ABSTRACT A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN GHANAIAN POLITICAL STATUS/POSITION AND DRESS, 1957, 1966, 1969 BY Kathleen M. Corti The purpose of this study was to explore a relation- ship between political status/position and dress in one Af— rican nation, Ghana, in the years 1957, 1966, and 1969. Ghana was selected for study because its changes in politi~ cal leadership during the past twenty years provided a back- ground against which to judge dress. The years 1957, 1966, and 1969 became the years of interest to the study, as 1957 saw independence, 1966 a military government, and 1969 a re- turn to civilian government. To understand the influence of the environment on these periods, a general description of the physical and social environment was drawn, along with the political environment and the use of dress from 1400- 1969. While observers agree that dress is influenced and in- fluences political status, no studies have been undertaken to test this hypothesis through observation of the print media. Content analysis, a communications research tool for print and electronic media, was chosen as the method for obtaining info: vest' Kathleen.M. Corti information about dress and political status. For this in- vestigation, dress, "material items" (Richer: 1977) were classified according to form: reconstructed, attached, en- closed (Roach and Eicher: 1976: 81-92) and accessory (Eicher: 1977). In addition, dress items were given a cul- tural meaning: traditional, western and universal (Wass: 1975: 142). Political status was defined as the position of a political leader at the national or local level, desig- nated in the study by political positions such as chairman, president or paramount chief. After a study of the various Ghanaian periodicals, The DailyGraphic was selected for its clarity and availa~ bility. The samples chosen from the photos were Ghanian male political leaders, designated by position and shown full-figured to allow for data collection on all possible dress items. Data collection was completed on The Daily Graphics, using the front and the middle "centerfold" two pages of the Monday edition which appeared to carry a variety of political leaders. A checklist instrument adapted from Wass obtained tabulation on political positions, identity, names, and forms of dress items. Frequency tabulations for dress items and political positions separately and cross tabulations of dress items by form and identity to political positions were counted by hand and computer (5035). Three hundred fifty—two full-figured males were found Kathleen M. Corti found, yielding 1,656 dress items. A difference in the adoption of dress was found between the national and local statuses and the political positions. National political leaders were observed most frequently in western, enclosed dress while local leaders maintained their own usage of traditional wraparound items. Certain western items of status were positively related to national political posi— tions, as cane, briefcase and handkerchief to the Prime Min- ister (Nkrumah) and his Cabinet in 1957, and eyeglasses to the President (Busia) and his Cabinet in 1969. The kente, a symbol of local traditional status but also national costume, was observed worn mainly by national leaders in all three periods, with much substitution of manufactured cloth by local leaders. It appears from the data that the national leaders made no effort to impose their values and dress upon the local leaders. The findings do lend evidence that the value systems, status/role perceptions and interaction of the political leaders influence the adOp— tion of dress. A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF THIS RELATIONSHIP BETE‘IEL'N . GHANAIAN POLITICAL STATUS/POSITION AND DRESS, 1957, 1966, 1969 by Kathleen M. Corti A Thesis Submitted to Michigan State University In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts Department of Human Environment and Design ‘ l l _ . : - '\ ) . f, ACKNOWLED GMENT S Thanks is due to certain individuals who made possi— ble the instigation and completion of the thesis. Foremost on the list of acknowledgments is my major advisor, Dr. Joanne B. Richer. Her objective opinions and patience along with her creative and analytical abilities all helped me gain insight into the chosen tOpic. Secondly, I wish to thank Dr. Ann Slocum and Dr. Lawrence Sarbaugh for their valuable input into my thesis during its formative stages. Other individuals who warrant my sincerest gratitude include the graduate assistants in the political science de- partment who came to my aid in the correction of several frustrating, technical computer errors. In addition, my past professors, as Mrs. Sonya McDowell, at.Marylhurst Col- 1ege in Oregon, provided me with the tools of knowledge, discipline and perseverance that are vital to graduate stud- ies. However, much of the research would not have been possible without the personal faith and support of my friends and family. My friends at Owen Graduate Center definitely deserve endurance medals for listening and allowing me to share the many problems of a thesis with them. My family, as well, deserves credit for giving me the moral and ii I; I I ul 4 financial support during the many months of the study. As one can see, many people participated in the crea— tion of the thesis. These are but a few whose guidance made the task lighter. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES LIST OF FIGURES AND PHOTOGRAPHS LIST OF APPENDICES CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION Statement of the Problem Review of the Literature Definition of Terms II. PHYSICAL AND SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT OF GHANA Physical Environment Social Environment: Economics Social Environment: Religion Social Environment: Family Patterns of Dress Among Ghanaian Males III. POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT OF GHANA Pre-Colonial Period, 1400-1897 Colonial Period, 1897—1947 Pre- and Post-Independence Period, 1948-1969 IV. METHODOLOGY Selection of Procedure Selection of Country and Years Sample Selection Selection of Sources DevelOpment of Instrument Data Collection Method of Analysis iv Page vi viii ix 13 36 90 my 3.. ‘Lu 3" IL‘ TABLE OF CONTENTS (Cont'd.) CHAPTER Page V. POLITICAL POSITION AND DRESS: AN ANALYSIS OF DATA 98 Political Position Pattern of Usage and Meaning of Dress Forms of Dress of Ghanaian Political Positions VI. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, LIMITATIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS 120 Summary Conclusions Limitations Recommendations APPENDICES .126 BIBLIOGRAPHY 150 RV .Ro L IST OF TABLES Table Page Number 5.1 Ghanaian Status/Positions, 1959, 1966, 1969 100 5.2 “Meaning of Ghanaian Dress Items According to Political Status/Positions of Selected Figures in The Daily Graphics 102 5.3 Ghanaian Dress Items and Meaning According to Political Status of Selected Figures in The Daily Graphics, 1957, 1966, 1969 103 5.4 Forms of Ghanaian Dress from Selected Political Figures in The Daily Graphics, 1957, 1966, 1969 109 5.5 Ghanaian Dress Forms According to Status 111 5.6 Ghanaian Dress Forms According to Political Status of Selected Figures in The Daily Graphics, 1957, 1966, 1969 112 5.7 Forms of Ghanaian Dress According to Political Status/Position of Selected Figures in The Daily Graphics, 1957, 1966, 1969 113 5.8 Forms of Ghanaian Dress According to Political Status/Position of Selected Figures in The Daily Graphics, 1957 . 114 5.9 Forms of Ghanaian Dress According to Political Status/Positions of Selected Figures in The Daily Graphics, 1966 117 5.10 Forms of Ghanaian Dress According to Political Status/Positions of Selected Figures in The Daily Graphics, 1969 119 5.11 Ghanaian Dress Items, Form and Meaning According to Political Status/Positions of Selected Fig- ures in The Daily Graphics, 1957 135 vi LIST OF TABLES (Cont'd.) Table Page Number 5.12 Ghanaian Dress Items, Form and Meaning According to Political Status/Positions of Selected Fig- ures in The Daily Graphics, 1966 139 5.13 Ghanaian Dress Items, Form and Meaning According to Political Status/Positions of Selected Fig- ures of The Daily Graphics, 1969 144 vii Figure Number 1.1 2.1 LIST OF FIGURES AND PHOTOGRAPHS Location of Ghana Within Africa Production of Kente Cloth Types of Adinkra Cloth Fabric and Types of Ghanaian Male Buba Northern Territories Fugu Types of Ghanaian Joromi Ghanaian Male Wrapper Ghanaian Western Dress of the 60's Ghanaian Military Dress Political Cloth Young Pioneers Mao Tunic as Worn by Nkrumah, President of Ghana Uniforms of President's Own Guard Regiment of Ghana (P.O.G.R.) viii Page 12 18 21 27 29 30 31 33 35 62' 70 74 78 LIST OF APPENDICES Appendix page A Instrument for Data Collection 126 B Specific Items of Ghanaian Male Dress 127 C Ghanaian Dress Items by Form and Meaning 131 D Frequency of Items According to Year 132 E Supplementary Tables (5.11-5.13) 135 ix CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Statement of the Problem While it has been assumed that dress reflects poli- tical status and is manipulated for power, little research has been conducted to test these assumptions. The purpose of this study, therefore, is to explore a relationship be- tween political status/positions and dress in one African v nation, Ghana, during the politically critical years of 1957, 1966, and 1969. Review o£_the Literature This section will be concerned with selected theore— tical works and research findings pertaining to areas as dress as a symbol of non-verbal communication and social interaction: polity and status; and politicalstability and change. Dress will be interrelated with polity and status and stability and change when pertinent. Human beings communicate in two forms, verbal and non- verbal. Harrison (1974) defines four types of nonverbal codes: (1) performance, (2) artifactual, (3) spatial-tem- poral, and (4) mediated. Each code uses a different medium for communication: codes of performance use the human body, artifacts objects, spatial—temporal time and mediatory media (75). As an artifact, authorities (Roach and Eicher: 1965; Stone:> 1962) note that dress communicates nonverbally about the culture and the self through its physical absence or presence. Dress is used by all cultures with the functions, as Flugel (1930) has specified, of protection, modesty, and differentiation. The meaning of dress has progressed past its original protection base and is now understood as a symbol of social behavior. To Stone, a symbolic interaction- ist, social interaction involves the manipulation of non— verbal symbols as dress. Stone sees a direct correlation between the meaning of dress for appearance, social inter— action and the self. "By appearing, the person announces his identity, shows his value, expresses his mood or prOposes his attitude" (1962:110). The appearance, Stone believes, es- tablishes a symbolic program of the wearer's meaning to be viewed and judged by others. If the meaning of the symbols are agreed upon by the viewers, the self will be validated. The policeman's uniform announces him as a policeman and is validated by the others who see him. If the appearance is not mutual in meaning for both the programmer and reviewer, the self will not be validated. Thus Stone sees that the self, through the use of nonverbal symbols of dress, is es- tablished, maintained and altered in and through social in— teraction (1962:99). Flugel also sees the importance of dress for symbolic d7. interaction. Apart from the face and hands-—which, it is true are the most socially expressive parts of our anato- my, and to which we have learned to devote an espec- ially alert attention--what we actually see and re- act to are, not the bodies, but the clothes of those about us. It is from their clothes that we form a first impression of our fellow-creatures as we meet them . . . (1930: 15-16) Roach and Buckley Viewed dress as a nonverbal commu— nicator and found that dress was a reflection of individuals' attitudes toward social and political issues. Using college students, they found that ". . . all subjects tended to like and wear clothing consistent with their attitudes" (1974: 94), with possible inferences for interaction. While dress is a symbol for interaction, the interac- tion is related to status. According to Linton, statuses are ascribed at birth and achieved through personal gain. These statuses require acceptance of certain norms for acceptance of the individual into society and validation of his status (1936: 115). As these statuses are enacted in roles, dress becomes a symbol for judgment of the status. Bush and Lon- don note that a change of dress may be indicative of a change of status. Studying the disappearance of knickers among young boys, they concluded that abandonment of knickers for trousers at a certain age signified an age-status differen- tiation (1960: 359-366). Eicher and Kelley, studying ado— lescent dress, found a high correlation between adolescent dress, social class and group acceptance; dress served as a socialization tool for group and individual identification and psychological stability (1972: 12-16). With ninth~ grade girls Bjorngaard (1962) found that social status and acceptance were highly related to clothing and appearance. As has been seen, age and sex social organizations have different status positions for the individual with corresponding dress demands. Another such social organiza— tion is polity. Polity differs by definition and its use of symbols. To Max Weber, one of the founders of socio-political theories, any political system is a group of individuals in a society who carry and exercise power and authority, legitimately or illegitimately. Weber further calls illegitimate authority forceful authority and delimits legitimate authority as ra— tional, traditional, and charismatic (1964: 328). Among political scientists whose definitions have been drawn from Weber's original work is the well—known expert on Ghanaian politics, David Apter. Refining Weber, Apter sees a poli— tical system as "the system . . . concerned with the source and use of authority in the social system, considered binding upon all members" (1963: 9). To McKee, a sociologist, the political order is a structural pattern of social organiza- tion for the "allocation of legitimate power (as authority for social control) within a set of basic rules shared by members of the society." He delineates four particular so- cial effects through the allocation of power. (It) provides means for invoking sanctions against violations, for the legitimate use of force, for redefining and renewing the roles and agreements that bring consensus to a society and for providing the means for legitimate decision making (1969: 131). McKee notes that within political systems, which may be sim- ple or complex in structure, the status of the political leaders may be inherited, elected or appointed, or, the in- vestigator found, self-appointed. The focus of political action may be on the national level as head of state, inter- national as ambassador, or local as a chief and union leader. There may be an overlap of functions as a president acts out— side his normal national role as an international ambassador. McKee claims each leader has Operative norms of behavior with peers, with subjects and his guardians of power for the pro- hibiton, regulation and promotion of societal functions. Langner sees the importance of dress for performance of these societal functions. . . . all government is based on the domination of the pOpulation by an individual or small govern- ing group which is, as we say, "clothed in author- ity." This authority is generally indicated by clothing . . . employed to demonstrate the author- ity of individuals or groups to transform this authority into the power of government (1959: 127). Eicher specifies that dress communicates concrete examples of three distinct status—role positions of power: (1) the officials (or rulers), (2) the citizens, and (3) the enforc— ing agents of government (as the police and the military) (1977). Langner offers a political use of the dress of the first type, a ruler, the "tribal chiefz" Superior adornment and finery . . . enabled him to surpass in appearance the rest of the tribe, which helped to produce the feelings of admiration, inferiority and submission among his followers which caused them to accept his leadership (1959: 127). Langner identifies another symbol of political power and status, the uniform (normally used by rulers on their enforcing agents). He specifies that the use of uniforms is indicative of power, rank, stratification and an esprit de corps (1959: 127-128). To Joseph and Alex, the uniform is viewed as a device: . . . to define (organizations') boundaries, assure that members conform to their goals, and eliminate conflicts in the status sets of their members. The uniform serves several functions: it acts as a totem, reveals and conceals statuses, certifies legitimacy and suppresses individuality (1972: 719) . . . The uniform is a symbolic state- ment that an individual will adhere to group norms and a standardized role and has mastered the es- sential group norms and values (1972: 723). Binkman empirically tested the social power of a uniform, both as reflected in actual social behavior and in percep- tions of behavior. The nearly complete compliance of sub- ’ jects to the requests of a uniformed individual acting out- side his role led Binkman to conclude that the symbol and not its inherent power was the cause of the behavior. How— ever, the subjects actual behavior contradicted their per- ceptions of behavior; a majority of the sample felt their behavior would not be affected by the status symbol. Thus, there was a significant difference between the actual and perceived performance of individuals to the uniformed indi- vidual (1974: 49—51). The uniform is one symbol of status and power of a political leadership. However, Hurlock writes that there is a very direct relationship between political power and the dress of the peOple, ". . . (for) the sourse of power, whether it be of the people or of the hereditary mobility is clearly reflected in the clothing of the peOple." She ob— served that a change of dress is often directly related to a change of political position (1929: 215). Scott details a more specific example of the relationship between the change of political position and the dress of Communist Chi- na. The drab, unisex Communist costume symbolized a change of political position and power within China with the ideals of a rankless, statusless society (1958: 92-101). It has been seen that dress is a nonverbal symbol for social interaction, as Stone specified, and serves as identi— fication of age, social and political position. Within a political position, dress functions as a manifestation of political power and behavior changes, as Binkman found with the uniform. It is the purpose of this study to investigate the relationship between dress and political position in one African nation, Ghana. Ghana has undergone rapid social and political change in the past twenty years as it progressed from independence to military government. The Ghanaian political leaders appear to be using their position to strive for social change and modernization but also to maintain social equilibrium without compromising cultural differences. The 9011 worlds 0 tically ' adopted E aspirati- Or their cal posij and inter will be t dreSS and interactj t0 Politj Delitica: to the p‘ ‘ . and loca. SOurCe :a The political leaders may find themselves torn between two worlds of symbols: the traditional, indigenous or the poli— tically fashionable and powerful. The types of symbols adOpted by the political leaders may represent the values, aspirations and life-styles of the leaders for themselves and/ or their country. The review of an individual in a politi- cal position through the symbols of dress may affect domestic and international interaction. The importance of this study will be to develOp further hypothesis on the relation of dress and political status/position on social behavior and interaction. Initially the study will view dress in relation to political position, as a tool for power, against Ghanaian political history. Data collected will be analyzed according to the present forms and meanings of dress used by national and local Ghanaian political positions. Definition 9£_Terms For the purpose of this study, political status/posi» tion and dress will be defined as follows. I. Political Status: A position within a social organiza- tion of policy A. National leader: An official of a political system who serves the entire nation in a public officea Position 1. President: An elected political official who serves as head of state for a le- gally predetermined number of years Source:a New American Webster Handy College Dictionary, rev. a? “("91 72) 2. Civil Minister: An appointed representative of a branch Of a political system within the country 3. Diplomat: An appointed representative of a po- litical system serving abroad 4. Chairman: A self—appointed official of a poli- tical system serving as head of state 5. Prime Minister: An appointed official serving as head of the Cabinet B. Local leader: An official representative of a group within the confines of one particular geographical place Position l. Paramount chief: An appointed representative of a political system, Operating on regional basis 2. Subchief: An appointed representative of a Para- mount chief, functioning as an Offi— cial on a regional basis 3. Regional Commissioner: "Liaison" person, ap- pointed as a national representative Operating at the regional level II. Dress: Material items which attach to or enclose the body, or reconstructions of the body or acces- sories carried by the self or for the self by otherse A. Identity: Classification by cultural meaningd 1. Western: EurOpean or American in origin 2. Traditional: Indigenous, Ghanaian in origin Source:d Betty Wass, "Yoruba Dress: A Systematic Case Study of Five Generations of a Lagos Family," published Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State University, 1975 e Source: Joanne B. Eicher, personal notes, HED 434 3. Form: 1. 10 Universal: World—wide The manner by which the body shape is changedf Reconstructed: A temporary or permanent change in body conformation, texture, color, and odor (e.g., plastic surgery, haircut, dyeing, scari- fication, tattooing) Enclosed: A form of dress which is placed or confined on the body contours a. Suspended: An enclosing form of dress which slips on the body and stays in place by hanging from the neck or shoulders (e.g., necklace, poncho)b b. Wraparound: An enclosing form of dress that is shaped by twisting, folding or crushing materials so the form approaches the rectangular (e.g., Indian sari)b c. Fitted: An enclosing form of dress that fits the body crevices or protuber- ances by being cut and sewn or molded to con orm to body contours (e.g., shoes) Attached: A type of temporary or permanent body modification, often closely allied with body reconstruction (e.g., pierced or attached earrings) Accessories: Items carried by the self or for the self by others,e separate from the body form. The next chapter will describe the physical and social Source:b Mary Ellen Roach and Joanne B. Eicher, The Visible Self: Perspectives on Dress (New Jersey: Pren- Source:e Source:f tice-Hall, 1973) Joanne B. Eicher, Personal interview, February, 1977 Specific dress items are defined in Appendix B. Specific dress items are classified by form in Appendix C. - 11 environment of Ghana. While Chapter III will outline briefly the political environment of Ghana, 1400-1969, Chapter IV will discuss the methodology of the study. Chapter V will be concerned with an analysis of data using political status related to dress according to item, form and meaning. The last chapter details the summary and conclusions of the study. 12 CEUTA MElllLA Tums \ o a ’3'“ rumsu Nana! (.9 J h . \goj/ Inouh Beng a, ' .'.'"' ALGmu Cm, . mad - - EGYPT WESTERN SAHARA MAURITANIA CAP! VERDE NOUJMHOII 45' Pm: I UPPER VOUA A may; ‘/ [NEGAL /\,_______J IOuagammgnu TH? Ody: C ‘0 Kharmum O H GAMBIA 8““ 2mm" ‘ r r 5 ‘ ""‘""° : u JOIU Y‘ . . Nduemena SUDAN Dubrmh GUINU-BISSAU BENIN 8m.“ Po: Io N0v0 ETHIOPIA IINIOWn NIGERIA 0 5mm LEONE’ I 98?, ,‘ Addus Ababa Mom... 0e), Aw ,n - “’9‘” CENTRAL armcm I " REPUBLIC TOGO CAMEROON Bangu. tome - ‘ :6 ‘unde EQUATORIAL GUMA U MM”... 0 - UGANDA / Kampala Mogadosnu 5A0 IOMI E —0 l'D'Ev'II“ “Q, . um“ :_ '2 PRINCIPt GABON . “WANO‘ ‘ ' k\ ONOIIOD “ Klgd'l . ~‘-'-'.l CONGO . ZAIRE g ' : mnawue BURUNDI ( Kinshasa Btnuvhbur.) «. . TANIANIA ,: ZANZIBAR \. Dar es Salaam ”’"d‘ sncumtsas .; VICIona -—-.-. =3 ANGOLA M01009 ' ZAMBIA dMAlAWI COMORO IS. Lusaka. Sdlnshuv y C SOUTHERN NAMIBIA MAURITIUS o BOTSWANA NALAGASY w. chock nipuauc A \ n Gaborone REUNION pém’” Port Louis I Maputo J. SWAZIUND scum " AFRICA ”mm LESOYHO Maseru Fig. 1.1. Ghana Within Africa CHAPTER II PHYSICAL AND SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT Political leadership and dress in Ghana reflects the impact of both the physical and social environments. Dress can be seen as an adaptation by the political leaders to both these environments. This chapter outlines the inf1u~ ences of the natural environment and social environment (economics, religion, family) on Ghanaian polity. In ad- dition, it provides a brief description of the patterns of dress among Ghanaian males to facilitate an understanding of the dress worn in a political position. Physical Environment Ghana is a small coastal nation bordering the South Atlantic Ocean in West Africa. It is bordered to the north by Upper Volta, Togo to the east, and Ivory Coast to the west. The primary cities include Accra, the capital on the coast, and Kumaii in the central region. Boeteng (1966) reports that Ghana has a tropical climate being so near the equator, with the temperature influenced by both the Northeast trade- winds of the Sahara and the Southwest monsoon tradewinds from the Atlantic. Thus there are two seasons, the wet, monsoon 13 14 season and the dry, harnatten season (20). Geographically Ghana is divided into four regions, according to Agbodeka: the Gold Coast Colony (southern Ghana), Asante (Asante and Brong-Ahafo region), Northern Territories and Togoland (1972: 120). Within Ghana there are four types of vegeta— tion: forest, savanna woodland, coastal scrub, and strand and mangrove (Boeteng: 35). The broad forest land, located in the uplands in the central district of Ghana (in Asante) contains excellent rich soil. The northern savanna woodland proves productive for agricultural develOpment of timber and farming, with cotton being grown for domestic use. The third region, coastal scrub, is used little aside from some sub- sistence farming. The strand and mangrove, hardy bushes found in the Northern Territories, yield little for human consump- tion due to the closeness and extreme weather of the Sahara desert. Although a relatively small country in comparison with the rest of Africa, Ghana has a varied pOpulation with the difference in ideology, culture and physical appearance. By 1970 census data Ghana has about eight million peOple, of which a portion are Europeans, Asians and other Africans. Of the Ghanaians, sources (Chantler: 1971, Mayer: 1968) claim that there are more than sixty tribes or ethnic groups, created into one hundred and eight states. The indigenous Ghanaian pOpulation consists of ethnic groups divided by language in the southern, central and northern regions (Mayer: 1968: 34). Mayer claims that while English is the official 15 language, each region has its own particular tongue. In the south and central, Akan or Twi is spoken, in the south— east Ga, in the north, Dagomba, all named for ethnic groups in that area (1968: 43). Social Environment: Economics The basic monetary unit in Ghana is the cedi, equal to 100 Ghanaian pesawas or 87 cents in 1976 United States currency. The division of labor within the country is divi— ded into two classes of work: primary and secondary occupa- tions, according to Dickson and Benneh (1970). They define primary occupations as the "direct exploitation or working of the environment to produce food and raw materials." Sixty- six secondary occupations involve those industries not di- rectly related to the physical environment, such as capital, labor, markets and transportation. Of these two types sixty- two percent of the Ghanaian pOpulation is involved in primary occupations. Of the sixty—two percentage, ninety-one per- cent Of the group work in agriculture, four percent in fish- ing and five percent in mining (66). Agriculture, farming and animal rearing is concentrated .in the upper central region, where the land is rich. Cocoa, the primary crop grown for export in Ghana, from which sixty- eight percent of the government revenue is derived, is found there in abundance, reports Boeteng (1958: 134). However, Lloyd notes, with such high national dependence upon the one crOp, the economic and political stability of the nation lies on the balance of the fluctuating world demand. Luckily 16 cotton is plentiful for domestic and export use, as are cas- sava, coffee, pineapples, bananas, rubber and tobacco and jute, along with mahogany wood (Lloyd: 1967: 24). Ghanaian animal rearing has been confined to the savanna region, since other regions, as the forest, have proved deadly for the cat- tle with the high occurrence of tsetse flies (Benneh and Dickson: 83). The second primary occupation, fishing, provides pro— tein foodstuffs for the peOple and allows the Ghanaians to be self-sufficient in one area. Mining, the third largest industry within the country, according to Benneh and Dickson (1970: 83), yields gold, diamonds, bauxite and manganese, generally concentrated in the Western and Asante regions. Secondary occupations consist of two types: village industries (Often involving handicrafts) and small-scale industries (of tiles, chemicals, textiles) (Dickson and Ben— neh: 1970: 103). The second type, the manufacturing in- dustries, have been slow in being self-supporting due to lack of capital, natural resources as coal and Oil and skil~ led labor (Boeteng: 83 & 94). However, Lloyd believes, the craft industries hold promise for the Ghanaian economy. The craft industries, in paritcular, wood carving and textiles, are thought by Lloyd to be ". . . the most highly developed on the continent" (1967: 24). Cotton for cloth, as mentioned before, is and has been grown in the savanna and forest regions. According to Lloyd, "the degree of specialization in agriculture (as 17 cotton) and crafts leads to the development of a market in West Africa on a far greater scale than elsewhere on the continent" (1967: 24), which figured to Ghana's advantage I for trade in colonial times. Currently there is a complex market system, managed by a host of professional traders around the crafts industries, reports Kent, which makes West African loom weaving and cloth dyeing unique (1971: 2). The two most highly prized textiles relevant to the political environment Of Ghana are the hand—woven kente cloth and the hand-stamped adinkra cloth, the skills for both being transmitted often through inheritance (Rouch: 1964: 186). Production being limited to a few traditional centres as Bonwire (Ghana Today: 1957: 2), the kente cloth is woven on narrow looms from string and pieces of wood. Young boys or men only perform the task, weaving cotton and rayon yarn into narrow strips of cloth about four inches wide. The strips are then woven into large panels of cloth, and worn wrapped around the body (Raymond: 1960: 135). Figure 2.1 shows the production Of Ghanaian cloth from the spin— ning, to the weaving and ultimately to the finished kente cloth. Originally in the seventeenth century, the craftsmen of the court imported EurOpean cloth, unraveling and reweav- ing the European yarns into the kente. Sources differ on 'the types of yarns that were unraveled from the European (Zloths, Newman claiming gold filaments (1974: 28), Rouch £3i1k (1964: 186). Whatever was used, the cloth produced “Has expensive and a symbol of the wealthy. 18 Fig. 2.1. Production Of_kente cloth ' 4‘. I A. West African type spinning (Dakar, Sene- gal, 1975) Young boys weaving kente cloth (Bonwire, Ghana, 1975) Finished full-size kente cloth (Bonwire, Ghana, 1975) q: a. I V, ‘ “kerb; “I 1'. (Kvereoateo : for the Rent» sources (Rom! chief of the use or as rev 6,). to contro t ‘1 1 314“ or Cla: ‘49 SOCLal st: ‘49 Flatten, " 3v IT, ‘ vsaLLz, ant; 7195 V 3:! ' ..:...ter.e..e. E -‘.. A; u A I "\u_. f y ’ .a Tv'l'lc V‘ _ L ' ~~Ibs~lcator ‘ :‘. In t-w‘b, tE‘Q 7" ‘v A SEGA. ‘3; j,. 2»- ““"‘ . - J . 19 I :. w .\ ‘ :‘IES' 21“; ‘ fiu‘n. .‘ ‘ ‘8 N ‘~:&‘ 2 V\.“ a S ‘. .L J .“\- ‘1‘ I ‘ e L .‘ ‘ VQQ ~ .‘, v ".25, ”L“ . W ‘A «.11 L I 3»; , ”:4 "e. I “'th \- \ ~ ‘.\ ‘~ 3»- \Q " Cir», ' T's . . .‘ \ elrd ’ 4 (D (I) 19 There are believed to be four types of weaves (Kyerematen: 1963: 174) with sixty-three different designs for the kente cloth (Rouch: 1964: 186). According to most sources (Rouch: 1964, Newman: 1970), traditionally the chief of the Asante maintained certain designs for his own use or as rewards for gifted men, using his political author- ity to control the growth and use of the cloth. "Each family or clan had its exclusive kente design, as . . . the social status or sex of the wearer was represented by the pattern," says Newman (1974: 62). She claims that gen- erally any design can be worn today, aside from the restric- tions placed on certain types of designs governed by the Asantehene. Due to the labor and time involved in the pro— duction of the cloth, the cost of a full-1ength.kente is high, varying from one to five hundred dollars in 1976, the investigator found while traveling in Africa. Worn in tOga— style, the kente has been adOpted as a national costume. A second type of indigenous cloth is the hand—stamped adinkra cloth which means "saying good-bye to one another" (Quarcoo: 1972: 6). Light in color with dark imprinted figures, adinkra was originally used at funerals but became in itself a sign of mourning. In the manufacture of the cloth, the base is a plain cotton cloth, often white or beige, which has been nailed to the ground. Next a water- based dye from leaves is developed, as stamps for the de- signs are carved from calabash pods and backed with bamboo for handles (Kent: 1970: 66). Using a wooden or bamboo ‘\V‘. “1"" only v0... UV‘V‘U, ‘ V ‘- acrcss toe Clo. “‘ 53795 tend t 2.: ‘A .3: ”‘5 “ . c-‘qus’ aibltc 23“ knots 20 comb, only young boys draw vertical and horizontal lines across the cloth, leaving sections Open for the stamps; stamps are dipped and pressed quickly on the cloth, then leaving the cloth to dry (Kent: 1970: 66). Figure 2.2 shows two types of adinkra fabrics: (a) a typical stamped adinkra cloth with the additions of kente strips and (b) a tie—dyed stamped adinkra. In the past, Quarcoo notes, the stamp designs had been commissioned by the Asante chiefs to reflect their beliefs. However, today the stamps tend to reflect general and religious proverbs, the natural environment and politics (1972: 6). Unlike the kente, no one adinkra design is reserved for a particular leader, although both are worn by men as wrappers. Another type of cloth, called "country cloth," is indigenous to West Africa and particularly Ghana. The striped, narrow—strip weavings are found in two other major weaving regions, the Northern and VOlta regions, according to Lamb (1975: 23). Various references have been made to the Northern cloth, with one source describing it as "a course, hand-woven cotton cloth which is lcoally made . . . worn mainly by men . . . (and is) most pOpular in striped white and indigo" (Chantler: 1965: 24). However, the recent publication by Lamb discounts the work of the Northern weavers and stresses the high weaving qualities of the Ewes in the Volta region. Lamb writes that the VOlta region weav- ings are as important and prolific in production as the kente cloths. However, these cloths are less well-known to 21 Fig. 2.2. Types of Adinkra cloth Adinkra with kente strips (purchased, Ghana, 1975) (Corti Collection) B. Adinkra with tie— dye (seen, Ghana, 1975) or the: lthcu: tan 518 N.“ ' t::eV.‘v a». der; 9 host 0 g .h C'. Q 4" :. §_‘ A t . «‘“\' :‘Hflu he on ts Accra helblta rej taken - -. local #I. < L ‘l‘ I a L a a Q; Q\ _ ~ ‘ C. D S .. .3 Q 1 .. . 1. w i . L e .... .l S g- .L m 3. 3 a e S i h A As \\\ \\\ h.» . . . ... .s x I an‘ .‘sx‘. .‘\\ \“\ K .5 \ s ‘1. . . i a . a 2x . x ‘1 \C s .z.‘ ea.» 1.. K e «W N... .2» (x \ 22 the outsiders due to cloth's lack of availability on the Accra markets (1975: 23). One type of cloth produced within the VOlta region, which is most unusual and is easily mis— taken for the striped indigo Northern cloth is made Of ". . . locally handspun blue strip with imported red yarns" (Lamb: 1975: 95—96). Although the home craft industries are of importance to the Ghanaian economy for generating jobs and revenue, monetarily, Lloyd writes, "The artist is poorly remunerated since most of the wealth . . . lies in large state and foreign controlled industries, in farming and trade (1967; 43)." In trade, much of the wealth is concentrated in the retail markets operated by women known as "market mammies," says Chantler. Highly successful businesswomen, he believes that they are the backbone of the Ghanaian economy and keep networks of communication Open with other towns through the female-driven lorry buses. These Ghanaian market women have political clout as a result of their economic power and have had an impact on Ghanaian political leadership (1967: 8). Social Environment: Religion To help the Ghanaians cope with their environment, religions have begun and co-exist with politics. Rouch claims there are three religions in Ghana: Christianity, Islam and Animism (Rouch: 1964: 182). While no official statistics could be found on the number of Ghanaians in each sect, especially Animism, Christianity is found in all sects, from Catholicism to Protestantism. Through the mission schools, beour. loved a strong~ met the needs :na ...crding to C: Ci'zistianity aj litical leader. 3.1: Industry. 2:33: in the y | ‘&::i ‘gOtES t‘“ 1 s.\ iie {Eligious 5 .;~ ‘ . ‘l Fl.“ v ~..:..a;a:1 farre ‘2 m. . v u‘,‘ 5“ a l em’ir: ‘Q'r‘ 11* eh ah “5 all '1‘. .‘ ‘VAAM 1 Out: ’:Z~ q “a“ 0:“ {€214 ‘ t:‘;s;c ‘ ““ :L l - 9c m «o m: ‘; n. l -. “" “Ix“ . ‘ ‘5‘“: et is x ‘— L.”— x S:;\":‘ . vxsles ‘2 ‘Q 1:: . I- \‘A ~¢ Uta-1‘8““; ‘.‘\ : ‘ ‘.“.“ 0‘3: 23 schools, begun in pre-colonial days, Christianity has deve— 1oped a strong political and educational network, helping to meet the needs for highly educated and trained individuals, according to one Ghanaian, Kwame Boafo (1977). He says Christianity appears to be working hand in hand with the po— litical leaders to prepare Ghanaians for careers in government and industry. The second religion, Islam, is concentrated mainly in the Northern Territories (Rouch: 1964: 182). Mbiti notes that some of the African rulers have accepted the religious accoutrements of the Islam faith to reinforce their own political authority (1968: 369). The final reli- gion, Animism, is the worship of inanimate objects. Since Ghanaian farmers have such a close relationship with their natural environment, a religion based on the trees, the earth and all visible but unmovable objects seems to be a rational outgrowth of the society. It may be hypothesized that the values, attitudes and beliefs of a peOple that are based on religion influence the social environment and the political leadership of a nation. Social Environment: Family To Mbiti, African society has been based tradition- ally upon ethnic groupings. "A person has to be born a member of it and he cannot change" (1969: 135). He further specifies that a sense of kinship is reckoned through blood and betrothal (engagement and marriage), governing the whole behavior of the individual. Each individual within an .4 : \- bouob ""“ CI .1? \ 1 $ ‘ ‘ ECZC, wnlcn 1 seats of t% .z a.» Unit: I ‘4 .A ""1 DEALER t '1“. ‘vv g. T to. . i. . 3‘ a :31»). . R sh-..:r’ ‘V o A:- u x .f‘ Q -.~ ..‘._,r \‘ - .~ ‘Q q ' 'f" . ‘U‘ W .. ‘ V“ 61?: D l 3'-.. .. - es n. "“‘tau «C- ‘ ‘Ab: (I) 1 I 24 ethnic group is related to one anothc: due to the kinship bond, which includes the departed (the living dead) and the yet to be born. Religious honor and rites are accorded to the ancestors since they are believed all-powerful in the events of the group. Such rituals and belief in kinship, Mbiti believes, give the members a sense of belonging and unity (1969: 135). Under the heading "ethnic group," Mbiti places a sub" division, clan. Clans are of two types: patriarchial and matriarchial, the former tracing their descent from a male or a father, the latter tracing their descent from a female or mother (Mbiti: 1969: 137). Mayer claims that the di- rection and behavior of each clan is controlled by an ohene, meaning "head," who is an elected king. However, the word king is not used; instead the rulers use the name of the state or town which they rule and add hene (Mayer: 1968?: 14). Thus one has Asantehene, who is ruler of the Asante region and clan. Known to the outside as paramount chiefs, Mayer believes their territory of power may extend from twenty-five peOple to two hundred and forty thousand, into a small state (91-92). The selection of a chief often hinges upon one's position in a royalty class. A council of leaders, either by age or status, choose the new leader of the clan, with re- commendations from the people (Mbiti : 1969). In a matri- archial society, a Queen mother, who is a woman of any age and a symbol of the state, has a deciding role in the final 39 Q nosen, t ”I t... pnA a... "be A 5 social and E 5‘. II p . lQCIS s 35': p '1‘ p- u. hero I ‘ Fry ee‘ee‘ 8 ‘Au‘ y... - 5‘ " I uh. I! q . ‘AA‘ v. bVK/‘e In. ‘ ‘ :es 25 selection Of the chiefs, notes Mitchison (1958: 172). Once chosen, the paramount chief, usually male, directs both the social and Spiritual life of his clan with the aid of his advisors. Politics and religion often unite. For example, Raymond writes that the paramount chief of the Asante, the Asantehene, keeps a Golden Stool, which becomes a sign of his status and power within the clan and religious symbol (1960: 134). As it can be seen some possessions take on meanings beyond their mere physical presence. He found that a chief who has been removed from office is said to have been "destooled" (Raymond: 1960: 134).) The posessions and regalia of the chiefs have proved important to political leadership as one author writes: For a peOple who never themselves develOped the art of writing, the regalia of the Ghanaian chiefs was of specific significance not merely as symbols of kingly Office but served as chronicles of early history and evidence of traditional religion, cos- mology and social organization. (Kyerematen: 1964: l). Mbiti (1968) further subdivides the clan into families, meaning two brothers or sisters (dependent upon the descent line) living together in a housing compound, houSing between six to one hundred people. Within these extended families are individual households of wife, husband, children and often grandparents. A number Of individual households may comprise a village (1968: 139-140). Traditionally, the allocation of the land for the families has been in the hands of the chiefs. As Apter writes, "While not the owner of the land, (the chief) holds and allocates possession of -4_.--_._... the land notes, t nuel 51E from his 0f land present not east A indivifi; t0 the : vidual therefc grove j SOCial modern ues as of inc She; QfSB: 26 the lands on a communal basis" (1967: 95). However, he also notes, the chief cannot sell the land as a source of reve- nue, since it belongs to all the people (1967: 95). Judging from his analysis of Ghanaian political history, the question Of land ownership has been a political problem for past and present leaders of national and local governments which is not easily resolved. As has been seen, in traditional African society the individual is "a part of the whole . . . Whatever happens to the individual happens to the whole group . . . the indi- vidual can only say 'I am, because we are; and since we are, therefore I am'" (Mbiti: 1969: 141-142). Such traditional group identification does create, Mbiti admits, certain social and psychological stability (1969: 141). Yet in modern African society there seems to be a struggle of val— ues as traditional group norms conflict with Western values of individuality and independence. Patterns g£_Dress amonnghanaian Males To understand the dress of Ghanaian political leaders, one must understand what constitutes traditional male dress. The Ghanaian male had a wide assortment of attire. Figures 2.3A and 2.3B illustrate the buba, a loose-fitting shirt with machine embroidery at the neck, along with the types of fabrics used in its manufacture. Wass notes that the buba is worn by both the men and the women in Nigeria yet the shape of the neckline varies with the fashion (1975: 43 & 258). A Ghanaian, Kwame Boafo, agrees that the Ghanaian buba 1.! . . HI. I... . 27 Fig. 2.3. Fabric and Types Of Ghanaian Male Bubas A. Male Buba (courtesy of Kwame Boafo) B. Male Buba (Corti Collection: purchased in Kumasi, Ghana) Ghanaian machine— printed cloth used in manufac- ture of buba (seen in Kumasi, Ghana) 28 is worn by both sexes; however, he claims that the female buba is cut and sewn more fitted (1977). Other sources note that certain garments are distinguished by sex, according to fabric used and the design of the garment. If a buba is Of hand-dyed blue-white striped fabric from the Northern Territories, it is called a fugu and worn primarily by men (Ghana Review: 1975: 22). Figure 2.4 shows one such garment. Another garment worn by men, ac— cording to Boafo (1977), is the joromi. Figure 2.5 shows the garment, in different fabrics, hip—length, sleeveless, with machine embroidery at the front and backlines. Panels of cloth on each side create square-shaped armholes and pro- vide slit pockets at armhole level for carrying objects. As the investigator did not learn about this garment until after the study, it could not be used but does provide another example of Ghanaian male attire. To all of these shirts a pair of trousers is usually added along with a pair of sandals. For holiday occasions, there are two particular tra- ditional types of garments. The first and most predominant, especially among the local chiefs, is the wrapper. Figure 2.6 illustrates the wrapper, which is a piece of cloth wrap- ped in toga styles. The material varies for the wrapper from imported to handmade, giving the wrapper different names. If the cloth is the Ghanaian kente, the wrapper is kente. If the cloth used is Ghanaian adinkra, it is an adinkra wrapper. All wrappers_are worn usually with short trousers 29 Figure 2.4 Northern Territories Fugu (Garment courtesy of Kwame Boafo) later—r. N III-lulu #1 .. . _ 1. . .. . . v . . : . .matfirqfihrwufithko‘. .5 NO. pk \1 30 Fig. 2.5. Types of Ghanaian Joromi ._. .1.__1_.-.. _ __ - - .._.-__;.. (garments courtesy of Kwame Boafo) 31 Fig. 2.6. Ghanaian Male Wrapper (Sketch courtesy of Steve Loringl -._; LA#1_.“ ..___...- L underneath indicated ‘2 past, photo or lat—e w: armlets an?1 tional holy Of a long-1| mi an act: .L traditionai St‘ldy of ti BY n' . ‘ 1331131 an T3 | proportiOr 32 underneath (Boafo: 1977). The status of the individual is indicated by the type of material of the wrapper. In the past, photos of the paramount chief show him in an adinkra or £2222 wrapper with the traditional jewelry of bracelets, armlets and the accessory of the sword for power. For addi— tional holiday events, Ghana Review reports the use of the batakari. The batakari is a three-piece outfit consisting Of a long-sleeved buba, jokoto (a baggy pair of trousers), and an agbada (a long flowing gown) (1975: 23). Thus the traditional items of various forms formed the basis for the study of the dress of traditional leaders. By contrast, the everyday dress of the Westernized Ghanaian male involves more items, forms and layers. The Westernized Ghanaian dresses in tailored, fitted garments, prOportioned specifically to his figure type. Figure 2.7 shows the major dress items of the study consist of a jacket (single- or double-breasted), ghlgt, necktie, trousers, vest, sggks and ghges. To complete the attire, an overcoat, such as a Chesterfield, is worn. On holiday or ceremonial occasions, a Black Tie or tuxedo uniform may replace these items. Accessories to either outfit may include an ascot, briefcase, cane, cufflinks, handkerchief, hat (as bowler, homberg, top), tieclip, watch, as well as body reconstruc- tion as hair styling and mustaches. With such rigidity im- posed On the body movements by the tailored garments, the mood imposed and elicited from the clothing is one of for- mality, unlike the traditional Ghanaian attire which is mecmu OZU HO WRONG CNOUWOE COHQCGCC \ION :nvuflnahvfihb 33 \\I , “HMMNA amgfluoq cm>mum mo amounsoo noumxmv I 1 _ ,Nscoe moose "condom . _ 1 so .._——._ —\ "cc..- fl.— _\ n“- ~f§lz :5 .13. . m.ow. map mo mmono cuwumoz onemsmnc . h.m musmwm r\ informal with the dress ha:- have a d ure 2.8 i the Stud 34 informal and loose, allowing the body to COpe physiologically with the environment. The media reveal that Western formal dress has become a standard for Westernized Ghanaian males. Other Ghanaian males, representing the armed services, have a different uniform and an imposed code Of dress. Fig- ure 2.8 shows the typical attire of the Ghanaian military of the study, both casual and dress uniforms. Ghanaian military uniforms consist of a military hat, a long—sleeved jacket, a Sam Browne belt, militagy braid, trousers and shoes and socks. On warmer days, the military jacket may be changed in favor of a short bush jacket, an Eisenhower shirt or a military shirt, the media reveal. For special occasions the upper ranks may substitute the basic jacket for a fitted military dress jacket of fine material, adding the accessories of loves, cane, medals, saber and sabercase. These military 9_____ , uniforms dominate many Western countries and have been adOp- ted by the Africans, Ghanaians in particular, for political power. mmmaHQ >L-KI¥TFW§ FUI-t-Ut ‘IuyILIIII-t "unautho— >q~ 3U ..H H «,2 PAN.%. 5:5:er . mu. a mu o Tithh 56:50 553.5: ::=..:=>. 2: \O ten—Lew: 3:... CEOk FEE—x 2:5; 2: u.:.i:::.::0.555: .3:::< .< .w titles Hie: 3.3 .15... 32.50 3: E. SEES—teb SEEN .0 .b \~.§1..:..C...S;< \§.:.:::? 3: :.: . 5.42.3 .8231 TSSEK \: “8:2 3: 23:: 53:23 £91.; H.521 255$ E: a; 3: 5.3%:2556 35 2215C 5:355: :5...::./. S: \: Eitzéb £3.31. .T .s 425...“.‘w \lliifl moves mange "wounom Aammalwmmav EMOMHCD mmwno >umuflaflz swamcscu .m Ammmaiwwmav mmwno Snowflaflz augmwu cmflmsmac .< mmono anmuwafiz deflmsmnc .m.N .mfim Acc $9193 ted ( CHAPTER III POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT OF GHANA INTRODUCTION According to Wass, changes in dress occur through selected or forced cultural contact (1975: 42). The his- toric cross-cultural contact Of Ghana with EurOpean powers and the resulting effect on political dress will be the topic Of this chapter. The chapter is divided into three periods: (1) Pre-Colonial, 1400-1897, (2) Colonial, 1897- 1947, and (3) Pre- and Post-Independence, 1948-1969. The first treats the exploration and exploitation of Gold Coast by traders, the second views the effect of British Colonial authority on Ghanaian life—style and the third watches the rise of political parties, leaders and their use of dress as a symbol of power. Pre-Colonial Period 1400-1897 The recorded history of Ghana usually begins as told by the Europeans. Ghana was first settled by the Portuguese from the outside in the fifteenth century. For a peOple in search of mineral deposits for the motherland, Ghana literally 36 orovided a nonds. As named the c to be the e 1 In . European se oon cali ef base from I The Portug Q'Old, repo Anc ear 1? in I A it able 9 on 881: they -’_ tUrh , 37 provided a gold mine with its rich deposits of gold and dia- monds. As Ghana Reborn reports, "so much gold was obtained . . . that the Portuguese named the country 'mina' meaning mine" (1966: 47). The French, who later came exploring, named the country "Cote de l'or," or Gold Coast, which came to be the established name until the twentieth century. In 1482, Mayer reports, the Portuguese built the first European settlement on the coast, Sao Jorge de Mina castle. Soon called Elmina by the natives, the castle became the base from which to conduct business in mining and trade. The Portuguese traded cloth, iron, copper and firearms for gold, reports one source (1968?: 11). Another authority notes that textiles were traded early in West Africa by the Portuguese: The Portuguese, by 1500, had found it profit- able to establish cotton and indigo plantations on Saint-Antoine in the Cape Verde Islands where they employed Wolof captives from the mainland to turn out quantities of blue cloth used to exchange for slaves and other items with the peOple of the interior (Boser: 1970: 154) Davidson notes, other items traded, such as firearms, brought a new source of technology and political power. These tools allowed those who possessed them control over Others; the colonists dominated the natives, and the chiefs SUbordinated their subjects with the weapons (1976: 7). For much of the fifteenth century the Portuguese maintained a military and commercial monopoly on Ghana. However, £2223: E§§t and Present records that, in 1850, Portugal became a Province of Spain and the Spanish neglected the Portuguese I colony of (I? sought to cH plantations notes, the :olonize hf actively in me?» for (35.01923 WET feared by 3 By P65!) natic ECCSOfliC (3 Countries a new mar? 51ales whi 35d mite l 38 colony of Ghana in favor of the Spanish colonies in the New World. The Dutch, noting the lack Of interest in Ghana, sought to capture the Ghanaian slave market for their sugar plantations in Brazil (1968?: 13). Thus by 1593, Mayer notes, the Dutch had become the second European country to colonize Africa (1968?: 13). Until then, few Europeans had actively investigated Africa, since little was known Of it, except for its diseases. Typhoid, diptheria, malaria, and cholera were common occurrences, and the "Dark Continent" was feared by EurOpeans (Botchway: 1972: 12). By the sixteenth century, Lloyd (1967) reports, Euro— pean nations visiting the "Americas" had seen a chance for economic development in agriculture through plantations. The countries which held African colonies saw these colonies as a new market to exploit, especially for human resources as slaves which could be used to work the fields of the Ameri- can cotton plantations. The slave trade began tO draw more and more European ships. The Dutch were followed by the Swedes, the Danes, the English and the Germans. The Euro- peans built castles along the coast and used them as bases ". . . for the capture, recapture, exchange and supply of slaves . . . ," as well as for the trading of other goods (Lloyd: 51). In 1662 the British established themselves in Ghana by building James Fort in Accra and established an English trading company (Mayer: 1968: 14). Kent reports that Europeans trading on the west coast sold velvets, silks and other textiles in exchange for African goods such as indigenous la: with I l item from t Ba i aries to 1 al common values, It i ". . . tc or the la; ness and i meant a 4 T 515% tr . bumans t 7 of the r‘ 39 indigenous West African cloth. These cloths became so popu— lar with the EurOpean traders that they became a major trade item from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century (1970: 3). Each of the European nations sent Christian mission- aries to build and maintain religious, social and education- al communities on the Gold Coast. ‘While espousing European values, the Christian missionaries strove, as Mitchison notes, ". . . to redeem the Africans of their sinfulness." Clothing or the lack of it was viewed only on moral grounds. "Naked- ness and innocence meant a state of sin, clothing and shame meant a state of Grace" (1958: 70-71). Throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth century the slave trade was brisk, with reports of 13,000 to eight million humans traded (Lloyd: 1967: 51, Mayer: 1968?: 12). Out of the misfortunes of the exploited Gold Coasters, there arose a new African elite, according to Lloyd. Most Europeans were confined to their coastal castles, having little contact with the Africans, so the middlemen or agents who bartered for the Africans and the EurOpeans created a new position of leadership. These Africans had adopted the outward signs of a European: they spoke a bit of French or English and as— sumed certain aspects of European dress, while maintaining allegiance to their ethnic groups (1967: 52). This new class may have formed the beginnings of an elite class which would become a nucleus of political power among the Africans. As the nineteenth century began, authorities (Apter: 1967, Botchway: 1972, Davidson: 1976) agree that European eyes were fr. trade route: continuing Britain, we its Africa: tained raw maufactur. PCPU.atior. AC; u ‘ ‘ {Exacti I“ . °5a3aians 99583 mi C104”; ' k110i ! | 40 eyes were focused on Africa, with the scramble for land, trade routes from the coast to the interior savanna and continuing search for men and minerals. EurOpe, led by Britain, was experiencing an Industrial Revolution and needed its African colonies for exploitation again. Europeans ob- tained raw materials from Africa, and returned to sell the manufactured product to the Africans.‘ With the increasing population of EurOpeans and the conquest of malaria, Botchway notes, Africa's great size seemed to offer promise for Euro- pean settlement (1972: 12). According to Apter, treaties were drawn up to control the trade and to improve the Africans' position in commercial transactions. He further notes that a certain group of Ghanaians, the Asante, had considerable wealth in gold, dia— monds and timber within their region. For economic pur- poses they consolidated their small chiefdoms into a king- dom, known as the Asante Confederacy, which became "a power— ful political organization," complete with a bureaucracy and a militia. Based on its activities, Apter concludes that the Confederacy's main intentions were both economic survival and global conquest (1967: 60). According to McKown, the Confederacy regulated its own trade of slaves and minerals with EurOpean nations but was often embroiled in battles with neighboring clans and the British (1973: 7). By 1820 The British were debating withdrawal from the Gold Coast for a number of reasons, according to Brown and Arnonoo. They had grown weary of competition with other nations as ' addition, t the eighte»; abolish sin Coast and .1 be cheaper British (30 British me trade par: 41 nations as well as the constant battles with the Asante. In addition, the results of a strong antiuslavery movement in the eighteenth century caused the British government to abolish slavery in 1806, voiding their use of the Gold Coast and Africa. Besides, any slaves needed were found to be cheaper in India or Cuba. However, the desire of the British government to leave the Gold Coast was denied, as British merchants persuaded the government to remain for trade purposes (1964: 12 & 24). By 1828, the British withdrew from the country ex- cept for two merchant governments in Accra and Cape Coast ". . . to be ruled by an elected council and the English government," Davidson claims (1976: 135). The British still maintained control of the country and in 1843 "they assumed official control through the government of Sierra Leone (Mayer: 1968?: 21)." Thus, Davidson concludes, they en- acted the infamous Bond of 1844 to document their political position within the Gold Coast. The Bond, uniting eight Fanti rulers with neighboring rulers, was a protection device for foreign trade and against attacks of the Asante (1976: 137). Applicable only to the coast, the Bond granted the British "exclusive trading rights and the right to try cases in law and to bring the customs of the people into agreement with British law," according to Brown and Arnonoo (1963: 17). They claim the Bond gave the British the legal Claim to impose its judicial system on the Gold Coast al— though the Bond did not dictate ownership of the state as a colony at t': The strong, cla posed a pol were colle:~ soon disco: it‘:'- Some 03 Christ: General (E. I any manif model for tiVities . In Change dl ‘ (3 Get thaL British PM 5‘. to IE 42 colony at this time. The financial state of the new area of rule was not strong, claim Brown and Arnonoo. In 1854, the British im— posed a poll tax to obtain more revenue. At first the taxes were collected without complaint, but certain peOple were soon discontent with the British and their political author— ity. Some Gold Coast natives rallied for change and marched on Christianbourg Castle, the home of the British Governor- General (Brown and Arnonoo: 17). The march did not yield any manifest results but the group may have served as role model for subsequent political parties and leadership ac— tivities. In 1871 there followed the rumblings of political change disguised under another cause. Brown and Arnonoo re- port that with the continual Asante battles between the British and the Fantis, despite the Bond of 1844, the Fantis met to resolve the issue in Anmkesim. They formed the Fanti Confederation, and drew up the first consitution written by the people of the Gold Coast (1963: 17). While the consti- tution was a far-sighted progressive attempt at self-regula— tion, the British did not accept the document (Brown and Arnonoo: 29). The rejection of the prOposal may have stem— med from a threat to British power as well as to British ap- prehension of Ghanaian inexperience in self—government. The Gold Coast remained under British domain. By 1872, Mayer concludes, the Danes and the Dutch became the last Europeans to withdraw from the Gold Coast. The British of the Gold any in 1874. colonv (196' this period "benevolent 10 involve in African African re; either to 1 Pease the 1 TEE! Chan ts ‘ CU 43 The British now had virtual economic and political control of the Gold Coast, declaring the coastal region a crown col- ony in 1874. In 1876 Accra was made the capital of the colony (1968?: 23). Apter terms the British behavior at this period as "paternalistic," for they wished to present a "benevolent benefactor" image to the world. The British tried to involve the Africans in their government by appointing an African to the British Legislative Council to serve as an African representative. The action was hardly sufficient either to represent the entire African continent or to ap- pease the new discontent among the growing elite class of merchants and educators (1967: 119). By 1897 political dissent had grown into bona fide political party organization. The British attempted to pass the Public Lands Bill putting all unoccupied traditional or "stool" land into crown, British-ruled land, says McKown. The Aborigines Rights Protection Society was organized as a political party and succeeded in seeing the bill withdrawn (1973: 8). Colonial Period 1897-1947 By the turn of the century, authorities (Apter: 1967, Austin: 1964, Lloyd: 1967) say, the British.maintained Control through indirect rule of the three territories of . the Gold Coast Colony, Asante and the Northern Territories. Lloyd writes that indirect rule by British terms meant that “the coloni: raditional system of 1:. nomination the Queen's adiji S ed be: closely w:- ieaders we and exerci courts" (I. Edie by t'.‘ councils d ThESe Cod Fain base In a COPY of Ferigd I c 7 “017131 I C po'efer ra‘ + . asklre. 44 "the colonial administration attempts to work through the traditional structure so that ideally there is only one system of local administration" (1967: 19). Appointment or nomination to these councils were dependent upon the favor of the Queen's representative, the colonial governor, who was advised by the present members of the Legislative Council (Lloyd: 1967: 57). The administration of the local regions lay in the hands of the Provincial Commissioners who worked closely with the local rulers. It is claimed that the local leaders were given the authority to ". . . make by-laws and exercise limited civil and criminal juriSdiction in local courts" (Lloyd: 1967: 57). Lloyd reports, some attempt was made by the government to include the local rulers with councils of chiefs set up to discuss governmental policies. These councils served only in an advisory capacity, with the :main base of power at the tOp in the governor (1967: 63). In time the British colony of the Gold Coast became ii copy of England, by law and dress. Photos of the colonial Enariod reveal that the British maintained use of their own fC>irma1, cotton khaki military attire for the exercise of power rather than adopting the chief's traditional wraparound a‘tl‘l:ire. Much has been written about the British role in the (3C>ld Coast with the general consensus of opinion positive tc>‘ward Britain. As Strand writes, "the British did not at— ‘tfiflmpt the transformation of an alliance into subjection; heither, the process of transformation for the British colony V"as gradual, slow and hesitant" (1976: 135). It has been 45 seen that the British provided both the educational and political systems for the future leaders. However, since the Gold Coast did provide more natural resources than the motherland, Britain along with other foreign huge monopolies did exploit the Gold Coasters and squeezed out small Afri- can traders (Strand: 1976: 135). In human resources, Brown and Arnonoo record that the British turned to the Gold Coast in 1914 for assistance in its battle against Germany. There Gold Coast men formed the first Gold Coast army, the Gold Coast Regiment. Waging war in Togo, in the Cameroons, the war had its human and economic tragedies on the Coast in lost men and revenues, along with a scrutiny of the pur- pose of British domination in the Gold Coast (1964: 71). Political develOpments were taking place internation- ally that raised the consciousness for nationalism in West Africa and the Gold Coast. The West African Congress of 1917 declared itself to be the "first interterritorial po— litical movement in British West Africa," and requested the granting of self-government. Their desire for self-govern- ment was pushed so that "the peOples of African descent should participate in government of their own country" (Botchway: 1972: 92). The Congress campaigned for their cause in the backdrOp of WWI, hOping to incur changes after the war. However, the war ended with little benefits to the West Africans, claim Brown and Arnonoo. As for the British, with the defeat of Germany came the acquisition of Germany's colony, Togoland. Togoland was conceded to the 46 British and French. They split the country (along with the ethnic group Ewes) into two sections. The British section became a British mandated territory and was absorbed into the Gold Coast Colony. The French section became the present day state of Togo. As a result of WWI, the state of the Gold Coast is as it stands today: the Gold Coast Colony, Ashanti, Northern Territories, and Togo (1964: 75). Sir Gordon Guggisberg administered the Gold Coast from 1919 to 1927 as Governor. He made progressive reforms which are said to have aided independence. He laid the modern day infrastructure of Ghana with the establishment of new roadways, railways and a harbor at Takoradi. Through this transportation system, the Gold Coast was able to transport crOps more cheaply, thus the country was able to acquire more wealth and improve its standard of living (Anderson: 1972: 83). In addition to improving education and health, Guggisberg set forth a new constitution in 1925 for setting up a Provincial Council of Chiefs and expanding the Legislative Council to nine Africans to enlarge Afri- can political power (Nkrumah: 1957: 69). As the representa- tion on these councils was believed elite-based, the Abor- igines Protection Rights Society returned, ineffectively, and died. With Guggisberg's support, it has been noted that a belief in Gold Coast self-worth and independence flourished (Anderson: 1972: 83). Another man responsible for its development was Dr. Aggrey, believes Anderson. Educated in 47 the United States, Dr. Aggrey undertook to create under- standing among races through his teaching in the following quote: "You can play some kind of tune on the black notes alone. You can play some kind of tune on the white notes alone. But for real music with full, rich harmonv you must play both the black and white keys" (Anderson: 1972: 90). Recognizing Aggrey's potential use for the Gold Coast, Guggisberg appointed him Vice Principal of the first Gold Coast administered co-ed elementary school at Achimota. The idea was controversial among the local leaders who desired neither the adoption of western ideas through education nor the education of their women. Aggrey argued that western ideas were a needed supplement to African ideas as well as for needed improvements in science and medicine for health- ier peOple, notes Anderson (1972: 91). Aggrey recognized the socio-political power of women with the statement: "If you educate a man, you educate one person; if you educate a woman, you educate a family" (Anderson: 1972: 91). These educational concepts were eventually accepted with the con- tributions of Aggrey still felt in the Gold Coast. While education flourished, "the economy developed slowly . . . with one-third of its exports to Britain" '(Lloyd: 1967: 68). Lloyd elaborates that the economic system under Guggisberg organized the production of a small amount of a few raw materials with a large amount of migrant labor from Upper Volta, Ivory Coast and Nigeria. There was little manufacturing of consumer goods due to the lack of WP); [5}] on“ fna Yb \ 48 availability of semi-skilled or skilled laborers. Without an industrial base expending capital investment, the country had little financial revenue upon which to draw for taxes and growth. The Gold Coast had its natural resources, but not enough for economic stability and social change (1967: 68). . By 1942 the British had laid the base for political power, as well as change, with ". . . a fairly efficient administrative machine, reaching down to villages in most remote areas . . . a functioning infrastructure and service organizations," claims Lloyd. Recovering from the depression he notes "West African exports of primary products brought considerable wealth (and power) to the peOple" (1967: 81). However, WWII came to disrupt the Gold Coast, which was used by the British for its Gold Coast Regiment and as a contact point for the Allied forces, according to Brown and Arnonoo. With Italy monitoring the Mediterranean Sea, the trade routes from India and the Far East were diverted to the West coast of Africa with the merchants and shippers benefiting from the exchange of cloth and other articles (1964: 107). The war years produced a new British governor, Sir Arthur Burns, to administer the Gold Coast, who aided in the appointment of the first African member to the Executive Council (Anderson: 1972: 109). Through the measures introduced by the gover— nors of the pre-independence period, the Gold Coast seemed to be slowly progressing to British recognition through re- presentation. 13......“ 49 Pre— and Post—Independence 1947-1969 There has been much discussion on the rise of nation- alism and political organization in the 1940's. The chief factors for the rise appear to be mainly economic problems involving all social classes. The prime factors are listed below: There was an increasing number of educated Gold Coasters who had studied abroad. They returned with a knowledge of "the rights of other humans" and were eager for social change (Kenworthy: 1959: 71). Within the same group were the frustrated Gold Coasters who saw the British as im- peding their aspirations for a rise in status, in civil service or public employ~ ment (Lloyd: 1967: 81). Further down the social scale were the growing number of traders and farmers who resented the continued intrusion and com- petition from the large foreign companies (Ghana Reborn: 2: 48; Kenworth: 1967: 71). Having acquired some wealth the new middle class were eager to maintain it rather than have it siphoned off by the British (Ray— mond: 1960: 233) The government workers and wage earners were discontent with lower wages, a scar— city of goods and "higher prices on impor - ed consumer goods" (McKown: 1973: 45; Botchway: 1972: 28). The Gold Coast servicemen, who had served abroad in WWII, returned with new technical skills and ideas that they had learned. Thus, the servicemen of the Gold Coast, working beside white soldiers as equals in the war "were unwilling to accept (being) second- class citizens again with inferior jobs and pensions" (Anderson: 1972: 159; McKown: 1973: 45). 50 6. In 1941 an agreement was reached between Britain and the U.S. known as the Atlantic Charter. The Charter guaranteed "the right of all people to choose the form of govern- ment under which they will live . . . any government was to be approved by the people and the people were to be consulted before any territorial changes were to be made. While applicable to others, the Africans saw the charter as a base for further demands for independence. The Atlantic Charter later became the basis for the United Nations" (Anderson: 1976: 160). 7. A major political development occurred in 1947 when Pakistan and India received their independence. The Africans saw the possibi- lity of independence and used the fact of the two countries' freedom as an impetus for change (Strand: 1976: 140). A continued sense of discontent toward the colonial anstem gave the Gold Coast peOple a feeling of unity and seelf-conscience, but with no legitimate political instru- Ineuit to voice their grievances. The problems of colonial Charitrol were exacerbated with the maneuvers of the present Brtitish Governor Burns. Burns, believed by some as "progressive," introduced Valfiaous reforms, one of them being the appointment of tWC> ZAfricans as unofficial members to the Executive Council (Nkrumah: 1957: 69; Anderson: 1977: 168). A group of intelligentsia opposed the appointments, believing that the Sel"3C3'tion of the individuals was political, based on al— liBHCe with the British (McKown: 1972: 69). After these elite worked through the proper channels f or: <2hanges and failed, they formulated plans for a politi— c . . . . . . . ail I“achine, creating the first offic1a1 political party ‘IEIrIzFrP-ulfl . Q. AJ NU. 51 of the Gold Coast——the United Gold Coast Convention (U.G.C.C.) (McKown: 1972: 69). The U.G.C.C. was founded in 1947 with the pledge of "self—government for the peoples of the Gold Coast at the earliest opportunity." Headed by an attorney, Dr. Danquah, authorities believe that the party was composed of elitists as merchants, lawyers, doctors. While the men in the party were thought to be "patriotic men who desired progress," their definition of progress was based on the EurOpean concept of an elitist hierarchy bestowing privileges, with independence the vehicle for improvment of their status, according to the most authorities (Strand: 1976: 139; Apter: 1963: 25; Botchway: 1972: 29). With the party base in the educated elite, the party did not maintain or solicit mass grass roots support. In addition, the partv lacked "internal discipline and structure," with a real need for an organizer (Botchway: 1972: 29). Realizing the C>1itical leaders, as well as the type of image necessary tltb command attention. MEI] zry filllli‘fl- . l: 52 Abandoning serious thoughts of becoming a priest, Nkrumah attended Lincoln University in Pennsylvania, re- ceiving a B.A. in philoSOphy (Nkrumah: 1957: 41). Sub- sequently he recorded in his autobiography that he received a second B.A. in sacred theology from Lincoln University and M.A. and M.S. in philosophy and education from the University of Pennsylvania. While at the University of Pennsylvania Nkrumah was instrumental in founding the Institute of Afri- can Language and Culture and starting a branch of the Afri- can Student Association. As Nkrumah espoused Gold Coast independence, the student association was a testing ground for Nkrumah as a political leader (McKown: 1973: 31; Nkrumah: 1957: 45). Nkrumah had lived in the United States for ten years, absorbing western politics, symbols and ideals of beauty. In all his political endeavors he realized the importance of physical appearance on western political acceptance and relates a body modification done in his autobiography: When I left (Gold Coast), my two front teeth were divided by a fairly wide gap. In the U.S. I found this (the gap) a handicap because whenever I made public speeches, it affected my delivery, especially where s's were concerned. I therefore decided to have them (the two front teeth) removed and replaced by two false ones (Nkrumah: 1957: 68). After receiving two advanced degrees in the United SStates Nkrumah writes that he decided to seek a doctorate iLn philosophy at the London School of Economics. While in lLondon Nkrumah met George Padmore, a West African advocate (of independence with whom he formed "the Circle," a political 53 organization striving for African liberation with its tenets in Marxian socialism. Thoroughly enmeshed in the Circle, Nkrumah abandoned plans for a doctorate. Nkrumah continued to test and refine his political skills until he was called back to the Gold Coast in 1947 (1957: 39). The Ghana to which Nkrumah returned was ripe for a leader. Botchway writes that while most of Ghana was weary of colonialism no one group of individuals seemed capable of uniting both the masses and the elite, the different geographical regions, and varied ethnic groups, to propel the country into independence. The leaders of the U.G.C.C. brought Nkrumah back to Ghana believing he could unite these groups by means of his past political experience and his understanding of the two different life-styles (1972: 29). As General Secretary of the U.G.C.C. Nkrumah evaluated the entire operations and drew up a prOposed program for the U.G.C.C. which were presented in January of 1948 (1957: 72). The proposals were barely being implemented before civil iriots occurred which.impeded their progress. Armed with a petition of civil grievances, a delega- tlion of ex-servicemen marched on Christianbourg Castle to Il‘leet with the Governor-General. Shots were fired between <3'rolitica1 dissidents (McKown: 1973: 48-51). In March, 5'17; l r... :H 54 Nkrumah was found with a Communist Party card from the Cir- cle, was arrested and jailed along with his U.G.C.C. associ— ates (McKown: 1973: 48—51). As a result of the riot, the British government as- sembled the Watson Commission to investigate the causes of the event. In discovering both economic and political mo- tives, the Commission recommended further constitutional The Labor Government created the Coussey Com— advances. 1973: 25). mission to investigate further reforms (Woronoff: The Coussey Report issued a report August, 1949, that met xvith approval by the elite and the chiefs. Carrying no .provisions for self-government, Nkrumah was not satisfied xvith its results, he writes in his autobiography. When Pikrumah and the other members of the U.G.C.C. were released iirom jail, his autobiography relates, he began campaigning ft>r independence, using every means possible. Using the IPlrint media to hit the literate people he launched the Accra EZELily News (Nkrumah: 1957: 118). For the semi- or illiter- EitZe people he used the basic tools of political communica- tiJan-persuasion through interpersonal contact. Given his p(DILitical background, Nkrumah had learned that personal <=c>r1tact and speeches (his voice and his body) were the Inc>sst effective weapons in his fight against colonialism. He resEilized that the meaning and benefits of independence on t:rlee national level must be understood by the people in the local villages and tovms. Apter believes that "Nkrumah ()fEEered the populace, which was bound by relatively limited 55 choices and Options, a sense of the future" (1967: 373). With Nkrumah's promises for change, his affinity for both the common people and the elite, authorities (Lacouture: 1972, Apter: 1967) believe he became the charismatic figure to lead the Gold Coast to freedom. However, according to his autobiography, Nkrumah saw that the U.G.C.C. did not offer the leadership he desired to lead the country to independence, nor, as McKown implies, that he was in good standing with its members. Handing in his resignation to the U.G.C.C., Nkrumah launched his own political party, the Convention Peoples Party (C.P.P.), with himself as Party Chairman, in June, 1949 (1957: 108). Nkrumah chose and formulated the symbols of the new party, its colors being red, white and green (1957: 108). The members of the C.P.P. identified each other with a "'Freedom Sign:' right hand raised, palm forward and fingers outstretched" (1973: 58). The strength of the organization .1ay with Nkrumah in the adoption of symbols and in the plan- Iling and magnetism, according to Botchway. However, he dis- cuSses how the age status of the members and the organization affected Nkrumah's direction: The members of the C.P.P. were generally young— er, more militant and less affluent, drawing from youth organizations, cocoa farmers, trade unions. They . . . did not . . . reject the traditional values of Ghanaian society, although it (the C.P.P.) questioned them and aimed at changing them. To achieve independence, the C.P.P. . . . (sought) a course between the position of the U.G.C.C. and that of the colonial government . . . Any other tactics would cost the C.P.P. the mass support it needed and would probably have caused a split in the leadership (Botchway: 1972: 45). 56 In his autobiography Nkrumah designated the actions of the C.P.P. into two periods, as he had done with the U.G.C.C. The first period, "Positive Action," was based on Ghandi's nonviolent political principles. The second period, "Tactical Action," was designed as a series of overt political activities for independence (Nkrumah: 1957: preface). Nkrumah reports that "Positive Action" was called for in 1950 after the issuance of the Coussey Report, with action including a shut-down of civil services and strikes by workers. The Gold Coast newspapers championed the cause of independence, but were closed down by the government (Nkrumah: 1957: 118). Nkrumah was rightly assumed to be the instigator of the plan and was seized while campaigning in the Northern Territories dressed in a Northern tunic (Nkrumah: 1957: 117). While he was in prison for a designated term of three years, authorities (Anderson: 1972; Jones: 72: Ap- ter: 1967) note that the government announced a new consti- tution based on the Coussey Constitution recommendations, which included appointment of eight Africans to the Legis- lative Council and replacement of the Legislative Council by Legislative Assembly, with thirty-eight elected African members. The first general Gold Coast election for selec- tion of these seats was chosen for February, 1951 (McKown: 1972: 66). Nkrumah rallied his party from jail and placed this name on the ballot (McKown: 1973: 66). The C.P.P. won 'thirty-four of the thirty-eight Legislative Assembly seats, 57 one of them being Nkrumah. As a result, Governor-Sir Arden Clarke released Nkrumah from jail (McKown: 1972: 66). Judging from journalists' accounts of the spontaneous welcome Nkrumah received from his supporters with his re- .1ease from jail, one writer believes that the imprisonment Imad a positive effect on the perceptions of Nkrumah in his finalitical position of a new Ghanaian leader. Lacouture xyrites that Nkrumah was seen: . . . as a martyr, a witness to his political creed. He is suffering for the cause of his people. His people will look at his act as the incarnation of the ideas that they lack the courage to express . . . his courage leads to merit and is seen as resurrection, he becomes a demi-god (1970: 142). After Nkrumah's release from jail he was appointed Leader of Government Business with duties similar to a Plflime Minister, but requiring the final approval of the Blfiitish. ‘While Nkrumah did not accept the terms of his lieny position, he accepted the office (McKown: 1972: 69). Anderson records that as Leader of Government Business, Nkrumah was to form a new government and nominate members to tile new Legislative Assembly, at the national level. How- ever, one of his first proposals for change was introduction CDf? a local government ordinance setting up three types of cxyuncils: district, urban, local, which were designed to be Seilf-maintaining and raise taxes for the government. The DJAstrict Commissioners were excluded from membership on the CC>uncils but could act as "liaisons" between the councils and 58 the governor. The chiefs were excluded from membership and voting rights in the councils although they could be invited to join. Although the chiefs had the Provincial Council of Chiefs through which to voice their complaints, resentment of the exclusion was seen as a political faux pas by Nkrumah (Nkrumah: 1957: 155). The councils became a new means for the exercise of political power by Nkrumah and the C.P.P. as the C.P.P. won 90% of the seats of the two hundred and seventy councils (Anderson: 1972: 169). To implement further social change, Botchway believes that Nkrumah saw education as positively related to techno- 10gical and economic transformation. By Marxian ideals, eaiucation led to social improvement and a narrowing of the 921p between the workers and the elite (Botchway: 1972: 114). fieiissued the 1951 manifesto proposing that education be Errovided by the government for fifteen years, at the primary 311d secondary levels. The general election of 1951 showed 1-ittle support for the plan although it was implemented with the aid of Russian teachers. During the same years, Nkrumah records that he re- t1llrned to the United States and received an Honorary Degree from his alma mater, Lincoln University. After his return hc>me, Nkrumah recalled that he was addressing an audience 'Hfor the first and last time in an army tunic" (Nkrumah: 1957: 67). Throughout 1952, Nkrumah and the C.P.P. coordinated fOrces to unite the country toward independence, after 59 learning that the British would consider independence after a joint proposal of the people and the chiefs. By 1953, as national leader, Nkrumah started the machinery toward inde— pendence through the introduction of a motion for constitu- tional reforms, the "Motion of Destiny." He requested, as is recorded in his autobiography: 1. that the assembly introduce an Act of Inde- pendence into the British Parliament de- claring the Gold Coast a sovereign and inde- pendent state within the Commonwealth. 2. that the assembly be enlarged to 104 members . . . and eliminating the power of the Pro- vincial Council of Chiefs to choose their own members. 3. that the name of the Gold Coast be changed to Ghana. Ghana was an ancient West Afri— can Kingdom which had reached an advanced level of civilization before it was de— stroyed. Nkrumah took pride in the name, seeing it as an inspiration for the fu- ture (Nkrumah: 1957: 181). Sdach motions required a new general election. The Opposi- tlion, headed by the Asante-backed National Liberation Move- Irlent, saw the decentralization and loss of power possible alhi demanded "a weak central government with regional govern- meint through which they could govern" (Woronoff: 1973: 33). frrreir needs were unmet as the motion passed and the C.P.P. VVCMn seventy-one of the 104 seats in the enlarged Legislative ASsembly. The following day Nkrumah met with Governor Sir Cxlarke and was asked to form a government as the Prime Minis- 1:er of Ghana (Nkrumah: 1959: 209). His status had changed through adoption of a new title; no longer was he a local ‘ . g I 'leader of government bu51ness" but now a national "prime 6O minister." As a liaison between the British and the Ghana— ians, the media records him carried through the crowds as the new Prime Minister dressed in a western business suit, rather than an army tunic. The new 1954 constitution brought Ghana its first Prime Minister and an all African Assembly and Cabinet (Raymond: 1964: 200). Yet, with independence so near, all were not united behind Nkrumah and the C.P.P. as the party to carry the country to independence. Seeing from raw data that the C.P.P. was not the unanimous choice in all the regions, the Opposition sent a delegation, led by Dr. Kofi Busia, to London to delay the granting of self-government until a federal constitution could be worked out (Jones: 1965, Woronoff: 1972). The British government saw the political dissension and declared to Nkrumah that "inde- pendence would be accepted only if a general election is held With a reasonable majority (approving it)" (Raymond: 1960: 258). Woronoff records that a general election was held July 17, 1956, and the C.P.P. won seventy-two of the 103 4 Seats. In August, Nkrumah introduced a motion for indepen- dence to the National Assembly, which passed with only C.P.P. v'C>‘tes (1972: 33). The British saw both election results and giianted Ghana independence on March 17, 1957. Nkrumah's IncYetto for the C.P.P., "We prefer self-government with danger 'tCD servitude in tranquility," had come to pass. All the symbols of social change were recorded and L1Soed. A new flag for Ghana was flown—-red, white, and green 61 stripes (C.P.P. colors) with a five—pointed star on the white strip (McKown: 1973: 92). One author reports the impact of independence upon the businessman: "EurOpean firms, seeing a quick profit, imported caps, shirts and dress material in (red, white and green) colors." The same author also notes that there was "Kwame Nkrumah" cloth imported, printed with his photo on the cloth. Known as political cloth, "men wore shirts of 'Nkrumah' cloth; women used it for their wrap-around skirts"_(McKown: 1973: 58). Figure 10.3 shows a type of 'Nkrumah' cloth that is believed dated to 1957. During and after independence Nkrumah and his col— leagues adOpted symbols of meaning with clothing. It is reported by Raymond (1960) and Rouch (1964) that at mid- night of independence eve, Nkrumah and his ministers changed from their formal, western attire into white or striped smocks from the north. The media show that the men also wore white caps with the letters P.G. (for Prison Graduate) em- Jbroidered on them, to signify their 1950 jail term. The Inedia show Nkrumah had worn both of these items often since 1115 jail release. However, there is question as to whether Etny of these items were actually worn by any of the C.P.P. 11members during their prison terms (McKown: 1973: 68). It bras thought that Nkrumah used both of these items to symbol- i_ze his role of martyr and freedom fighter for Ghanaian igndependence. The appearance of the smock and cap on inde- IDendence day was used, says Raymond, "as a gesture which Fig. 3.1 Political Cloth (courtesy of Val Berryman, Curator of Historical Artifacts MSU Museum) 63 distinguished the men jailed (during the Postiive Action era) the veterans for the '11th hour independentists'" (1960: 219). According to Lacouture, Nkrumah and his cabinet, from 1957-1959, wore western dress until about 1960 when they adopted the traditional chief's symbols of the kente wrapper and sandals (1967: 262). The chief's accoutrements were adopted by Nkrumah as "symbolic referent and an integration- al integer" (Botchway: 1972: 81). As a sign of local "unity and continuity," and a manifestation of traditional power and authority, the kente was a symbol of status. Botchway believes that the adoption of the kente by Nkrumah and his cabinet was an attempt to supersede the power of the chiefs, replacing them as central figures of unification with Nkrumah and his cabinet (1972: 81). As Apter reports that Nkrumah had lost his charismatic appeal after 1954 (1967: 342), it may be thought that the adoption of the kente was a desire to regain lost political power. As the new Prime Minister of the fifth independent African nation, it can be seen through political histories of Ghana that Nkrumah as the new Prime Minister faced many new domestic socio-cultural and economic problems, for which he had little experience or apprOpriate role models. Yet he exercised the new power within his position with the creation of the Workers Brigade. According to Apter, initially the WOrkers Brigade grew out of a social need to end civil violence among 64 unemployed primary school leavers. "The Brigade members were engaged in public works like road building or state farms," with built-in assumptions that they would be employable later (1967: 344). The organization proved pOpular with 10,000 members by 1960. The Workers Brigade was structured like an army, complete with drills, regular lectures on the ideology of the state, and uniforms. Their clothing reflect— ed Nkrumah's beliefs on the use and power of dress: "Why shouldn't the workers of the state . . . be put in uniform? . . This would give them an added incentive to serve the state and a reason to feel proud of their service and a sense of belonging" (Apter: 1967: 344). While the organization fulfilled its functions, it soon disintegrated due to high cost and poorly defined purposes (Lloyd: 1967: 239). Nkrumah had definite feelings about clothing. Ac- cording to a close friend of his, Genoveva Marais, he per- ceived clothing as a second skin that revealed the person. She recorded his thoughts on its use: As human beings, . . . we need the company of our fellow human beings. We are so delicately bal- anced, psychologically, that we react to their pre- sence and behavior. But why? If we think about it carefully we realize that we are not reacting to their bodies but rather to the clothes with which they conceal their bodies . . . We can inspect clothes from a more convenient distance (for) it is the movement which a man's body or his limbs impart to his clothes which gives him away. It is not exactly the way he moves that does it; it is the way his clothes move with his body that tell if he is friendly, angry . . . (1972: 54) Nkrumah was an acknowledged bookworm, and apparently he read Veblen and Flugel, as he noted: 65 I can tell the sex, occupation, nationality and even social standing from a person's clothes . . . (with respect to nationality) if (one) is not wearing his national costume he is uneasy in his borrowed plumes. If one is not accustomed to meeting his social equals, even his new plumes won't conceal the fact . . . Psychologists maintain that clothes serve three main purposes of deco— ration, modesty and protection. (Thus) we all differ as to which of these is most important (Marais: 1972: 54) Well read though he might have been, he had his idiosyncracies toward certain items of dress, in particular wigs. He disliked them intensely and banned them at one time. According to Marais, he felt that they were "ridicu- lous--fancy wearing someone else's hair! You don't even know what the person died of!" (1972: 87) From his state- ment, it appeared that his main objection was for hygienic purposes, but there may have been other underlying reasons, such as a personal dislike for the Western item. However, the West and its moral code had an influence on Nkrumah and his use of power through sumptuary laws. Langner reports that a visit by native dancers from Ghana in Les Ballets Africain in 1959 caused a license commission- er to order the dancers to wear brassieres. "Taking the hint from New York, the Prime.Minister later ordered all Ghanaian girls to cover up" (1959: 168). In moving from a sumptuary policy to domestic and foreign affairs, Nkrumah appeared ambivalent. Stressing that "capitalism was too complicated a system for a newly independent nation," Nkrumah sought socialism (Nkrumah: 1957: Preface). According to Thompson (1969), at the same time, h—‘h ' .1 66 Nkrumah encouraged the entry and investment of public and private capital into the country to provide training and jobs for Ghanaians. Nkruma's desire to combine Eastern socialism and Western capitalism became a foreign policy of neutral non-alignment, which sought economic trade with any 'nation. Such political strategy allowed Nkrumah to maintain status with all nations Ghana's entrance into the U.N. gave Nkrumah a tool for power, a voice in world matters, and diplomatic relations in New York. The U. N. became a platform for Nkrumah to speak for Pan-Africanism, a philOSOphy for a self-sufficient and united Africa. As he writes in his autobiography, Nkrumah foresaw eventual independence for all African states into a union similar to the United States of America. According to most authorities (Apter: 1967, Thompson: 1969), Nkrumah was perceived and perceived his status as prime minister of Ghana as a stepping stone to the presidency of the United States of Africa. The perceptions and motivations of Nkrumah as a public political leader were subject to scrutiny even in his per- sonal life. In 1957, at the age of forty-eight, Nkrumah married an Egyptian woman, Madame Fathia Halen Ritzk. While she could have had an important Arabic impact on Ghanaian society and dress, Thompson notes, she rarely appeared in PUbliC (perhaps due to Moslem custom) but bore Nkrumah three children. Thompson, claiming that Nkrumah said she was an embarrassment to him, it was believed that Nkrumah sought 67 the union to improve his position in Egyptian/Ghanaian foreign policy, since a Ghanaian embassy was opened in Egypt in 1958 (1973: 49). It can only be hypothesized that the marriage was political. From 1957-1959, the media recorded that Nkrumah, both as head of Ghana and as self-appointed diplomat, tried to establish relations with Ivory Coast, Guinea and Mali. These unions failed politically though they were economically advantageous to Guinea and Mali. It appears that Nkrumah sought to improve his image on the African continent through sponsorship of a conference with all African states. While the conference proved successful in arousing attention for African unity and did evolve into the OAU (Organization of African Unity), outsiders were wary of Nkrumah's rationale for the conference (Thompson: 1972: 35). In other foreign policies in general, ". . . there was little involvement (of Ghana) in Asian affairs (for the first five years after independence)" (Thompson: 1972: 46). However, the media show that Nkrumah did visit India in 1959 and later adOpted his mentor Nehru's dress. The Indian or "Nehru" jacket was described by Lacouture as a military tunic, "long and pinched at the waist" (1973: 236). While the investigator found that the Nehru costume was not seen in the media until about 1963, the adoption of the dress may be both a symbol of Nkrumah's allegiance to Indian prin- ciples of passivity as well as to the western fashions of the 60's. 68 By 1960, both Nkrumah and his party had changed,. claims Botchway. The C.P.P. had ceased to be a mass-based party, becoming instead bureaucrats favorable to Nkrumah with party membership restricted. Opposition had nearly ceased to exist with the enforcement of Nkrumah's restrictive measures (Botchway: 1972: 107). Ghanaian resources had been quickly absorbed and debts accumulated with Nkrumah's rapid commercial expansion and foreign loans (Apter: 1967: 357). While it appeared that Nkrumah had nearly absolute power, the media notes that he decided to change the struc- ture of leadership with the prOposal of a new constitution. The features of the new constitution included changing Ghana into a Commonwealth Republic, and having the Head of State and the Head of Government combined into one office, President and Life Chairman Of the Party (Afrifa: 1966: 57, McKown: 1973: 101-102). The constitutional prOposal brought out the remains of the Opposition, who felt that the prOposal was ". . . window dressing of a dictatorship . ." (Apter: 1963: 343). When election was held for the new constitution, Dr. Danquah, former head of the U.G.C.C., stood election to appoint a committee to create a more ac- ceptable constitution. Nkrumah jailed the Opposition, ren- dering their desires inoperable (Apter: 1963: 343; Afrifa: 1966: 57-58). Thus, Nkrumah created a new position and be- came the new President of the Republic of Ghana. He request- ed that he be addressed as Osagyefo, "meaning 'warrior,‘ 'victorious one,‘ interpreted by the world press as 'savior, 69 redeemer'" (Thompson: 1972: 111). Apter writes that loyalty and unity to Osagyefo were the code words of the regime, although the constitution guaranteed democracy (1963: 354). In a further attempt to change society and show the extent Of his power, Nkrumah created the Young Pioneers. With nearly a million members of both sexes between the ages of four and twenty-five, the Young Pioneers was set up to "look after the children's mind, body and soul, to promote love and devotion Of Ghana, to training in technical skills and to inculcate the ideology of Nkrumahism" (WOro- noff: 1973: 258). The activities of the Pioneers were varied, Woronoff records: on weekdays they held club meet— ings with Saturdays devoted to voluntary service for Nkrumah. The para-military side trained the youths in different mili- tary skills. The Young Pioneers organization is believed to have acted to undermine the traditional leadership roles of the traditional elders, as the chiefs. With chants of "Nkrumah is our Messiah, Nkrumah is immortal . . . will never die," it appears that Nkrumah became their new role model and god. Dressed as Ghanaian boy scouts, the young Ghanaians took their role seriously, claims Woronoff, and Often disobeyed their traditional elders (1973: 258-258). Figure 11.3 is an example of the uniforms worn by these youths. However, the military government that followed Nkrumah dissembled the group. 70 Figure 3.2 1960-1966 YOUNG PIONEERS -—. O (courtesy of Kathleen M. Corti) 71 From 1960—1965 Nkrumah was judged by many as Afrifa did: . . . (Nkrumah was) like Hitler (who performed) the functions of supreme legislator, supreme judge. State party, party and nation were united in his person. He was the sole power to approve or to abrogate legislation, to convene Parliament, to dis— miss judges, tO revoke sentences. (Afrifa: 1966: 19) Given the history of the country and its leader, the inter- national media gave Nkrumah much coverage for his political policies and performances. The French newspaper, Le MOnde, Observed: Before the Osagyefo's Rolls—Royce had come out on the landing strip, preceded by his fifty-two man motorcycle escort, the "stocking—knitters" of the party's female sections, wearing pagnes as Nkrumah did, had been hopping around for a solid hour, sing» ing "Lead us, kindly Light" and "Osagyefo (thrice repeated), I want to see you, Kwame Nkrumah." In the stands hundreds of militants intoned slogans behind a wall of diplomats who appeared deaf and indifferent. An extraordinary figure wearing a jockey cap and indescribable costume in which white, green and red predominated--the colors of the Con- vention PeOple's Party (CPP)-—cut through the crowd at a run chanting a froth of syllables addressed to the "father of the country." (April: 1962) During the period of 1960-1962, Nkrumah practiced a double standard of neutral non-alignment to Obtain full. economic benefits from both the East and the West for nearly bankrupt Ghana (Thompson: 1969: 244). The‘VOlta Project, a hydro-electric plan, was being jointly funded by the U.S. and Germany. A technical economic agreement was signed between the Russians and Ghana (Thompson: 1969: 164). Nkrumah allowed Communist Chinese representation in Ghana (Thompson: 1969: 186). However, with the Congo crisis, 72 Nkrumah's previous reluctance to become involved in the Cold War, according to Thompson, changed as rumor of cases of Soviet arms and ammunitions bound for the Congo through Ghana proved true. He claims that "because of the polar— ization of world power at that time, the West alarmingly saw Ghana as a possible port of Soviet entry, (and) . . . con— sidered it essential to block Soviet gain in Africa" (Thomp— son: 1969: 160). As the Congo crisis and talk of socialism was alienating the West and grass roots support, Nkrumah de- cided to visit eleven Eastern countries (Thompson: 1969: 193). As he embarked on his tour as ambassador it was evi- dent that there was no coordination of functions or informa— tion flow between Nkrumah and his ambassadors. One diplo— mat noted that he learned about Ghana through the BBC (Thompson: 1969: 249). While it is reported that many of the Ghanaian diplomats were frustrated with little power in their positions, there was excellent COOperation be— tween the Ghanaian and other African diplomats, especially in the U.N. (Thompson: 1969: 201, 235, 427). During the second period, 1962-1965, Nkrumah moved closer to the Communist ideals with suspension of habeas corpus and the creation of a one-party state (Thompson: 1969: 249). The East was duly impressed with his policies and awarded him the 1962 Lenin Peace Prize. Nkrumah's world image was raised further as Ghana joined the Security Council of the U.N. However, an assassination attempt in 1962 caught 73 Nkrumah by surprise, quickly destroyed his illusion of power, and led to more repressive measures. Relations with the West and other African nations wor- sened during this period as Ghanaian subversion camps were found to be supplying men to independent African states as Niger in distrust of Ghana. Ivory Coast, Dahomey and Upper Volta closed its borders to Ghana. As a result, says Apter (1963), "Ghanaian trade with African states was down 50%," supplemented with the problem of "mismanagement and corrup- tion in import licensing." The Russian trade agreements had become fruitless due to Ghanaian lack of funding and dis- satisfaction with the Russian goods (Thompson: 1969: 399). With such economic tension in the country, Nkrumah's leader— ship was challenged by another assassination attempt in 1964. It was reported that Nkrumah sought to safeguard his health afterwards by "wearing a military jacket which is said to conceal a bullet—proof jacket" (Lacouture: 1962: 236). By late 1965, Chinese influence was strong on Nkrumah, though more ideological than practical. Adopting the Mao tunic, he also created a Mao-like people's army, which died from lack of funding (Thompson: 1969: 401). Figure 12.3 shows Nkrumah wearing a Mao Tunic. Thompson claims the Russians were cautious of Nkrumah, perhaps for his adoption Of the Chinese symbols, but also of his personality cult leadership. The West believed that Nkrumah was in the Eastern camp (as evidenced by his Mao tunic) yet thought that he swayed between the Russians and the Chinese (Thompson: 74 Fig. 3.3 Nkrumah in Mao Tunic, 1965 ".o-.'.".A ‘ . .x)‘ ' . .,"“¢' " . ' ' -: .. _‘ {by ‘- ‘.-; ._ a x , ‘ ‘94, .61 , ~ . .. v x '1 o ‘FlYA‘fl: ‘s‘, ,. 1v’.;c’. . L . i ,, -" A 7" . 4.4K -. ‘ .‘ . .‘ -.‘."v-""="4\.a .~»,’,,~~'\ia.:3.,,._ 1“,... . . mt‘Q‘ 6 v A.‘ v‘ . ‘3' ' 9a.. 'r‘o . .‘ 1, ‘-. I. ' . LUV“ 2“ u‘w :51”. .‘ ...'O , “I. I..‘ L; Q‘deuwmiunL ‘ ...‘_'fn'- Whov '—»o'uL'-J-d‘—) . :-o- m ¢-- - ~- - .‘ (courtesy of Ghana Today) 75 1969: 131). By the end of 1965, Nkrumah's position of power was weak. His social programs for industrial and agricultural expansion had failed. By ". . . creating paramount chiefs above the heads of natural divisional chiefs . . .," Nkrumah lost what little approval he had had originally from the chiefs (Apter: 1963: 115-116). While the media believed that Nkrumah was a self-serving manipulator of the political system, some believe that his behavior was the effect of the social situation. Botchway believes that the behavior of Nkrumah was a manifestation of confusion and ambiguity in status/role definitions of his position, along with a clash between traditional and modern ideals and groups (1972: 80). As suggested by Bush and London, the conflict Of his status/ position was evident in his dress of 1960-1965. Lacouture notes that Nkrumah wore Western dress, Ghanaian wrapper, a loose-fitting pilgrim's smock, and the two types of military tunics (1967: 262), as well as Western dress on occasion. His military dress in the latter periods evoked meaning by and for observers. In wearing the Mao tunic on a trip to China and Russia, in early 1966, Nkrumah could have been signifying his alliance with China, rather than desiring to "strike an accord" between the two, as Thompson describes (1969: 409). Yet his dress nor his credentials with the East were not an obstacle as the media record that Nkrumah was chosen to be a member of a peace team to Vietnam in 1966. Sending a delegation ahead, Thompson notes that 76 Nkrumah scheduled an itinerary of a trip for Hanoi and Pe- king. His ministers urged him "not to go," for there were rumors of a coup planned by officers. Yet Nkrumah left February 21, 1966, for Peking-—with reports of diplomats placing bets on the possibility and time of a coup (1969: 412). When Nkrumah arrived in Peking on February 24, he learned he had been deposed by a joint venture Of the mili- tary and the police. Thus, Nkrumah took refuge in Guinea until his death Of cancer in 1972. Public photographs Of the coup show Ghanaians rejoic- ing in the streets over Nkrumah's overthrow. WOmen were seen carrying Off chunks of a demolished statue of Nkruma. McKown quotes Nkrumah as saying he believed that the photo was pol- itically posed; the women may have been actually Ghanaian soldiers in female garb (McKown: 1973: 136). By 1966 Nkrumah's government had expanded the army and the police into a powerful group. It was believed that Nkrumah had improved the efficiency of the armed forces through better management and better uniforms. McKown re- ports that the uniforms of the military and the police had been imported ipso factO from the British--in its entire tailored form and woolen fabric. The uniforms were not suitable physiologically to the tropics, causing discomfort and spells. Thus, Nkrumah maintained the basic uniform, but changed the material, allowing for physiological and psycho- logical comfort (1973: 71-72). The Ghanaian army, which was completely Ghanaians, 77 consisted of 600 Officers and 14,000 men in the ranks (Dowse: 1969: 163). The police numbering 6,000 in 1960 had grown to include 14,000 members by 1966 (J.M. Lac: 1963). In the past, Apter notes, the army and police had been kept at a distance from politics in order to increase their ef- ficiency. He believes that Nkrumah may have caused his own downfall by creating and encouraging such a separation of power, with party regulars on one side and the military on the other. As Nkrumah rewarded the achievements Of the party regulars over the military, resentment among the military was strong (1963: 100). Dowse hypothesizes that the army and police were moved to the coup out of ". . . a combination of fear and resentment" (1969: 16). He believes that a crushing blow was dealt to military pride with the creation and maintenance of the President's own private army, the President's Own Guard Regiment. Figure 13.3 shows the uni- forms of the group. To Dowse, the P.O.G.R., "built up by Nkrumah with Russian help, (was disliked since) it might re- place regular units Of the army in presidential favor" (1969: 16). A. A. Afrifa, one of the military personnel involved in the coup, states that the maintenance of the army vs. the P.O.G.R. was a contributing factor in the coup. Afrifa saw the P.O.G.R. soldier given higher pay, better equipment and an elabOrate costume, while the regular army soldier was in a "tattered and ragged uniform and sometimes without boots" (1966: 104). As Afrifa Observed the situation as of Decem— Iber, 1965, the condition of the army had deteriorated to a 78 Figure 3.4 President's Own Guard Regiment (P.O.G.R.) V :3 (courtesy Of Kathleen M. Corti) - — 4;.“ r:- ‘l ...; 79 point where ". . . a number of our trOOps were without equip- ment and clothing, things essential for the pride of the army . . ." (1966: 103). Dowse (1969) says another reason for resentment of Nkrumah by the military was Nkrumah's "meddling" in its in- ternal affairs, in particular the Congo and Rhodesian crises. A. A. Afrifa supports such a hypothesis in his autobiography. According to him, Nrkumah's proposal that the Ghanaian army be sent on a mission to Rhodesia without consultation with the military caused an even lower dip in Nkrumah's pOpularity. The final turning point for the army, he claims, was the dis- missal by Nkrumah of two "respected" generals, Ankrah and Otu (1966: 101). Justified by a need to liberate the coun- try from tyranny and economic mismanagement, the military planned the defeat of Nkrumah with the OOOperation of the police. The media records that the new government was formed with the title of National Liberation Council. The main body of the Council consisted of seven men, reports Ghana Today. Headed by the formerly deposed Lt. General Ankrah as Chair— man, the Council included three soldiers (Kotoka, Ocran and Afrifa) and three policemen (Harlley, Yakubo, Nunoo). As the Council had an uneven balance of soldiers another member of the police force was later added. It was generally be- lieved that the council saw themselves as a temporary, in- terim government until the peOple selected a civilian govern- ment (Austin and Luckham: 1975: 62). The N.L.C. outlined 80 a plan toward this end. However Austin and Luckham note the similarity in policies between the former colonial and the new military government: (There was) support for policies at the centre in favor of administration and administrators, with rule at the local level by a combination of chiefs and centrally appointed advisors with government rule through consultation with various selection groups. (1975: 22) ' However, they note that the social stratification of the country was changing in comparison with colonial days. In the past the society appeared to be a pyramid—-with a small number of elite at the tip and farmers and the poor at the bottom. Between 1960-1969 there was a steady growth Of secondary and university educated persons in Ghana, especial- 1y lawyers (sixty in 1948 and 600 in 1969) to whom the N.L.C. appealed. These elite formed the newly created Committee for the construction Of a new civilian government. The image of the elite was reinforced by the Chairman, Akufo- addo. A former U.G.C.C. member, he appearec ". . . with a red rese in his buttonhole, a cigar at his fingertips, dressed in a black coat and pinstripe trousers with Edward- ian sideburns and a liking for champagne" (Austin and Luck- ham: 1975: 67). The new Committee advocated new offices and bills to prevent a repeat of the abuse of political power, as for- bidding the levying Of taxes and the raising of armed forces without the authority of Parliament (Austin and Luckham: 1975: 77). The results of the Committee were published 81 January, 1968, along with a decree for appointment of an election on April 3. The draft Of the new constitution was forwarded to the Constituent Assembly, a newly constructed Office of elites also (Austin and Luckham: 1975: 91). While the committees drafted new legislation, the N.L.C. attempted to alleviate the insolvency of Ghana. They appointed a civil National Economic Commission which appealed and received from the I.M.F. aid in international debts (Austin and Luckham: 1975: 95). With the creation of the West African Common Market in 1967, Ghana joined to reap the benefits in customs and trade (Statesmen Yearbook: 360). Domestically, cocoa, timber and mining exports increased (Austin and Luckham: 1975: 45) to improve the economic situation. In the fiscal policies, one author reports a four-million pound increase Of military expenditures the first year of the new government. Such an increase was contributed to promotions of military personnel, as well as the purchase of new military accoutrements (McKown: 1966: 156). i In domestic policies, the Council attempted to elimin- ate foreign technical and business interests through the expulsion of the Eastern technicians and the passage Of the Ghanaian Enterprise Degree (1968) (Thompson: 1969), placing business in Ghanaian hands. The new government also promoted the ideals of West— ern beauty upon the Ghanaian ideals of beauty as can be seen: arr-I- 82 The term "black" was in general disrepute. Nkrumah's Black Star Shipping Line now became the State Shipping Line. Billboards advertising a bleach with the slogan "Be Beautiful by Being Light-Skinned." Straight-haired wigs were fashion- able. (McKown: 1966: 159) While the N.E.C. was managing the domestic and fiscal affairs, the N.L.C. was trying to maintain political con- trol of striking workers and its own internal problems. With an abortive countercoup by a Ghanaian soldier, the N.L.C. had an internal "housecleaning." It was evident to Austin and Luckham that there were serious divisions within the N.L.C. as the police (as Harlley) and the military (as Afrifa and Deku) foresaw the state and their power different- ly (1975: 30). The final blow to the unity of the N.L.C. was the enforced resignation of the Chairman, Ankruah, in April, 1969, on subversion and bribery charges. Whether or not the charges were true, one soldier was replaced with another as Afrifa took Ankruah's position as Chairman of the N.L.C. (Austin and Luckham: 1975: 31). While the government was racked with problems, the Assembly considered the proposals of the new consititution proposed by the Commission. As a political unit, the Assembly gave approval to the basic structure of the Commission's prOposals and the various bodies advocated by the Commission. The Assembly approved measures to safeguard national power by denying Parliament the right to establish a law for a one-party state, as Nkrumah had done.~ At the local level, the chiefs lobbied and received a Regional and 83 National House of Chiefs from the Assembly. As the N.L.C. had banned all political parties until the election (seeing _no need for them), thus the Assembly was not blatantly used as a political forum for aspiring political leaders (Austin and Luckham: 1975: 130). After many months, Austin and Luckham note, the Cons— titution was approved by the Constituent Assembly and Elec- toral Commission, giving everyone over the age of twenty-one the right to vote. The ban on political parties was lifted, freeing the way for a democratic election. The N.L.C. over- saw the election, taking care that the election had no re- semblance to past regimes. For example, a decree was passed with stipulations on the parties. "Parties were forbidden to use identifying symbols or names which resembled those of a previous registered party" (1975: 141); as a result, the People's POpular Party was banned for its obvious resemblance in name to the C.P.P. "Parties also were not allowed to use 'flags, standards, banners or ensigns,‘ the use of such de» vices in the past having been a futile source of tumult" (1975: 141). With the enforcement of these rules, it may be thought that the N.L.C. could control political images and potential leadership. By election time, Austin and Luckham Observed, there were a select five parties on the ballot out Of a possible twenty who had applied. The two most important parties were the Progress Party (P.P.) headed by the former Opposition leader, Dr. Kofi Busia, and the National African League (N.A.L.) 84 headed by Gbedemah, a former C.P.P. minister. While their party platforms were similar their slogans and alloted symbols varied (1975: 141). Each party had equally dramatic symbols. The Progress Party had a "red sun rising from black clouds on a white background," a symbol Of a better world coming. Their slogan was "Progress in Unity, Liberty and Justice." The N.A.L. adopted a "full morning sun with nine jagged rays in red over a gold background," representing the birth of a new era. Their slogan was "With humility and loyalty we serve our nation." Interesting enough, still another'party, which did not win the election, prOposed the slogan "One country, one people, one nation." This slogan today is a highly prominent sight throughout present-day Ghana rather than either of the former two slogans (1975: 130). Each party rallied for its cause as the election com- mission regulating election registration. However, diffi- culties were encountered in the urban areas. "Attempts were made to buy and sell the forms and . . . a number of those under 21 tried to register by all kinds Of devices, using lipstick, wigs and makeup to look Older," so reports Austin and Luckham (1975: 127). As planned the election took place in August with no military or police evident. Since there were far too many polling places to allow proper se- curity, "regular patrols" were taken with the military and police on standby (1975: 135). Election results showed that 63.5% of those registered 85 voted, with a victory for the Progress Party and Busia. While most authorities judged both Busia and his main cp- ponent, Gbedemah, as equally competent, Austin and Luckham believe that each had control of different political tools. As head of a select commission in the Constituent Assembly, Busia used his weekly meeting for debate to advantage in forming a nucleus for a political party. In addition, Busia had grassroots support from the Sekondi-Takoradi workers, after conducting a sociological survey team there previously. Busia's former opposition to Nkrumah had been a vehicle for his exposure and now was a positive tool to use for the new. political office. Austin and Luckham believed that Busia's image as an educated man (seen in his Western suit and eye- glasses), nicknamed "The Prof," caused him to be "looked upon in the image of a (new) prophet . . . (The) constant refrain . . . was : Busia said so and so . . ., let us give him a chance" (Austin and Luckham: 1975: 8). On the other hand, Gbedemah was too closely identified with Nkrumah and the C.P.P. As a former minister of Nkrumah, Gbedemah could not escape his image although he had left the C.P.P. and Ghana in 1961. In addition, the disturbances over his validity as a political candidate may have caused a shift in political votes to Busia (1975: 147). As the new president of the second Republic, Busia formed his new government using former anti-Nkrumah men as his ministers, with Gbedemah becoming the head of the op- position party in the cabinet. Busia attempted to bring J. tl‘ ‘1‘ 86 direction to the country, but his government was soon trou- bled by economic mismanagement and corruption. By 1972, the military intervened again to change the government and Busia was deposed. To many, military government appears to be a way of life now to the Ghanaians. Austin wondered about the aver- age Ghanaian's reaction to the radical changes in leadership. From the political scientist's vieWpoint, the average Ghanaian lived on the hope of each election. What mattered, therefore, was to survive each castle revolution. The ordinary elector waited hopefully, while those who claimed to act for him, when their time came around, did what they could to capitalize on the resources which they could offer to the new rulers. (Austin and Luck- ham: 1975: 6) Summary Political leadership is often fragile in any country and is dependent on intervening variables of culture, econ- omy, personal habits, motivations, and international per- ceptions. Ghana has had a wide variety of national and local leaders, from traditional chiefs, to colonial governors, to a "personality," and ultimately the armed forces. Dress, a tool for the regulation of political power, has been used in Ghana since the 1400's. During pre-colonial times, 1400-1892, the merchants and the Ghanaians used both the sale and purchase of cloth, and firearms, for barter and physical control. Certain Ghanaians became middlemen in the sale of cloth and other goods, 87 adopting for themselves the European clothing of their trad- ers. The adoption of the clothing served not only as a tool to facilitate interaction with the Europeans, but as a status symbol and sign of power among their own peOple. Euro- pean missionaries who came with the traders preached the virtues of being clothed. The missionaries' attempts to wield their religions'influence in social and political spheres to make social changes in the dress and life—styles of the Ghanaians but were only able to do so gradually. How- ever, by the colonial period, dress was strongly linked with politics. When the British became the final owners of Ghana, it was their influence which determined urban life-style and dress. The British maintained political power by the utili- zation of their own political system and symbols. Photo— graphs of appointed governor-generals show them clothed in British military uniforms, often the summer outfits of cotton khaki cloth. There governors also attired their agents, the military and the police, in woolen uniforms of the British armed forces. However, local leaders maintained their traditional, loose-fitting wraparound dress. Clearly, costume indicated distinctions in political status. Acceptance and gradual assimilation of the British did not deter the rise of Ghanaian leaders and political parties. By 1947, Kwame Nkrumah, a Ghanaian educated in the U. S. and England, and highly conscious of the interaction of politics and dress, returned to Ghana. He adopted many symbols to 88 identify himself as a freedom fighter in his drive for an independent Ghana. As Ghana's first prime minister and presi- dent, he attempted to unite the country, and was seen in the dress of different regions, from the Northern Territories' striped tunic to the Asante kente wrapper. Officially, when in power, Nkrumah replaced the woolen fabrics of military uni— forms and banned certain types of dress, such as wigs. Per- sonally, Nkrumah, illustrating his own political ideology, adopted the Nehru and Mao tunic. After Nkrumah, there was a psychological and visual adjustment as the enforcing agents of government, the mili- tary and the police, became the new national leaders. While Nkrumah encouraged traditional kente dress as national sym- bol, the armed forces which deposed him promoted western identification by use of western uniforms. By the time that elections were held for a new civilian leader, a strong west- ern influence prevailed; various devices, western in origin (lipstick and wigs), became a means of obtaining voting privileges. Dr. Busia perhaps personified western influence in background and appearance. Nicknamed "The Prof," his uniform was a business suit and eyeglasses. Superficially, to an outsider, these symbols of dress appeared to represent Ghana and variations in its political leadership. Thus each person used the political office and its symbols to maintain political control to his advantage. (It may be hypothesized and inferred from the political his— tory that dress was of primary importance for the maintenance 89 of status and behavior and interaction in political roles.) The next chapter will treat the methodology of the study. CHAPTER IV METHODOLOGY The methodology for this study is as follows: (1) selection of procedure, (2) selection of country and years, (3) sample selection, (4) selection of sources, (5) develop- ment of instrument, (6) data collection, and (7) method of .analysis. I. Selection of Procedure Since dress is a non—verbal mode of communication, content analysis, a research method used in communication, was selected for use in the study. Content analysis is defined by Budd, Thorpe and Dono- hew as: . . . any technique for making inferences by objectively and systematically identifying spe- cific characteristics of messages . . . it is in- tended for anyone who wished to put questions to communication (pictorial and musical, as well as oral and written) to get data that will enable him to reach certain conclusions. (1975: 26) Berelson and Lazarsfeld, the founders of the methodo- logy of content analysis, define content analysis as "a research technique for the objective, systematic and quanta— tive description of the manifest content of communication" (1948: 6). In defining content analysis, Berelson and 90 91 Lazarsfeld identified three types of content analysis test- ing: (1) precondition, (2) content, or (3) effects of communication. Given the limitations of the primary sources and the objectives of this study, an orientation toward the content of a medium was chosen as the best procedure for use in the study. II. Selection of Country and Years Ghana was selected for use in the study because the country's rapid change in political status between 1957-1969 provided a basis for testing the hypothesis between political status and dress. Particular years were singled out not only for draw- ing historical comparative analyses of political dress but. also to narrow the sample size for manageability in time and number. Three significant years, 1957, 1966, 1969, pivotal points in Ghanaian history, became the focus of attention for the study. 1957 was the year of Ghanaian independence from British colonialism. The year was chosen to study the dress and determine the possible effects, short- and long-term, of the political leadership of one man, Nkrumah, on the local and national leaders. As part of a time-study on dress, 1957 also provided a baseline of internal control against which to judge any change in dress over the next two periods. 1966 was the second year of importance to historians, for that year saw the downfall of Nkrumah and the rise of a military government. The year was chosen to yield data on the change 92 of dress among the political leadership since 1957. 1966 was also studied to see what effect, if any, the leadership of the military had on the dress of local political leaders. The last date of importance historically was 1969, when the military government stepped down to a civilian government headed by Dr. Busia. 1969 was used to determine not only any present effect of civilian government dress on the political leaders but also to study any possible long—term effects from previous political leaders. III. Sample Selection The most visible, viable and available source of in- formation on Ghanaian male political leaders for 1957, 1966, 1969 were the photographs of newspapers and magazines. Clar- ity in the photographs sought was a necessary criteria for selection of the photos since the investigator desired infor- mation on all dress items. Periodicals were checked for possible use of photo- graphs. While current statistics list five daily, seven weekly, eight fortnightly and five monthly newspapers, only certain editions were available to the investigator through the Michigan State University Library through inter—library loan service. A survey of accessible Ghanaian periodicals revealed four sources for photos: three newspapers (The Ghanaian Times, The Daily Graphics, and the Evening News) and one magazine (Ghana Today), all printed in black and white. 93 Each newspaper and magazine was studied as a possi- bility, according to the criteria of clarity of photos, in- clusion of all types of Ghanaian male political leaders in full-figures, and availability of issues of the total years 1957, 1966, 1969. The Ghanaian Times was discarded because it began publication one year too late (1958) for use in this study. The Evening News was eliminated since it con- tained too few full-length photos. The periodical, gaaaa Taaay, offered promise because its numerous photos had great clarity, and showed examples of political leaders at both national and local status. In addition, its bi-weekly pub- lication was an asset for the management of a research pro— ject in terms of sampling and time. However, Ghana Today ceased operation in March, 1969, after only four issues for that year. Therefore the magazine was discarded since it would not provide data for the total year 1969. Instead Tag Daily Graphics was selected as the newspaper medium for use in the study. Available to the investigator on microfilm, The Daily Graphics proved to meet the previous established criteria. The newspaper was available for use in the years 1957, 1966, 1969, having begun operation in 1952 and still presently operatihg. The newspaper offered full—figured photos and a good representation of Ghanaian male political leaders at both national and local levels, identified by political positions. The Daily Graphics was published Mon— day through Saturday with a Sunday edition called the Sunday Mirror, which produced a vast number of issues for use. The 94 Sunday Mirror proved invalid for use in data collection of political leaders because it contained mostly social news of weddings, beauty care, entertainment and sports. However, the weekday editions of The Daily Graphics devoted two full middle pages to full—figured photos of national and local political leaders. The variety of photos and political leaders seemed concentrated on Monday and Tuesday. Monday and the middle two pages of The Daily Graphics were arbitrar— ily chosen for use in the study, supplemented by the front page. V. Development of Instrument The instrument for data collection was adopted from Wass' case study of Yoruba dress (1975: Appendix B). The instrument served in her study as a checklist of photographs to name the person and identify dress items, their use and meaning by culture, aesthetics and occasion. The investi- gator adopted the checklist format, naming the person, identifying dress item, using Wass classification of cultur- al meaning: traditional, western and universal (1975: 98). Since the investigator was not dealing with aesthetics or occasions, these categories were deleted from the instrument and the variables political status and position were substi- tuted. The new instrument was to record the date, page and year of the figure (to distinguish between years), the name of the leader, his status (national or local), and his posi- tion: president, chairman, prime minister, minister, diplo- mat, paramount chief, subchief, and regional commissioner 95 (Appendix A). Dress items were further classified according to form: reconstructed, enclosed, attached (Roach and Eicher: 1975: 81—92), to determine what function form played on the meaning of dress items within Ghana. The instrument was used initially for data collection but revised shortly thereafter to allow for collection of more information. The political positions were expanded since they were not proving to be complete. To both national and local status were added a new political position, the Other, which now included national political positions such as chief justice, speaker of the house, and local political positions such as the union president. The forms of dress originally included three major types of dress as defined by Roach and Eicher: reconstructed, enclosed and attached (1973: 81-92). However, these three major types of dress did not allow classification for such items as a briefcase, umbrella or any other accessories that did not fit into the three pre- vious categories. Thus a fourth category, called accessory, was added to dress to permit the inclusion of these accessor- ies, "as carried by or for the self" (Eicher: 1977). The forms of dress now include four major types: reconstructed, enclosed, attached and accessory (Eicher: 1977). With the revised instrument, data collection was re-initiated (Appen- dix A). 96 VI. Data Collection Data collection was completed by the investigator in the fall of 1976, using microfilm of The Dailinraphics for 1957, 1966, 1969, available through inter-library loan of Michigan State University. The data on political figures and their dress seen in the photographs of The Daily Graphics were tabulated by hand on the instrument. Indicators of the status and positions of the political figures were obtained from sentence descriptions and\hame recognition of The Daily Graphics. Names, forms and meanings of dress items were collected from basic identification of items (Appendix B) with reference to constructed tables of Ghanaian dress items by form and meaning (Appendix C). As data collection was undertaken, the photos present- ed some problems inherent in the medium of photography itself. All political figures were not shown full-figured in all photos in The Daily Graphics; other political leaders were pictured sideways which did not allow for accurate data col- lection. Some leaders were automatically eliminated since the newspaper failed to identify them by name or position. The information drawn from these instruments was coded and punched on computer cards for use with SPSS (Stat-. istical Package for the Social Sciences). SPSS gave frequen~ ~ cy tabulations for political status, position, and dress . items according to name, identity and form. While it also ran cross-tabulations of political positions by names of dress items, it was unable because of constraints of money 97 and computer time to run cross—tabulations of political position by dress items according to form and identity. The investigator completed these tabulations by hand. VII. Method of Analysis‘ To determine the relationship between political stat- us/role, titles and dress items by name, form and identity, it was the intention of the researcher to use the chi-square test of significance. However, difficulties with the com- puter for a complete analysis of these relationships along with the nature of the data and the study made such possibi— lities unfeasible. Therefore, a descriptive analysis was L made of the study, which follows in the next chapter. CHAPTER V POLITICAL STATUS/POSITION AND DRESS: AN ANALYSIS OF DATA This chapter is concerned with the relationship between political status/position and dress. The first sec— tion of the chapter describes the system of data analysis; the second, political position, meaning of dress, and its pattern of usage; and the third section, the forms of dress of Ghanaian political positions. Findings were presented descriptivelv to show similarities and differences of dress among political positions. Data Analysis Data analysis was completed by drawing frequency tabu- lations by computer (SPSS) on each political position and dress item to gain a basic understanding of our sample. These dress items were then placed with particular political posi- tion by year and tabulated by computer to determine any difference between dress of a political position within a year and between years. Each item within a political posi- tion was labeled with a form and an identity, which was hand- tabulated. The labeling of the item allowed the investigator to observe similarities and differences in form and meaning 98 99 of the dress of particular political positions. Political Position The collected data yielded 352 political figures with 1,656 visible dress items. Across the years, 1957 appears to have the largest sampling of figures, with 1969 the small- est, which mav indicate a political influence on the media itself. Of the total sample across the years, the appointed agents of the national government, the civil ministers, were the most frequently observed. Table 5.1 indicates that the civil ministers comprised 30% of the total sample, with a range of 29-45% across the years. The frequent observance of them and their dress may have a possible influence on the dress of their viewers. While the ministers of state were most predominant totally, certain national leaders were absent or present in certain years than in others. The 1957 prime minister and the 1969 chairman received coverage because they were the national heads of state during these periods. Other national leaders, as diplomats, whose dress would have been of interest to see any cross-cultural differences, yielded only 3% of the sample. At the local status level, the paramount chiefs were most frequent, providing about 15% of total general sample but 50% of the total local sample, with ranges of 45-55% ac- ross the years. With such a high print media occurrence of traditional leaders, it appears the print media still ‘5! f': ._! A 100 TABLE 5.1 *GHANAIAN POLITICAL STATUS/POSITION OF SELECTED POLITICAL FIGURES IN THE DAILY GRAPHICS 1957, 1966, 1969 1957 1966 1969 Status/Position N % N % N % N % (352) (100) (142) (40) (97) (28) (113) (.32) National President 6 (2) 0 6 0 Chairman 38 (ll) 19 19 0 Prime Minister 28 (8) 7 0 21 Min. of State 106 (30) 45 29 32 Diplomat 12 (3) 2 7 3 Other 57 (16) 21 _3 '39 Total 247 (70) 97 64 ~ 88 Local Paramount Chief 52 (15) 23 15 14 Subchief 3 (3) 3 0 0 Regional Comm. 29 (8) 15 8 6 Other 21 (6) ‘_5 £9. __ Total 105 (30) 45 33 27 *Selection of photographs limited to Monday issues, pages 1 and middle 2. Selection of figures in photographs based on criteria of clarity of photographs (for later tabulation of total dress items) and types of political positions. 101 consider local status/positions important. The political position of Other, added later, accommodated 22% of the total sample, although the political positions found within this category were not of primary interest to the study. The frequency of political positions was drawn mainly to determine which political positions would influence the total frequency of dress items. The next section treats the frequency of these items. Patterns of Usage and Meaning of Dress The frequency tabulations of each dress were taken in general and by year (see Appendix A). The selected photo- graphs of The Daily Graphics showed the items of jacket, shirt, necktie, and trousers were most common among the civilian leaders in 1957 and the military in 1966. These dress items were further classified according to Wass cate- gories: western, traditional, and universal (Appendix B). Table 5.2 showed that, among all the political positions, items of western meaning were found by mathematical fre- quency in nearly a 13/1 ratio to traditional or universal items. By year, the western items provided a range of 82-84%. Although the western items were heavy in use, the items with traditional meaning did not drop in use but remained nearly constant for the three years (from 8% in 1957 to 6% in 1969). However, the universal items showed a gradual incline, which seems to be attributed to usage of bracelets, necklace, crown. usually worn by the local chiefs (Table 5.3). It appears 102 TABLE 5.2 *MEANING OF GHANAIAN DRESS ITEMS ACCORDING TO POLITICAL STATUS/POSITIONS OF SELECTED FIGURES IN THE DAILY GRAPHICS 1957, 1966, 1969 Year Meaning 1921 1966 1969 Tgaal N % N % N % Traditional 38 (8) 32 (7) 44 (6) 114 Western 424 (84) ' 369 (83) 582 (82) 1,375 Universal 40 (8) 45 (10) 82 (12) 167 *Classification of items by meaning derived from wass (1975: 98). Selection of photographs limited to Mondays, pages 1 and the middle 2. Selection of figures in photographs based on criteria of clarity of photographs for later tabulation of total dress items and types of political positions. 103 QDHU MHOU N mommmHmm>m om mxsflammsu a msmu ma mHHmuQED a mmMOMmflnm m macaw a >umuaflas .eamum ma seem a nflmum a mom ma mwuzom A sou h Hmazom a umamomum m musessousom m Emu“ pamm ma mczoum Edm .uamm om mHMUQMm v msH>GMQEooo¢ .n umm> 0H uuwnmna H mummsoue mma muuonm m >umuflHHE tuuflnm v uuflsm ova owssu om: w mmmuo .Hfls .umxome om sumueflfls .umxome ma umxomm vaa pnflnm Hozoscmmflm m ummmmuz m pamfimumumonu a musmm Va umxomn nmsm NH doom m Dense m mes xomam OH spam ma . ucoEumc .m AflZOHeflz .fi AHZD Z . zmmemmz Z AHmuwawe ~umxomn poxomu uuflnm MO3O£CMmflm umxomn nmsm may xomam HIDNVU') ummmmuz mucmx smsm onsm Humxmumm muxsflpd Inr-INMIDF amps mcflmcmmfiooom usmEumw .b .20 QdUOA Amy hm “Hay OMHH Rev 5v Admmm>HZD 2 max. - sous: owaomfle mommmamssm mxoom mmogm ommoumnmm nmamm mwuxomz mnomumsz amps: >umuflflfls .bmm woflnoumxosmm .umsocwu “Hem m>oac 2mm9mm3 H om N om 5 mm m h hma 0 ma vm mm H m 2 Am mEmBH mmmma ZdedeU ho VUZMDOmmb mDEQBm AdUHBHQOQ posswucou I m.m mqmdfi 105 .HoummHumm>CH >3 pmHMHmmmHo mEmuH Honuo .mmmz >3 omsHmmp mm pmeHmmMHo meuH mmoup chuHmo .mHQMOHHQQm omega .Amm "manv mmmz Sosa om>HHmp mcHsmmE mo mmHuommumU« HflBOB A.©.usoov EmuH muscmmEoood .Q Ammv OHH Ammv mvm ava no noumz SH aHHomHe H mammMHmssm v mxoom v muuonm m moonm mH uuHam em mmMOHQOm H HQQMm H mHHanED v mHuxomz hm mHoum m Hmpmz H msHm m muonsom N OUMonmz mm SumuHHHE .umm m pom w mmHsoumxpsmm m CBOHU mm ADHU MHoc H umxonu H mmwmmHmomm m mmo m memo m umHmomum hm SuspHHHE .pHmum w puosm v Hdmmm>HZD Z 2mmBmm3 z HdzOHBHQHH¢Q WEB ZH mMMDCHh OmBUMHmm m0 mDBfiBm HdUHBHHOm OB GZHQmOUUd mZKOk mmme 24H¢ZHmucH "hanv HmQOHm wn pmsmmmp pew pmpH>oum zuommmoom mo muommumu .NmIHm .mm HmbmH .HHmmlmoHusmHm ">mmumh Bmzv .mmwum so mw>HuowmmHmm m.Hm£on paw somom Scum monsoon HpmmOHocw .pmtomuum .pmuosuumsoomuv Snow mo meHommHmuN "NHmm mHnHmH> was AOOHV Nom NH Hm mm ONH NH NHH NN Haaos Hoe H o o o o o H o pmuosuumcoomm .o Ame mN H o OH H o H m ecsoumamus ammoHuam .m Hoe Hm N m m N H NH o smegmamsm ommoHocm .H HHNV Now an mN mm mHH NH mHH NH emNuHm ammoHocm .m HHV m N o o o o m o pmsomuua .N Ase an m m m m H HH N HaemmmooN .H N z N z N z N z N z N z N z N z HdBOB nu «UH Nod 0 HM m. mmm m m m mm m .m m. m m. mmmmo m . m. fim m m 3 ma zaHezNHmo so mzmom... m m oneHmom m m m. in u q 1 .1 q HNUoH Hdoneez mesmem HaoHHHHom HmmH .monmamo NHHao mes zH mmmpeHm omeomHmm mo mZOHBHmOm\mDB¢Bm HNUHBHHOQ OB CZHDmOUU< mmmma Z mummsoue um: doe uanmue mxoom muuonm mmonm .HHs .uuHcm uuHam HHSm om: .HHE .nmxomn mHmeMm ouoxon :msm Omazmambm DmmOHUZm ENOHO emu umeomum uHmm .Hp .HHE .uwxomn NONOOO mHmQEom .HHs .Nmm m>OHU “Hunflm . Sfimmflm OHmHmumnmmao umxomN swam .HHs .onum mHu 30m HOHBOm mHu NomHm nmxomH oHnumm uoomd onsm Humxmumm aneua DmBBHh QmmOHUZm DW$U¢BB¢ mzmom mmmmo. UZHdez DZ¢ Emom Mm mZMBH mmmmo ZdHHZD .U ZKMBmHZ .m HmcoHNHOOHH .N msHsmmz« mZQBH mmmmn if Appendix D 132 Frequency of Items According to Year 1957 Adinkra (5) 0 Amulet (5) 0 Armlet (5) 0 Batakari (l) 0 Belt (18) 2 Belt, Sam Browne (39) 1 Black tie (11) ll Boutonniere (7) l Bowler (l) 1 Bowtie (2) 1 Bracelet (29) 10 Braid (7) 0 Braid, military (46) 0 Briefcase (3) 3 Buba (17) 10 Bush jacket (17) 1 Cane (23) 1 Cap (12) 4 Chesterfield (12) l Choker (l) 0 Crown (26) 6 Cufflinks (l) 0 Eisenhower shirt (ll) 2 Eyeglasses (89) 22 Fugu (11) 1 1966 l—‘l—‘NO 18 10 17 23 1969 15 20 16 14 I" “'"Z‘?" 133 Gloves (5) Golf club (3) Handkerchief (46) Hat (22) Hat, military (84) Homberg (3) Jacket (138) Jacket, military dress (30) Jacket, military (20) Kente (l9) Mao tunic (4) Medal (l4) Necklace (23) Necktie (164) Ring (15) Saber (8) Sabercase (4) Sandals (9) Shirt (180) Shirt, military (4) Shoes (74) Shorts (14). Socks (11) Stole (7) Sunglasses‘(24) Sword (4) Tieclip (3) 65 H P‘ 72 43 10 10 10 33 21 14 20 15 29 56 16 11 14 68 74 23 T-shirt (1) Tunic (4) Trousers (239) Umbrella (5) Vest (10) Watch (47) Wig (1) Wrapper (43) Mustache (7) Hair reconstruction (l) 134 17 23 Appendix E 135 .NNmH .Numsunmm .BmH>HmucH HmCOmHmm .Hmnon mesmOb .HQ Op pmuanHuum coHumowmmmmmHo .muommmoom em .HmINm .mm .HMNmH .HHmmImOHucmHm .Nmmumh Emzv mmmHo so mm>Huo®memm "MHmm mHQHmH> wee .HmSOHm O somom Eoum pmpmopm mGOHumOHMHmmmHO upmuosHUmsoomH .m .pmnomuum .B< .pcsoummmu3 pmmOHosm .Bm .pmpsmmmSm pmmoHocm .mm .pmuuHm pmmOHocm .mm "mEH0m« hm pmm> H mm mummsoua mm hm uHHsm mm mm pmxomh HN 3m mucmM m mm UHGSB H mm mHu HomHm v mm mnsm H ucmEHmw .m mmamHsz .N 0 MN mH Hmeoa mm noumz N mm mxoom H mm mmosm m mm mHuxomz mH d mmHsoumxpcmm N EmHH m memo H mcHNcmeEooom .n mm mummsoue VH mm uHHnm mH hm pmxomb MH 3m musmx O mm .sm HmzoscmmHm H mm mnsm N ucmaumo .m mmBmHsz mszm .H HmonB¢z .¢ Smom Hammm>HZD z Smom zmmemmz z zmomN HmonBHQHZD z zmom. zmmsmmz z zmom HdonBHommE z oszmmz oza zmom we mzmsH mmmmo zmHmzemo mo Nozmpommm ZOHBHmOm HflUHBHHOm H.o.uoooe HH.O mamas 137 0 HM o Hdeoe mm soumz H mm mxoom H mm mmonm N mm mHuxomz m 4 mmHsoumxpsmm m EmuH mm mmmmmHmmNm m mCHmcmeEooom .Q &m mummsoue H mm muuonm N 3m ummdouz O mm uHHcm m 3m mucmM H mm umxomb H mm mndm H ucmfiumw .m mmHmU BZDOdedm .H HNUOH .m HH NHH m HNBOB mm NH: H mm noumz N mm mmmmmHmssm H mm mxoom v mm mmonm HH mm mHuxomz «H mmHnonxpCmm H d mHHmHQED H d nsHo MHOC N 3m mHoum N mm mm>0Ho H mm msHm N mm mmmmmHmmNm N mm um: m < mmmommHHm H mm umHmomHm H mm mHu 30m H EmuH mm uHmm H mm HmHzom H mm MHmmsmm H msHNGmQEoood .3 mm umm> O mm mummsoue NH mm muuozm O H.p.ucoov ucmEHmw .m H.o.ncoov mmmao .O H.o.ucooe HdoneNz .m 2mom Admmm>HZD Z EMOh ZKWBmmg Z Emom HHZD z ZNON ZNMBmmz Z SMOh HNZOHBHDNNB z UZHZNMS 02¢ Smom Mm mSmBH mmmma ZNHNZwa m0 szmbommm ZOHBHmom HNUHBHHOQ H.o.ucoov HH.m mHmNe 139 millillllfim AmmumNmHv mmmz Eouw omumoom mchmmE mo mmHHommumoN N mezoumxpsmm H mm mm>0Ho N mm mmmmmHmmNm OH 9N mxcHHmmso H N memo v mm oon N mm .HHs .oHoum N swuH mm umm N mm mczoum Emm .HHmm N mcchmQEoooN .3 mm mummsoua ON mm .HHE .uHHNm m mm HHHNm N am .HHs .umxooe O mm .HO .HHz .nmxomh m mm umxomh m usmEHmo .m ZNZNHNZU .N H NH. 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HNBOB mm scum: H . mm mHOOm H H.o.ueoov emuH mm mmoem m meHNemmEOUON .n NMBmHZHZ .m .HNZOHBNZ .N ZMONH HNmmmNVHZD Z ZNONH meemmg Z SNOW .HNZOHEHQNNB Z zmom QZN czHZNmz os ozHemoooN OsmeH wmmmo mo Nozmpommm ZOHBHmOm HNUHBHHOA 1.o.oOooO NH.O mHmNH N mH v HNBOB mm zooms N NO OHoNooz N . 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OOH N HNBOB mm noumz m mm mmmmmHmeem O mm mmoew O N umemm N mm mHuxomZ m EN Hmomz m mm .HHE Numm m N mmHeoemxpemm H mm mmmmmHmmNm O N memo N mm use H mm .HHE .onem O mm mmo N EN mumHeeoueom H EmuH mm uHmm N mm mezoem Emm .uHmm O meHNemmEOUON .Q mm memmeoea mH mm ueHem m mm .HO .HHE .pmxomh m em meomb N mm uuHem .emmHm O 3m muemx H mm umxomfl amem N mm mnem H uemEHmo .m Zmom HNmmm>HZD Z Emom meBmmg Z Emom HNZOHBHQNMB Z ZNZmHNmU .H HNZOHBNZ .N mOmH onsHmom\mpstm HNoHeHHom es ozHo monmNmU VHHNQ mmB m0 mMMDme QMBUMHmm m0 mOUUN UZHZNMZ QZN Emom .mZMBH mmmmo ZNHNZNEU UZHZNMS QZN SNOW .mZMBH mmmma m0 NUZMDOmmm MH.m MHmNH ZOHBHmOm HNUHBHHOA 145 N mmmoempmm H N Hmemm m mm mexomZ NN m meomumez N 9N Hmomz. m Om .HHE .umm HH N mmHeonxoemm N mm mmmmmHmmNm NH N memo m mm .HHE .pHmum mH 3m mHoum H N OHmum H mm umm m &m mHu 30m H mm emo N N mHmHeeoueom H EmuH mm uHmm m mm meBOHm Emm NpHmm N meHNemmEoooN .Q mm umm> N mm memmsoue mm mm uHHem ON mm .HO .HHE .umxomb O 3m Hmmmmez N Om umNoOO ON em zoom m mm umxomn emem O mm maem H uemEumo .m mmemHZHz .m O Nm O HNBOB mm eoumz H mm mmonm N am mHuHomz N mm .HHE .umm N N mmHeoemxoemm H H.p.ueoov EmuH mm mmmmmHmmNm O meHNemQEoooN .n H.p.ueoov mmamHZHz mszm .N Ho.ueoov HNoneNz .N SNOW HNmmm>HZD Z SNONH ZNMBmmE Z ZmONH .HNZOHBHONNB Z ozHZNmz o2N smom .mzmeH mmmmo mo Nozmoommm ZOHBHmOm HNUHBHHOQ 1.0.Nooov HH.O NHNNO 146 mm mmo N EN mHmHeeoueom m EmuH Om NHom N Om oazoem sum .NHom M, NO mHmocmm H OOHNammsoooN .n em umm> N mm mnmmsoee OH mm mueoem N mm ueHem mH Om .uo .HHs .umxown m mm pmxomh NH mm uuHem .emmHm H 3m Hmmmmez H mm umxomm emem O mm emem N uemfiemo .m m§50.m O O H HNBOB mm mmmmmHOeem H mm mHuxomz H mm mumuHHHE .umm H N mmHeoumxpemm H EmuH mm mmmmmHOmNm H meHNemmeoooN .n mm umm> H mm memmeoea H mm puHem H mm umxomh H 2m emmmmez H uemfiumo .m BNZOHQHO .O O NNN (rm HNBOB mm Soumz N mm mmmmemeem O H.o.ueoov EmuH mm mmoem m meHNemmEoooN .n mmemHzHZ .m HNZOHBNZ .N zmom HNmmm>HZD Z Smom meammg Z ZmOm HNZOHBHONNB Z ozHZNmz OZN zmoe .m2meH mmmmo No Nozmoommm ZOHEHmom HNUHBHHOA H.m.ueooe NH.O mHmNH 147 MO OH ON HNBOB N mHHmHeED N 3m mH0pm H mm eoemz H mm meHm H mm mmmmmHOeem H mm momeomz mH mm mmoem H mm Ozone NH em manomz N N Oeozm N em umHmomHm O m meomumez H mm mHmoemm N EmuH mm umHeEN m N memo m mm umHEHN m meHNemmEoooN .e am umemwez OH mm memmeoee m 3m muemm H mm ueHem N Om :Osm H mm umxomh N 3m meerpN N pemEumo .m mmHmo BZDOZNNNN .H HNUOH .m N MHH O HNBOB em eoumz N mm mmmmeoesm H mm mmoem O mm mHuxomZ OH EN Hmomz m we NumuHHHs .omm O N meeoumeemm m mm mmmmmHOmNm O mm Och H N memo H A.o.ueoov smNH mm umm N hm NemuHHHE,.pHmHm m OeHNemmEoooN .m mmmBO .m HNZOHBNZ .N SNOW HNmmm>HZD Z EMOm ZNMBmWB Z Emom HNZOHBHQNMB Z ozHZNmz OZN emom .mzmeH mmmmo mo Nozmoommm ZOHBHmCm HNUHBHHOQ H.O.Ncooe OH.O mHmNe 148 mm memmeoue H mm ueHem H mm umxomh H mm umxomN swam N am mpcmx H Ncmseme .m OEE0.0 O MM. N HNNOB mm eoumz N, N mHHmHeED H mm mmmmmHOesm N em OOHN H mm mmoem m mm momeomZ H mm mHuxomz O mm umm H mm NemuHHHs .nmm H mm esouo H mm mmmmmHOmNm N we ewe H N memo N smuH mm uHmm m mm mezoem Emm .mHmm N OeHNemmeoooN .e H! mm memmeoee OH mm ueHem OH em umxomb N mm uuHem .emmHm H mm umxomm emem N 3m emmemez N uemEHmo .m .zzoo HNZoHomm .O O O N HNBOB 3m mHouw N mm umm H mm mmoem H emuH mm mmo H N memo m meHNemmeoooN .e hm memmeoee N 3m Hmmmmez N pemEemo .m mmHmomDm .N HNOOH .m ZNOh HNmmm>HZD Z ZmOh ZNMBmWS Z Zmom HNZOHBHONNB Z ozHZNmz OZN zmom .mzmsH mmmmo mo wozmoommm ZOHBHmOm HNUHBHHOA H.O.ucooe OH.O mHmNe 149 HOOH "ONOHO mmmz ou OeHoeooom mmmeo mo meHemmE mo eoHumonHmmmHoN O OH H mm eoumz H mm mmmmmHOeem H em mmoem N mm mHuxomz H mm NOONHHHE .umm N mm mmmmmHOmNm H. mm NHONHHHE .OHNNN O we meBoem 8mm .uHmm N zmom HNOmm>HZD z zmom Zememmz Z zmom HNZOHBHQNNB Z HNBOB EmuH OeHNemQEoooN .Q mmmeo .O HNoOH .m ozHZNmz OZN zeom .mzmsH Ommmo mo wozmoommm ZOHBHmom HNUHBHHOQ A.©.ueoov mH.m MHmNet BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘fli m 1.: ii. 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