any a. :9: e“ ‘ Magi-s; tr! I .3. an. ‘3 k ‘tr‘ESiS “ : mall(W!{MW/(MW!!!MIN/lsnlflmalilflll 56 This is to ccrtifg that the thesis entitled An Appraisal of the Social Factors in the Work Attitudes and Interests of a Representative Sample of Twelfth Grade MichfifiggnégYfig Elmer Grant Youmana has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for AL. degree in and Anthropology wflw¢a Major professor ham December 1, 1252 —-—.—-——n—.— ._—.. 9.“.— - —..,.... ._ _ \‘J nuv‘nf AN APPRAISAL OF THE SEIAL FACTORS IN THE WORK ATTITUDES AND INTERESI‘S OF A REPRESENTATIVE SAMPLE OF 'IWELF'I'H GRADE MICHIGAN BOYS By Elmer Grant Ioumans A THESIS Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan State College of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of IDCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology and Anthropology 1953 Nit maxi Y2: 3" M chm Elmer Grant Iowans THESIS W! Each year thost of young Americans leave the schools to take full tine jobs. The new difficulties and problas connected sith this transition pose an ilportant social problu in United States: Are youth being adequately prepared to fulfill adult vork roles? he vise aetiononsechaproble-nnstbehasedontund-sntal rose-rebellion illusinatss the processes by which young people beoone adults. This study the to contribute to this knosledge by assessing the relative We of certain social factors in the socialization of young people for adult work roles in United States . rou- Iajor hypotheses are tested: (1) that social stratification is significantly associated with the differential rearing or young mph in the hose and to the differential. treat-em accorded the in the school and ecu-unity; (2) that the value orientation or sub-cultures of social strata are nore inportant in formulating youths' work attitudes and intercits than are the echool, imidental Iork experience, type of unity, or certain factors in the tune situation: (3) that uork experience changes young peoples' sork attitudes and interests; and (1;) that the Ansrioan secondary schools are not successful in coupletoly erasing attitudinn'l differences concerning sort: which exist .ong young people It» somefro- different soem strata. the testing of these hypotheses required first-hand intonation on hos youth visited Jobs and occupations in United States. ml as obtained by loans of a questiomaire ministered to a representative has: Elmer Grant lam-ans selple of twelfth grade hichigan boys. the responses of the subjects are amused fro. contingency tables. The degree of relationship exist- ing between each tn variables in the tables is shown by the value of the corrected coefficient of contingency. The probability values have been cupated by m of Chi Square. the first hypothesis is com: the differential rearing of the boys in the hone and the differential treahnent accorded than in the actual and eo-unity are significantly related to social stratification. its second lupotheeis is substantiated by the occupational and educational expectations of the boys: social stratification is the lost inportant social factor in their occupational and educational expectation. ilthoud: the students evidence considerable 'upuard striving' in their futureplane,thereieash-ongtendncyforth-toexpectlifesork inthee-eoeoupationalstrat-asthatofthsirfathsrs. thesecond hypothesis is not supported in terns of the youths' sort: preferences and interestsaulsecurityattitudesl thseeueonlyslightlyrelatedto social stratification, as well as to other significant social factors. fbthirdhypotheeisisconfined: prelininarysorkemec-iemee ehnptheboye' Mattimduamintm. fheaoretheprelininary soc-k experience the you: use have, the lore conservative are their occupational expectations and the less 'eonfident and secure' they are about their futures in the eork world. the fourth hypothesis is emu-ted: the sclnol does not overcoee the differences created by social stratification . the occupational plan ofthe students,thedreork intereetsandpreferenoes, and their 'acu lttit‘ Elser (rant Iounans 'seeu'ity' attitudes min significantly related to the social strata fro: thich they cue. Although the. school tends to Iodify these attitudes and interests digltly, this modification appears to result fro- 'inforeal' rather than 'fonal' some of education. THESIS . r» L r - . fissi- q 3'” s .‘_ 4‘.‘ ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The writer wishes to gratefully acknowledge his indebtedness to the Social Research Service of Michigan State College, Charles P. Loomis, Director, and to the Committee which.made the survey of Michigan.youth for permission to use the data on which this thesis is based. I wish to express my deep gratitude to Doctor William H. Form who provided guidance and assistance in the develOpment of the thesis and.who directed and supervised the study. I am also greatly indebted to Doctor Duane L. Gibson who contributed invaluable assistance, many helpful suggestions, and generously of his time for personal conferences. Grateful ac- knowledgment is also made to Doctor Charles P. Loomis, Doctor 'Wilbur B. Brookover, and Doctor Charles R. Hoffer for their care- ful reading of the manuscript and for their helpful suggestions. Grateful acknowledgment is also made to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, United States Department of Labor,'Washington, D. C., for permission to use its tabulating equipment. f‘fl -\ 4'3 I .3 ‘ (JU' 1.9:}: i u) ii TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE PART ONE: INTRODUCTION I. The Problem and Nature of the Study ...................... .. l The problem area ......................................... 1 Importance of the study.... .......................... .... 3 Statement of the problem, hypotheses, and questions...... 9 II. Methodology.... .............. . .......... . .................. 13 The Questionnaire... ................................... .. 13 The sample ....... . ..... . ............................... 15 The statistical method. .... ..................... ......... 21 Summary...... ............. . ....... . .................... .. 2h PART TWO: THS OCCUPATIONAL STRATA III. Characteristics of the Occupational Strata ................. 25 Family 3128.. ................. ......... .............. .... 26 Formal education of father ...... . ..................... ... 30 Work habits of father... ............................... .. 3h ‘Working status of mother. ......... . .................. .... 37 Summary .......................................... . ....... h2 IV. The Differential Socialization of Youth .................... hh Socialization in the home ............................... . hS Work done at home...... .............................. . hS Spending money and allowance.. ........... ...... ........ £8 Manner of getting allowance ........................... . 5h Socialization in the school....... ................ ....... 6 Curriculum.............. ........... ............. ..... .. 56 Extra-class activitie8.. .............. ..... .......... .. 59 Vocational guidance........ ............................ 6h Age ........... .. ..................... . ................. 68 Socialization in the work world................. ..... .... 71 Number of jobs held... ............................... .. 72 Kinds of jobs held... .................................. 79 Money earned...... ............. ..... .............. ..... 83 Summary........ ............. ... ........ . ..... . ....... .... 85 iii I , . a a ‘ - v o . '\ n. x ‘o . . , . u r . ‘ CHAPTER PAGE PART THREE: 'WORK ATTITUDES AND INTEREST OF YOUTH V. Plans for the Future.................. .................. .... 87 Occupational aspirations and expectations ................. 89’ Social stratification as a factor.... .................. . 89 Parental expectations ........................... . ...... . 95 Relation to work experience ............. . ............. .. 101 Sibling position....................... ...... ........... 10h Other social factorS....... ...... ...... ........ . ....... . 108 Post high school planS........ ............. ............... 118 Occupational stratification... ...... ......... ..... ...... 119 Other social factors....... ................ . ...... ...... 122 Summaryu.......................... ..... ................... 128 VI. Wbrk Interests and PreferenceS.. ...... . ...... ............... 130 Labor unions.. ...... ..... ...... ........................... 133 Supervision.............. ...... . ...... ...... ...... ........ lhl Bases for promotion ........ ........ ...... ................. lh8 Vacations........................ ...... ...... ..... ........ 156 'Work clotheS. ..... .. .......... ... ...... . ...... ............ 161 Place of work. ....... ............. .......... ... ....... .... 168 Summary.......... ...... ................................... 172 VII. Security AttitudeS....... ....... .... ...... .... ..... .... ..... 17h Job security............ ........ .......................... 1?? Retirement...................... ........ .................. 18h Decision making by workerS................................ 190 Dealing with the publiC....... ............. ..... .....l9h Summary..................... ....... ............. ...... .... 201 PART FOUR: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS VIII. Summary and Conclusions ...... ...... ...... .. ..... ..... ....... 203 Differential socialization...... ..... . ....... ............. 203 Social Stratification.... ..... ....... ............ ......... 20h 'Work experience................... ..... ................... 209 The role of the school........... .................... ..... 211 BIBLIOGRAPHY................... ........... .......... ........ ........ 21h APPENDICES -- I. Supplemental TableS.... ...... ...................... 222 II. The Questionnaire. .................. ....... .... 23h III. Instructions for Administering the Questionnaire... 235 IV. List of High Schools Used in Sample. ...... ........ 237 iv §-, TABLE II. III. IV. VI. VII. VIII. XI. XII. XIII. XIV. LIST OF TABLES PAGE Distribution of the Sample of 1279 12th Grade Michigan Boys, by Occupational Level of Father, and by Rural-urban ResidenCeOOOOO....0...O.....OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO...O.00.0.00... 19 Occupational Distribution of the Fathers of the 12th Grade Boys in the Sample and the Total Male Employed.Workers in the State of‘Michigan in l9h0, in PercentageS.............. 20 Number of Children per Family, by Occupational Level of Father, in PercentageS..................................... 29 Formal Educational Level of Father, by Occupational Level of Father, in PercentageS.....OOOOO......OOOOOOOOOOCOOOOO.COO. 32 Student Judgements of work Habits of Their Fathers, accord- ing to Occupational Level of Father, in Percentages........ 36 working Status of Mothers, by Occupational Level of Boys' Fathers, in PercentageS.................................... ho Wbrk Done at Home EachfWeek, by Occupational Level of FatherS, in PercentageS. ......... .......................... h? 'Weekly Allowance Received, by Occupational Level of Father, inPercentageS..................... ...... ......IOOOOOOOOOO. 50 weekly Allowance Received, by Family Size, in Percentages... 52 Weekly Allowance Received, by Number of Hours Working Per Week Away from Home, in PercentageS... ..... ................ 53 Type of Allowance Received, by Occupational Level of Father, in Percentages.......OOOOOOOOOOCOOOOO.....OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO. SS Curriculum in which Enrolled, by Occupational Level of Father, in PercentageS..................................... 5? Curriculum in which Enrolled, by Educational and Occu- pational Level of Father, in Percentage3............ ....... 60 Extra-class Activities in which Engaged, by Occupational Level of Father, in Percentages ......... . .................. 62 t-1 :L 5-.‘ g“ TABLE PAGE XV. Number of Vocational Guidance Conferences Held, by Occu- pational Level of Father, in Percentages ......... . ........ . 65 XVI. Ages of the 12th Grade Boys, by Occupational Level of Father, in PercentageS......... ................. .. ..... .... 69 XVII. Number of Full Time Jobs Held, by Occupational Level of Father, in PercentageS.. ........... . ......... .............. 73 XVIII. Number of Part Time Jobs Held, by Occupational Level of Father, in PercentageS..................................... 7h XIX. Number of Full Time Jobs Held by Boys in Families of Two or Three Children, by Number of Brothers and Sisters werking, in PercentageS............................................. 78 XX. Kinds of Full Time Wbrk Done for Pay, by Occupational Level of Father, in PercentageS.................................. 80 XXI. Kinds of Part Time work Done for Pay, by Occupational Level of Father, in Percentages.................................. 81 XXII. Money Earned Each Week, by Occupational Level of Father, in Percentages-ococo-00000000000000...00000000000000.000 000000 8h XXIII. Occupational Aspirations, by Occupational Level of Father, in PercentageS............................................. 9O XXIV. Occupational Expectations, by Occupational Level of Father, in PercentageS............................................. 91 XXV. Father's Expectation for Son's Life Work, by Occupational Level of Father, in PercentageS............................ 97 XXVI. Mother's Expectation for Son's Life Work, by Occupational Level of Boy's Father, in PercentageS...................... 98 XXVII. Occupational Expectations, by Time on Full Time Jobs, in PercentageS......OOOOOOO00.00.000.000.........OOOOOOOOOO... 102 XXVIII. Occupational Expectations, by Kinds of Full Time Jobs Held, in PercentageS....O0.0.0.0....OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO.00.0.0... 105 XXIX. Occupational Expectations, According to Sibling Position in Family, in PercentageS....................... ............. . 107 ~¢ ‘- ‘1 “ -“ .‘g c! XXXII. XXXIII. XXXIV. XXXVII. XXXVIII. XXXIX. XLI. XLII. XLIII. XLIV. XLV. XLVI. Occupational Expectations, by Occupational and Educational Level of Father, in PercentageS............. ..... .......... Occupational Expectations, by Working Status of Mother, in Percentages..000....000..O...IO.OOO..OO.O. ...... 0.0.00.0... Occupational Expectations, by Size of Family, in Percentages Post High School Plans, by Size of Family, in.Fercentages... Occupational Expectations, by Curriculum in Which Enrolled, in PercentageS....OO. ..... ..OOO0.000000000. ...... ......O... Occupational Expectations, by Number of Vocational Guidance Conferences Held, in PercentageS........................... Post High School Plans, by Occupational Level of Father, in PercentageS........ ...... .... ..... ......................... Post High School Plans, by Educational and Occupational Level of Father, in PercentageS.................. ....... ... Post High School Plans, by Curriculum ianhich Enrolled, in Percentages...OO....O.OOOO.O....OOOO.0.......O.....OO..O.O. Post High School Plans, by Number of Vocational Guidance Conferences, in Percentages ........ ........... ............ . Attitudes toward Labor Unions, by Occupational Level of Father, in.PercentageS.. ..... ..................... ........ . Attitudes Toward Labor Unions, by Working Status of Mother, inPercentages.......OOOOOOOO. ...... .... ..... ............O. Attitudes Toward Labor Unions, by Curriculum ianhich Enrolled, in PercentageS................................... Preference for Age of Supervisor, by Occupational Level of Father, in.PercentageS..................................... Preference for Age of Supervisor, by Number of Full Time Jobs Held, in PercentageS.................................. Preference for Male or Female Supervisor, by Number of Full Time Jobs Held, in PercentageS............. ..... ........... Attitudes Concerning Promotion on the Job, by Occupational Level of Father, in.FercentageS..... .............. ......... 110 111 113 11h 116 117 120 12h 126 127 135 136 137 lhh lho 1b? 151 b “OI ...'.a. h! 9.0. ‘~ Ml if f 1’ TABLE XLVII. XLVIII. XLVIX. LI. LII. LIII. LIV. LV. LVI. LVII. LVIII. LVIX. LXII. PAGE Attitudes Concerning Promotion on the Job, by Kind of work Done, in PercentageS...... ...... ....... ........... ......... 152 Attitudes Concerning Promotion on the Job, by Curriculum in ‘Which Enrolled, in PercentageS..... ........ .......... ...... 153 Preference in Regard to Vacations, by Occupational Level of Father, in PercentageS..................................... 158 Preference in Regard to Vacations, According to Educational and Occupational Level of Father, in Percentages........... 160 Preference Concerning Work Clothes, by Occupational Level of Father, in PercentageS............ ..... .................... 16h Preference Concerning‘WOrk Clothes, by Kind of Job Held, in PercentageS................................................ 166 Preference Concerning Work Clothes, by Curriculum in Which Enrolled, in PercentageS................................... 167 Preference for working Indoors or Outdoors, by Occupational Level of Father, in PercentageS............................ 170 Preference for‘Working Indoors or Outdoors, by Kind of Work Done, in PercentageS....................................... 171 Attitudes Concerning Relative Importance of Income and Job Security, by Occupational Level of Father, in Percentages.. 178 Attitudes Concerning the Relative Importance of Income and Job Security, by Amount of Money Earned, in PercentageS.... 182 Attitudes Concerning Relative Importance of Income and Re- tirement, by Occupational Level of Father, in Percentages.. 185 Attitudes Concerning Relative Importance of Income and Re- tirement, by Amount of Money Earned, in Percentages........ 187 Attitudes about Participation.in Making Decisions on the Job, by Occupational Level of Father, and by Place of Residence, in PercentageS.................................. 191 Preference for Job which.Requires Dealing with Public, by Occupational Level of Father, in Percentages.. ...... . ..... . 196 Preference for Job which.Requires Dealing with Public, by Curriculum ianhich Enrolled, in Percentages............... 199 viii o ~" ._..— ..p-o' ..--- O o'- ..L.’ ~‘-. 4-... TABLE PAGE LXIII. Preference for Job which Requires Dealing with Public, by Kind of Extra-class Activity, in Percentages......... ...... 200 LXIV. Summary of Factors Associated with the Differential Social- ization of Youth, showing Corrected Coefficients of contingenCYOOOOO00......0.0.0....00.00.000.00000000000000.. 205 LXV. Summary of Factors Associated with Youths"Work Attitudes and Interests, showing Corrected Coefficients of Contingency................................................ 206 LXVI. Occupational Expectations, by Number of Full-time Jobs Held, in PercentageS............. ..... ........................... 222 LXVII. Attitudes Toward Labor Unions, by Size of Family, in PercentageS................................................ 223 LXVIII. Attitudes Toward Labor Unions, by Educational Level of Father, in PercentageS..................................... 22h LXIX. Preference for Male or Female Supervisor, by Amount of Time Spent on Full Time Jobs, in Percentages.................... 225 LXX. Preference in Regard to Vacations, by Size of Family, in PercentageS..................................... ...... ..... 226 LXXI. Preferences Concerning‘Work:Clothes, by Educational Level of Fatller’ in Percentages.....00.0.00...........O.OOOO..O.O..O 227 LXXII. Preference for Working Indoors or Outdoors, by Educational Level of Father, in PercentageS............................ 225 LXXIII. Attitudes Concerning the Relative Importance of Income and Job Security, by Size of Family, in Percentages............ 229 LXXIV. Attitudes Concerning the Relative Importance of Income and Job Security, by Educational Level of Father, in Percentages........OOOOOOOOOOOOIO.OOOOOOOOOOIOOOOOO ....... . 23o LXXV. Attitudes Concerning the Relative Importance of Income and Retirement, by Size of Family, in Percentages.............. 231 LXXVI. Attitudes Concerning Relative Importance of Income and Re- tirement, by Educational Level of Father, in Percentages... 232 LXXVII. Attitudes about Participation in Making Decisions on the Job, by Educational Level of Father, in Percentages........ 233 ix PART ONE: INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I THE PROBLEM AND NATURE OF THE STUDY The Problem Area ‘ Each year thousands of young pe0ple in the United States leave schools to enter the adult work world. The transition from a non- monetary to a monetary status is not a simple process. The youths who enter the full time Job mm'ket confront different social environments to which they must adjust in order to earn a living. The manner in Which they make this adjustment is, of course, related to their previous socializing experiences. For some the transition is relatively easy; for others it is fraught with anguish, despair, and emotional dis- turbances. Socialization refers to the life-long processes by which the human organism learns a culture, acquires personality, and becomes a social being and a functioning member of groups} In the home the child has mam Opportunities to observe and participate in some kinds of work 1 For general examination of the processes of socialization see Kimball Young, Social Ps holo (New York: Crofts and Company, 1915); George Herbert Mead d Self, and Society (Chicago: University of Min Chicago Press, 19311;; Charles Horton Cooley, Social Or nization (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons 1912); and R. T. I: Piere and P. R. Farnsworth, Social mholog New York: McGraH-Hill, 19112). . - 0 .- I. I. 1‘. Led? (I Q $12131 7" [In I- 1 activity. He has tasks and chores to perform and observes Workers‘who service the home. In.the school the young man.or woman.participates in a social system managed by adults fbr the purpose of preparing him.for adult responsibilities. In his extra-class activities he participates in a peer culture with its own.social expectations and standards. In his part time employment he is somewhat oriented toward occupations and the discipline of the adult'work world. As a youth he undergoes various experiences in the home, in the school, in.the church, in the community, and in part time work experiences which make an imprint on his person- ality. These experiences mold and shape his ideas, values, beliefs, and attitudes about the world of“work and equip him more or less to perform adult functions. It is generally recognized that experiences in the home, the school, the oomunity, and in part time work serve to socialize young persons for functioning in adult society. Not so well known, however, and not so well accepted in the United States is the influence of social strati- fication in the operation of the home, the school, and the community. .Anericans are strongly imbued with the ideology of equality. They generally assume that regardless of origins everyone has an equal Opportunity to share in the advantages and benefits of.American civili- zation, They typically assert that all Americans are equal, that all Americans have equal rights and.privileges, and that the differences ‘which.do exist arise from individual differences or from the failure of the individual to make use of his opportunities . Most Americans are inclined to deny the existence of rigid "social classes' or any other permanent form of social stratification.. VQ .7. g '13 n n. \5' id. '0... e a! “I 9.51.. 5‘ Nut a-H \.V ‘I .t v I . n. O.- . Q A — ~ \ a ‘3 ~05 aeu u . a t a!“ ‘.- \.e.. 0 h u u: .. L... I - x .x... However, despite the p0pular notion to the contrary, careful study has recently revealed that important social differences exist batsmen broad strata of people in United States .1 One significant form of social differentiation is that of occupational affiliation. Since occupational groups tend to correspond to broad social strata, and since each stratum is differentiated from other strata, it is hypothe- sized that this occupational stratification will be reflected in the attitudes and beliefs of young Americans in the United States . It is 'j hypothesized that American young people, by virtue of their father's occupational level, are differentially socialized for the adult world of work. Importance of the Study A study of the socialization of youth for functioning in the adult work world is directed at an important sociological as well as social problem. In every society the young peeple must be guided and trained to fulfill adult roles. Any study which reveals the factors in opera- tion or illuminates the process by which young persons make this transi- tion will contribute to sociological knwledge as well as provide infor- mation for action groups. 1 See U . Lloyd Warner, Harchia Meeker, and Kenneth Eells, Social Class in America (Chicago: Science Research Associates, Inc. , 15E); . ydWsrner, Robert J. Havighurst, and Martin B. Loeb, Who Shall Be Educated? (New York: Harper 8: Brothers, 191414); Allison Davis, Burleigh B. Gardner, and Mary R. Gardner, Deep South (Chicago: Uni- versity of Chicago Press, 191d); Robert L. Sutherland, Color, Class and Personalit (Washington, D. 0.: American Council on Education, 19%); . Lloyd arner and Leo Srole, The Social Systems of Algerican Ethnic (son 3, "Yankee City Series,“ Volume III (New Haven: Yale University FIT—Ease, 1916); and Allison Davis and John Dollard, Children of Bondage (Washington, D. 0.: American Council on Education, 19:427. an‘ur \“I \‘\.3t In delineating certain of the factors in the socialization of adolescents for work, this study aims to refine certain aspects of the theory of social stratification. Social stratification refers to the differentiation of a given pOpulation into hierarchically super-posed groups. Its basis and existence consist in an unequal distribution of rights and privileges, duties and reSponsibilities, social values and privations, and social power and influence among members of a society} A social stratum is a mass of persons in a given society enjoying roughly the same station and sharing counon interests and comon problems.2 Although "social stratification is characteristic of all societies, its form and meaning in any particular society vary with prevailing values and operative social forces."3 In Western industrialized society the dominance of economic institutions and economic functions suggest that economic stratification is the basic form .14 For this reason l Pitirim A. Sorokin, Socie_ty, Culture, and Personality (New York: Harpers 8: Brothers, 1911?), p. 276. 2 K. A. Davis, "A Conceptual Analysis of Stratification ," American Sociological Review, 7, 309-21, 19143. . 3 J. Useem, P. Tangent, and R. Useem, "Stratification in a Prairie Town," American Sociolofical Review, 7, 3313162, 191:2. It See A. M. Edwards, .'A Social and Economic Grouping of the Gain- fully Employed Workers in the United States ," Journal of the American Statistical Association, XXVIII, (December, 1933) , 377-39; Alfred Winslow Jones,Tife Libert and Pro ert (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippin- cott Compaw, l9 3 . yd arner and J. O. m, The Social System g the Modern Factory, ”Yankee City Series ," Vol. IV (New Haven: Yale University Pressfi9fi7); F. S. Chapin, Contemgorary American Institu- tions (New York: Harper & Brothers, 19%)} Robert and Helen End, Metewn in Transition (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 19373 . . I ...~I9a 91 "we ""‘ C '99*‘0: . 'va‘v.\. O I r. 8.5., fill], it ...‘c r9 J t." H 'e I ‘ \ J ‘: ‘béu -\ :-t k occupation, which is a reliable index of economic function, may reflect the general stratification in the society} Occupational stratification refers to the differentiation of occu- pational groupings on the basis of prestige, income, security, authority, skill, amount of responsibility, complexity of work, or by some other relevant criterion. Occupational stratification means the descriptive ordering of people into “higher" or "lower" categories on the basis of some objective criteria related to work or function performed. The core of an occupational stratum consists of those workers who remain in their occupations for a considerable length of time.2 The occupation of an individual tends to influence the size of his family, his income, his type of home, where his family will live, the type of food consumed, with whom the members of the family will associate, and how vital problems of health, leisure, and security will be solved. Each occupational group tends to mold its mentors in its own image.3 l W . Lloyd Warner, Marchia Meeker, and Kenneth E6113, 0 . cit. , pp. 39-hl, have developed an Index of Status Characteristics for measur- ing social class position. The Index uses four status characteristics: occupation, source of income, house type, and dilelling area. Of these, the greatest weight is given to occupation. Richard Centers, The P halo of Social Classes (Princeton: Princeton University Press, I9E95 has made use of occupation as an index of social class position. Charles P. Loomis and J. Allan Beegle, Rural Social Systems (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1950), pp. 87, 358: and 361;, point out the importance of occupation in determining status. See also Wm. H. Form and Delbert C. Miller, “Occlqaational Career Pattern as a Sociological Instrment," American Journal of Sociolofl, Sh (January 191:9), 317-329. . 2 Arthur Saltz, "Occupation,” Encyclopedia or the Social Sciences, Vol. 11 (New York: Macmillan Company,j§§3) , PP. h2h-h3h. 3 Ibid. See also Pitirim Sorokin, Social Mobility (New York: Harper 8: Brothers, 1927 . a-, ea, ‘ I 1 4 1 4 ‘- \ :. ‘p. .“ t n .a e .- , O: The occupational group possesses an ethos or ideology of mores, c ides, rules, knowledge, techniques, and attitudes and tends to form a be- ,0 A . 1.1- "I‘ ll. havlorel system. Rooert E. rark states that Adam Smith was one of the first to point out the fact that the differences in character and personality which are ordinarily conceived as biologically conditioned and innate are very largely a product of differences in occupation, and since personality, as we have come to conceive it, is merely the subjective in- dividual aSpect of a tradition and culture, it tranSpires that every occupation becomes, or tends to become, the basis for a new society. Occupational stratification is also related to problems of social policy. Some social scientists view with alarm the social stratifica- tion which has taken place in American society. One, for example, states: A society is possible in the last analysis because the individuals in it carry around in their heads some sort of picture of that society. Our society, however, in this period of minute division of labor, of extreme 1:0tcrogene ity and pro- found conflict of interests, has come to pass where these pictures are blurred and incongruous. Hence we no longer perceive the same things as real, and coincident with our vanishing sense of a common reality we are losing our common medium of expressing and communicating our experiences. The 1 For evidence of this see Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Societv Preface to the Second Edition (Glencoe, Illinois: Free Press, l9t7); Frances R. Donovan, The Ioman Iho Waits (Boston: R. G. Badger, (1920), The Saleslady (University of Chicago Press, 1929); and The School Ma' am (New York: JF. A. Stokes, 1938); E. H. Sutlerland T1: Professional Thief (University of Chicago Press, 1937); Nels Anderson, Tle Hobo (University of Chicago Press, 1923) Paul F Cresscy, The Taxi-Dance Hall (University of Chicago Press, 193253 Logan Wilson, TIE cademic Men (New York: Oxford University Press, l9h2); wm. F. Whyte, Human Relations in the Restaurant Industry (New York: lchraw- Hill l9hE); W. Fred Cottrell, The Railroadcr (Stanford University Press, l9h03 and Florian Znaniecki, The Social hole of the Man.of Knowledge (New'York: Columbia University Press, I9h0). 2 Robert E. Park, in the Introduction to the Saleslagy, by Frances R. Donovan (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 19297: vii. n' a: Edzn.25 u’: .1 :‘us'. '- ‘ a!" ..1 . ht. It: n 1 ~92; F. g ‘ “vi-“:5 t 31;: a“ a: 9’7 -.icts world has been splintered into countless fragments of atomized individuals and groxqas. The description of the wholeness of individual experience corresponds to the disintegration of culture and group solidarity. When the bases of unified collective action begins to weaken, the social structure tends to break and to produce a condition which Bnile Durkheim has termed anomie, by which he means a situation which might be described as a sort of social emptiness or void. Under such conditions suicide, cri1ne , and disorder are phenomena to be expected because individual existence is no longer rooted in a stable and integrated social milieu and much of life's activity loses its sense and meaning} Mayo ,2 in discussing social stratification in American society, maintains that this phenomenon is largely reaponsible for the lack of cOOperation in the industrial world. He suggests that it is within the power of industrial administrators to create within industry itself a partial remedy for the conflicts resulting from the social stratifica- tion which has occurred in the United States. Centers3 also points out the cleavages which exist in the sub- cultures of America and asserts that the differences in attitude and belief among the strata in America are the stuff out of which social conflicts are made. Schians and social distinctions are so many and varied in United States and their effects upon human life so pervasive that they raise important questions for social scientists as well as for action youps . 1 Louis Wirth, in the Preface to Karl Mannheim's Ideolog and Uptopia (New Iork: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1936) m. 2 Elton Mayo, The Social Problems of an Industrial Civilization (Barges: Graduate School Of Business Idministration, Harvard University, 19 S . 3 Centers, Op. cit., pp. 3-11. .su-v v..—. ...p- ra' o-.. . “. o ‘o 1...: . ._, . ‘, o a. H I / Although most of the studies in social stratification have examined this phenomenon in terms of adult behavior, a few have focused attention on the behavior of young peeple. Hollingshead, for example, examined the behavior of youth in seven areas--school, job, church, recreation, clique, dates, and sex--and found significant relationships between social stratification and this behavior.1 The Maryland Youth Survey, which obtained first-hand information from more than 13,000 youths, stated that the plight of certain groups of young peeple seems to be the direct result of the economic level of the youths' families.2 Social scientists have also examined American educational practices in terms of social stratification.3 From the days of Thomas Jefferson American educators have asserted that a public school system is a basic and necessary part of democracy. They have assumed that one of the functions of the school is to provide equal Opportunity for every child, that through education those at the bottom can compete on equal terms With those at the top for life's values, and that the schools are the most effective means of avoiding a stratified society. In the American faith, every student in the public schools has an equal chance for l,A. B. Hollingshead, Elmtown's Youth (New York: John'Wiley and Ebns, 1939). Hollingshead stratified the families of the youths in his study according to the way the family lived, income and material pos- sessions, participation in community affairs, background, and prestige in.the community. 2 Howard H. Bell, Youth Tell Their Stogy (Washington, D. C.: 1938), p' 1520 3 See'Warner, Havighurst, and Loeb, 0p. cit. and W. B. Brookover, "The Implications of Social Class Analysis for a Social Theory of Eflucation," Journal of Educational Theory, I (August, 1951), 97-105. - fi‘::‘ ‘~ .vl 'W‘ i. -‘ A tit: 02' tartar 31231:}: E'Qfi- r‘l'ha ‘I‘v ‘ 3'5“; 5p. “ .; " cvugr‘ "success.” All that is needed is ambition, plenty of hard work, and the‘will to "get ahead." Studies in social class, hOWever, have indicated that this faith has not been fulfilled. Studies have shown that the equalizing and levelling function of the schools has been over- emphasized.1 The social strata from‘which young people come and the value orientations‘which coincide with.these strata have proved.mcre important in the behavior of youth than the educators realized. Perhaps educators should give serious thought to re-evaluating their educational programs in light of empirical studies on social structure. It seems apparent that additional information is needed on the socialization of young peeple for adult roles. How are young peeple oriented to the full-time adult work world? What is the role of social stratification in'this process? What is the role of the school? What is the role of the home and family situation? lfihat is the role of‘work experience? Tibet is the role of rural-urban residence? The following study aims to contribute answers to these questions. Statement of the Problem, Hypotheses, and Questions In View of the above, the significance of the problem is apparent. If occupational stratification exists in American society, the work attitudes and interests of American young people should reflect this stratification. If there is merit to the proposition that occupation is a sigiificant factor in the stratification of human pepulations, 1 Ibid. 0-; zoo-'0.“ d... '1‘“ 10 the following study should partially validate such a statement in terms Of a segment of American society. The purpose of this stuchr is to examine the work interests and attitudes of a segment of American youth and to assess the relative importance of certain social factors related to these attitudes .5 In J assessing the importance of social stratification in comparison to certain factors in the home, in the school, in preliminary work experience, and in the community, the analysis is limited to certain available indices only. Undoubtedly many factors Operate in the work attitudes of young people, and all of these are by no means provided in this study. The working hypothesis is that the work attitudes and interests of youth are a function of position in the social structure T’ Four major hypotheses are to be tested and answers are sought to a number of questions related to these hypotheses: (1) Differential socialization. It is hypothesized that social stratification, using the father's occupational level as an index, is significantly related to the differential rearing of young people in the home and to the differential treatment accorded youth in the school and in the community. Is social stratification significantly related f to the amount of work youths do at home?,i‘ro the amount of spending money young peOple receive? {To the kinds of curricula they select in school? ‘ To their participation in extra-class activities," and in vo- cational guidance conferences? {TO the mimber and kind of jobs they obtain and to the amounts of money they earn? (—a I\) a": L": a‘. sv-W“ V q.‘ 1 re- " " Y 4“- 4 (2) Social stratification. It is hypothesized that the value orientations of subs-cultures of social strata are more important in formulating youths' work attitudes and interests than are the school, incidental work experience, type of community, or certain factors in the home situation. To what degree does social stratification affect youths' plans for the future? Their educational plans? Their choices of occupational goals?l Their work interests and preferences? Do youth from some social strata view the work world with security and confidence compared to students from other social strata? Are adolescents from some social strata better equipped to perform roles in the contractual, Gesellschaft,1 bureaucratic, "capitalistic” business world than youth from other social strata? ' (3) Work experience. It is hypothesized that work experience produces changes in young peOples' behavior and that these changes are reflected in their work attitudes and interests. Do youths' occupa- tional. expectations change with work experience? Does work experience change young persons' views of the work situation? How does work experience relate to the confidence and security with which youth view the world of work? l Acknmfledgement for the concepts of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft is made to Ferdinand Toennies, Fundamental Concepts of Sociology (Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft), translated by C. P. Loomis TNew York: American Book Compam', Duo). Gemeinschaft refers to the primary, face- to-face relationships which are considered ends in and of themselves. Geneinschaft behavior is motivated by the sacred, the traditional, the spontaneous, and the emotional. Gesellschaft behavior is motivated by 'rationalism," in which means and ends are differentiated and the means are chosen according to the norms of efficiency, with little interference of the sacred, the traditional, the emotional, or the sentiments. In the Gesellschaft type, inter-personal relationships are means to ends, not ends in and of themselves. 12 (it) The role of the school. It is hypothesized that the American secondary schools are not successful in overcoming the differences which exist among young people by virtue of social stratification. Is the American educational system fulfilling its democratic aim of equalizing the Opportunities Of youth in America? DO children from different social strata have equal Opportunity to achieve and share in the benefits of civilization? Do educators in the secondary schools give undue emphasis to the American middle-class, white collar ideology? Although the following study will not provide complete anwers to the questions raised, it does aim to contribute reliable data which may provide fruitful insights into the factors Operating in the socialization of young Americans for the adult world of work. IOO“ I 05.1. u- CHAPTER II METHODOLOGY In order to examine the impact of social stratification and certain other factors upon the socialization of young peOple for the world of work, it was necessary to have first-hand data on the attitudes , in- terests, preferences, aspirations, and expectations of young persons relative to work and work situations . These data were obtained by means of a group administered questionnaire. To analyze these data it was necessary to treat them statistically. The manner in which the data were collected and the statistical method used in the analysis are described below . The Questionnaire In 19h? the Michigan Bell Telephone Company granted funds to the Social Research Service of Michigan State College to cover the Operating expenses of an informational survey of the work interests, attitudes, and preferences of high school youths in the State of Michigan. Doctor Charles P. Loomis, Director of the Social Research Service and Chairman of the Department of Sociology and AnthrOpologr at Michigan State Callege, appointed a committee to carry out the research project and to 1h publish a report .1 It was assumed by the Comittee that the most feasible and efficient means of collecting information from youths throughout the State was by questionnaire . In preparing the instrument the Committee consulted with representatives of the Michigan Bell Telephone Company, the Communication Workers of America, and the Institute of Counseling, Testing and Guidance and the Continuing Educa- tion Service of Michigan State College. School administrators, teachers, and business Officials were also consulted in the course of the project. Although no explicit hypotheses were formulated by the Committee in develOping the questionnaire, information was sought in five major areas. These five areas, it was believed, would reveal significant aspects of how youth viewed the world of work.2 Part I of the question- naire contains questions relative to the family, school, and work experiences of the respondents. In Part II specific work situations are described and the High School students were asked to indicate what they would do if they found themselves in such work situations. In Part III the boys and girls were asked to rate the prestige levels of certain occupations. Part IV contains questions aimed to find out what the youths' preferences were relative to Jobs and occupations. Part V includes questions which were used to discover what the young peOple thought about marriage and the work habits of married peOple , including 1 Wilbur B. Brookover, William H. Form, Duane L. Gibson, Edgar A. Schuler, John F. Thaden, E. Grant Youmans, and Christopher Sower (Chair- man), Youth and the world of Work (East Lansing, Michigan: Social. Research Service, Michigan State College, September, 1916) . 2 The Questionnaire is shown in Appendix II. fl I. 1 "1"." ’ ' I-On: L: i 15 their parents. The large majority of the eighty items in the question- naire are multiple choice questions which required the respondents to encircle a number to indicate their responses. A few questions required the students to write in the ansiters. To refine the questionnaire and to be sure it was an instrument which high school boys and girls would understand, the questionnaire was pro-tested by group administration in several rural and urban schools and-followed by intensive interview with a number Of those who had filled out the questionnaires. Those questions which caused difficulty during the pre-test were altered or eliminated. It was fOund that the students could complete the questionnaire in about forty minutes. Although the instrument was constructed to be almost self- administering, instructions were supplied to assist those teachers and 1 Precautions school administrators who administered the questionnaire . were taken to create a situation in which the youths would give their frank and candid responses to the questions. NO uterflWs were held with any respondents in connection with the final study. The Sample The sample used in the informational survey consisted Of 6,789 youth from fifty-six public and private high schools in the State of Michigan .2 l The instructions are shown in Appendix III. 2 The list of high schools used in the survey is shown in Appendix IV . 16 The sample was drain in such a way that a representative group of students with a wide range of work backgrounds would be obtained. To assure this, students Were selected from com- munities having various types of occupational distributions. The Counties of the State were divided into six strata in terms of their occupational distributions in 1940. These were: First, those counties whose workers were predominatly farmers. Second, those in which the majority of the workers were farmers, but not as heavily farm as stratum one. Third, those counties in which workers were evenly balanced between farm and manual workers . Fourth, those in which the majority were manual. and related workers rather than farmers. Fifth, those upper peninsula counties in which manual and related workers heavily predominated. Sixth, those counties in the southern part of Michigan in which manual and related occupations were heavily predominant. These latter counties all included relatively large cities . In order to make sure that students responding came from places of varying sizes, the schools in each stratum were divided into sub-strata in tems of the size Of the senior class Of the previous year. The sub-strata were: First, below tHenty- five seniors, second, titenty-five to one hundred seniors, and, third, over one-hundred seniors. Within each of the strata and sub-strata, a sample of high schools was drawn which would yield approximately six per cent Of all Tenth and Tuelfth graders. All the students in these bio grades were asked to answm‘ the questionnaire with the follOWing exception. In order to obtain students from a lager number of cities and large schools, thirty per cent of the large schools in stratum six were selected and one-fifth of the students from each of the mo grades were then selected at random to respond to the questionnaire. By this method, responses were obtained from students in five different Detroit high schools and from schools in several other large cities. This produced a more representative sauxple than the selection of a single large school would have given .1 The completed questionnaires were coded by the Social Research Service and the data were tabulated on Hollerith cards. 1 Youth and the World Of Work, pp. 77-80 5" -"~' '0 .i'v .. I. ' 4 TI: H 5..., 17 The following study is a special analysis Of the responses of the twalfth grade males only} This group was selected for several reasons. In the first place, an analysis of the total sample would require treatment or the additional variables of grade and sex. As indicated in Chapter One, the purpose Of this study is to ascertain the relative importance of social stratification in the socialization of young people for the world of work. In order to reduce the number Of variables and thus render the data more manageable, grade and sex are not treated in this study. These factors have been delineated in the report published by the COIm'aittee.2 In the second place, the twelfth grade males constitute a rela- tively homogeneous pepulation in terms of age .3 They have virtually completed their secondary school education and most are on the thresh- old of entering the full time work world. Their attitudes about the world of work should thus reveal the kinds Of socializing experiences they have been subjected to up to the time when they will make the transition of the adult work world . 1 For the pmrpose of analysis the occupational groupings Of the fathers of the boys are placed into three levels or strata: (1) white collar workers, such as professional, managerial, prOprietors and Of- ficials, and clerical workers; (2) manual workers, such as skilled workers and foreman, semi-skilled workers, and unskilled workers; and (3) farmers (Owners and tenants). 2 Youth and the World of Work. 3 According to the data in Table XVI there is no statistically significant relationship behieen the ages Of the respondents and the occupational levels of the boys' fathers . “hc d O“. l h"'?’2+1 “T '1'"?¢b¢Um ran. 47“”; t v‘Mvd Emit ' w .. n‘, I 1 I ...I7 ‘5‘. s r: .; ’vvgg 3% LIVE C www- 18 l The distribution of the twelfth grade males in the sample by occupational level of father and by rural-urban residence1 is shown in Table I. or the l,h56:males in the twelfth grade sample drawn, 102 revealed that their fatherS'were not living and seventy-five failed to respond to the question about their father's occupation. The remaining 1,279 usable cases constitute the sample used in the following analysis. Slightly over one-third of the adolescents in the sample are sons of white collar workers, over one-half are sons of’manual workers, and about one-tenth are sons of farmers. About four-fifths of the sons of manual andflwhite collar workers live in urban communities and about three-tenths of the farm boys live in or adjacent to urban communities. 0f the total sample about three times as many seniors live in urban as in rural communities. Since samples of broad occupational strata are used in this study, a distortion in reSponses of the boys would result if each stratum were not representative of its counterpart in the State of Michigan. If the‘white collar sample, fer example, contained a dis- proportionate number of professionals, it is probable that a distortion would.be reflected in the attitudes of the boys of this stratum. In Table II the occupational distribution of each stratum in the sample is compared with the occupational distribution reported for Michigan by the United States Census Bureau in l9h0. The sample contains a 1 As used in this study, “urban" refers to communities over 2500 in.p0pulation; I'rural” refers to communities under 2500 in papulation or in Open.country. The questionnaire did not include a question on rural-urban.residence. Consequently rural-urban residence is de- termined by the location of the school the twelfth grader attended. .Is- Inna-f. 1:. ...—..(u— .....v ...uaxflzah .5 <7... ..H .—.<..:_:»x.e V: .a mafia»: Z<3HI3~ I ....«Q (3:3 :0 sq n )KNH Bah» 34. 1. . arfifi END zafifiadrdfiufiutnflha H v-hO‘Ofi 4‘s..- l9 .mowpfiqssaoo song: op unmanned no ad qu>HA_*#** .3: unopened tonne 4H unempnom m unopened Sham saw .mhoeumm no: pun mdmwoammo new whopoahdonm mousaoaH ** .oqodmon on season m» use msw>fln won one: apogee“ has» ease. amended.“ «2 opens. no em: was some Odessa 38. one a 0.00s «.ma m.:~ mama means Hanna 0.03 sandman m.$ 00H Senses. a tossev team 0. 00a 0. mm 0. 0H 3 attaining 0. 8a a. t. a. mm mam neaanuasom 0. 00H m . mm a. 5 0mm spasm 0.02 0. 00 0. 0m ed. nexus: Heads: 0. 00H m. an n. 2 a: $3.88 0. 00H m . 2. a. 5 4mm resistance: 0.8a «.2 man an Headstones.” 0. 00H 12. ads. «ms testes aide mp2; H38. sans: Haas anpssz speeds as peso hem name Mom aspen quoapmmflooo b03058 3%?33 E 03 inseam a0 .55 naz0Haaa008 mm .38 figs? 845 name 2.2 to 3.3m a: .8 onaamHEmHn H mnmda Auz< 1%.anz.mq HmGOHamqsooo mm0aezmueMi 2H .emmeaa me seems 0a30Heaa2000 em .HaHzam sea zeethmo a0 smmssz HHH mamas . O "- Jar '0:- “3. »DA: “4. 30 families in urban communities and to families in rural communities.1 The data in Table III also reveal that rural families are very slightly but significantly larger than urban families.2 The inference based on the number of children in the family is that occupational stratification and rural-urban residence are statis- tically significant indices of different ways of living and different values and beliefs, and these differences are reflected in the differen- tial birth rates. Formal Education of’Father Another index.of social differentiation in United States is formal education. iMost Americans have great faith in the power of formal edur cation to produce "good citizens" and "good peOple.” The fact that education is one of the big businesses in this country and that countless young persons and adults continue their formal education in evening 1 The degree of association between father's occupational level and family size for the Statewide sample is evidenced by the corrected co- efficient of contingency of 0.25; for the urban sample, 0.21; and for the rural sample, 0.33. In each case the associations are significant above the .001 level of probability. The mean number of children.per family in the three occupational strata are: ‘white collar 3.1; manual worker 3.8; farmer h.5. The mean number of children in the total sample is 3.6. This figure is probably higher than the mean figure for all families in Michigan, since the sample does not include childless families. 2 The mean number of children.per urban family is 3.h, per rural family, h.l. The degree of association between rural-urban residence and family size is evidenced by the corrected coefficient of contingency of 0.19, significant above the .001 level of probability. 31 schools attest to the importance placed on this value by some segments of the papulation. To many Americans formal education is a means of achieving higher social status .1 It is often considered an investment: the higher the formal educational level achieved, it'is believed, the greater the returns forthcoming in income, prestige, security, job status, and working conditions. That this belief is not without some foundation is attested by the United States census data in 1910, which shows that experienced workers in the labor force were significantly differentiated in terms of formal educational level.2 Edwards maintains that formal educational level is a meaningful criterion for measuring the socio- economic status of workers .3 The data on the education of the fathers of the reSpondents in this study indicate that formal education is also differentially distributed among occupation groups in Michigan. According to Table IV, there is a substantial and statistically significant association betWeen the occupational and formal educational levels of the fathers of the boys .h l W. L. Warner, R. J. Havighurst, and M. B. Loeb, Who Shall Be Educated? (New York: Harpers & Brothers, 19104). 2 Alba M. Edwards, gapulation: Comparative Occupational Statistics For United States, 1870-19110 (Washington, D. 0.: T. 3. Government Pr" iht"in""‘_g ori‘i'o—‘e, 1910), p. 181. 3 Ibid., p. 176. I; For the Michigan total sample the corrected coefficient of con- tingency is 0.10, for the urban fathers 0.12, and for the rural fathers 0.51. These associations are significant above the .001 level of probability. 32 ma.o .m Hoe. a me Hm.o .m Hoe. a aeH mq.o _w Hoe. a was a4.o .m Hoe. a oma o.ooH w.m m.H m.m m.ma m.mH m.am a.wm ma aoeame x o.ooa a.m H.~ m.n m.w m.mm N.Hm m.mH sea nomaoa assume e o.ooH H.m m.om 4.wH m.afi :.Hm N.NH H.m mm noaaoo opa:3.H o.ooH 0.9 e.a H.0H m.NH a.mm w.em m.ma Nam amaze m c.00H H.e o.m H.m H.m N.®H m.mm «.mm mm noenma o o.ooH m.HH H.N m.m n.m m.nm a.wa m.am Ham noaooa amazes a o.ooH 0.0 m.mH a.ma m.:H m.oN e.ma H.mH Hmm anHoo oea;3.m o.ooa o.m m.a m.» J.HH a.mm H.wa a.mm mma seen: a o.ooH w.m ®.H m.m o.mH n.4H H.0m N.Mm mod sesame o 0.00H m.HH H.N w.m m.m H.mm o.am a.mm map noxmoz Hanna: m o.OOH 0.0 a.afl n.4H o.mH n.0m n.4H m.HH mme emHHoo mafia: a o.ooH a.w 0.5 o.w m.HH a.mm e.oN o.am mama oaaemm Hosea sameness HmpOB mmcommmfi mpmfifimé mmmHHOU mpmfifimefiu HOOSOm mfimdUMAO @2995 w 2 OZ GMDHHOO mEom HOOJOW SMHE zwflm mEom Hoozom mUwHU EMS». wmmq mmzpmm mo Hm>ca HchHpmodpm. amzpmm mo Hm>mq HchHpmddooo maoaazmomma 2H .enmeam mo qmemq maaa mo enema aaoneaoemm engage qaonemmaooo am_.mm >H mqmde ..‘u Fi rut.- 4:9: ‘60: C p V l . " E 33 The data indicate that the white collar fathers possess the highest level of formal education and that there are only slight differences existing betwaen the manual workers and the farmers .1 Whereas a slightly larger pr0portion of farmers than manual workers ended their formal education with the completion of grammar school, a slightly larger prOportion of farmers than manual workers graduated from high school and went on to college .2 A slightly larger prOportion of manual workers than farmers ended their formal education with some high school education. The data in Table IV also indicate that urban fathers have slightly less formal education than rural fathers. The degree of association betlteen rural-urban residence and formal educational level is negligible but statistically significant .3 The data on the educational level of the fathers reveal the differential values placed upon formal education. Formal education is important and meaningful to white collar workers, e3pecially professional and managerial groups. The intellectual skills required in such 1 Whereas 1L7 .3 per cent of the white collar workers are high school graduates or more, the corresponding figures for the manual workers and farmers are 15.3 and 22.1 per cent respectively. Conversely, whereas 59.3 per cent of the farmers are grade school graduates or less, the corresponding figures for the manual workers and white collar workers are 148.3 and 26.1 per cent respectively. 2 The proportion of farmers with grade school education or less exceeds the proportion of manual workers by 11.0 per cent. 0n the other hand, the proportion of farmers who are high school graduates or more exceeds the proportion of manual workers by 6.8 per cent. 3 The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.18, significant above the .001 level of probability. Whereas 26.2 per cent of the urban fathers have a high school education or more, 30.0 per cent of the rural fathers have this amount of education. yew" .d.- ‘ :- ll. o v u. 0‘, a n.- . .i .m s. II 0 t ..v us 50 .. a .. . Qr 1‘ Q aflu ..hw \ c s a... \ a“: 0 . I.“ ., 3‘3 a... ‘ tv . Q i n I.‘ I o- ....‘p “M"- 3h occupations necessitate considerable formal education. The occupations of manual worker and farmer do not necessarily require a high degree of formal education. The fact that a slightly larger proportion of farmers than manual workers attended college probably reflects two factors in this study: (1) the farmers interest in college agricultural courses and (2) the high socioeconomic (and therefore probably also educational) status of the farmers whose sons were able to remain in school to complete the twelfth grade . Work Habits of Father The differences in family size and the formal educational levels of the fathers existing among the three occupational strata in this study tend to support the theory that occupational strata in United States represent sub-cultural systems with their distinctive "ways of life.“ Since work habits are an inportant "way of life" of amr group, it is pertinent to ask whether significant differences exist in the work habits of the workers of the three strata. Does the white collar father work harder than the manual worker or the farmer? Do those gnups strongly oriented toward the ”capitalistic way of life" reflect this orientation in the belief of hard work? In the United States work is one of the important virtues .1 Persons who have the reputation of being hard workers hold a certain 1 Delbert C. Miller and William H. Form, Industrial Sociolog (New York: Harper 8: Brothers, 1951) , p. 558, assert that the influence of Puritanism makes hard work a virtue. These authors stipulate that four values of Puritanism have Special reference to work: (1) It is man's duty to know how to work and how to work hard. (2) Success in work is evidence of God's favor. (3) The measure of success is money and prOperty. (h) The way to success is through industry and thrift. .I a sub . 1 . a a u H . . . .II A. we... "a . r o {a .. s . u :1. .1 .o s 2 o... Id as up. a. ‘. ... N... u ..u ..u a . fluv '. Ms“ ..-.m an o . a ,v m . u an. .‘u no: N . Mane ..- 0 on o o ... o .- 9! a b s! a Win. - a R s ‘l 35 degree of prestige by virtue of this reputation. In the schools and in the work world there is an established belief that everyone should'work hard and that the ”road to success" is the road of hard‘work; Many so- called "captains of industry“ have aeserted that the key to their "success“ lay in hard work. There is little doubt that continued hard effort is one factor in “getting aheadI in United States. However, the factors in ”individual success" are not necessarily meaningful in explaining the occupational achievement of social strata. It is highly doubtful that the position of one occupational stratum in.the social structure can be ascribed to the‘willingness of the workers in that stratum to work hard. It may be illuminating to describe how the boys in this study judge the work habits of their fathers. In the questionnaire the students were asked to estimate whether their fathers worked an average amount or little or whether they worked very hard. It is recognized that the judgments of the youths do not constitute reliable criteria for assessing the work habits of the fathers. However, the responses of the twelfth graders to this question probably do reflect the differential value orientations existing among the three occupational strata. 0n the basis of the responses obtained, Table V has been.prepared. The data show that in terms of occupational stratification there are statistically significant but extremely slight differences among theWorkers.1 In comparing the three occupational strata, it is observed that almost two-thirds of the sons of white collar 1 The differences are significant above the .01 level of prob- ability. The corrected coefficient of contingency is .05. I, 'II Lyfli ‘E 36 mod m 8. a ems 0.00..” 4;. 9mm 0. pm mo.” 32.8% o 0.00." 0.4 m.mm m.mm ad. amnion Hesse: m odoa w.m fine m.mm mm: Hod—”co 333 .4. 0.03 ms woo 9% 2m.“ £98m debs someone 0.39.3 .8 Hence omeamom one: #505 omonofiq. z panama no oz $733 nonpmm 3903 seesaw H259 Homogeneooo 33.39% 5 age: so flea qezoflameooo 0a. wgoood «gmadh Emma .mo man—”mg 553 we 925592. EOE > “H849 37 workers judged that their fathers worked hard; a slightly smaller proportion of sons of manual workers made this estimation; and fewer sons of farmers than sons of manual workers made this judgment about their fathers work habits. On the basis of the data in this study the generalization can be made that although very slight differences exist in the beliefs of sons concerning the work habits of the three occupational strata, these differences are so slight that they can have no bearing on the prestige, social status, or position of the strata in the social structure. There is no doubt that considerable variations in work habits exist within each occupational stratum. Some farmers probably work much harder than other farmers and, similarly, certain sub—groups of manual and white collar workers probably work harder than other sub groups in the sme stratum. The factors associated with such differences are not provided in the data of this study. Working Status of Mother Is occUpational stratification in United States associated with married women working for pay outside the home? Are the changes in the traditional family relationships, brought about by the mother working outside the home, manifested differentially in occupational strata? The increasing number of women in gainful employment in United States is associated with many changes in the traditional functions between 38 man as the breadwinner and woman as the homemaker .1 By participating in the work world, by earning an income, and by holding the status of a breadwinner, the married woman is someWhat relieved of her economic dependency upon the male. For many married women, gainful employment offers an escape from the dull and boresome task of keeping house. It may offer the married woman Opportunity to associate with people in a congenial work group; it may offer a degree of adventure and excite- ment; and it may provide insights into some of the problems confronting workers in an industrialized society. From her experiences in gainful employment, the married woman may bring into the home many of the ideas and folkways of work society. Because she is away from the home during the day, the husband frequently plays a more important role in caring for the children and in performing household duties. It is a traditional belief, among many middle class and white collar groups in United States that the married women should not work for pay 1 John F. Durand, The Labor Force in the United States (New York: Social Science Research Council, 191:8) , pp. 73-21;, points out that the degree of participation of women 20 to 6).; years of age in gainful employment has increased continually from 1890 to 1910. He states that the proportion of the whole female population of this age group in the labor force has almost doubled in this period of time. He estimates that by 1960 out of eve 100 workers 29 will be female, as compared with 2h out of 100 in 19 o and 17 out of 100 in 1890. Delbert C . Miller and William H. Form, Industrial Sociolog (New York: Harpers & Brothers, 1951) , p. 129, state that the prOportion of married women working has grown faster than the proportion of single working women. In 1900 married women were only 15 per cent of all work- ing women. Their proportion steadily increased until in 1910 they con- stituted over 36 per cent of all working women. These authors point out that this fact reflects the general aging of the population, the growing pmportion of married people, and a change in the cultural definition of the role of the married woman in American society. "“C‘ glint- .fit “‘4' P :‘N 'V9J£ O '1‘ 0"," ... H... l :‘_h\~‘ ... ‘5‘ ‘; l‘l ”v.51, 39 outside the home. Frequently this belief is rationalized by the state- ment that working women take jobs away from men who need them to support families. Basically, the white collar belief that married women should not work for pay is related to the white collar male's concept of status. Typically white collar males feel that if their wives work for pay they will lose status in the community. However, accumulating evidence suggests that such traditional beliefs and values are breaking down, that more and more married women are entering the labor force, and that the traditional values are being replaced by the "rationalistic." One of the important factors related to this change in values is that of economic necessity. Many married women enter the labor market because their families need the income .1 Typically, the lower the socioeconomic status of the family, the greater the need for the additional income and the. greater the proportion of married women working for pay.2 Using the occupational level of the fathers of the tvtelfth graders in this study as an index of the positions of the families in the social structure, the data show a negligible but statistically significant relationship between occupational stratification and the working status of the mothers. As the data presented in Table VI show, a slightly 1 Hazel Kyrk, Who Works and Why ," inhale of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 2517,714ay 1937), pp. lit-52. 2 Ivan Nye, “Adolescent-parent Adjustment-Socio-Ecommic Level as a Variable ," American Sociological Reviw, Vol. 16, No. 3, 1951, pp. Bid-3’49. In a study of 1h72 youths in grades 8 and 11 of fifteen public schools in Michigan, Nye reported that 12 times as many mothers are employed full time in the low as in the high socioeconomic youp. Nye determined socioeconomic level by weighting equally the occupation of the husband, estim&ted income, church attendance, education of parents, number of members in organizations, and working status of mother. \r 4... u 0.. 4‘... ho 3. a mm 3.0 b 30. a 0:3 0m. a 0% 3.0 b m0. a 0m: 0.03 0.0 so m.m0 ma eoeda e 0. 03 d4. fimm :50 a: detox Henson e 0.03 in 4.3 m4: 0d .338 323 H 0.03 mm «.8 3: Sn was m 0. 03 0. 3.3 a. a0 mm posse 0 0. 03 {N 4.3 0.05 Hem sexton ages: a 0.03 0.N 0.8 93. 3mm .838 32: m 0.03 m.~ 3.3 4.2. mma done: a 0.03 m.m we «.3 03 toga 0 0. 03 0..m «.8 0:: a: e878: Hoods: m 0. 03 mm mm 0.? mm: 3338 his: a 0.03 0.m 0. 8 0.2. 2.3 3&8 3.38 nominees: ....deos monogamm $22.33 mayo: 2 eczema mo oz 9050: 902 nonpoz Hoboq 3339.930 magmas." E Jessi 98m e0 Haas 323920000 Mm .350: .8 mafia 0Ee03 H5 @4de In greater preportion of the wives of manual workers than of white collar workers are employed outside the home.1 The pronounced differences are between the wives of farmers and the wives of other workers in the study. In both rural and urban communities a low prOportion of mothers of farm boys work for pay outside the home, compared to the wives of manual and white collar workers. Probably the heavy burden of home duties associated with a large family plus the many chores of the farm tend to discourage farmer wives from seeking employment outside the home. As Loomis states: On the farm in United States, the wife customarily helps the husband. She may make a general practice of helping him or may help him only in cases of emergency. Whether or not she does general field work will depend upon class and regional variations. In general, the wives of more well-to-do families work less in the fields than wives of lower class status. The wife generally helps the husband in the field and about the homestead, doing men's chores during that part of the life cycle in which the children are too young to work.2 The data in Table VI indicate that in the urban communities there is no statistically significant relationship between occupational stratification and the working status of the mothers of the youth in l The degree of association between occupational level and working status of mother in Table VI is evidenced by the corrected coefficient of contingency of 0.12. The association is significant above the .05 level of probability. The differences between the occupational strata are by no means as great as those reported by Nye, ibid. A probable exr planation of the diSparity is that Nye studied a population of children in grades 8 and 11. In such a population there would be a greater di- versity in status backgrounds and these grades would include a higher preportion of lower socioeconomic status youths than would a pOpulation of twelfth grade boys. Many lower status youths drOp out of school before reaching the 12th grade. 2 Charles P. Loomis and J. Allen Beegle, Rural Social_§ystems (New York: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1950), p. 79. 12 this study. In the rural communities, however, there is a low signifi- cant association.1 This fact is partially accounted for by the small pr0portion of farmer wives in rural areas working for pay. However, in comparing the total of urban mothers with the total of rural mothers, there is no significant association between their working status and their place of residence. Summary The data in this chapter indicate that the workers ianichigan are differentially oriented to the rationalistic, Gesellschaft, capitalistic way of life and that this differentiation in orientation is reflected in the different beliefs, values, and characteristics possessed by the three occupational strata. Based on the responses of the twelfth graders to questions concerning their families and parents, the white collar workers, manual workers, and farmers in Michigan appear to be significantly differentiated in terms of family size, formal education, work habits, and working status of wives. The white collar worker in Michigan, .more than the manual worker or the farmer, has to plan his life to fit into the specialized occup pational structure of bureaucratic systems. As a consequence he places considerable emphasis upon the value of formal education. To him, formal education is a.means of achieving occupational status, and, in l The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.27. The associ- ation between occupational level and working status of‘mother is significant above the .01 level of probability. b3 turn, his children must be educated to take similar positions in the work world. The raising of children by the white collar worker is thus a financial burden. As a consequence, the white collar worker, who is largely motivated by the Gesellschaft value of efficiency and thrift, tends to control the size of his family in keeping with his values and beliefs. The white collar worker tends to have the small family, while the manual worker and the farmer, not so strongly oriented to the rationalism and striving of the capitalistic way of life, tends to retain the more traditional and larger family system. The white collar workers exhibit their orientation to the values and virtues associated with Gesellschaft behavior by their belief in hard work. According to the data in this study, the white collar father in Michigan works harder than the manual worker, and the manual worker works harder than the farmer. The data in this study indicate also that the traditional belief in woman as the homemaker and man as the breadwmner is being replaced by a more rationalistic adjustment to economic necessity. In Michigan as in the Western world the cultural definition of the role of the married woman is changing. Since a greater pr0portion of the wives of white collar and manual workers than wives of farmers are employed outside the home in Michigan, it can be said that the farm areas tend to retain the more traditional conception of woman as a homemaker. CHAPTER IV THE DIFFERENTIAL SOCIALIZATION OF YOUTH Since socialogical studies have indicated the pervasive character of social stratification in.American.life, it is expected that this phenomenon will be reflected in the customs and practices of rearing youth. It is hypothesized that social stratification, using the father's occupational level as an index, is significantly related to the differential treatment accorded young peOple in the home, the school, and the community; How different is the socialization of the white collar worker's son from that of a manual worker's son? How different is the socialization of a manual worker's son from that of a farm boy? Are these youths reared differently in the home? How differently are they treated in the school? Do they have different work experiences by virtue of their social backgrounds? If social stratification is significantly related to the differ- ential rearing of youth, and if this differential rearing results in attitudinal differences concerning the work world, it would suggest that the value orientations of workers in an occupational stratum have been transmitted to their sons. It would suggest that the school system does not overcome the differences existing among youth by virtue of their social backgrounds. its Socialization in the Home The socialization of the child in the home is an important aspect of preparing young peOple for adult roles in society.l In the home the child learns to speak, how to feed, dress, and care for himself, and he learns the values, beliefs, and attitudes of his parents. In the home the child is oriented toward the world of work by performing household tasks and chores. He gains his first experience in handling the small sums of money which his parents give him. If differences exist in the treatment of youth in the home, it is seemed that they are differentially socialized for the adult work world. It is rather difficult in a questionnaire study to gain rich insight into the socialization process. For the purposes of this study only a few indices of socialization are inspected. Those that refer to orien- tation to the world of work are. of primary interest. In the question- naire the respondents Were asked how much work they did at home, how much spending money they received at home, and whether this allowance was given regularly or whether they had to ask for it. Using these itans as indices of treatment in the home, an emination is made of the relative importance of certain social factors in this treatment. I Work done at home. It is customary for children to perform certain tasks in the home. With the impact of industrialization and urbanization on the Western world and with the spread of the contractual, Gesellschaft, 1 Charles Horton Cooley, Social Organization (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1912). Cooley emphasized the importance of the primary group in the fundamental socialization of the child. 146 and rationalistic way of life, more and more of the work of the home has been absorbed by other institutions .1 In urban communities most families are no longer economic producing units. In the rural areas the family is likwise affected. The loss of these functions by the home has con- siderably reduced the importance of the family in the socialization of young people for the adult work world. The amounts of work the twelfth grade Michigan boys do at home are shown in Table VII. This table shows that almost nine-tenths of all the boys do some work at home. This table also shows a significant and sub- stantial association between the father's occupational level and the amount of work done at home.2 The pronounced difference in the amount of work done at home is bemeen the farm boys and the other youth. A greater proportion of the sons of farmers than sons of white collar or manual workers perform work at home, and the farm boys work longer hours at home tasks.3 Very slight differences maintain between the sons of white collar workers and the sons of manual workers. As expected, a 1 Charles P. Loomis and J. Allan Beegle, o . cit., pp. 614-88. 2 The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.50; for the urban youth 0.29; for the rural boys 0.57. These associations are significant above the .001 level of probability. 3 Whereas 97.1 per cent of the farm boys perform some work at home, the figure for the sons of white collar workers and manual workers is 86.5 per cent each. Whereas 75.9 per cent of the farm youth work 10 hours or more each week at home, the figures for the manual worker sons and white collar worker sons are 23.1 and 16.2 per cent reapectively. Whereas 118.1 per cent of the farm youth work 20 hours or more each week at home, the figures for the manual worker and white collar sons are 7.1 and 5.1 per cent respectively. > a... h - ~ d\a-t h? 00.0 m 300. a 00 0.0 w 300. a 5.3 0«.0 m 300. a 0.00 00.0 m 300. a 00.4. 0. 83 0.0 0.00 0.0« 0.03 a.« 0i. nosed 0 0.003 0. « 0 .03 3.0« 0. 00 0.0 .33 tors: 3382 a. 0.003 3.« «.0 . 0.03 «.00 «.33 00 .8338 003:: 3 0.003 0.3 e.«« 0.03 0.3 a; 30 30.50 0 0.003 0.0 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.0 mm tease 0 0.003 0.3 3.0 3.03 p.00 0.«3 30 some: 3350 a 0.003 0.3 0.0 $0 0. «a «.«3 300 .3338 33103 .0 0.003 0.3 0.0 0.03 330 3. «3 000 80.5 0 0.83 0.0 3.00 0.~.« «.«« 0.3 003 posse 0 0.003 5.3 33 0.03 0.00 0.3.3 035 some: Hand: 0 0.003 0.3 3.0 3.33 0.0a 0.3 «00 .3338 3303 a 0.003 0.3 0.0 «.03 e.«0 0.33 053 3.80 338. 50303: 330.3. 003020033 0.30: .30 930$ 036$ masom 2 oz 0.80 0« 03-3 0-3 oz these do Ho>oq 3083393000 0603 81803.83 no mhsom Mo 32392 000330000 23 £00,300 .00 .0003 3020330008 030 .0003 0000 0:00 .2 0200 0003 HH> 03938 1:8 greater prOportion of rural than urban boys work at home, and they also work longer hours .1 The greater amount of work done at home by the farmers' sons probably reflects the conditions under which farming is done in United States . Farming is predominantly a family undertaking and all avail- able'hands are required to operate the farm. Whether the farmer lives in or adjacent to an urban community and Operates a farm or whether he lives in a rural area the results are similar: he requires more work from his son at home than do the fathers of the other boys. This fact indicates that the farm family still retains to an outstanding degree its function as an economic producing unit. The fact that urban boys do less work at home than rural boys reflects the impact of urbanization and industrialization upon the family life in the cities in Michigan. Spending money and allowance. Since most children in school are dependent on their parents for financial support and because they need money to function in the school society, it is a prevalent custom in the United States for parents to provide their children with certain I There is a low but statistically significant association betveen rural-urban residence and the amount of work done in the home by the boys. The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.35, significant above the .001 level of probability. Whereas 142.6 per cent of the rural boys work 10 hours or more each week at home, the figure for the urban boys is 19.1; per cent. Whereas 22.7 per cent of the rural boys work 20 hours or more each week at home, the figure for the urban boys is 5.8 per cent. The Louisiana Educational Survey reported that town and country youth contributed more work at home than did city children. See Henry Harap and Edgar A. Schuler, Louisiana Educational mgrtvey, Section 11, 'Home and Community," (Louisiana Educational Survey Commission, 19142) , PP. 25-30. 119 amounts of Spending money. Table VIII indicates the amounts of money the subjects under study receive each week. Slightly over fifty-five per cent of the respondents indicated that they received some Spending money from home. This figure is strikingly similar to that reported in the Louisiana Educational Survey, which shOWed that over one-half of all children were supplied with spending money every week by their parents .1 According to Table VIII, there is a very slight but statistically significant relationship bebdeen the father's occupational level and the amount of the allowance received.2 However, in the rural communities in this study there is no significant association betNeen occupational level of father and the amount of the allowance. There is also no significant relationship beWeen rural-urban residence and the amount of allowance the boys receive each week. According to the data in Table VIII, the three occupational levels can be ranked from high to low in terms of the amounts of allowance given to the youths: (1) farmer, (2) white collar, and (3) manual worker .3 The higher pr0portion of farm boys receiving money at home probably reflects the conditions under which farm youth live. These 1 Ibid., p. 31. 2 The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.11;, significant above the .02 level of probability. 3 Whereas 711.1 per cent of the farm boys received some allowance, the figures for the white collar and manual worker sons are 61.7 and 58 .14 per cent respectively. Whereas 29.6 per cent of the farm boys received $3 .00 each week, the figures for the White collar and manual worker sons are 27 .9 and 20.2 per cent reSpectively. 50 00. a 00 00. a 00.3 03. 0 m 30. 0 0.00 03. 0 m «0. a 004 0.003 3.0 0.0« 0.00 0.00 00 taste 0 0.00.3 o. 0 m.3m mdm 0.0m .33 .8020: 0.03802 0. 0.003 «.0 0.0« 0.«0 0.«0 00 .8338 3303 H 0.003 0.0 0.0« 5.00 0.00 030 30.30 0 0.003 «.03 0.00 0.00 «.03 00 these 0 0. 83 0.0 3.0« 0. «0 0. «0 300 auto: 3.0082 ..3 0.003 0.0 0.0« 0.0« 3.00 300 .8338 0023 m 0.003 «.0 «.0« 0.30 0.00 000 00000 0 0.003 0.0 0.0« 0.00 0.0« 003 team 0 0.003 a0 «.0« 0. «0 0.30 030. tion 30202 0 0.003 «.0 0.5 0.0« 0.00 «00 .3338 0023 a 0.003 «.0 0.0« 3.«0 3.00 0Z3 03050 333 80232 3,090.3. omsogmm 0.30: .8 09$ @082 2 oz 00. 00 nope: tease 0o 00300on: no £36.04 3264 3038303600 00000200000 23 £000.00 00 .3053 302030000000 00 .050080 00206334 03%: HE @4029 51 boys have nwmerous chores to perform at home and they have fewer Oppor- tunities to earn.money away from home. Because of this fact and because they need.money for school expenses they receive more Spending money from home than do the other young men. The amounts of money the boys receive at home is also significantly but slightly associated.with the size of the family, as shown in Table IX. The smaller the family the greater the preportion of the boys who receive an allowance and the greater the amount of the allowance.1 Probably the larger families have to apportion the available Spending money more thinly than do the smaller families. As might be expected, the amounts of Spending money the twelfth graders receive at home each week are also significantly associated with the amounts of work the boys do away from home each week. There is a very substantial relationship between these two variables.2 Table X indicates that the son who earns a considerable amount of money away from home each week receives little money from home; the boy who receives considerable Spending money at home earns little money away from home. These generalizations apply to sons of white collar workers, manual workers, and farmers. The data do not indicate which of the factors is the "dependent” variable. No doubt there are gradations in the financial statuses of the families in each of the occupational strata. ‘Within the white collar stratum, the manual worker stratum, and the farmer stratum, 1 The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.22, significant above the .001 level of probability. 2 The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.61, significant above the .001 level of probability. S2 mm.0 o 000. m maomd 0.000 0.0 «.40 m.0m m.0: mom 000E no 0b0& 0 0.003 3.0 0.03 0.00 0.00 :3 .800 0 0.000 ~.2 0.mm n.0m 0.00 00m 00939 o 0.000 0.0 0.00.. 0.00 0.00 000 03.3. m 0.000 0.: 0.00 0.00 0.0« 00.0 0:0 4 00009 oncommmm who: no 00.n0 . 0302 2 oz 00. 0 0 3000 03.050 03 00:03000<_Ho endoe< Q0000050 no 009502 4 00040§800 23 .0030 00.5.0 30 00030000 002460.30 0.3000: 33 0.33.3 53 00.0 .0. 300. 0 000 00.0 .0 300. 0 000 30.0 m 300. 0 00 0.003 0.0 0.0 0.0 m. 03 0.00 0. 0250 0 0.003 0.0 0.03 0. N3 3. 30 0.00 000 000.3: 3.3000 0 0. 003 0.0 3.0 0.03 3.00 0.00 000 .8338 8.05 0 0. 003 0.0 0.0 0. 03 0. 30 0.00 030 005800 80030334 0000 0 0.003 0;. 0.03 3;. 0.00 0.00 00 0250 0 0. 003 0.0 0.3 3.00 0.03 0.33 000 000.33 300000 0 0. 003 0.0 0.00 0.00 0.03 0.0 003 .8338 8300 0 0.003 0.0 043 0.00 0.03 0.03 000 023080 80000334 oz 4 3300 0800000 0.80 .8 00 03 8. 03 0 8. 3 800 0 oz 0003 00000 00.00 :0 053.303 0.33600 .00 003082 00503000... 00000000000 23 .050 E00 305 0.033 00mm czgmok mmaom 000 $552 Mm «GHEBm mg Hg N page 5h those families of high income probably supply their sons with more Spending money than do the families of lower income. The young men from the high socioeconomic status families in each occupational stratum, in turn, probably spend less time working for money away from home. Manner of getting allowance. The manner in which the boys in this study get their allowance is shown in Table XI. According to these data approximately one-half of the young men receive their allowance regular- ly, whereas the other half "must ask for it." This differential in the manner of getting their allowances is not significantly related to the occupational levels of the boys' fathers but it is very slightly and significantly related to rural-urban residence.l A slightly greater preportion of the urban than the rural youth receive their allowances regularly. This slight difference in the manner of receiving allowances prob- ably reflects the greater degree of patriarchy existing in the rural communities? In the more conservative rural communities the father is probably more frequently asked for money. In the urban communities apparently there is a stronger tendency for children to receive their allowance regularly without having to ask for Spending money. l The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.15, significant above the .02 level of probability. 2 Charles P. Loomis and J. Allan Beegle, 23. 222-, PP. ’49, 61, and 61;, point out that patriarchy tends to persist in the Gemeinschaft rural communities in United States more than in the urban communities. SS 03.0 m 0.0. 0 00 00.. 0 003 00. 0 000 00. 0 000 0.003 3.00 0100 00 emeue0 0 0.003 0. 00 0.00 00 000.25 30230 0 0.003 0.00 0.00 00 .3338 BE: 3 0. 003 0.00 0. 00 003 30.80 0 0. 83 0. 00 0. 00 00 000.30 0 0. 003 0.00 0. 30 000 000.3: 30800 0 0.003 0.00 0.00 003 .3338 305 0 0.003 0.00 0.00 000 00000 0 0.003 0.00 0. 00 00 000.80 0 0. 003 0.30 0.00 000 00009 300000 0 0. 003 0. 00 0. 00 000 .3338 8.302 0 0. 003 0. 00 3. 00 030 5030030 00009 nom_vmxm<_:0;3. 00q03000<.h00003. 2 000000 no 000030004 0>0000m 000dwmm m>0000m 00>00 00:009000000 mmcdgommm 2H ugh ho a AdZOHHdeOB Hm «$5 08sz mo mags HM 030.40.. 56 Socialization in the School In addition to the home an important institution for socializing young peOple is the school. In many respects the school is a limited work world which serves to socialize youth for functioning in the adult work world. The pupil is trained to stay on the job and learn his lessons; he is trained to obey the authority vested in the teachers and to develop initiative and character; and he is trained to get along with his teachers and schoolmates.l In the classroom, in the gymnasium, and in extra-class activities, American youths probably participate in the largest volume of social experiences outside the home and the community. Since young people make some choices concerning the school activities in which they wish to participate, it is of importance to discover certain of the factors significantly associated with these choices. The purpose of this section is to examine three indices of differential choice on the part of the boys in this study and to measure the relative importance of certain social factors associated with these choices. These indices are: (1) curriculum in which enrolled, (2) extra-class activities, and (3) number of vocational guidance conferences held. Curriculum. In the questionnaire to which the twelfth graders reSponded the boys were asked to indicate the curricula in which they were enrolled. On the basis of their reSponses Table III has been prepared. - l Delbert C . Miller and William H. Form, Industrial Sociolog (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1951), pp. 5234329. These authors also point out that the school is deficient in providing life experiences with adults in work plants. This failure is also shared by the community, which increasingly denies jobs to its youth. 1.. 57 Es0do0ppdo 0mpdp0do0hw< 000:0ocH * 00. 0 00 30.0 .m 300. 0 003 0G0 m 32% 0 0%. 00.0 _w 300. 0 000 0.003 0.03 0.00 0.03 0.0 0.00 00 pmsnmm x 0.003 0.03 0.00 0.03 0.03 0.00 043 twang: 30:00: 0 0.003 0.03 0.03 0.03 3.0 0.00 00 003300 003:3 3 0.003 0.33 0.00 0.03 0.0 0.00 030 3mhsm m 0.003 0.30 0.00 0.03 3.0 0.03 00 900000 0 0.003 0.0 0.00 0.33 0.33 3.00 300 00x90: 300000 0 0.003 3.0 3.00 3.03 0.0 0.00 300 003300 000:3 0 0.003 0.0 0.00 0.03 3.0 0.00 000 asap: 0 0.003 0.03 0.00 0.03 0.0 0.00 003 twatma 0 0.003 0.0 0.00 0.03 0.03 0.00 030 nmxno: 300002 0 0.003 3.0 0.00 0.03 0.0 0.00 000 c033oo 003:2 0 0.003 0.0 3.00 3.03 0.0 0.00 0003 030000 30000 00030032 HMPOE mmfiom‘mmm hHwCOflumoo> Hwflokmgoo Hwhmflmw oHEmeMOQ. Z 02 a w wmeHmdm pogpwm Mo 00>00 00:00900dooo 5300.05.00 muo 0000000500 0000:00 00000004 2 oz 033 mmofimsm 90330.0 .00 00330000 00303.03 0030030000 0960 0030009030330 00 03.8 08000..» 03603. mm0<92wommm ZH «000034.00 Mo .0550 AdZOHedeUS 92d 04on9<0§ Hm «naoma mom—HE.» 20 0509000300500 HHHN 00033.0. 61 It is assumed that any data which serve to describe the kinds of extra- class activities youth select and to explain the factors associated with these choices are relevant to an important aSpect of the socializa- tion of youth. The answers of the respondents concerning their extra-class activities are shown in.Table XIV. These reSponses show a low but statistically significant association.with the occupational levels of the fathers.1 The most pOpular extra-class activity is athletics, and the second is orchestra or band. The sons of white collar workers appear to dominate the extra-class activities in Michigan schools. According to Table XIV, the sons of white collar workers, in comparison to the other youths, have the greater proportion of their number partici- pating in all extra class activities excepting h—H Club activities. The farm boys have the greatest pr0portion in h-H Club activities. The sons of.manua1 workers showed the greatest preportion of their number who did not reapond to the question on extra-class activities. Assuming that "no reSponse" means no participation in extra class activities, it may be interpreted that the sons of manual workers participate least in extra-class school activities. The larger proportion of sons of white collar workers in all extra- curricular activities in the Michigan schools, with the exception of the h-H Clubs, probably reflects the Operation of two factors: (1) the orientation to the values and beliefs of the whitecollar stratum, which 1 The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.31, significant above the .001 level of probability. 62 00.0 .0 300. 0 00 00.0 .0 300. 0 00.0 00.0 .0 300. 0 0.00 30.0 .0 300. 0 000 0.003 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 4.03 0.00 0.04 00 0000000 0.003 0.00 0.0 0.3 4.4 0.03 3.00 0.03 443 000000. 300000 0 0.003 0.03 0.0 0.3 0.0 0.03 3.04 0.0 00 003300 003033 0.003 0.03 0.0 0.3 0.0 0.03 3.40 0.03 030 30000 0.003 0.0 0.03 0.0 0.4 0.03 0.00 4.00 00 00000.00 0.003 0.00 0.33 0.3 3.0 0.03 0.00 0.4 300 000000 3000000 0.003 0.03 0.03 0.0 0.0 4.30 0.00 0.0 300 003300 003000 0.003 0.00 0.03 0.0 0.0 0.03 0.30 0.0 000 000000 0.003 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.03 0.40 0.04 003 00000003 0 0.003 0.00 0.0 0.3 0.0 3.03 0.00 0.0 030 000000 30000.00 0.003 0.03 0.03 4.0 4.0 0.00 0.00 4.0 004 003300 003034 0.003 0.30 0.03 0.3 0.0 0. 03 0.30 0.03 0003 030000 30000. 00030030 00009 oncommmm 000m 0005000>oc 000000009 000000000 000000004 0:00 2 oz n00000003. 000000m 000 000009 ml: 000000 «0 00>00 000000000000 000p0>0004 00000n00exm 000300000 00 £00,000 00 0000.0 000030000000 00 5000000 0000: 0,33 0000000000 0030.005 >HN mamda 63 they receive in the home, and (2) the selective role of the teachers. Since the middle class white collar family is strongly oriented to "striving for status" in the capitalistic culture,1 this value orienta- tion is no doubt reflected in the white collar worker son's attempt to achieve high status in the school system by participation in extra class activities. In addition, the teachers in secondary schools are 2 and tend to en- predominantly recruited from middle class backgrounds courage and select youth of similar backgrounds to participate in extra- class activities. The high proportion of farm youth in the h—H Clubs reflects the occupational interests of these youth as well as the selective role of the teachers who probably encourage them in this work. The relatively high proportion of manual worker sons who participate in no extra-class activities probably reflects their weaker orientation to and lesser interest in typically middle class, white collar, school 'activities. Since a considerable prOportion of the sons of manual workers are probably minority group members, it is possible that this fact also accentuates the more limited number of extra class activities open to them.3 The data in.Table XIV also show a low but statistically significant association between.rural-urban residence and extra-class activity 1 Charles P. Loomis and J. Allan Beegle, 2P.- _c_i}_., p. 65. 2 W. Lloyd Warner, Robert J. Havighm'st, and Martin B. Loeb, E132 ghall beIEducated? (New York: Harper & Brothers, 19hh), p. 101 and Charles P._Lommis and J. Allan Beegle, op, cit., p. hBS. 3 The questionnaire does not include questions on minority group membership. selection.1 The urban boys have a slightly larger prOportion of their number in orchestra, debate, dramatics, and student government. The rural twelfth graders have the larger prOportion in h-H Clubs and athletics. This differential between rural and urban youth may be partially explained by the more limited school activities offered in some of the rural schools. In the larger urban schools a greater variety of extra class activities are usually offered, whereas in many rural schools such activities as debate, dramatics, and school band are unavailable. Vocational guidance. The discontinuity in the socialization of young persons for the adult world in the United States, the difficul- ties confronting them in the selection of an occupation, and the gravity of the many instances of occupational maladjustment have provided the social need for a professional group called vocational counselors. It is the task of this group to assist young persons, as well as adults, to make wise vocational choices. Many of the larger secondary school systems in United States operate a vocational guidance program for their students. That this important service is not available to a large portion of the seniors in Michigan, or at least has not been used by them, is indicated by the data in Table XV. According to the responses of the boys concerning their use of vocational guidance services in the schools, which are tabulated in this table, only about half of the young men in this study l The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.25, significant above the .001 level of probability. 65 00. 0 00 00. .0 00. 0 0.2 03. .0 03. 0 0030 03. 0 00. 0 000 0.003 0.0 0.4 0.00 0.30 0.04 00 00200.0 0 0. 003 4.3 0.0 0.00 0.03 0.04 443 00000: 30000: 0 0.003 3.0 0.43 0.00 0. 00 0.00 00 003300 00305 3 0.003 0.0 3.0 0.00 0.00 0.34 030 30000 0 0. 003 0. 0 0.0 0. 00 0.00 4.00 00 00000.0 0 0.003 4.3 0.0 0.00 4.03 0.04 300 000000: 300002 .0 0.003 0.3 3.33 0.00 0.03 0.04 300 003300 00002 0 0.003 0.3 4.0 4.00 3.03 0.04 000 00000 0 0. 003 0.3 0.0 3.30 0.43 0.04 003 00000.0 0 0.003 0.3 0.0 4.00 4.03 0.04 030 00000: 30000: 0 0.003 0.3 0.33 0.00 0.03 0.00 004 003300 00005 .0 0.003 3.3 0.0 0.00 0. 03 0.04 0003 030000 30000. 00000002 00009 mmcomwmm who: no 000:9 0:0 0:02 2 oz mach no 039 nmnpmm mo mmocmpmmdoo no 009852 Hobmq chofipadaooo 00000200000 033 00500 00 9000.3 00002000000 00 .800 000730000200 0005300 5200.280 .00 0000.52 003 0.0000. 66 have made some use of such services. Although vocational guidance programs are probably more prevalent in large urban schools than in the rural schools, the data show that rural seniors made more use of the service than the urban boys.l Apparently, many teachers in the rural schools are performing the role of vocational counselor. The degree to which the youth in this study used the vocationall guidance services in the schools is very slightly but significantly related to their father's occupational level.2 The sons of white collar workers made the greatest use of the service, whereas the sons of manual workers and farmers made approximately equal but less use of it.3 The sons of white collar workers obtain the greater amount of vocational guidance in school probably for two reasons: (1) they probably find it easier to discuss their vocational plans with their teachers than do the other youth and (2) they probably manifest greater concern and anxiety ‘ about their vocational futures than do the other youths. In the first place there is probably less social distance between the teachers and the students from white collar families than between the teachers and boys from manual worker and farm families. Teachers in secondary schools are recruited predominantly from the middle class, white collar stratum in.America and they undoubtedly show more interest in the white collar boy than in the son of the manual worker or farmer. The middle class 1 The differences are very slight and not statistically significant. Whereas 56.7 per cent of the rural boys used the vocational guidance service, the figure for the urban students is 51.9 per cent. 2 The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.15, significant above the .02 level of probability. 3 Sons of white collar workers 59.0 per cent; sons of manual workers h9.3 per cent; sons of farmers h9.2 per cent. 67 teacher also is probably more familiar with white collar occupations than with.manual or farm occupations. As a result, the sons of white collar workers probably have easier access to the teacher's time and advice than do the sons of manual workers and farmers and, as a result, they obtain the greater amount of vocational guidance. In the second place, a greater pr0portion of the sons of white collar workers than the other youths are enrolled in the college pre- paratory curriculum. The prospect of going to college poses the rather serious problem of choosing a field of Specialization and ultimately a profession or career. These youths apparently feel a need for guidance and assistance in.making these choices and they turn to their teachers and counselors for help. On the other hand, a smaller proportion of the sons of manual workers and farmers are enrolled in the college pre- paratory courses. These youths tend to choose the vocational courses in high school which generally lead to manual worker jobs. The tendency of the sons of white collar workers to use education as a means to qualify for positions in the bureaucracies leaves less and less choice open to the sons of manual workers as to the Specific occupations they will enter. The jobs they do get do not make such a sharp distinction in skill and ability as do the professions and white collar jobs. As a result, apparently the sons of manual workers and farmers do not evidence as much concern about their choice of jobs as do the sons of white collar workers. 68 The data in this study tend to confirm the statement or Ginsbergl that occupational choice among youth of the lower status groups can be characterized by two terms: ”passive and stunted." Boys from lower status families typically believe that there is little they can do about preparing for an occupation beyond pursuing a vocational course. :£g_. In the United States as in other societies youth have different social experiences by virtue of the age-groups to which they belong. In the play group, in the school, and in the church the children are generally classified by their chronological age and placed in different groups. The step by step progress of children through the elementary and secondary schools is virtually dependent upon age. It is thus expected that a sample of twelfth grade males of Michigan would be of approximately the same age. The data in Table XVI substantiate this expectation. Almost ninety per cent of the boys in the study are ages seventeen and eighteen. However, there is a very slight but not statistically significant tendency for the ages of the seniors to coincide with their father's occupational level and with ruralaurban residence. The data show that the urban adolescents are slightly younger than the rural boys and that the sons of white collar workers are slightly younger than the sons of manual workers or farmers.2 1 Eli Ginzberg, Sol‘W. Ginsberg, Sidney'Axelrod, and John.L. Herma, Occupational Choice (New'Yorkt Columbia University Press, 1951), p. 155. See so hapter l , nThe Lower Income Group." 2 The percentage of boys 17 years of age and less are: sons of white collar workers 59.7; sons of manual workers 56.0; sons of farmers 50.0. ‘Whereas 60.0 per cent of the urban youth are 17 years of age and less, the figure for the rural boys is h7.l per cent. 69 8 a ma Ow. m me 2.. m Em ea. c 84. 0.03 5: OH 043 0.: ma. cease m 0.03 4.3 «.3 0.3 m.m a: $ch 3552 a. 0.02 We 3% and is mm .835 33 H o.ooa H.0H a.ma a.mq 5.: can asasm m 0.03 do a.mm 4. mm H. m mm team a 99: N. a can a.mm me Sm tie» Haas: m 0.8a 0.0 04m mgm ms Hmm .838 8.23 m 0.03 as dam «Am w.m mmm page: a 902 m.m no: :43 9m mos posse o 0.03 m. a den mam um 9;. tie: Hesse: m 0.03 H; «.mm 2.4m m.m mm: .338 BdE < 0.03 e; m.mm QR 9m mama 39:8 .33 sameness 33. p.25 fl 2 tea: 2 was ma new 0H unmask yo mom< Hoboq HwQOfipwmiooo H>H mqmda mamas/meme 2H .mmmfia mo .53 389.388 mm .38 mass may as .8 meme 70 On the basis of the ages of the young men in the sample, a "common sense" judgment might be made that urban youth are inherently more capable than rural youth and that the sons of white collar workers are inherently the most capable of the boys from the three occupational strata. Such a common sense Judgment is inadequate and equally fallacious. The more probable explanation of the age differential lies in the differential social-cultural orientation of the boys. The sons of workers in white collar occupations in United States are expected to ”make good" in school. There is greater emphasis exerted in the home on the value of education. The typical white collar boy is also better oriented in the home to the skills and.symbols used in the edu- cational system. He frequently begins his formal education at an earlier age than boys of manual worker and farm fathers. As a result, the white collar youth usually reaches the twelfth grade at a slightly younger age than the youths from the manual worker and farm occupational strata. The sons of the manual workers, on the other hand, do not usually place as much importance on success in school as the sons of white collar workers. In his home the manual worker son is oriented to the skills of manual worker occupations. His home situation does not exert as much pressure on nschool success” as does the white collar home. The farm youth is even less oriented toward the skills and symbols of school life than the manual worker son. His home life is oriented to farm life and manual activities, rather than the intellectual skills of the school. Frequently, he spends less time in school because he is needed at home to help with the farm work. If he reaches the twelfth 71 grade, he does so at a slightly older age than either the manual worker or the white collar youth. The difference in age between urban and rural youth is probably explained in.similar fashion. Urban.youth are better oriented by the home and the urban environment to the folkways and requirements of the educational system. The urban boy probably enters the school system at a slightly earlier age than the rural child. As a result he usually reaches the twelfth grade at a slightly younger age than the rural boy. The explanation of the differences in the ages of the twelfth grade boys in the three occupational strata and in urban and rural communities thus probably lies in social-cultural factors rather than in inherent differences in abilities. By virtue of belonging to different social-cultural systems, the seniors have been differently oriented to the educational system and this differential is reflected in the rapidity with which they reach the twelfth grade. Socialization in the Work World There are several implications involved in examining the initial work experience of youth. By virtue of accepting different kinds of jobs while in school and during school vacations, young people are sub- jected to different social experiences which may profoundly influence their viewpoint and personalities. In this phase of socialization they are subject to office or factory discipline, they intimately associate with adult workers, and, in.many cases, they mingle for the first time with persons of different social classes, races, and nationalities. 72 The initial work experience of a boy may profoundly influence his choice of life work. In taking a job for pay the young worker feels a sense of independence and identifies himself with his work associates. In many instances he learns to manage his income in the manner of his fellow workers. In many subtle ways he gradually assimilates the values and beliefs of his work group. Not infrequently the first job of a youth.may be the determining factor in his choice of a career. As Form and Miller point out, "once started on an occupational level, a worker tends to remain at that level."1 Thus an examination of the initial work experience of youth in Michigan is directed at a prOblem of considerable importance to society. The purpose of the following Section is to use three indices of work experience and to assess the relative importance of certain factors associated with these experiences. The indices are: (l) the number of jobs the students have held, (2) the kind of jobs they have held, and (3) the amount of money earned. Number of;jobs held. Apparently Michigan.youth are not unfamiliar with the world of work. Tables XVII and XVIII show that about sixtyb five per cent of the students in this study have held full time jobs and about eighty per cent have held part time jobs. The data show low but statistically significant relationships between the father's 1 Wm. H. Form and D. C. Miller, "Occupational Career Patterns as a SociOIOgical Instrument,“ American Journal of Sociolo , Vol. LIV, No. h, PP. 317‘329. 73 mH.o .n Hoe. a ma a~.o .m Ho. m meH om. a cam am.o .m Hoo. a one o.ooa o.m a.ma m.Ho :.~H ma eczema a o.ooa a.ma m.oa o.mm m.a~ msa cease: assess a o.ooH m.ha 4.HN a.mm 0.0N wm ceaaoe eeae:_H o.ooa m.ma s.~a 3.H: a.mm can Hesse m o.ooa o.m «.4N a.me 4.0m mm neeusa_o 0.03 0.3 93 a.mm mam 2m peace: Hesse: a o.ooH 0.0H H.aH m.mm a.mm Hmm emaaoe eeae3,m o.ooa m.aa a.ma 5.0m a.mm mma gene: a o.ooH m.e a.eH m.mm m.a~ woe ceshea o o.ooH ~.eH m.eH 0.0m 0.0m mew pence: Hesse: m o.ooH m.HH a.ma «.mm a.mm um: neaaoe epaez.< o.ooa «.0H «.ma m.mm m.mm mama seesaw asses semaeeaz Hmpoe muoz go 039 one maoz z ems: these co pamm upon mafia Hash mo 909652 Ho>oq Hmnowpmmsooo mm0452aummm 2H .aameea mo gm>mq AdZOHaemoooo am .numm mmoe mzHa game we mmmzaz HH>N mqmde fl -.I< ....I ~.~.Eh~‘ ,H Pas/k 3424\3 7h aa.o .m Hoe. a ma a~.o .m Ho. a ceH HH.o .m OH. a cam oN.o .m Hoe. m ome o.ooa 0.4 a.mfi 0.0: m.am ma cheese a o.ooa m.o~ e.em «.mm H.H~ msa testes fleeces e 0.00H m.eH e.am o.mm m.a~ we cedaoe eeae2.H 0.00H a.ma e.mm m.4m o.mm can Hesse m o.ooa H.a «.4m e.am H.a mm heenme_u o.ooa n.4N m.0m m.wm a.wa Ham sexton Hence: a o.ooa m.sm a.mm m.mw m.wa Hmm eeaaoo eeaez_a 0.00H a.mm o.am m.a~ o.aH mma seen: a o.ooa e.m a.o~ a.ms e.m~ mos testes o o.ooa e.m~ e.m~ a.mm a.aa map heats: Henge: m o.ooa e.- N.am a.mm o.aa mm: emaaoe sees; a o.ooa a.HN a.mm m.om H.aa mama seesaw fleece essence: proa. whoz #0 89. 9.5 @202 z mmbfi. .Hmfivwm MO Emma whoa mienphmm mo 39:32 H269 flmcowpmmdooo mmw¢ev~m9mmm 2H «madam .mo Hag QZOHedeond Hm «a mmoh. mafia “Edam ho mmmeSz HHH>N page 75 occupational level and the number of full and part time jobs held.1 There are extremely slight differences between the sons of white collar and manual workers in'both full and part time jobs held. The pronounced differences are between the sons of farmers and the other high school seniors. The data support the following generalizations: a greater pr0portion of the sons of farmers than the sons of other workers have held full time jobs. A greater prOportion of the sons of white collar and manual workers than the sons of farmers have held part time jobs. A greater prOportion of the sons of farmers than the sons of other workers have held one full or part time job. .A slightly greater proportion of the sons of white collar and manual workers than the sons of farmers have held two or more full or part time jobs. There is also a very slight but statistically significant associ- ation between the nwmber of full and part time jobs held and ruraldurban residence.2 A greater prOportion of rural than urban.boys have had full time work experience, whereas a greater proportion of urban than rural boys have had part time 36b experience. The reSponses in tabulated tables XVII and XVIII undoubtedly re- flect the conditions under which the seniors live. As is to be expected, 1 For full time jobs held the corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.29; for part time jobs 0.20. Both associations are significant above the .001 level of probability. 2 For full time jobs held the corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.18; for part time jobs 0.17. Both associations are significant above the .001 level of probability. 76 the nature of farming in United States typically requires a greater proportion of the farm boys to work full time during vacations on the farms, and they tend to limit themselves to one full time job. A smaller preportion of the sons of white collar and manual workers, on the other hand, are obliged to work at full time jobs, but those who do full time work hold a greater variety of jobs. Probably the farm boys tend to be limited to working on their own farms, whereas the sons of white collar and manual workers have a much wider choice in job opportunities. A similar interpretation applies to the urban young man in contrast to the rural. Since there are probably more Opportunities for part time paying jobs in the cities than in the rural communities, the urban youth thus typically holds a greater number of part time jobs than does the rural youth. The fact that a greater proportion of rural than urban boys have held full time jobs probably reflects the tendency of the rural students to do agricultural work in the summers, which is typically full time work. The fact that sons of white collar and manual workers have held a greater number of part time jobs than the sons of farmers probably reflects the limited Opportunities of farm youth for part time jobs. Farm boys are typically required to help on their father's farm and probably do not have the opportunity to obtain part time jobs away from home. There is a very slight but statistically significant association between the number of full time jobs held by the boys in this study and 77 the number of brothers and sisters in the family working for pay.1 Miller and Form suggest that a working brother or sister may serve as a “model” for a youth.2 The model brings the life Of the occupational world into the home. In conversations about the work plant or office, the non-working boy probably becomes somewhat oriented towards the world of work. From this orientation it is a plausible hypothesis that the noneworking youth may wish to "follow in the footsteps" of the model. The non-working son in his desire to achieve status and recognition may also want to get a full time job. In order to test this hypothesis, the size Of the family is held relatively constant in Table XIX. This is done because large families would probably have more children working than small families. The results tabulated in the table tend to refute the hypothesis just stated. It is the boys without brothers and sisters working who take the greater prOportion of full time jobs. The reSponses of the twelfth graders in this study indicate that the existence of a model in the home does not influence the boys in getting full time jobs. Consequently the explana- tion.must lie in a different direction. The inference is as follows: there is apparently an economic factor in Operation: some youths in the family must take full time jobs to contribute to the family budget. If a boy has brothers and sisters in the family who are working, then he tends to be exempted. 0n the other hand, if the young man does not 1 The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.17, significant above the .05 level of probability. 2 92, 312., pp. 521-2. 78 Sam 22. 32. Had Ho $952 ma.o mo. ad 0.00H m.~H «.ma 0.0m a.mz mmH meow meaoz amass: m nwooa :.~ ©.ma m.mm >.mm Hm mcom anHoo opH;3_m 0. 00H a. .mH m. H a. 0m 0. i3 :8 manages mampmflm Ho mamzpopm who: no one a 0.00H m.HH «.mm H.wm w.om mma msom momma: amass: o 0.00H m.OH a.ma m.om m.mm cud meow amaaoo mpfi£3.m 0. 00H :HH H. Hm a.mm H.mm Hem $283 Enema .3 needed 02 a I} Hmpoa who: no one Ono mcoz z amaze mafixa03.maopmam paw mamspoam Mo nonssz £03535 3.073%: magma 9,2 mfimeomm a0 Has; Hm NHN mqmda ..finamo mass 95. 02.. ..H0 33%: E 88m Hm 06$ 82. 8.5 E 0 see; 79 have brothers and sisters working, then he tends to be the one to get a full time job.1 Since the seniors with no brothers and sisters working hold a greater number of full time jobs, in.comparison'with the seniors with brothers and sisters working,2 the question may be raised as to whether the former tend to be more unstable than the latter and thus unable to hold a full time job for a long period of time. If this explanation is applied, then it must also be applied to the urban.youth in comparison to the rural youth and to the sons of white collar and manual workers in comparison to the sons of farmers,3 The explanation of the differences in the number of jobs held by these large groups of youth probably lies in the Opportunities to get jobs rather than in the stability or instability Of personality. Kinds of jobs held. In the questionnaire the boys were asked to indicate the kinds of full and.part time work they had done for pay. 0n the basis Of their reSponses, Table XX and XXI have been prepared. 1 Whereas 6h.9 per cent of the seniors with no brothers and sisters working have held full time jobs, 551: per cent of the youths with one or more brothers and sisters working have held full time jobs. 2'Whereas 21.1 per cent of the seniors with no brothers or sisters working have held two full time jobs, 12.8 per cent of the boys with brothers or sisters working held such jobs. 3 The evidence in Tables XVII and XVIII show that the urban youth have held more part time jobs than the rural youth and that they are approximately equal in the number of full time jobs held. These tables also show that the sons of white collar and manual workers in contrast to the sons of farmers have held the greater number Of both full and part time jobs. 3.0 m H00. a m0 3.0 .0 H00. a H.H and b H00. a 0% 3.0 b H00. a 0.00H 0. 0 H3 0. Z ado ma $an e 0. 00H m0 H. 5 Non «.mm 0: pesto: Hesse: a. 0. 00H 0.m Ho: 0.0m H4: 0m eoHHoo 8.5 H 0.00H m.H 0.5 mom mam 0Hm Hess m 0. 00H 0.0 m. NH 0.9m mam mm $an 0 0. 00H 0.H a.0m Hon 0.~H Hem noses: Hogans a 0. 00H H.H 33 0. R fiHH Hmm eoHHoo 323 m 0.00H 0.H 0. 2 ram 0.? mma none: 0 0.00H 0.0 0.0 4.5 0.00 on team 0 0. 00H H.H hm: mom n.0H a2 noes: Hesse: m 0.00H 0d 0.3 mom H.~H mm: aHHoo 33a 4 0.00H 11H 4.3 a.mm m.aH ENH oHaeom Hoeoe 504.”;on Hoeoe ooflHnneHoS $82 to: as: 2 new oncommom Oz .HwHHoo opflE gunmen each added: .Hmzpmm .H O H269 Hmcogmmdooo econ die: .3 mpg mmo<92mummm zH «Egdm .8 H554 dzaedmsooo Hm «Mdm mom mzoa 563 an. E mo szHM NH "5mg. 81 3.0 .0 H00. a 00 3.0 m H00. a H.H 9.0 .0 H00. a 0% and m H00. m 05. 0. 00H 0.0 H0 H. R 0.4m ma sense a 0. 00H 0.0 4. mm 0. 2 0.4m 3H nose? Hence: a. 0. 00H 0.0 mm; a. an 4.3 mm neHHoo 323 H 0. 00H 0.0 9% N0: 0. 3 0H Howe m 0.00H 0.0 m.0~ a.mm 0.3 mm team 0 0.00H 0.0 m.mm 0.0« we Ham cosmos Hosea: ..H 0.00H m.H 0.3 ma; 0.m Hmm enHHoo 323 m 0.00H 0.H a.mm mam m6 mma noon: 0 0.00H 0.0 a.mH 0.0m m.0m 00H noes; 0 0. 00H m0 0.0m aom 0.HH a2 noes: Hosea: m 0. 00H a0 «.3 H. am we mm: LaHHoe 333 4 0. 00H no sHm Hon mHH 2.2 oHdesm Hoeoe nomads adobe “03.3338: Hmfloo gmncoa gm 2 one oncoammm Oz 3.2.3 .9352 panama .Ho 280 shoe .3 3us H059 gowpmddooo H 333. messaged E .mameé ..H0 amend 220330000 Hm :0: mos H.200 a0: 85 gm a0 menu 82 The data in the tables show a substantial and statistically signifi- cant association between the kinds Of full and part time work experience of the students and their father's occupational level.1 The farm youth and the sons of white collar workers show the strongest tendency “to fellow in their father's footsteps." The sons of the manual workers show the greatest variety in full and part time work experience.2 This differentiation in the kinds of work experience is probably accounted for by the social conditions associated with the position of the boys' fathers in the social structure. As mentioned previously, the help Of the farm boy is needed on the farm and consequently he has few Opportunities to work in non-farm activities. The sons of white collar workers tend to confine themselves to white collar work. Prob- ably white collar employers give preference to sons of white collar workers; they probably prefer a boy whose manners, behavior, and appearance is similar to their own and who will make a good impression on white collar clientele. In addition, the white collar boy may consider it a slight loss in prestige to do farm or manual work and he may Object to the strenuous nature of these occupations. The sons of manual workers probably obtain the greater variety of jobs because (1) their financial status may require that they accept part or full time jobs where and when they can get them; (2) they are 1 For full time jobs held the corrected coefficient of contingency is O.h7; for part time jobs held 0.39. These associations are signifi- cant above the .001 level of probability. 2 Approximately 60 per cent of the sons of manual workers have both full and part time work experience outside of their father's occu- pational stratum. The correSponding figures for the sons of white collar workers and farmers are 50 per cent and 35 Per cent reSpectively. 83 not averse to doing hard physical labor; and (3) they do not place as much.importance on the prestige value of certain jobs as do the sons of white collar workers. The fact that the sons of manual workers do not obtain.as many white collar jobs as sons of white collar workers prob- ably reflects the tendency of white collar employers to prefer sons of white collar workers as employees. Tables XIX and XX also show a low but statistically significant relationship between rural-urban residence and the kinds of full and part time jobs held by the seniors in this study. A larger prOportion of the rural than urban young men.have experience in farm jobs. The limited number of white collar jobs available in the rural communities probably accounts for this fact. The fact that urban youth in contrast to rural youth have a greater variety in the kinds Of jobs held is also probably explained by the greater variety of job Opportunities in the cities. The greater variety in part time than in full time jobs held ‘by the boys in both rural and urban communities undoubtedly reflects the greater number of part time jobs generally available to adolescents in United States. Money earned. The amounts Of money the seniors earned each week are tabulated in.Table XXII. Slightly over three-quarters of them earn some money each week. Over one-half earn over five dollars each week. The amounts Of money earned are very slightly but significantly related to their father's occupational level.l There is also a very slight but 1 The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.1b, significant above the .02 level of probability. 8h mH.0 .0 H0. a m0 8. a HHH 0m. a 0% lHH.0 m 00. a 84 0.00H on 0.0: a.mH T: 0.0 mam me sense e 0. 8H m.m 0.3 m.HH N.HH 0.0 HoH 3H senor Houses H. 0.00H N: 0.3 m.mH m.mH 0.H lH.Hm 0a .sHHoo 323 H 0.00H 0.H Has N4: H.HH m0 H.H on Hones m 0.00H Ha 4.0m H.H. H.NH 0.H m.0m mm sesame 0.00H NH a.mm 05 ma aH Ham Ham tosses Honda: .H 0.00H ma mom 0.0 Ha m0 H.m.e. Hmm enHHoo 32: m 0.00H H.H 0.3 0.H he 0.H new mma cane: a 0.00H em own a.mH aHH no 0.3 8H tease 0 0. 00H NH 0.4m Na ea m.H mam aHH tosses Hesse: m 0.00H mm 09 «.0 lH.0H m0 0:3 mm: seHHoo BE: 4 0. 00H NH mam l: N.0H NH m.m~ 33 Head HoeoH onwEon Hosea. onsoenom 00. me 00. ms oe mates 8 00. Ha oooz z oz .85 00. 3 8. He soon: teens Ho amend e565 Hm>oH HmaOvamsOoo geezeommm 2H Jeane a0 HEHH $282008 Hm .5: was 0mg Has: HHNN mamas 85 statistically significant relationship betWeen rural-urban residence and the amounts of money earned each'week.l The data show that a slightly greater proportion of the sons of manual workers than the sons of white collar workers or the sons of farmers earned some money each week. The prOportion of the sons of white collar workers and the sons of farmers are approximately equal in this respect. On the other hand, a slightly larger prOportion of the sons of manual and sons of white collar workers in comparison to the sons of farmers earned over five dollars each week. A slightly larger prOportion of the rural than the urban boys earned some money each week. However, a slightly larger prOportion of the urban than the rural boys earned five dollars or more each week. The fact that the sons of manual workers and white collar workers appear to earn slightly more money than the sons of farmers is cone sistent with the data in the two previous sections. The Opportunities for jobs outside the home are more limited for the farm boys than for the other boys. The fact that more rural than urban boys appear to earn.money is consistent with the data in Table XVII, which showed that the rural boys held more full time jobs than their urban cousins. Summary This Chapter has shown that social structure is significantly related to the differential rearing of Michigan youth in the home and l The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.15, significant above the .01 level of probability. 86 to the differential treatment they receive in the school and community. Social stratification is a significant variable in the amount of work young men do at home and the amount of money they get; in their curricu- lum choices, in their extra-class activities, and in the amount of vocational guidance they obtain; and in the numbers and kinds of jobs they get and the amounts of money they earn. These differences are significantly related to the occupational strata of their fathers. Up to this point no evidence has been presented to indicate whether or not this differential socialization is reflected in the students' occupational interests and attitudes, deSpite any presumed leveling of school experiences. The remainder of the dissertation attempts to determine this relationship. PART TIB'tEE: WORK ATTITUDES AND INTERESTS CHAPTER V PLANS FOR THE FUTURE The analysis has shown.that the twelfth graders in this study are differentially reared according to their father's occupational stratum. Since the young men have been treated differently in the home, in the school, and in the work community, it is expected that this differential socialization will be reflected in their ideas and attitudes about work, jobs, and occupations. It is hypothesized that the value orientations of the sub-cultures of social strata are more important in forming youths' work attitudes and interests than are the school, work experience, type of community, and certain factors in the home situation. How do the occupational plans of the son of the white collar worker differ from those of the son of the manual worker or farmer? To what degree does work experience affect youthsI occupational expectations? ‘What is the role of the school in these plans? Do these plans vary by rural-urban residence? What factors in the home situation are related to the future plans of the young men in this study?1 If social stratification proves to be the most important factor in the youths' future plans, additional 1 Analysis of the data revealed no statistically significant associ- ation between the future plans of the young men.and.such factors in the home and family situation as the amount of work the youths do at home, the amounts of Spending money they receive, and whether they receive this allowance regularly or not. 88 evidence will be added to the accumulating data which suggest that the leveling influence of the schools is not as important as commonly believed in overcoming the social differences in the backgrounds of students. In the questionnaire the boys were asked to indicate the kinds of life work they would like to do most, the kinds of life work they' actually expected to do, and what they expected to do immediately after completing high school. The reSponses of the subjects to these questions are related to a traditional and flourishing belief in United States. This belief is related to the American dream that all men are'born free and equal,1 that every-person should do his best to succeed and try to reach the top, and that the promise of Americanlife2 is that economic abundance and success are available to all. An accumulating number of scientific studies in United States have severely challenged this belief.3 Various studies have suggested that regardless of how much Americans l W. Lloyd Warner, Marchia Meeker, and Kenneth Eells, Social Class in.America (Chicago: Science Research Associates, Inc., 19h9), p. 3. 2 Herbert Croly, The Promise of American Life (New York: ZMacmillan Company, 1911), p. 13 3‘W’. LloydTWarner, Marchia.Meeker, and Kenneth Eells, 22,— cit. pp. 3-32. V. Lloyd Warner, Robert J. Havighurst, and Martin B. Loeb, Who Shall Be Educated? (New'Iork: Harper &.Brothers, l9hh), pp. 16-32. Robert L. Sutherland, Color, Class and Personality:(washington, D. C. 3 American Council on Education, 19h2). Allison Davis, Burleigh B. Gardner, and.Mary R. Gardner, Deep South (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, l9hl). ‘W’. Lloyd'Warner and.Leo Srole, The Social Systems of American Ethnic Groups, Volume III, "Yankee City Series ,5 (New Haven: Yale Um versity-Press, 19h5).A111son.Davis and John Dollard, Children of Bondage (washington, D. C. a American Council on Education, lBHBT. 89 assert they are equal, important differences exist. Research in social caste, social class, and other forms of social stratification have produced evidence of differences in social status and corresponding differences in Opportunities and achievements. In occupational studies similar findings exist .1 Occupational ASpirations and Expectations Social stratification as a factor. According to Tables XXIII and XXIV there is a substantial and significant association between the occupational level of the father and the occupational aspirations and occupational expectations of the young men in this study.2 The degree of association between occupational stratification and occupational 1 For example, F.‘W} Taussig and(3. S. Joslyn, American.Business Leaders (New York: Macmillan Company, 1932) , p. 2314, found that the present American business leaders have been recruited in greater part from the sons of business men and only to a.minor extent from the sons of farmers and.manual laborers. Percy C. Davidson and H. Dewey Anderson, Occupational Mobility in an American.Community (Stanford University Press, 1937), p. 91, in a study of h66 San Jose workers report that the climbing of the occu- pational ladder is limited to rather few persons and that additional work experience does not alter this fact. William H. Form and Delbert C. Miller, "Occupational Career Patterns as a Sociological Instrument,” American Journal of Sociology, Vol. VLIV, No. h, l9h9, pp. 317-329, in a study of 276 occupational histories report that ”once started on an occupational level, a worker tends to remain on that level.” In job histories these authors found strong internal strains toward consistency; workers do not wander accidentally from one occupational level to another. 2 The degree of association is evidenced by the corrected co- efficient of contingency of 0.h9 in the case of occupational aSpirations and 0.60 in the case of occupational expectations. Both associations are significant above the .001 level of probability. 9O m m m .0. H00. 0.00H lam mam mm 0.: a.mm m4 ma hoses e 0. 8H 9: «An no so don 50 a: toss: ages: a. 0.00H NS m.mm new as d? 0.0 as .338 Bass H _ 0.00H 0.2 0.3 1: 0.0 mg: 0.0 mam Hesse m 0. 00H do a.ma 0.m as «.3 0.0 mm sense 0 0.00H eta 0.0m 93 0.0 med d0 mam tosses assess a 0.00H fine 93 4.3 we 0.: 0.0 mmm .338 codes m 0.00H 0. 0a m.mm n? so 3: 5.0 and cases 0 0.00H 1.0 4.2 0.: 0.4 m.~m d0 m3 scenes 0 0.00H he“ 4.0m 0.0a so u: 0.0 a: tosses Hoses: m 0.00H d? 173 118 a; hi :0 mm: adios 8.23 a 0.00H nee dam WS 5.? s0 ES seesaw Hence essences Hmpoa oncomwom Hmsowm Hmfinmm nmxnog. poxnoz smegma 2 oz nmmmonm Idem: Hoowpmdo omaagm omHHflxm macapmsflmm< Hmcowpmddooo mozpmm Ho Hm>oq HmCOHpmdsooo mmoézsosma 2H sages no mess 451035008 em £on03153 $on95008 HHHMN mqmda \d-‘x ..~.-¢-<.ht 91 mm.0 .m H00. a who b no. a Eq 3.0 b .80. a 0% 00.0 tm_ H00. .m use 0.00H 0.0 0.:H m.H 0.: 0.0 0.0 m.H 0.4m m5 scenes e 0.00H n.0m 0.0a 0.d 0.0 0.:H m.~a «.2 5.d sea nossos ensco2.o 0.00H m.0H a.mm a.mm H.0 H.HH H.5 0.m H.0 do eoaaoo seas: H 0.00H 0.0m 0.0a 0.HH 0.0 d.HH 5.m H.m N.aa 0am Hoses 0 0.00H a.ma H.0 H.0 a.ma H.0 H.0 0.0 a.ms mm asshoa.0 0.00H m.mm 5.HN m.5 0.5 0.0a 0.5a 5.m H.N 050 nossos Hoses: a 0.00H a.mm a.mm a.ma 0.0 0.0 0.5 4.m 5.H mmm nnHHoo ones; 0 0.00H a.mm a.mm n.0H N.0 a.ma m.ma m.m m.m H0a cone: 0 0.00H 0.0a 0.NH H.e m.m 0.5 4.5 0.H 0.Hm 00H sesame 0 0.00H H.Hm m.aa 0.d 0.0 0.HH ~.0 0.0a m.m H0 soshos codename: 0.00H 0.0m 4.0m 0.5 0.0 «.ma m.a~ N.N 0.m dam scenes ocaflesntassm 0.00H 5.Hm e.- s.5 m.0 4.0m 0.mH 5.m m.m dmm season ooaaasm 0.00H 4.40 0.0m 0.5 4.5 0.0a 0.0a 0.m 0.m da5 season Hoses: 0 0.00H 0.mw 0.0m m.0 0.0a 5.a 4.0H H.~ m.m sea ascenoao 0.00H H.HN m.0~ a.mm 0.0 m.m N.0 0.0 m.H ems ensconced: 0.00H H.sa a.mm 5.0a s.~ 0.0 0.0 0.m 0.: s0 ascoannomosm 0.00H H.Hm 5.0m m.5H 4.0 H.o 0.5 H.m 0.0 mm; hsaaoo ceas3.< 0.00H H.HN m.mm a.0H o.5 a.ma 0.0a s.m m.5 d5ma oaasom annoy essences“ vaom. mmConmm HMGOflm Hmfihww .meHOS .meaoz .mehog #00303 hmEHmm 2 9053mm Ho oz -oceoem -sssz. Hsoasoau ooaassm ooHHasn ooaaexn Hosea encodesaaooo -ascm use meowpmpoogwm descapmdsooo manganese 5 £0is 0 HEB Hal/1023008 em $202585 5.2025008 >HNN mqfi4a 92 expectations Of the boys is slightly higher than that found by Hollingshead, who examined the relationship between class position and youths' ideas about desirable jobs.1 In terms Of aSpirations and expectations to achieve the higher status occupations, the sons Of the workers in the three occupational strata can'be ranked in the following order: (1) the sons of the white collar workers, (2) the sons of manual workers, and (3) the sons of farmers.2 In terms of the boys' aSpirations to become manual workers, the Opposite generalization is made: the farm boys show the greatest prOportion of their number who aspire to these occupations; the sons of manual workers show a slightly smaller prOportion who make this choice; and the sons Of white collar workers show the smallest prOportion of l A. B. Hollingshead, Elmtown's Youth (New York: Johaniley and Sons, 19h9), p. 285. Hollingshead reported a corrected coefficient Of contingency Of 0.51. He classified families into five strata on the basis of the way the family lived, income and material possessions, participation in community affairs, family background, and prestige. 2 Thus, whereas h2.h per cent of the sons of white collar workers aSpire to the professions, the corresponding figures for the sons Of manual workers and farmers are 36.h and l9.h per cent reSpectively. A similar tendency is Observed in terms of occupational expectations. Whereas 30.7 per cent of the sons of white collar workers expect to achieve professional occupational status, only 20.6 per cent of the sons of manual workers and 12.0 per cent Of the farm boys expect to achieve this status. The same relative ranking is Observed in the case Of both aspirations for and expectations Of achieving managerial and clerical worker statuses. The sons Of white collar workers predominate in the prOportion of their number who aSpire to and expect to achieve managerial and clerical occupations, the sons of manual workers are next in rank, and the farm boys occupy the lowest position. In terms of all white collar occupations, whereas 69.9 per cent Of the sons of white collar workers aSpire to these occupations, the comparable figures are 53.7 and 28.6 per cent reSpectively for the sons of manual workers and farmers. 93 the three groups who aSpire to be manual workers.1 A similar phenomenon is Observed in the youths’ aspirations to become farmers: in terms of the prOportion of the boys from each Occupational stratum who make this choice, the rank order is (l) farm boys, (2) sons of manual workers, and (3) sons Of white collar workers.2 The occupational expectations of the boys coincide fairly closely with their occupational aspirations: the same relative rank order main- tains for the prOportion of the boys from each occupational stratum who expect to become white collar workers, manual workers, and farmers, with one deviation-~the farm boys show the smallest prOportion.who actually expect to become manual workers.3 The re5ponses of the boys in.Tables XXIII and XXIV can be interpreted in terms Of "mobility attitudes." As used in this context, the term "mobility attitudes” refers to the tendency of the boys to express a desire to "move out" of the Occupational stratum Of their father. Of the boys in the three groups, the sons Of white collar workers show the least desire to move out of their occupational stratum, while the sons 1 Farm boys 2h.9 per cent; sons of manual workers 23.3 per cent; and sons of white collar workers 15.0 per cent. 2 Farm boys 39.8 per cent; sons Of manual workers 3.3 per cent; and sons Of white collar workers 2.2 per cent. The aspirations Of the farm boys to become farmers do not preclude the possibility that they expect to achieve higher status within the farmer occupational group. 3 The prOportion Of boys in each stratum who expect to become manual workers are: farm boys 16.7 per cent; sons of white collar workers 19.7 per cent; and sons Of manual workers 36.h per cent. 9b of manual workers and.farmers are approximately equal in this reSpect.l The large prOportions of the sons of farmers and.manual workers who desire to move out of their reapective occupational strata, and the small proportion of the sons Of white collar workers who desire to do this, strongly suggest the "upward striving" of the boys in their occu- pational goals. This interpretation is further attested by the tendency Of the boys' aspirations to exceed their expectations mainly in their choices for the professional and managerial occupations.2 This tendency 1 Whereas over one-half of the sons of farmers and manual workers a5pire to move out of their respective strata, only 17.2 per cent of the sons Of white collar workers have this aspiration. ‘Whereas about four- fifths Of the sons of farmers and sons of manual workers actually expect to move out of their reapective occupational strata, the figure for the sons of white collar workers is about one-fifth. Of the three occu- pational strata, the sons Of the white collar workers show a greater proportion expecting to move out of their stratum than aspiring to move out. The comparison between aspirations and expectations may be summarized as follows: Per cent who Per cent who Excess Of aSpire to move expect to move aspiration out of their out of their over Sons of father's stratum father's stratum Expectation White collar worker 17.2 22.3 -- h.9 Manual worker 57.0 39.2 + 17.8 Farmer 53.5 38.1 + 15.h 2 The comparison is shown in the following summary: Excess Of aSpiration Per cent who Per cent who over Occupational goal aspire expect expectation ‘White collar 57.2 h2.3 + lh.9 Professional 37.1 23.5 + 13.6 Managerial 13.5 10.9 + 2.6 Clerical 6.6 7.9 - 1.3 Manual worker 20.5 29.3 - 8.8 Skilled worker 15.7 13.3 + 2.h Semi-skilled h.l 12.6 - 8.5 Unskilled 0.7 3.h - 2.7 Farmer 6.0 7.3 - 1.3 95 indicates that the boys aSpire to occupations which they do not hOpe to actually achieve. On the other hand, a smaller prOportion Of the boys aspire to the manual worker and farmer occupations than actually expect to enter these occupations. Apparently the boys are "shooting" for a higher occupational status than they expect to achieve. Since the sons of white collar workers do not have a "higher" occupational stratum to strive for, it is understandable that so few either aspire or expect to move out of their stratum. Any "moving" of the white collar boys would be in a "downward" direction. The question may be raised as to whether the boys are motivated by the idea Of "status“ in indicating their occupational aSpirations and expectations. Unfortunately, the questionnaire did not include questions on "why” the students made their choices. They may have been motivated by the desire to achieve higher social status; their choices may reflect their estimation of the chances they have of achieving the various occupations; or they may reflect the orientation they receive in the home and school regarding higher status occupations in United States. ‘Whatever their reasons may be, the data indicate that the occupational stratification of their fathers is substantially and significantly associated with the occupational sepirations and expectations of the boys in this study. Parental expectations. Among the many factors which influence the occupational expectations of young peOple, it is assumed that parents play an.important role. However, when the boys in this study were asked what kinds of life work their fathers and mothers expected them to enter, over one-half of them failed to answer. Apparently less than one-half Of the boys had discussed this important question with either their fathers or their mothers. According to the reSponses shown in Tables XXV and XXVI, a slightly larger prOportion of the boys were familiar with their fathers' expecta- tions than with their mothers' expectations. This extremely small difference is rather surprising.1 In a society in which the males are traditionally the breadwinners and the females are traditionally the homemakers, it would be expected that the fathers would play a much more important role in guiding their sons' occupational choices. That this does not maintain probably reflects the rising status Of women in American society and the correSponding decline in the patriarchical type of family. Of the three occupational strata, the farm boys show the greatest prOportion who are familiar with their fathers' expectations in contrast to knowledge of their mothers' expectations.2 This fact probably indicates the greater degree of patriarchy existing in the farm areas as well as the greater Opportunity for association between father and son. In the nonefarm areas the father typically works away from home. Thus the non-famm youth, in comparison to the farm youth,‘ has less Opportunity to learn Of his father's expectations and more Opportunity to learn Of his mother's expectations. l The prOportion of boys who knew their fathers' expectations ex- ceeded the proportion who knew their mothers' expectations by only 1.3 per cent. 2 The prOportion of sons Of white collar workers who knew their fathers' expectations exceeded the proportion who knew their mothers' expectations by 0.9 per cent; the sons Of manual workers by 1.1 per cent; and the sons of farmers by 5.6 per cent. 97 50 0 .0 H00. 0 00 H4.0 .0 H00. m 00H 00.0 0 H00. 0 0.00 50.0 .0 H00. 0 000 0.00H 5.00 5.0 0.H 0.H 5.0 0.0 0.0 0.50 05 scenes 0 0.00H 5.00 0.0H 0.0 4.H 5.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 44H scsaos Hoses: 0 0.00H H.00 4.00 0.0H H.0 H.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 00 noHHoo oesz.H 0.00H 5.40 0.4H 0.5 0.0 0.0 0.H 0.0 0.0H 5H0 Hoses 0 0.00H 0.00 H.0 H.0 H.0 H.0 0.0 0.0 4.00 00 channels 0.00H H.00 5.5H 0.0 4.4 4.HH 5.4 0.0 0.0 H50 noses: Hoses: 0 0.00H 0.00 0.H0 0.NH 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 H00 noHHoo oean.z 0.00H 0.00 0.0H 5.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 000 case: 0 0.00H 0.04 0.0 0.0 5.0 5.0 0.0 0.0 0.50 00H scenes 0 0.00H 5.00 5.0H 0.0 0.0 0.4H 0.0 0.0 0.0 H0 ooHHHaocs 0.00H 4.00 0.0H 0.0 5.4 4.0 5.4 0.0 0.0 0H0 ocHHHscuasom 0.00H 5.00 0.0H 0.0 0.0 H.0H 5.4 0.0 4.0 000 scans: ooHHHsm 0.00H 5.00 5.0H 0.0 0.0 H.HH 0.4 0.0 H.~ 0H5 tosses Hssssz m 0.00H 0.00 4.5H 0.0 H.HH 0.0 0.0 0.0 H.N 44H HsoHaoHo 0.00H 5.04 5.0H 4.Hm 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 400 Hanonsccz 0.00H 0.04 H.00 H.5 0.0 0.0 4.0 0.0 0.0 40 Hosoannouoaa 0.00H 0.00 0.Hm H.0H 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 5.0 004 aoHHoo oesz.< 0.00H 0.00 5.5H 0.5 0.4 5.0 0.0 0.0 0.4 05~H cHessm Hence somHson Hmpom. mmfioflmmm HwGOHm Hwflhmm .mehobp .mehobp .wapoufi «mehob; hmfihmm 2 oz -moHoam -seoz _dsoHsoH0 ooHHHs0 ocHHHsn ooHHHso assess 0o modem to: .0959 Hmsofimmdooo sowpmpoog m. smooch 00040z00000 zH amazzaz 00 .EEH 305.3008 Hm .0003 0.00H 0. z00 000 52080800 0.000.500 E ”.3039 98 .0 H00. 0 .0. 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Ho>oq Hmsoapmmdooo 0000060000 E .005: 0.000 00 H058 .362588 E .0003 ES 0.z00 000 onegoHea 0.000002 H>NN mqmmq ionBam m 0.00H H.wa a.mm ~.0H ®.0 m.HH a.ma N.0 m.a use once 0 0.00H a.mw a.mm 0.MH s.0 a.0H m.HH N.m 0.m 4mm noose 0 0.00H 0.0m 0.0« a.mH N.0 m.sa w.HH H.m m.c mam nae m 0.00H m.mm a.mm a.a 0.m . 0.NH w.m 5.0 m.m mes oc0 4 H0909 mmcoqmmm .7603 .23th posse? $th3 .8078? $0783 peach 2 oz -noooom noses” Hecatoao ooaaaem ooaaaen ooaaann aaaacm ca -aeom use coenaaco no nocaoz macapmpomgxm Hmeoapmddooo mm0aezm0emm 2H .queaa a0 mNHm em .noneaeomaem gaoneemoooo HHE ”M1549 11h :m.0 .m Ho. m mom¢ 0.00H a.a N.HH 0.Hm a.a m.a 0.a m.e c.0a a.ma mom once . no o>fim m 0.00H H.m a.0H m.0m m.~ N.0 N.0 e.m a.ma m.HN ape coca 0 0.00H m.m m.m 0.0m 0.H m.m m.m m.m 0.5H 3.0m 4mm omega 0 0.00H m.: m.m H.0m 0.H o.m m.m J.m 0.Hm 0.Hm mmm 939 m 0.00H H.J H.m a.ma 0.0 g.w p.m m.m a.mm m.om mqa mac 4 Hmpoa hump new _ooAOHQEm soap Hoocom pcwflz Hoonom mmmaaoo mmoaaoo z .haflsmm mmcomm twaflz mews. Imaom Icmpmm< new new HmGOHpmooP one new ca copoafiso 1mm oz meow Hash meek Hash no mmmcfimsm measlenmm mo pmcesz Hoonom swam poems macepmpoogxm. $03583 E can; a0 .06 em 623m .088 soul Rom 1 HHHNNN mqmde 115 greater proportion.of’youth from small families than from large families plan to go to college after completing high school.1 Apparently the youth from the smaller families are more diSposed to strive for high occupational status than the students from the larger families, and they plan to make use of the educational facilities to achieve these ambitions. Tables XXXIV and XXXV reveal how the ”upwardly oriented" seniors in this study make use of the available means to achieve their higher occupational expectations. Among sons of both white collar and manual workers those youth with the higher occupational expectations predominate in the academic curriculum and they make greater use of the vocational guidance facilities of the schools.2 Apparently these "upwardly oriented" youth realize that to qualify for entrance into the higher status white collar occupations they should have some college education. In order to prepare for college entrance they enroll in the academic curriculum in high school. These young men.probably are also concerned about the Specific qualifications for the jobs they expect to get, and, as a result, they seek information and guidance from the counselors in the school. 0n the other hand, the young men who are not so "upwardly oriented" tend to enroll in the vocational curriculum and do not seek as much vocational guidance. l‘Whereas 53.9 per cent of those from one-child families plan to go to college, only 31.8 per cent of those from families of five or more children have such plans. In.Table XXXIII the corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.2h, significant above the .01 level of‘probability. 2 In.Table XXXIV there is a low but statistically significant associ- ation between curriculum and occupational expectations. The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.35, significant above the .001 level of probability. The degree of association between the occupational expecta- tions of the boys and vocational conferences held is evidenced by the corrected contingency coefficient of 0.26, significant above the .001 level of probability (Table mv) . 116 HUG. o< 0.00H «.0m m.pH w.oN m.mH m p amamcom cosmos Hmscmz m 0.00H c.mH o.mw m.HH m.~H w.m mm meow mmaaoo oeH£3.m 0.00H a.ma o.wa a.ma m.wa w.m ooN Hmcoflpmoo> a 0.00H o.mm m.om m.ca m.m m H oommcom sexes; amazes o 0.003 0.3 Sim 0.0 m.m 0 N RN noon .838 323 m 0.003 m3 men 5.3 mo 30 $4 oasooooa 4 adobe oncommmm ammo? gram .8073? 5020.3 nmxcoz $5.3m z 02 ummmocm Iceman Hmowcmao ooaaflxm omaaexm omaaoncm noes: IHEmm ca anacofiwaso mcoflpmpomgxm Hmcowpmdsooo maneefiumaa E endorse $005 E 23003300 em .0203385 32033008 >HNNN mqmde 117 ow.o 0 .80. m 08¢ 0.003 p.03 can as m.» 0.3 3 mo 90 83 once to ace 0 0.003 :3 0.3 3.3 m.» m.3 33 0d m.m 3m cos... can one 0 0.83 0.3 a.mm m.m3 as and N3 md we as 20 m 0.003 4.3 0.3 Na an 3.3 mi: o.m dm mnm ccoz a H.309 uncommom H33» Hmflnom 93783 $0783 $0203 nexus? weaken 2 328.8330 oz tomes ices 33.330 8330 833.0. 833% 853:0 . lawn L5 3833c» mcowpmpoognm Hmeogmmsooo . Ho .8252 mmm .mo mamas,” Hm .monaRaomE QOHEEDOB E H.349 118 POST HlGH SCHOOL PLANS The analysis has shown that the occupational aspirations and expecta- tions of the boys in this study are significantly related to social stratification in spite of any leveling effect of the American school system. Does this relationship also exist in terms of what the boys plan to do upon completing high school? .If these young men are serious about their occupational aims and goals, their plans after completing high school should bear some relationship to their occupational expectations. There are two main.roads open to young men upon graduating from high school: either they continue their formal education or they go to work. A small number join the military organizations or remain unemployed and idle. Those youths who have their eyes on the professional and managerial jobs will want to go on to college to prepare for these occupations. Those youths who do not have such aSpirations will probably enter the full time work world immediately after high school. The important questions to which answers are sought are thus: ‘What factors motivate some youths to make use of the educational institutions in order to achieve higher social and occupational status? What factors are related to the choices of those who plan to enter the full time work world? The answers to these questions would throw some light on the differential socialization which has taken place in the lives of the young men in this study. For purposes of presentation the factors revealed in this study are divided into two categories: (1) occupational level of father and (2) other factors, such as number of brothers and sisters working, curriculum 119 in which enrolled, vocational guidance conferences held, rural-urban place of residence, and father's formal educational level.1 Occupational stratification. The post high school plans of the boys in this study are tabulated in Table XXXVI. About forty-five per cent of the young men plan to go on for additional formal education; about forty per cent plan to enter the full time work world; and about ten.per cent plan to enter military organizations. The plans of the boys are signifi- cantly and substantially associated with the occupational levels of their fathers.2 The relative ranking of the seniors of the three occupational strata in terms of their plans to continue their formal education are: (1) sons of white collar workers, (2) sons of manual workers, and (3) sons of farmers. The converse ranking maintains in terms of the plans of the twelfth graders to enter the full time work world.3 These relative rank orders maintain for the rural youth and for the urban youth.)4 1 Analysis of the data showed no statistically significant relations ship between.post high school plans and (1) work experience, (2) working status of mother, or (3) sibling position. 2 The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.h5, significant above the .001 level of probability. 'Whereas 62.8 per cent of the sons of white collar workers plan to continue their formal education (in college, busi- ness, or vocational school), the figures for the sons of manual workers and farmers are 37.7 and 2h.l per cent reSpectively. Among the sons of white collar workers there are pronounced differences in terms of those who plan to go to college: whereas 67.8 per cent of the sons or profession- al workers plan to go to college, the figures for the sons of managerial and clerical workers are 58.h per cent and 50.7 per cent reapectively. 3 Whereas 26.9 per cent of the sons of white collar workers plan to enter the full time work world, the figures for the sons of manual workers and farmers are h5.7 and 62.0 per cent reSpectively. h The degree of association between the post high school plans and the occupational level of father for the urban youth is evidenced by the corrected coefficient of contingency of 0.31; for the rural boys, 0.51. 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Because of this curiosity and because their teachers usually encourage aspirations for more formal education, the upwardly oriented youth obtain assistance, guidance, and information regarding the higher status occupations. Summary Contrary to the pOpular notion that all American youths have similar- ly upward occupational plans and expectations, this study shows that there are significant differences among twelfth grade Michigan males. Instead of uniformity and homogeneity, their occupational plans show diversity and heterogeneity. The evidence in this study indicates that the school system, which is supposed to create a similar ideology toward upward mobility, does not abolish the differences already existing in the various social strata from which the youths come. Typically Americans, the boys do subscribe to an ideology of "upward striving." They aSpire to jobs they do not expect to get. Portraying the "rationalism" of the Gesellschaft leit motiv of the Western world, those youths who are striv- ing for the higher status occupations make use of the educational institu- tions as a means of achieving their ends. The upward oriented youth tend to enroll in the academic curriculum, they plan to go to college, and they make use of the vocational guidance facilities in the schools to assist them in their vocational choices. Sons and parents alike who have participated in the work world for a substantial period of time are more cautious and conservative in their occupational expectations: fathers 129 have lower expectations than mothers for their sons; working mothers have lower expectations than non-working mothers for their sons; and the young men with work experience behind them have lower occupational expectations than those without this experience. Although the boys generally;want the higher status job and the better paying position, there is a strong tendency for them to expegt_a job in the same occupational level as their fathers: there is a strong tendency for the farm boy to expect to become a farmer, for the son of a manual worker to expect to become a manual worker, and for the son of a white collar worker to expect to become in turn a white collar worker. Despite the "leveling" effect of the American educational system, the occupational and educational plans of Michigan twelfth graders substantially and significantly reflect their positions in the social structure, and this position is largely set by their father's occupational level. CHAPTER VI WORK INTEiiESTS AND PREFMICES The analysis has revealed that the future plans of the Michigan youths are significantly related to the social strata from which they come and that the school system does not overcome these social differences. When these twelfth graders enter the adult world of work upon the com- pletion of high school, they will be confronted with numerous issues and problems to which they must adjust. It is a plausible expectation that social stratification would bear some relationship to the views youth have about such issues. Are the value orientations of sub-cultures of social strata the most important factors in formulating the young men's work interests and attitudes? Does the school overcome these differences in social backgrounds? Does the school with its barrage of formal courses and numerous activities effectively capture young peoples' minds or does social stratification persist as the important factor in youths' work interests and preferences? What is the role of the family situation, work experience, and type of community in the process? In attempting to find some of the answers to such questions, this chapter is concerned with an important social problem of contemporary Western civilization. This problem confronts all workers in all occu- pations in the United States. Succinctly stated, the problem is: can man 131 find satisfaction and pleasure in.performing semi-automatic and highly specialized jobs?l Is it possible for man to be happy in his work situ- ation? Can he obtain social satisfaction in doing his job? To provide basic information on this problem, many social researchers have directed their efforts to an analysis of the factors in job satis- faction and morale. The many studies on this problem indicate that the total job situation must be studied in order to find the significant factors.2 To understand this problem, it is probably as important to 1 See Henri de Man, ng in'Work (London: George Allen & Unwin, Ltd., 1929); T. N. Whitehead Leadership in a Free Society_(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 19b? 3 and F. J. Roethlisberger, Management and Morale (Cambridge: Harvard.University Press, l9h9). 2 S. N. F. Chant, "Measuring the Factors that make a Job Interesting," Personnel Journal, Vol. XI, NO. I, pp. l-h, in a study of 250 young men in a wide variety Of occupations, reports eleven factors selected by the workers as being important to job satisfaction. In order Of im ortance they are: (l) Opportunity for advancement, (2) steady work (3? opportunity to use own ideas, (h) Opportunity to learn, (5) good boss, (6) high pay, (7) good working companions, (8) good working conditions, (9) clean work, (10) good hours, and (11) easy work. Daniel Katz and Herbert Hyman, "Industrial Morale," in Readings in Social PsychOlOgy by T. M. Newcomb and E. L. Hartley, editors, (New York: Holt, I§D7), p. Eh7, state: "If production is going well, if his superiors treat him fairly, if promotional Opportunities are good, if earning are satisfactory, if the health and safety conditions in the factory are superior, then job satisfaction will be high." L. G. Reynolds and Joseph Shister, Job Horizons (New York: Harper and Brothers, 19h9), p. 3h, state that the three most important factors related to job satisfaction are (1) human relations on the job-~the degree of independence and control, fairness of treatment, and relations with fellow workers; (2) the intrinsic nature of the job; and (3) wages in an absolute sense. Delbert C. Miller and'William H. Form, Op. cit., p. h78, state that three major considerations are associated with morale: (l) the social approval which the job holder feels he has acquired from his job; (2) the Opportunity he feels he has for advancement; and (3) the return he feels he is getting for his labor. 132 know what interests, preferences, attitudes, and ideas the worker brings with him to his job as it is to know how he feels after working at his job for some time. Since the young men in this study are on the verge of entering full time employment, it should prove illuminating to dis- cover what work beliefs and attitudes they bring with them. A study of their work interests and preferences may contribute knowledge and insights useful to those who are concerned with the adjustments Of young peOple to an industrial civilization. If the value is accepted that workers should Obtain some degree of satisfaction from their labors, then this study of prOSpective workers should contribute some knowledge of how this value may be achieved. In the questionnaire the boys were asked various questions about their interests and preferences in jobs and occupations, such as their preferences regarding labor unions at work, their preferences concerning the age and sex Of future supervisors, what the bases for promotion should be, what type Of vacations and work clothes they preferred, and their preferences about the place of work.1 The following analysis is made in 1 Among the questions answered by the students relative to the work situation, the following showed no statistically significant relationship to social stratification: a. Preference for a supervisor who praises workers frequently or seldom. b. Preference for the supervisor who checks work frequently or seldom. c. Preference for the supervisor who mixes with workers frequently or seldom. d. Preference fer the supervisor who is hired from outside as Opposed to promoting someone from within the plant. e. Preference for associates with an equal or greater amount of formal education than themselves. f. Preference for positions which permitted or required travel. g. Preference for size of company. 133 reference to these items.1 Labor Unions One of the important issues facing many prOSpective workers in United States is the question Of whether or not to join a labor union. In order to Obtain a manual job, a new worker, in many instances, must join a local union. In other manual job situations he may have a choice of joining or not joining. For the young men who enter white collar occupations the question Of joining or not joining a union is not so acute, but for many it is still a problem which must be resolved. The twelfth graders' attitudes about unions are thus related to an important question to which many of them must make a decision when they enter the full time work world. When the seniors in this study were asked their attitudes toward labor unions, about one-fifth indicated that they preferred a job where there was no labor union, sixrtenths preferred a job where the workers had a choice about joining a labor union, and one-tenth preferred a job where the workers must join a labor union. In other words, about eight- tenths favored the "Open shOp" and one-tenth favored the "closed shOp." The reaponses Of the boys to the question about labor unions are shown in Table XL. The data show a low but statistically significant 1 Analysis revealed no statistically significant relationship between work interests and preferences and such factors in the home and family situation as the amount Of work the youths do at home, the amount Of Spending money they receive, or whether they receive this allowance regular- ly or not. 13h relationship between the occupational level Of the father and the boy's attitude toward labor unions.1 Of those from the three occupational strata, the sons Of manual workers show the greatest prOportion Of their number favorable to unions; and there is little difference between the sons Of white collar workers and farmers. Conversely, a smaller pro- portion of sons Of manual workers than sons of white collar workers and farmers express a negative attitude about labor unions.2 These same generalizations apply to both urban and rural youth. In both cases there is a low but significant association between the father's occupational level and the son's attitudes toward unions,3 and it is the sons of manual workers who possess the more favorable attitudes toward labor unionism. The boy's attitudes about labor unions are also related to rural- urban place Of residence, working status of mother, and curriculum in which enrolled. Although these associations are slight, they are statistically significant.h As may be expected, the urban boys have a l The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.29, significant above the .001 level Of’probability. 2'Whereas 76.h per cent of the sons of manual workers favor labor unions, the figures for the sons Of white collar workers and farmers are 63.0 per cent and 60.9 per cent reSpectively. ‘Whereas 32.7 per cent of the sons of white collar workers prefer a job where there is no labor union, the correSponding figures for the farm boys and sons of manual workers are 28.7 and 1b.0 per cent respectively (Table XL). 3 The corrected coefficient of contingency (0.33) is slightly higher for the urban than rural youth (0.25), indicating that the urban boys' attitudes are more closely related to their fathers' occupational levels than are those of the rural young men. b As shown in Table XL, the degree of association between rural-urban residence and union attitude is evidenced by the corrected coefficient of contingency of 0.12 significant above the .02 level of probability; between working status of mother and union attitude, 0.17 significant above the .05 level Of probability, (Table XLI); and between curriculum in which en- rolled and union attitude, 0.26 significant above the .001 level of prob- ability (Table XLII). 135 3.0 m N0. a so mad b m0. a ma 2.0 m 80. a was 3.0 m H00. e use 0. 8a are so 0.0m b.0m me hostess e 0. 00H m: so bob 3: a: coho: fleeces e 0. 00a is” 3. am: damn em 3:8 cease H 0.00H we so oém new 3m dense m 0.00H has H.0 oém New mm $an 0 0. 00H #2 a.ma :40 ES” mam hoses» assess a 0.00H as am wém 0.Nm mmm $28 cede: a 0.02 we 0.: 0.8 New Hos secs: 0 0.00H me me mom firm m3 posse 0 0.00H pa 0;: amp 0;: ea. bosses Hoses: m 0.00H so w.m a.mm hmm mm: .328 323 a 0.00H me mad mam mam Ema 03sec assoc. essences HMPOH. mmnommmm «SHED honweH SOHGD .HODGA GOHGD Mocha 2 02 each. and: mcfifiou pooch Oz gem possum mo 03.630 gem 300303 09033 sold m ammoum Agog HchHpmmdooo manganese 2H .mmmeé a0 deems $202388 em £205: momfi amass 030.3% .HN mqmde 136 3.0 b m0. e 0.00H 3: Que arm mi: 8 each hoses» assess a 0.00H pd 0.H «do 98 m0 whom .838 opens m 0.00H m. 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S :3 noon hoses douche a 0.00H mJH a.ma 0.0m a.mm mm meow .8300 3.2.3 m 0.00H «.ma hm: ram 1: 000 Hocoeeooos 0 0.00H wé 99“ 93 0.4H 8a 980 .8030: .3282 o 0. 00a m.m fin som Nmm EN 88 8.38 322 m 084“ he as see New as 3883 « H.309 omdommom sods cod“: .8an down: 2 00.305 3023 oz 52. she: means. e804 oz seem ca 53823 03020 .0 96m «2373: when: 0.3. a homonm mmodafiamm 2H «mgomzm mag 2H 25.3.0550 Hm «DZOHZD ~5de age mmmPHHBHH HHHN mags 138 slightly greater prOportion of their number who are pro-union; the rural youth, conversely, have a slightly greater prOportion of their number who prefer a job where there is no labor union. In each of the three occu- pational strata it is the urban boys who are more favorable to unions. Sons of working mothers are slightly more favorable to unions than sons of non-working mothers.1 This latter generalization applies also when the white collar occupational stratum is held constant: it is the sons of white collar working mothers who are more favorable to unions than the sons of white collar non-workingmothers.2 Ibuth who are taking the vo- cational curriculum in high school tend to be more favorable towards unions than the boys in the academic courses. With the sons of white collar workers held constant, it is the boys in the vocational curriculum, in contrast to those in the academic curriculum, who are more favorable to unions. 'With the sons of manual workers held constant, the same generaliza- tion.maintains, although the differences in the attitudes in this group are not great enough to be statistically significant. What is the probable explanation of these associations? Do these differences in the attitudes about unions, which the boys have expressed, reflect the differential socialization to which they have been exposed? The answer probably is in the affirmative. 1 However, work experience on the part of the youths does not influ- ence their attitudes towards unions to any statistically significant degree. The analysis showed no statistically significant relationship between union attitudes and number of full time jobs held, time on full time jobs, or kinds of full time jobs held. 2 Whereas 69.8 per cent of the sons of white collar working mothers are favorable to unionism, only 56.6 per cent of the sons of white collar non-working mothers are favorable to unions. 139 Since labor unions in the United States gain their greatest member- ship amongst the manual workers, it is the sons of these workers who probably are the most familiar with the objectives and goals of labor unions. In their home situation they become oriented toward the issue of unionism. The same explanation is also probably true of the urban youth, since labor unions are more characteristic of urban than rural life.1 On the other hand, it is the white collar workers, especially the managerial group, which constitute the greatest anti-union force in United States. This sentiment is probably reflected in the attitudes of the sons of white collar workers in this study, since they exhibit the greatest degree of anti-union attitudes. The fact that farm boys are closely allied with the sons of white collar workers in their attitudes about labor unions probably reflect their occupational orientation: farmers are managers and owners, and typically the ownership class is anti-union in sentiment. On the other hand, as Whyte points out, the farm youths anti-union sentiments may be related to the patriarchalism and authoritarianism existing in the farm areas.2 The fact that the boys enrolled in the vocational curriculum tend to be more favorable toward unions (whether they are sons of white collar workers or sons of manual workers) may be explained in two ways. It may be 1 William F. Whyte, IrWho Goes Union and Why," Personnel Journal, Vol. XXIII, No. 6, (December l9hh), pp. 215-230, prOposes that the gang experi- ences of urban.youth.may make them more susceptible to joining labor unions. 2 Ibid. Farm youth typically are accustomed to obey institutionalized authority within the family system. Since they have little organization experience outside of the family, they probably tend to react negatively to such an organization as the labor union. that the sons of white collar workers who enroll in the vocational curriculum thereby become somewhat identified with the interests of manual workers and thus develop more favorable attitudes towards unions. It may be that the "upwardly oriented" sons of manual workers who enroll in the academic curriculum "take on" the attitudes of the white collar class and thereby become more anti-union in sentiment. On the other hand, the differences in union attitudes may be ascribed to the social positions of the families from which the boys come.1 It may be that the sons of lower status white collar workers are favorably oriented at home to the issues of unionism and carry this orientation to school where they tend to enroll in the vocational curriculum. It may be that the sons of the higher status manual workers have been somewhat negatively oriented toward unionism in the home and they carry this sentiment to school where they tend to enroll in the academic curriculum. Probably both explanations apply and indicate the social forces in Operation in the socialization of youth . 1 This interpretation is supported by the data in supplemental Tables LXVII and LXVIII. Using family size and educational level of father as social status variables, the tables show a very slight but statistically significant association between these variables and the boys' attitudes about unions. It is the boys from the small families and the youths with college educated fathers who tend to be anti-union in sentiment; it is the young men from large families and those whose fathers have grade school education or less who tend to be pro-union. The degree of association between family size and union attitudes is evidenced by the corrected co- efficient of contingency of 0.16, significant above the .02 level of prob- ability; the degree of association between father's educational level and union attitudes is evidenced by the corrbcted coefficient of contingency of 0.23, significant above the .001 level of probability. iul Supervision While the adjustment to the issue of unionism is one that most boys will make when they enter the world of work, the adjustment to supervision is one that all new workers must make. Every boy who enters the work world, with the exception of those very few who become "their own bosses," will be subject to the exacting requirements of a supervisor. The first-line supervisor, or foreman, as Roethlisberger has described him, has to get results: he has to turn out production, maintain quality, hold down costs, and keep his employees satisfied. He has to know how to induct, instruct, and train new workers; how to handle and prevent griev- ances; how to correct workers and maintain discipline; how to never lose his temper and always be "fair;" and how to get and obtain COOperation from the wide assortment of people with whom he has to deal.1 One of the most important relationships in the modern business structure is that existing between the worker and his immediate supervisor.2 The ideas prospective workers have about supervisors are thus related to an.important aSpect of industrial relations.3 If some knowledge is available of youths' preferences about supervisors, presumably better selection and placement programs can be introduced; more harmonious 1 Fritz J. Roethlisberger, "The Foreman: Master and Victim of Double Talk," in Human Factors in Management by s. D. Hoslett, Editor, (Parkville, Missouri: Park COllege Press, l9h5), pp. 52-73. 2 B. B. Gardner, Human Relations in Industry (Chicago: Richard D. Irwin, Inc., l9h5), p. h7. 3 Henri de Man, Joy in Work (London: George Allen & Unwin, Ltd., 1929), p. 20h, points out that one of the chief sources of dissatisfaction of workers lies in the disciplinary authority of the supervisor. 1&2 relations between supervisor and subordinate could be achieved; the adjustment problems of new workers could be made less difficult; and both management and the workers would benefit. As has been stated, when the boys in this study were asked their preferences about supervision, only two questions yielded statistically significant results. The two questions dealt with the age and the sex of the supervisor.1 As shown in Table XLIII over three quarters of the boys indicated that the age of the supervisor was an important item in accepting a job. Slightly less than one-quarter indicated that the age of the supervisor did not matter. Over six-tenths said they preferred to work under a supervisor who is older than themselves; about fifteen per cent preferred a supervisor about their own age; and another fifteen per cent preferred a supervisor much older than themselves. There is a very small but statistically significant relationship between the boys' preferences about the ages of supervisors and their fathers' occupational levels.2 The evidence supports the generalization that the sons of white collar workers show the greatest preference for the "older" supervisor; the sons of manual workers slightly less; and the farm boys have the least preference for the older supervisor. There is also a very slight but statistically significant association between rural-urban residence and the boys' preferences in the age of 1 Analysis showed no statistically significant association between the boys' preferences about the age of the supervisor and such variables as family size, sibling position, and fathers' educational level. 2 The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.1b, significant above the .05 level of probability. 1143 the supervisor.1 A slightly greater proportion of the urban than the rural boys prefer the older supervisor. The probable explanation of these slight associations is that the young men in this study relate "age" to "experience and competence." They probably assume that the "older" man is more competent than the "younger" man. The reSponses tabulated in Table XLIII show that a slight- ly greater proportion of the sons of farmers, in contrast to the sons of the white collar and manual workers, prefer a supervisor of "about their own age." The sons of white collar and manual workers are approximately equal in this choice. Apparently the farm youth tend to have greater confidence in the younger supervisor. The sons of white collar and manual workers tend to prefer the older supervisor. It may be that the farm boys are influenced by physical prowess. Farm work requires physical strength and endurance, and the younger man probably possesses these character- istics to a greater degree than the older man. This may account for the tendency of the rural boys, in contrast to the urban boys, to give a slight preference for the younger supervisor. However, experience in the work world appears to change the boys' preferences concerning the ages of supervisors. With experience in the work world there is a very slight tendency for the boys to place emphasis 1 The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.12, significant above the .05 level of probability. 1th 3.0 b m0. a m0 0m. a 05 on. a 0% and b m0. a 03. 0.00H 0. 0 0.4m pm 0. 3 :3” ma team M 0.00H 0.0 :48 mo mos «:8 a: compo: Hafiz a. 0. 00H 0.0 mam a.ma ma: 0. NH mm afloo 323 H 0.00H 0.0 mam H.0H so: N3 man was m 0.00H 0.0 N.wa m.wa 4.0m N.gw mm pmewmm_o 0.00H 4.0 93 4;: 33 mg” mam compo: Hafiz a 0.00H m.0 93 0.: was a.ma mmm .338 Base ,a 0.00H m.0 a.mm a.ma 33 4.2 Hoe cont: 0‘ 0.00H 0.0 a.mm 0. NH a.ma 3.0m we” posse 0 0.00H m.0 a.mm a.ma 4.3 was a: tame: wees m 0. 00a m.0 NZ «.3 93 WE mm: .838 Sufi < 0.00H m0 a.mm .3: has oi: 32 39:3 .033 ammEoE Hmpoe omcodmmm poppmz Haom case “Hem coca maom mm mw< oz £580 .530 some .330 oaem Home 2 tempos .Ho om¢ hapnwwam Hoboq,am:owpmmdooo “ma 0:3.nomfi>nodsm homopm mmoaezmumma E .mmmaé m0 .533 13825800 Mm £03338 .8 M04 m8 message HHHAN mqmnmgzm Sam Boo ofieéda do tomfiz mmommmDm magi mnmc add: mom mozmmMmmmm >AN MAm¢B lhb common belief among adult workers that women do not make good supervisors.1 It is a general belief that women are too emotional to make proficient supervisors, that they cannot command the loyalty and respect of their subordinates, and that they cannot win the co-Operation of their equals in the hierarchy. As a result the woman supervisor is placed in a difficult position. Her superiors are always doubtful of her ability to fulfill the role, and the other supervisors tend to stand aloof and watch her critically, expecting her to fail. In this atmOSphere of distrust the probability of failure is high; if she asks for help, it shows she does not know her job; if she does not ask for help, she is acting as if she knew everything; if the strain begins to get her down so that she is irritable, then she is acting "just like a woman." In the eyes of adult workers it all goes to prove that women do not make good supervisors. The ascendant role of female supervisors is contrary to the traditional and subordinate role ascribed to women in'western society. The more the work experience the young men in this study have had, the more they assimilate these prevailing beliefs. Bases for Promotion In addition to the problems of unionism and supervision, there is another aSpect of the work world to which new workers must make an adjustment. They must adapt themselves to the constant appraisal of their superiors in the work plant hierarchy. In addition to being subjected l Burleigh B. Gardner, Human Relations in Industry(Chicago: Richard D. Irwin, Inc., 19h5), p. 259. 1&9 to the rather exacting requirements of supervision, they are also con- tinually being evaluated by the supervisor. Upon accepting a job, the young man is usually told that his promotions will depend on his ability and industry. If he works hard, he is told, he will be rewarded by ad- vancement to more reSponsible jobs and by more pay. Although the validity of this simple formula is subject to serious questioning, it is a popular and prevalent notion of how to become a "success" in the American world of work.1 The problem of being subjected to continual appraisal is not entirely foreign to youth who pass through the American educational systems. In the school, the student is formally rated in examinations. He receives grades which symbolize his standing in the formal structure. He also is informally rated by his peers on the basis of his performance in athletics, clubs, and other school activities. However, the evaluation given in the school is considerably different from the day-to-day production records maintained in.most industries and businesses in United States. For the new worker, eSpecially, the adjustment to this system of evaluation is not easily made. l Melville Dalton, "Informal Factors in.Career Achievement," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. LVI, No. 5, pp. h07-h15, points out that an examination of the managerial handbooks of a factory gave no pertinent information of how individuals were advanced through the hierarchy. These manuals merely indicated that "ability," "honesty," "co-Operation," and "industry" were qualities essential for promotion.. After interviewing numerous officers throught the hierarchy, Dalton concluded that there was no formal procedure for promotions. Selection for advancement was carried on informally, with persons rising from lower strata by conforming to social characteristics of the persons in upper strata. The chief criteria were ethnicity, religion, participation in certain social activities, political affiliation, and membership in accepted secret societies. 150 To reveal the ideas of the twelfth graders of Michigan on this prob- lem, they were asked what they thought should be the bases for promotions on the job. According to their reSponses, which are tabulated in Table XLVI, the prevailing conception of the bases for promotion was thought to be quality of work done. This choice was approximately ten times more recurrent than quantity of work and about six times more prevalent than seniority on the job. The choices of the young men on this question are very slightly but significantly related to the occupational levels of their fathers,1 to rural-urban.place of residence,2 to the kinds of full time work experi- ence,3 and to the curriculum in which the students were enrolled.h The sons of white collar workers place the greatest degree of emphasis upon quality of work and the farm boys place the least emphasis on this choice. The sons of manual workers stress seniority to a greater degree than do the others. The farm youth stress quantity of work done moreso than do either the sons of white collar or manual workers. The urban .1 The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.15, significant above the .02 level of probability (Table XLVI). 2 The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.16, significant above the .05 level of probability (Table XLVI). 3 The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.21, significant above the .05 level of probability (Table XLVII). h The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.22, significant above the .001 level of probability (Table XLVIII). However, analysis revealed no statistically significant association between the boys' ideas on the bases of promotion and such variables as family size, sibling position, working status of mother, father's edu- cational level, number of full time jobs held, or amount of time Spent on full time jobs. lSl 3.0 .0 m0. a mm mm. m me mm. m 6mm 3.0 .0. 0.0. a 0m: 0.00H 0.m h: min hem pm me possum a 0.00H 0.H m.mH 4.0H 4.0o N.m 20H noxnoz Hmscmz_0 0.00H H.~ a.mH H.m m.m© H.m mm nmaaoo mean: H 0.00H 0.0 m.ma 4.0H p.00 :.m mam Hondm m 0.00H H.m a.ma a.mH 0.5m H.m mm noshwm_o 0.00H o.w :.ma m.m ~.Ho 0.:H mwm tempo: stqmz m 0.00H w.© N.JH d.w w.Hb m.m mmm anHoo opHS3.m 0.00H 0.5 m.ma :.m 0.Ho a.ma How owns: a 0.00H 5.: ~.ma o.ma a.mm m.m woa pmsnwm o o.ooa H.m m.mH 0.0 m.H® m.ma mam pesto: Hesse: m 0.00H H.m N.MH o.w a.mc m.m mm: nmaaoo opa:3.< 0.00H no 0.3 on he 0.3 mama fiasco Hobos gametes proa oncodmom whopomm xnoz mo xn03.mo hpprHsom 2 oz wqwooomnm hfiflpddzd hnwawdd nozpmm Mo ooh; He «no oommm on padonm now one so sofiposopm Ho>oq Hm:0fipmd:ooo mmomg A¢ZOHB¢MDUOO Mm «mow 339 20 ZOHBOZOmm.OZHzmMUZOU mMQDBHBH< H>AN mqmde 152 Om. mo mm.o .b m0. mm Hm.o .w mo. Q< 0.00H N.m m.OH H.m p.00 m.©H FHA meow nmxpoz Hmsqmz m 0.00H a.ma 0.0H w.m 4.Hm 0.0m Ow mcom huHHoo opfi:3.m Ashmmusoav 0.00H ~.m m.OH m.m mdwm o.~H Fwd Nflso meow xnoz Hence: Q 0.00H m.o 5.:H m.m a.mw o.ma mqa mcom noxpok Hmdcmz o 0.00H m.: N.ON 3.5 ~.Ho 2.0 am noon hmHHoo opflsz.m 0.00H m.m m.oa H.m a.mo H.0H Nmm Mano ocoo x903 nmaaoo opwzz.< m a m N H Hobos onsoaoom m e N 3“ also: .Ho foe do acatoacom 2 oz pmsfinEoo mpflpcmdd kneaded hem you moon xnos ”so ommmm on 0H50£m 900 oz» :0 coaposonm mEHHIHHsm «0 Unfim messaged E £200 so: .0 073a em as. a; 20 580% 05730200 300.39%. HH>HN mqmda 153 8.0 m mo. N No Rd m 8. m mm NN.o m 80. m 3 0.03 Né 0.3 N.m 5mm ma; :3 28 .sfioz H332 m 0.02 N; 4.3 «.2 TE m.2 Nm £8 .328 82: m 0.02 .2 dNH Nd mdm 0.2.. 08 $8380» a 0.8;” m6 N5; M: N30 2. SN 38 ~33: 3:52 o 0.8a 0;. m.NH m.m N.$ N6 NNN 28 .838 ofié m 0.02” mg. :4: m3 mdo Nd N2 0?...qu < H38 mmaommmm m a N J .28: mo $33.? 329.8% 2 oz 8:328 33:20 33.39 umfloém :35 «no vmmwn mp Uflsosm now mnp no GOHQOEONm cw Esaaowhhso HHHEEH mafia mmo<9fiummm 2H Nagomvfl mug 2H SQHDUHmMDo Mm «mow BE. 20 ZOHBOEOmm OZHZMMUZOO mmmPHHBBd. 15h boys stress seniority as a factor in promotions and the rural boys stress quantity of work. As shown in Table XLVII, the boys who have had only white collar work experience tend to emphasize quality of work as a factor in promotions, whereas the youth with only manual work experience tend to stress seniority' on the job. This statement applies to both sons of white collar workers and sons of manual workers.1 Boys enrolled in the academic curriculum tend to stress quality of work as a factor in promotion on the job, whereas those enrolled in the vocational curriculum tend to emphasize seniority. This tendency maintains among the sons of white collar workers and among the sons of.manua1 workers.2 These differences in the reSponses of the seniors in Michigan to the question about the bases for promotion on the job undoubtedly reflect the differential socialization to which they have been subjected: in the 1 Whereas 6.h per cent of the sons of white collar workers with only white collar work experience choose seniority as a factor in promotions, 20.0 per cent of the sons of white collar workers with only manual work experience make this choice. Whereas 61.7 per cent of the sons of white collar workers with onl white collar work experience choose quality of work as a factor, 51.5 per cent of the sons of white collar workers with on1y1manual work experience make this choice. Among the sons of white collar workers, the degree of relationship between their choices and their work experience is evidenced by a corrected coefficient of contingency of 0.29, significant above the .05 level of probability. Among the sons of manual workers, the choices as a variable of the kinds of work experience are not statistically significant. 2 As shown in Table XLVIII, the degree of association between the choices of the sons of white collar workers and the curriculum in which enrolled is evidenced by the corrected coefficient of contingency of 0.31, significant above the .01 level of probability; between the choices of the sons of manual workers and the curriculum in which enrolled, 0.21, signifi- cant above the .05 level of probability. 155 United States the white collar workers probably are more concerned with the unique qualities of each piece of work done than are farmers. The white collar workers as a group include many professional workers who characteristically stress the quality of their professional services rather than "mass production of quantity." Managerial and clerical workers, to a lesser degree, are also concerned about the unique aspects of each piece of work.1 The farmer, on the other hand, although desirous of producing a high grade of product, is probably more oriented to produc- ing quantities of agricultural products; The typical farmer calculates his returns in terms of bushels of grain and gallons of milk of a high grade rather than in the unique qualities of one bushel against another or the unique qualities of one gallon of milk against another. The sons of these workers in these occupational groups probably reflect this orientation to work in their views about the bases for promotion. Manual workers in United States place considerable emphasis upon seniority as a basis for promotion or advancement. One of the objectives of most labor unions has been to insist on the principle of seniority. The last man hired is supposed to be the first one fired in case of a re- duction in employment, and the man who has been longest on the job is supposed to be the first considered for promotion. This practice has been 1 Leonard D. White, The Study of Public Administration (New York: Macmillaerompany, 1939), p. 36L, points out that considerable judgement and discretion are required in most white collar positions in Government. In the various supervisory positions, for example, discretion and judge- ment in handling staff and in reaching decisions on substantive matters are inherent. Amongst clerical workers there is also room for the exer- cise of good judgment. Many clerical Operations require an accurate knowledge of laws, rules, and judicial decisions. What is characteristic of governmental bureaucracies is probably also characteristic of private bureaucracies. 156 instigated to provide a degree of security for the manual workers. This characteristic of manual workers is probably reflected in the views of the sons of manual workers, who stress seniority as a basis for promotion on the job. (Table XLVI) It is likewise probably reflected in the views of the urban boys, who similarly stress seniority as a factor in promotion on the job. Rural twelfth graders, on the other hand, apparently are more closely allied with the ideology of the farm workers, since the rural young men tend to stress quantity of work as a basis of promotion. The relationship between the kind of work experience and attitudes about promotion on the job (Table XLVII) indicate that the students tend to assimilate the ideas of the older workers with whom they associate. BOys who have done 2211 white collar work tend to emphasize quality of work as a factor in promotion, whereas the students who have done gply manual work tend to follow the ideology of the manual workers by stress- ing seniority as a basis for promotion on the job. Vacations In addition to the problems of unionism, supervision, and criteria for promotion, the young people who enter the world of work must make an adjustment to severely curtailed vacations. This adjustment is a rather difficult one for most young persons. They are obliged, for the first time probably, to work "daybin and day-out" for about fifty weeks of the year. For two weeks in each year, or even less, they are free to do as they wish. This restriction in free time is eSpecially onerous for youth in the United States who probably have more "free" time than youths in other countries. ‘With the decline in the functions of the family, children and youths have less and less reSponsibilities in the home. With the passage of child labor laws, young persons are protected from long hours of work in industries and businesses. With the emphasis upon "progressive" education in United States, pupils are encouraged to be "free" from parental control. The abrupt transition from school to full time work:means a loss in the many freedoms young peOple have enjoyed. However, according to the reSponses of the twelfth grade boys in this study, the large majority appear to be aware of the limited vacations in the work world; only a small prOportion preferred long vacations. 'When they were asked how long a vacation they preferred on a job, almost two-thirds chose the typical two-week vacation with pay; only about one-third chose a vacation of a month or more. Table XLIX shows that the choices of the boys for vacations are very slightly but significantly associated with their fathers' occupational levels.1 The sons of manual workers are the most typical: they tend to select the two-week vacation with pay. The farm boys make this choice only to a slightly less degree, and the sons of white collar workers emphasize this choice least of boys in the three social strata. Conversely, the sons of white collar workers tend to prefer longer vacations than the sons of manual workers or farmers. 1 The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.16, significant above the .01 level of probability. No statistically significant association was found between the boys' ideas about vacations and sibling position, working status of mother, job experience, or rural-urban residence. 158 bio o HO. m Uma~ 0.00H mé m4 0.m mAN a.mo 00H team 0 0.00H hm NA m.N 0.0N m.m0 a: has: Hafiz m 0.00H m3 :.0 dm 04m Nam NE 3S8 33. a 0.00H 1: NA hm fiaN 0N0 mNNN was“... 3.8. 535% m a m N H ampoe meOQmom mxmoz.039 you hum 02 pm ham mamnuoco pm ham,:pfi3 2 oz ham cannon one :Ofipwom> nowpmom> cowpwoa> coached» oz 2.302 039 2.502 one 383 2:. nonpmm no .mmoqopomohm aowpwoflw Hm>mq HMGOHpmmdooo wwwdeaommm 2H amalgam m0 9523 94on9de08 Mm NmZOHB¢o¢> OH. 930% 2H moammgm NHAN mafia 159 On the basis of their vacation choices it is inferred that the boys reflect the conditions of the occupational stratum from which they come. It is the manual workers and the farmers in United States who typically receive the short vacations with pay or no vacation at all, and it is the sons of these workers who choose the short vacations. Although most white collar workers receive only two weeks vacation each year, a portion of them--particularly professionals--receive longer vacations. This is probably reflected in the reSponses of the sons of white collar workers, a greater proportion of whom prefer vacations longer than two weeks. The students' preferences concerning vacations are also very slightly but significantly related to their fathers' educational levels.1 The boys with fathers of grade school education or less tend to choose the regular two-week vacation; boys with college educated fathers tend to choose the longer vacationperiod.2 A large proportion of college educated white collar workers are professionals, and they probably enjoy longer vacations than the remainder of the working pepulation. This practice is probably reflected in their sons' preferences for the longer vacations. If edu- cational level of father is used as a status variable, the conclusion seems warranted that the boys' ideas about vacations reflect their positions in the social structure.3 1 The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.16, significant above the .01 level of probability, as shown in Table L. 2 Educational level of father Operates as a variable among the sons of white collar workers. Sons of white collar workers with college edu- cation tend to choose the longer vacations; sons of white collar workers with grade school education or less tend to choose the two-week vacation. 3 This statement is also supported when family size is used as a status variable. As supplemental Table LXX shows, the boys from small families tend to prefer the longer vacations, while those from large fami- lies tend to choose the regular two-week period. The degree of association is evidenced by the corrected coefficient of contingency of 0.17 signifi- cant above the .02 level of probability. 160 pad b .3. m and 0.00H m.m :.H 0.: a.mm 0.00 ppm nmxnos Hmdqwz H 0.00H m.m m.o w.o a.mm H.40 NHH mmHHoo mpflzz m 0.00H m.m m.H N.m H.0N m.m0 so: mama go Hooeom memgo 0 0.00H m.: H.H m.q N.:m o.mo mmm wmxwoz Hmosmz m 0.00H 0.: 0.H H.0 Ham w.0m moa .HwHHoo 3.23 m 0.00H N.s H.H q.m m.am 0.mm mm: mpmsempm Hoozom amen no Hoonom :MH: oEom Q 0.00H n.m 0.0 w.: m.mm o.mo m: woxnoz Hosea: o 0.00H m.m >.o m.~ m.mq a.mq 04H anHoo opflsz.m 0.00H ®.: m.o 0.0 m.wm m.m: wwa whoa no owoaaoo maom < Hmpoa oncommom mxomz 039 you hum oz we .zmm mamznoco .hdm :pfiz z nonpmm mo oz .zwm maooon pom mzpcozfloze .pm Spsoz moo mxom3.osa Hm>oA HMQOflpmdsooo schemes» oz moocowomohm :oHmemS pom fimdoflpm osom ma0<92u0mmm 2H .mamamq qaonaaapoo0 02¢ aaonaaosmm 0e 02H0m000a .nona«0<> 0a amauum 2H mozmmaamem .H @549 161 Work Clothes ASE-{arnerl has stated, some form of rank and status is always present in contemporary societies. When societies are complex, they always possess some kind of status system which places peOple in higher or lower positions. In order to maintain itself, the society must co-ordinate the relation- ships Of all its members. As the division Of labor increases the need for co-ordination also increases. One of the means of co-ordinating relation- ships in a society is a system of social stratification which places segments of the pOpulation into "higher" or "lower" strata. Each stratum has its particular symbols for "placing" people. One of these symbols is that of dress. All young workers entering the labor force must adjust to the kinds of clothing appropriate to the different occupational levels. In United States the white collar worker usually has higher prestige than the worker in overalls. The successful banker or business man usually has relatively high "standing" in his community, and he- can be identified by his neatly pressed street clOthes. The clergyman, the military man, the policeman, the fireman, and nurses, ushers, and waitresses can readily be detected by their dress and according to this can be "placed- in the occupational structure. Clothing is an easily identifiable symbol of status, and persons may be assigned positions in their social milieu according to the kinds of clothing they wear. The emphasis upon clothing as a mark of status may be carried to a ludicrous degree in a work place, I 1 Warner, Meeker, and Eells, Op. cit., p. 8. 162 and it is incumbent upon the new worker to learn these gradations and scrupulously observe them.1 When the boys in this study were asked which kinds of work clothes they preferred to wear, the most pOpular choice was dress clothes.2 Undoubtedly many more of the boys aspired to wear dress clothes at work than will actually wear them. The emphasis the boys place on the symbol of the white collar worker probably reflects the values of American society, which typically ascribes the higher status to the white collar worker. The twelfth grade males' choices in clothing bear a low but statisti- cally significant relationship to the occupational levels of their fathers. These relationships maintain for the total sample as well as for the urban and for the rural boys.3 The sons of white collar workers show the great- est preference fOr "dress clothes" at work; the sons of manual workers are intermediary in this choice; and the farm boys show the least preference 1 Miller and Form, Op. cit., p. 356, illustrate the gradations of status symbolized by minute differences in clothing in a small garage. "The owner worked in his "business suit." The stock and order clerk wore no Special uniform but had to remove his coat and.worked in his shirt sleeves. The supervisor of the mechanics in the sh0p also removed his coat, but he wore a monfunctional piece Of clothing, a white smock. The mechanics wore full-length blue jumpers, and the apprentices and cleanup men wore overalls or discarded clothing of darker hues. Although this hierarchy of garb was not formally instituted, it was nonetheless scrupulous- ly Observed. No one could presume to rise above his status by wearing the costume "inapprOpriate' to his job." 2 Dress clothes hb.7 per cent. Overalls 21.8 per cent. Either dress clothes or overalls 29.0 per cent. 3 As shown in Table LI, the corrected coefficient of contingency for the total sample is 0.27; for the urban boys 0.19; and for the rural boys 0.37. These associations are significant above the .001 level of prob- ability. (Footnote 3 continued next page) 163 for dress clothes.1 The converse order maintains in the preference for overalls. The boys' preferences in work clothes are also very slightly but significantly related to rural-urban place of residence. A slightly greater proportion of the boys who live in cities than in rural areas prefer "dress clothes" at work; a slightly greater prOportion Of rural than urban boys prefer to wear overalls. These differences maintain for each Of the occupational strata.2 There is also a low but statistically significant relationship between the kinds Of jobs the boys have held and their preferences in work clothes. The boys who have held only white collar jobs tend to prefer dress work clothes; the seniors who have held only manual jobs show a greater degree of preference for overalls. This generalization.maintains among the sons of white collar workers and among the sons Of'manual workers. In each occupational stratum it is the boys with white collar work experi- ence who express the greater preference for dress work clothes, and in (Footnote 3 continued) No statistically significant relationship was found between the boys preferences in work clothes and such variables as family size, sibling position, working status of mother, or amount of work experience. A very slight but statistically significant relationship was fOund between the educational level Of the boys' fathers and the twelfth graders' preferences in work clothes. Sons of college educated fathers tend to prefer "dress clothes" at work, while sons of fathers with grade school education or less tend to prefer "overalls." The corrected co- efficient of contingency, as shown in supplemental Table LXXI, is 0.19, 8ignificant above the .001 level of probability. 1 Whereas 50.h per cent of the sons of white collar workers chose dress clothes, the figures for the sons Of manual workers and farmers are 184.6 and 20.h per cent reSpectively. 2 In each occupational stratum the boys in the urban communities Showed a greater preference for dress clothes than did the boys in the I"llr'al areas (Table LI). 16h 00. 0 .0 H00 a E R0 m H00 a a: 2.0 .0 H0. .1 0%. NN.0 .0 H00 0 0mg 0. 00H NN 0.0N a.mH now me 8&8 e 0.00H m.m HéN Nam N.oN 3H sexton Hence: a. 0.00H 0.: 4.2 4.0: N.0H om eeHHoo 32: H 0. 00H 4. a m. 0... m. an 0. 0m mHm Hess 0.00H N.NH m. NN NeN eon mm posse 0 0.00H 03 5.0N so: m.0N Em pesto: H882 a 0.00H Nam m.mN m.mm Ni: mmm heHHoo 323 ...... 0. 00H m. e m. mN N. 3 0. 0H Hem not: 0.00H m.m 0.3 11.8 no: 00H tense. 0 0.00H N41 n.0N 043 H.NN a: tonne; Hosea; m 0.00H 0.m mom 4.0m m.mH Nme 3:8 BE: 4 0.00H m3 0.aN e43 m.HN aNNH oHoeeo H28 5&2on HmPOB mwcoammm mmHSbHU mmmhfl mmzPOHO wHHwhmer 2 02 .Ho mHHdhm>O mmmhfl .HmHSnwh MO nospflm Ho>oq H0d0flpeddooo .nwms H opens 900 m hemmed mmoaefiumna zH .nmmeé e0 enemH 328.3008 em .8530 01:03 08450200 muzmfiaama HA mam<8 165 each occupational stratum it is the boys with manual work experience who express the greater preference for overalls.1 According to Table LIII, the boys who enroll in the academic curricu- lum tend to prefer dress work clothes and the boys who enroll in the vocational curriculum show a greater preference for overalls.2 This generalization maintains among the sons of white collar workers and among the sons Of manual workers.3 The four factors stated above--father's occupational level, work experience, rural-urban residence, and curriculum--reflect the differential socialization Of the boys in this study. The sons of white collar workers identify with adults who wear "dress clothes" to work; the sons of manual workers and farmers are familiar with "overalls" as the prOper and customary- form Of work dress. Urban boys are likewise oriented to "dress clothes" and rural boys to "overalls." This orientation is in turn reflected in the boys' choices in work clothes. 1 In Table LII the degree of association between kinds of jobs held and preferences for work clothes is evidenced by a corrected coefficient of contingency of 0.2h. Among the sons of white collar workers the degree of association between work experience and preferences in clothing is shown by the corrected coefficient of contingency of 0.18; for the sons of manual workers the coefficient of contingency is 0.26. These associ- ations are significant above the.Dl level of probability. 2 The association is low but statistically significant. The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.23, significant above the .001 level of probability. 3 For the sons of white collar workers the corrected coefficient Of contingency is 0.26; for the sons of manual workers 0.21. These associ- ations are significant above the .02 level Of probability. 166 omd b. .8 mo 3.0 m .8. mm 4m.o .b Ho. 94 0.00H H.0 m.mm o.mm o.mm NHH meow poxuos Hessmz_m 0.00H H.5 o.mm >.mn o.wa Ow meow neaaoo mpflz3.m 0.00H no 0.Hm 0. an 0.8 SH .38 neon €89-85 H882 0 0.00H m.m w.0m ~.Hm 5.:H mqa meow noxpos House: 0 0.00H o.m w.mm m.~m a.ma am noon wwaaoo opfiSB m 0.00H 0N m.eN 0. am 3H RN .38 noon neHHoo $23. 4 Hepoe omcodmmm mHkum>o no nonpoao mHpro>o z oaom Oz monuoao mocha momma mafia Hasm monpwm Mo moawm «new: H omens now a pomohm mmoeefiomma 2H .nHmm 5. n0 EB Mm £03.30 01.83 022%0200 8355mm HHA H493. 167 HN.0 .0 N0. a a0 0N.0 m N0. a an mN.0 .0 H00. a 3 0. 00H 0.m 9mm eon 0.0N emH neon tote. Hosea: m 0.00H 0.m mom 0.4m HAN Nm neon wHHoo 8.23 m 0. 00H .3 mam a.mm N.mN 00N HoeoHeooo> 0 0.00H H.m a.mN N.Hm H.0H 8N noon note. H382 0 0.00H m.m m.Hm 03m 0.0H eNN neon 8:8 322 m 0.00H m3 m.mN 0.Nm 0.4H S: 8883. H Hapoa. mMEOQmmx mmSPOHU mmmha meHOHO mHHmhm>O 2 OZ mHHmhmbb .HO mmmhfl UmHHOLdm flown? tonnes 8 §HooHn§0 “new: H when: now a womonm mmodeagam EH magma monB 2H SBDOHmdDU Mm .mflmeoqo 553 0530200 mogam HHHA M1549 168 The orientation the boys receive in their work experience is thus reflected in their preferences in work clothes. The boys from each.occu- pational stratum tend to internalize the values and beliefs of the workers with whom they associate. Sons Of manual workers who work with white collar peOple tend to prefer "dress clothes" at work; sons of white collar workers who work with manual workers tend to prefer overalls as the prOper garb. This differential socialization in terms of preferences for work clothes also maintains in the classroom of the school. Sons of manual workers who enroll in the academic curriculum tend to assume the values and beliefs of the sons of white collar workers who predominate in this curriculum: they tend to prefer "dress clothes" at work. Conversely, the sons of white collar workers who enroll in the vocational curriculum tend to "take-on" the values of the sons of manual workers and farmers who predominate in this curriculum: they tend to prefer overalls as work clothes. Place of Work The differential socialization reflected in the boys' preferences for kinds of work clothes is similarly reflected in their preferences to work "indoors" or "outdoors.” The farm boys show the greatest degree Of preference to work outdoors and the least preference to work indoors. The sons of white collar and manual workers are approximately equal in their choices on this question, and they exceed the farm boys in their preference to work indoors. The boys who live in or adjacent to the 169 cities, in contrast to the rural boys, show a greater preference to work indoors. Both the sons Of white collar workers and the sons of manual workers who have done white collar work tend to prefer to work indoors, whereas the sons of white collar and manual workers who have done manual work tend to prefer to work outdoors. The associations between occupational level of father, rural-urban residence, and kinds of work experience and the boys' preferences to work outdoors or indoors are slight but statistically significant.1 These associations reflect the experiences and conditions to which the boys have been subjected. Farmers work outdoors continually, and the sons of farmers tend to prefer this place of work. White collar and manual workers (non-farm) typically work indoors and the sons of these workers in contrast to the farm boys show the greater preference to work indoors. Rural workers probably work outdoors more than urban workers, and it is the sons Of rural workers who give the greater preference for working outdoors. White collar workers who are employed in Offices and stores probably spend more time indoors than manual workers: the sons of both white collar and manual workers who have had white collar work experience 1 As Tables LIV and LV show, the degree of association between father's occupational level and the boy's preference in place of work is evidenced by the corrected coefficient of contingency of 0.1h, significant above the .02 level of probability; between rural-urban residence and preferences by the corrected coefficient Of contingency of 0.20, signifi- cant above the .001 level of probability; and between kinds of work experi- ence and preferences by the corrected coefficient of contingency of 0.22, significant above the .02 level of probability. NO statistically significant relationship was found between the boys' preferences for place of work and such variables as family size, sibling position, working status of mother, or the amount of work experience the boys had. 170 8.0 .0 H00. 0 m0 0H0 .0 0H. a oeH 0N. a 0mm l4H.0 .0 N0. 0 00¢ 0. 00H 0.: 0.4 has 023 me teeth 01 0.00H 0.: a0 0.3 men 3H 08:8 H882 a. 0.00H H0 N0 H.0 0.Hm 0a .sHHoo 322 H 0.00H 0.0 0.0 0.0: 0.00 0Hm Hmnom 0. 00H H.0 0.0 q. me 4% mm hose 0 0. 00H N.m NéH m.Nm H.NN Hem tones: Hashes a 0.00H H.0 meH 0.Hm 0.mN Hmm tHHoo 8.22 m 0. 00H m. e 0. 0H aHm 0. 5N mmm 880 0.00H 03 0.m H.0: NH: 00H teeth 0 0. 00H m.m 0.0H m.0m N.Hm a: noise Hence: 0 0.00H m.m 03H Ham 0.0N Nme 8HHoo eons < 0.00H N: H. 4H N.Hm mom ENH oHaeen H33 eemEoez Hmpoe oncommox mmOOUQH mmooosH when whooopso 2 oz one ponpwm Ho whooopso pmwm «shot on homoom Ho>oq HeaOHpmasOoo mmoHH mqmdfi 171 NN.O 0 mo. m mm 0.00H he a. a 0am one eHH . meow tone. Hesse e 0. 00H mt; 0.0H m3: 0.H; 00. 0000 HBHOO 0.505 m Agmwucozv 0.00H m.: 0.0 5.3 0.0% 5H H.000 0000 0303 H0282 0 0.00H H.N H.0H m.mm 0.0m EH 0:00 .0820: 80:02 0 0. 00H 4.0 m.0m 0.04 mém am 0:00 .3300 opfim... m 0.00H m.m 0.0H Wmm Numm 0mm N000 0:00 x003 .8300 SE: .4 H309 000800000 whooesH mmooocH whom 0000300 2 oz 050 hem .80” 0080 0303 0.80350 0180 08:. HHHHm Ho 0mg 3303 O0. 00.8.5 mmwanH/Hduwflm 2H amazon M083 mo :zHM Mm «mmOOQHbO m0 @5ng UZHMVHOB mom anammrfiumw >H MA 92. 172 show a greater preference to work indoors than do the boys with manual work experience. In their preferences to work indoors or outdoors the young men in this study reveal the kinds of socialization which has taken place. The youth tend to prefer to follow in the footsteps of the adults with whom they have associated.1 Summary This chapter has indicated that the twelfth grade males in Michigan are differentially oriented toward many of the problems and issues in the work world to which they must adjust when they enter full time employ- ment. These young men are differentially oriented toward labor unions, supervision, bases of promotion, vacations, work clothes, and place of work. These differentials are related significantly to numerous social factors, among which are their fathers' occupational levels, rural-urban residence, educational level of father, working status Of mother, curricu- lum in which enrolled, and their experience in the work world. According to the data in this chapter, the school appears to play a relatively insignificant role in the differential orientation of the seniors to the issues and problems which they will confront when they enter the 1 This statement is also supported by the data in supplemental Table LXXII, which shows a very slight but statistically significant association between the educational level of the father and his son's preference to work indoors or outdoors. College educated persons tend to enter white collar occupations and work indoors, and it is the sons Of college educated fathers who tend to prefer to work indoors. Conversely, sons of workers with grade school education or less tend to prefer to work outdoors. The degree of relationship is evidenced by the corrected coefficient of con- tingency of 0.18, significant above the .01 level of probability. 173 full time work world. Although the evidence is by no means complete, it indicates that the young men view the work world differently mainly by virtue of the socialization which has taken place outside the school. However, it would be incorrect to imply that the school does not influence the work interests and preferences of students. The evidence indicates that this influence is exerted through "informal" means rather than through "formal" courses: the sons Of white collar workers who enroll in the vocational curriculum tend to portray the values of the sons of manual workers who predominate in this curriculum. Conversely, the sons Of manual workers who enroll in the academic curriculum tend to portray the values of the sons of white collar workers who predominate in this curriculum. CHAPTER VII SECURITY ATTITUDlL‘S Chapters V and VI have shown that social stratification is signifi- cantly related to the work attitudes, interests, and preferences of young men in the twelfth grade in Michigan in spite of any ameliorating influences of the school. Since undoubtedly workers in the various social strata view the work world with different degrees of security, it is expected that this value orientation will be reflected in youths' views of the occupational world which they are on the verge of entering. DO some youth approach this work world with greater "security and confidence" than others? What is the relative importance of social stratification, of the school, of work experience, and of type of community in their security attitudes? Perhaps an analysis in terms of social structure will cast some light on this aspect of the socialization of young peOple.l The problem Of security is an important question confronting all workers in the United States.2 'With the development of large scale industries and mass productive enterprises, with the infinite division Of labor which has taken.place in all phases of production, with the 1 Analysis revealed no statistically significant relationship between security attitudes and such factors in the home and family situation as the amount of work youth do at home, the amount of spending money they receive, or whether they received this money regularly or not. 2 See Delbert C. Miller and William H. Form, "Measuring Patterns of Occupational Security," Sociometr , Vol. 10, No. L, (continued next page) 175 treatment of labor as a commodity to be bought and sold in a theoretically "free" market, and with the owners controlling the means of production and the workers controlling only their labor and skill-~with the ever in- creasing incidence of the conditions and circumstances over which the employee has no control, there is an ever increasing sense of impotence and insecurity on the part of workers in the Western world. The worker is a small cog in a huge machine. When the machine for some reason does not function properly, the worker is unemployed. This persistent fear of unemployment is one Of the important elements in the insecurities of workers. To meet this condition to a certain degree, many workers have united in forming labor organizations. These organizations are dedicated to the task of safeguarding the interests of the members and gaining greater control over those factors which make workers insecure. For reasons too numerous to state in this context, labor unions have gained greater foot- hold among the manual workers than among the white collar workers in the United States. However, on the basis Of this fact, it would be incorrect Footnote 2 continued--(November, 19h?) pp. 362-375; Delbert C. Miller and William H. Form, Industrial Sociology New York: Harper & Brothers, 1951); Burleigh B. Gardner, Human Relations in Industgy (Chicago: Richard D. Irwin, Inc., l9h5); Charles P. Loomis and J. Allan Beegle, Rural Social Systems (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1950); Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, l9h9); Chapter XIII, "The Machine, the'Worker, and the Engineer;" Arthur K. Davis, "Bureaucratic Patterns in the Navy Officer Corps," Social Forces, 2?: lh3-153, (December 19h8); F. J. Roethlisberger and William J. Dickson Management and the WOrker (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 19b9jg Robert Dubin, Human Relations in Administration (New YOrk: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1951), Chapter Ten,fiBureaucracy;" and William E. Henry, "The Business Executive: The Psychodynamics Of a Social Role," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. LIV, No. h (January l9h9), pp. 286-291. to assume that white collar workers are secure in their occupations. Although there may be significant occupational differentials in the degree of insecurity, all workers share in the many insecurities concommitant to a highly industrialized society. The question, then, of discovering the security-insecurity attitudes of a group of young men on the threshold of entering the adult work world is an important one. The huge majority of youth in America are dependent upon their parents and families. By virtue Of this dependency they enjoy a reasonable degree of security. Many are provided with some Spending money; most are provided with clothing, food, and housing; and virtually all share the emotional security which comes from being a member Of a primary group--the family. However, when young peOple enter the adult world Of work, they are supposed to be "on their own." They are supposed to make the transition from an economic dependent status to a self- supporting status in one quick step. That many young peOple make this step with reluctance, timidity, fear and pronounced feelings of insecurity is Without question. If there are occupational differentials in the security-insecurity attitudes of adult workers, it is assumed that these attitudes will be shared by the sons of the workers. It is hypothesized that the security attitudes of the boys will reflect their father's occupational position in the social structure. The important questions to be answered, if possible, are: DO some young peOple stress security in jobs more than others? Which boys prefer secure jobs, even with low pay? Which prefer high paying jobs, even if these jobs are insecure? Which prefer jobs with high retirement benefits? 177 Which prefer jobs with low retirement benefits? Which young peOple want to make decisions on the job? 'Which boys possess sufficient confidence about the world of work to want jobs which require dealing with the public? It is assumed that the reSponses of the young men in this study to ques- tions such as these will reveal the varying degrees of confidence and security with which they view the world of work, and the varying degrees of security and insecurity with which they leave their high school life to enter the adult work world. Job Security It has been assumed that all strata of workers in United States tend to feel somewhat insecure in the work world and that the insecurities of adults are shared by the youth. These assumptions are substantiated in terms Of the boys' reSponses to the question on income and job security. When the young men were asked which they preferred, "a secure job with low income or an insecure job with high income," the majority stressed the security choices. As the data in Table LVI show, almost sevenstenths of the boys preferred the secure job. There is a very slight but statistically significant relationship between the reSponses of the boys on this question and their fathers‘ occupational levels.1 A greater pro- portion of the sons Of white collar workers than sons Of manual workers or farmers preferred an insecure job with high pay.2 Conversely, a greater 1 The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.15, significant above the .01 level of probability. 2 This coincides with the Fortune Survey, Fortune (January, l9h7), which reported that a greater prOportion of the professional, executive, and salaried workers than the factory workers preferred an insecure job with high payy This survey did not include farmers. 178 0H.0 .0 H0. 0 00 00. a MHH mH.0 .0 N0. 0 .000 mH.0 .0 H0. 0 00¢ 0.00H H.0 0.0H 0.00 m.mN me noenee H 0.00H 0.N H.0N H.Nm 0.mN 00H noenoa Hoooez_e 0 00H H.N N.0N m.mm N.0N ma neHHoo oeHez H 0.00H 0.N 0.0N H.Hm 0.HN 0Hm Henge m 0.00H 0.H H.NH p.00 N.mH mm hoe000.0 0.00H a.H 0.0N 0.00 0.HN mam noenoe Hence: 0 0.00H H.m 0.0m a.He a.mH mmm neHHoo oeHne,H 0.00H 0.N H.Hm 0.00 m.0N H00 eenn:.0 0.00H H.H 0.0H m.am N.NN 00H toetoe 0 0.00H 0.N N.NN 0.N; m.NN aHH tease: Hashes m 0.00H a.N 0.0m 0.0: 0.0H N00 toHHoo oeHez_< 0.00H 0.N H.0N 0.N: H.HN aHNH oHoeen Heeoe eemHeoHe HmpOH 090000000 0.30005 0530000 Ho 0.9000 2 oz nH pom ooeon0 0m-0m nee: 0H 000 noeeea Ho mSOOQH QMHS OEOOQH meHmUOE QEOOQH 304 H0>®A HmGOHPmmdooO «0000 :02: 900 0 00.0.5 000002e0000 2H .nameem 00 . H0>HH H<20HH<00000 Hm .HHH00000 00H 02¢ 0:002H 00 002000002H n>H0.H mqmde 179 prOportion Of the farm boys than the sons of manual or white collar workers preferred a secure job with low income.1 There are probably two explanations Of the choices described above. One explanation is that the boys who choose the jobs with the high income and insecure tenure reveal their "upward orientation" to higher status positions in society. These youth in their choices probably emphasize high income because it is a desirable value, a criterion of "success", and a symbol Of status.2 However, if the choices of the boys are in- terpreted only in terms of the "income" factor, there is no explanation of why the majority of the boys chose the "low'paying" job, except that they do not strive for the higher paying jobs. Consequently, the reSponses may also be explained in terms of the relative degree of "security" which the jobs offer. It is a plausible assumption that workers will "take a chance" at an insecure job when they feel reasonably confident that they "can make the grade", that it is "worth the risk," or that they have "something else to fall back upon." 'Workers who do not have this "confidence" tend to "play it safe" by "hanging on to what they have," by "staying put," 1 Whereas 33.6 per cent of the sons of white collar workers prefer the insecure job with high income, 27.7 per cent of the sons of manual workers and 1h.8 per cent of the farm boys make this choice. Conversely, whereas 81.5 per cent of the farm boys make the security choice (a 50-50 chance or better of keeping a job with moderate or low income), 70.3 per cent of the sons of manual workers and 63.5 per cent of the sons of white collar workers make this choice. 2 As described in Chapter V, a larger prOportion of the sons of white collar workers than sons of manual workers or farmers aspired to the higher status jobs. 180 and by "sticking to the secure job."1 It is thus assumed that the more secure and confident workers tend to "gamble" on the high-paying out insecure jobs, whereas the more insecure workers tend to stress the security aSpect of prOSpective jobs, even with low pay. 0n the basis Of this assumption, and on the basis that the work attitudes of youth reflect those of their fathers, it may be interpreted that the sons of white collar workers tend to approach the adult work world with a slightly greater degree of confidence and security than do the sons of manual workers and farmers.2 This confidence, security, and Optimism about the future, manifested by the sons of white collar workers3 probably reflects the expectations held out to them by society. It is the sons of white collar workers who predominate in the college preparatory curricula in high schools; it is these young men who predominantly look l The Fortune Survey, Op. cit., states: ”There is fresh proof that those who have the least to lose in the way of money and position are the most hesitant to venture the little they have." 2 Delbert C. Miller and‘William H. Form, "Measuring Patterns of Occupational Security," Sociometgy, Vol. 10, No. b, pp. 362-375, conclude that their hypothesis tha job security is associated with white collar workers and job insecurity with.manual workers is partially validated. 3 That the security attitudes of the young men are a function of position in the social structure is further evidenced by the data in supplemental Tables LXXIII and LXXIV. In these tables size of family and educational level of father are used as status variables. The boys from small families and those with college educated fathers manifest the greater confidence and security about the adult work world. Boys from large families and boys with fathers who have grade school education or less portray less confidence. These relationships are very slight but they are statistically significant: for family size the corrected co- efficient of contingency is 0.16, significant above the .02 level Of prob- ability; for educational level Of father the corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.17, significant above the .01 level of probability. 181 forward to going to college; and it is these same youths who have been oriented in the home and in the community to expect to achieve the higher status professional, managerial, and white collar jobs. As is expected, and as is evidenced by Table LVI, the sons of white collar workers in both urban and rural communities in Michigan express the greatest confi- dence about the world of work.1 Conversely, the farm boys view the work world With a slightly greater degree of insecurity than do the sons of white collar and manual workers.2 Rural-urban residence and the amounts of money the boys earned are also significant variables in their security-insecurity attitudes.3 A slightly greater prOportion of the urban than the rural boys prefer the insecure job with the high income, and a slightly greater proportion of 1 Although the differences among the rural boys are not statistically significant, they tend to support the generalization made. 2 The questions on which these reSponses are based, as are virtually all the questions in this study, are oriented toward the industrial work world. It may be that the farm boys, because of their lack of familiarity with industrial occupations, manifest slightly greater feelings of in- security than the other boys. If the questions had been put in terms of agricultural occupations, the reSponses might have been different. 3 The degree of association between rural-urban residence and attitudes is evidenced in Table LVI by the corrected coefficient of contingency of 0.1h, significant above the .01 level of probability. The degree of associ- ation between attitudes and.amount of money earned is evidenced in Table LVII by the corrected coefficient of contingency of 0.11, significant above the .05 level of probability. No statistically significant relationship was found between the job security attitudes of the youths and such variables as sibling position, working status of mother, curriculum in which enrolled, the number of jobs held, the amount of time Spent on jobs, or the kind of jobs held. 2 do w mo. a me 0.00H 0.N 5.:H 0.0m N.0N mm . mcom noswmm m 0.02 MW; 93 was m.mm 4mm meow sexes: assess a 0.00H m.m m.Hm m.mq m.Hm mmm moon pwHHoo mpfisz.m 0.03 m.~ 4.5 93 0.8 wmm see: the muses $8 a 0.00H >.m w.:a p.00 w.:H mm meow nospmm Q 0.00H m.H m.Hm «.m: a.mm mba mcom nmxnoa Hmscwz_u 0.00H m.o m.mq b.mn m.w HHH meow meHoo mpwzs m 0.03 NA 9mm m. S 0.3 8m sees she secs 02 a. Hmpoa oncommmm ohsommcH mcammmx mo endomm z Umchwm.hmcoz oz mi.” pom mocmzo Omnom m :33 we pom mo £305. oSooCH swam msoocH mumpmooz «when boas: now w pogonm maoocH 30A mmoéfieaa 2H .oazmam was: so H.285 Mm .sfixsoam mg. 9.2 seem so messages maeedm may ofigozoo manages HH>A mqmoq HmQOprmdooo 339623 E same: so HHH>H mqmda qm>mq H<20H8HBHBam OZHEUZOO WADBHBB‘ NHH H1548 for the high paying jobs, even when these jobs provide no retirement provisions. The sons Of white collar workers, it seems, pay less atten- tion to the "security" aspects Of occupations than do the sons of manual workers and farmers. It may be that the sons of white collar workers tend to subscribe to the ideology of "risk—taking", which is characteristic of the white collar entrepreneur in American business life .1 Manual workers, on the other hand, probably do not typically subscribe to this 2 Although farmers run considerable risk in Operating business ideology. a farm, their concept Of "risk-taking" is not the same as that of the American business man.3 Since the sons Of white collar workers tend to strive for the high income jobs with no retirement benefits, it may be interpreted that they exhibit a slightly greater degree Of "confidence and security" about the world Of work than do the sons of manual workers and farmers. Since the sons of manual workers and farmers strive less for the high income jobs and place more emphasis upon the security (retirement) aSpects of jobs, it may be interpreted that they exhibit slightly less "confidence and security" about the work world than do the sons of white collar workers. 1 See Robert S. Lynd and Helen M. Lynd, Middletown (New York: Harcourt Brace and Company, 1929) and Middletown in Transition (New York: Harcourt Brace and.Company, 1937). 2 Because the white collar workers tend to subscribe to the ideology Of "risk-taking" does not necessarily mean that they run greater risks in the occupational world than the manual workers. This ideology refers to the "beliefs" of entrepreneurs. 3 The questions in this study deal primarily with occupations in the industrial work world. 189 The slight difference between urban and rural boys in their attitudes about "retirement" is consistent with their attitudes about the "tenure" of jobs. Since the boys in the cities tend to strive for the higher paying jobs with no retirement provisions, and since the rural boys tend to place a slightly greater emphasis upon jobs with retirement provisions and low pay, it may be interpreted that the city boys approach the work world with a slightly greater degree Of confidence than do the rural boys. The slight differences in attitudes about retirement between boys who earned money and those who did not earn money are also consistent with their attitudes about the tenure of'jobs.l Since the boys who earned some money tend to place greater emphasis on "retirement" benefits than the boys who did not earn any money, it may be interpreted that work experience in terms of money earned tends to make the boys less "confident" of achieving the high paying jobs. The tendency of boys with work experience to be more cautious and conservative than the boys without such experience reflects a significant characteristic Of American life. In the home, in the school, in the community, in the work world, and probably in the church, there is con- stant pressure exerted upon young people to strive for "success." As the data in this study indicate, this pressure may be greater among white collar families than among manual worker or farm families. Success is usually defined in terms of high monetary returns or property values acquired. Young peOple are constantly urged to strive for "the tOp" and. are perpetually reminded that "there is plenty of room at the tOp." 1 Table LIX. 190 Without first hand experience in the American work world, young peOple tend to aSpire for positions and income considerably beyond the possibility' of achievement.1 With some degree of experience in the work world, young persons probably realize that their dreams and visions Of quick success must be modified. Their goals become more limited; their "reach" does not so far outdistance their "graSp;" and, as a distinguished philOSOpher once said, they begin to realize that "every man is a failure in that he 2 ' O o g Q " with experience in the hnrk world never achieves all his aSpirations. the young American tends to become more like the Older American: more cautious, more realistic, more conservative in his occupational expecta- tions, and more prone to place emphasis upon "security" instead of "gambling" for the high income but insecure job. Decision.Making by'Workers Another measure of youths' feelings Of security and confidence‘about the work world is found in their attitudes about "making decisions on the job." It is assumed that the more confident and secure youths would want the privilege of making decisions relative to their work situation, whereas the more insecure would prefer the supervisor to make such decisions. In interpreting the responses shown in Table LX, it is Ob- served that about seven-tenths of the boys selected the "middle Of the road" reSponse. That is, they preferred to make a moderate amount of decisions on the job. Consequently it is assumed that the preference for 1 See Chapter V. 2 Thomas V. Smith. 191 S0 0 H0. a 00 2.0 b m0. a we 0.00H 4.: 1: mt. 0.m 0R 88 Hose a 0.00H 0.m 0.8 m.a0 me 08 neon cone: 0 0.00H 0.m ma 04.0 0.0 00H postal 0 0.00H 0.m 4.8 d: 2 a: .0828 8282 m 0.00H We a.mm 0.00 «5 N3 8:8 oeeg a 0. 00H 0.: m.0m N: me 32 oaason H38. saddens Hmpoe omGOdmom msoamfloom chHnfiooa mo qufimfioon 30m 2 wonpmm MO oz 3... 88.2 0822 Hosea 883888 opdpopoz «oxmz op epoxnox hemmed 0833182 5 .meeamea a0 mode 3 072 amalgam a0 ages sazoflfipuoo mm .00“. 05 20 0283 80 07:8: 5 zoEfiHoHemfi Some 8032.2 NH mqmde 192 making "almost all the decisions" and "few decisions" on the job are the important items in terms Of the boys' feelings of confidence and security. As the Table shows, there is a very small but statistically signifi- cant association between the occupational level Of father and the boys' preferences about making decisions on the job.1 The rank order from high to low for the boys who prefer to make almost all decisions on the job is (1) sons Of white collar workers, (2) sons Of manual workers, and (3) sons of farmers. The converse rank order maintains in terms of the boys who prefer to make few decisions on the job. On the basis of these reSponses it is interpreted that the sons Of white collar workers tend to express a slightly greater degree of confidence in their ability to make decisions on the job. The sons of manual workers and the sons of farmers, on the other hand, tend to place a slightly greater reliance on someone else to make decisions on the job. The city boys in comparison to the rural boys also tend to express a slightly greater degree Of confidence in their ability to make decisions l The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.13, significant above the .05 level of probability. That the youths attitudes about making decisions on the job are a function Of status position is further attested by the data compiled in supplemental Table LXXVII. In this table father's educational level is used as a status variable. There is a very slight but statistically sig- nificant relationship between this variable and the youths' confidence about making decisions on the job. Sons Of college educated fathers, com- pared tO sons with fathers Of grade school education or less, portray the greater confidence about making such decisions. The corrected coefficient of contingency is<1lS, significant above the .05 level of probability. NO statistically significant association was found between the youths' attitudes about making decisions on the job and such variables as family size, sibling position, working status Of mother, the amount or kind of work experience, or the amount Of money earned. 193 on the job; the rural boys tend to place a slightly greater reliance upon someone else exercising this authority.1 The explanation Of these slight differences about decision making on the job may lie in the relative degrees of patriarchy existing in the homes Of the boys. The sons of white collar workers are probably sub- jected to less dominance and authority in the home than are the sons of manual workers and farmers.2 Since the "equalitarian" type of family is typically found amongst "middle class“ Americans, it is assumed that this factor is reflected in the attitudes Of the sons of the white collar workers. Since patriarchy is probably more common in rural areas than in urban areas,3 it is assumed that the attitudes of the rural boys reflect their greater subordination to the masculine head Of the house. Another explanation of the boys' differences in attitudes about decision making on the job may lie in their choice Of occupational goals. Since a greater proportion of the sons of white collar workers than the sons of manual workers or farmers expect to enter the professional and managerial occupations,14 and since these occupations require a considerable degree Of decision making, it is probable that the sons Of white collar workers have a slightly greater confidence in their ability to make such l The degree of association between rural-urban residence and attitudes is indicated by the very slight corrected coefficient Of contingency of 0.12, significant above the .01 level of probability (Table LX) . 2 See Charles P. Loomis and J. Allan Beegle, OO. cit., p. h8-h9. 3 Ibid. b As described in Chapter V. 191; decisions.1 The same generalization probably applies to urban boys in contrast to rural boys, since a slightly greater proportion of urban than rural boys expect to enter the professional and managerial occu- pations.2 Dealing with the Public The reSponses Of the boys to another question also probably reflect the youths' feelings Of security and confidence toward the world of work. In this question the boys were asked whether they preferred a job which required dealing with the public. As the data in Table LXI Show, approximately six-tenths of the boys selected the "middle Of the road" choice: they indicated that they would like to deal with the public some of the time. Consequently, it is assumed that the important re- Sponses, in terms of the boys' attitudes Of confidence and sense of security, are those which show their preferences for dealing with the public "all the time." In the United States it is typically professional and other white collar workers which continually deal with the public. Such occupations as physician, lawyer, teacher, executive, manager, salesman, barber, and store-keeper involve dealing with clients from all strata in society. To deal with persons of such wide diversity Of background requires a l Farming also requires considerable decision making by the owner or manager. However, as previously stated, the questions in this study are oriented toward the industrial work world rather than the agricultural. 2 As described in Chapter V. 195 certain degree Of "front", a degree Of verbal skill, and a considerable amount of confidence in one's ability to cope with the situation. Literature abounds with stories Oflthe quaking knees and pounding heart of the salesman as he approaches his first client, of the nervousness of the neOphite teacher as he steps in front of his first class, or of the "ulcer twinges" of the executive as he prepares his speech for his Rotary club. The social skills demanded by many white collar occupations are commonly overlooked by many employers,1 and the new recruit is usually "on his own" to "make good." Young people who express an interest in jobs which require continual dealing with the public probably possess a degree Of confidence in their ability to fulfill such jobs. The important question then is, which youth express this confidence? According to Table LXI there is a very small but statistically significant relationship between the father's occupational level and the preferences Of the young men to deal with the public.2 A slightly larger prOportion Of the sons Of white collar workers than sons of manual workers or farmers prefer to deal with the public all the time.3 This tendency maintains in the total sample, as well as among the rural boys and among 1 See Delbert C. Miller, "The Social Factors in the Work Situation," American SociolOgical Review, 7, NO. 3, l9h6, pp. 300-31h. 2 The corrected coefficient of contingency is 0.17, significant above the .01 level Of probability. NO statistically significant relationship was found between the youths' attitudes about dealing with the public and such variables as family size, sibling position, working status of mother, father's educational level, amount Of work experience, kind of work experi- ence, or amount of money earned. 3 Sons of white collar workers 28.5 per cent. Sons Of manual workers 21.h per cent. 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The information which yougive will be of great value to schools and colleges as well as to business and industries. What Will Be Done With These Questionnaires As soon as you have completed these questionnaires, they will be collected and sent to Michigan State College; There. the answers which you and many others like you have made to the questions will be put together in order to prepare a report on what young people like yourself think about jobs and work conditions. N 0 one will ever be “checking up” on what you say in answer to any of the questions. A What We want You To Do We want you to answer these questions frankly and carefully. This is not a test or an exam- ination, and there are no right or wrong answers (except for a few questions about your age, year in school, etc.). The only answer we need is your own personal opinion and judgment. There is little writing to do. Most of your opinions can be shown by making a circle around the number in front of the answer you choose. If the choice of answers does not clearly express your view, circle the number which comes nearest to expressing how you feel. The answer you mark is the answer that will be counted. Therefore, it is important that you read the question carefully and mark the answer you mean. Remember: This is not a test. Give your honest opinions. If there are any parts you don’t under- stand, raise your hand and someone will come around to help you. BOYS: This form of the questionnaire is for boys. If you are a girl, please ask for the girl’s form of the questionnaire. ' MICHIGAN STATE COLLEGE SOCIAL RESEARCH SERVICE Copyright March, 1948 PART I 12. The first part of the questionnaire is made up of items concerning your family, school, and work experiences. You are asked to write in the answers where the space is indicated, or encircle the number of the answer where the answers are given. Be as accurate as possible. 1-6. Your school City or Town 7. Your grade: 1. 12th 13. 2. 11th 3. 10th 4. 9th . 14. 5. Other (which one) 8. Your age at last birthday: 1. 12 or below 2. 13 ' 3. 14 4. 15 5. 16 6. 17 15. 7. 18 8.. 19 or above 9. Your sex: 1. Male . - 16. 2. Female . l.-...._.M-~ ...- ' 11. Which one of these courses are you taking or planning to take? 1. Academic (college preparatory) 2. Vocational 3. Academic and vocational 4. Business or commercial 5 . Other (explain) 17. Will you indicate which out-of—class school groups you have taken part in for at least one semester. (Encircle as many as apply.) 1. Athletic squad which competes with teams from other schools. 2. The school band, orchestra or choral group. 3. School debate team or dramatic club which gives public performances. 4. 4-H Club, Future Farmers, or other groups whose members carry on work projects. 5. None of these. 6. Other (explain) As far as you can tell now, do you expect to graduate from high school? 1. Yes 2. No Which one of these do you expect to do when you leave high school? . Get a full time job. . Get a full time job and go to night school. Go to college. . Have a part time job and go to college. Go to a business or vocational school. . Be an apprentice. . Join the army, navy, or airforce. . Other (explain) oo-qmpuppoml-a Why do you expect to do this '11 If. you had your choice, what kind of life work would you most like to do ‘7____ What kind of life work do you actually expect, not hope, to do? . Have you ever had a conference about your life work with a teacher, principal or counselor in ' your school or community? 1. No. . . Yes. If yes, how many times? 2. Once 3. 2-3 times 4. 4—5 times ‘ 5. 6 or more times 19-20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. List the kinds of Work which you have done for pay. Tell exactly what you did, such as deliver papers, wait on tables, or farm work; Then tell how many months you worked full time or part time in each. NUMBER MONTHS WORKED IN EACH KIND OF WORK Full time Part time What was the size‘of the largest group of people with which you have worked for one month or more ?--_--- -—-.- ...-n How much work are you now doing around home each week? 1. None 2. 1-9 hours 3. 10-19 hours 4. 20 hours or more How many hours are) you now working on a job (or jobs) away from home each week? 1. None 2. ,1-9 hours. 3. 10-19 hours. 4. 20 hours or more. . Do you get spending money or an allowance from your parents? 1. No. (Receive no Spending money from parents). Yes, regularly. About how much per Week? 2. Under one dollar. 3. One to three dollars. 4. Three to five dollars. 5. Five dollars and over. Yes, when I ask for it. per week ? 6. Under one dollar. 7. One to three dollars. 8. Three to five dollars. 9. Five dollars and over. About how much Do you earn any money by working at home or away from home? 1. No. Yes. If yes, about how much per week? 2. Less than one dollar. 3. One to three dollars. 4. Three to five dollars. 5. Five dollars and over. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. What do you think is a good hourly starting wage for a high school graduate ? 'How many brothers and sisters do you have? How many of your brothers and sisters are working full time? What is your position in relation to your broth- ers and sisters? 1. I am an only child. 2. I am the oldest. 3. I am the youngest. 4. I am in between the oldest and youngest. What kind of work does your father do? ............ If father is not living, check here- If he is employed, for whom does he work ?_-___. How much schooling did your father have? Less than eight grades. Grade school graduate. Some high school. Graduated from high school. SOme college. Graduated from college. Don’t know. 99925939?!" What does your father want you to do for your life work? What does your mother want you to do for your life work? a —.—_J Does your mother work for pay outside your . home now? - ~ 1. No. 2. Yes, part time. 3. Yes, full time. 4. Mother not living. With whom do you live now? 1, Both father and mother. 2. Mother only. 3. Father only. 4. Others (with whom?) PART II In this part of the questionnaire several work situa- tions are described. After you have read the de- scription in each case, give your reaction to it by putting a circle around the number of the statement that comes closest to stating your opinion. In each case, encircle only one choice. 37. Ed is now working 40 hours a week and makes 38. 39. average wages. However, he is not able to own a car. He has a chance of getting extra work evenings and week-ends. With the income from this, he could buy a car and have a few other things which the family want. Which of the following do you think he should do? 1. Take the extra work as long as it is avail- able. 2. Take the extra work only until he has enough to buy the things he wants. 3. Not take the extra work. Suppose you are working for a fairly large con- cern. You are interested in getting ahead in a normal way. In your opinion, which one of the following is the most important in making advancement in a fairly large business? 1. By working hard. 2. By knowing the right people, and using their influence. 3. By learning many of the jobs of the busi- ness, so you become more valuable to it. 4. By getting additional training at night school. 5. Doesn’t matter; just pure luck. Suppose you work with a group of people in a factory. Without working too hard, the work- ers do enough to satisfy the management. Yet they still have time to talk and relax. At first you go ahead and work hard, but soon the others criticize you and say that you will spoil the plan for the whole group. Which one of the following would you do? 1. Go ahead and work hard and ignore what the others say. ' 2. Do what the group wants you to do. 3. Talk to the representative of the labor union. 4. Go to the boss and suggest an individual piece work plan, so you will get paid for your extra work. 5. Go to the boss and suggest a group piece work plan so all the workers will be paid for higher production. 6. Look for another job. 40. 41. 42. , five years. Suppose the school principal has asked your class to accept the responsibility of decorating the auditorium for a school function. A com- mittee is appointed to do the job. What would be your reaction to working on such a committee? 1. I would like to be on all such committees. 2. I would like to be on such committees some- times. ‘ ' 3. I would like to be on such committees only when I happened to be especially interested in the type of work the committee is going to be doing. 4. I would like to be on such committees only very occasionally. 5. I prefer never to serve on such committees. Suppose you have been working in a factory and make good money. You like the people you work with. The prospects for advancement into a higher paid level of skilled work are good. You are offered an assistant foreman position with no immediate increase in pay. In this job you would be held responsible for seeing that your present fellow workers get out the work they 1 should. Which one would you do? 1. Keep the job you have. 2. Keep your present job and take training for more highly skilled work. 3. Accept the assistant foreman position. Henry has been working in a factory for about He feels that his job is steady enough but the rate of pay is too low. He has asked the boss for an increase but has been re— fused. Which one of the following do you think he should do? 1. Help organize a union. 2. Work still harder to try to persuade the boss to give him a raise. 3. Accept the situation; do nothing. 4. Look for a job somewhere else. PART 111 Some occupations have higher or lower social stand- ing or prestige than other occupations. Below are five lists of occupations. In each case the problem is to compare a particular occupation with the others in the list. If you believe, for example, that a high school teacher has a higher social standing or prestige than a registered nurse, draw a circle around “H”; if you believe the two occupations are about equal in social standing or prestige, draw a circle around “E”; if you believe that a high school teacher has a lower social standing or prestige than a registered nurse, draw a circle around “L”. If you can't decide about the social standing or prestige of the two occupations, put a circle around “DK”. Then go on down the list of occupations, comparing high school teacher with each one. 43. I think that the SOCIAL STANDING or PRESTIGE of a high school teacher is: H=Higher than E=Equal to L=Lower than DK=Don’t know 1. H E L DK —registered nurse 2. H E L DK —social welfare worker 8. H E L DK --real estate agent 4. H E L DK —tool maker 5. H E L DK —cashier in a bank 6. H E L DK —manager for 5c & 10c store 7. H E L DK —foreman in a factory 8. H E L DK -—electrician, own business 9. H E L DK —librarian 10. H E L DK —recreational director 44. Follow the same directions, but in this case com- pare telephone operator. I think that the SOCIAL STANDING or PRESTIGE of a telephone operator is: E:Equal to DK=Don’t know H=Higher than L=Lower than DK —salesgirl in dept. store DK -receptionist for a doctor DR -—typist in an office DK -clerk in a grocery store DK —bookkeeper DK -—file clerk ‘ DK —waitress in a restaurant DK —elevator operator DK -house to house saleswoman DK —stenographer 99099999502“ mmmammmmmm HHMHMHHHHM r'f't‘r‘t‘t'f‘t‘t‘t" H P 45. 46. 47. Follow the same directions, but now compare foreman in a factory. I think that the SOCIAL STANDING or PRESTIGE of a foreman in a factory is: H=Higher than E=Equal to L: Lower than DK=Don’t know 1. H E L DK —machinist in a factory 2. H E L DK —farmer 3. H E L DK -—telephone lineman 4. H E L DK -—insurance salesman 5. H E L DK —sergeant in peacetime army 6. H E L DK —auto mechanic 7. H E L DK —-supervisor of a small office 8. H E L DK —mailman 9. H E L DK —ticket agent 10. H E L DK —plumber, own business Follow the same directions, but now compare an assembly worker in a factory. I think that the SOCIAL STANDING or PRESTIGE of an assembly worker in a factory is: H=Higher than L: Lower than E=Equal t0 DK=Don’t know 1. H E L DK —filling station operator 2. H E L DK —waiter 8. H E L DK —bus driver 4. H E L DK —barber, own business 5. H E L DK —corporal in peacetime army 6. H E L DK —time clerk 7. H E L DK —clerk in grocery store 8. H E L DK —miner 9. H E L DK —pawnbroker 10. H E L DK —hired man on farm Follow the same directions, but now compare farmer (owner-operator). I think that the SOCIAL STANDING or PRESTIGE of a farmer (owner-operator) is: H=Higher than E=Equal to L: Lower than DK=Don’t know 1. H E L DK —filling station operator 2. H E L DK —insurance agent 8. H E L DK —truck driver 4. H E L DK -—bank teller 5. H E L DK assembly worker in a factory 6. H E L DK —mailman 7. H E L DK —neighborhood grocer 8. H E L DK —anto mechanic 9. H E L DK —carpenter 10. H E L DK —telephone lineman \ PART IV Below are a number of situations which you are apt to run into when you are on a job. Encircle the number before the statement which best indicates your preference. If you do not plan to work, answer these questions as if you were going to work. 48. If I had a choice of one supervisor from several who are well qualified, I would pre- fer to work for one who is: 1. A man. 2. A woman. 3. Either a man or woman (no prefer- ence). 49. If I had a choice of one supervisor from several who are well qualifed, I would pre- fer to work for one who is: 1. About the same age as myself. 2. Slightly older than myself. 3. Much older than myself. 4. Age doesn’t matter. 50. If I had a choice of one supervisor from several who are well qualified, I would pre- fer to work for one who: 1. Praises workers for all tasks well done. 2. Praises workers for only exceptionally good work. 3. Seldom praises workers. 4. Don’t know, or no preference. 51. If I had a choice of one supervisor from several who are well qualified, I would pre- fer to work for one who: 1. Checks every piece of work done by workers. 2. Frequently checks work done by work- ers. 3. Seldom checks work done by workers. 4. Don’t know, or no preference. 52. If I had a choice of one supervisor from several who are well qualified, I would pre- fer to work for one Who: 1. Expects workers to make very few decisions on the job. 2. Expects workers to make a moderate amount of decisions on the job. . 3. Expects workers to make almost all the decisions on the job. ~ 4. Don’t know, or no preference. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. If I had a choice of one supervisor from several who are well qualified, I would prefer to work for one who: 1. Very frequently mixes with the workers. 2. Occasionally mixes with the workers. 3. Very rarely mixes with the workers. ‘ 4. Don’t know, or no preference. If I had a choice of one supervisor from several who are well qualified, I would prefer to work for one who: 1. Has worked on the job longer than anybody else. 2. Knows the work but is hired from outside to become a supervisor. 3. Don’t know, or no preference. If I had a job working the usual number of hours a week which enabled me to live comfort- ably, I would prefer to work: 1. Longer hours and make more money. 2. Shorter hours and make less money. 3. Only the regular work week as required. How would you feel about taking a job which required making trips away from home? 1. I don’t want to travel at all. 2. I would like occasional travel. 3. I would like frequent travel. 4. I would like to travel all the time. 5. Don’t know, or no preference. If I had to work for someone else, I would prefer working for: 1. Large corporation (General Motors, Bell Telephone, Firestone). 2. Medium-sized concern. 3. Small business. 4. Other (indicate) 5. Don’t know, or no preference. If I had to work for someone else, I would most prefer a job with: 1. The Government. 2. A religious or educational organization. 3. A retail sales company. 4. A manufacturing company. 5. A railroad, aviation, or bus transportation company. A telegraph or telephone company. A farmer. I A labor organization. 9. Other (fill in) 90:45» 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. I would prefer a job working: 1. Indoors. ‘ 2. Outdoors. . 3. Indoors part of the time and outdoors part of the time. 4. Don’t know, or no preference. If I had the job I liked best, I would prefer to LIVE: 1. On a farm. 2. In a small town. 3. In a medium-sized city. 4. In a large city. 5. In the suburbs of a large city. If I could live where I wanted, I would prefer to WORK: 1. In a large city. In the suburbs of a large city. In a medium-sized city. In a small town. On a farm. 9"???” I would prefer a job with a concern which paid: 1. A high income but provided no retirement pay. 2. A medium income and provided modest re- . tirement pay. 3. A low income and provided high retirement P3?- 4. Don’t know, or no preference. Here are three different kinds of jobs. If I had my choice, I would pick a job which pays: 1. Quite a low income but which I was sure of keeping. 2. A good income but which I have a 50-50 chance of losing. 3. An extremely high income if I can make the grade, but in which I lose almost everything if I don’t make it. I would prefer a job dealing with the public: 1. All the time. 2. Some of the time. 3. None of the time. 4. Don’t know which I would prefer. I would prefer a job dealing with the public: 1. Face-to-face all the time. 2. Partly face-to-face and partly by telephone. 3. Entirely by telephone. 4. None of the time. 5. Don’t know which I would prefer. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. I would prefer a job with a concern where the workers: 1. Must be members of a labor union. 2. Can join a labor union if they want to. 3. Have no labor union. 4. Don’t know which I would prefer. If I had a job which I liked, I would prefer one which gave me: 1. Two months vacation without pay each year. 2. One month vacation at half pay each year. 3. Two weeks vacation at full pay each year. 4 . Double pay for two weeks each year and no vacation. 5. Don’t know, or no preference. I would prefer a job with workers who have: 1. Less education than myself. 2. About the same education as myself. 3. More education than I have. 4. Don’t know which I would prefer. If I were employed by a concern, I would prefer to work: 1. Entirely by myself. 2. Mostly by myself but with a few contacts with other employees. 3. With a small group of workers (under 25). 4. As a member of a large group of workers. If, without doing any work, I had a guaranteed income on which my family and I had every- thing we wanted, I would: 1. Get a job anyway. 2. Get a part time job. 3. Not get a job at all. 4. Follow my hobbies and interests. I think the basis for promotions on a job should be: 1. The length of time I have worked there (seniority) . 2. How much work I do. 3. The quality of my work. 4. Other than #1, 2, or 3 above: (explain) ........ Which kind of job, Other factors being equal, .would you rather have? 1. One where you wore dress clothes. 2. One where you wore work clothes such as overalls. 3. It doesn’t matter. PART V This section consists of a number of items about marriage and the work habits of married people, including your parents. It may be hard for you to give answers that state exactly how .you feel.- Answer the best you can by putting a circle around the number of the statement that comes closest to saying what you think now. 73. How do you feel about getting married? ' 1. I don’t want to get married. 2. I want to get married right after leaving high school or college. 3. I want to wait a couple of years after leaving school before I marry. 4. I want to wait five years or more after leav- ing school before I marry. 5. I don’t have any feelings on this subject. 74. If you were to marry, what would you prefer your future wife to do about working outside the home before marriage. 1. Work for several years. 2. Work for a year or two. ‘ 3. Work only if she needs the money. 4 . Get married right after leaving school with- out working at all. 5. Not work at all, even though she does not marry for sometime after leaving school. 75. If you were to marry, which of the following comes closest to saying how you feel about your future wife working for pay after marriage? 1. Never work on a paying job. 2. Work only if financial help is badly needed. 3. Work only as long as no children enter the picture. 4. Work a couple years to help get some financ- ial security. 5. Work whenever she can, whether or not there are children. 76. If your father is living, indicate his work habits. 1. Works only as much as he has to. 2. An average worker. 3. A very hard worker, works most of the time, taking little time for rest or vacation. 77. If your mother is living, indicate her work habits. 1. Works only as much as she has to. 2. An average worker. ' 3. A very hard worker, works most of the time, taking little time for rest or vacation. 78. Will you please give the first and last names of the three persons in your school grade with whom you most like to work on a job? 79. Your name ------_-,------_-_---__-__-,---__-____ 80. Address"--. ---..---..--__ # fi 1 You have now finished filling out the question- naire. If you“ still have time, however, we would like to have you write any comments you wish about yOur work experiences or the kinds of work.you would like to do when you get out of school. Subject ................................................................. Comment: Subject : Comment : ---—---_-------- ...... Subject : Comment : --..-u------_---—g-—-------- Subject : Comment : -------__- APPENDIX III: INSTRUCTIONS FOR AHJIINISTERIN G THE QUESTIONFAIRE 235 Instructions for Administering the Questionnaire l. The questionnaires should be administered on a day when practic— ally all members of the class are present. If more than five per cent of the students in a class are absent, it would be preferable to delay administration for a day or so. Absentees, if fewer than five per cent, need not be required to fill out the questionnaire upon their return to school. 2. There need be no personal interviewing of the students. All questionnaires can be administered to students in groups. 3. Students should be assembled in groups to fill out the question- naire under the supervision of a leader and should not be allowed to take it to fill out at home or on their own time in a study hour. h. It is preferable to schedule the groups as part of some regular class period, such as a Social Studies, English, Civics or some other class, rather than to administer it during a study hour. 5. Groups may be of any size. In general, students filling out the form in larger groups will be more frank than those in small groups. 6. Ask the students not to look into the questionnaire booklet until all have received their questionnaire and they have been given their in- structions by the leader. 7. The leader should read aloud the explanation printed on the face sheet of the questionnaire, while the students follow the instructions silently. 8. Following the formal explanation, an informal explanation of the questionnaire may be made as:the leader sees fit. Care should be taken, however, not to say anything which.might bias their replies to Specific questions. The leader may want to emphasize the following: a. A perfectly frank and free expression is desired b. This is not a test 0. There will be no personal ”checking up" on the replies which any one person makes. . d. They should not talk with each other while they are filling out the questionnaire. 9. A box or table should be provided where the questionnaires can be put after completion. The leader should not inspect the questionnaires after they have been filled in, but should be sure that every person who receives a questionnaire turns it in when he has completed it. 236 10. If students ask questions about Specific items, be sure the answer does not influence their opinion. Reading over the item with the student slowly and with emphasis in the right place, may be enough to answer his question. APPENDIX IV: LIST OF HIGH SJHOOLS USED IN SAMPLE LIST OF HIGH SCHOOLS USED IN THE SAMPLE Alpena - Alpena High School Bark River - Bark River - Harris High School Battle Creek - Lakeview High School Benzonia - Benzonia High School Berkley - Berkley High School Bloomingdale — Bloomingdale High School Chatham - Ebon High School Colon - Colon High School Dearborn - Dearborn High School Detroit - Cass Technical High School Detroit - Eastern High School Detroit - MacKenzie High School Detroit - Northwestern High School Detroit - Southwestern High School Detroit - St. Anthony High School Detroit - St. Gregory High School Detroit - St. Leo's High School Detroit Redford Union High School Dexter - Dexter High School Eaton Rapids - Eaton Rapids High School Flint - Technical High School * Flushing - Flushing High School Frankfort - Frankfort High School Glen Arbor - Leelanau Boys School Grand Rapids - Christian High School Grand Rapids - Creston High School Grayling - Grayling High School Greenville - Greenville High School Hancock - Hancock High School Hanover - Hanover High School Hart - Hart High School Hulbert - Hulbert High School Kalamazoo - Central High School Lake Odessa - Lake Odessa High School Lake Orion - Lake Orion High School Lansing - Sexton High School ‘Mancelona - Mancelona High School Hayville - Mayville High School Middleville - Thronapple -‘W. K. Kellogg High School Milan - Milan High School Mt. Morris - St. Mary's High School Muskegon Heights - Muskegon Heights High School New Baltimore - NeW'Baltimore High School Okemos - Okemos High School Plymouth — Plymouth High School 237 Richmond - Richmond High School River Rouge - River Rouge High School Saginaw - St. Joseph's High School Tecumseh - Tecumseh High School Trenton - Slocum - Truax High School Twining - Arenac Twp. High School Van Dyke '- Lincoln High School Vicksburg - Vicksburg High School Wakefield - Wakefield High School Warren - Warren High School 238 .Q’ Jl. 9 '54 I W pumpkin win “”1"":— mm W “1465 ‘ ‘ “pg—n55 m— "12'58 74526 '58 "‘llllll'llillllll“