. Nash found that those who adapted best were those who were able to find inroads into the host society. Cohen's study was not of one community in partic- ular, but rather consisted of a study of expatriate communities in general. He uses the term "expatriate community“ rather than third culture community and his basis for including certain groups is somewhat broader than that of the Useems. He does not insist that those living in expatriate communities serve as mediators between cultures or segments thereof, a point which is so essential in the third culture paradigm. However, the pOpulations of the Useems' third culture and Cohen's expatriate com- munities are still very similar. Cohen tends to agree with Nash's contention that expatriates were neo-colonial or imperialist in nature. He also seems in agreement with the Useems and others concerning the resentment taking place toward expatriates because of the dependency rela- tionships. The second section Of the review Of the literature is devoted to the Dutch and the effect of the Dutch society 70 upon the international community and the school. The con- cept of verzuiling or the pillarization of society is used to explain the tendency of the Dutch to work together COOperatively ( Goudsblom, 1967). The Dutch work ethic, which frustrates many American managers, is explained by Duggan (1977) who shows how the Dutch tend to operate under a phllOSOphy of working to live rather than living to work. Duggan also explores the language problem of Americans in Holland as well as the problem of changing lifestyle for the Americans in residence there. The third section of the literature review con- centrates upon overseas corporate personnel. Barnet and Muller (1974) assert that the multi-national corporation is sometimes extracting greater loyalty from employees than their nation state. Bowles and Gintis are concerned with the role of the school in capitalist society which they feel is helping only to feed global capitalism with its manpower need (1976). A more moderate view is taken by Aitken who says that while management cannot be asked to place social values ahead of profits, it is possible to show long range profitability tied in with social goals. 71 The overseas school is the subject of the fourth section of the literature review. Useem proposes that the U.S. government provide schools on U.S. soil, paid for by tax dollars, and Open to the dependents Of all U.S. citizens who are living overseas. A special curriculum would be designed for these unique students to capitalize upon their experiences. Small learning centers in iso- lated sectors of various countries would also be provided (Useem, 1974). Greater worldmindedness among overseas students was Observed by Gleason (1969) and Beimler (1972). High teacher turnover was the subject of a study by Quebeck, who prOposed as a solution that greater job security be given to overseas teachers (1970). Bentz also was con- cerned about high rates of teacher turnover (1970). School policy was the subject of two writers, Orr (1976) and Bentz (1970). Both felt that schools without well developed policy had the most difficult time resolving problems. CHAPTER III THE COMMUNITY In this chapter three components Of the community will be examined insofar as they relate to the school and its clientele. These three components include: 1. The-host country 2. The role Of the sponsoring employer 3. The role Of community institutions, particularly those established by the foreign community The Host Country It would be far too easy to dwell extensively upon all the characteristics of The Netherlands, but since the purpose of this dissertation is to apply the third culture paradigm to a particular school, I shall use this section only to give sufficient background for the reader to adequately comprehend the implications which the physical, social and economic conditions of the nation have for the school. To be more specific, in this section we will take 72 73 a brief look at the historical and modern attitude Of the Dutch toward the foreigner, we will look at the physical setting of The Hague and its surrounding area and the implications such a setting has for the relationship of those in the third culture community. We will also exam- ine the implications Of expatriate housing problems and transportation problems. In essence, we will take a look at the environment and how the third culture expa- triate satisfies his basic needs within that environment. These aspects of expatriate life will be compared to that described by the Useems in their third culture paradigm. In many instances the process of life can be explained in terms of this paradigm. Where differences exist, such dif- ferences are due primarily to the historical background of those geographical locations where the field studies took place. Most Of the Useems' writings resulted from field studies in former European colonies. This field study took place in a highly developed Western society which had,itself, been a colonial power until recent:times. Since the Useems'third culture concept evolved from their studies in non-Western societies where relationships be- tween this culture's participants were at one time super- ordinate and subordinate rather than coordinate, the 74 differences referred to above are important to keep in mind. The Welcome Foreigner and International Trade Historically, the Dutch have Opened their doors to the oppressed Of the world as well as serving as a world center for international trade. Any American school child can tell you that the Pilgrims settling in Massachusetts who originally came from England had been made welcome in Holland before venturing to the new world. This child can also tell you about The Netherlands serving as a refuge for those escaping Nazism. The "international hippies“ of the sixties found Vondel Park and Dam Square in Amsterdam to be a welcome stop off place while on their international travels. The tolerance of the Dutch toward foreigners is described in much popular literature and comes naturally as a result of the historical emphasis of the Dutch upon international trade. It has been through this heavy emphasis upon international trade that the Dutch have develOped a genuine familiarity with that which is foreign. Although describing the Amsterdammer, the author Of the 75 Time-Life series The Great Cities, Amsterdam, could just as well have been referring to the Dutch in all of Holland's large cities when he said: As a result of centuries of overseas trading, Amsterdam is infected with a healthy dose of internationalism-~not the superficial inter- nationalism of the chain-hotel bar or the airport lounge, mind you, but the internationalism of a population that is utterly dependent on commerce and travel. Citizens of Amsterdam have had to meet with men of all countries and customs while earning their living; have had to learn to accept them, to live with them and often even to value them. A merchant or sailor or financier cannot afford to be exclusive, a jingo, or literally--a stick in the mud. Amsterdammers, in fact, have occasionally gone as far in the opposite direction as one could possibly go. For example, during a war between Holland and England in the late 18th Century, some citi- zens Of the city were seen to be curiously unhappy when they received a report that the Dutch navy had won a victory over the British at Dogger Bank in the North Sea. It turned out that they had been underwriting the insurance policies for the British warships (Koning, 1977: 11). The importance of internationalism to the Dutch could be demonstrated in almost countless examples, but perhaps the most apparent to either the tourist or the expatriate is the facility the Dutch have with foreign languages;especially English, French and German. The facility to speak foreign languages is a characteristic of not only the society's elite but also other segments of the pOpulation. It is 76 unusual to encounter a shopkeeper, waiter or gas station attendant who cannot carry on at least a basic conversation in English. The Dutch not only are able to conduct busi- ness with English speaking people in English but also appear to rather enjoy doing it. A frequent complaint made by Americans trying to learn Dutch is that as soon as they attempt to use their limited Dutch, the Dutch immediately respond in English. In addition to being able to communicate with the Dutch, the American finds a ready supply of U.S. magazines, newspapers and books. Still, language presents a considerable problem as we shall see later. Language Learning In the next few sections I will draw heavily from a doctoral dissertation written by the Pastor of The Ameri- can Protestant Church Of The Hague (Duggan, 1977) and show how it contributes to the Useem's general paradigm of third culture. According to Duggan, problems encounteredty new- comers exist on two levels: informational needs and cul- tural differences. Itis Duggan's second level, dealing with cultural differences where the third culture institutions 77 I have the most difficulty in providing support. One of these major cultural differences elaborated upon by Duggan is language. Duggan suggests that 90 percent of all Americans in The Hague have only the slightest knowledge of Dutch. I would estimate that the figure for the Middle School would be only slightly different. In this 90 percent grouping, no one can read a news- paper Or magazine in Dutch nor carry on any reasonably extended conversation. This is often true despitethe fact that many students and parents have studied Dutch for a year or more. Yet due to the Dutch fluency in English, it is quite possible for an English speaking person to carry on a reasonably normal life. However, nearly all Americans consider language a problem. This was definitely true of the students. Duggan considers the problem to be a guilt feeling and a contributer to maintaining one's alien status. He refuses to accept the Often heard cliche that Americans just have a hard time learning languages. From my own experience I found there were Americans who had fluency in other languages who still did not learn Dutch. Instead, Duggan attributes the language situation to a bi-cultural problem. First, most of the Americans in the community 78 are, at least in their own eyes, high achievers and very successful. Those learning a foreign language make many mistakes and sometimes look foolish, Often resulting in a bruised ego. Failure to learn the language results in lowered self-esteem. On the other side Of the bi—cultural problem is the situation of the Dutch. An educated Dutch person is nearly always able to communicate in English, German and French as .well as his native language. For a Dutch person to encourage an American to learn Dutch is to admit the Dutch person's own inadequacy in English resulting in lowered self-esteem. The Work Ethic There is a common saying among Americans and Dutch who work together that ”Americans live to work while the Dutch work to live.“ Under Dutch law it is nearly impos- sible to fire an employee and the work venture is entered into in a spirit of cooperation rather than one of super- ordination and subordination. The Americans also complain that the Dutch have lower levels Of productivity and lower levels of competence. Americans who fight the system usually remain ineffective. Even if the American adapts 79 to the system he still often refuses to accept the Dutch attitude and values toward work and consider his own to be superior. Consequently, a cultural gap always exists between the two. Changing Individual and Family Lifestyle Living abroad leads many people to re-evaluate their life style as a result of the new experiences they arehaving. By becoming aware of the attitudes and values of others, the individual becomes more deeply aware of the attitudes and values he possesses. Evaluating those attitudes and values in terms of the wider perspective is difficult and often results in internal conflict. Nevertheless, those attitudes and values are often changed as a result of this process and, once changed, it is seldom that the individual can revert to being his/her old self again. It is impossible to measure the effect that these changing attitudes and values of parents have upon youth, but it is highly unlikely that in a situation where the immediate family is as closely knit as in the third culture community, these changes do not have a serious impact upon the child's life. 8O Sponsoring Organization - Why? In their third culture paradigm, the Useems have devoted considerable attention to the reasons for the existence of third cultures and the effects that their uniqueness have upon their membership. To some extent, these theoretical constructs have been further developed and expanded upon by other writers.' In this section we will examine these theoretical constructs and see how they are and are not applicable to the third cUlture community of the school. Throughout the Useems' writings, reference is made to the fact that Americans overseas are representative of larger collectivities. Regarding their experience in India, they state, “More than ninety percent Of the Americans working in India are under the sponsorship of an organized enterprise" (1967: 6). The paradigm itself is developed around the idea that third culture people are those in the middle of societies who are not just relating themselves to each other but are relating their societies or segments thereof to each other. This idea is made explicit when the Useems state: ‘The crucial role of both the nationals and the Americans is that of mediating between societies. 81 They are men in the middle, they are not just individuals from different societies relat- ing themselves personally to each other but representatives from different societies relating their societies or at least segments thereof, to each other by way Of their inter- personal relationships, by way Of the structures they erect, and by way of the cultural patterns they create, learn and share (1963: 9). What are these larger collectivities represented by those in the third culture? Why are they there? The Useems and others; Downie, Krajewski, Rainey, and Gleason, have arranged these collectivities into four major categories and one residual category. 1. Department Of Defense (DOD): military personnel, and civilians employed by the military. 2. Federal Civilians: civilian employees of any non-military federal agency assigned abroad as, for examples, Department of State: including Foreign Service, Agency for International Development (AID), United States Information Agency (USIA), United States Department of Agriculture (USDA), etc. 3. Missionary: employees and workers for any Western religion-related organization abroad. 4. Business: employees of private business firms located or represented abroad, including American, multi-national or foreign national firms. 5. Other: a residual category which includes all others, such as university professors 82 under contract, representatives of founda- tions, Fulbright scholars, employees of international agencies such as the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAQ), World Health Organizations (WHO), CARE, and self employed Americans and American employees of the American sponsored schools overseas (Downie, 1976: 33-34). It seems to have been well established that indi- viduals who make up third cultures are representatives Of larger collectivities and that these collectivities can be separated into the categories defined above. TO develOp a deeper appreciation of the third culture concept, one must ask himself why the leadership of the larger collectivities themselves find it important to have representatives throughout the world and what the implications are as a result of these decisions. The Useems touch upon the problem briefly when they state: Finally, third cultures dependfor their existence and meaning on the larger col- lectivities of societies, countries, and the organizational world. Consequently, they are subject to constant changes, intermittent conflicts, and numerous spe- cific accommodations as the larger human groupings on which they depend change. The worldwide political and economic forces, the shifting alignment of power among and within nations, the ideas and ideologies which originate in some parts of the world and then quickly spread around the globe, all these impinge on 83 any one third culture. Thus, while a third culture is in one respect a creator Of new patterns, it also is in another respect a creature Of the world conditions which pre- vail (1971: 16). It is the "world conditions” referred to by Useems that need to be explored in greater depth in order to com- prehend exactly why third cultures exist.and to gain some insight into why individual members of these networks function in the manner in which they do. Once this has been adequately established it becomes possible to gener- alize the effects such thinking might have upon the functioning of the school, which will be covered in a later chapter. It was the contention of Nash that the major reason for the presence of Americans in Ciudad Condol was imperialism. From one of several chapters devoted to this concept he states: The general facts about modern imperialism are clear. The big industrial nations have, by a variety of means, expanded their spheres of influence into foreign territories around the world. In the early part of the twentieth century Britain and France were the foremost imper1al powers. From the time of World War II, however, it became clear that the United States and Soviet Russia had attained the highest power and largest spheres of authority (1970: 5). 84 Nash does clarify that a nation's imperial power is not necessarily a monolithic entity and that in the case of the United States these forces sometimes work against each other. Thus, the type of imperialism referred to by Nash is not necessarily that resulting from an integrated plan of action by the United States government. This imperialism referred to by Nash is sometimes referred to by others as “neo-colonialism" and/or “dependency." Nash stresses the importance of nationality when he states: ". . . the vast majority of Americans who go overseas today do not have Open to them the orienting option of giving up their primary identification with the United States (1970: 189). Barnet and Muller go beyond Nash's theory of national imperialism and make the case for the world view of the global corporation which does not maintain an allegiance to any one nation. In describing the global corporation they state: What makes the global corporation unique is that unlike corporations of even a few years ago, it no longer views overseas factories and markets as adjuncts to its home Operations. Instead, . . . the global corporation views the world as one economic unit. Basic to this view, . . . is a need to plan, organize, and manage on a global scale. It is this holistic vision of the earth in comparison with which "internationalism" seems parochial indeed, that sets the men who have designed 85 the planetary corporation apart from the generations of traders and international entrepeneurs who preceded them (1974: 18). These authors devote an entire chapter of their work to the managerial dilemma of the nation—state. In this chapter they conclude that: The structural transformation Of the world economy through the globalization of big business is undermining the power of the nation-state to maintain economic and polit- ical stability within its territory. Old remedies do not work, and new ones are yet to be found. Loss of control over money, increasing concentration Of income and wealth, failure to maintain employment, and mounting debt are symptoms of the per- manent managerial crisis that now afflicts advanced industrial societies as well as poor countries. Inflation, in the words of Arthur Burns, "threatens the very foundation of our society.“ Territorially based government lacks the imagination and the power to develop a political response to the dynamic global economic forces which, more and more are shaping our lives (Barnet and Muller, 1974: 302). I will theorize that at present it is neither nationalistic imperialism nor global capitalism alone which accounts for the clientele of the American School of The Hague, but primarily a marriage of the two. It seems that three categorical employing sponsors, business, federal government, and Department of Defense work very closely in advancing their common interests, but especially for 86 utilizing The Netherlands as a market. A former U.S. Ambassador to The Netherlands, J. W. Middendorf, in the early days of his mission stated: “We've got 22 guys con- cent.at1ng on trade, and every section of the embassy has a role to play'I (Business Week, Dec. 16, 1972: 38). The article expands upon how Middendorf's commercial attaches have bombarded Dutch business prospects with direct mail solicitations and follow-up visits and how they have flooded Dutch banks and airline offices with brochures that are designed to induce visiting U.S. businessmen to consider The Netherlands as a potential market. Now that we have examined several points of view for the existence of third cultures including those of the useems, Nash, Barnet and Muller, we shall briefly explore those sponsoring employers involved in The American School Of The Hague in order that insight might be gained for later analysis of the school's central Operating forces. A list of employer sponsors of the parents of the students for 1975 is found in the appendix (see Appendix A). This list reveals that the vast majority of parents are sponsored by private business. The overall breakdown for students in this school taken from a report to the governing board in 1975 is as follows: 87 Employer Sponsors - The American School of The Hague, 1975 Host Third Country Country U.S.A. National Total Per Per Per Per No. Cent No. Cent No. Cent No. Cent Department of Defense 0 0 89 11 O O 89 8 Federal Civilian 1 4 62 8 48 20 111 10 Missionary O O 6 l 0 O 6 1 Business 20 80 573 74 173 73 766 74 Other 4 16 49 6 l6 7 69 7 TOTAL 25 100% 779 100% 237 100% 1041 100% By far the largest number of children, numerically, have parents in business. When one examines the list of employer sponsors, it is readily observable that a signif- icant portion of those companies are Oil companies or firms doing business in industries related to Oil. This can be attributed to two major reasons: first, the exploration and development of the North Seal Oil fields; secondly, the port at Rotterdam, which is the largest in the world and is one of the major points of entry for much Of Europe's oil. Tankers unload here and there at numerous refineries along the port. 88 Still another observation is that no single firm dominates as an employee sponsor. Aramco is the largest with forty-five students including both American and non- American. This represents only slightly more than four percent Of the entire student body. Shell is second with thirty-nine. Fifteen companies have ten or more students in the school while over one hundred have less than ten. Thus it is clear that the school is not dominated by any single company but taken collectively the oil companies have a considerable influence. Effect of Sponsorship Upon Student Behavior Nearly all the teachers were in agreement that dis- cipline was much easier to maintain in The Hague than it had been back in the U.S. Not that The Hague was in any way unique in this aspect. Teachers who had taught in other overseas schools generally felt that behavior among over- seas youngsters was better than that in America. In some instances this perceived difference in student behavior might be attributable to the fact that many of the teachers had not been accustomed to teaching youngsters from the upper middle and upper classes. In other instances the 89 difference in student behavior might be attributable to the high quality of the teacher, since from my observation the teachers in The Hague were of higher quality than those teachers I Observed in the U.S. While all the above may influence student behavior and may, to some degree, account for the different per- ceptions held by the professionals, I tend to attribute the better behavior primarily to two factors: first, the closeness of the immediate family in the overseas situation and secondly, the close relationship existing between the employing institution and the dependents of the overseas employee. These observations have been supported by the Useems in their third culture paradigm. In her study of the American Family in India, Ruth Useem observed: because facilities and services must be secured either directly or indirectly through the sponsoring agencies, the family sector and work sector are inextricably interlocked and constantly ramify into each other--sometimes to the distress of both family and sponsor and sometimes to their mutual satisfaction. In part because of the dependency status but also because of the "foreigner“ status, wives, children and the family collectively have "representational roles." Behavior which is considered within the area of "privacy" and "nobody's business“ within the United States becomes redefined in the foreign setting as visable "public" behavior and "everybody's business"-—ranging from local communities 90 (Indian, American, and other foreign), Indian and American governments, sponsoring agencies, and even newspapers and authors. Furthermore, any and all of these groupings can and Often do, apply positive and nega- tive sanctions--sometimes directly and more often indirectly (1966: 73). It appears, in The Hague, that the fathers took an active interest in many aspects of their children's lives that they would seldom pursue in the U.S. Fathers were highly visible at nearly all school functions such as PTA meetings, student plays, athletic activities, etc. Fathers were nearly always present at parent-teacher conferences. When it became necessary for parents to meet with the guidance counselor or the principal, the father was usually in attendance. Essentially, it seems, that the primary employee must manage his domestic life so that it does not interfere with the ability to perform on the job. In The Hague, most fathers seemed to take this challenge seriously. Housing Up to this point, we have shown that the foreigner has generally been an accepted, and perhaps a welcome part of Dutch life. In spite of the difference in language, 91 because of the efforts of the Dutch, the American expatriate usually finds that he can at least communicate the basics quite comfortably. The purpose of this section on housing will be to show how peOpTe with various backgrounds in the third cul- ture community of The Hague, particularly middle school youth, adapt to the housing situation found in their new environment and how their housing situations affect their lives. The extent to which one accepts a new housing situ- ation is at least to some degree dependent upon what the individual has been accustomed to. Those arriving fresh from the U.S. are most likely to be accustomed to living in some kind of rambling ranch or colonial house in sub- urbia surrounded by a large plot of ground and containing all the latest appliances and gadgets ranging from micro- wave ovens to intercom systems. Those arriving from assignments in the develOping nations had even larger houses than they had lived in in the U.S. and filled with servants, but perhaps without some of the U.S. gadgetry. Nearly all the expatriates in Holland felt their housing there was less satisfactory and more expensive 92 than in their previous assignment and many complained vociferously about it. Housing was a common topic of con- versation at cocktail and dinner parties. Due to Holland's dense population, referred to by some as the most densely populated nation on earth, and due to the swelling popu- lation complicated by the damage done to housing during World War II, housing is still in short supply, expensive and often does not meet the standards found in other parts of the world. The most frequent complaints heard were related to cost, inadequate size, extremely small kitchens, small yards or perhaps no yards at all, an inadequate number of bedrooms and little space for entertainment, appliances (particularly stoves and refrigerators that were small by U.S. standards) and misunderstandings about rental agree- ments between themselves and their Dutch landlords. In most instances the renter was expected to take complete responsibility for interior maintenance and repairs, including interior decorating. There exists a hierarchy of housing which is often not immediately observable to the nechmer. The free- standing house with surrounding grounds could be afforded only by those who represented the highest positions in the 93 foreign community. Even these houses were often considered inferior to what their occupants had been previously accus- tomed and were often not available until the individual had been in The Hague for several years. Next in rank to the freestanding house was the semi—detached. This was similar to a duplex and often had several floors and some ground surrounding the building. This type Of housing was still very expensive and available only to those in elite posi- tions. It was often occupied by individuals who were waiting for the availability of a freestanding house. The most common type of housing for expatriates was similar to that lived in by middle class Dutch. While some of the Americans find housing among the elite, they are mostly those who represent the highest echelons of their organi- zations. This seems to support the contention made by Cohen that extra-community participation with the local elite takes place primarily by the third culture elite (1977: 34). To some extent this contradicts the contention of the Useems that the members of the third culture community are accorded an elite status (1966: A10). This included row houses and flats. Row houses could be compared to U.S. townhouses, sharing common walls with neighbors and usually 94 having a very small back yard and sometimes a tiny front yard. To purchase such row houses the individual usually paid between $90,000 and $180,000 and rent for such places generally ranged about $1200 to $2400 per month. Finally, flats or apartments were available in all sizes and prices, but here again rents were usually considered exceedingly high. From the standpoint of the student, the major prob- lems of housing meant that a child might have to share a bedroom with a sibling, thus resulting in a certain lack Of privacy. Furthermore, when parents were entertaining, the child often nad no p1ace to go. Very often there was no family room and if visitors came, the TV could not be watched. Perhaps, however, the worst problem resulting from housing was that it caused considerable complaining among the adults, offering a vivid example in their eyes of the inferiority of the Dutch which was often echoed by the children. In her study of "The American Family in India," Useem had spent considerable time discussing the problems of servants (1966: 81-834). The only servant problem existing in The Netherlands was, for the mOst part, that there were none. Since wages were nearly as high as in 95 the U.S. and since the rate of unemployment in The Nether- lands is much lower than that of the U.S., it is nearly impossible to obtain household help. This meant a con- siderable adjustment problem for those who were entering from the underdeveloped countries and had been used to having a household full of servants. A myth about the extreme cleanliness of the Dutch is Often prevalent in American thinking. One American writer called this "an exaggerated fallacy" (Farber, 1974: 2). This myth is Often quickly shattered when the first "cleaning lady" is employed. While it is beyond the scope of this study to measure the exact impact which parental frustrations con- cerning housing, household help, etc. have had upon their offspring, there can be little doubt that such frustra- tions are obsermble to the child and have some effect upon his attitude toward the Dutch. Much of the above writing has concentrated on the differences between the status or those in the third culture setting as far as housing is concerned and contradicts some of the contentions made by the Useems. I attribute this primarily to the setting of this study which was in a developed western nation while the Useems‘field study was conducted in a developing, non-western nation. 96 Although differences have been pointed out, there were also many similarities to the paradigm developed by the Useems. Although students in the school experienced some difficulties as a result of changes in lifestyle due to living in smaller, less pretentious houses, the author felt that most of these difficulties were a result of attitudinal values transmitted to the youngsters by their parents, and in those instances where parents made an effort to refrain from excessive complaining, the ultimate difficulties experienced by the youngsters were generally minor. This was not, however, the case with certain other problems which resulted from_housing. FOremostamong those problems was house location and the indirect difficulties experienced by the youngsters in making friends, main- taining friendships and participating in extra-curricular school functions as well as other youth oriented activities sponsored by both Dutch and American institutions. Just as adults, especially mothers, held feelings Of isolation due to the fact that others with whom they associated or with whom they would have likedto associate 97 lived over a widespread area in and around the city, children in the school faced similar problems. In an open ended question on a survey of the student body at the Middle School of The American School of TheHague in which students were asked to name their most difficult experiences during their first three months as well as their most rewarding experiences, in both instances the making of friends is mentioned by the largest number of students. There can be little question that housing location has an important impact upon friendships. Since different classes of housing tend to be located in different sections of the city as well as different suburbs, location of housing has a tendency to bring about friendships of chil- dren whose parents are of similar social standing. As one analyzes the manner in which the students spend their time, particularly at school, it is apparent that there is not a great deal of free time during the school day when students can be with others of their own selection. Most of the selected socialization comes about after school hours. Numerous students mention that they meet some of their best friends on the school bus. Sometimes this is at the bus stop, sometimes on the bus itself. “The reasons for this are simple enough. If students meet at the same bus 98 stop, it means that they usually live nearby and can con- tinue their friendship during off school hours. This is true, although to a lesser extent if they take the same school bus but originate from different stops. Location of housing also has other social impli— cations besides making of friendships and establishing friendships with others whose parents are of similar social standing. Location of housing in areas of prox- imity to establishments frequented by youth of this age group also have implications for the making of friendships and social adjustment. Places frequented by students in this age group include The American Protestant Church which organizes a youth group, several athletic groups as well as various scouting activities. The school itself is the center for many activities and, while not many students live close to the school, some can overcome this obstacle through riding bicycles or taking public transportation. Still another popular spot for youth of this age group is the ABF Field (American Baseball Foundation). Baseball is an especially popular sport, and the Foundation organizes games of little league baseball and additional sports such as flag football and soccer. These take place nearly all day every Saturday and Sunday. Even students who do not 99 participate in the games themselves go to watch or just to meet their friends. Location Of housing is especially critical for easy access to participation in ABF activities because their field is located on the outer perimeter of the greater Hague metrOpOlitan area from which the school draws its students. The beach is yet another area of interest to many students, but most of the activities taking place there tend to be those which the students organize themselves on an informal basis at various spots depending upon the location of housing of the particular clique involved. In Wassenaar, a basically upperclass suburb of The Hague, the Astra Theatre, owned by a Dutch- man but frequented almost exclusively byjouth from The American School is a major center of attraction evenings and weekends. Movies are programmed which have special appeal to American youth of this age. Near the school is the tourist area of Scheveningen which has not only the beach as an attraction, but also numerous amusement rides and establishments with pinball machines, etc. Also, just around the corner from the Middle School is John's, a bar frequented primarily by students from the American High School. Some of the more "mature" Middle School students find this establishment of great interest and patronize 100 it regularly. It is never difficult for any of them to obtain drinks, and the novelty of walking into a bar and being served drinks seems quite attractive. Needless to say, the parents find this spot quite controversial and many forbid their youngsters to go with varying degrees of success. Many parents would like to have this establish— ment closed down, but under Dutch law this is impossible. TO offset the "bad" influence of John's, the parents orga- nized another activity center for the youth of the school which is called "The Hole." Theoretically, such an estab- lishment, which has a paid American youth director, keeps the young people off the streets, out of trouble and away from John's. Alcoholic beverages are not to be permitted and other drugs are taboo. "The Hole"is supposedly only for high school youngsters, but the older middle school stu- dents usually find they can gain entry with little, if any, difficulty. The Hole, becaumeit does not serve drinks and because of its "respectability" as a result of parental influence in its operation never proved to be too popular. Since it is located very close to John's, students often tell their parents they are going to The Hole but end up at John's instead. Later, The Hole moved from its original 101 site, and in order to become more appealing to its school clientele, the sale of beer has been introduced. The purpose of this treatment of housing and youth activity has been twofold: first, to show that the loca- tion of housing has an impact upon the youth's ability to participate in community activities and consequently to form friendships; secondly, to indicate some of the kinds of activities available to youth in this third culture community and to visualize their "mental map," which is defined by Nash as extending outward from the body to areas and objects which serve as points of reference (1970: 171). While the location of housing has an impact upon the type of activities the youth of the school participate in and resulting friendships, there are methods of working around these difficulties. The three most obvious methods are through parent transportation, public transportation and the frequent use of bicycles. All have certain draw- backs, but all make it possible for the Middle School youth to live fairly active social lives. Parents, particularly mothers, spend a great deal of their time transporting their youngsters from one loca- tion to another. Because the centers of these activities are widely dispersed and because of the busy social lives 102 in which the parents themselves are involved, the use of informally formed car pools to move children about is Often resorted to. In many instances, even the use of car pools is unsatisfactory because of the parents' busy schedules and the dependency relationships which are often disliked by the youth themselves. Because of this, many of the youth resort to the use of public transportation. The mastery of the use of this system of public transportation and the ability of the chil- dren to convince their parents of the relative safety of this means of mobility is Often a major factor in the children's social life and their ultimate adjustment to life in this environment. Convincing parents of the need to use public transportation, particularly at night, is usually no small task for the child. Because of the children's age, the entire idea of using public transportation is new to them as well as to their parents. Furthermore, The Hague is a large city with all of the problems inherent in such a situation. Although the crime rate is low by U.S. stan- dards, the rising use of hard drugs is resulting in an increase in crime. Then, of course, there is the usual trauma that both parents and youth go through when the off- spring make that painful adjustment from childhood to 103 adulthood. The system Of public transportation in Holland, both in cities and suburbs, is excellent by most U.S. stan- dards. If the children live in the city of The Hague, they can probably travel to most other points within the city in a forty minute period, even if they have to make a transfer. For youths living outside the city or for youth traveling from the city to points outside the city, the time involved can easily double. Thus, even if the children can overcome the obstacles of mastering the use of public transportation and of con- vincing their parents to let them use it, they are still hindered in their social life by the distance they live from the establishments where much of the social activity takes place or by the distance they live from other friends who are scattered around the entire metropolitan area. They are still partially confined to developing friendships with those who live somewhere in the vicinity of their homes. Finally, the use of the bicycle is a favorite means of mobility for Middle School youth. Bicycling in Holland is a common means of transportation, even by adults. This method of transportation is not, however, without its draw- backs. There is a serious safety factor due to thecfiffer- ent driving habits of the Dutch. There is also the problem 104 of having to share bicycle paths with fast moving motor bikes. The weather, with frequent rain, reduces the child's willingness to become too dependent upon this means oftrans- portation. Finally, the distances between points where youth want to go often results in extremely long rides making it hardly worth the trouble. In summary, housing is an important factor in the youths' adjustment to life in The Hague. While privacy is sometimes reduced because of living in a house which is smaller than that to which the youth were accustomed, the more important problem seems to be that imposed by dis- tances from friends and from points of interest where the youth tend to collect. These problems are partially over- come by dependence upon parents, car pools, use of public transportation and use of bicycles, bdt can never be com- pletely overcome by such means. For those who did attempt to overcome such Obstacles through the means available, it is probable that a certain maturity and independence is gained which contributes to the general prevailing idea that TCK's are more mature and independent in establishing mobility. I believe that much of what the Useems and others have hypothesized about the importance Of housing, 105 which is primarily aimed at adults, is also a serious prob- lem for youth. Before leaving the problems of housing and student activity, a few words should be directed toward two concerns held by many upper middle class parents throughout the U.S. as well as in the third culture; sex and drugs. Before proceeding, it should be pointed out that the nature Of this field study placed serious limitations upon any conclusions which can be drawn. Because, as a principal, I was an authority figure in the school, it was Often difficult and sometimes impossible to talk with students about these sub— jects. My comments here have to be limited primarily to my observations and conversations with other professional staff, parents and administrators. In a discussion at one time with Dr. Ruth Useem, she advanced a theory that little sexual activity took place between the sexes in overseas schools because their small- ness developed a sort of incest taboo. My observations would generally support that theory. During my six years in the school, a pregnancy was never reported. The high school principal once confided in me that a pregnancy had never been reported during his eight years as high school principal. Middle School counselors also seemed to feel 106 that while a limited amount of interaction took place between the sexes, the students in The Hague were nowhere near as sexually advanced in their relationships as stu- dents in the U.S. From my own observation, it was very seldom that I even saw a boy and girl holding hands. Because Holland has recently become the major cen- ter for the European importation of drugs, we kept a con- stant outlook for drugs in the school. While it would be naive to think that some of our Middle School students had not experimented with drugs in private situations, I never saw any evidence of students coming to school under the influence of drugs or with drugs in their possession. In private conversations with teachers and guidance counselors, students generally claimed that neither they nor their middle school friends were involved in the use of drugs other than alcohol. I attribute part of this to the con- trol over these youth maintained by their parents as well as to the fact that little contact with host country youth was maintained, thus reducing the opportunity to make drug purchases. 107 Third Culture Institutions In our earlier discussion of housing and its impact upon the child, we have already pointed out some of the third culture institutions of importance to middle school youth. This section will deal primarily with thosethird culture institutions with an adult clientele, but which have an impact, either directly or indirectly, upon the school. The institutions which Americans transplant to the overseas community are, upon first observation, very similar to what might be found in the United States. Amer- icans have the ability to transplant these institutions, partially because of their wealth and influence. Careful examination of these institutions usually reveals consid- erable differences from what one might find in the United States. Consequently, the community itself becomes dif- ferent. This fact was observed by the Useems when they wrote: The American community overseas is by no means a direct reproduction Of a community in the United States, nor is it a cellophane wrapped bit of America transplanted to a new site. It has certain resemblances to, and some physical accoutrements of its American origins, but it is organized to serve dif- ferent purposes and to fulfill a different 108 set of needsthan is the American community at home. To confine analysis and evaluation of the overseas American community to its surface manifestations similar to the com- munity in the United States, would miss completely the new functions which these patterns serve in the cross cultural situation (Useem, Useem and Donoghue, 1963: 14). Cohen, in a much later publication, using somewhat different language, seems to be in general agreement with the Useems. In referring to the manner in which strangers cope with strangeness, he refers to the "environmental bubble." Explaining the differences between the new environment and the "planted" institutions he says: It turns out, then,that 'home' is not an exportable commodity, because its meaning depends on and reflects that broader con- text, which by definition, cannot be transposed into the host environment. The "environmental bubble" rather than a replication of home, is a surrogate for it and hence its shortcomings (1977: 40). Regardless Of the success or failure of re-creating the home environment through the establishment of famihar institutions, Americans living abroad do have a tendency to form institutions that were familiar to them in the U.S. These institutions can generally be divided into four cate- gories; civic, recreational, religious and educational. Some Of these institutions will span several of these 109 categories. Below is a list of those institutions patronized primarily by members of the American third culture community in The Hague. Civic American Community Council American Chamber of Commerce American Men's Association American Women's Club Recreational Anglo-American Theatre Group American Baseball Foundation Golfers International Stitching Youth Center Boy Scouts of America Girl Scouts of America Mixed and Men's Bowling Leagues Religious American Protestant Church Christian Science Church Church of Christ English and American Episc0pal Church Liberal Jewish Congregation Roman Catholic International Chapel Educational The American School of The Hague Parent-Teacher Association Some of these institutions maintain close ties with the school and actions taken by their membership have direct implications for the school's Operation. Others have no direct ties to the school and actions taken by their 110 membership are non-consequential to the school or only of peripheral importance. The American Community Council was founded for the purpose of coordinating and planning the community activ- ities of the various community groups. The emphasis here is on coordination, and due to the literally hundreds of activities taking place each year, for a rather limited number of individuals, it seems essential that one group take over the scheduling of these activities in order to avoid conflicts of dates. The mere fact that there is a need for such an organization is indicative of the many activities taking place. Since the school Operates many activities itself, a great deal of time is devoted by school personnel to working with this council in coordinating dates. Mistakes can be costly in terms of public relations, as for example, when parent information meetings might be scheduled on the same night as the Women's Club Ball. The American Chamber of Commerce has a membership, primarily male, whose activities are devoted mainly to better business relations between the U.S. and The Nether- lands. Other than the fact that the Superintendent of Schools belongs and attends meetings for public relations 111 purposes and to gain a better feeling for the business cli- mate in The Netherlands insofar as it affected the school, this organization has almost no effect upon the school. The American Association of The Netherlands is an organization, until recently, consisting entirely of busi- ness and professional men, which holds monthly luncheon meetings and usually has a guest speaking on some tOpic of general interest. It provides an opportunity for its membership to meet on a somewhat informal basis. One of its stated purposes is to promote better Dutch-American relations, but the Dutch have never been able to hold full membership privileges and can only be invited as guests. The Superintendent and Principals all belong and usually attend monthly meetings. This provides an excellent opportunity for those school administrators to become better acquainted on an informal basis with the fathers of the students. In addition to this, the Association contributes a small amount of money each year to community youth activities. The Anglo-American Theatre Group presents several theatrical performances each year and fosters general social and cultural activities among its membership and is of little consequence to the school. 112 The American Embassy is the official institution in The Netherlands representing the U.S. government and main— tains a strong impact upon the lives of most Americans in residence. Its impact upon the school is very strong in that in any given year approximately six percent of the school's students are dependents of U.S. civilian employees. In addition to this, there is always a representative of the U.S. Ambassador serving on the school's governing board. Due to the importance of that institution, this person represents the Ambassador both formally and informally and his opinions are always given consideration and weigh heavily in the decision making process. The American Women's Club of The Hague is perhaps the most active social organization there. It usually has over 500 members who were required to be U.S. citizens. Its membership is open only to females. Its purpose is to promote social intercourse and mutual helpfulness among its members. It publishes and continually revises a book entitled At Home in Holland, a document of approximately 150 pages which provides information to the sojourner on nearly every aspect of life ranging from housing to taxes. This publication is probably the most useful book in print for the American entering the third culture community of 113 The Hague. In addition to this, the Women's Club provides almost a countless assortment of activities for its member- ship, and it is possible for numerous women to base almost their entire social life around this organization. Although the American Women's Club of The Hague maintains no formal ties with the school, it provides an informal Opportunity for its members to become informed or misinformed about the school. One thing which most of its members have in common is having children in the school. The school is a tOpic of conversation at many of the functions. One of the most important organizations in the com- munity, at least as far as students are concerned, is The American Baseball Foundation. In addition to baseball, this organization provides for such activities as flag football, basketball and bowling. It attempts to supplement the school's athletic program. In any year, upwards from 300 boys and girls participate in its programs. The programs are managed, coached and refereed primarily by parents. Occasionally, the program is criti- cized since the parents sometimes become more emotionally involved in the sport than the youngsters. In some cases teachers criticize the organization on the basis that it brings a large block of parents together to place pressure 114 on the school to increase expenditures for athletics. Still other individuals feel that this organization provides youth with a means of escaping involvement in Dutch athletic pro- grams and consequently deprives them of the Opportunity to establish meaningful relationships with Dutch youth. No matter what criticisms may be aimed at this organization, the numbers of youth served through its auspices indicates that it has been well received by the students of the school as well as many of their parents and that a genuine need exists in the community to provide youth with the Opportunity to participate in athletic programs. The Stiching Youth Center or "The Hole" as it is commonly referred to was established for the purpose of pro- viding youth attending The American School with a recrea- tional meeting place. A professional supervisor is hired and the premises provide a place for dancing, billiards, ping pong, pinball machines, etc. This organization was founded as a result of the drug scare of the late sixties and because of what many parents viewed as the permissive atmosphere in which the Dutch raise their children. This youth center has met these problems with only varying degrees of success, depending upon the individual's point of view. 115 The Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts of America offer programs similar to what one might find in the U.S. These organizations are separated from the school, but the school generally cooperates in whatever way it can. Scouts are open to children of every nationality, but Dutch. This provision of exclusion causes many individuals to criticize these organizations openly. Golfers International and the American Bowling Leagues of The Hague are two organizations which have very little effect upon the school. Perhaps thenajor effect of these two organizations, particularly the latter, is that a few teachers belong which results in a certain amount Of dialogue between teachers and other members of the community, whereas teachers are excluded from several of the other institutions because their activities take place at times when teachers cannot participate. There are a number of churches in The Hague catering to a membership including segments of the international com- munity, but from the standpoint of the school, the two having the greatest impact are The American Protestant Church and the Roman Catholic International Chapel. Both of these churches have special youth programs which meet regularly, provide activities such as dances, sports, picnic outings,etc. 116 The American Protestant Church has an assistant pastor who is in charge of youth activities. For many of the school's youth, the church is one of the most important social out- lets. Friendships are made and developed, activities are provided and there is often a genuine feeling of belonging. In addition to the direct implications that the church has on the lives of the children, the church also serves as a major socializing institution for many Of the parents. Besides serving their spiritual needs, the church provides social activities, discussion groups and private pastoral counseling. The final institution which I will describe, and perhaps the one having the greatest influence upon the school, is the Parent-Teacher Association. The power Of this organization is considerably enhanced by the fact that the president of the PTA is automatically a member of the school governing board with complete voting rights. In a society such as the third culture community of The Hague, where a great deal of social interaction takes place between the membership of much of that society, but where teachers tend not to participate in much of that social interaction, for reasons which will be explained in a later chapter, parents with concerns about the school tend to 117 discuss them with each other and with individuals of their own social standing. Since the president of the PTA is elected by the school community at large and is often a social leader in the community, many parents tend to take their concerns to that individual. Whether this communi- cation facilitates problem solving or contributes to the problem itself is dependent upon the human relations skills of the individual holding the office. In the past, the office has been held by some individuals highly competent in human relations skills, but more often it has been held by individuals whose communications skills were not con- ducive to the development Of sound staff-parent relation- ships. Often the PTA president has been viewed by teachers as one who has taken parental complaints about teachers directly to the Superintendent and/or the governing board rather than giving the teacher an Opportunity to deal with them. On the positive side, the PTA has a fairly broad based advisory council which meets monthly with the school administrators and serves as an excellent sounding board for what the community is thinking. One year a serious attempt was made by the PTA to include several teachers on its advisory council and the Teachers' Associaion was asked 118 to nominate a certain number of representatives. Long rooted suspicions by teachers, probably resulting from actions taken by certain past PTA presidents, were prob- ably influential in the Teachers' Associations refusal to comply. The PTA has been influential in encouraging school personnel to provide numerous parent information meetings about the school program and activities. It also publishes a monthly newsletter and compiles a directory of names, addresses, telephone numbers, and sponsoring employers of all students and their parents. This directory is espe- cially useful since it serves as the only telephone directory available to pe0p1e of the community. Often the individual's telephone is left in the name of the landlord due to the high cost of making a changeover and due to the long period of time it often takes to obtain a new tele- phone. Without this PTA directory or something similar to it, telephone communication between students and their friends as well as parents and their friends would become difficult. As pointed out previously, most of the institutions developed by The American School third culture fall into civic, recreational, religious and educational categories. 119 There appears to be no serious lack of activities for either adults or youth in the environment of The Hague. If any— thing, the community might even be overly organized. It has been pointed out by the Useems and others that even though familiar institutions are transplanted to the new environment, the environment is still never quite the same. Cohen expounded further on this principle and developed his environmental bubble theory. Nevertheless, both authors would agree, I am sure, that this environmental bubble can- not completely eliminate or exclude influences from the culture in which it exists. In'me next few sections we will look at how some host country influences affect the attitudes and values of those in the environmental bubble. Although most of this information deals with adults, I would speculate that there are ramifications for youth due to the transmission of attitudes and values from one gener— ation to another. Summary Dutch Internationalism and the ForeigggLanggage Problem We have seen that The Netherlands, as a host country, has had a long history of meeting with pe0ple of different 120 nationalities, and because of its dependence upon commerce and trading, has learned to accept them and even to value them. Because of this long history, a mature relationship has developed between the Dutch and foreigners. The Dutch have placed a strong emphasis upon the importance of their citizens being able to communicate in foreign languages. In spite of this, the "language problem" is still of great importance to Americans, who generally do not learn the Dutch language partially as a result of their own high self concept and partially because for the Dutch to feel the necessity of communicating in Dutch to others would be admitting educational inadequacy and lowering of self-esteem. To high achieving Americans this results in a feeling Of guilt and maintains their alien status. Sponsoring Organizations The Useems' contention that Americans living over- seas are representatives of larger collectivities is in evidence at The American School of The Hague. The cate- gorical breakdown into Department of Defense, Federal Civilians, Missionary Business and Other is also clearly applicable with the vast majority coming from the Business category. 121 The Useems explain the existence of third cultures in terms of political and economic forces and the ideologies which spread around the globe. These basic concepts have been further supported by other writers including Nash, Barnet and Muller who cite national imperialism and global capitalism as today's major contributing factors. As representatives of these larger employing insti- tutions, the principal employees and their dependents obtain certain privileges and face certain restrictions which would not necessarily be true in their homeland. To see that these restrictions were properly managed, the father often takes a more prominant position in the raising of children. Housing‘and Transportation: Their Effect Upon Socialization In most instances, expatriates living in The Hague have to settle for housing which they consider less than satisfactory. From the point of view of the school's youth, this results in certain frustrations such as the possibility of having to share a bedroom with a sibling. Of seemingly greater importance, however, is the impact which housing location has in establishing and maintaining friendships 122 and participating in activities. Students who have access to those establishments frequented by other youth from the school seem to develop more active social lives. Difficult proximity to these establishments could, in some instances, be partially overcome if the students' parents permit their youngsters to use public transportation, if parents are willing to chauffeurthem around or if the youngsters could utilize their bicycles. Drugs and Sex The nature of this field study severely limited con- clusions which can be drawn upon the subjects of drugs and sex. It appears, however, that students in this school are somewhat less mature than their U.S. counterparts in their relationships with members of the opposite sex. Except for alcohol, the use of drugs seems to be nearly non- existent in the school, and if they are used outside of school at all, it is only by a small minority on an experi- mental basis. 123 Third Culture Institutions The Useems' contention that the American community overseas is by no means a direct reproduction of a community in the United States has been supported by the subsequent writings of Nash and Cohen. This assertion is also confirmed in this study. The Hague seems to have a well developed, highly organized set of third culture institutions. There are so many activities that one of the basic problems for these organizations is scheduling activities so they do not conflict. The very names of these organizations often prefixed by the term "American" give these institutions a slightly different connotation than they would have in the United States. Implicit in this prefix is a certain exclusiveness which would not be necessary elsewhere. CHAPTER IV THE SCHOOL Introduction The three components of The American School of The Hague to be examined in this chapter include the central operating forces, the role of the teacher, and the middle school. A detailed description of each of these components is made and each of these components is analyzed in terms of applying the third culture paradigm to the attitudes, values, and norms of those individuals making up the components. Where the third culture paradigm and its accompanying body of literature cannot be used to explain those attitudes, values and norms, new theoretical con- structs will be extracted from related fields. Central Operating Forces The term central operating forces is used to describe the governing board, the administration, and the body of 124 l25 policy and administrative regulations which serve as a frame- work for operating the school. The policy, for the most part, has been written by the school's administration and approved by the school's governing board, often after extensive discussion, debate and modification. While it is usually the administrators and governing board members who sit down together to formulate the final policy, each of these individuals in turn has been influenced by his own personal experiences, his interrelationships with others, his political and religious learnings, and his own educational background. To put it another way, each of these individuals has been influenced by his own cultural background of which the third culture is part. The value in examining and analyzing these central operating forces of the school comes from the fact that they represent the collective attitudes, norms pertaining to education, and values of the individuals including parents and school officials who have served in an official edu- cational capacity over a period of years. Through the examination of certain of these central Operating forces and through analyzing them in terms of the third culture paradigm, we will obtain insight, not only into how third 126 culture people feel about education, but also why they feel the way they do. The Governing Board In examining the central operating forces, one needs to keep in mind that written policy comes about for one of two reasons: first, to confirm in writing what already exists in practice; secondly, to change or modify what is already in existence. The school policy being examined in this chapter will be of both types. The governing board, formally referred to as The Executive Committee, and informally referred to as "the board," is comparable to a board of education in a U.S. public school or the board of trustees in a private school. No one seems to know exactly how the name Executive Com- mittee was given to this group, but some have mentioned that it was given this name at the time the school changed from being small with all parents serving as voting deci- sion makers to being a larger school with more parents and hence the "executive committee" was acting in the name of parents who were now too numerous to fulfill the func- tion. 127 The purposes of the Executive Committee are defined in Policy 8120 (see Appendix B). These purposes are fairly typical of what one might find in a U.S. private or public school and include defining goals, financial planning, adopting a budget, policy making, etc. The Executive Committee consists of eleven members (see Appendix B, Policy 9ll0). Ten of those members are nominated by a nominating committee for three year terms. The eleventh member is the President of the PTA. Under the provisions of the applicable policies, the nominating committee makes its nominations on the basis of areas of expertise (e.g., finance, public affairs, management, law, sociology, etc.). In addition to this, the nominating com- mittee takes into account place of residence, (for example, The Hague, Wassenaar, Voorburg), number of students living in each geographical area, size of employing company, and length of stay in The Netherlands (see Appendix 8, Policy 9lll). Nominations must be accepted by the Executive Committee and are voted upon by the parents (who have one vote) of the students. The nominating committee's nomi- nations can be challenged by others who submit a petition signed by twenty-five eligible voters, in which case the name or names are placed on the ballot. 128 In practice, the nominating committee's nominees are usually approved by the Executive Committee and are later elected by the parents. Never from l97l-l977 has anyone been nominated except by the nominating committee. The transiency of the community is reflected inthe Executive Committee. Of the eleven members on the 1976-l977 committee, the one with the longest tenure had served only seven years. The next longest in tenure had served only four years. The rest had served only three years or less. This may account for the number of abrupt changes in direc- tion which seems to take place. It also makes it possible for a person with relatively short longevity on the Execu- tive Committee to gain significant influence. While there are no written stipulations that any given company or governmental department has to be repre— sented, it does appear that a few of these retain constant representation. The U.S. Embassy has had representation during the past six years. Placid Oil, Bank of America, Bredero Price and Sea Land also have had representation in this time period. Thus, five of the ten seats have been the monopoly of five sponsoring organizations. There appears to be no apparent reason for this situ- ation. With one exception, the companies represented are I+— 7‘ g" " sw~=g 129 not sponsors of large numbers of American families in The Netherlands. Also, with one exception, these companies have not been represented on the Executive Committee by the same person. Therefore, it would seem in spite of policy that the opportunity to serve on this body is handed down from one person within an organization to another in the same organization. The rank of the Executive Committee member in his corporate or governmental position is sometimes used in selecting members. On the l976-l977 Committee, six of the ten members were the highest ranking Americans in their firms, and one was a high ranking official in the U.S. Embassy. Three members were female, one being the wife of the minister of The American Protestant Church and the other two being wives of executives of multi-national cor- porations. It would appear that membership in this body is considered important and attracts people from high positions in their corporations or government. The nationality of all members of the Executive Com- mittee was American in 1976-77. Two were naturalized U.S. citizens originally from Sweden, and one was a naturalized U.S. citizen originally from Germany. This was true in spite of the fact that approximately twenty-five percent 130 of the students were non-American, and according to policy, up to twenty-five percent of the membership could be non- American. Six of the eleven members resided in Wassenaar, which is generally thought to be the location with the best housing. It is difficult to know the extent to which the governing board assumes reponsibility for the administration of the school. However, one of the policies makes it nearly impossible for the superintendent to act without giving thorough consideration to the feelings of at least a major- ity of Executive Committee members. Specifically, that policy states: l. The Superintendent shall from time to time keep the Executive Committee informed of major administrative decisions he has made. 2. An opportunity shall be provided for the Executive Committee to review adminis- trative decisions (see Appendix B, Policy 2450). Such review has, in practice, taken place in executive ses- sion behind closed doors. It would be difficult to characterize the attitude of the Executive Committee toward education. From the author's observation, it generally appears to be conservative 131 and somewhat traditional. What actually results from the committee's decision making process has been, until recently, largely a matter of how much confidence there has been in administrative decision making and recommendations. Rather than being split along the lines of educational philosophy, they have been split along the lines of administrative autonomy. Essentially, the two camps in this split have included on one side those board members who are content with the role of policy making, finance, etc., vs. those who feel the board should take a more direct role in the operation of the school. These members cite Policy 2450, (see Appendix B, Policy 2450), quoted above as the basis for their intervention. Although the latter group has been a minority for some time, it appears to have become a majority in the late seventies. Those favoring continuation of the board as policy maker role have generally been the males, usually quite high in their corporate structures who have as a model the role of the board of directors in the corpora- tion. Those advocating more direct intervention have generally been the female board members, one long standing male member plus an occasional additional recruit. 132 Executive Committee - Analysis The formation of an Executive Committee, or govern- ing board nominated by a committee selected by itself and elected by the parents of the school's students probably has its roots in a combination of public school and private school orientation, which would have been familiar to the writers of the policy. Although the school is indeed a private institution and has the legal autonomy one might expect most such private institdjons to have, the school also functions in many respects similar to a U.S. public school. For example, most of its students come from U.S. public schools or other overseas private schools similar to itself. Most of the teachers and administrators come from the U.S. public schools. Therefore, it is not sur- prising that a system for governing the school would take into account features of both private and public schools. What is significant in terms of the third culture paradigm is the composition of the Executive Committee and the system utilized for self-perpetuation. The selection process for obtaining Executive Com- mittee members is one that permits, as a matter of fact almost demands, that the person selected be an established 133 member of the community. It is seldom that new people to the community stand any chance of becoming a part of the governing board, even though newcomers represent approxi- mately one-third of those present in the community each year. There are, however, two notable exceptions to this: first, those who come to The Netherlands from another overseas assignments where they have had personal contact with a number of peOple who presently live in the community. There are other international overseas communities which have high concentrations of people in the oil industry. Often these peOple have known each other in different over- seas posts. In the case of The Hague, a number of peOple come from the Middle East, Singapore and England who knew each other previously. Secondly, newcomers are occasionally nominated to positions on the board when they hold influ- ential positions in the community, such as serving in the capacity of managing director of a large multinational firm. In their third culture paradigm, the Useems elab- orated on the concept of the conflict which takes place between those who were new to overseas life and those who had been involved in such a lifestyle for a number of years. I will use this portion of the Useems' paradigm 134 to help explain certain behavioral characteristics of individual board members. The "first timers," as the Useems describe them, are new, not only to the particular host country, but also to the "third culture." They are often highly enthusiastic and plunge into the culture of the host country. They are sometimes willing to subordinate personal concerns in order to achieve their objectives (Useem, Useem and Donoghue, 1963: l0). This contention is further substantiated by the Useems in another publication in which they discuss the cleavages which develop between the "old timers" and the "newcomers" in India (l967: ll-l2). Fresh arrivals regard their current activities as a once-in-a-lifetime experience. ~Those who manage to gain entry into the host country group take special pride in their accomplishment. They are often critical of long-term American residents. Comments such as the following by these newcomers are common: Why, they hardly know they are in another country. They establish little Americas and hold themselves apart. They don't know what's going on in the country for they seldom get out of their air-conditioned rooms and their only social contacts are the Westernized upperclass and hangers on. 135 The social gulf between Indians and Americans is appalling. Americans build up antagonism to America by living so much above the local people. We have the responsibility of acting like plain Americans and they take the facade of gentility. It's tragic the way they cause cleavage between Americans and Indians (1967: l2). On the other hand, the "experienced" are those who have come to terms with the third culture. The old timers came to terms but have since gone out of fashion. In some instances this change occurs within a single tour of duty. In other instances, the change comes about as a result of having made several international moves. These individuals tend to discount the social skills of the inexperienced. They resent the newcomers who "go native" and abhor their lack of sensitivity to the ground rules of the local third culture which they have worked so hard to establish. The experienced are usually less willing to sub- ordinate their personal and family needs to accomplishing a specific objective. They are less willing to see their children go without education and are less willing to make personal sacrifices in comfort, style of life, or recre- ational pursuits. They do tend to enjoy meeting important pe0p1e, being in the thick of things, participating in 136 building the third culture and observing the growth and development of their families. It should be pointed out that nearly all the board members of The American School of The Hague come from the “experienced" group of the third culture. Of the eleven board members who started out the 1976-77 school year, seven had held employment assignments in other countries. Of the remaining four, one had resided in The Netherlands for fourteen years, one resided in The Netherlands for twelve years, and the other two had resided in The Nether- lands for three years. Of those two, one was originally of German descent. In later sections of this chapter, we will examine policies made by the governing board and administration which will demonstrate how the "experienced" socialize the newcomers. For example, in policies related to curriculum, there is very little to encourage “going native." Before reviewing those policies, however, we will examine the other portion of the central operating forces, the administration. 137 The Administration The administration includes a superintendent, a high school principal, a middle school principal, an elementary principal, a business manager and a half time director of special services. An organizational chart is provided in the appendix (see Appendix K). The Superintendent The superintendent is the chief administrative officer of the school. It is required under policy that he be U.S. trained and an American citizen (see Appendix B, Policy ZlOO). His job description (see appendix) issimilar to what one might find in a U.S. public school. There are some differences in the nature of the position which often give different outcomes. One of these differences has already been described in the paragraphs above. It was pointed out that the Exec- utive Committee reserves the right to review all adminis- trative decisions. This has a tendency to weaken the role of the superintendent, or at least to make him more respon- sive to the demands of the board. He can never make a decision without being mindful of the board's reaction. 138 A second difference found in the role of the superintendent has to do with "hiring practices." He is charged with the reSponsibility of hiring all staff members. While this would probably also be the case in the U.S., in practice the U.S. superintendent often delegates a significant por- tion of this responsibility to the principals and sometimes to the teaching staff as well. Because in The Hague most of the teachers are recruited in the U.S., and because of the impracticality of sending anyone other than the super- intendent to do the recruiting, the entire responsibility falls upon the superintendent. With a fairly rapid turn- over in personnel in a fairly small school, the superin- tendent, through careful selection of personnel, can bring about changes in teaching style, phil050phy, etc. A third difference which givesthe superintendent greater strength in The Hague is the absence of any sort of teacher union. There is a "Teacher's Association," but it has confined itself largely to performing a social role, to assisting new teachers and to making requests for salary. While there is a grievance procedure which was drawn up by the administration, nothing like teacher strikes or binding arbitration exists. Thus, the superintendent can make the 139 kinds of personnel decisions which might be the envy of his U.S. counterparts. A fourth difference in the superintendent's role has to do with his ability to fire. Teachers work under one year contracts for the first two years and two year contracts thereafter. Policy gives the superintendent the right to terminate the employment of any employee whose work is not satisfactory (see Appendix B, Policy lel). With no access to a labor union, no tenure and no b0dy of state or national law which clearly applies, the teacher has almost no recourse. It should be recognized that more than one third culture can exist in any one society. Expatriate com- munities often form along nationality of origin. The Hague has five rather large groups of foreign peOple: Americans, French, German, British and Indonesian. Each group has what might be considered its official leader- ship in the form of its ambassador and diplomatic staff. However, a second form of institution exists, the school, and the head of that institution becomes a sort of public servant of that community of peOple. Each of the national groups mentioned maintains its own school in The Hague. In some instances the head of the school is an official 140 appointed by the government of his home country. In others, as in the case of the head of The American School, he is selected by a governing board (Executive Committee) which in turn is selected by the community of people served by that school (the parents of the students). It might, there- fore, be said that the superintendent of The American School of The Hague is the closest thing to an elected public official existing in that community. It necessarily fol- lows that the superintendent is expected to act in a manner similar to a rather high public official in the U.S. He is expected to participate actively in community programs, to serve on the governing boards of community organizations, to be present at community events, to belong to some of the more prestigeous community clubs. He is, furthermore, expected to maintain an active social life and associate with the "right" kinds of people. The Principal The role of the principal, as defined by policy (see Appendix B, Policy 22ll) appears similar to what a principal might do in a public school in the U.S. One basic difference is that The Hague principal has 141 responsibility for admitting students, a process which would be carefully governed by law in a U.S. public school. There are, in addition, some differences which occur in practice. Already mentioned has been the responsibility for the selection of staff which is exercised by the superin- tendent. Thus, the principal in addition to having little to say in the selection of Staff, also needs to work hard at obtaining the respect of the staff since they are likely to go to the superintendent with their problems because he was their first contact with the school and the one who hired them. When it comes to dismissing employees, although the superintendent has the actual authority, the c00peration of the principal is usually essential in order to avoid embar- rassing splits in the administration. Furthermore, the principal evaluates employees and can make recommendations for dismissal. In decision making, the principal must rely upon the superintendent for support. The superintendent, in turn, is under the control of the Executive Committee. In the community, the principal is also viewed as a public servant, but his role is less important than that of the superintendent. Those important community organizations, boards, etc., would expect the superintendent to be a part. 142 They might, in addition to this, expect a principal to belong, but usually not unless the superintendent belongs or is also in attendance. It is a community quite used to corporate and governmental protocol. The Administration - Analysis The third culture paradigm has already been used to explain that the school governing board seeks to perpetuate itself through use of a nomination and election process which virtually assures that board position will go only to those who are "experienced" in third culture living and who have, indeed, become part of the third culture power struc- ture. Furthermore, the organizational structure of the school has been explained. This structure consists of an elected governing board which in turn hires a superinten- dent who is responsible for administering the school. The organizational structure is similar to what might be found in public and private U.S. schools. In addition, this particular method of management is one which is familiar to most of those connected with business. In such a cor- porate structure, the stockholders, who might be compared 143 to the parents, usually have a say in the selection of the board of directors which might be compared to the school governing board. This board of directors in turn selects a corporation president to manage the corporation which might be compared to the superintendent who in turn admin- isters the school. To explain why school governing board members tend to select others who are experienced in the third culture and to explain why boards are likely to try to attract school administrators of similar background, we will turn to a recent sociological study of a large American cor- poration by Kanter (l977: 47-69). In her treatment of the forces which lead the men who manage to reproduce them- selves in kind, Kanter cites uncertainty, discretion and the need for trust as being the primary contributors to this phenomenon. Similarity of outlook guarantees at least some basis for trust and mutual understanding. Uncertainty is a feature of organizations, especially when they are in their early stages of formation as would be the case of most international community schools. There is a great deal of personal discretion required by persons serving on a board and by school administrators. Similar- ity of outlook helps guarantee a lower uncertainty quotient. 144 Perhaps, due to the high number of corporate people on the governing boards, the principle of "trust” found to be so important among corporation executives is a prime criterion in selecting board members and administrators. This desire for "trust" can also be partially assured by selecting individuals who share similar backgrounds. Thus, because of the stage of development of the school, and the uncer- tainty which goes along with this stage of development along with the desire of those who are "experienced" in the third culture, there is a strong need to nominate new board mem-. bers and to hire administrators who share certain values and norms. In essence, individuals are selected who "reproduce themselves in kind." In the next section of this chapter, we will show how the central operating forces of The American School of The Hague as an entity transmit their own third culture through the numerous personnel policies which govern the selection, employment and welfare of the teaching staff and how these central operating forces frustrate the trans- mission of those third culture values and norms through establishing the teaching staff of the school as a sepa- rate enclave within the third culture community. 145 The Teachers - Introduction In this section of the chapter an examination will be made of those policies which govern the employment of teachers at The American School of The Hague. This exam- ination of policy will not only be descriptive, but will also reveal the attitudes and values of two components of the school's central operating forces (governing board members and administration) toward professional school personnel. Such policies will clearly influence the teachers in nearly everything they do, both in their pro- fessional and personal lives. The school as a sponsoring employer of overseas people, like other sponsoring employers of overseas pe0p1e, penetrates the lives of the employees and their families far beyond what would normally be prev- alent or possible in their home country. The Middle School staff in l976-77 consisted of thirty teachers, six of whom were part time. Twenty were married and one was divorced. Of the twenty who were married, eight had spouses who were currently teaching in one of the divisions of The American School. Six of those eight were teaching in the Middle School. 146 A careful look will first be taken at the recruit- ment process and its implications, for, unlike most other sponsoring employers in the third culture, the teachers are not transferred by their employers to a new location, but rather are hired as new employees. Nevertheless, the teachers and their families, like other individuals arriving in Holland, have certain basic needs which must be taken care of if they are to become successful in their new positions. These needs are taken care of, partially by the individuals in cooperation with their sponsoring employer and partially through the interaction of the individuals with the host culture and within the third culture community. Therefore, the formal orientation program provided by the school as well as the informal orientation program obtained through interaction with individuals and institutions in the host culture and third culture will be investigated. Because of the environment and expectations imposed upon the teachers, both formally and informally, the teachers' social lives, status in the community, friend- ships, participation and involvement in the community and 147 attitudes toward their situations will be given special attention. Recruitment and Selection of Professional Staff Every year the superintendent makes a recruiting trip to the U.S. for the purpose of interviewing prospective candidates for teaching and administrative positions. Mini- mum requirements for teachers include: 1. An M.A. degree or a year of education beyond the B.A. 2. Certification 3. Two years teaching experience Thus, these requirements (see Appendix B, Policy 4ll3) actually exceed those found in most areas of the U.S. It is clear that the intent of this policy is to employ well trained, experienced teachers. Teachers living in the U.S. secure appointments for interviews in a variety of ways. Some are registered with professional employment agencies that specialize in over- seas school employment, including International Schools Services and Overseas Schools Services. The latter is based in The Hague. In other instances teacher candidates 148 register with their university placement offices. In nearly all instances candidates forward or have their placement agency forward their teaching credentials, including letters of recommendation, transcripts, and verification of certif- ication. This information is carefully screened in The Hague and an attempt is made to interview as many of those candidates who meet minimum qualifications as possible. Although the itinerary of the recruiting trip will vary from year to year, during the past few years interviews nave been held in Michigan, Illinois, Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York, North Carolina and Florida. A large proportion of the teachers in recent years have come from the New York area. The former U.S. base of the current superintendent was the state of New York. Prior to his administration the superintendent was from Michigan. Under that superinten- dent's administration, a large number of teachers were recruited from Michigan, Minnesota and Iowa. It is under- standable that a superintendent will do his recruiting where he has established professional contacts. Upon the superintendent's return to The Hague, he, with the assistance of the building principal, rates the candidates and decides who should be hired for the known vacancies. Contracts are then mailed. 149 Another major source of teacher candidates is other overseas schools, especially those located in EurOpe. Recruiting of those pe0ple is slightly different from the recruitment of stateside based teachers. If the teacher is currently employed in Europe, it is usually possible for him/her to visit The Hague for an interview. Even if he/she is employed in the Near East or Far East, an inter- view in The Hague is often possible since he/she sometimes can arrange to pass through on his/her way to or from the U.S. In those instances where teachers are hired from other overseas schools, a high value is placed upon recom- mendations from current supervisors.v Ironically enough, the U.S. teacher surplus has made it somewhat more difficult to recruit in the U.S. the kinds of teachers The Hague is looking for. Since The Hague is seeking experienced, successful teachers with advanced degrees, and since such teachers are usually already employed and will lose their tenure if they leave, they often decide to stay in their current positions. Furthermore, the prob- lems of re-entry for such teachers can be immense since they then join the unemployed teacher surplus who are look- ing for jobs. In some ways they are at a disadvantage because they are much more expensive to hire than a more 150 recent graduates. Their experience and advanced degrees actually work against them. In nearly all cases they will have to take a substantial reduction in salary in order to return to the U.S. An alternative for such teachers is to take a leave of absence from their U.S. positions. There is a reluc- tance, though, on the part of The Hague to employ too many teachers who are on leave since their tenure at The Hague is usually only one year or two at the most, thus contrib- uting to the problem of teacher transiency. Furthermore, under such an arrangement teachers simply postpone their problems of tenure, re-entry, etc. discussed above. Because of some of the difficulties in hiring state- side teachers, more teachers have been hired from other overseas schools, or what has been called the "international circuit" in recent years. Besides avoiding some of the transiency and tenure problems referred to above, teachers from the international circuit have several advantages. They have demonstrated their ability to cope in overseas situations. They have acquired an understanding and famil- iarity with the overseas international community and the types of educational and social problems related to such a community. They have been through a screening process by 151 another overseas administrator before being hired and have demonstrated their ability to work with overseas youngsters. Their major liability might be that in being employed out- side the U.S. for so long, they no longer are up to date on what is happening in U.S. education. In addition to the two teacher sources discussed above, there are a large number of individuals who travel through The Netherlands for varying reasons and for various lengths of stay. These people are often tourists who make appointments for interviews. In some instances these people are not tourists, but rather are people who are staying on because of friendships with locals or relatives. They are given consideration for positions during the main recruiting effort but also serve as an excellent source of teaching candidates when vacancies occur at off times due to long term illnesses, sudden illnesses, sudden resigna- tions, etc. A final source of teaching candidates comes from the pool of individuals with teaching backgrounds already living in the community such as the spouses of other teachers, and spouses of business people and diplomats living in the com- munity. Although a number of teacher spouses are employed, it is fairly rare for the school to employ the spouse of 152 the businesspeople or diplomats. Several reasons exist for this practice with the main one being that such people are often likely to leave in the middle of a school year due to the spouse's transfer, thus creating a disruption in the educational process and a vacancy which is difficult to fill. Other sources of teaching personnel include England and other English speaking nations and The Netherlands it- self. However, few teachers are hired from any of these places. Although this subject has seldom officially been discussed, it is probably a result of the emphasis upon Americanism. During the past few years all of the teachers on the Middle School staff claimed American citizenship except two, with one claiming Dutch citizenship and one claiming British citizenship. In looking at a report to the Executive Committee on "New Staff-l977—78" (see Appendix C, Executive Committee Folder, May 1977), one finds that of thirteen new teachers hired for various K-lZ positions, six came from other over- seas positions. Eight already held M.A. degrees and all the others had taken course work beyond the B.A. degree. 153 Teacher Orientation Most individuals in the third culture community are transferred to their new environment by their sponsoring employer. In the body of literature related to the third culture, sponsorship has been broken down into five major categories including Department of Defense, missionary, business, federal civilian and other (Krajewski, l969). Most Americans come to the host country under the sponsorship of an organized enterprise. In most instances individuals are employed in The Netherlands by the same organization which employed them in their previous assign- ments. In the case of teachers, they are entering not only a new country, but are also about to be employed by a new institution with no formal ties to their formal employer. Thus, teachers are likely to encounter an altogether dif- ferent set of expectations andhave no set of familiar institutional policies to fall back on when things get difficult. ‘ In bringing new professional employees to The Nether— lands, the school has to prepare them, not only to function in a new culture, but also to function in a completely new organization. New teachers have to be taught to function 154 in the third culture. The Useems recognized the need to teach the third culture to others when they stated: The third culture, like any culture, has to be learned and passed on from generation to gener- ation. In contrast to a traditional culture in which there is a correlation between gener- ation and age and hence we can speak of an older generation and a younger generation, the generations of the third culture are not based on chronological age of the participants but on the time at which participants are socialized to the third culture and the exper- iences which they have had in the third culture. At the present juncture in history, it is the rare person who has been socialized from birth onward to be a member of the third culture. Usually members learn the third culture as adults often having been previously socialized as members of their own society. Recognition of the need to learn quickly has led to the establishment of a number of orientation pro- grams, particularly for Americans. These serve important functions in easing the trans- ition of men from one society to another and acquainting them with the broad themes of the third culture; but most learning takes place after the men enter their primary work role of mediators inside a binational third cul- ture (Useem, Useem and Donoghue, 1963: 9 & lO). Let us examine how this theoretical construct applies to teachers at The American School of The Hague. There has been a recognition on the part of the central operating forces of the school that new teachers coming to The Hague need a certain amount of assistance, both at the informa- tional level and the economic level. At the economic level, 155 the assistance has generally not been nearly as great as for most other American members of the third culture com- munity; nevertheless, certain benefits are available. This section will attempt to show how teachers are introduced to their new environment. Shortly after the teachers have agreed to accept employment at the school by signing an employment contract, the school mails them a packet of information about the school and the community. At about the same time, they receive letters from a teacher sponsor and parent sponsor who have volunteered to assist them during the early months of their transition. The amount of communication exchanged and assistance granted will vary considerably from indi- vidual to individual, but at least several letters go back and forth. Upon the teachers' arrival both the sponsors meet them at the airport, see that they get to their hotel, invite them to their homes for several meals and try to make certain that they feel free to telephone them should any problems arise. The governing board of the school recognizes the importance of orientation and covers it in policy which states: [+1 ,, .1; s. _, ...-~ 156 Recognizing that new teachers must make a satis- factory personal adjustment to living in The Netherlands in order to perform effectively as teachers, the superintendent shall arrange a program of orientation for new teachers prior to the beginning of the instructional calendar. In particular, the superintendent shall arrange for new teachers to be met upon arrival in Holland and will provide assistance in locating suitable housing if necessary. He shall also hold such meetings as are necessary to acquaint the staff with the host country in general and with the school system in particular. Arrangements shall be made for a reception for all new teachers and their spouses. The Executive Committee views the orientation program as essential and shall annually make provisions to cover all costs in the budget (see Appendix B, Policy 4115.1). Thus, school policy recognizes the importance of orienting professional employees to their new environment which supports the Useems' contention that most individuals learn the third culture as adults, partially through orientation programs. Several other policies demonstrate support on the part of the central operating forces for new professional personnel and the problems they face. Policy 4147.1 (see Appendix B, Policy 4147.1) grants them a moving allowance if fl.7OO ($175) for a single teacher, fl. 1400 ($350) for a married couple with an additional fl. 350 ($87.50) for 157 each child in order to cover movement of household and per- sonal effects. In addition to this, economy airfare is granted to each member of the family from his/her point of origin (see Appendix 8, Policy 4147.2). Relocation expenses for room and board amounting to fl. 50 ($20.00) per adult per day and fl. 35 ($14.00) per child per day up to a maxi- mum of seven days. These reimbursements, except for the airfare, are usually much lower than those granted by busi- ness or government and are generally a source of irritation to the new staff members since a room for two in a moderate hotel usually costs $35 to $50 per day and meals in modest restaurants are likely to cost at least $25 per person per day. Since surface freight of household goods is usually about $1.50 per pound and air freight is about three times as expensive, this usually means that teachers are able to bring very few of their personal belongings except at con- siderable personal expense. Furthermore, because of the difficulty teachers have in finding suitable housing, the seven day limitation on relocation expenses imposes an additional financial hardship upon teachers. No provision is made for supplying teachers with any kind of transpor- tation during their first days in The Hague. Although ‘ these policies are inadequate, they do, at least, indicate 158 a recognition by the central Operating forces of the need to give new teachers assistance during the early days of their sojourn. To assist teachers in their search for housing, the school employs, on a part-time basis, an individual who is supposed to be familiar with the real estate market. The search for housing is considered by most new teachers to be the most frustrating and disillusioning aspect of their first few weeks. Unless individuals have had the expe- rience of living in Northern Europe, it is generally impossible to prepare them for what they are going to encounter. Since World War II, the Dutch have not been able to resolve their housing problem and the housing shortage remains severe today. The government has decreed that cer- tain housing comes under the rent control laws and the rents collected are usually under careful governmental control and quite reasonable. However, in order to obtain this housing the individual has to be able to show need and is then placed on a wait list for many months and sometimes years. Because of these problems, such housing is usually not available to the transient foreigner. Furthermore, even if it were available it would not be practical for 159 most teachers since such housing always requires the renter to install completely new carpeting and other floor cover- ings, draperies, appliances, light fixtures and all other furnishings. Such an investment generally results in a minimum expenditure of $10,000. Teachers then, are forced to look for housing in the free market where the landlord can charge whatever the traffic will bear. In a market of short supply and high demand, the prices become high. After searching several days, teachers quickly lose any illusions they may have had about Americans in a foreign country living in a large beautiful house full of servants. What the teachers usually settle for is an apart- ment in an old house, often located in Scheveningen, near the school. The houses in this location are often large homes, three and four story structures which adjoin another house on both sides. Although these houses were originally built as single family dwellings, they are now often subdivided into flats with a separate flat existing on each floor. These houses often have no front lawn, but instead come out to the sidewalk. There is usually a small back lawn, which often makes the apartment on the ground floor 160 considerably more expensive. All occupants usually enter the house through a common front door which opens into a corridor and stairwell. It is not unusual for occupants to store theirbicycles or motor bicyclesin the hall. A one floor flat will often consist of a large high ceilinged living room in the front of the house with an equally large dining room right next to it or behind it. This combination usually runs from the front to the back of the house with large windows on either end. Off the hall of the stairwell and sometimes under the stairwell are the shower or bath and the toilet. These rooms are nearly always separated, and often a teacher apartment has a shower rather than a bath. The kitchen, usually located at the rear of the corridor is extremely tiny by U.S. standards. People seldom eat in their kitchens. The oven and refrigerators are extremely small. Sometimes the shower is located in the kitchen. It is not rare for the kitchen to have no oven since the Dutch tend to do most of their cooking on top of the stove. The refrigerator almost never has a freezing unit and usually no other freezing unit is available. Because of this, daily shopping becomes a way of life. Bedrooms often located off to the side are extremely small and sparsely furnished. Storage space 161 throughout the flat is minimal. Beds are generally lower than in the U.S. and considered quite hard by most Ameri- cans. Furnishings in the house are often old fashioned and somewhat bulky. If new, they are often quite cheaply constructed. Sometimes the entire rental arrangement becomes a source of irritation between the American teacher and the Dutch landlord. To begin with, the teachers compare what they are renting for an amount averaging between $280-$300 with what they are used to in the U.S. and usually feel they are making a considerable sacrifice, sometimes think- ing they are being "taken." In general, they are receiving less space, smaller appliances and poorer furnishings for more money. What the teachers don't take into account and really have no way of taking into account, is the extreme high cost of real estate. Furthermore, if the flat is obtained through a realtor, the fee charged is usually 2 l/2% of the annual rent for the first year and 1 1/2% annually thereafter. The teacher bears that expense as well. It seems to the American that many of the provisions in the rental agreement favor the landlord. Utilities are 162 usually paid by the teacher, even though, in cases where central heating exists, the renter often does not have con- trol over the heat. Quite often the landlord keeps the house cooler than the teacher is accustomed to. However, very often central heating doesn't even exist and the apartment is heated by several space heaters. This method provides heat which is quite uneven throughout the flat in a climate that is often cold and damp. Other provisions of the lease usually provide that the teacher take care of all repairs and all decorating of the interior of the apartment. Thus, the repair of a broken piece of furni- ture is the responsibility of the teacher, no matter what the condition of that furniture when the apartment was rented. It is easy to see that even though the teachers spend twenty to twenty-five percent of their income on rent, they are receiving very little in return by com- parison to their U.S. experience. To obtain better housing they often have to spend considerably more, perhaps fifty percent of their salary or else move to some rather incon- venient location away from the excellent public trans- portation found in the city. This might necessitate buying a car for a single person or buying a second car for the 163 married teacher. Thus, the alternative is either prohib— itively expensive or inconvenient. Now that the new teachers have entered Holland, been met by a parent and a teacher, perhaps been invited to their homes for a few meals, visited their new school, and perhaps met with their new principal as well as sev- eral other staff members and made some general explorations of the city including its museums, parks and restaurants, they are about to go through the school's orientation program. I concur with the Useems' contention that these orientation programs generally ease the transition from one society to another by acquainting the individual with the general themes of the third culture as well as the procedural operation of the school, but most of the real learning will take place in the day to day experience of working on the new job and living in the third culture. The formal aspect of the orientation centers around two themes: living in Holland and working as a profes- sional at the school. Although the orientation program varies from year to year, the subjects under life in Hol- land usually include most of the following items: 1. Medical care and hospitalization. A Dutch doctor is usually asked to make a presentation on this. 164 Insurance - The school insurance broker is usually asked to make a presentation on life insurance, accident insurance, health insur- ance, automobile insurance and personal liability insurance. He goes over the cov- erage and talks about the idiosyncracies of Dutch law related to insurance coverage. Banking - The Dutch system of banking is quite different from what one encounters in the U.S. The manager of the local branch of the bank used by the school is usually asked to make a presentation on these differences. Travel - One of the main reasons for American teachers wishing to live in a place such as Holland is the desire to travel throughout Europe. An employee of a travel agency is usually asked to talk to the new teachers about this subject. Life in the Netherlands - A representative of the Dutch tourist office is asked to speak on this subject. 165 6. Red Tape - There is usually a certain amount of red tape connected with living as a resident alien in any country. Holland is no exception. The business manager usually presents infor- mation about work permits, housing permits, taxes, etc. In addition to an effort to orient new teachers to life in Holland, an attempt is made to orient the teacher to working in the new school. (It is perhaps at this level that the most inadequate part of the orientation takes place. Instead of thoroughly examining the school as a unique, third culture institution, the orientation to the school is treated much as an orientation program would be in a U.S. school. For example, the orientation subjects which policy charges the building principal with covering are: l. The names and duties of all personnel and staff members assigned to the building 2. Location and use of physical facilities of the building 3. Teaching materials: courses of study, sequence guides, texbooks, and supple- mentary materials 4. Location and use of audio-visual materials 5. School forms: attendance records, public records, grading and reporting, transfers, etc. 166 6. Office procedures: ordering, duplicating materials, lost and found, inter—school mailing, etc. 7. Schedule and meaning of bell schedules 8. Regulations for pupils in the building and on the school grounds, use of equipment, regulations for before, during, and after school hours 9. Regulations for teachers in the building: absence procedures, staff meetings, curricular meetings, disciplinary pro- cedures 10. The goals and aspirations of the school system 11. School system policies and regulations (see Appendix B, Administrative regulation 4115.1) Teacher Life in the Community The purpose of this section will be to examine the extent to which teachers become a part of and remain apart from the community in which they live and hence, the extent to which they develop third culture values and norms. Since part of the responsibility of schools is the transmission of culture, the success of teaching in transmitting that culture is dependent upon the extent to which the teachers become a part of that culture. 167 I will hypothesize that because the teachers seldom become an integrated part of the overseas community in The Hague, they never totally accept the values of the community in which they function and consequently are less effective in the transfer of those values and norms to their students. When the teachers do become an integral part of that third culture society on whose margins they live, they are more likely to be effective in dealing with the transmission of - - In .. .-,.q__~_.___.hg_ I values to their students and consequently enhancing students' adjustment to their new environment. What are some of the factors which prevent the teacher from becoming an integrated part of the third culture com- munity? Perhaps the most obvious is the difference in standard of living. Teachers, although well compensated by either overseas or U.S. standards, simply cannot afford to live on the same standard as most business or government employees. The salary schedule for the 1976-77 school year shows at the B.A. level a range of fl. 28,980 ($11,592) to fl. 47,000 ($18,000) and at the M.A. level a range of fl. 31,900 ($12,760) to fl. 54,500 ($21,800). If teachers have a M.A. + 30 hours, there is an additional allowance of $1000 to $2000 and a Ph.D. holder receives an additional $600 - $1200 (see Appendix 0, Salary Schedule). However, 168 since the teacher receives no housing allowance and since housing in The Hague is very expensive, the teacher's housing would generally be considered of marginal quality. The teacher's furnishings are usually old while others in the third culture community generally have their own fur- nishings shipped from the place of their previous assign- ment. In a society in which so much of the entertaining is done in one's home, it becomes nearly impossible for the teacher to reciprocate. Since teachers do not reciprocate, the invitations are usually infrequent. Although a difference in income and lifestyle accounts for part of the alienation of the teacher from the community, these are by no means the only factors. Many of the teachers are considerably younger than other third culture individuals and are often single. The Useems had noted in their study of India that most of those indi- viduals selected for employment in the third culture were married and as the demands for skills increased, so did the age of the employees. The median age for newcomers was forty-two while only four percent of those with year- round jobs were under thirty years of age (1966: 4). Although no such statistics are available for The Hague, it is probable that a similarity exists in the age range 169 of the population. Nearly all of the primary participants are at least in middle management positions which would pre- clude nearly all individuals under thirty. Thus, in addi- tion to being cut off from the community because of income and life style, many of the teachers share different interests from others in the community because of age and marital status. In addition to this, between sixty and seventy percent of the teachers on the staff are either working females or males with working wives. Again, this results in different interests and also means that because of their work these females are cut off from becoming actively involved in many of the social activities which take place in the distaff side of the community. Many of those activities take place during the working hours of the day and of those which do not, at least much of the planning for the activity goes on during working hours. Furthermore, because of the time which a female must devote to her professional career, she often has little time left over for community involvement. Besides the more obvious differences between parents of students and teachers in this overseas community which have been discussed above, there are also some attitudinal values on the part of both parents and teachers which 170 prevent teachers from becoming fully integrated into the third culture. In his study of children from privileged families, Coles detected an ambivalence of the financially well-off toward teachers. There is a characteristic of maintaining a psychological and/or philosophical distance. Children are taught by their parents the importance of doing well at school, behaving well and earning high grades. There is a mixture of personal involvement and unyielding hauteur. Teachers, according to Coles, come to realize that they are a new kind of person for these children--not a servant, but not really an equal either. The teachers are given authority to gain a hold or power over these children. The parents demand the children show respect even while they learn a sense of superiority over the teacher. It is not essential that the children like the teacher, but it is essential that they learn. This ambivalent attitude by upper class children and their parents is illustrated below: I remember when I was a little boy I asked why we couldn't have my second grade teacher over to the house for dinner. We have a lot of people for dinner. My mother said a teacher is not someone you have over to dinner; she is someone you see in school, and when you get home, then that's a different life you have. 171 Finally, my father stepped in; I remember when he told me he had to explain to me that I wasn't getting it straight about the teacher. He didn't want to say a word against her. He just wanted me to know that if we did invite the teacher over to our house, she would be real upset, and she probably would find an excuse not to come. I didn't understand, so he had to explain everything to me, and then I did. A noticeable and important break in the con- versation; the boy genuinely does not seem inclined to put what he wants to say into words. Perhaps he learned from his father the risks of speaking out loud about matters best understood and lived with rather than talked about. He will instead move toward more general issues--the comfortable sanctuary of the abstract: "You can't ask everyone you know to come home. The teachers must be glad to leave the school in the afternoon; I'll bet the last thing in the world they would want is someone like me asking them to come on over to his house and have something to eat with his friends who go to the same school. There'd be no rest for the poor teacher--just us kids all day and all night! And the same goes for us; you want to go home and forget all the rules and all the lessons you‘ve had to learn, and just go and play. My mother used to have to force me to change my clothes when I came home. She was right when she said I should picture myself peeling off school when I switch clothes in the afternoon, and I did, and it felt good! The teachers tell us the same thing: go home and forget what you've been doing here, and just have a good time. They do give us a little homework, and there will be more and more as I get older; but at least you can work in your room and you can take a snack with you, and take a break and watch TV, and you're not afraid the teacher will say that you're not paying attention or 172 following her instructions. It's bestto keep home and school separate. If a teacher invited my parents and me home, we'd say we couldn't come, even if we liked the teacher and thought we'd have a good time over at her house. And besides, the teachers don't live near here, and they would be nervous if we came to see them. They'd worry what we thought of them. Even if we liked them, they'd worry. Children like him are constantly taking the measure of those different from themselves socially-—a town policeman, a grocer, a delivery man, not to mention "the help." But especially teachers; they are in a position of authority and yet are often "from a different background," to quote the New Orleans boy when he was ten. For children of families like his, teachers both provoke and elude class-conciousness. Often they become, unwittingly, object lessons for the boys and girls they teach--a means by which those children obtain further confirma- tion, at home, of their social class and economic condition (1977: 415-417). This ambivalent attitude, while difficult to assess, appears to be prevalent at The American School of The Hague. Few teachers socialized to any extent with parents. Teachers were seldom found at most social events including cocktail parties, holiday outings, charity balls, etc. Teachers also tend to resist attempts by groups in the community, expe- cially the PTA, to organize occasions which might be termed as social. Several attempts at organizging teacher-parent cocktail parties, dances and potluck dinnders fell through because teachers couldn't be persuaded to attend. 173 Thus, the teachers, while turning to the third culture community to assist in providing certain necessities such as housing, education for their own children, religious expe- riences, tend to remain apart from the mainstream of third culture life. They were, as Spindler stated, "strangers in their own community" (1963). They can not socialize with others in the community on an equal footing because of financial reasons. Because of their work roles, they are unable to participate in and assist in planning many of the community activities. They are generally respected by par- ents and students, but at the same time face an attitude of hauteur. Teachers are held in an insecure position by school policies which make their continued employment sub- ject to contract renewal on an annual basis for new teachers and a biennial basis for veteran teachers (see Appendix B, Policy 4112). The decision to renew contracts is made by the superintendent (see Appendix B, Policy 4119 and Policy 2111). Since all administrative actions by the superinten- dent are subject to review by the governing board (see Appendix B, Policy 2450), the board plays a major role in teacher contract renewal. To counteract all this, it is not surprising that teachers turn to each other for friendship, social activity 174 and mutual support. The situation for teachers in The Hague might be comparable in some ways to the role a teacher plays in an upper class community in the U.S. where the teacher may feel a type of social rejection. However, one basic difference exists. Teachers in an upper class school system or private school in the U.S. will still be able to maintain an active life in a community where they live even though that community probably will not be the one in which they teach. 0n the other hand, teachers in The Hague have no-. where else to go. They seldom make social inroads into the host culture. They are accepted only marginally by the people who employ them. There are few others in the com- munity with the same or similar backgrounds and interests. To compensate for all this, the teachers generally turn toward each other and form their own groups in the third culture community. If one really wished to become knowledgeable about the values teachers in the third cul- ture attempt to pass on to their students, it would be essential to conduct a thorough study of the socialization and education of teachers in the third culture. "Group" is pluralized because the teachers do not form a single interactive unit. They fracture and split into a number of cliques. In The Hague, some of the teachers 175 who share the same religious orientation do things together. Some teachers socialize according to age group. There are also groups of marrieds and singles, newcomers and old timers. In the final section of this chapter, we will examine the school as well as the role played by the teacher in that institution. Physical Setting The physical setting of the American School of The Hague Middle School has had several implications for the third culture community which supports it. In this section of the chapter, the facilities and their locations will be described. In several of their writings, the Useems make reference to the importance of geographical proximity to the social interaction of third culture people with each other and with the host country nationals. It will be seen that due to the location of the Middle School, inter- action which might otherwise take place between American School students and host country youth is reduced. Also to be explored in this section will be the type of inter- action which takes place between the school and its neighbors. 176 Attempts to obtain new facilities or to expand and improve existing ones have, for the most part, met with failure. Ruth Useem, in a criticism of the American school on foreign soil, indicates that many nations consider it an "affront" to have schools for elitist foreigners (1973). Those efforts to obtain new facilities and to improve ‘existing ones will be analyzed in terms of Useem's premise. Furthermore, since the facilities problem provides an opportunity for mediation between school personnel and host country nationals, a look will be taken at that mediation. Physical Setting - Description The American School of The Hague owns no facilities. It is housed in part of several buildings located in a part of The Hague referred to as Scheviningen. Originally, Scheviningen was a separate fishing village on the North Sea, just a few kilometers from the city of The Hague. Since that time, the empty land between the two villages has become developed and now is all technically the city of The Hague. Today, Scheviningen still serves as a center for the fishing industry but has become better known as a summer resort center. It is attractive to many European 177 tourists because it offers the advantages of beach life while being connected to a large, non-industrial city with all of the cultural and recreational opportunities it has to offer. Because the population of youngsters in Scheviningen has decreased, several of the Dutch schools in some of its working class neighborhoods have been closed down. Over the years as the population of the American School increased, the city of The Hague has agreed to loan some of these closed school facilities to The American School on a rent free basis. The advantage, from the standpoint of the school, of such an arrangement is that none of the school's income needs to be spent on capital investment. The entire budget can be spent on operations. However, numerous disadvantages are inherent in such a situation. A few of those disadvantages are listed below: 1. The facilities are old. 2. Facilities are not located where many of the students live. 3. Facilities are spread from one side of Scheviningen to another, necessitating the separation of school divisions. 4. Each school division in turn has facilities separated from its main unit which necessi- tates bussing or walking students to these other facilities. 178 5. Classrooms are often small and crowded. 6. Playground facilities are almost nonexistent. 7. Neighborhoods where the schools exist are con- sidered run down and in some cases unsafe. 8. Because the facilities are not owned by the school, the city of The Hague can and does ask the school to move to other facilities at the city's convenience. 9. Special facilities such as libraries, QYm- nasiums, auditoriums, etc., considered standard in American schools either do not exist or are often inadequate. lO. Overcrowded conditions often prevail. 11. Many consider the schools to be fire traps. In the case of the Middle School, the main facility, which houses 270 to 300 students, is athree story structure with a total of sixteen rather small teaching stations. Included in those sixteen teaching stations are a gymnasium not large enough for an official basketball court and a small classroom which has been converted to a band room. Two of the classrooms were developed in the attic and are probably less than half the size of normal U.S. classrooms. The library is also in the attic and is small and crowded. A small teachers' lounge exists on the ground floor which will accommodate no more than half the teaching staff at any given time. A tiny counselor's office on the second 179 floor has no space to serve as a reception area. The prin- cipal's office is just inside the front entrance and the three school secretaries are housed in three inadequate spaces on the ground floor. Classrooms, although small, have been carpeted, brightly painted and are well main- tained. The overall impression one gets when entering the building is one of overcrowdedness and a certain amount of clutter. The latter is due to the fact that nearly every inch of space has been turned into teaching stations and there is little room for storage. Consequently, boxes of materials delivered to the school often have to stay in the hall until they can be checked in and delivered to their destinations. Perhaps the greatest difficulty in operating a middle school program in these facilities results from the lack of playground area. The only space the students can use as a playground is a courtyard immediately in front of the build- ing, a brick surfaced area approximately twenty-five feet wide and running the length of the building. In addition to the main building described above, the middle school shares a facility with the high school. This shared facility is approximately a ten minute bus ride from both the middle school and the high school. It also 180 in an old school, built in the previous century, which houses teaching stations for shop, art, crafts and drama. The teaching stations in this facility, unlike those in the main Middle School, are large. However, the travel time in bussing students to this facility has to come out of the school day and out of this travel comes numerous discipline problems. Even if one were to disregard the inadequacy of the facilities, their actual location proves to have numerous drawbacks. To begin with, very few students live near the school. As noted earlier, the neighborhood immediately surrounding the school is an old, rather run down, working class part of Scheviningen. In recent years, some of those houses and flats in the neighborhood which were not occupied by workers have been converted into pensions and relatively inexpensive hotels for the many tourists who come to Scheviningen. Around the corner from the school is a street filled with shops catering to local residents and tourists. In previous years, due to complaints from local shopkeepers about American student behavior, the school took action to curb student accessibility to these shaps by forbidding students to leave the school grounds during thelunch period 181 and declaring those sheps to be "off limits" to students on their way to school. Around the other corner and adjacent to the American Middle School is a Dutch primary school. At the administra- tive level, the relationship between these two schools has always been cordial, and both administrators were always willing to discuss anything at the other's request. It seems, however, that due to the overcrowded conditions of The American School, much is needed and is often requested. On the other hand, there seems little the Americans can do in return. While the American school's requests for spe- cial favors are always considered and sometimes granted, offers of help are never made prior to requests. For example, due to the overcrowded conditions in the American School, requests have been made atiarious times to use the Dutch school's gymnasium during certain periods, the courtyard behind the Dutch school and in one instance, a classroom in their building. With a certain reluctance, these requests were usually granted insofar as possible. Perhaps this reluctance was due to a fear by the Dutch principal that because of his declining student body, the city would recognize the inequity in crowdedness between the two schools and authorize the American School to take 182 over part of his building. In any case, the relationship between the two principals has been one of reserved cooper- ation. As far as students are concerned, there is an unspoken agreement between the two principals to keep them separated. Adults in the two cultures appear to have dif- ferent standards of expectatbns from young people. In general, American adults, as well as certain other third country nationals, seem to be much stricter toward young people than are the Dutch. This difference in attitude toward children was sharply highlighted by a former Spanish Ambassador to The Netherlands, the Duke de Baena, who devoted an entire chapter of his book, The Dutch Puzzle, to the behavior of Dutch children. His opening statement in that chapter reads: A child in Holland is a sacred little creature who is allowed to be as impertinent, rowdy, mischievous and rude as it wishes. This is an old story which goes very far back. Throughout the ages, Dutch children have been famous for running wild and constantly to be seen in the streets, where they behave and look like real guttersnipes in the midst of a sedate world. In the 17th century, they were criticized for the great nuisance they caused, and their parents for their utter lack of control over them.~ Today, the situation is exactly the same, and those children are sacred imps who are constantly getting in your way. But God forbid that in a moment of exasperation you 183 should lay a hand upon a child to punish it for the stupid mischief it is doing; everyone, from the policeman to the man in the street, will turn upon you as though you were a mon- ster (1967: 59). Reasons for keeping the students of the two schools separated were never communicated between the two principals and seldom talked about by the staff. It would be impossible for me to state the Dutch principal's reasons. However, in my own case, I could always sense the antagonistic attitude both groups of students seemed to hold toward each other. The American students held a definite disdain toward the Dutch students because of their behavior, and perhaps there was a bit of snobbishness involved as well. I can only speculate on how the Dutch children felt, but I suspect they viewed the Americans as intruders and resented their greater sophistication and higher social class. Possibly these barriers could have been broken down if an honest attempt had been made, but prior to that a genuine under- standing of goals would have had to develop between the two principals. This never came to pass. A New Facility? For years, it has been apparent that school facilities were inadequate and poorly located. Several proposals for 184 new facilities have been explored and eventually discarded, often after a considerable allocation of time and expense. Ruth Useem, in a highly critical statement about the presence of American schools on foreign soil said: All of the secondary level American-sponsored schools in overseas areas are in trouble, pre- sently or potentially. '. . . almost all the American community schools are in financial trouble and most are undergoing pressures from host nations. Sometimes these pressures come from the government in power, sometimes from sectors of the society which are becoming more "nationalistic" and anti-foreign and consider it an affront to have in their midst schools for elitist foreigners. Others in war torn revoluntionary areas have already been abandoned (1973: 134). This section will examine the major attempts that were made by The American School of The Hague to obtain new facilities and show how the contributions made by Useem in the statement quoted above were and were not applicable to the situation. The Reigersbergen Project The first major attempt to obtain new facilities was a joint venture entered into by several foreign schools in The Hague including The German School, The FrenchSchool, The English School, The Indonesian School, a Dutch School, and The American School. Essentially, the plan called for 185 developing a facility which would house each of these schools. Existing on the same campus in close proximity, the schools could work out mutual arrangements for sharing staff, for permitting their students to attend each other's classes and for developing joint programs of instruction where feasible. The proposal was quite attractive to certain elements within the Dutch power structure for several reasons. First, the presence of such an educational institution in TheHague would exemplify the Dutch interest in the international com- munity of people in their midst. Secondly, since a numberof very large Dutch corporations are owned jointly by the Dutch and other national groups, such a school could provide quality education for the highly mobile executivesof those corporations. Shell Oil is a prime example of such a cor- poration being owned jointly by the British and the Dutch. Unilever is another example. Thirdly, with the development and expansion of the European Economic Community, and the legalized flow of residents from one Common Market country to another, it became obvious that an educational institu— tion which could train its youth for life in the EEC and entry into the universities of their respective countries could be beneficial to all. Fourthly, some Dutch officials 186 at the Ministry of Education were keenly aware that if ade— quate educational facilities could not be made available to the foreign schools in their community, either privately by the foreign schools themselves or with the help of the Dutch government, then the dependents of foreign nationals, many of whom were highly transient, would spill over into the Dutch schools, causing endless problems for Dutch school personnel as well as for the youngsters. Fifthly, such an international school complex might be more palatable to the Dutch voters than supporting individual national schools. Since the proposal was attractive to a number of corporate and governmental people in the power structures including the Director General of Education for The Hague, the next problem was to locate an appropriate site. Because of the density of population in the Nether- lands, the Dutch have found it necessary in municipal planning to plan ahead, often as far as a century and every piece of land is spoken for very early in the planning stages. This is especially true in the cities, and it is difficult for either private enterprise or government agencies to secure land for their needs, unless they are willing to locate well outside the major centers of 187 population. Needless to say, it is not feasible to locate the school away from the major centers of pOpulation. An ideal plot of land exists next to one of the palaces of the royal family. This land is in a beautiful section of town, within easy driving distance from the neighborhoods where most of the international set tend to live. The city streets in this area are large enough to accommodate the increased traffic resulting from such a school and the site is close to the major highways coming into The Hague from those suburbs where many of the stu- dents live. For these reasons, it was decided to try to obtain this particular plot of land. An architect was then employed to consult with the various schools involved. Preliminary sketches were drafted and the plan was presented to the City of The Hague. It would be difficult to determine exactly what transpired from there, and furthermore, such a determination is beyond the scope of this study. However, about ten years later the plan was finally given up as a hopeless cause. This came after countless hours of negotiating, redesigning the plant, and re-negotiating. During this long period of time, rising enrollments and inadequate facilities forced two of the participating schools to develop building programs of 188 their own. When final approval for zoning the Reigersbergen property came, it was specified that the school had to be considered the educational center by several of the national groups. The two schools that had developed their own build- ing plans were no longer interested. The cost of construct- ing the facilities could not be covered by the remaining schools. The government refused to zone the land for only an American school. The plan was dead. In analyzing this proposal for facilities in terms of the third culture paradigm, two questions must be raised. Has the facility problem of The American School of The Hague been a result of pressure from the host nation, either offi- cially exerted by the government or exerted by nationalistic sectors of the society? Does the host country consider it an affront to have schools for elitist foreigners in its midst? In contrast to the relationships often existing in other countries between the host nation and foreign schools, the actions of the Dutch seem to indicate more than a limited acceptance of the rights of foreigners to create schools for their dependents. Indeed, the actions of the Dutch seem to indicate a feeling of limited responsibility for supporting such schools. In the case of The American School of The 189 Hague, the Dutch government has demonstrated its support by providing free facilities, old though they may be, for housing approximately 1100 students. In negotiating with city officials for these facilities and other support, the argument is often used that without such facilities, young- sters who would normally enroll in The American School would have to enroll in the Dutch public schools and the Dutch would then have to support the entire cost of educating those youngsters and also would have to deal with whatever problems their presence would cause. This argument usually meets with a certain amount of acceptance by Dutch officials until it is extended to include the argument that the for- eigners in Holland pay taxes and should recoup part of these taxes in the form of a direct subsidy to the school. At that point, the official of The American School is usually reminded that Dutch schools are available as an alternative. It appears from actions taken by the Dutch in pro- viding facilities that the Dutch generally permit foreign schools to operate on Dutch soil and give limited support. It is difficult to tell if this support results from a genuine desire on the part of the Dutch to welcome for- eigners or out of an economic necessity to maintain foreign corporations in their midst. It seems equally 190 certain, from past experience, that it would be economically and politically unwise to offer generous financial support to the foreign community of any one nation for the purpose of building and operating a school. The failure of those involved in the Reigersbergen Project to develop an international school complex helps to demonstrate, on a practical level, the inability of either a national government or a foreign national school to take the first step, development of facilities, in order to "create the new type of post—modern man so urgently needed in the forthcoming period" (Useem, 1973: 135). It became evident that The Hague would not be able to follow the lead set by The United Nations School in New York, The Kennedy School in Berlin, The International School of Geneva or the College of the Atlantic. Other Attempts at New Facilities Because of the desperate need for better facilities, other attempts were made by the school's governing board to obtain a site in order to build an "American" school. Although this may in some ways have undercut the board's support for the Reigersbergen Project, it seemed necessary 191 since there never was any assurance that the Reigersbergen Project would ever go through. All attempts at securing a site in The Hague, Wassenaar, or any of the suburbs which contained housing thought to be suitable for most of the members of the American community met with failure. Because of this, the governing board began looking to smaller com- munities, some located a considerable distance from The Hague. In Noordwijkerhout, a small community half way to Haarlem, an existing convention center was up for sale. Serious discussion was given to purchasing this center and converting it to a school. An American architect was brought over to study the feasibility. His report indi- cated that such a conversion was simply not feasible, except at an expense deemed to be extraordinary. The final attempt to obtain a new facility occurred after extensive negotiations with officials of a new city located between The Hague and Utrecht, Zoetermeer. After approximately a year of negotiating, the city of Zoetermeer zoned a piece of.land which could be leased from the city for the purpose of building a school. The cost of con- structing a school was estimated to be approximately $11,000,000. However, just to keep up the interest on a loan for this project would add nearly a thousand dollars 192 per year per child to what was considered to be an already high tuition bill. The project met with acceptance from only limited sources, probably because of its cost and its location. For those reasons, the project was dropped. These two examples further illustrate that the city of The Hague was either unable or unwilling to provide a site for an "American" school. Consequently, it became necessary to look outside The Hague. When a location was finally made available, the distance was considered too great and the cost was prohibitive. The implications of the failure to provide an ade- quate site for the school are many. Most obvious is that without a school plant, the school will always be at the mercy of a few officials within the Dutch government for its very existence. This is due to the fact that the cur- rent facilities being used by The American School can be reclaimed anytime at the discretion of a few officials of the city of The Hague. Other questions raised by this failure include: Will the school be able to continue expan- sion, and meet the needs of a growing third culture com- munity? Can the school really provide an educational program that would be equivalent to that found in the better schools of the U.S. in such inadequate facilities? Can the school 193 serve as an adequate educational support institution in the third culture?, The warning by Useem, that "American spon- sored schools in overseas areas are in trouble presently or potentially" seems to have a degree of validity for The American School of The Hague. Students and Their Educational Program This section will deal with the school's educational program. Almost no research has been done which would indi- cate the type of curriculum most suitable for third culture youth. Furthermore, because of the great diversity of students and schools, it is highly unlikely that any single educational program would be satisfactory for all schools. It does, however, seem probable that third culture youth share certain values, aspirations, and norms both in their present circumstances and future circumstances, which might call for an educational program unlike that found in most national schools. Therefore, a look will be taken at what some of these special educational needs may be. Since so little research has been done on this topic, I will draw primarily from my own personal experience, conversations I have held with numerous overseas educators, students 194 and parents. I will also draw from conversations I have held at various times with Dr. Ruth Useem. I shall follow this with a descriptive summary of the educational program at The American School of The Hague Middle School. The purpose of this exercise will be to show how this school does and does not attempt to meet the needs of its third culture constituency as presented in the third culture paradigm. Special Educational Needs of Third Cultural Youth It should first be recognized that the student body of each school is different and that within any given school, the composition of the student body is such that various groups of students also have different needs. This latter concept is taken into consideration in the third culture paradigm for adults as well as youngsters (Useem, 1973: 127—36). First, there are the one-time-out youngsters. These students' parents are on a relatively short assignment over- seas for a period of perhaps up to three years. The chil- dren have never lived out of their native land before, and plan to return when their father completes his assignment. 195 It goes without saying that a number of these situations become long term, but at least the plan is for the children and their families to return to their native land. The type of educational program best suited for these children will be that which will ease their adjustment into the over- seas school, assist them in dealing with those aspects of the host culture with which they are likely to come into contact, familiarize them with the social system within their new school, provide them with an educationally chal- lenging curriculum which will permit them to re-enter an educational program in their native country with a minimum of difficulty and prepare them for social re—entry to their native lands. Secondly, there are the long time outers. The edu- cational problems of these children are considerably more complex. They are essentially the children the Useems refer to as the "TCK" (Third Culture Kid). They have spent a large portion of their lives living and going to school outside of their country of national origin. They may have spent their entire lives in just one foreign country but are more likely to have lived in several. A follow-up study of the class of 1974 graduating seniors at The Ameri- can School of The Hague revealed that out of fifty-six 196 respondents, thirty had attended six or more different schools in their lifetimes and only four had attended The American School of The Hague for over four years (Dykstra, 1977: Ch. 13, pp. 5 & 6). TCK's may be of any national origin. When they enroll, they are most likely to be coming from some other community sponsored overseas school, or at least a school attended by a large portion of for— eigners in the same country where their parents were last assigned. When they depart they are most likely to enroll in another school of this type. The duration of their stay is likely to be brief, although not always. In the case of The American School of The Hague, the average length of stay was 2.25 years (Dykstra, 1977: Ch. 13, p. 5). There is no consensus as to the type of educational program which should be offered to these youngsters. The schools which most of these youngsters attend are, for the most part, not under the control of any single national government nor are they under the control of any inter- national agency or foundation. Each school develops its own educational program which,for the present,is perhaps as it should be. Such is the case with The American School of The Hague. However, an inherent weakness in this set up is that most such schools do gravitate toward the educational 197 programs of those nations which make up the national origin of the school's founders. The net result is often that such schools try to duplicate the educational programs found in the nations from which they derive their major support. Consequently, the unique needs of this group of students are often ignored or not even considered. Reference to this weakness is found in Useem's third culture paradigm. In an article co-written by Downie and Useem, it is stated: The avowed purpose of most American-sponsored overseas schools has been to prepare American pupils for entering the mainstream of American society; stateside schools and colleges, to the extent they notice TCK's at all, have been concerned with their "problems of adjustment" to their peers. Neither the overseas nor the stateside schools have seen the TCK's as people, who as adults, will be following in their parents' footgeps and fullfilling mediating roles in the increasingly conflictive but interdependent global system (1976: 104). Of great significance in this exerpt from Useem and Downie is their concern about the American sponsored over- seas schools' heavy emphasis upon preparation of students for re-entry into their culture of national origin and the school's lack of emphasis in training these youngsters to follow in their parents' footsteps as mediators in third culture environments. 198 Useem discusses the growing nationalism and charges of neo-colonialism against the United States during the period of the 1960's and early 1970's. In focusing upon how the youngsters being raised in the third culture might participate meaningfully as adults she says: There appears to be two thrusts to these reas- sessments: one concerns how foreign assistance could be utilized to effect social and economic justice within nations composed of multiple societies, ethnic minority groups and in some instances stateless persons. These programs need future personnel who are knowledgeable and effectively bonded to humans who follow local traditions, customs and languages, and yet who have aspirations to share in the benefits of the modern world. The second thrust of the reassessments concern global problems which affect peoplesof all nations, but approximate solutions to which cannot be brought about by persons or groups acting solely within a national context. These programs need personnel who are highly edu- cated in science and technology and yet who are committed to applying them to the good of mankind in general. We hope that some third culture children of the present period will participate, as they have in the past, in the international occu- pations and roles of the future. If this is granted, then some consideration must be given to both the purposes of the educational insti- tutions and learning centers set up for the minor dependents of overseas nationals and their placement in social and geographical space (1973: 134). Again, the emphasis is upon preparing these students who are long time outers for taking up meaningful roles as 199 adultsin the third culture setting and upontMe re-examination of the purposes of the educational institutions which serve them. We know little about the adult occupations of youth who have been long-time outers. Such a study could lend a great deal to the literature. We do know that most college students who have been long-time outers do hope to enter an occupation which will place them back in third culture roles. One study of 150 college—enrolled TCK's of varying sponsorship and residence abroad (but all of whom had spent a minimum of one teen year overseas) produced a dramatic finding. Not one preferred to pursue a career exclu- sively in the United States. One-fourth named a specific place overseas where they would like to work (usually the location where they had lived during their teen years); 20 percent expressed interest in following an overseas based occupation but wanted to be headquartered in the United States with periodic one or two year assignments abroad; and twelve percent wanted to be employed in the United States but to have opportunity for overseas job related travel (Useem and Downie, 1976: 104-105). If there is a preference by third culture youth for following in the footsteps of their parents in becoming the future leaders in carrying out cross cultural roles, then what could be done by the overseas schools to facilitate the situation? 200 First, is the need to recognize the problem and to change the school's major focus from that of preparing stu- dents strictly for re-entry into the mainstream of their nation of origin to focusing upon the types of educational program needed for entry into the mainstream of third culture life. One such attempt has been the establishment of the International Baccalaureate. The idea behind this program is to create an international university entrance examina- tion which can be taken in any country and recognized in any country. Prior to the development of this program, schools with enrollments of students of differing nation- alities had to make the uncomfortable choice of aiming their educational programs toward facilitating students for entry into the universities of only a single nation or creating a multi-track curriculum in which students were segregated by nationality into streams which prepared them for entry into the universities of their respective homelands. Under the program for the International Baccalaureate, students are able to study together in integrated classes, regardless of nationalities. While being a step in the direction of creating the basis for an international secondary educational program, 201 in practice a number of difficulties are inherent. First, because of its European origin, the program tends to be very "European" in nature. Preparation of students for entry into the universities of certain areas of the world such as Asia and Africa has not been adequately addressed. The program is really "western" rather than "global." Secondly, since not all overseas schools support such a program, students who are transferred during either their junior or senior year may find that their new school does not participate. Thirdly, the curriculum inspired by this program is still nationalistic to the extent that it pre- pares students primarily for re-entry into universities of national origin. Thus, universities of national origin or ministries of education, also being nationalistic, are still able to dictate the terms of the secondary curriculum. If those schools involved in the International Baccalaureate are unwilling to comply with the demands of the university and/or ministeries of education, these institutions simply have to withdraw recognition. Nevertheless, for a number of students this program has served a useful and constructive purpose. A second movement toward the creation of an educa- tional program for third culture youth has been the project 202 for a chain of United World Colleges, one of which, The United World College of The Atlantic located in Wales, was founded in 1962. This experiment is described as follows: United World Colleges, which began in Septem- ber, 1962, in what was then known as the Atlantic College at St. Donat's Castle in South Wales, is one of the most exciting and important experiments in international education in the world today. The intention was to set up a series of international colleges around the world admitting young men and women, regardless of nationality, background, race, color, creed or religion, of potential ability and the right character to spend the last two years of secondary education living, studying, discussing and adventuring together, and assisting the social services in the local community. An essential part of this plan was to include teachers from other nations, who would come mainly on government teaching fellowships, so that both students and faculty alike would discover common ideals based on service and loyalty to the inter- national community. It was hoped they would then return to their own countries convinced that international problems must be settled by reason and discussion--not by war. This was an idealistic aim, but the project was also intended to meet new and practical requirements for international education before university. Today business and com- merce, particularly the multi-national corporations, are moving across national frontiers. Businessmen know that the international organizations and companies need staff with an international outlook 203 and training, but as the international com- munity grows so do the problems of educat- ing its children. All the communication media have become multi-national and, in real terms, the world has shrunk, yet our educational sys- tems are still largely confined within our national frontiers. It was, there- fore, felt that the United World Cofleges concept could set a pattern for an educational reform and bring our teaching establishments well into the twentieth century (Mountbatten, The Times, Feb. 3, 1977: 14). There appears to be some parallels between the pro- gram developed by The United World Colleges and the proposal made by Useem in 1973. Both are concerned with imposing educational standards of national origin upon third culture teenagers. Both propose removing youngsters from their parents and placing them in a boarding situation. A basic difference, however, would be in financing, since in the Useem proposal the schools would be publically financed while in the United World College's situation the financing is largely private. A second difference would be in the composition of the student body. In the Useem proposal the students would be all, or nearly all, American. In the United World Colleges program the students would be of many nationalities. In addition, Useem recommends that experi- mental learning centers be set up in the more traditional 204 isolated refugee and depressed sectors of the various countries, including the United States. The purpose of these learning centers would be to encourage talented people who are intellectually cognizant of two or more cultures. Part of a program of such learning centers would be experimentation in maximizing the non-formal aspects of learning which have been found to be important in the development of ecumenically minded, third culture adults (1973: 137). Neither the international Baccalaureate nor the United World Colleges deals with the question immediately at hand. What kind of educational program should be developed for the "long-time outers" at middle school level in American-sponsored overseas schools? A review of the literature has revealed nothing more than certain vague generalizations, but no specifics. To the writer's knowledge, the problem has never been seriously addressed. The American School of The Hague Middle 'School Educational Program The educational program at The American School of The Hague Middle School follows essentially what one might 205 find in a school located in an upper middle class suburb of the United States. It will be seen that the basic thrust of the program is to prepare its students for re-entry into the United States. It will also be seen that while the organizational structure at the building level has gen- erally been flexible enough to accommodate change, such change is often thwarted at the board level. We will see the accommodations the school has made to its third culture environment as well as how the school has attempted to utilize its Dutch and European environment. Finally, we will see how the school, both formally and informally, serves its students in adjusting and living in their third culture environment. Administration Organization Like most American schools, The American School of The Hague Middle School is headed by a principal who in turn is responsible to the Superintendent. According to policy, it shall be the responsibility of the principal to: 1. Establish and maintain educational standards and practice corresponding to principles mentioned in Statutes and Policies 206 2. Determine admissibility and placement of pros- pective students 3. Maintain proper discipline within the school 4. Supervise teaching personnel and administrative and other staff assigned to the school 5. Report to the extent required through the Superintendent to the Executive Committee on items 1 through 4 (see Appendix B, Policy 2211). In recent years the Middle School has been re-organized to reflect the middle school concept and philosophy currently found in the United States. Teaching teams headed by paid team leaders have been organized for the purpose of devel- Oping the educational program for their respective students. Time has been made available for these teams to meet to carry out their work. An academic team exists at each grade level. Since there are approximately eighty to one hundred students at each grade level, the academic team is responsible for planning the amount of time the students will spend in their four major academic areas; mathematics, science, language arts and social studies. The academic team has a block of time to work with and can apportion the time as it sees fit. In all instances, a portion of the academic time has been devoted to mini-courses or choice hours, as they are commonly called in The Hague. The offerings given for these choice hours varies from time to time and from team 207 to team, but the objective is to supplement the existing academic program in a meaningful and highly stimulating manner for the students. The academic team is also free to set up a program of advisors, who are chosen by the students and could devote whatever portion of the academic time which might be neces- sary for the purpose of carrying out the advisory function. These functions could include nearly anything ranging from personal problems to academic problems which could be of help to the child. The next largest block of the student's time was devoted to physical education and home arts. While the physical education program followed to some extent the basic pattern existing in the United States, there were some differences. The teaching team for physical educa- tion consisted of two teachers who took forty to fifty students. Every six weeks the program changed and students were permitted to select their physical education activity from approximately six different choices. Some attention was given to planning activities which would suit the kinds of interests the students came with and/or wanted to pur- sue. Because of the limitations imposed upon the program by the school plant, physical education was taken twice per 208 week for two and a half hour blocks in order to accommodate bussing to facilities existing away from the school. Such facilities included athletic fields, field houses and swimming pools all owned by the City of The Hague. In additbn, private facilities for tennis, bowling, horse- back riding, etc. were rented. Home arts was also taken weekly by all students for two periods of two and one half hours each. The purpose of this program was to develop student interest in art, drama, homemaking and shop. A facility, approximately a ten minute bus ride from the main middle school building, was used for this program. The facility contained a shop, a small theatre, an art room and a home economics room. Students could select, every six weeks, whatever center they wanted to work in. Foreign language is offered for three, forty-minute periods per week. Students can take either French or Dutch, beginning or advanced. A team of foreign language teachers take an entire grade, break the group down according to student choice and offer instruction. Finally, thoaestu- dents who so desire can take instrumental music. Beginning band, intermediate band and advanced band are also offered. Students who select band have to miss one of their academic 209 choice hours and one of their home arts periods each week, a result of scheduling conflict. Of central importance to the functioning of this complex system of operation is communication, particularly at the team level. To facilitate communications, at least one, two-and-a-half-hour period of time is devoted each week to team planning. Usually attending this meeting are all the teachers on the team plus the guidance counselor, the librarian, the director of the learning skills center and the principal. Agendas for these meetings are varied, but the overall thrust of the meeting is aimed at serving the educational, social and psychological needs of the student. In terms of the third culture paradigm this organ- izational structure has the advantage of permitting the flexibility necessary for the implementation of change as soon as the team members are convinced that change is needed. Although nothing as elaborate as a study of the educational needs of the various components of students in the third culture environment is ever made through this organizational structure, ideas aimed at improving the educational program for third culture youth are discussed and implemented when appropriate. 210 Before discussing some of those ideas, a brief examination needs to be made of one of the major sources of frustration inherent in this organizational structure. Essentially this source of frustration results from placing major decision making responsibilities in two separate groups who have little understanding of each other or per- sonal contact; the governing board and the teaching team. By retaining control over the employment of the Superintendent and by making it possible, through policy, to review all administrative decisions, the governing board retains the right to have final say on everything. Some board members are content to develop policy. Others feel a strong need to evaluate program and consequently become involved in the day-to-day operation of the school. Nothing can prevent these individuals from making their wishes known to the Superintendent. When conflicts between board members and teaching team members arise as a result of decisions made by teaching teams, the Superintendent is forced to carefully evaluate his own position. To protect himself, since he knows there are times when he needs the support of the entire board, it sometimes becomes nec- essary to support the wishes of an individual board member. The more frequently this is done, the more it erodes the 211 the credibility of the teaching team and its decision making process. Nevertheless, as one examines the educational pro- gram which evolves from this process, it is clear that the program is at least partially successful in meeting the needs of the students. For example, the advisor system referred to above evolved out of this process. This sys- tem made available in the school setting, an adult, chosen by students themselves, with whom they could relate. Such an adult often becomes an important figure in the lives of students, since the child is existing in an environment in which the extended family and others who might normally demonstrate great interest in the child have been removed. Still another favorable result of the process of team planning has been the creation of a physical education program which permits students to select physical education activities which may fit either their immediate or long range needs. Students planning to remain in an inter- national environment sometimes prefer to select activities which are more universal, such as soccer, tennis, swimming or horseback riding. Those who may be planning to return to the U.S. or who may be planning to live in the U.S. for the 212 first time might select such activities as baseball, soft- ball, American football, etc. Favorable results for the unique needs of third cul- ture children have also been manifested in the academic program, although to a lesser extent. Perhaps the reason for this has been that no one has properly addressed the question of what the best type of educational program should be for the middle school children of various types in the third culture environment. To the extent that ideas on this topic should emerge, The American School of The Hague Middle School has an organizational structure which can probably accommodate those needs. Encouraging first steps taken by the staff of The American School of The Hague Middle School include rather ambitious programs designed to capitalize upon the European environment: 1. Outdoor Education - Grade Six 2. Project France - Grade Seven 3. Project England - Grade Eight A brief description of these projects will follow. Outdoor Education was originally patterned after the outdoor science programs which came into existence in the U.S., primarily during the 1960's. Its purpose was to give the students an intensive field experience in order to lend 213 relevance and practicality to the more theoretical concepts which had been learned in the classroom during the school year. As the program evolved, it became evident that some basic differences were inherent. First, because of the transient nature of students and staff, the students and staff indicated that some of the basic benefits of the pro- gram were a result of the types of socialization process it inspired. Living together for a week, apart from parents, resulted in students coming to know each other better. Many students reported developing meaningful friendships which lasted throughout the duration of their stay in The Hague. The regular school program did not provide enough opportunity for students in one homeroom to get to know students in other homerooms. This was because students moved from one class to another as a group. Therefore, the socialization process was also cited as being of sig- nificant importance. A second difference inherent in this program was its setting, a Dutch owned and operated youth hostel in southern Holland. Because of the excellence of the Dutch staff at that youth hostel and because many of the students lived quite a sheltered existence from their Dutch environment, many of them were seeing for the first time at least a few of the Dutch going about their daily 214 lives. Because it became obvious that much more was involved in this program than simply the learning of science, it was decided to change its name to Outdoor Education. Because of the success of the Outdoor Education pro- gram, similar programs at the seventh and eighth grade level were implemented. It was decided that these programs should be more academic in nature and that they should integrate, insofar as possible, the subject content of their respective grade levels. A considerable amount of academic class time could thus be devoted to the preparation of students for these programs, and they would serve to motivate students in their academic pursuits. Out of this came Project France and Project England. In these two projects, all students of their respective grade levels participated. The cost of the program was included in tuition and each program was con- sidered an intregal part of the curriculum. Project France was designed to offer the students experience in studying the marine environment of the coast of Brittany and to live in a different cultural environment. Project England was designed to acquaint eighth grade students with life in England during the time of William Shakespeare. Returning now to the organizational structure of the school, its greatest advantage was that it provided machinery 215 for operation which could be responsive to the needs of the students it served. Indeed, many student needs were served. Serving the needs of the "one time out" youth was readily undertaken by the staff and a reasonably good job was done. Serving the needs of the "long time outer" was probably less understood and less clearly defined by the teachers. Per- haps the greatest weakness of this system resulted from the conflict which took place between the teaching teams and the governing board over who had the authority to do what. Informal Education Program For purposes of this section, I have divided the informal education program into two parts; first, the extra curricular program offered by the school and, secondly, those learning situations which results from the environ- ment of the school, both on campus and off, but are in no way planned by school personnel. The extra curricular program will be described in terms of the offerings and analyzed in terms of the third culture paradigm. The learning situations which are not in any way planned by the staff, but which come about as a result of the school environment, are much more difficult 216 to assess and analyze. To arrive at some understanding of this aspect of the school program, I selected a group of students and asked them to keep records of what they did on a typical school day and a typical non-school day. I will summarize my findings and analyze them in terms of the third culture paradigm. Extra Curricular Program Although the extra curricular program would vary from year to year depending upon student interest as well as staff expertise and interest, the program usually included play production, student trips to other parts of Europe, an athletic program, a skating program, a student council and other miscellaneous activities. In addition to these activities which were run by the school, there were those activities sponsored by other groups in the community and run primarily for the benefit of students of The American School of The Hague Middle School, such as Girl Scouts, Boy Scouts, softball, baseball and football. Of the school-sponsored activities, perhaps the most sought after is a role in the two plays which are performed each year. The productions are generally of high quality. 217 the teacher who sponsors them is pOpular, the comraderie developed while putting together such a production was enjoyed and the exposure received for efforts was well worthwhile. Also popular with both students and parents are a number of student trips sponsored by teachers to various parts of Europe. Students like them because such trips permit them the advantage of traveling with their friends. Often new friendships are made and developed during these trips. Perhaps the most pOpular of these trips are those taken for the purpose of skiing. Other trips include sightseeing trips to London, Paris, Greece, Spain, etc. Whenever the trip is activity oriented rather than cul- turally oriented, it seems to have greater appeal. Parents also like these trips since in some instances it gives the youngsters an opportunity to travel and "take advantage" of their sojourn in Europe. In other instances, the par- ents like the student trips because they give the parents an opportunity to travel on their own, free from the responsibilities of children. In some cases, both play a part. An athletic program which includes many, if not most, of the sports one might find in a US. based middle 218 school is also popular. Activities in this program include softball, basketball, swimming, soccer and tennis. With the exception of basketball, contests in these sports are primarily of an intramural nature. In the case of basket- ball, several American School teams enter into a Dutch league. Working in competition with the Dutch proves dif- ficult in any sport because such activities are generally not a part of the Dutch educational program, but rather are a part of a network of athletic clubs. Furthermore, scheduled games often conflict with school hours and school vacations. An attitude prevails among a small portion of the parents and staff that theschool and the community go too far in providing activities for students and as a result inhibit student interaction with host country youth. This charge will be further examined later in the chapter, but prior to this we will see how school, school related activities, community activities, family obligations and church utilize most of the students' time. As indicated in the introduction to this section, a study was conducted to determine how students utilize a typical school day and a typical non—school day. 219 Procedure - Typical School Day The procedure used in this study was to select a small number of students and hold discussions with them concerning the kinds of things they did in a typical day; both a school day and a non-school day. It was felt that through such discussions, the writer would be able to abstract those aspects of student daily life which were rewarding and problematic. A number of criteria were considered in choosing the sixteen students. Although it is recognized that the sample is far too small to be considered a microcosm of the school, it is hoped that by including students from as many backgrounds as possible, the chances of yielding a diversity of ideas and opinions would be increased. Con- sequently, the following criteria were included in selec- tion: 1. Length of time in overseas location. It was felt desirable to include some students whose overseas experience had included their entire life, some who had spent several years over- seas and some who where new to overseas life. 220 Number of overseas schools attended. Some students were selected who had attended sev- eral overseas schools and some were selected who had attended only one overseas school. Nationality. In addition to the Americans, several non-Americans and several students of mixed parentage were chosen. Sponsorship. The children were selected to reflect the various sponsorships and positions of their parents. An attempt was made to include children from some of the larger sponsoring institutions of the student body as well as some of the smaller ones. In- cluded in this sample was the child of: a. The managing director of a large shipping company. b. An engineer in a large oil company. c. A comptroller in an oil-support firm. d. A U.S. Department of Agriculture repre- sentative in the U.S. Embassy. e. A managing director of a subsidiary of a large Dutch electronics firm. f. A teacher and school administrator. 221 g. A managing director of a large computer company. h. A military officer connected with the U.S. Embassy. i. A minister. j. An upper level executive for an engineering firm. k. A technician at a European space agency. 1. A writer for a large oil firm. m. An attache at the U.S. Embassy. n. A representative of a Japanese heavy industry firm. 0. An oil rig superintendent. p. A manager of an international bank. U.S. geographical area. An attempt was made to include students who listed as their "home" various regions of the U.S. Attendance at non-U.S. schools. Several stu- dents were selected who had not always attended U.S. schools either in the U.S. or overseas. Sponsorship representation in student popula- tion. An attempt was made to include children from some of the larger sponsoring institutions 222 of the student body as well as some of the small ones. After selecting students for the study, letters were sent to parents requesting permission for their children to be included. With the exception of several cases where the family was planning to move, all parents gave their consent. Students were then interviewed on an individaul basis and asked to go through three separate exercises: a. A thorough description of a typical school day. b. A thorough description of a typical non-school day. c. A discussion with several other students con- cerning their lives in Holland. In order to find out what students did on a typical school day, a four page interviewing questionnaire was developed dividing the day into seven segments including (see Appendix E): 1. Pre School Time 2. Trip to School 3. Arrival at School 4. School Day 5. After School 6. Dinner 7. Dinner to Bed-time 223 ' To remind the interviewer of some of the topics to cover in the interview, some notes were printed on the interview form under each category. (See Appendix F.) A space was left for the interviewer to record whatever notes he thought were relevant. Pre School Time An examination of the writer's discussion with stu- dents revealed some interesting similarities and differences as to what one might expect in such a situation. Students woke up at about 7:00 am. In many, if not most instances, students had certain chores to perform in the morning, such as helping with the breakfast, picking up their room and taking the dog for a walk It is interesting to note that because of the crowded conditions, the Dutch never let their dogs run loose, since it could prove bothersome to their neighbors. Americans seem to quickly make this observation and follow the cultural pattern. The kinds of food eaten for breakfast, and other meals as well, generally followed the customs of the nationality. Few people changed their eating habits. Also, as might be expected, most families did not considerbreakfast 224 a formal meal. Family members tended to eat their break- fastvhenever they were ready. Typically, the youngsters talked with their mothers and/or brothers and sisters about school and/or what they were going to do after school. There generally seemed to be an absence of the father at breakfast time. In some cases he might have left for work earlier, in some cases he was out of town on business and in other cases he might still be in bed. Topics of conversation included a mother's antici- pated trip to Canada due to an ill grandparent, another mother's trip to Texas because of a burglarized house, talk about a student ski trip to Austria, talk about the senior high Model U.N., talk about horse riding lessons and talk about having a horse "put to sleep." While these topics of conversation may seem unusual to a stateside family, they are not unusual in the third culture situation. Trip to School The trip to school is nearly always by school bus, although a few students take public transportation, ride bicycles or come in private automobiles. Because nearly 225 all students ride the school bus, they are again sheltered from exposure to the community. True, there are some dif- ferences such as a bus driver who smokes on the bus, drives wildly, speaks only a little English and assumes little responsibility for discipline. The trip to school was primarily a time for conver- sation, although a few students mentioned they read, did homework or'horsed around"on the bus. The bus is a place where students meet other students and develop friendships. One girl reported she met her best friend on the bus. Con- versation can include nearly anything, usually subjects which are relevant to the student at the time. One girl talked with her friends about the high school model U.N. and about the visiting kids who were staying in their house. Last year these visitors were from Munich, this year from the U.S. A film playing at the Astra Theater was another topic of conversation. The Astra is a theater in one of the affluent suburbs owned by a Dutchman but catering almost exclusively to American youth and adults. The few students who came to school by public trans- portation said they had almost no contact with the Dutch. In some cases they met their American friends who also rode the same public bus. American students seemed 226 concerned about the ill-mannered behavior of the Dutch stu- dents who also rode the public bus. Arrival at School This section revealed very little. The earliest school buses arrive about 25 minutes prior to the starting of school. Most arrive about five to ten minutes prior to the starting of school. Students are required to report directly to the school yard. This rule is rather well followed. Students are allowed to enter the building up to ten minutes prior to the starting of classes. An exception to this is those who have been issued library passes for the purpose of going to the library to study. The only recreational activity, due to limited space, is a game of dodgeball that goes on. Most other students simply stand around and talk, but this is usually for only a few minutes. Upon entering the building, students take care of getting their books from their lockers, using toilet facilities, going to their first class and catching busses to their P.E. and Home Arts classes. 227 School Day The school day, with a few exceptions, is not too different from the school day in a typical U.S. school. Consequently, most of the things the students do are not much different, at least on the surface, from what an observer might expect in the U.S.A. A few of the dif- ferences are: l. A rather chapped up schedule with periods of varying length and movement of students from one facility to another. 2. Requiring foreign language for all and offering Dutch as a choice. 3. Bussing students to Home Arts and P.E. classes because of lack of space in the main building. 4. No cafeteria. In discussing the school day with these sixteen students, the writer observed the following: 1. Students generally liked their teachers. 2. Students generally did not make negative state- ments about their teachers. 3. "Electives" or "choice hours" were well liked. 4. Those who took Dutch did not feel they were becoming functional in the language. 5. Those who had been in non-American schools, particularly Dutch and English schools, thought they were more difficult. They were given 228 more homework and rules were more strictly enforced. 6. Throughout the school day the child had been almost completely insulated and isolated from the Dutch culture. After School Between the time the school day is over and dinner- time, students report a number of activities, many of them typical of what one might expect if the student were in the U.S. and some of them different. Most students rode home on the school bus and this created a time to socialize. Typical after school activities included. 1. Visiting friends (nearly always school mates) 2. Talking to friends on the telephone (nearly always school mates) 3. Eating snacks 4. Playing with school mates 5. Doing homework 6. ShOpping 7. Taking a nap 8. Doing chores 9. Helping siblings with homework 10. Reading American newspapers and magazines 11. Horseback riding 229 It was not unusual for the child to come home to a house with both parents gone, even though few mothers work. It is interesting to notice that no one mentioned watching T.V. since programming usually doesn't start until after dinner. A large number of students reported using this time for doing homework. Very little contact was made during this time with the Dutch. One boy reported going to a Dutch friend's house, but the Dutch friend also attended The American School. A girl reported riding her bicycle to a nearby park and sometimes participating in a game of soccer with some Dutch kids, but she said the friendly contact with these kids did not carry on beyond the park. Several stu- dents used this time to read American newspapers and maga- zines. None said they read Dutch newspapers or magazines. Dinner Dinnertime was usually attended by the entire family unless the father happened to be on a business trip or the parents were invited out. One boy reported that his father was in the U.S. on a business trip and usually went there about once a month. The food presented seemed to be 230 typically American. The topics of conversations seemed to relate primarily to the day's happenings. Dinner to Bedtime For most of the students the time following dinner was taken up by the same kinds of activities that went on just before dinner. The other major activity was watching T.V. Several American and English programs are on each evening; Dick Cavet, Mary Hartman, Kings & Paupers, Edward VII, to name only a few. Most students watch these pro- grams regularly. Dutch T.V. programs are seldom watched. Parents were often gone in the evening. Sometimes parentswould have Dutch neighbors in. In those instances, the conversation was almost always in English. Typical Non-School Day In order to determine how students spent their time on a non-school day, each of the sixteen students was asked to keep an hourly log of his/her activities for one com- plete Saturday or one complete Sunday. Specific dates were established and the writer conferred with each participant 231 as soon as possible following the day that was selected, usually the following Monday. A form was given to students to log their activities (see Appendix F). The activities in which students were engaged on Saturday and Sunday were quite similar with the exception that church-related activities usually took place on Sun- day and shopping activities usually took place on Saturday. With only a few exceptions, students did not inte— grate in activities involving Dutch students. The exceptions were one boy who said he went fishing with a Dutch boy who used to attend the American School and whom he knew while they both lived in Italy. It is interesting to note that while they were fishing, they made plans tO hold a party. The Dutch boy did not want any of his newly acquired Dutch friends invited. One American girl reported that she had a horseback riding lesson, that the lesson was primarily for Dutch youngsters, but that two Of her friends from The American School were in the lesson. Many of the activities are related to the school or to another American community civic organization called The American Baseball Foundation. The latter organization is Operated by American parents for the purpose Of providing 232 sporting activities including baseball, softball, basketball and bowling. Several students reported being involved in either school-sponsored or ABF sponsored sports. One girl mentioned the quarreling that went on between the American team and the Dutch basketball team. She didn't like the shoving which took place because the Dutch referees wouldn't call fouling penalties. In other instances, the students attended these functions with their parents as spectators because a brother or sister was playing in the game. Other activities, again related to the school, included trying out for the Middle School play, attending a high school music concert and going to the airport on a field trip with the class. Several students mentioned going to movies and listening to records. Movies and records were primarily American. Staymg overnight with a friend was an activity mentioned by quite a few. The friend was always someone from The American School. One girl mentioned going grocery shopping, but this was at a store catering to American customers, selling American goods such as cake mixes, Bugles and chocolate chips. Several students mentioned going to the airport to pick up a mother returning from a funeral in the U.S., to 233 drop off a father who was going on a business trip or to pick up a friend of the family who was coming for a visit from the U.S.A. Many students mentioned going to church. In nearly all instances, the church was one Of those attended pri- marily by English speaking pe0ple. This seemed to be the case even when the family was fluent in Dutch or of Dutch origin. Pertinent Questions The purpose of these interviews was to raise ques- tions about the lifestyles Of the students who attended the Middle School Of The American School of The Hague. Some of the questions which have come into my mind as a result of this exercise are discussed below. What do the American students really learn about the Dutch? What are their attitudes toward the Dutch? Toward their total experience? Are they better off for this experience? 00 the non-American students at the school fit in socially with their American peers? Are non-American stu- dents, especially those Of EurOpean origin more likely to 234 integrate into the Dutch community? Do the non-American students stick with each other? DO the non-American stu- dents participate in the extra curricular activities? Are students at this school really more world minded? What variables enter into worldmindedness? Length Of stay? Other overseas assignments? U.S. regional back- ground? What effect does living overseas have on academic achievement? What do students view as being rewarding and problematic as a result of living in Holland and attending the school? In analyzing this particular segment of the chapter, it is important to keep in mind one of the basic purposes of the dissertation: How does the school facilitate or hinder students Of third culture communities in coping with their environment? It seems Obvious, from the study above that very little interaction takes place between students at The American School and students of the host culture. The only exception of any importance to this might be the interaction which takes place between students enrolled in the school who are Of Dutch origin and most of these youngsters are part of the third culture themselves. However, since only nine such students are enrolled in the entire school, the 235 number Of American youth who can benefit from close friend- ships with these students is minimal. The expectations for intercultural involvement that adults entering into the third culture environment hold vary considerably from individual to individual. The Useems have made a number Of references to this Observation and it might seem to follow that if parents tend to be more involved in the host culture, their children will also be more involved. This would at least be true in those instances where the involvement might deal with sports and/or special activities in which the youngster can participate. My own experience seems to indicate otherwise. I met few children who came to Holland with preconceived expectations about mingling with the host national children. If the parents were intent upon having their children gain an intercultural experience with the children of the host country, they Often enrolled them in a local school. Such action was generally taken against the will Of the child and in a number Of instances proved unsuccessful enough that the child later enrolled in The American School. Parents who tended to enroll their youngsters in the host country schools tended to do so for several reasons. Sometimes they were one time outers who wanted their children to participate 236 in an intercultural experience and learn a foreign language. In these instances the duration of the stay was usually quite temporary. The college professor on sabbatical Often fit into this category. In other instances parents enrolled their youngsters in the host schools for financial reasons because their employer-sponsor did not pay the tuition. A third reason for enrolling youngsters in host schools came from those parents who had decided to make their stay in The Netherlands Of long duration. 'Sometimes the father changes jobs and becomes employed by a Dutch company. In discussing the experiences of such youngsters with their parents, their teachers and their school administrators, the consensus seems to be that both academically and socially, life for these youngsters is difficult during the first few years. Although this topic has not been adequately researched, it is questionable whether their adaptation to life in their new country is anymore success- ful than that of those students in The American School. The parents who were the long-time-Outers were seldom willing to enroll their children in the host country schools. They knew from experience, either their own or that of their associates, that to do so was not only dif- ficult for their children, but that it seldom resulted in 237 positive intercultural relations. This was especially true if the anticipated sojourn was to be a relatively short duration (two to three years) which was the case in most instances. It would take nearly that long for the children to become proficient in the language and learn the customs and more of their new culture. Long-time-outers were less willing, as the Useems have Observed, to ask for sacrifices from their family. These parents may have found it unusual even that though their children lived in several countries they seldom made many host national friends, but they seemed accepting Of their situation. The parents who seemed most concerned about their children's lack of interaction with host culture youth are those parents who are on a brief sojourn and who intended to return to their country Of origin. They are Often highly critical of the school for the quality Of its host national language program. They dislike the school's providing athletic activities exclusively for children of the school, since this effectively kept the Dutch out. They are equally against placing American teams in competition against Dutch teams. 238 Summary Central Operating Forces Through examining the central Operating forces (the governing board, the administration and the policies and administrative regularions they produce) it becomes apparent that certain attitudes, values and norms Ofihe participants are reflected in the Operation Of the school. In the third culture paradigm, the Useems' assertion that the third cul- ture institutions tend to be contrOlled by thosaexperienced in third culture life seems to be valid. Under the selec- tion process used by the governing board, it was nearly impossible for anyone else to be selected who was not among the experienced. Americans in the third culture are accustomed to working in institutions where one individual exists in a relationship of subordinance to another. Such a relation- ship permits the superordinate individual to exert his will upon the rest. This theory Of management was extended to the Operation Of the school by making all actions Of the superintendent subject to review by the governing board and also giving the superintendent the power to fire. 239 The Teachers Teachers are, in many ways, strangers in the national community of their origin. Starting with their recruitment, they differ from most others in the community in that they are not transferred by their employer to a new location, but rather are hired by the school as new employees. They nearly always take the position because they want to, not because they have to. Upon arrival. the teachers have a number of basic needs, including housing, medical care, etc. To obtain assistance in satisfying those needs, the teachers utilize the resources of the third culture community as well as those of their sponsoring employer, which in this case is the school. Teachers are recruited from the U.S., from other overseas schools, from the local third culture community, from among tourists traveling through Holland and from the host nationals. The Useems have pointed out that the third culture is relatively new, few individuals have been socialized to it from birth and, therefore, it must be learned as adults. This was definitely true of a signif- icant number Of the teachers, although to be sure, a number caf teachers had previous overseas experience. 240 To assist the teachers in adjusting to their new situation, the school provides an intensive orientation program dealing with two aspects of the adaptive process; the operation and organization of the school and life in The Netherlands. This program seems quite successful at providing information at the cognitive level but does little at the affective level. It appears that mostteachers do not become truly integrated into the overseas third culture community. Instead, while they are part Of the community, they also remain apart from it. Among the factors contributing to the teachers' segregation are: 1. Lower incomes than most others in the com- munity and the ramifications Of this lower income including inferior housing, etc. 2. Age, since teachers are generally younger than others in the community. 3. Marital status, since a significant percentage Of teachers are single while most others in the community are married. 4. Working hours which conflict with many Of the daily social activities and prevent them from belonging to some Of the clubs and other social organizations. 5. Occupations which give them little in common with businessmen and diplomats. 6. School policy which makes their continued employment subject to either annual or 241 semi-annual renewal, thus resulting in a fear of some people in the community and a great degree of insecurity. 7. An ambivalence of the financially well Off toward teachers which causes some parents to maintain a respect toward teachers while at the same time remaining at a psychological andbr philosophical distance. For these reasons, it seems that few teachers ever become an integral part of the overseas community in The Hague. Because Of their marginality, they never fully accept the values of the culture; their effectiveness at transmitting the values of the third culture are reduced; and the teachers consequently become Objects of suspicion and distrust. Physical Setting Most Of those associated with the school, including students, parents and professionals consider the school buildings and grounds to be woefully inadequate. The Useems maintained that many considered it an affront to have an elitist school on foreign soil, but no conclusion has been drawn, perhaps because what really exists on the part Of the Dutch is an ambivalent attitude toward the foreigner. There seems to be a willingness on the part of 242 governmental Officials in the City of The Hague not only to permit the school to exist, but even to offer small tokens of support in the form of facilities, Old though they may be. On the other hand, when it came to Obtaining a site for a new facility, Officials of The Hague and most sur- rounding suburbs were not interested. Because of their internationalism, the Dutch government did eventually approve a site for the development of an international school of which the American School would be a part, but only after years of negotiation and tOO late for the pro- ject to be developed since the other schools, for various reasons, could no longer participate. Relationships at the neighborhood level, rightly or wrongly, were conducted on the basis, insofar as possible, of separating the school from the host national community and trying to have the presence of the school interfere with the lives Of the neighbors as little as possible. Students were discouraged from patronizing the local shops, thus removing possibilities for complaints from local shop- keepers. An unspoken pact between the principals Of the neighborhood Dutch school and the American School kept the students Of the two schools scheduled in such a way that 243 the Opportunity for confrontation between students was reduced. Complaints from neighbors regarding any aspect of school operation were rapidly followed up and attempts to remedy the situation were put into Operation where feasible. School Program In different parts Of the third culture paradigm the Useems claim that the third culture child is an indi- vidual with unique educational needs. They further indicate that most overseas schools do not recognize this and instead design their educational programs as though all their stu- dents were going tO re-enter the mainstream of American life, when probably they are not. This is certainly true of the Americans in such schools but even more true Of the host country nationals and third country nationals. These contentions seemed to be very true at The American School of The Hague. Several reasons probably exist for this. First, the heavy emphasis upon "American" is laid down in several Of the school policies. Secondly, few teachers and administrators have studied the concept of the third culture and its implication for the education 244 of these youngsters. Thirdly, almost no indepth study has been made to determine exactly what an ideal curriculum would be for such youth; consequently, there is no existing model after which a school might pattern its curriculum. In spite of these shortcomings, differences between overseas schools and their U.S. counterparts can be found and are almost inherent in the situation. In the case of The American School of The Hague Middle School, a restruc- turing of the organizational pattern which placed responsi- bility for decision making with teams of teachers created the basic flexibility that was needed to make necessary changes in order to accommodate the unique make-up Of the student body. Despite the conflict created by placing the decision making process in two groups, the governing board and the teaching team, and despite the fact that these groups did not have close contact or communication, signif- icant progress was made, including the implementation of an adviser program, the development Of special Projects France, England and Outdoor Education, the establishment Of a learning skills center, an improved referral system for the English as a Second Language Program, and a home arts and physical education program giving students a degree Of choice. 245 In addition to the differences existing in the for- mal education program, there were also differences existing in the informal educational program such as a greater emphasis upon art and drama, numerous student trips and better relationships between students. Finally, an attempt was made to determine how students spent their time, both in school and outside. Most of the students' time was taken up with school and school related activities, parents, church and other com- munity functions both formal and informal. Students did keep busy, but found making and maintaining friendships to be both time consuming and sometimes difficult. While a few students became involved in activities involving host country youth, this was not the general pattern and where it did exist, these two parts of their lives became com- partmentalized. CHAPTER V SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND OBSERVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS Review of the Study Following World War II and the breakup Of European colonial empires, Americans were called upon to provide newly independent nations as well as the war torn nations Of Europe and the Far East with assistance. In some cases this was assistance provided directly by the U.S. govern- ment such as military assistance and in other instances the assistance was Offered by private enterprise. Sometimes private enterprise was seeking sources of raw materials, or expanded markets for its product. For whatever reason, large numbers of Americans became resident for varying periodsof time in most nations throughout the world, especially in those nations which were not part of the communist block. These American cor- porate executives as well as government officials and advisers joined other groups, including, in certain parts 246 247 of the world, a few American diplomats and missionaries who had been previously resident in these foreign nations. Many, if not most Of these Americans brought their dependents with them. With the increasing number of Ameri- can youth in various foreign communities, it became feasible in many instances to Operate special schools for these youth. Since these schools have develOped independently in the various countries, each has its own special characteristics. However, in spite of this, most share a number of charac- teristics in common including: 1. An instructional program patterned after that found in upper middle class U.S. public schools with English being the major language Of instruction 2. A governing board selected by the parents Of students enrolled in the school 3. A student pOpulation Of diverse national back- grounds 4. A parent body which is normally resident in or near the city where the school is located 5. A highly transient student body and teaching staff The name given to these schools for purposes Of this dissertation is American-sponsored overseas community schools. There are several other types of American schools overseas listed below which have not been included in this definition: 248 l. U.S. Department of Defense Dependents Schools 2. Boarding schools 3. Proprietary schools 4. Corporate schools 5. Missionary schools The Problem Most individuals, including students, teachers, parents and administrators, who have been associated with American sponsored overseas community schools seem to agree that such schools are different, that while they may appear on the surface to be American educational institutions transplanted to foreign soil, they still are not the same as U.S. schools. It is in attempting to explain these differences that the problem for this dissertation emerged. Purpose One Of the basic differences between U.S. education and that of other nations has been the localization of con- trol over nearly all aspects Of the educational system including curriculum, finance and policy making. In the 249 American sponsored overseas community schools, this local or community control has been a prevailing feature. Granted, it takes a somewhat different form, but those parents who do send their children to these schools usually have a voice, through elected representatives, in the school's Operation. It was felt, then, that a better understanding of the differences existing between American sponsored over- seas schools and their U.S. counterparts could be Obtained through a study Of the individuals who make up the school, including parents, teachers, students and administrators. Relatively little research has been done on the individuals who attend American sponsored overseas com- munity schools and their families. However, two sociol- Ogists at Michigan State University, John and Ruth Hill Useem have, through several sociological studies of Ameri- cans and other foreigners living primarily in India and the Philippines, developed a paradigm whose theoretical constructs can be useful in explaining the behavior of those living and working in foreign environments. For Purposes Of this dissertation, the Useems' work has been labeled I'the third culture paradigm." 250 The purpose of this dissertation, then, is three- fold: first, to look at the third culture paradigm and to extract those principles which might be helpful in inter- preting the attitudes, values and norms of the people who compose the school; secondly, to apply those principles to an institution, specifically, The American School Of The Hague Middle School to find out the extent to which such principles may be used in explaining its existence and operation; and thirdly, to modify and expand the third culture paradigm. Methodology Participant Observation was the primary metho- dology used in the dissertation. This participant obser— vation took place while the writer served as Principal from 1971-77 of the school being studied. In this capacity the writer had a chance to carefully observe students, teachers, parents, governing board members; to participate in community activities and the general life Of the com- munity; to attend numerous meetings related to the school and community; and to examine and analyze school policy. 251 Six components for indepth analysis were selected and the principles of the third culture paradigm were applied to those six components which included: 1. Employer sponsors 2. The host country 3. Third culture institutions 4. The central Operating forces 5. The teachers 6. The Middle School Conclusions and Observations This part of the chapter will be sub-divided into two sections: first, to give an explanation Of those principles which were drawn from the third culture paradigm and to discuss how they were useful in helping to explain the school; and secondly, to show how this dissertation has expanded the third culture paradigm. Useful Themes from the Third Culture Paradigm The third culture paradigm is an evolutionary set of theoretical constructs which have been developed and 252 communicated over a period of years through a series of writings, verbal presentations and discussions. These theoretical constructs have never been condensed into any single reference work and any attempt to do so at this point would probably only be of historical value due to the rapid changes taking place in the third culture itself. It is, therefore, difficult to say what the most important themes of the third culture are, since what is important today may change tomorrow and furthermore the importance Of the themes will be dependent upon the intended applications. Therefore, since those themes extracted from the third cul- ture paradigm and applied to the six components Of the school were many, for the purposes of this review I will only reiterate what I consider to be the major themes used in this dissertation, all Of which have numerous subthemes. These major themes center around: first, employer sponsor- ship and cultural relations; second, the importance of the third culture community as a support system; third, the role of newcomers vs. the experienced; fourth, the accept- ance by host nationals Of schools for elitist foreigners; and fifth, the need for a unique educational program for third culture youth. The next few pages will show how 253 these themes have been used to help explain the situation in The Hague. 1. Employer sponsorship and cultural relations. Considerable emphasis has been given by the Useems to the importance of the employee's sponsor for both the employee and the dependents of such an employee. My observations confirm the importance of this relationship and references to this situation have been made throughout this dissertation. A major emphais Of the third culture paradigm has been that the primary employees in the third culture are not just individuals carrying out their own goals but are representatives of larger collectivities relating their societies or segments thereof to each other. In the case Of The Hague, this is definitely true and becomes readily apparent as one reviews the list of sponsoring employees (see Appendix C). Most primary par- ticipants in this third culture community are representa- tives of multi-national corporations, with a heavy emphasis upon oil firms and oil related businesses; Federal civilians make up the second largest group with members of Department of Defense being third. Exactly why these larger collectivities are repre- sented in The Netherlands as well as elsewhere is explained 254 by the Useems in terms Of worldwide political and economic forces, the shifting of power among and within nations and the ideologies which spread around the globe (1971: 16). Nash attributes the presence of Americans to U.S. national- istic imperialism (1970: 12) while Barnet and Muller take the point of view that the global corporation, which does not maintain allegiance to any one nation, is responsible for such collectivities of people (1974: 302). Although it is beyond the sc0pe of this study, an indepth analysis of the political and economic forces which result in the presence of third cultures would contribute to a better understanding of the relationship Of those within third cultures as well as contributing to a better understanding of the attitudes and values of those in the third culture population. There is little doubt, however, that in the case of The Netherlands, U.S. government and U.S. business have worked together to promote mutual interests, with the for- mer playing a strong role in promoting the latter, as was pointed out by one U.S. Ambassador to The Netherlands, J. W. Middendorf (Barnet and Muller, 1974: 85). Being representatives Of larger collectivities has an impact upon the role the father plays in the family. 255 Student behavior is generally considered by teachers and administrators in the school to be better than in the U.S. While it is not possible to measure the exact impact that being a representative of a particular sponsoring employer has upon these behaviorial patterns, the father does seem to be a highly visible figure at school functions including PTA meetings and parent teacher conferences. There can be little doubt that in such a small, closely knit community, delinquent children can be an embarrassment both to parents as well as to the institutions which they represent. Sponsorship also at times plays a role in the selection, maintenance and function of housing. The exact impact Of the role of the sponsor on housing is difficult to ascertain since each sponsoring institution has dif- ferent housing policies. It does seem, however, that those with high rank in their organizations tend to be able to afford the most expensive housing in the area which, in turn, is located in two or three choice locations.. Because the location Of housing is so important for students in making friendships, it tends to increase the likelihood that those from the same social class will become friends. This conclusion varies slightly from that Of the third cul- ture paradigm which tends to view the rank Of the primary 256 participants as being the determiner of their children's social ranking among their peers. The latter conclusion might be more apparent if there is one employer which accounts for a very large percentage of the students. How- ever, this is not the case in The Hague sincethe largest employing institutions account for only about four percent of the student body. Sponsorship can also be used to explain some of the differences between teachers and other individuals in the third culture community. Most individuals come to The Hague sponsored by an employer with whom they have had at least several years Of experience. Even in their new envi- ronment they can fall back on familiar institutional policies when things get difficult. On the other hand, the teachers' sponsor is The American School Of The Hague, an institution with which they have had no previous experience. Therefore, teachers must face all the uncertainties which individuals have to face when they gO to work for a new employer. Since the school is the sponsoring employer for the teacher, since the teacher plays such an important role in the school, and inasmuch as the sponsor is such an important factor in the lives Of its employees in third culture com- munities, a great deal of attention has been devoted in this 257 dissertation to the teacher. Since much of what this dissertation says about the teachers' role in the third culture community is a new contribution to the third cul— ture paradigm, more attention will be devoted to this sub- ject in a later section of this chapter. 2. The third culture as a support system. A second theme of the third culture paradigm which is drawn Upon heavily to explain the behavior of the individuals who make up the school is the concept of the third culture community as a support system. In the paragraphs above we have already seen how the sponsoring employer serves in a support capacity to its people in their new environ- ment. In the earliest days of the sojourn, the sponsoring employer is probably the institution upon which the employee and his family are most dependent. In addition to the sponsoring employer, the third culture community develOps other institutions which are primarily civic, recreational, religious and educational for the general promotion of its needs for everyday living. While the importance of the sponsoring employer does not diminish during the expatriate's 258 stay, these other third culture institutions tend to increase in importance, at least during the first few years of the sojourn. It is generally concluded that there are no short- ages of activities for those who make up the American community of The Hague. While certain kinds of activities that one might find in certain areas of the U.S. may be missing, there are so many activities scheduled that one of the major problems seems to be in scheduling these activities so they do not conflict with each other. This is also true as far as student activities are concerned. To coordinate these activities, a special organization was formed, The American Community Council. It is difficult to generalize about how these organ- izations are similar to organizations in the U.S. and how they are different due to the local environment. However, the third culture paradigm did indicate that these organi- zations are different, and this seems to be cOnfirmed in this study. At the same time, many in these organizations strongly resist any attempt to change their "American" character. The word "American" is more often than not included in the organizations name, even though a sizeable number of the membership may prefer using a term which 259 would be more encompassing of what is really represented. This issue was of such great importance that during my stay the name of the school where I was employed changed from The International School of The Hague to The American School of The Hague as a result of a merger with a smaller school. There seems to be a strong effort, at least on the surface, to retain an American identity. In spite of this, the school maintains an open enrollment policy which does not discriminate against non-Americans. Other organizations are, however, exclusive in their membership policies. The American Women's Club and The American Men's Association do not grant full member- ships to non-Americans. One of the assertions found in the third culture paradigm is that associations of Americans or other third culture individuals, contrary to popular opinion, do not build walls between foreigners and host natiOns, but rather, create a bridge into the local society over which contacts with host nationals can be made and thus help to facilitate cross cultural administration. The observations of this writer on this subject are mixed. In viewing the school, if one were to measure its success in creating cross cultural friendships with youth 260 of the host country, the school would fail dismally. It seems unlikely, however, that any school will be successful in developing close cross cultural ties between its stu- dents and those of the host nation unless a significant percentage of host nationals are enrolled in the school. However, the school does do a great deal in the way of facilitating the students in their adjustment and adapta- tiOn to their host environment by providing a place to meet friends who speak a common language, by providing a program of instruction in English which is not radically different from that to which they have been accustomed, (providing they come from a stateside school or another overseas community school), by placing them in contact with teachers and other adults who can assist them directly and/or through their parents in working out their educa- tional and social needs, by providing them with information about Holland and offering them some Of the basics in the Dutch language. Perhaps of equal importance is the role the school plays, usually quite unintentionally, in assisting the youngster in adjusting and adapting to the third culture. No formal program has been established to do this, rather, it occurs more informally. Students fresh from the U.S. 261 seem to find that certain patterns of behavior for which they were rewarded in their stateside situation simply are not acceptable in their new environment. Included in this range of behavior might be the demonstration of disrespect for teachers and other adults, extreme sexual aggressive- ness, etc. In looking at some of the other third culture institutions, it seems highly unlikely that cross cultural communication is directly facilitated through their exis- tence, especially where membership is closed to non-Americans. There is, however, an ambivalence which exists, even in some of the closed organizations, which probably results in cross cultural mediation. For example, The American Women's Club, which has a membership closed to the Dutch and other non- Americans, offers courses in Dutch, Dutch Art, Dutch History, etc. In evaluating the role of these third culture insti- tutions and organizations in terms of facilitating cross cultural relations, it seems apparent that they do tend to socialize their participants to the third culture norms and values and that they do tend to bring their members into contact with other third culture people, some of whom may also be host country nationals. This is in generalagreement 262 with the Useems' third culture paradigm which says that third culture institutions facilitate cross cultural relations. 3. The role of newcombers vs. the experienced. A third theme in the third culture paradigm which plays an important part in explaining the actions of those in the various parts of the school which were examined, is the concept of newcomers vs. the experienced. In nearly any community, length of residence usu- ally gives the individual certain ascribed status which the newcomber cannot immediately obtain. However, because the third culture is essentially a culture which most indi- viduals have currently learned as adults, upward mobility and higher community status can often be obtained in a relatively short period of time, depending upon individual positions within an organization and willingness to follow the unwritten rules of those currently in power in the third culture community. In determining the status of an individual in The Hague, two characteristics seem to predominate. The first, although not necessarily the most important, is the ascribed 263 status of the individuals which comes primarily from the rank held by those people in their organization and the importance of their organization in the community. Thus, an ambassador or a managing director of a large corpora- tion with many employees in the community would automat- ically play an important role in the community even though the individual holding that position might never have lived overseas before. However, competing with those people with high ascribed status for importance in the community hier- archy would be those individuals who might hold slightly lower positions in their employing organizations, but who have had considerable experience living in third culture communities, especially if a significant portion of that experience were in The Netherlands. It is not readily observable that one of these groups is higher in the com- munity hierarchy than the other, but both seem to dominate the important positions of community power. The Useems, in their third culture paradigm, place a great deal of emphasis upon what they term the "first timers," the "experienced" and "old foreign hands," and the differences existing between these groups. My observations in The Hague generally tended to support their hypothesis with the minor exception that in The HagDe a fairly heavy 264 emphasis seemed to be placed upon the importance of what I have called "ascribed status," whether the individual hap- pened to have been "experienced" in the third culture or not. Because The Netherlands has not gone through colonial status, the importance of the role of the "old foreign hand" is minimal. However, even those who come in with high ascribed status soon lose their hierarchial status in the community if they fail to adapt to the predominating norms and values of the third culture community. There is little question that the experienced, particularly those with high ascribed status as well as longevity in The Hague and other third culture communities, control most of the community organizations. In most of these organizations this control is assured by the utiliza- tion of a selection process for officers and board member- ships which takes place the Spring before the new people enter the community. Being able to pass these offices on to another person employed by the same sponsor is also important. We have seen the significance of a few spon- soring employers in perpetuating positions for their people on the school board. 265 4. Schools for elitist foreigners. There seems to be no prevailing Dutch attitude as such as far as the creation of schools for elitist foreigners is concerned. To begin with, the foreigners probably do not look as "elitist" to the Dutch as they might in a developing country. The Dutch seem willing not only to tolerate foreign schools, but also to lend some support through providing certain facilities, old though they may be. In recent years, however, there seems to have been a greater reluctance on the part of The City of The Hague to Offer classroom space and, in certain instances, some space was even taken away. When it came to providing land for a new facility for an American school, the Dutch made it clear that this was not possible. After many years of negotiations a site was approved for an international school complex, but this was given only after it was no longer feasible to put together such an organization. Whether or not this was simply a way for the Dutch to delay a decision until they knew that the Option for buildng would not be exercised is impossible to know. On the other hand, land was made available to the school in a location some distance away from The Hague. 266 However, because of this distance and the high construction costs, the opportunity for building in this location was turned down by the school's governing board. In summary, although the Dutch seem willing to tolerate foreign schools in their midst and have even accepted a limited responsibility for facility support, they stand firm against offering any direct financial sup- port for operation. 5. A unique educational program for third culture yggth. Within the third culture paradigm numerous refer- ences are made to the uniqueness of youth raised in the third culture, to the likelihood that they will probably follow in their parents' footsteps and select a career which will take them back into third culture life, to the need for providing them with a special kind of educational program which will capitalize upon their ability to span two or more cultures and even to the need to create special schools on a regional basis at secondary level paid for by the U.S. government and Open to the children Of all Ameri- cans who are serving overseas. What needs to be expanded in this third culture paradigm is a program of actiOn for giving teachers special 267 training in working with third culture youth. In addition to this, there is a strong need for developing a philOSOphy for the operation of such schools and then to develop a curriculum which can fit into the educational objectives laid down in that philosophy. Furthermore, within the schools themselves, an Open plan of administration and operation must be developed which will permit a model curriculum to be implemented. I am inclined to believe that until these steps have been taken, most of the schools will continue oper- ating as they have in the past, as if their students were going to return to their country of origin and fit back into the mainstream of national life. While the American School of The Hague Middle School makes some concessions to the international complexity of its student body and while the school itself is organized in such a manner that implementation of new ideas is feasi- ble, these ideas are often thwarted at the governing board level, where certain individuals seemed inclined to become involved in the day to day operation of the school. Thus it seems that the implementation of such ideas is dependent upon the strength and will of the Superintendent. Further- more, there does not seem to be a clear understanding at 268 either the governing board or the classroom teacher level of the need for a unique educational program specifically designed for students of the third culture. In summary, the major paradigmatic constructs extracted from the third culture paradigm and used to explain the six selected components of The American School of The Hague were: 1. Employer sponsorship and cultural relations 2. The third culture as a support system 3. The role of newcomers vs. the experienced 4. Schools for elitist foreigners 5. A unique educational program for third culture youth Expansion of the Third Culture Paradigm It has been pointed out that the third culture paradigm is not a firmly established theory, but rather an evolving set of ideas which help to explain a new culture that has evolved during the past thirty years and is con- tinuing in its evolutionary process. Perhaps the greatest contribution that has been made in this dissertation is in expanding the third culture 269 paradigm. This expansion has taken two forms; first, explaining certain aspects in greater depth than previously explained; and secondly, contributing new ideas to the paradigm itself. The statement of these contributions should not be misconstrued to indicate that the author is in any way critical of what has been developed. I will attempt to present those contributions as they relate to the six components selected for the study. However, it is necessary to point out that in some instances there will be a certain amount of overlap between components. 1. The host country. The locale of this field study is The Netherlands, a highly develOped Western EurOpean nation which had been a former colonial power. This nation has a high standard of living and a history of involvement in international trade. The Useems' field studies took place in two developing nations, India and The Philippines, which had been former colonies and are economically less developed. Several points of significance to the third cul- ture paradigm are discussed in this section. First, although Americans living in a highly developed European society appear less elitist it still appears that the 270 chauvinistic attitude of some American managers toward host country nationals is prevalent wherever Americans feel productivity is lower. This seems true between Americans and Dutch in spite of the fact that the Dutch have proven themselves to be highly productive and efficient businessmen. A second contribution in this section has to do with language. It appears that language can remain a serious problem for Americans even if the individuals with whom they do business are highly proficient in English. The problem manifestsit- self primarily in feelings of alienation and guilt. 2. Sponsoring organizations. Although the third culture paradigm extensively covers the significance of the sponsoring employer in the lives of those in the third culture community, this study goes beyond what has been said to date by incorporating the ideas of other writers. Reasons suggested for American presence are national imperialism and the extension of global capitalism, pri- marily through the multinational corporate enterprise. This is an area in need of further research since it may be possible to explain a great deal about the behavior ' TV». 271 of peOple in the third culture as one becomes cognizant of their reason for existence. A further contribution to the third culture para- digm is also found in the section discussing housing. An individual's status is often judged, in part, by the type of house he/she lives in. In those so called "develOped nations" where personal income is high such as in The Netherlands, Americans and other foreigners in the third culture community appear to have less of an elite status and are somewhat less conspicuous than they might appear in a less developed country. If it is primarily the Amer- ican elite who interact socially with host nationals and if a smaller percentage of Americans in The Netherlands appear to the hosts to be among the elite, then it might be safe to assume that there is even less social interaction between Americans and their hosts in The Netherlands than there would be in a less developed nation. Also of significance in the section on housing is the impact housing location seems to have upon the children's friendship patterns, both from the standpoint of social class of the youngsters they associate with, and their ability to participate in the social life available. Active participation in this social life seems to be dependent upon 272 either housing location or the child's ability to negotiate the public transportation system. 3. Third culture institutions. Institutions in the third culture seem to be of two types, civic and recreational. Some of these organizations are formed pri— marily to serve adults, and some are formed primarily to serve youth. In some instances they are formed by those who make up the third culture while others are formed by host country nationals. While it is difficult to gener- alize about the worth of such institutions, it does seem that some of those designed for youth, particularly those involving sports, serve an important need for the youth of the community. However, with the youngster's time being devoted to these activities as well as to school and home- life, there seems to be little time left for participation in activities involving primarily Dutch youth as a number of parents and teachers have complained that there should be. However, there is no real reason to believe that involvement by American youth in activities primarily patronized by the Dutch would happen anyway. Those third culture institutions designed primarily to serve adults seem to be patronized by school personnel on a very limited 273 basis due to work schedules which conflict with community activities. 4. Central Operating forces. It appears that the governing board retains very tight control over the oper- ation of the school or at least retains the power to exercise such control when it wishes to do so. One method the gov- erning board utilizes in exercising its control is through its power to review administrative decisions. The school's chief administrative officer, the Superintendent, while being held in extremely close check by the school's governing board, both individually and collectively, does exercise greater control over the per- sonnel employed by the school than would normally be the case in the U.S. This control is due to certain personnel recruitment procedures as well as lack of teacher labor unions and a body of labor law which applies to certain personnel matters. The right of the Superintendent to fire without having to answer to anyone, except a possible review by the board for this administrative decision, gives him almost dictatorial power in working with personnel. 5. The teacher. Perhaps one of the most significant contributions of this dissertation to the third culture 274 paradigm has been in analyzing the role of the teacher, both as a professional and as a member of the community. To begin with, unlike most others in the third culture, teachers come to The Hague, not only as strangers to the country, but also as new employees working for a new employer. Although teachers in The Hague are well paid in comparison to most teachers in U.S. schools and other overseas schools, their salaries are not sufficiently high to permit them to socialize with most other individuals in the third culture community on an equal basis. There are also other factors which prevent teachers from integrating into the third culture community, including differences in age and in some cases marital status since many teachers are single while most others in the third culture community are married. In addition to this, many of the community activities are either planned during the day or take place during the day. Because teachers are working during the day and because their hours of work are not flexible, their participation in activities is rather limited. There is also an ambivalent attitude toward teachers exhibitied by parents of high social status. While they teach their children to obey and respect teachers, such parents often exhibit an attitude Of unyielding hauteur 275 toward teachers. Teachers, in turn, understand this atti- tude and are equally ambivalent in their attitude toward the community. A polite but restrained relationship is usually the result. The attitude of teachers toward stu- dents from upper class homes is somewhat more difficult to characterize. Teachers seem to hold an equally ambivalent attitude toward their students, but for different reasons. There seems to be a resentment toward wasted opportunities, but also a genuine attitude of caring. Unlike teachers who are employed to teach in upper class communities in the U.S., the teachers in The Hague have no other community to which they may belong since they generally do not integrate into the Dutch culture. Consequently, they associate primarily with each other. Because teachers never become fully integrated into the third culture community, it is probable that they never take on most of the values of that culture. Con- sequently, it is impossible for them to transmit the values of that culture to the youth they teach. 6. The school. Although it is generally unspoken, there is an everpresent concern among those responsible for operating the school that somehow, anything negative done by representatives of the school may in some way reflect 276 upon the United States of America. As a result, every pos- sible attempt is made to resolve any complaints by the Dutch against the school or its representatives. In most instances, the school attempts to maintain a "low profile" by shying from those incidents which would result in pub- licity which could be detrimental to the political or business interests of the United States. The Dutch, unlike what may be prevalent among developing nations, do not have a fear of being interde- pendent with the U.S. and therefore, not only permit the school to exist, but even grant limited financial support. The school's educational program seems to be pri- marily designed for students who will be returning to the U.S. after a relatively short overseas sojourn. Although a few concessions have been made to the unique educational needs of third culture youth, in most instances those responsible for the educational program do not seem cog- nizant of the unique educational needs Of third culture youth. What appears to be most frustrating is that even though an organizational pattern has been established at the building level in the Middle School which would permit the introduction of educational programs tailored to the needs of third culture youth, such programs are usually 277 thwarted by the governing board because of suspicion and distrust, perhaps resulting from the fact that teachers are not really a part of the third culture community and do not share the same values as those on the governing board. Board members are sometimes concerned about those tendencies of teachers they feel to be excessively liberal or permissive. Students appear to make very few friendships with Dutch youth their age and the school appears to do little to promote the making of such friendships. Since there are so few Dutch students in the school and almost no Dutch faculty with whom the students can identify, Dutch friendships need to be made outside the school environment. However, since most of the students' time is used up by those kinds of things they do in the American community (school, church, family, sports, friends, etc.) there is little time left over for making Dutch friends. Those students who do have Dutch friends seem to Operate in two circles and seldom if ever seem to mix the two. It seems unlikely that American school students will be making Dutch friendships unless the entre is made by adults. Even this would take sustained promotion. There seems to be little interest by those who operate the school to make such an effort. 278 Summary While this dissertation has made no basic altera- tions to the third culture paradigm, it has expanded this paradigm in several areas. First, in a highly developed host country such as The Netherlands, Americans do not seem to be accorded the elitist status that might exist in a developing country. Second, the employer sponsor affects friendship and socialization patterns of third culture youth as a result of the sponsoring employer's impact upon selection of housing. Third, third culture institutions developed primarily for youth serve an impor- tant need for the youth of the community, butoccupy such a large proportion of the youngster's time that meaningful interaction with host culture youth becomes nearly impos— sible. Fourth, as a result of policy produced by the central operating forces of the school, the governing board retains tight control over the school and the school's chief administrative office seems to exercise greater control over school personnel. Fifth, the teachers do not become fully integrated into the third culture community, do not absorb the values of that community and therefore are unable to transmit the value of the society. Sixth, although the 279 school makes some concessions to the uniqueness Of the youth being educated, in general the program seems to be aimed at preparing the youth for re-entering into the mainstream of society. Recommendations Two types of recommendations are being made as a result of this study: first, I will make recommendations concerning the school for changes in the educational pro- gram, the administration and the extra-curricular program; second, I will make recommendations for further research. Recommendations to the School 1. The school's educational program appears to be designed primarily for the student who is going to re-enter the U.S. and become part of the mainstream of American life. While a number of students do indeed do this, there is also a significant number who do not. Follow-up studies should be made to determine where these students go, what eventually becomes of 280 them and how the school might adapt its pro- gram to better suit their needs. 2. Students of the school generally do not develOp close relationships with Dutch youth of their age. This was a recognized weakness made by students in a follow-up study of one of the graduating classes. In order to facilitate the develOpment of positive relationships it is recommended that: A. The school recruit more Dutch students especially those who have attended other U.S. sponsored overseas schools and who are being repatriated to The Netherlands for short periods of time by Offering incentives such as reduced tuition, scholarships, student exchanges, etc. B. A study be made to determine the extent to which the school might facilitate inter- cultural relations between its students and those of the host nation. 3. Teachers do not appear to become fully inte- grated with the third culture community. It is 281 therefore recommended that a study be made to determine the extent to which this is and is not a problem and that suggestions of a correc- tive nature be implemented insofar as possible. 4. The school's central Operating forces appear to place teachers in an inferior and insecure posi- tion by generating policy which severely restricts the ability of teachers to retain a feeling of dignity and self respect because of fear of losing their employment. It is therefore recommended that a study be made to determine the extent to which this problem exists and to recommend those types of measures which could reasonably be taken to relieve the situation. Recommendations for Further Research l. A follow—up longitudinal study should be con- ducted of the lives of those who have spent a significant portion of their youth in third culture communities. Specific emphasis should be placed upon their Occupational roles as well 282 as the effects such an upbringing might have had upon their attitudes and values. A study should be made to determine the global, political and economic forces which result in the formation of third cultures and how these forces influence the attitudes and values of participants in third cultures. A study should be carried out to determine the type of educational program which might be of greater benefit to the kinds of students enrolled in schools such as The American School of The Hague. A study should be designed, utilizing a number of American-sponsored overseas community schools in order to determine if the main con- tructs of the third culture paradigm are appli- cable on a wider basis and to make appropriate modifications to the paradigm. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY Aitken, Thomas 1973 The Multinational Man: The Role of the Manager Abroad. London: George Allen and UnWin Ltd. At Home in Holland 1972 The Hague: American Women's Club of The Hague. Barnet, Richard and Ronald Muller 1974 Global Reach: The Power of the Multinational Corporation. Simons and Schuster. Beimler, Rosalind Rosoff 1972 "An exploratory study of the relationship between cross-cultural interaction and the social values of 'concerned worldmindedness' held by multi- national student groups at The American High School in Mexico City." Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State University. Bentz, Carlton 1972 "The chief school administrator in selected over- seas American-sponsored schools: A study in crisis management." Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State University. Bowles, Samuel and Herbert Gintis 1976 Schooling in Capitalist America. New York: Basic Books, Inc. Brannen, T. R. and F. Hodgson 1965 Overseas Manager. New York: McGraw-Hill. Carnoy, Martin 1974 Education as Cultural Imperialism. New York: David McKay Company, Inc. Chorafus, Dimitris 1967 Developing The International Executive. American Management Association, Inc. 283 284 Cohen, Erik 1977 I'Expatriate Communities." Current Sociology 24(3): 5-95. Coles, Robert 1977 Privileged Ones: Volume V of Children of Crisis. Boston: Little, Brown and Company. DeBaena, Duke 1967 The Dutch Puzzle, The Hague: L.J.C. Boucher. Downie, Richard Dixon 1976 "Re-entry experiences and identify formation of third culture experienced dependent American youth: An exploratory study." Ph.D. dissertaion, Michigan State University. Downs, Ray F. 1976 "American children in Japan; Observations on the impact of expatriate life.‘I Duggan, Thomas E. 1977 "Abstract of a strategy for ministry to newcomers." Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton University. Dykstra, Charles 1977 Guidance in International Schools: Procedures for Counselors of American and Other Secondagy Students. England: European Council of Inter- national Schools, Inc. Farber, Jules 1974 D is for Dutch. Amsterdam: Paris/Manteau. Fayerweather, John 1959 The Executive Overseas. Syracuse University Press. Gleason, Thomas 1969 "Social adjustment patterns and manifestations of worldmindedness of overseas--experienced American youth." Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State Uni- versity. Goudsblom, John 1967 Dutch Society. New York: Random House. 285 Hewes, Gordon W. 1961 "The ecumene as a civilizational multiplier sys- tem." The Kroeber Antropological Society Papers, Berkeley 25: 73-110. Huggett, Frank 1973 The Dutch Today. The Hague: Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Kanter, Rosabeth Moss 1977 Men and Women of the Corporation. New York: Basic Books, Inc. Koning, Hans 1977 The Great Cities: Amsterdam. Amsterdam: Time- Life Books. Krajewski, Frank 1969 "A study of the relationship of an overseas expe- rienced population based on sponsorship of parent and subsequent academic adjustment to college in the United States." Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State University. Kroeber, A. L. 1960 The Nature of Culture. University of Chicago Press. Mannino, Ernest 1970 "The overseas education of American elementary and secondary school pupils with application for American-sponsored schools overseas: a diagnosis and plan for action." Ph.D. dissertation, Mich- igan State University. Nash, Dennison 1970 A Community in Limbo. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Orr, Paul Glenn 1976 A Guide to School Board Policy: The American- Sppnsored Overseas School. Massachusetts State College System: Center for International Educa- tion. 286 Patterson, Charles 1960 "A comparison of performances of Mexican and American children in a bi-cultural setting on measures of ability, achievement, and adjustment." Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State University. Peterson, A. D. C. 1972 International Baccalaureate. London: George G. Harrap & CO. Ltd. Quebeck, Bernard E. 1970 "The Successful overseas teachers." Ph.D. dis— sertation, Miami University. Rainey, Mary Catherine 1971 “Language learnings of overseas-—experienced American teenagers." Ph.D. dissertation, Mich- igan State University. Shetter, William 1971 The Pillars of Society. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff. Spindler, George 1963 Education and Culture. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Useem, John 1971 "The study of cultures." Studies of Third Cul- tures, a continuing series . . . 6. Useem, John and Ruth H. Useem and John Donoghue 1963 ”Men in the middle of the third cultures: The roles of American and non-Western people in cross- cultural administration." Studies of Third Cul- tures, a continuing series . . . 5. Useem, John and Ruth Hill Useem 1967 "The interfaces of a bi-national third culture: A study of the American Community in India." Studies of Third Cultures, a continuing series . 4. Useem, Hassan 1977 Useem, 1966 Useem, 1973 Useem, 1976 287 John, Ruth Hill Useem, Florence McCarthy and Abu Othman "Trans-societal linkage of Southeast Asian academic scientists: A comparative study of The Philippines and Malaysia." An invited paper for presentation at the second annual meeting of the Society for the Social Studies of Science, October 15, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Ruth Hill "The American family in India." Studies of Third Cultures, a continuing series . . . 7. Ruth Hill "Third cultural factors in educational change." Cole S. Brembeck and Walker Hill (eds.), Cultural Challenges to Education. Massachusetts: Heath. Ruth Hill and Richard 0. Downie "Third culture kids." Today's Education, September-October: 103-105. Werkman, M.D. 1977 Bringing up Children Overseas. New York: Basic Books Inc. APPENDICES APPENDIX A EMPLOYER SPONSORS APPENDIX A EMPLOYER SPONSORS A-4 Attachment IV Enclosure C.l.c. AMERICAN NATIONALITY STUDENTS - 779 °°t°be' 2" 1975 Amoco 4 Cont. Ill. Nat. Bank 4 Aramco 37 Crawford and Russell 17 Arkla Industries 1 Crown Zellerback 2 Arthur Anderson 7 Cyanamid 2 Amercoat EurOpa 2 Cyphernetics Intl. 1 American School 27 Assembly of God 3 DeLoval Stork 3 Automation Industries 1 Dow Chemical 8 Avery 2 Dowell Schlumberger 4 Douglas Aircraft 3 Badger l Dupont 8 Bank of America Bank of Montreal European Food Laboratory 3 Baroid Div. Eur. Space Res. Agency 4 Bell Helicopter Esso 15 Boeing ESTEC 1 Bredero Price Everpure, Inc. 1 Brown and Assoc. (R.J.) Firestone Nederland B.V. 1 Brown and Root 2 Fluidiks B.V. 1 Byron Jackson Fluor l5 COMSAT Corp. First Nat. City Bank N.Y. 1 Cameron Iron Works Can Am Offshore 1 General Electric 8 Case Company (J.I.) G. M. Continental Ned. l CBI Nederland Goodrich, B.F. 9 C-H Graphic Systems Gulf 7 Chevron 1 Chrysler Halliburton 6 Church of Christ Hawaiian Agronomics l Comtek Marine Inc. Honeywell 3 Continental Carbon Hunter Douglas 1 ._o dam—owh—awmhwwmmmw—‘wmmwm Continental Columbian 288 IBM Ingersoll Rand Intercomp Interpool Ltd. Johnson's Wax Kellogg Continental Kewanee Oil Co. Kinetics Tech. King-Wilkinson Koering Intl. Loctite Lummus Martin Dekker, N.V. Merrill Lynch Metropolitan Life Ins. Ministry of Agr. Botswana Mobil Miscellaneous Menken Landbouw Montsanto Nelson Elect. New Hampshire Life Ins. NIAS Pacesetter Systems Pacific Marine Pandata Patino Peat, Marwick, Mitchell Pennwalt Pennzoil Philips Pipeline Tech. Placid Oil Polaroid Corp. Project Engineering Svcs. Pro Tech, Intl. Provimi Central Soya Quaker Chemical #05 0100de \l Nwww b-flmONNNN-J NU‘lN-JU'lN-JmNNNO—‘w (ANN —l 289 Reda Pump Rohm & Haas Rosenburg Stichting Reinstein & Sons Santa Fe Eng. Serv. Saudi Airlines Sea Land Searle Sea Train Seven Up Shell Sperry Univac S. C. Johnson Superior Electric Synres Tenneco Walker, B.V. Texaco Texas Instruments Time/Life Teen Challenge Tech. Hogeschool (Delft) Trent Tube, B.V. University of Amsterdam Unilever Vitol Westinghouse Wickes Woodward Governor World Trade Worthington Service Zapata Subtotal N—‘wN NNN-thVw—‘NWN-dmeNko A dwNNN 22 628 U. S. Government 62 Dept. of State USIS Dept. of Agriculture Dept. of Justice Dept. of Trans. FAA NASA SHAPE mmmmmm 290 U. S. Dppt. of Defense 89 MAAG 16 Army Forces 28 Navy Forces 8 Coast Guard 3 USRADCO 24 USATTGE 8 Air Forces 2 ATTACHMENT V HOST COUNTRY NATIONALS - DUTCH American School ARAMCO Dow Chemical Dutch Ministry of Int. Europoint Firestone Plantations Lummus Nederland, N.V. Philips Overbeek Pacific Press Shell Squibb, N.V. Stone & Webster Thomassen, B.V. Taylor Instrument Div. Unilever Miscellaneous Total 25 ATTACHMENT VI Australia (6) Brazil (7) Britain (32) Canada (48) Chile (4) Colombia (4) 291 THIRD COUNTRY NATIONALS - 237 A A NNNN—‘d—‘N-onw NN-h-J-HwUT-JwN-memwwNA Institute of Social Studies Australian Embassy Intl. Transport T.N.T. Embassy of Brazil Bank of Brazil Aramco Shell Miscellaneous Hoogenboom Auto Maple Leaf, B.V. Badger Stone & Webster Eng. Leiden University Brown and Associates Dow Chemical IBM G.D. Searle Co. IBM KMC Travel Zapata Offshore Zapata North Sea ARAMCO Pine Line Technology Gulf Oil , Wolf & Wolf B.V. Chicago Bridge Sierra Chemical lst Industries Canadian Embassy Shell Erasmus University Northern Electric (Eur.) Sperry Univac Morrison & Knudsen ESTEC Pacific Ores & Trading Embassy of Colombia Cuba (1) Denmark (11) Finland (2) France (1) Germany (11) Greece (2) India (3) Indonesia (2) Iran (4) Israel (13) Italy (4) Japan (17) --‘I'\)4>l'\)l\) N NN —-'-‘N\D NNw—‘NN 292 Cubaniquel Sperry Univac Lloyds Zapata Embassy of Denmark Lummus Shell Braun Electric Continental Zapata North Sea Dow Chemical Shell Swedish Trade Commission B. F. Goodrich Esso Central Laboratory Kinetics Technology Intl. Shell ESTEC Academic Hospital, Rotterdam IBM Zapata North Sea Embassy of Israel Koor-Inter-Trade Europe El Al Airlines Eurobrom Crawford & Russell Olivetti Nederland Shell Kawasaki Motors Sanko Kisen Embassy of Japan Mitsubishi Bank of Tokyo Japan (cont'd.) Jordan (4) New Zealand (2) Norway (15) Pakistan (2) Portugal (1) Red China (2) Saudi Arabia (2) South Africa (6) Sweden (14) Switzerland (5) Tanzania (2) Thailand (2) Turkey (2) __.I—JN_1 “A N-‘NN—‘w—‘d-d —'N“ “000101 01 N 293 Shikawajima Meidiya Co., Ltd. Marubeni-Idia Marubeni-Benelux Kuwait Embassy Brown & Root Intl. Transport T.N.T. Saga Petrochemicals Zapata Astra Chemicals Shell American School Embassy of Portugal Miscellaneous Embassy of Saudi Arabia Mobil Oil Ingersoll Rand Embassy of South Africa Shell Sea Train Esso Koehring Datasaab Swedish Trade Commission Crown Zellerback Gulf Molnlycke Nederland B.V. Shell Embassy of Tanzania Embassy of Thailand SHAPE 294 Venezuela (3) l Embassy of Venezuela 2 Shell Yugoslavia (3) 2 JAT l Invest-Trade B.V. SUMMARY BY NATIONALITY (as of September 15, 1975) American Students 779 Host Country Nationals (Dutch) 25 Third Country (33) Nationals 237 TOTAL 1,041 APPENDIX B SELECTED POLICIES THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE APPENDIX B SELECTED POLICIES THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE 2100 2200 ADMINISTRATION 2300 CENTRAL ADMINISTRATIVE AND SUPERVISORY PERSONNEL All administrative and supervisory positions in the school system are established by the executive committee. The number of such positions shall be sufficient to promote the attainment of our schools' goals. In each case, the executive committee will approve the broad purpose and function of the position, approve a statement of position qualifications as recommended by the superintendent, and delegate to the superintendent the task of writing, or causing to be written, a position description. The executive committee directs the superintendent to maintain continuously a comprehensive, coordinated set of position descriptions for all such positions so as to promote efficiency and economy in the staff's Operations. Administrators selected for this school shall reflect the standards inherent in schools in the United States and shall be U.S. trained American citizens. Policy Adopted: March 8, 1973 THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE The Hague, Netherlands 295 296 ADMINISTRATION 2111 Superintendent 9: Schools Function As the Chief Executive Officer, the Superintendent is responsible for administering The American School of The Hague within the limits imposed by Board policies and established procedures. The Superintendent is responsible for the selection and assignment of all school employees, the management of plant and equipment, the administration and supervision of the education program and the main— tenance of school-community relations. Authority The Superintendent is given the authority by the Executive Committee to supervise all activities under the control of the Executive Committee as defined by school policies. The Superintendent is ultimately responsible for his actions to the Executive Committee. He may delegate to members of his staff portions of these responsibilities (with appropriate authority) but cannot relinquish his overall final accountability for all results. Relation tg the Executive Committee Except when matters pertaining to his own employment are under consideration, the Superintendent, unless excused by the Executive Committee, shall be present at all meetings of the committee. He shall have the privilege of taking part in all deliberations. He shall prepare and submit to the Executive Committee recommendations relative to all matters requiring action by the Executive Committee. He shall place before the Executive Committee necessary and helpful facts, informa- tion, and reports; and on matters requiring the technical> assistance of specialists, he shall be responsible for making available the advice of qualified persons. Payment for such services shall be approved in advance by the Executive Committee. 297 He shall at all times keep the Committee informed relative to the activities operating under the authority of the Executive Committee. He shall inform the Executive Com- mittee relative to the educational philOSOphy and practices in the school. Relation 33 the Staff 1. Engagement 9: Staff - The Superintendent shall make it an object of paramount interest to secure competent teachers and other employees for the schools. The engagement of staff shall be made by the Superintendent, subject to applicable policies and regulations. 2. Assignments and Transfers - The Superintendent shall make such assignments and such transfers in assignment of employees as the interest of the school may require, reporting his action to the Executive Committee for information and record. 3. Dismissals - The Superintendent is authorized to termi- nate the contract of any employee whose service is unsatisfactory. He shall insofar as possible inform the Executive Committee in advance of any such action. 4. Resignations - The Superintendent is authorized to request the resignation of staff members and to act upon resignations submitted by staff members for other than emergency reasons during the school year. In every such case, the Superintendent shall allow the Executive Committee, without prejudice to his authorityto act, the Opportunity to review the case for its infor- mation by notifying the Executive Committee of his intentions prior to his actions. 5. Staff Communications pg the Executive Committee - All communications to the Executive Committee or to any com- mittee of the Executive Committee from staff members shall be submitted through the Superintendent except as otherwise provided. All such communications shall be referred to the Executive Committee and to the proper committee at the next regular meeting by the Superin- tendent, with his recommendations. Nothing in this para- graph shall, however, be construed as denying the right 298 Relation tg the Staff (continued) of any employee of the school to appeal directly to the Executive Committee. 6. Meetings 3: Employees - The superintendent shall hold such meetings of teachers and other employees as he may deem necessary for the discussion of matters concerning the improvement and welfare of the schools. Relation tp the Community The Superintendent shall keep the public informed about modern educational practices, educational trends, and the practices and problems in the schools. General Responsibilities 1. Study of Educafion - The Superintendent shall keep him— self informed by advanced study, by visiting school systems in other cities, by attendance at educational conferences, and by other means, relative to modern educational thought and practices. He shall keep the Executive Committee informed concerning educational trends. 2. Study p: Local Schools - The Superintendent shall con- tinuously study problems confronting the schools, and from time to time shall present to the Executive Com- mittee factual data with proper evaluation relative to such problems. Together with the staff, he shall continuously study and revise all curriculum guides and courses of study. 3. School Building and Sites - The Superintendent shall make recommendations with reference to the improvements, alterations, and changes in the buildings and the kind Of equipment. 4. Curriculum and Texbook Adoption - Consistent with the_ stated goals and objectives of the school and subject to such specific decisions as the Executive Committee may take, the Superintendent shall be responsible for the adoption of all courses of study, curriculum guides 299 General Regponsibilities (continued) major changes in texts and time schedules to be used in the schools. He shall also inform the Executive Com- mittee of any radical departure from established practice or one which requires increased expenditures. 5. School Records - The Superintendent shall maintain ade- quate records for the schools, including a system of financial accounts, business and property records, and personnel, school population and scholastic records. He shall act as custodian of such records and other papers belonging to the Executive Committee. 6. Transportation - The Superintendent shall make recom— mendations to the Executive Committee concerning the transportation of pupils in accordance with the law and the requirements of safety. 7. Use and Care 9: School Prgperty for School Use - The Superintendent shall provide suitable instructions and regulations to govern the use and care of school prop- erties for school purposes. Policy AdOpted: 20 April 1971 THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE Revised: March 8, 1973 The Hague, Netherlands ADMINISTRATION 2111.1 Superintendent of Schools - Qualifications - Appointment Personal anlifications The Superintendent should have as a minimum the equivalent of a Masters Degree plus one year in school administration or supervision and should have served at least five years in the capacity of an administrator. It is desirable that he have a minimum two years of experience as chief school officer. His record of experience and his references should clearly illustrate his high moral character, professional achievement, awareness of the needs of students and staff, and his ability to carry out successfully the functions and responsibilities of the superintendent of schools. The Superintendent shall be hired by the Executive Committee utilizing such procedures, including advice of consultants, as will be most likely to secure a competent person. Policy Adopted: March 8, 1973 THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE The Hague, Netherlands 301 ADMINISTRATION 2211 Principals of Schools The Principal of each school shall direct its day-to-day operation, in conformity with the principles laid down in the Statutes of The Foundation, Executive Committee Policies and administrative regulations. The Principal shall: 1. establish and maintain educational standards and prac- tices corresponding to principles mentioned in the Statutes and Policies, determine admissibility and placement of prospective students, 3. maintain proper discipline within the school, 4. supervise teaching personnel and administrative and other staff assigned to the school, 5. report to the extent required through the Superintendent to the Executive Committee on Items 1 through 4. Policy Adopted: March 8, 1973 THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE The Hague, Netherlands 302 ADMINISTRATION 2211 Principal: Functions Purpose 1. Supervision pf Instruction There are three basic purposes of supervision: a. To have first-hand Observed information of class- room activities. b. On the basis of this observation, make suggestions as to ways the individual teacher might improve instruction. The principal shall confer with individual teachers within a few days after obser- vation. c. Evaluate the effectiveness of the instruction. Regular Assigned Duties 1. Curriculum Development a. The principal shall work with his staff and involve them in assisting in identifying areas of the cur- riculum that need attention. It will be the respon- sibility of the principal to work out solutions with his staff to these problems. The Superintendent should be kept informed of these problems and progress towards these solutions. b. The principal will approve all field trips organized by his teachers and be responsible for their coor- dination and supervision. c. The principal will be responsible for developing, coordinating and supervising all activities related to reporting pupil progress to parent, grading and promoting. 303 Principal: Functions (continued) d. The principal will work with the faculty to con- tinue to expand the use of the many community resources for the benefit of the students and their educational enrichment.’ 2. Organization and Management g: the School a. Master Schedule: The principal will be respon- sible for developing a master schedule that will implement the school program in the best possible manner. b. Handbook for Teachers: Each principal shall develOp a handbook that will describe in detail how his division will be organized. c. Handbook for Students and Parents: Each principal shall develop a handbook that describes his division of the school in a clear, concise manner. Such things as course description, text-books used, student organizations, activities, school philOSOphy, grading and promotion procedure, should all be included. d. Instructional Budget: The principal will work with the faculty during the school year in an effort to determine the needs for instructional materials for the following school year. The preliminary report should be made by February 1. In addition to this preliminary budget, esti- mated curriculum changes or additions and these effects, or staffing needs should also be estimated at this time. The current instructional budget shall in general be under the management of the principal but sub- ject to the approval of the Superintendent and review by the executive committee at all times. e. Activities Account: Each school will have an activities account into which student organiza- tions shall depofit funds from their school 304 Principal: Functions (continued) organizations. A master set of books will be maintained in each building office. Each organization will also keep a complete set of financial records. At least once every month these organization records and the master office records will be reconciled. Each building will maintain its own bank account in a bank convenient to the building. The prin- cipal will have responsibility for supervising this account, and any other account maintained by any organization within the building. All school activities fall under the financial supervision of the building principal. Communications: One of the major functions of the principal will be that of communication. Teachers, pupils, parents, and the Superintendent must be kept informed. Communications to the general community should be discussed in detail with the superintendent before their release. 3. Pupil Personnel a. Student Records: The principal will be respon- sible for supervising the prOper maintenance of student records and their transmission to the proper authorities at the appropriate time. Discipline: The establishment and organization of rules and their enforcement will be the responsibility of the principal. He will enlist the assistance in this endeavor of pupils, teachers and parents. Placement: In questions of proper placement of a child in the school, the principal will be the final authority. He shall, however, base his judgment on what he feels is best for the child based on the available evidence and the advice of the teaching staff. 305 Principal: Functions (continued) d. Parent Conference: The principal will arrange for conferences between parents and teachers whenever he feels this will serve the best interest of the child. He may or may not participate in the con- ference depending upon how he views the situation. Teachers are encouraged to schedule their own parent conferences as a regular means of commun- icating with the parents. 4. Community Relations a. All meetings with the general public will be coordinated by the principal involved with assistance from the superintendent and the executive committee as needed. b. The principal will be responsible for periodic memos to the parents of his particular division on items of general interest to the parents of students in his building. c. Student Activities: The principal will be the liaison between student activities, student organizations, and parent or community organi- zations. Rules Approved: May, 1973 THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE The Hague, Netherlands 306 ADMINISTRATION 2211.1 Principals - Qualifications - Appointment The minimum educational requirement shall be one year beyond the Masters Degree. Previous experience as a Principal in a U.S. school is highly desirable. The Superintendent shall be responsible for the appoint— ment of Principals and for the periodic evaluation of their performance. (4113) Policy Adopted: March 8, 1973 THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE The Hague, Netherlands 307 ADMINISTRATION 2450 Review of Administrative Decisions The Superintendent shall from time to time keep the Executive Committee informed of major administrative decisions he has made. An opportunity shall be provided for the Executive Committee to review administrative decisions. Policy Adopted: March 8, 1973 THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE The Hague, Netherlands 308 ADMINISTRATION 2450 Reveiw 3: Administrative Decisions Problems in connection with a teacher's employment arise from time to time. The proper channel for handling these problems begins with the department chairman or principal (depending upon the nature of the problem and the partic- ular school). A frank discussion between the teacher and the department chairman or principal should resolve most problems. The next step toward resolving problems which remain after discussing the matter with a department chairman is the principal. Problems remaining unresolved after being thoroughly explored by the teacher and principal should then be re- ferred to the superintendent for action. Depending upon the nature of the problem, the conference at this level could involve the teacher and superintendent or the teacher and the principal and superintendent. In instances where a teacher has gone through the above process and the matter has not yet been resolved and the teacher wishes to pursue the matter, he should refer the problem to the established channel of the Teachers' Association. In this instance the established channel may choose one of two Options: 1. Evaluate the problem and the manner in which it has been handled to date and advise the teacher that no further action should be taken. In this case if the teacher wishes to pursue the matter further, he should contact the superintendent and request that the matter be placed on the agenda of an executive committee meeting for final action. Evaluate the problem and the manner in which it has been handled and agree to pursue the matter on behalf of the teacher and make a recommendation to the super- intendent for disposition of the problem. In the event the procedure has been followed and the problem still persists, the president of the Teachers' 309 Review 9: Administrative Decisions (continued) Association should contact the superintendent and request the matter be placed on the agenda of the executive committee for final action. Rules Approved: May, 1973 THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE The Hague, Netherlands 310 PERSONNEL 4112 Employment and Contract The Superintendent shall employ only persons who meet the qualifications and requirements established by the Executive Committee for the various staff positions. (See Policy 4113) Authority to offer contracts rests with the Superintendent. Each professional employee shall have a written contract ("Memorandum of Agreement" for teaching staff or "Memoran- dum of Agreement for Administrators," as applicable) with The ASH. The first and second contract shall be for a period of one year. The offer of the third contract indicates thatthe teacher has successfully met the standards set forth in The ASH teacher profile. (4117 yellow) The third and each subsequent contract will normally be for a period of two years. Contracts to be renewed shall be offered, enrollment and staffing needs permitting, in late March or early April. Policy Adopted: THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE February 13, 1973 The Hague, Netherlands 311 PERSONNEL 4113 Qualifications 1. A minimum educational requirement for a teacher should be a year beyond the bachelor's degree and preferably the master's degree. At the high school level, the master's degree should generally be in the academic field rather than in edu- cation. Minimum educational requirement for a principal should be at least one year beyond the master's degree. It is preferable to hire peOple with at least me mini- mum work in education at the undergraduate level. Teachers should hold or have held a regular certificate for teaching in some state or country in the subject or grade they are teaching. All newly hired professional staff should have two or more years of highly successful experience in the type of work they are being hired to perform. The administrator shall be permitted to make exceptions when it is deemed by the administration to be in the best interest of the school. Staff who do not meet the above requirements from the date of notification of such deficiency shall be given three years from the date of notification, to meet these minimum education standards. Under unusual cir- cumstances, exceptions may be granted by the adminis- tration. Policy Approved: THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE February 13, 1973 The Hague, Netherlands Policy Revised: October 15, 1974 312 PERSONNEL 4115.1 Orientation Recognizing that new teachers must make a satisfactory per- sonal adjustment to living in The Netherlands in order to perform effectively as teachers, the Superintendent shall arrange a program of orientation for new teachers prior to the beginning of the instructional calendar. In particular, the Superintendent will arrange for new teachers to be met upon arrival in Holland (PTA) and will provide assistance in locating suitable housing if neces— sary. He shall also hold such meetings as are necessary to acquaint the staff with the host country in general and with the school system in particular. Arrangements shall be made for a reception for all new teachers and their spouses. The Executive Committee views the orientation program as essential and shall annually make provisions to cover all costs in the budget. Policy Adopted: THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE February 13, 1973 The Hague, Netherlands 313 PERSONNEL 4119 Separation Termination of non-renewal of contracts of the princi- pals, the teaching personnel, and administrative staff through causes other than their resignation shall be by action of the Superintendent, who will insofar as possible inform the Executive Committee in advance. (Cf. 2111) Acceptance of resignations shall be by action of the superintendent who will inform the Executive Committee for its information prior to taking final action. In case of emergency (e.g., health, economics, per- sonal or family problems), contract termination during the school year may be requested by the teacher, sub- ject to the approval of the Superintendent and Executive Committee Chairman. The School administration with the approval of the Executive Committee may at any time suspend, with pay, a teacher from active classroom duty for health reasons or for other specified written reasons, if it deems this to be in the interest of the school or the student body. If any member of the professional staff is dismissed or suspended during a school year, said action will be reviewed by the Executive Committee at the request of the administration, the person involved, or the Execu- tive Committee. The person involved will always have the opportunity to resign. It is recommended, but not required, that review by the Executive Committee of dismissal or suspension decisions be made in Executive Session, at the discretion of the Executive Committee. In the event of a formal hearing, the procedure outlined in 4135.4 (Grievances) will be fifllowed. .1 .11 "1‘ "b 314 8. In the event Of an official hearing, the findings will be a matter of record. 9. Any issue involving the contract of the Superintendent will be discussed in Executive Session. April 20, 1971 THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE The Hague, Netherlands Policy Adopted: Revised: February 13, 1973 Revised: March 8, 1973 315 PERSONNEL 4147.1 Moving Allowance The amount of moving allowance is variable with regards to: a. Size of family (marital status) b. Actual cost up to a maximum c. Point of origin outside The Netherlands To The Netherlands: For years prior to 1975-76: a. fL66O for single teacher b. fll320 for married couple c. fL330 for each child For 1976-77 and thereafter: a. fL7OO for single teacher b. le400 for married couple c. fL350 for each child Return from The Netheflands: The teacher and family earn credit toward the return trip according to the following schedule: After one year's service 50% of the above schedule After two years' service '75% of the above schedule After three years' service 100% of the above schedule After four years' service 125% of the above schedule After five or more years' service 150% of the above schedule Only teachers, spouses, and dependents who are eligible for travel allowance may receive moving allowance. (See 4147.2) a. Moving allowance will be given only two times: coming to The Netherlands; and within ninety days 316 of termination of contract, the earned portion for shipping to the point of return. b. Only actual costs will be reimbursed, based upon receipted bills up to the scheduled maximum. Policy Adopted: April 14, 1970 THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE The Hague, Netherlands Revised: February 13, 1973 March 8, 1973 March 12, 1974 March 11, 1975 March 16, 1976 April 20, 1976 317 PERSONNEL 4147.2 Travel Allowance/Repatriation TRAVEL ALLOWANCE 1. Upon arrival in The Hague, the newly employed teacher shall be reimbursed for his economy air far ticket from his point of origin. 2. The teacher shall also be reimbursed for the economy air fare ticket for his dependents. HOME LEAVE AND REPATRIATION l. A teacher, whose point of origin is outside of Europe, shall be entitled to home leave or repatriation allow- ance for himself and eligible dependents to his point of origin at the rate of 50% Of the applicable fare for each year at the school. After two years the allowance shall accumulate to 100% of the applicable air fare. 2. The applicable air fareshall be as follows: Home Leave Allowance shall be the 22-45 day excursion fare in effect at the time of departure for adults, one-half of this fare for children under twelve and excursion or youth fanefor children over twelve. Repatriation allowance shall be one-way economy fare in effect at the time of departure. 3. This allowance shall not accumulate beyond two consec- utive years during which time it has not been used by the teachers and/or eligible dependents. DEATH IN FAMILY TRAVEL ALLOWANCE 1. "Death in Family Travel Allowance: provides for the cost of round-trip economy air transportation for one person, husband or wife to attend a funeral of a parent. 1. 318 In the event a teacher or spouse or child of a teacher dies and it is necessary for the family to return to a destination outside of The Netherlands, the school will pay the cost of transportation for the deceased. The school will also pay the cost of transportation for members of the immediate family residing in The Nether- lands with the deceased on a one-way or round-trip basis whichever is appropriate. This policy will provide for transportation in the case of the death of parents or children and no other close relatives. GENERAL A teacher's point of origin shall be established at the time of hiring on the basis of his nationality, point of permanent domicile or place of hire. The adminis- tration shall determine which basis is the appropriate one to apply in each case. For the purpose of this policy, the term "teacher" shall mean all full-time professional employees. Beginning with the 1976-77 school year, the following definition shall apply for travel and moving allowance: Only one teacher per family working in the school sys- tem may be designated "head of household" for the pur- pose of claiming travel allowance for a spouse and dependents. When one spouse is employed outside the school system and eanw 50% or more of the total family income, the teacher may not claim "head of household" status. If a teacher does qualify as "head of house- hold" he/she may receive travel and moving allowance for his/her spouse and/or dependents. Dependents are ' the spouse and children of a teacher who meets the qualifications for "head of household." For the purpose of this policy dependent children shall mean any child under eighteen years of age and unmarried children who are enrolled in a full-time undergraduate college program. 319 The teacher's marital and dependent status for the ensuing year shall be determined at the time of the annual con- tract renewal. Teachers who have payments made into the Dutch social security system on their behalf by the school are not eligible for travel or moving allowance after the 1974-75 school year. Policy Adopted: February 13, 1973 Revised: March April March March April 8, 1973 9, 1974 11, 1975 16, 1976 20, 1976 THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE The Hague, Netherlands 320 INTERNAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE POLICIES 8120 Executive Committee Purpose and Role The Executive Committee shall act as a lay board of direc- tors to address the following areas of responsibility: 1. To define the general goals of Thelmerican School of The Hague. To direct the sound financial management - current and long range planning. To adOpt a yearly budget which has been worked out in concert with the professional administrators (super- intendent and principals). To adopt policies or take actions which may be required of the Executive Committee that are compatible with the school goals. The implementation of these policies is left to the administration. In terms of the goals of the school, the Executive Committee has defined two sets of objectives: 1. To direct the affairs of The American School of The Hague in such a manner as to make available high quality private school American education to students who wish to avail themselves of it. To evaluate educational efforts and progress toward meeting the goals of the school and try constantly to improve the high quality of education offered by the school. The Executive Committee shall endeavor to implement these opjectives as follows: 1. By employing a highly qualified professional adminis- trator (Superintendent) to direct the educational efforts of the school. 321 2. By supporting those recommendations of the administra- tion consistent with the goals of the school and within the financial means of the school. Policy Adopted: THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE December 12, 1972 The Hague, Netherlands 322 BYLAWS OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 9110 Number of Members and Terms of Office The Executive Committee shall be composed of eleven (11) members. Eligibility for membership is prescribed in Article 5, Sections 2 and 3, of the Statutes (Policy 8110). A Ten members shall be elected for three (3) year terms so scheduled that a minimum of three (3) terms expire each year at the conclusion of the regular May meeting. The eleventh member shall be the President of the P.T.A. (or the next ranking official) who in such capacity shall serve a one-year term (June - May) on the Executive Com- mittee as a regular voting member. BYLAW Adopted: April 20, 1971 THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE Revised: December 12, 1972 The Hague, Netherlands 323 BYLAWS OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 9110.1 Number of Members and Terms of Office (interim) 1. During the period of bringing into effect the combination of the two American Schools in The Hague, the membership of the Executive Committee will be determined according to the procedure agreed by the 2-Way Sub-committee on 11 September 1972 and accepted by the Executive Committee on 19 September 1972: a. The present 27 members (15 TASOTIS, 12 American School) would all be eligible for Board member- ship; 15 will be "active" members with 12 alternates. b. An interim Board of 15 members would be established. c. The eventual number of Board members would be 11. d. The 15 member "active" Board would be made up of 9 present TASOTIS Executive Committee members and 6 members of the American School Board of Governors. e. Alternate will: receive all Board materials, be encouraged to attend Board meetings, vote in the absence of an "active“ member, be appointed to committees, become an active member as vacancies occur. UT-bCMN—J vvvvv f. When all alternate members have had an opportunity to serve the Board would be reduced by further attrition to 11 members, the proposed new working number. 2. The Executive Committee Nominating Committee shall review the evolution of Executive Committee membership according to this procedure prior to the March 1973 Executive Com- mittee meeting. If no nominations are required to fill vacancies, the normal activity of the Nominating Committee will be suspended and after the May 1973 meeting of the Executive Committee, the then active and alternate Executive Committee membership will be publicized. 324 3. The Executive Committee Nominating Committee constituted according to Policy 9111 at the beginning of the 1973/74 school year will in October 1973 again review the evo- lution of Executive Committee members by this interim procedure. 4. As soon as the Executive Committee has been reduced to the new working number of 11 members, this interim ByLaw will lapse and the Executive Committee Nominating Committee will resume its normal functioning acceding to Policy 9111. BYLAW Adopted: December 12, 1972 THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE The Hague, Netherlands 325 BYLAWS OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 9111 Filling Vacancies II. POLICY Members of the Executive Committee shall be named in a manner which at least maintains a stable, capable mem- bership that is representative of the school community. PROCEDURES A. General 1. A standing committee of the Executive Committee to be known as the Nominating Committee (N.C.) will be elected annually as set forth below and will carry out the tasks assigned to it hereunder in the manner specified herein. The N.C. will consist of five (5) members whose term of office will expire upon the constitution of a new N.C. at the beginning of each school year as provided herein. Two (2) of the N.C. members will be elected by the Executive Com- mittee Chairman. This election will take place during the first or second meeting of the Executive Committee at the beginning of each school year. Two (2) of the N.C. members will be drawn from the electorate (to the exclusion of Executive Committee or school administration members) and will be nominated and elected at the same time and in the same manner as members of the Executive Committee are nominated and elected by the electorate to fill expired posi- tions. One of the N.C. members will be elected by the P.T.A. governing body from the membership of that governing body (to the exclusion of Executive Committee or school administration members). This election should take place during the first or second meeting of the P.T.A. govern- ing body at the beginning of each school year. 326 One of the members of the Executive Committee elected to serve on the N.C. will also be elected by the Executive Committee to serve as Chairman of the N.C. Any vacancy on the N.C. occurring prior to the expiration of the term of office of the position vacated will be filled for the duration of the unexpired term of office by election by the Executive Committee, except that any such vacancy occurring with respect to the position filled as provided above by a mem- ber of the P.T.A. governing body will be filled for the duration of such unexpired term of office by election by such body. All such vacancies should be filled within 30-60 days from the day that they occur. Each person elected to the N.C. to fill an unexpired term will be drawn from the same community body as that from which his or her predecessor was elected as provided above and the same exclu- sions as those specified above shall apply as to such person's eligibility. If any position on the N.C. which should have been filled as provided herein is not filled in a timely manner, such position may be filled by election by the Executive Committee. To Maintain Stability 1. The electorate shall be defined as the families of The American School of The Hague students. Each Executive Committee position shall be vacated every third year by the incumbent and shall be filled by a member duly elected by the electorate. As near as possible, one-third of the Executive Committee positions shall be filled each year by the electorate. Vacant Executive Committee positions due to the resignation, impeachment or death of a member, 327 shall be filled for the unexpired term as covered in Section E of these procedures. The Nominating Committee shall attempt to nominate members of the community who expect to be able to serve at least two years of office. To Maintain Capability l. The Nominating Committee shall determine from the Executive Committee what areas of expertise (e.g., finance, public affairs, management, law, sociology) are needed to fill this year's open E.C. positions. The Nominating Committee shall attempt to find willing, able people from the school community who fulfill these areas of expertise. Criteria for selection shall include distribu- tion of place of residence, number of students from and size of employing company, and prob- ably length of stay in The Netherlands. The Nominating Committee shall determine for itself the relative weight with which these and other criteria are to be applied against candidates under consideration, and the Nominating Committee shall not divulge in whole or in part the weigh- ing it used in arriving at a recommended slate of nominees. ' For each open position on the Executive Committee or on the N.C. with respect to which the N.C. is to submit a nomination under the provisions hereof, the N.C. shall submit the name of the candidate who received the highest number of votes in the N.C., but may also submit for nomination or election by the Executive Commit- tee the name of a candidate who received less than a majority of votes but not less than two votes. - 329 their views and answer questions. All votes shall be in the form of written, signed ballot and shall be submitted by mail or in person for validation. One vote per family for each open position (votes shall not be pooled, thus one family may not cast its three votes for one or two candidates). The Nominating Committee shall certify the electorate and all petitions, and shall count and certify all votes. Election shall be determined by plurality. E. For Election of Executive Committee Members to Fill Unexpired Positions 1. The Executive Committee shall inform the Nomi- nating Committee when an Executive Committee position has or is about to become open ahead of the schedule covered under Section B.2. 2. The Nominating Committee shall, within three Executive Committee meetings or six weeks, whichever is less, submit the nomination to the Executive Committee for vote. If the Executive Committee rejects the nomination, then the Nominating Committee shall submit another nomination within three meetings or six weeks of the rejection, whichever is less. This procedure shall continue until said unex- pired position is filled or until the position term expires. BYLAWS adOpted by the THE AMERICAN SCHOOL Executive Committee: April 20, 1971 OF THE HAGUE The Hague, Netherlands Revised: November 21, 1972 May 20, 1975 APPENDIX C NEW STAFF 1977-78 APPENDIX C NEW STAFF 1977-78 BACKGROUND SKETCH * Browp, John - Elementapy School Principal Degrees: B.A. Washington State University M.A. Stanford University Graduate Courses: UCLA Certification: California Experience: 5 years teaching elementary grades; San Mateo, Calif. 14 years Elementary Principal; San Mateo, California 4 years Principal; Taipei American School 2 years Director: International School Belgrade , 2 years Elem/Mid. Principal; Singapore American School Status: Contract offered; verbal acceptance. * Smith, Sally - L.M.C. Specialist - Elementary School Degrees: A.B. Kent State University, Ohio MLS Kent State University, Ohio Certification: Ohio Experience: 1 year Grade 8 English; Springfield,0hio 1 year Grade 5; Cuyohaga Falls, Ohio 1 year Grade 5; Howland, Ohio 1 year Grade 5; Warren, Ohio 330 331 Smith, Sally (continued) Experience: 7 years Grades 7-8; English, Social Studies; Warren, Ohio 4 years Library/Media Center Specialist, Warren, Ohio Status: Signed contract received. * Glenn, June - Grade 1 (Exchange for Mrs.tynp) Degrees: B.A. Central Connecticut State Graduate Courses: Southern Connecticut State Central Connecticut State Certification: Connecticut Experience: 7 years Grade 1; Thomaston, Connecticut * Ryan, James — Elementapy School - Counselor Degrees: B.A. University of New Hampshire M.A. Boston University, Massachusetts Certification: New Hampshire, Massachusetts Experience: 4 years teacher grades 1-6; Ipswich, Massachusetts 2 years Guidance Counselor, Elementary School; Portsmouth, New Hampshire Status: Contract offered. * Names have been changed. Middle School 332 Jones, Jean - Middle School - Grade 8 Social Studies* Degrees: Certification: Experience Status: High School B.A. Washington State University Graduate Courses: Notre Dame College, Calif. University of Southern California Wright State University California 4 years 8th grade; San Mateo, Calif. 4 years 5th grade; Taipei American School 2 years multi-graded, grades 5-8; Singapore American School 2 years grades 6 and 8, Social Studies; Belgrade International School Contract offered; verbal acceptance. * Brogan, Joan - English - Grade 9 Degrees: Certification: Experience: Status: B.A. Wheaton College, Massachusetts Graduate Courses: Mich. State University Massachusetts 14 years Triton High School; Rowley, Mass. 3 years grades 7-12, English and Social Studies, Stavanger American School, Norway 14 years High school English; Interna- tional School, Brussels Signed contract received. 333 * Brogan, Rollin - Guidance Counselor Degrees: B.S. Springfield College, Massachusetts M.Ed. Springfield College, Massachusetts Certification: Massachusetts Experience: 1 year Counselor, grades 7 and 8; Byfield, Massachusetts 3 years Counselor and P.E.; Stavanger American School 1 year Counselor, International School of Brussels Status: Signed contract received. * Delagarzathelores - Spanish and German Degrees: B.Ed. University of Toledo Graduate Courses: Salzburg University Bowling Green State U. Certification: Ohio Experience: 1 year Central Catholic High; Toledo, Ohio Status: Contract offered. Crawford, John - Physical Education and Health* Degrees: B.S. Southern Connecticut State College M.S. Springfield College, Massadusetts Certification: Connecticut and Maryland Experience: 5 years grades 1-8; Collegiate School for Boys, N.Y.C. 4 years grades K-6; Montgomery County, Indiana 5 years grades K-12; American School in Japan, Tokyo Status: Contract offered; verbal acceptance. 334 * DeJaeger, George - English - Grade 10 Degrees: B.A. St. Joseph's College,Philadelphia, Pa. M.A. St. Joseph's College, Philadelphia Certification: Pennsylvania Experience: 7 years English grades 7-12; Levittown, Pennsylvania 1 year Director of Special Services; Anatolia College, Thessalonika, Greece Status: Signed contract received. * Lewis, Melvin - Mathematics (Exchange for Mr. Franks) Degrees: B.A. Central Connecticut State Graduate Courses: Central Connecticut State Southern Connecticut St. Certification: Connecticut Experience: 8 years Math grades 7-12; Thomaston, Connecticut * Lumis, Roberta - Typing/Business Education De9rees: B.A. Hunter College, New York M.S. Fordham University, New York Certification: New York Experience: 4 years Typing/Business Education; Charles Evans Hughes High School, N.Y. 1 1/2 years Typing/Business Education; Clara Barton High School for Health Professions, New York Status: Signed contract received. 335 * Marshall, Betty - Phygical Education and Health Degrees: Certification: Experience: Status: B.A. Montclair State College, New Jersey Post Graduate Courses: Montclair State (Master's Degree to be granted soon at Montclair State.) New Jersey 2 years Passaic Valley High School; Little Falls, N.J. 2 years Glen Ridge Middle School; Glen Ridge, N.J. Contract offered. NOTE: In addition to the above, the following major changes in assignment have been made: Grade 5 Grade 7 Middle School Principal Middle School Counselor APPENDIX D SALARY SCHEDULE 1978-1979 APPENDIX D SALARY SCHEDULE 1978-1979 PERSONNEL - SALARY GUIDE 4141.1 TEACHING STAFF SALARY SCHEDULE This Salary Schedule is used for initial salary placement at The Ameri- can School of The Hague. TIER I Years of Experience Step B.A. (1) M.A. (2) (3) 0 0 29,180* 32,080 1 1 30,500 33,650 2 2 31,820 35,220 3 3 33,140 36,790 4 4 34,460 38,360 5 5 35,780 39,930 6 6 37,100 41,500 7 or more 7 38,420 43,070 8 39,740 44,640 9 41,060 46,210 10 42,380 47,780 336 337 TEACHING STAFF SALARY SCHEDULE (cont'd.) TIER II: 106% of 1976/77 salary unless this exceeds the "Career Salary" amount. In such cases, “Career Salary“ will apply. TIER III (CAREER SALARY): 48,000 56,000 (1) For B.A.+30: Add f1.lOOO to each step of B.A. Column. (2) For M.A.+30: Add f1.2500 to each step of M.A. Column; add fl.5000 to the M.A. "Career Salary." (3) For PhD or EdD: Add Fl.lSOO to steps 1-7, and fl.3000 to step 8 and beyond in addition to any amounts added in point (2). Special Provisions for 1977-78/78: See Memo. * Salaries as stated in Dutch guilders. $1.00 = f1.2.25. Approved by Executive Committee: THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE 338 MEMO to accompany Salary Schedule All teachers will be placed on the same schedule. The 1976/77 Schedule B is the basis of the new schedule. Fl.500 has been added to each step in Tier I and f1.5 has been added to the step increase. A new step -- Step 0 -- has been added. All staff members currently on steps 1-8 of Schedule B will be advanced TWO steps rather than one. This will actually increase salaries by 9.6% to 8.31%. All staff members currently on steps 9 and 10 of Schedule B will receive salary increases of 8% and will move into Tier 11. Staff members on Schedule A for the secondgyear and who are on steps 1-8 will advance TWO steps and move to the new schedule. This will actually increase salaries between 13.59% and 12.11%. This also maintains the principle of an extra :_4.0% after the second year on the salary schedule. (Note figures in point 3; adding 4.0% to 9.62% equals 13.62% and 4.0% plus 8.31% equals 13.31%; therefore the concept is main- tained very well.) Staff members on Schedule A for the second full year and who are on step 9 or 10 will receive an increase of 12.0% and move into Tier II of the new schedule. As noted in the preceding point, this also maintains the concept of an extra : 4.0% after two years at the school. Staff members who have been on Schedule A for less than two full years and who are on steps 1-9 will advance ONE step and move to the new schedule. This will actually increase salaries by 10.12% 8.62%. However, since these staff members were recruited when the concept of an additional i,4.0% was in effect, full-time staff members who remain for the 1978/79 school year will advance an additional step or its equivalent. A list of those eligible is enclosed. Beginning with teachers hired for 1977/78, no addi- tional increase will be given after two years on the Salary Schedule. (NOTE: The range of increases is quite similar to those listed in point 3, which is as it should be.) 339 MEMO (cont'd.) 8. All teachers currently in Tier II will receive increases of 6.0% unless this exceeds the new "Career Salary" level. In such cases "Career Salary" will apply. 9. Increase Tier III, "Career Salary," levels to fl.48,000 in the BA Column and fl.56,000 in the MA Column. These increases respectively are 2.13% and 2.75%. Approved by THE AMERICAN SCHOOL Executive Committee: OF THE HAGUE APPENDIX E INSTRUMENT #3 APPENDIX E INSTRUMENT #3 Instrument #3 - Typical School Day Pre School Time Wake up time. Today's household routine. Who got breakfast? What foods did you eat? Did the family eat together? What other things did you do before leaving? Reading, chores, school work, pets, etc. Trip to School How? With whom did you talk or play while wating for the bus? What did you talk about or play? With whom did you sit or ride? Where did you sit? What did you talk about? .340 341 Arrival at School What did you do when you arrived? Whom did you talk to? About what? School Day What subjects did you have yesterday? What is your favor- ite? What did you like most about school yesterday? Why? What did you like least? Why? Favorite teacher? Why? 342 After School What did you do between the end of school and dinner? School activity? What? Private lessons, visiting friends, homework, chores, visiting adults with parents, shopping, reading, sightseeing? Other? Visiting with parents? Dinner When? Who eats? Where? Conversation topics? What kind of food? Setting? Visitors? From Dinner to Bedtime What did you do? Where? With whom? Telephone, T.V., reading, sports, conversation, etc.? APPENDIX F INSTRUMENT #2 Instrument #2, Typical Non-School Day APPENDIX F 10: 11 12: 10: :00 :00 00 :00 00 :00 :00 :00 :00 :00 :00 :OO :00 :00 00 :00 a.m. I’lOOFl Name Day Date 343 344 INSTRUMENT #2 (continued) 11:00 12:00 midnight APPENDIX G INSTRUMENT #1 APPENDIX G INSTRUMENT #1 Section No. INSTRUMENT #1 1. Your sex: Male Female 2. Where were you born? City State if U.S. Country 3. Nationality Student Mother Father 4. Are you a U.S. citizen by birth? Yes No 5. What was your father's birthplace? City State Country 6. What was your mother's birthplace? City State Country 7. What country do you consider "home?" 8. If you are American, is there a state you consider home? Yes No 9. If the answer to the last question was "yes," name the state 345 346 List below all the languages you read, speak, and understand, in- cluding English. Rate your ability by checking the rating scale for each. (If you know and understand only a few words of a language, give the information in Item 11.) ABILITY TO READ ABILITY TO SPEAK ABILITY TO UNDERSTAND Excellent Good Fair Excellent Good Fair Excellent Good Fair ENGLISH 11. 12. ————. ————_—_—— _—_——.___— In addition to the above, are there any languages in which you can speak and understand a few words? Yes No If “yes," specify languages 0f the languages listed above, what was the first language you spoke? What was the second language you spoke? 13. What is the highest level of formal education obtained by your parents? (Check one in each column.) mm: High school or less Some college Bachelor Degree Postgraduate degree 20. 21. 347 How many brothers do you now have living? How many sisters do you now have living? Are you: ______an only child? ______the first-born (but not an only child)? the second-born? ______the third-born or later? What is your father's present employment? Name of Occupation with Name of Organization What is your mother's present employment? Name of Occupation with Name of Organization During the period or periods you lived outside the United States, how would you describe your health? (Check one of the blanks below.) On the whole my health overseas was: excellent good fair poor Did you have any major illness or accident while living overseas? Yes NO If "yes," specify List below all the places you have lived during your school years. Do not count kindergarten or nursery school. 348 YEAR OF SCHOOL NAME OF SCHOOL OR CITY STATE COUNTRY SCHOOLS ATTENDED (IF IN U.S.) First year Second year Third year Fourth year Fifth year Sixth year Seventh year Eighth year 22. Try to remember the first three months you lived in Holland. A. Describe the experiences you found most difficult. 349 8. Describe the experiences you found most rewarding. APPENDIX H INSTRUMENT #4 APPENDIX H INSTRUMENT #4 NAME GRADE Last First SEX NATIONALITY Student Mother Father DATE OF ENTRY FATHER'S OCCUPATION GRADE ON ENTRY BUSINESS FIRST LANGUAGE SPOKEN SECOND LANGUAGE SPOKEN PLACE OF BIRTH SCHOOLS ATTENDED (List below all the places you have lived overseas during your school years. school.) Year of School First year Do not count kindergarten or nursery Name of School or City State Country Schools attended (if in U.S.) Second Year _1350 351 Year of School Name of School or Schools attended Third Year City State (if in U.S.) Country Fourth Year Fifth Year Sixth Year Seventh Year Eighth Year Reasons for Selection APPENDIX I PERMISSION LETTER APPENDIX I PERMISSION LETTER THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE Jerry D. Hager Middle School Division PrlnClPa1 Haagsestraat 38 The Hague December 1, 1976 Dear Mr.& Mrs. In an effort to be more helpful to students attending overseas schools such as ours, I am writing a doctoral dissertation on thoseexperi- ences which overseas students find rewarding and difficult. In order to find out more about these experiences I plan to interview some twenty of our students and their families during this school year. Because of '5 background I am particularly interested in including him/her in my study. If included, I will meet with him/her on perhaps a biweekly or monthly basis either individually or in small groups. I would also like to meet once or twice with you to Obtain pertinent background information. I will, upon completion of this project, send the families of the study a summary of my findings and conclusions. I can assure you that all personal information will be treated in a confidential manner. Would you please indicate your preference below and return this letter to me in the enclosed envelope. Sincerely, JDH/b Jerry D. Hager e"91°5“re [ ] We are willing to participate. [ 1 We might be interested but would like more information. [ ] We prefer not to participate. 352 APPENDIX J THANK YOU LETTER APPENDIX J THANK YOU LETTER THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF THE HAGUE Jerry D. Hager Middle School Division Principal Haagsestraat 38 The Hague December 13, 1976 Dear I am indeed pleased to receive your consent to make part of my study. Shortly after the first of the year I will begin the student interviews. I wish to extend my best wishes to you and your family for an enjoyable Christmas Season. Sincerely, Jerry D. Hager JDH/b 353 APPENDIX K ADMINISTRATION ORGANIZATION CHART 21410 mvma .OH shunned munaauonpvz one .osmwm one may; Ea. mo 38:8 52%;: Es. :msumano newywu0poom cmflcoumsu 9:0Wmmwmoo madam Ewnmonm Hoosom mnficafism mccfl< mcflwaflzm Oocmcwse muocowoa. muovaHEde Hwowuoao mam umcaom con 7 ~ _ H __ _ _ h _ _ vn ngwucfi»; Hocsom Hwaflosflmm Hoozom HOQMOCMAA Hoonom mmmdcwz mOOfi>hmm meoomw “n VA :wflm macaw: humpcosoam mwocflmsm mo mouomhfia no I e D _ _ _ _ N MW ucwwcopcwhwasm P A pcwpmfimmdx - . . pcov26pcwuvmsm m w .1 a t h a C m m ooppAEEoo o>wu=ooxm .n .w. n t .‘. nth (J i. z . . ..L .m _ c . mucouwm "11111111111111.11111111158