THE RELATIONSHIP OF SEXUAL ATTITUDES, SEXUAL STEREOTYPES. RACIAL-SEXUAL STEREOTYPES. AND RACIAL ATTITUDES Thesis "for the Degree of Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY ROGER ALAN WOUDENBERG 197 3 This is to certify that the thesis entitled The Relationship of Sexual Attitudes, Sexual Stereotypes, Racial-sexual Stereotypes, and Racial Attitudes presented by Roger Alan.Woudenberg has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for .mL—degree in fixehology x97» (VI Z97,” Major professor Date é/j/g 0-7639 fi tum -'m&dsw' M v, L I T' I“ I 11 y Michigan Sta-w University amomo ov ‘9 ,HmsamM'I ‘* 83“." ‘I'NDERY INC. II' . ‘ Ix IARY BINDERS I I]. nmsrom mam“: I I_I SF F t PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. I To AVOID FINES return on or before date due. , , 3 DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE ' DVD : 33 \ g; ”7%? E .. (m m ' 6722 m <- f5": 419+, r‘ swims-9.1 ABSTRACT THE RELATIONSHIP OF SEXUAL.ATTITUDES, SEXUAL STEREOTYPES , RACIAL-SEXUAL STEREOTIPES, AND RACIAL ATTITUDES By Roger Alan.Woudenberg The purpose of the investigation was to study the relationship of sexual attitudes, sexual stereotypes, racial-sexual stereotypes, and racial attitudes in white males and to determine the validity of a theory develOped to eXplain.their relationship. This theory prOposed that these variables were sequentially related such that sexual attitudes typified by ambivalence (control of sexual expres- sionv-sex is bad vs. emphasis on exhibiting potency--no sex is bad) may prediSpose an individual to adOpt stereotypes with regard to women which in turn may diSpose an individ- ual to ascribe to racial-sexual stereotypes which promote negative racial attitudes. Three hundred and fifty white males from colleges in the Midwest and South were administered a questionnaire containing 26 instruments intended to measure various as- pects of the research variables. Demographic data about each subject were also collected. Thirty-five black males were also tested to provide criteria for Judging whether white subject scores on certain instruments were stereotypic. Roger Alan Woudenberg The correlations between each of the research variables were calculated and analyzed. A dimensional analysis of the data was also carried out using the V-analysis procedures of Tryon and Baileys' (1970) Cluster Analysis program. The results revealed that sexual attitudes character- ized by sexual guilt, depersonalization of sex, emphasis on personal and social controls of sexual expression, and lack of sexual eXperience were significantly positively correlated (p=.0001) with sexual stereotyping of women (cg. sexually aggressive women are "bad”) and non-sexual stereo- typing of women (eg. women are dependent, illogical, belong ~in the home, etc.). Sexual and non-sexual stereotyping of women were also significantly positively correlated (p=.0001) with negative or prejudiced racial attitudes. These results were consistent with the theoretically prOposed sequential relationship of variables. Because of methodological prob- lems, the relationship of the racial-sexual stereotype variables to the other variables in this sequence could not be accurately determinined. In the dimensional analysis a sexual attitude cluster dimension was derived which reflected one side of the theoretically important sexual ambivalence--sexual atti- tudes emphasizing social control of sexual expression and personal restraint with regard to sex. A sexual stereo- type cluster dimension reflecting both sexual and non- sexual stereotyping of women was also derived. Racial attitude variables formed two clusters, one dealing with Roger Alan Woudenberg policy concerning integration and segregation and the other reflecting attitudes about personally interacting with Blacks. The demographic variables formed a number of distinct cluster dimensions which were largely independent of the clusters Just mentioned. The results with regard to the relationships between cluster dimensions,which reflected the relationships between individual variables already discussed, revealed that negative racial attitudes (on both racial attitude dimen- sions) were associated with stereotyping of women, and stereotyping of women in turn was associated with sexual attitudes emphasizing social and personal control of sexual expression. The inverse relationship was also implied in the results--positive racial attitudes were accompanied by no stereotyping of women, and the absense of stereo— typing of women was associated with non-constricted, guilt-free sexual attitudes. The magnitude of the relationships between these clusters Was indicated by the quantitative fact that each dimension could account for about one-third of the variance in each related dimension. The results of this investigation have important implications both for understanding racial attitudes and for changing them. Tryon, R. C., Bailey, D. E. Elna; 2 Analysis. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1970. THE RELATIONSHIP or SEXUAL ATTITUDES SEXUAL STEREOTIPES, RACIAL-SEXUAL STEREOTYPES, AND RACIAL ATTITUDES By Roger Alan.Woudenberg A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Psychology 1973 C) Coryright by ROGER ALAN NOUDENRERG 1973 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author wishes to eXpress his gratitude to the chairman of his thesis committee and friend during his graduate study, Dr. Dozier W. Thornton, whose caring and guidance made this research possible. Special thanks are also given to Dr. Donald L. Grummon, Dr. Andrew M. Barclay, and Dr. Jeanne Gullahorn for serving on the thesis committee. The financial assistance of the Department of Psychology, which made it possible to pay subjects for participating in this research, is also gratefully acknowledged. To my wife, whose love enhanSed my work, I dedicate this thesis. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS RAGE LIST OF TABLES.................................. V1 LIST OF FIGURES................................. x INTRODUCTION.................................... 1 The Theories of Calvin Hernton and Eldridge CleaverOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.00....0...... 14’ The Racial-sexual Stereotypes and their 0r1g1n...................................... 1‘" f How the Racial-sexual Stereotypes AffeCt Race Relations....................... 9* Discussion of Hernton and Cleaver Theories.................................... 12 A New Theoretical Parapective................. 1“ Sexual Stereotypes and Attitudes in America...00.0..OOOOOOOIOOOOOOOOOO.0000.0O 1L} ‘ The Relationship of Current Sexual Attitudes and Stereotypes to Racial- sexual Stereotypes and Racial Prejudice..... 27 , Summary of the Theory: the Sequential Relationship Of Variables"................... LI'Z Conceptual Considerations..................... 45 RESEARCH PROBLEM................................ 48 METHOD.......................................... 51 Subjects...................................... 51 Instruments................................... 54 Racial Attitudes............................ 5h Sexual Attitudes............................ 56 Sexual StereOtyPQSeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 61 111 TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued) BflCial‘Sexual StflreOtypes e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 0 Sexual Behavior................o............ _Treatment of the Data........................A HIPOTHESES...................................... RESULTS......................................... Psychological Portrait of the Sample.......... Sexual Attitudes............................ Sexual Behavior............................. Sexual Stereotypes.......................... Racial-sexual Stereotypes....a.............. Racial Attitudes...........3................ Relationships Between the Forty-Eight Variables..................................... Sexual Attit‘ldeSeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee Sexual StereOtYPCSDeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee Relationship of Sexual Attitudes and Sexual StereOtypeseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee Racial-sexual Stereotypes--Problems in a correlatiom1 Studyeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 330181 Attitudes........................."2x. Relationship of Racial Attitudes and Sexual StereOtyPBSeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee Sequential Relationship of Variables........ Relationships with Demographic Variables.... The Relationships Between Clusters of Variables..................................... iv PAGE 64 67 ‘70 73 77 77 77 83 85 a7 91 94 95 99 100 102 1.06 107 108 110 112 TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued) PAGE Empirical V-analysis of the Forty- Eight Variables........................... 112 Preset V-analysis of the Variables........ 120 Description of the Final Clusters......... 122 Relationships of Clusters................. 126 Sequential Relationship of Variables...... 128 Summary of Major Results.....z.............. 130 DISCUSSION.................................... 135 The Sample of this Study and Implications for Interpreting Significant Correlations... 135 The Sample of this Study and the Current Status of Saxual Attitudes and Stereotyplng.............‘................... 137 Variations from the Theoretical Framework and Areas for more Research................. 139 Implications of this Research..x............ 14h BIBLIOGRAPHY........o......................... 153 APPENDIX A: Tables 24-N1.........3............ 156 APPENDIX B: Sample Test Booklet............3.. 182 TABLE 1. 2. 3. 9. 10. 11. 12. LIST OF TABLES Sexual attitudes of the American male with associated sexual stereotypes and behaviors. These attitudes describe the rational subscales of the instrument develoned by the author.................. Characteristics of the white male sexual Stereotype........................ Characteristics of the white female sexual StereOtypeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee Characteristics of the black male sexual SterGOtypeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee Characteristics of the black female sexual stereotype........................ Distribution of SS by race and mean chronological age (CA), mean educational level (EL), and percentage unmarried Ss.. Source of SS and method of payment....... Internal consistency and relative ability of MRAI subscales scores to discriminate among attitudinal criterion groups by region...0..0.0...OOOCCOOOOOOOOOOOOCCOOOOO Instruments used in the investigation showing abbreviations used in other TableSOOOOO0.0.0.0....OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO Means and standard deviations for white and black §s on all instruments.......... Sample means in relation to normative dataeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee Mean percentage of SS resoondfng to each response category on all items of each instmmentOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0000...0...... vi PAGE 2# 28 29 36 37 52 53 57 69 78 79 80 TABLE 13. 1A. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. LIST OF TABLES (continued) PAGE Percentage white §S reporting having participated in various kinds of sexual behavior and percentage reporting "as if Black" participation in these sexual behav10r8000000000.0.0000...00.000.00.000. 81+ Significance level of correlations........ 95 Correlation matrix of variables organized according to general conceptual areas..... 96 Correlations between same or similar instruments with §S giving their own reSponses and reSponding "As if Black"....103 The means of significant intercorrelations between variables in each conceptual area.110 Matrix of significant correlations between demographic and nondemographic variables..111 Variables in the clusters from the empirical V-analysis with factor loadings.113 Relationships among the clusters from the empirical V-analysis. Estimated correlations between cluster domains (common factor correlations)..............118 Variables in the clusters from the preset V’analySiS With faCtor loadingSeeeeeeeeeeeIZB Relationships among the clusters from the preset V-analySiS.........................127 Variables and clusters of variables significantly correlated (p=.01) with raCial attitudes..........................145 Items in cluster 1: Adherance to tradition- al masculinity-femininity stereotypes and percentage §s reSponding to each reSponse category for each item....................157 Items in cluster 2: Denial of inadequacy, ideal of sexuality and percentage §s re- Sponding to each reSponse category........158 vii TABLE 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31.. 32- 33- 34. LIST OF TABLES (continued) PAGE Items in clusters 3; External control of sexual eXpression, and 5: Personal control of sexual eXpression, and percentage §s reSponding to each reSponse category for eaCh item................................. 159 Items in cluster #: Separation of sex and affect, depersonalization of sex and percentage of SS reSponding to each reSponse category for each item........... 160 Items in cluster 6: Sexual double stan- dard, women seen as "good" or "bad" and percentage §S reSponding to each reSponse category for eaCh ltem.................... 161 Correlations between the sex clusters derived from the item analysis of the sex attitude and stereotype scale. Alpha reliabilities in parentheses. eeeeeeeeeeee 162 Items in cluster 1: As if Black--stereo- typic sexual interaction and depersonali- zation and percentage §S reSponding to each reSponse category for each item...... 163 Items in cluster 2: As if Black-~Ideal of sexuality and percentage §s reSponding to each reSponse category for each item...... 165 Items in cluster 3: As if Black-~Emphasis on sexual restraint and percentage §S reSponding to each reSponse category for eaCh itemoeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 166 Correlations between the three clusters derived from the item analysis of the sex attitude and stereotype scale taken "as if Black." Alpha reliabilities in parentheseS.............o................. 167 Demographic data obtained from S3 and coding principles used for quantitative analysis. Abbreviations used in other Tables Shown.............................. 168 viii TABLE 75. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. in. LIST OF TABLES (continued) PAGE Means and standard deviations for white and black §s on demographic variables.... 170 Intercorrelation matrix of forty-eight variableS................................ 171 Inner cluster structure of the ten basic and eXpanded clusters from the empirical V-analySiS............................... 176 Generality of the ten oblique clusters of the emnirical V'analySiSeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 178 Relationships among the clusters from the empirical V-analysis. Correlations between cluster scores with alpha relia- bility coefficients in parentheses....... 179 Inner cluster structure of the four basic and eXpanded clusters from the preset v-a-rlalySisOOOOO000.0000000000000000000000 180 Generality of the four oblique clusters or the preset V-analysls................. 181 ix LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE 1. 3. Relationship of sexual attitudes, sexual stereotypes, racial-sexual stereotypes, and racial prejudice....... The theoretically postulated sequential relationShip Of variableSeeeeeeeeeeeeeee Summary of the empirical relationships among sexual attitudes, sexual (and racial-sexual) stereotypes, and racial attitudes, organized according to the theoretically pronosed sequential relationship of these variables showing the percent of variance which each variable can account for in each of the Other variableSOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO. PAGE 31 #4 .129 INTRODUCTION The research and theory with regard to the origin and nature of racial prejudice is extensive. Research in the area has uncovered a multitude of factors and processes that have added to our understanding of prejudice including, to name a few, cultural tradition, social norms, the parental model, semantic confusion, ignorance of group differences, and psychodynamic processes (Allport, 195A). Theoretically racial prejudice has been approached from many different perSpectives including historical, sociological, psycho- logical and various eclectic or "interaction” theoretical models. Considering the complex interplay of many factors in the origin and nature of racial prejudice and the multiplicity of theoretical approaches to understand racial prejudice, Allport (1954, p. 212) concludes: "We may lay it down as a general law applying to all social phenomena that multiple cansatign,is invariably at work and nowhere is the law more clearly applicable than to prejudice." However in spite of the vast amount of research and theory with regard to racial prejudice, the relationship of racial attitudes to various aSpects of sexuality has been virtually ignored in the empirical studies of this 2 subject. The purpose of this investigation was to study the relationship of racial attitudes to racial-sexual stereotypes, sexual stereotypes and sexual attitudes. Although there was some theory available with regard to the relationship of racial prejudice to various aspects of sexuality, a complete theoretical framework for understanding the relation- ship of these variables was lacking. A more complete theoretical framework was deveIOped for the purposes of this investigation and is presented on the following pages. Theoretical Base For The Present Research ”The sexualization of racism in the United States is a unique phenomenon in the history of mankind; it is an anomaly of the first order. In fact, there is a sexual involvement, at once real and vicarious, connecting white and black peOple in.America that Spans the history of this country from the era of slavery to the present, an involvement so immaculate and yet so perverse, so ethereal and yet so concrete, that all race relations tend to be, however subtle, sex relations.“ (Hernton, 1965, p. 7) The relationship between race relations and sex relations in America has been to a great extent ignored in the theoretical discussion and empirical studies of racial prejudice. However, the prOposition that sexual involvement does play a big role in race relations has been implicit in the novels, autobiographies, and essays of black writers (and some white writers) at least since the turn of the 3 century (e.g. Brown, 1965; Dubois, 1903; Fairbairn, 1966; Johnson, 1912; Malcolm X, 1964; Smith, 1963; Wright, 1937, 19h0). More explicit and formal attempts to elaborate and clarify the relationship between sex and racism in America are few (Cleaver, 1968; Grier and Cobbs, 1968; Hernton, 1965), and tend to be incomplete, contradictory and without empirical evidence. Nevertheless these theoretical writings form the base from which the present writer has deve10ped his theoretical point of view and the research to be presented below. A summary of the theoretical positions of Eldridge Cleaver and sociologist Calvin C. Hernton are presented first followed by the present writer's theoretical elaborations and research. Central to the theoretical positions of Hernton and Cleaver is the existence of racial-sexual stereotypes. By racial-sexual stereotypes they refer to certain sexual characteristics or attitudes that are invalidly attributed to persons solely on the basis of their race. In very general terms, they discuss the relationship of sex to racism in terms of how these racial-sexual stereotypes have come about, what the exact nature of the stereotypes is, and how they affect race relations. For the most part, Hernton and Cleaver are in agreement with regard to the nature of the stereotypes and their effect on relations between the races, but they differ in their understanding of the origin of the stereotypes. 93111:; C. Herman: Hernton attempts to explain the evolution of the racial-sexual stereotypes from a historical per- spective beginning with the white slave owner's sexual relations with his slaves and his attempts to deal with the accompanying guilt and fear. The white man's guilt had a number of sources. First he felt guilty about the illicit sexual activities themselves. They conflicted with the prevailing Victorian sexual mores that tended tom sex in general as something very private and even dirty. Furthermore it was the white man who initiated these sexual activities and thus they were also a manifestation of the sexual "one-way street" in race mixing, a symptom of a society based on human slavery--another source of guilt. Finally, these sexual activities also often took the place of at least some of his sexual activities with his wife. This last factor not only increased the white man's guilt but also led. to the fear that his wife might turn to the black man for sexual fulfillment. To deal with this guilt and fear, the white man created the racial-sexual stereotypes. He projected his own unacceptable sexual feelings upon the Negro. I'Specifically, the white supremist's concept of the Negro female is that all of them are sluts and prostitutes; at best, they are objects of Open.sexual lust.... To some degree, however microscopic, all white men in America, save a few, carry 5 in their perception of Negro females a dark sexual urge that borders on the vulgar.‘ (Hernton, 1965, pp. 90, 9h) In contrast, white women became the ideal of grace and purity, she was put on a pedestal, made chaste, not to be touched. She had to deny many of her female emotions by giving away her domestic and child rearing activities to 'mammies' or servants. "Sacred white womanhood emerged in the South as an immaculate mythology to glorify an other- wise indecent society' (Hernton, 1965, p. 16). The black male was seen a a sexually abnormal being with tremendous sexual powers, a “savage rapist" who indiscriminately searches out sex for pleasure. This perception of the black man not only allows the white man to project his own unacceptable sexual feelings, but it also becomes a rationalization for isolating sacred white womanhood from the black sexually aggressive animal. “It is the lecherous Negro male that is the real menace. He would deflower white womanhood. The deflowering of Negro womanhood is conveniently forgotten in the outburst of righteous indignation. The indignation is guilt~evading and restorative of self-reSpect.“ (Allport, 195A, p. 353) Hernton explains that once these racial-sexual stereo- types have been established, their very existence reinforces the need for them. Because the white woman is viewed as nonsexual and the black woman as hypersexual, the white man may become more sexually attracted to or interested in the black woman which again creates the guilt and fear that 6 originally led to the evolution of the stereotypes. Similarly fear of competition from the black hypersexual male stereotype increases the necessity of the white woman remaining chaste and nonsexual and the necessity of viewing the black male as the aggressive rapist. Eldcinge_gleayen: Cleaver sees the racial-sexual stereo- types as natural end results of certain.factors Operating in American society: 1. It is a class society. 2. Race is used as a defining characteristic for caste and class so that the classes can come to seem mutually exclusive and biologically defined. 3. There is an alienation between the function of the mind and body within the society. a. The function of the mind is valued above that of the body in the society. Although Cleaver presents his ideas quite abstractly in terms of what he calls “social imagery", the essense of what he states seems to be as follows. In a class society, the upper class or class in.power will "usurp" or assume those characteristics that are valued in that society. In American society where the functions or characteristics associated with the mind (thinker, administrator) are valued above those of the body (doer, brute functions) and where the functions of the mind and body are felt to be alienated, the upper classes will assume the characteristics of the mind and project those of the body to the classes 7 beneath them. Along with this each class will project a sexual image (stereotype) that coincides with its class function. As a result '...the upper classes...are perennially associated with physical weakness, decay, underdeveloped bodies, effeminacy, sexual impotence, and frigidity. Virility, strength and power are associated with the lower classes,...” (Cleaver, 1968, p. 180) The assumed characteristics of the upper class male then determine how the upper class woman must be. She must be more sharply feminine than he. She must be “ultra- feminine“ so that in comparison, he may still appear masculine. To accomplish this she must project the domestic component of her nature to the women in the lower classes and the woman in the lower class must relinquish some of her femininity; However, because the upper class male may despise the weakness or femininity in himself, he will have a “secret or subconscious aversion to the women of his class, because of the ultrafemininity which they have deve10ped to counter-balance his effeminacy. At the same time he will surpass himself in his efforts to conceal his aversion and make believe that the very Opposite is true. He thus makes an icon.of his woman and literally worships her. Enshrining'her on.a pedestal, he goes off seeking confirmation of his insecure masculinity elsewhere.“ (Cleaver, 1968, pp. 182,183) These sexual stereotypes become related to race when class or caste are defined or distinguished in terms of 8 race. When the distinguishing characteristic for class is biological (skin.color), the racial-sexual stereotypes may be considered mutually exclusive and biologically determined. Although Hernton and Cleaver see the racial-sexual stereotypes as evolving in different ways, the stereotypes that result are described almost identically by both. They are also in.agreement on another issue which is one of the ironies in the theory about racial-sexual stereotypes--once the stereotypes exist, they may foster a sexual attraction across races and thereby reinforce the need for their very existence. For example, the white male may be more sexually attracted to the hypersexual black female stereotype than to the nonsexual white female stereotype. The nonsexual white female may find the hypersexual black male stereotype as the ideal Object to reawaken her sexuality. The black male may be most attracted to the white female who not only typifies the socially identified ideal of beauty and femininity, but also Offers him a very direct means to “get back" at the white male. The black female who in many ways is most degraded by her stereotype may be attracted to the white male, the symbol of power and prestige in the society. Both Hernton and Cleaver discuss this inter- racial sexual attraction at some length elaborating on the factors that may Operate to foster the attraction. Grier and Cobbs (1968) also discuss this issue and introduce Oedipal fantasies and impulses as a relevant issue--fascinated by the interracial sexual taboo and excited by the forbiddenness 9 Of a sexual partner of a different race, Oedipal fantasies may be projected onto he or she. Almost in contradiction, Hernton suggests that it may be because a partner from the other race is least like the object Of one's Oedipal fantasies, and thus least likely to evoke Oedipal impulses, that makes he or she sexually attractive. However, regardless of the causes, the existence Of the racial-sexual stereotypes may foster an interracial sexual attraction.(even if only subtlely, or in fantasy Of folklore) and thereby create a new need for the white male and female to project unacceptable sexual feelings on the black, thereby further reinforcing the racial-sexual stereotypes and creating what might be called a “vicious cycle“ that constantly maintains the stereotypes. .01 A; ;;, ; -:;,q ; ; ‘e .3: I; ; :- ; on: The racial-sexual stereotypes Of black men and women came about when.white men.and women.projected their own unacceptable sexual feelings upon the blacks. Thus the blacks became the embodiment of what the whites hated in themselves--they created a “nigger“ to hate so they would not have to hate themselves. This hostility continues as 1the stereotypes perpetuate themselves. Allport (1954, pp. 352,353) discusses this with regard to white women: "Suppose a white woman is fascinated by the taboo against the Negro male. She is unlikely to admit, even to herself, that she finds his color and lower status attractive. She may however, 'project' her feelings, and 10 accordingly imagine that the desire exists on the other side--that Negro males have sexually aggressive tendencies toward her. What is an inner temptation is perceived as an outer threat. Overgeneralizing her conflict, she develOpes an anxiety and hostility respecting the whole Negro race." This might be stated more generally in Cleaver's terms;I If you project those characteristics that are not valued in society upon black peOple, than black peOple them- selves have less value as human beings. They are thought to be "animals," subhuman, dirty, only interested in sex, not fit to have or do what whites have or do. The reaction to the stereotypes by whites involves more that just hostility and debasement Of blacks. In com- parison to the black hypersexual stereotypes, the white male and female are less sexual and inadequate. The supermas- culine image of the black man is a threat to the white man's masculinity and feelings of adequacy. Similarly the white woman.may envy the black woman for her hypersexuality. This is intensified by the fact that the stereotypes themselves may foster a mutual sexual attraction between races and thus increase fears about competition. This accounts for the very strong taboo prohibiting interracial sex. It also suggests how the "sexual one-way street” (the white male is free to ignore the taboo) provides a convenient way for the white male to reassure himself of his adequacy with black women.while he need not fear that the black man will do the same--thus the saying among some white males: "You are not 11 a man.until you've slept with a nigger.“ Thus the racial-sexual stereotypes illicit a complex set of reactions--both hatred and envy, fear and jealousy. The complexity Of the racists reaction to the racial-sexual stereotypes is summarized by Hernton (1965, p. 112): The racist "sees in the Negro the essense of his own sexuality, that is those qualities that he wishes for but fears he does not possess. Symbolically, the Negro at once affirms and negates the white man's sense of sexual security. The racist is torn.by repressed dreams of sexual virility. On the other hand, he is secretly haunted by fantasies of masculine inadequacy, because he cannot (due to his guilt and his involvement with-sex as dirty and vile) bring himself to act out his great dreams with white woman. The racist ng§d§_the Negro to hate, blame, and fear. This is the only way he can keep from overtly hating, blaming and fearing himself. If the Negro did not exist, the racist would be compelled tO ingent him. Indeed, this is precisely what the racist has done. It is quite clear that few, if any, of the characteristics that white men attribute to Negroes are universally accurate. Contrary to what is claimed, it is not the white woman who is dear to the racist. It is not even the black woman toward whom his real sexual rage is directed. It is the black manywho is gagged to the racist. And this is why he must castrate him." And the black man has been castrated in almost every Sphere but sexually-- economically, politically, and socially. 12 W The most important and unique theoretical contribution by Hernton.and Cleaver to the study Of racial prejudice is that sexuality is aluayg inextricably involved in race relations. Basic also to both their theories are the racial- sexual stereotypes by which sex and race become intertwined. Although both men present their theories eloquently, in ways their theories are incomplete and sometimes seem intuitively Over-stated or incorrect. Conceptually their theories leave much to be desired. Even the most critical concepts such as racial-sexual stereotypes, racial prejudice, and sexuality (includes attitudes, behaviors, stereotypes) remain largely undefined or undifferentiated. Thus it is Often difficult to be sure what the different variables in their theories are and how they relate to one another. There are some important areas in.which both theories are either vague or incomplete. The concept Of racial- sexual stereotypes is important for understanding many aspects of race relations, but many questions remain.un- answered when.these stereotypes are understood only from a historical perSpective or very generally in terms of class society and broadly defined class values. Neither theory clearly states what sexual attitudes will predispose a white person to adopt or ascribe to the racial-sexual stereotypes. Hernton very generally describes the sexual attitudes of the racially prejudiced person as Victorian (sex seen as 13 “vile,“ "dirty“, "bad“) and posits guilt as an important force in the evolution of the stereotypes; Cleaver even more generally states that the "mind" is valued over the "body" and alienated from it. The fact that neither theory clearly states those attitudes which predispose someone to adapt the racial-sexual stereotypes no doubt explains to some degree why neither theory presents a very complete or reasonable picture of the white male sexual stereotype. It is the white male who in.essense initiates the evolution Of the stereotypes in both of their theories, yet because they have not clearly differentiated the sexual attitudes that would foster this process, the white male sexual stereo- type is poorly differentiated. Hernton (1965, p. 112) de- scribes the white male as a 'generality...the white race“ while Cleaver (1968, p. 180) states that he is associated with "physical weakness, decay, effeminacy, sexual impotence,“ etc. Hernton says very little while Cleaver's description seems unreasonable in.the light of the rest Of his theory. According to Cleaver the white male, as the person in power, usurps or assumes those characteristics which society values. Thus one would conclude that in.American society "effeminacy, impotence," etc. would be characteristics of men that are valued which is Obviously incorrect. To a large extent both Hernton.and Cleaver seem to view the white sexual stereotypes or culturally defined sexual identities as evolving in.eonjunction.with the black sexual stereotypes. However as will be prOposed below it seems 14 more reasonable to postulate that the sexual stereotypes with which most white Americans identify have evolved from culturally enforced sexual attitudes that may exist in the absense of any racial factors. It will be argued below that race and racial prejudice (and the racial-sexual stereotypes) become involved when.a person uses race as a means to deal with the problems that accompany these cultural sexual attitudes and stereotypes. To put it anOther way: although sex may always be involved in.racism, this does not mean that racism must always be the reaction.to American attitudes with regard to sex. For these reasons, in the new theoretical framework that follows which was deve10ped for the purposes of the research, a discussion Of the evolution.and current status of American sexual attitudes or standards and the culturally defined sexual identities or stereotypes precedes the discuss- ion of black sexual stereotypes and racial prejudice. Further, since the research included only male subjects, the present- ation will concern itself tO the greatest extent with the American white male. A.Nfih.2hfl92§t1£fll_2§£§n§£I112. WWW America is in the midst of a revolution or a time Of transition with regard to both sexual stereotypes and attitudes. The Old patriarchal sexual stereotypes are being challenged by a trend toward equalitarianism. The Older Victorian sexual attitudes (sex is bad) stand in direct 15 contrast to the "modern" sexual attitudes (no sex is bad). But it remains a period of transition, and the revolution is not complete. The patriarch has not yet been replaced by equalitariansim. "To be sure there are outward signs of equalitarianism, of role flexibility, of a relaxation of the rigid sexual double standard. But the American male hasn't really integrated these new ways into his personality. He nurses a fairly potent patriarchal hangover." (Brenton, 1966, p. 39) Similarly the Victorian and modern sexual attitudes exist side by side in our culture. American sexual attitudes are "polarized" (Kirkendall, 1969), "paradoxical" (May, 1969), “hypocritical" (Neubardt, 1969), and "ambivalent" (Brenton, 1966; Ellis, 1969; Reiss, 1960). Thus the situation in America with regard to sexual stereotypes and attitudes is not only complicated but changing. What follows is a discussion Of these stereotypes and attitudes in terms of significant factors in their evolution. W In attempting to understand the evolution and longevity of the sexual stereotypes and their apparent resistance to change in the face of the trend toward equalitarianism, Brenton (1966, pp. 146, 147) narrows in on the elemental differences between the sexes-~the penis compared with the cunnus: "During coitus, his penis puts the male to the test in a unique way-~a way the female isn't tested. She can pre- tend arousal; he must Obtain an erection. She can think of 16 totally nonsexual matters and still carry on with the sexual act; he has to be in.a specifically erotic frame Of mdnd to sustain his erection. She can.pretend pleasure; for him, little pretense is possible. If she's so inclined, she can mask failure to reach an orgasm with make-believe; he can't: his sexual success is highly visible, and so-- humiliatingly--is his failure. Furthermore, sexual functionr ing can occur without her active participation, it cannot without his. Upon.reaching an orgasm, she doesn't ejaculate; that he loses semen (unconsciously equated with strength) is a very obvious matter. In his case a multiple orgasm is a relatively rare phenomenon; in.hers, not at all. He's subject to detumescence, the loss of sexual capacity, very soon after reaching an orgasm; she can, if she wishes, simply keep on going. This leads to an age old fear in.man that she can't be satisfied and either drains him dry or turns to other men, once thoroughly awakened. The sum of these dif- ferences in.male and female sexuality has, it would seem, given.men a tendency to anxiety in.ralation.to the female.“ The traditional female sexual stereotypes can be viewed as one means that the male has with which to deal with this anxiety. Through much Of history women.have been.viewed as highly sexual and insatiable creatures who are morally inferior to men.and thus must be kept in.eheck (the beginning of the sexual double standard). This view was held by the Hebrews, Romans, Arabs, and Early Christians (eg. a little known passage in Ecclesiasties: "Women.are overcome by the 17 Spirit of fornication more than men and in their heart they plot against men.") Sherfey (1966, p. 117) in a review Of biological data and the results Of the work Of Masters and Johnson concludes that women are in fact highly sexual and insatiable: “Theoretically, a woman could go on having orgasms indefinitely if physical exhaustion did not intervene. " Freud provided a further basis for this view of woman: a woman has no penis, therefore does not develOpe castration anxiety, therefore she has less reason than men to identify with a parent and as a result does not develOpO a superego to the same extent as men--as a result she is less moral and more sexual ..(Freud, .1962) . In Victorian times sex went underground. The sexual aSpects Of personality were denied or repressed. Sex was something that one did not talk about-~it was considered not only private but in general repugnant. The female sexual stereotype at that time reflected these attitudes. A dcccnt woman.was looked at as less sexual than men--she did not enjoy intercourse or was she aroused by it. Along with the nonsexuality, she was considered morally excellent in contrast to men. The Victorians did not discard the older stereotype of women as presented above. Instead it became the stereotype of the "bad“ woman, the slut and prostitute. Brenton (1966, p. 11+?) relates these stereotypes to the male's anxiety in relation to women as a result of their biological differences as discussed above. "Actually when one follows the two historical trains of thought about female 18 sexuality to their logical conclusions, they wind up at the same safe spot. If woman is insatiable, she can't be satisfied; if woman is unmoved by sex--well, then, she can't be satisfied. Either way the male is, sexually Speaking, Off the hook.“ These stereotypes of women formed the base for the sexual double standard and the Patriarchal stereotypes. In practice the double standard became generalized to many areas of life. "The double standard can be seen in action in almost all Spheres where men and women meet-~in education, in business, in politics, and in religion.“ (Reiss, 1960, p. 90) In the patriarchal stereotypes, the male was typified as strong, aggressive, unemotional and independent. He was the ruler Of the home and the person active in the world outside the home. The decent female was stereotyped as gentle, sweet, nonsexual, dependent--a swooning, emotional creature typified in.the roles Of wife and mother. Although the patriarchal stereotypes (and the accompany- ing sexual double standard) may have provided a means for the male to deal with anxiety accompanying the basic sexual differences (penis vs. cunnus) between men.and women as suggested by Brenton, they did not remove all anxiety of fear in relation to women. In a number of ways, they intensified it. First, the patriarchal stereotypes were rationalized in terms of an inherent superiority Of men. In actuality, the stereotypes depended not on what men were (ways they were 19 superior) but on what women agreed not to be (ways they acted out their 'inferiority')--eg., he is ruler of the home because she accepts being ruled. Thus the more important the stereotypes become for a given.men, the more dependent he becomes on women to play their role-~anxiety or fear in relation to women may ensue. Second, men.are taught to deny and reject any part of themselves that might stereotypically be called feminine. They learn.to hate and fear any “feminine“ part of themselves. This hatred and fear may generalize to women. Finally, the 'decent' femdnine stereotype was to a large extent typified by the mother figure. By universalizing this figure of the mother to all decent women, anxiety with relation to women may result. Freud talked at length about .such anxiety with regard to sex in terms of an Oedipus Complex. This can also be true in a more general sense--the good woman as mother figure is not only the preserver of life and giver of what is good, she is also the one that may withhold from and abandon the child; The result of all this is a "vicious cycle“ similar to that discussed above with regard to the racial-sexual stereotypes-~the very existence Of the sexual stereotypes may create conditions that enhance the necessity that they continue to exist. It might also be noted here that the female stereotype as discussed above is similar to that described by the previous theories although its evolution did not involve the factor Of race. Also the existence for 20 the patriarch of "good” (nonsexual) and "bad“ women suggests an etiological factor in the evolution of the black female sexual stereotype as will be discussed later. The.§cxnal chclnticn As was mentioned earlier, the sexual revolution with its modern, anti-Victorian sexual attitudes (sex is good and healthy) and push for male-female equalitarianism did not do away with the old sexual attitudes and stereotypes. In actuality, the new attitudes and emphasis on equalitarianism may create conditions that revitalize the “vicious cycle" that perpetuates the sexual stereotypes. The modern sexual attitudes state that sex is a natural and healthy expression of the personality in both men and women and its absense is an indication of problems. "The victorian nice man or woman was guilty if he or she did experience sex. Now we are guilty if we don't (May, 1969). A close look at the "modern” sexual attitudes raises the question as to just how different they really are. Brenton (1966, pp. 160-165) states: "Since one extreem reaction usually invites another, the Victorian denial of sex and the current compulsive affirmation of it are simply two sides of the same wellworn coin...When the rigidities of the past were shattered and it was recognized that both men and“women had the right to sexual pleasure, the feminists and the sexologists did exactly what they might have been expected to. Thay rushed from one black and. white situation to another. I They equated I 21 the male and female orgasms as though they were exactly alike, demanding that sex become a fifty-fifty propositions- One for you, one for me....there has come into being a sort of sexual standard which defines female sexual satisfaction solely in terms Of the orgasm...aand not only an explosive orgasm.achieved directly as a result Of intercourse on every occasion that intercourse takes place, but this self same orgasm achieved simultaneously with the manls climax. 'In.point Of fact, the male's sexual self-image is no longer based on the self. It is based on the reSponse evoked from.the sexual partner....ln other words, his sexual success or failure is dcpcndcnt on.her. If she figuratively gives him an A, he's a real man. Any lesser grade, as measured by her reSponse, leaves him somewhat doubtful Of his sexual capabilitiest...Her orgasm is important to his own.feelings of adequacy.“ fi> It was suggested above that the sexual stereotypes may be viewed as one means for a male to deal with anxiety in relation to women that results from the fact that the male is sexually both more visible and limited than the female which may result in.fears that he may not be able to satisfy her. The modern.attitudes which equate male and female sexuality, emphasize male sexual performance, and make male sexuality (success or failure) dependent on the female reSponse could do nothing but intensify this anxiety and thus vitalize the‘ticious cycle“ that perpetuates the sexual stereotypes. A: 22 The whole problem is further intensified by at least two other influences: First, this emphasis on.performance, exhibiting potency, is intensified by the competitive, success-failure, perfor- mance-oriented nature of American society. In many ways the American.male is Judged not by what he is,-but by what he doesu Vincent (1969, p. 8) makes this point in stating: “We love girls because they exist. We love boys for what they will become.z.he must offer proof, evidence that he's worth- while." Second, the new attitudes have not replaced the Victorian attitudes or erased the old stereotypes. The American.male is the product of a culture that teaches him that a “good" woman is nonsexual, that sex is a very private thing and not discussed by his famdly, that sex is part of one's personality that is either ignored or controlled until he is married, but when.he is married, on.his wedding night he not only should have sex with what is probably one of the "good“ nonsexual women, but he should be good at it. Neubardt (1969, p. 14) very clearly demonstrates the ambiv- alance and hipocracy of American sexual attitudes: "Society would insist that all women marry as virgins, and all men.be sexually experienced when they get married. Now, this could be a plea for homosexuality; But you know it isnlt." The result of this sexual ambivalence according to May (1969, p.5) is that current sexual attitudes take the form of a “new type of puritanism'": 23 “What this means is that peOple have to learn to perform sexually to make sure that they can exhibit their potency without ever letting themselves be passionate, without ever letting themselves commit themselves, for commitment can be interpreted as an unseemly demand on the partner. The victorian person sought to make love without falling into sex, and the modern person seeks to have sex without falling in.love.' This new puritanism is further characterised by a strong emphasis on.technique in sex. Sex becomes mechanized, de- personalized, and separated from any other affect or feeling. This meets conditions from both sides of the basic sexual ambivalence--with good technique he exhibits his potency (modern attitude), but this is done as a machine, as if he is not emotionally or personally involved (Victorian.attitude)t The Victorian.side of the ambivalence may be further eXpressed in.adherance to certain cultural attitudes which emphasize both personal and social control of certain.aspects of sexual expression (where, when, how, at what age, etc.)z Be- sides being one other expression of the general tendency to mechanize sex, the idea of control (personal and social) also provides another means with which to deal with any problems that might be associated with exhibiting one's sexual potency--the problems can be rationalized in terms of controls such as moral restraint or external circumstances. A summary of the current nature of American sexual attitudes is presented in.part in Table 1. 29 Table 1. Sexual attitudes of the American male with assoc- iated sexual stereotypes and behaviors. These attitudes describe the rational subscales of the instrument developed by the author. I. II. III. IV. V. S 0‘“: :. 04 0 ,:._go_ :.‘_ I‘OL 500: 5 e e "‘,. Sex without intimacy, warmth, affection, tenderness, closeness, commitment, or involvement. Isolation of sexual experience, partner experienced as object vs. person. Emphasis on technique, orgasm. Claim no sexual frustrations or concerns--failures or shortcomings are rationalized in terms of moral restraint or external circumstances. Emphasis in sex on success and failure-~externally show high sexual interest and ability and present selves as ideal in terms of external standards. Conventional moral and intellectual influence preempts individual and spontaneous expressions of sexuality, social values underplay the value of sex, rejection of the purely erotic indicating an underlying guilt with regard to sex. Personal control of sexual expression reflecting the mechanization of sexuality. Male must be initiator and aggressor sexually. "Bad" woman: sexually aggressive or interested in sex for pleasure. “Good" woman: sexually restrained, idealized as wife or mother. WWW. Defend against any “feminine" quality in men, fear any “masculine" quality in women. Underlying revulsion, anxiety, or uncomfortableness with women rationalized by stereotype or hidden by pseudoadmiration, may feel more comfortable inter- acting with men. Endorse any conventional social pressure to maintain M-F polarity, relate conventionally in terms of sexual stereotypes. Emphasis on mutual orgasm achieved by conventional means of intercourse with male sexual domination, lack of spontaniety, creativity, or exploration of less conventional means of sexual expression»- varying coital positions, oral-genital sexuality, “sex play", time and place of sexual intercourse, variations of touching, kissing, sounds, etc. 25 This new puritanism is not acted out in the absense of sexual stereotypes-~the patriarchal stereotypes still remain largely intact. As was pointed out above, the new sexual attitudes may revitalize the need for sexual stereotypes. "The feminine and masculine stereotypes of the past, given a new fact and stamp of approval by the peculiarities of American culture continue to truncate personality, hinder effective communication between men and women, cause a sense of alienation from self and the other and reinforce the sexual apartheid so much a part of American Life." (Lindbeck, 1969, p. a) However the specific chenacteristics of these stereotypes have been altered by a number of the attitudes Just discussed: 1. The general sexual ambivalence with the accompanying mechanization and depersonalization of sex. 2. The emphasis on.exhibiting one's sexual potency. and 3. The more general cultural emphasis on performance-- the success-failure, competitive nature of American society. The mechanization and depersonalization of sex is re- flected in the sexual stereotypes by what Luce (195h) de- scribed as a change in the patriarchal masculine stereotype from "hero" to "robot". The modern.masculine stereotype is machine-like as is relfected in.those characteristics that have come to be associated with "masculinity" (Lindbeck, 1969; Luce, 1954): uncommited sexual interest in the Opposite sex without involvement, technical competence, a manipulative and impersonal (vs. intellectual) mental cleverness, a competitive aggressiveness, and typified by the unfeeling brutality 26 of casual violence. It is further characterized by the absense of anxiety, aesthetic sensitivity, social responsibility, and expression of tender feelings. The “masculine“ domain is the impersonal world, the public sphere, the life of reason.end transforming action and mastery over nature and history. Luce (195“) also suggests that along with the mechanization of what was personal, there went a personalization.of the machine: “the equation between people and things leads to an equation.between.masculinity and earning power.“ Along with the modern emphasis on exhibiting “masculinity“ by sexual performance with a more general tendency to exhibit it by one's performance as the breadwinner. Brenton (1966) makes the point that it might be simpler in some ways for the man who is not sure of himself in bed to become married to his Job and attempt to exhibit his potency there; “Those traits that could make a man successful in the indust- rial-commercial complex came to be considered peculiarly masculine--competitiveness, gressiveness, cold intelligence, lack of crippling emotional sensitivities, the ability to put work and advancement in the economic realm at the center of his value system to which all else, or other roles were subordinate.“ (Lindbeck, 1969, p. 11) The female sexual stereotype also remains basicly the same as the older patriarchal female sexual stereotype although altered to compliment the changes in the male sexual stereotype. ”Femininity“ was associated with emotion- 27 alism, tender feelings, dependence, passivity, social in- volvement, and distance from abstract thought and exploitive activity; The stereotypic woman's domain was the personal and private world of feelings, body, receptivity, of holding together and preserving the natural and the social. The sexual double standard and the view of women as either “good“ (nonsexual) and "bad“ (sexual) remained as the attitude of the “majority“ (Reiss, 1960) in America. A summary of the . male and female sexual stereotypes are presented in Tables 2 and 3. U4; ’9'; :. 00:. o e' lq;g 5““: ; e“: :co - ;e '03: Thus far the discussion.has been about American sexual attitudes and stereotypes in general. Obviously what has been said is not true for every American male. In.order to understand other possibilities and to understand how today's attitudes and stereotypes may be related to racial prejudice, the basic forces Operating to affect the nature or need for sexual stereotypes will first be summarized: 1- WWW- This was discussed initially in terms of basic biological differences between men and women.and the creation of the patriarchal stereotypes to deal with the ensueing anxiety in relation to women. As was seen this anxiety could be intensified by the existense of the stereotypes themselves and with the sexual revolution, this anxiety was once more brought into focus. Thus it remains an important force with regard 28 Table 2. Characteristics of the white male sexual stereotype. Aggressive-sadistic: an intellectual, unfeeling, manipulative type of aggressiveness; may be expressed in an unfeeling brutality or love of violence that some- times becomes associated with male patriotism. Intelligent: expressed as a cold, logical, manipu- lative, impersonal mental cleverness; not intellectual. Independent: no personal commitment, deemphasize social responsibility, minimize dependency and security needs; interest in things, not peOple. Unemotional: hide troubles and feelings, deny anxiety, no expression of tender feelings, absense of aesthetic sensitivity. Domain: impersonal world, the public sphere, the life or reason and transforming action and mastery over nature and history. Interests: things mechanical, money and politics, sports, sex to emphasize potency. In terms of sex: personally uninvolved, no intimacy or tenderness, emphasis on potency and good technique, competitive, exploitive, partner seen as object vs. person. 29 Table 3. Characteristics of the white female sexual stereotype Passive-masochistic: weak, receptive, frail, “fainting", fear of aggression, removed from brutality, submissive. Intuitive: sensitive, distance from abstract thought and exploitive activity, sometimes illogical. Dependent: helpless, frail, social involvement. Emotional: tender, anxious, fearful, vain, free to show feelings, emotionally and interpersonally sensitive. Domain: the personal and private world of feelings, body, receptivity, of holding together and preserving the natural and social; the home. Interests: keeping the home and children, peOple. In terms of sex: the “good“ woman, publicly appears nonesexual, privately is sexually passive object upon which to act out male's potency; sex only with love and marriage; in general disinterested in sex--pleys small part in her life, restraint, discipline, submissive, sex for procreation. 30 to the “need“ for sexual stereotypes. 2. Sexual_ambixalange. The merger of the Victorian and “modern“ sexual attitudes not only led to a new puritanism but altered the sexual stereotypes-~from “hero“ to impersonal “robot“: revolution with a focus on.aexual performance and the competitive, performance oriented nature of American culture affected the sexual stereotypes with an emphasis on both sexual and economic potency and ability. There would seem to be at least three basic ways in which these forces may affect a given individual and cone sequently influence the part that sexual stereotypes play in his personality. These three do not exclude other possibilities but may be considered as extreemes along a continuum of what might be called the “need for sexual and racial-sexual stereotypesu“ They are discussed separately below and pre- sented schematically in.Eigure r. 15 Individualistic resolution or reordering. The three factors discussed above may not be important forces in a given.individual's life with the result that he will not have as great a need to ascribe to the sexual stereotypes or the sexual attitudes as discussed above. Although most of the authors quoted thus far seem to agree that the sexual stereotypes are still very existent in our society, Brenton (1966, p. 186) points out: “However, gaining a feeling of security about one's 6033.93 Hades." use .ughpoonoau Housman???" 60930939» 383» Jove—33o assume no 3228333 .H shaman 003% one Hudson 4 3.2533 use mahpooaopu agomsasaoea cone—nan»: .fl .m oogomaoa A. use monsoon soso: on cognac." 5 so bandage—m use.“ no $0.822 eoAOho osodoa>e oahuoonoum assume no 36333 Henson cacao.“ m second We / \ wsaaooaooa Han—mm 8d \ consensus e 5353 . N, w .3 soeusaoeoe 0350203 use mousing Hooanopmam oapmaflgdgapsfi Awaken odes decodusobsoo in 9. 033.335 Hmswom \/ mongoose: Hoe—Nomadoaooh can on web oz use. 2.. wow ascends soapsaomom . N 32 sexual identity doesn't really require such heavy reliance on.any superficial or narrow set of standards or such great emphasis on.the tasks one performs. Secure sexual identity depends far more on how fully one incorporates the notion that one is a male (or female)--how comfortable one feels in one's sex, how acceptant one is of it. This incorporation and this acceptance in.turn depend very much on.how fully the individual's family of origin accepted him, accepted his sex, and allowed him to develope at his own.rate of speeds“ It is important to note that what seems important is that the person.be accepted, sexually and otherwise, and be allowed to express his indixignglityu This person would be more capable of dealing with differences between.himse1f and other people (male and female) and have less need for the sexual stereotypes. In.terms of race, he would like- wise be more able to accept others as individuals rather that stereotypes--he has less need for the racial-sexual stereotypes--and is thus less likely to develops the ensuing feelings of hostility, Jealousy, and anxiety (racial prejudice) as discussed by Hernton.and Cleaver. This does not mean that he will not experience these feelings with regard to a given black individual, but that he will not feel them with regard to the entire reset 2. Resolution without racial-sexual stereotypes. For this person the three forces discussed above (anxiety with regard to women, sexual ambivalence, and emphasis on 33 performance) are important forces in his life and he adapts the sexual stereotypes to deal with then, but does not ascribe to the racial-sexual stereotypes as a means to deal with the problems that result from the sexual stereotypes them- selves. There are two assumptions implied in.this formulation: First, there are problems that result from ascribing to the sexual stereotypes and from.the attitudes that fostered the need for them. Second, the racial-sexual stereotypes provide a means to deal with these problems. The latter will be discussed below under 3.; the explanation of the first assumption.follows. As mentioned above the sexual stereotypes are one way with which to deal with sexual fear or anxiety with regard to women.(fear that she canlt be satisfied, etc.), but at the same time they create anxiety and fear of women that is intensified by the emphasis on potency which all leads to a “vicious cycle" that perpetuates the stereotypes. Brenton (1966, p. 39) states that the male becomes "straightjacketed" by the stereotypesu "He's forced to behave in.stereotyped‘ ways that have little relevance in contemporary times. His choices of what to be and do and think are considerably narrowed. His scOpe as an individual is lessened. Frustrations and anxieties are heightened, and distorted compensatory behavior increases, when.the outmoded masculine stereotypes clash with his real temperament. Paradoxically, adherence to stereotypes that aren't relevant to his unique personality cause him to become hostile or overdependent on.the female sex.” 31+ Rollo May (1969, p. 9) describes the outcome of ascribing to a machinelike, impersonal stereotype to deal with the emphasis on.potency: 'I think being able to make one's self feel less in order to perform better is a macabre symbol of the vicious circle in.which so much of our culture is caught. The more one must demonstrate his potency, the more he treats sexual intercourse which is the most intimate and personal of all acts as a performance to be Judged by outside requirements, the more he then views himself as a machine to be turned on, adjusted, steered, the less feeling he has either for himself or for his partner. The less feel- ing he has, the more he loses his genuine sexual appetite and ability. The upshot of the selfdefeating pattern is that in the long run the lover who is more efficient is also the one who is impotent.“ As will be seen, the racial-sexual stereotypes provide one means by which to deal with these problems. But they are not the only means. To begin with, it seems possible that some Americans may never be exposed to racial differences to the extent that the racial-sexual stereotypes become a viable means to deal with these problems. It is possible that other types of prejudice may develOpe with a sexual component that offers some relief for these problems. Kingdon (1961, p. 899) argues with regard to the “folklore“ of the racial-sexual stereotypes that: ”This folklore follows the patterns of folklore in all caste societies. It is caste not'cblor which dominates, indistinguishable as they 35 may be when color becomes the symbol of caste." This same conclusion is reached by Clearer (1969) as discussed above. Thus sexual stereotypes attributed to any group of peeple in terms of caste vs. race offers an alternative way of dealing with these problems. Also as mentioned above, one may live out the male sexual stereotype married to his Job. He may deal with feelings of impotence by working at being economically potent and productive. Other compensatory activities might also be possible. One might speculate that various forms of neurosis offer an alternative to race as a means to deal with the problems that accompany the sexual stereotypes and associated sexual attitudes and behaviors. This type of formulation is suggested when.ane considers racial prejudice as a form of neurosis. 3. Attributed racial-sexual stereotypes and attitudes. For this person the three forces discussed above (anxiety with regard to women, sexual ambivalance, and emphasis on perform- ance) are important forces in.his life and he adopts the sexual stereotypes to deal with them.and ascribes to the racial-sexual stereotypes as a means to deal with the problems that result from.adopting the sexual stereotypes and assoc- iated attitudes. This brings us back to the point where Hernton and Cleavers' theories begane—the origin and nature of the racial-sexual stereotypes and their effects on race relations. The specific characteristics of the black male and female sexual stereotypes are summarized in.Tables h and 5. 36 Table 4. Characteristics of the black male sexual stereotype. Socially passive-personally aggressive: as a social force in terms of having an effect upon society considered weak, passive, etc. but on.a personal interaction basis, considered aggressive in a very feeling, personal, uncon- trolled way, but a randomness is attributed to this which makes it socially ineffective, not manipulative. Ignorant: uneducated, superstitious, naive, religious. Dependent: part of matriarchy, poor and lazy, on welfare, incapable of supporting self. Emotional: musical, ”natural rythm', happy-go-lucky, highly sexually motivated, intimate. Domain: interpersonal world especially as expressed in sexuality, sports, and entertainment. Interests: sex. In terms of sex: personalized but indiscriminate, absense of intellectual or moral influence, sex for pleasure; intimate and involved vs. controlled; viewed as dirty, smelly, bestial, vulgar, rapist; great sexual interest in white women. 37 Table 5. Characteristics of the black female sexual stereotype. Aggressive: self-reliant matriarch, strong aggressive provider for the family, sexually aggressive, clever "know your place'I type of aggressiveness. Knowing: uneducated but dexterous, quick-witted, and shrewd as matriarch, "homespun" intelligence. Independent: self-reliant, able to provide for self and family. . Emotional: rythmic, happy, musical, superstitious, sexually motivated. Domain: Black matriarchy, home, Job--typified as domestic. Interests: sex, family. In terms of sex: personalized, sex for pleasure, intimate and involved, sexually aggressive, lewd, sexual animal, prostitute. 38 Generally, these descriptions of the stereotypes are not very different from those of Hernton.and Cleaver. The explanation for any differences that do exist is suggested in the discuss- ion.that follows. Balati9n_t9_Basislzssznal_§tsrsctxnas As was mentioned above, the white male adapts and adheres to the racial-sexual stereotypes because they are a means of dealing with the problems inherent in ascribing to the sexual stereotypes and associated attitudes. Some of the dynamics suggested by Hernton.and Cleaver are involved in this process. The ways in which the racial-sexual stereotypes help the white male in dealing with these prob- lems are: 1. In.dealing with his sexual ambivalance, the white male became an impersonal machine with regard to sex. The black person provides an object upon which to project those sexual aspects which his stereotype prohibits. Unlike a machine, the black man.and woman are seen as very intimate and personal with regard to sex. They are personally less controlled and more involved in sex according to the stereo- type. Once these projections become embodied in.the black sexual stereotypes they are percieved as wrong, dirty, and animal-like. As a result any fears that the white male may have about his own sexual performance may indignantly be rationalized by the fact that at least he is "civilized” and not an.animal. 2. As mentioned, the Victorian patriarch saw women as 39 either "good" (nonsexual) or 'bad' (sexual). The sexual revolution created a sexual ambivalence that retained these stereotypes and redefined them in terms of the new puritanism. The 'good' woman.was not really expected to be nonsexual but instead to be what might be called pseudo-sexual--although publicly she was required to remain largely nonsexual, with marriage and in private she must provide herself as a uns involved object with which the male can exhibit his potency. The white and black female stereotypes have become the embodiment of these stereotypes. This makes it much simpler for the white male to know how to act and feel in spite of his ambivalence. These stereotypes also provide a means by which the white male can deal with anxiety in.relation to women (fear of being able to satisfy her, etc.). He can feel less responsible or involved sexually whether he is responding to either the white female sexual object or machine or to the black female sexual animal, since neither of them is really percieved as a person. 3. As mentioned, one of the problems inherent in the, sexual stereotypes is that the white male is dependent on the white woman to act out her stereotype (he is what she agrees not to be). This dependency can lead to a more general fear or anxiety in.relation to women. This anxiety can be made very real due to the fact that most white men spend a good deal of their lives interacting with white women. How- ever when.these stereotypes are generalized to include race (he is what blacks are not) some of this anxiety may be . 1&0 reduced because the white male is less likely to have his stereotype threatened by interaction with blacks who might not be willing to play their part. Racial discrimination and segregation make this more certain. Thus if the white woman refuses to play her part, there are always the blacks “out there“ reasuring the white male of his stereotyped “masculinity” . it. A number of the problems that the white: male who ascribes to the sexual stereotypes and associated attitudes is faced with derive from the emphasis on sexual (and. economic) performance and potency. The black sexual stereotypes pro- vide a rationale for the interracial sexual taboo and thus reduce some of the sexual competition. The taboo also re- duces the chances that the white males sexual performance could ever be compared or judged with sexual performance or behavior not associated with the white sexual stereotype (even on the movie screen sex between blacks is considered somehow repugnant and is generally prohibited.) In terms of economic productivity, the black male sexual stereotype excludes him from economic competition-~he is too emotional, ignorant, dependent, etc. to make it in the business world. The racial-sexual stereotypes “castrate" the black man in almost every area but sexuality--economically,politically, and socially (even in his I'matriarchal" home he is not boss)-- which means that the white male is more potent than the black male in all of these areas in terms of the stereotypes. 5. The black sexual stereotypes provide objects upon 1+1 which the white male can act out certain other aspects of his stereotype-~objects for agyessiveness or unfeeling brutality, objects to mipulate and control, the black woman can be an object for his 'animal-like' sexual impluses or fantasies, etc. In general, the racial-sexual stereotypes greatly enlarge the arena in which he can act out his stereo- typic I'masculinity" and provide a more broadly based ration- alization for it. WW Some of the important ways in which the racial-sexual stereotypes affect race“ relations and relate to racial pre- judice have already been presented above in the discussion of Hernton and Cleavers ' theories. These and others may be summarized as follows: 1. The white male projected what he did not accept in himself and as a result came to hate it as embodied in the black. 2. Although he came to hate what he projected, the white sexual stereotype that he was left with could lead to problems with regard to sex (As mentioned, Kay [1969) ' suggests impotence as one result) and in many ways left him less sexual and inadequate in comparison to the black sexual stereo- type. This csn lead to jealousy and more hatred and a de- sire to castrate the black man in other spheres of life (economic, social, political, etc.).‘ 3. The black is a threat to the white male because the white male sexual stereotype is dependent in part on blacks 1+2 acting out their stereotype, which can lead to fear. h. The black is a threat in reality since the pre- judiced behaviors resulting from the stereotypes elicit resentment and retaliation. 5. The taboo against interracial sex becomes generalized to all social interactions leading to segregation. The stereotypes become the ration.fcr descriminatory practices in.all spheres of life-~jobs, housing, etc. 6. Because of the racial-sexual stereotypes, blacks come to be perceived as something less than.human. This makes it somehow more socially acceptable (and in some parts of the country, praiseworthy) that they be objects of negh ative feelings and behaviors. These negative feelings may be expressions of the brutal and aggressive aspects of the white male stereotype or any negative feeling that cannot be as safely expressed elsewhere. In the preceding theoretical discussion, four basic concepts were discussed: sexual attitudes, sexual stereo- types, racial-sexual stereotypes, and racial attitudes. These are the important variables in this investigation. The theoretically proposed relationship of these variables can best be summarized as a sequential relation- ghip--a specific set of sexual attitudes may predispose an.individual to adapt sexual stereotypes which in turn may predispose the individual to adapt racial-sexual 43 stereotypes which may in turn lead to racial prejudice. The sequential relationship of the variables is shown graphically in Figure 2. Figures 1 and 2 summarize the theoretical framework for this research. Together these Figures illustrate three important aspects of the theoreti- cally proposed sequential relationship of sexual attitudes, sexual stereotypes, racial-sexual stereotypes, and racial attitudes. First, each variable in the sequence gay lead to the next variable, but not necessarily. For example, if an individual has ambivalent sexual attitudes that are char- acteristic of the "new puritanism,“ he may deal with the ensuing problems in ways other than ascribing to sexual stereotypes. For example, he may begin emphasizing econ- omic productivity rather than sexual potency reducing the impact of the potency-oriented side of his ambivalance. Second, the relationship between variables that lie next to each other in the sequence would be expected to be greater than that between variables separated by other variables. For example, one would predict that the relation- ship between sexual attitudes and sexual stereotypes would be greater than the relationship between sexual attitudes and racial attitudes. This prediction is based on the conclusion that a specific set of sexual attitudes may predispose an individual to adopt sexual attitudes which may lead to racial-sexual stereotyping and finally to negative racial attitudes. However these same sexual .eomoSUom on» on webapmahopas Honvo mopmodeca * .mofipsammb mo manageapsaoa asapmosoom eopodspmoa haaseapoaooSp ens .m shaman NUHQDHmmm AHo>sH ooseaouunn eeaeaaoaansm oopeaaodaasm aodpesom Heswom u axoeam ma u<. x mm ends: u .maonseson Husker ones» as soaaeanoapasa .xoeam an no. manpaoaoa omepaooaoa use nonhuman weaken no means ascend» an oopeaaoapama wunpen waaaaoaoa nu ends: omepsooaom .mn bangs 85 stimulation of breast with mouth (87%) and “finding differ- ent ways of enjoying sex" (85%)“. In relation to the way in which they portrayed the sexual behavior of Blacks (reSponses 'As if Black”), the white as reported much less experience with regard. to variations of intercourse (standing. up, not facing, etc.) but about the same experience in terms of the petting-related behaviors. W The white §_s reSponses to the Adherence to Traditional h-F Stereotypes scale (Table 12 and Table 24 in Appendix A) indicated that about one-fourth of the Es viewed women in stereotyped ways and in general advocated women "knowing their place. " However more than half of the as were more equalitarian and did not agree with the stereotyped ways of viewing women. About one-fifth were "undecided. " These percentages were generally consistent with the general response to the sexual attitude scales since many of the 5,3 (in most cases one-half to two-thirds of the sample) did not possess sexual attitudes (e.g. sexual ambivalance) that, in terms of the theoretical discussion, prediSposed adaption of the sexual stereotypes. The reSponse to individual items of this sdale was quite consistent with one exception-- 57 percent of the SS agreed that “feminine men were disgusting. " Thus although about 56 percent of the {is did not view women in stereotyped ways, 57 percent 01‘ them were apposed to men adapting feminine qualities or not maintaining the masculine stereotype. 86 The Gough Fe Scale and Franck Drawing Completion Test were included in this study as measures of the degree to which the as adhered to the culturally defined masculine stereotype. Comparisons of the mean scores for white 3,8 in this study on both scales with means from other similar as obtained recently and as long ago as twenty years (Table 11) by other investigators showed that the 3,3 of this study were not significantly different on either scale. This suggests the rigidness and resistance to change of the masculine stereotype. This is also suggested by the relatively small variance of scores on each of these instruments. Further this is consistent with the fact that more than half of the 5,3 expressed disgust with femi- nine men. Finally, this also suggests that the stereotyping of women and the adherance to the masculine stereotype by males does not always occur in unison and perhaps these processes occur by different dynamics. This will be discussed Again in terms of the relationships of the sexual stereotype variables with the other variables in this study. The fis' reSponses to the Sexual Double Standard, women seen as "Good" or "Bad" scale were rather one-sided and indicated that three-fourths of the 5,3 did not label women who enjoy sex or who are sexually aggressive as "bad. ” Only 12 percent of the as did label such women as "bad“ (Table 12). This reSponse was consistent across most of the items of the scale (Table 28 in Appendix A) although there was a somewhat greater tendency (25% of as) 87 to view "a woman as wife and mother” as the "essense of purity" or "good." The distribution of reSponses to this scale and the separation of sex and affect scale were very similar. Theoretically these two variables were not only discussed as interrelated but both of the tendencies involved were understood as resulting to a great extent from.sexual ambivalance and as has been.ahown, as much as one-half to two-thirds of this sample do not appear to be sexually ambivalent. WW To measure racial-sexual stereotyping the Se were asked to respond "in the way they thought would be most typical or characteristic of a black person of the same sex as themselves...They should reSpond as if they were a black person.“ This was done in response to similar or the same items or instruments to which they had already given their own reSponses. Thus a comparison.of the “as self" and "as if Black" reSponses indicates ways in which the white SS saw Blacks as similar or different (stereotyping) from themselves. The white §s responses to the As if B1ack--Ideal of Sexuality scale (Table 12 and Table 31 in Appendix A) indicated that 45 percent of the $8 saw Black males as having few sexual concerns and meeting cultural ideals with regard to sexuality. About one-third of the white as described themselves similarly on the Denial of Inad- equacy, Ideal of Sexuality scale. Forty-two percent of 88 the white §s saw black males as having sexual concerns and problems (53% of white §s indicated such concernsL. To one item--”I have always been sexually successful given the right circumstances"--46% of the white §8 agreed and 67% agreed "as if Black." Thus only about one-tenth or perhaps as high as one-fifth of the white §s saw Blacks as having fewer sexual concems than themselves which is consistent with the black male racial-sexual stereotype. However the larger percentage of $8 (theoretically, the equalitarian Se) viewed Blacks as similar to themselves in this area. In reSponse to the As if Black--Emphasis on Sexual Restraint about 80 percent of the white as portrayed Blacks as being in disagreement with such restraint. Although this is again consistent with the theoretically described racial-sexual stereotype, one-half to two-thirds of the white 58 were themselves opposed to personal and social controls with regard to sexual expression. Thus again, from one-tenth up to one-fourth of the white as viewed Blacks as less sexually constrained than themselves. However, a large percentage of Se portrayed Blacks as similar to themselves (Table 12 and Table 32 in Appendix A). The white §8 also portrayed black males as having significantly less sexual guilt (Table 10) and as partici- pating in significantly more kinds of sexual behaviors (Tables 10 and 13) than themselves. In actuality the black Se tested were not significantly different from the white $3 on either of these dimensions (Table 10). 89 Table 13 shows the differences between the percentage of white §s reporting participation in the various kinds of sexual activity and the percentage attributing partic- ipation in these behaviors to black males. In general many white fis (up to 29 percent) see black males as more experienced than themselves in sexual intercourse activities (standing up, out-of—doors, during the day, etc.) and oral-genital sexuality. Smaller or no differences were reported with regard to petting-related sexual behaviors where many white as report participation. One of the behaviors reported by more white §s than reported "as if Black" was stimulation to orgasm without intercourse which is consistent with the general differences described. Viewing Blacks as less guilty with regard to sex and more sexually eXperienced is consistent with the theoretical picture of the "supersexual" black male sexual stereotype. The reSponses of the white §s to the As if Black-- Stereotypic Sexual Interaction and Depersonalization scale were broken down into the stereotypic interaction items and depersonalization items to allow comparison with similar items to which white as gave their own reSponses. Forty-one percent of the white §8 viewed Blacks as inter- acting in stereotypic or chauvinistic ways with women (one-fourth of the white §s responded similarly). Forty- seven percent saw black males as more equalitarian with women (vs. 56 percent of white as presented selves as 9O equalitarian with regard to women, See Table12 and Table30 in Appendix A). Therefore some of the white 5s (about 6 percent) saw black males as less equalitarian than them- selves. This is inconsistent with the stereotypic view of a pervasive black matriarchy. This might indicate that the "Black Power Movement" has altered the stereotypic black matriarchy perceptions to the extent that some white §s view black males as more patriarchal than themselves. The white 53 reSponses to the depersonalization items of the As if Black-Stereotypic Sexual Interaction and Depersonalization scale indicate that most as, like them- selves, portrayed black males as not depersonalizing sex (55%). However some of the white §8 viewed black males as depersonalizing sex (36%) while only 9 percent of them reported similar views with regard to themselves (Table 12 and Table 30 in.Appendix A). In the theoretical discussion it was suggested that Blacks would stereotypic- ally be portrayed as very intimate and involved sexually. However about one-fourth of the Se in this study portrayed Blacks as less intimate or involved sexually than themselves. However this portrayal is perhaps more consistent with the stereotype of the black male as "indiscriminate rapist'I than a more intimate involved picture would be. In conclusion it has been estimated that about 10 to 30 percent of the white 5s portrayed black males as having fewer sexual concerns, more sexual experience, less sexual guilt, and as depersonalizing sex more than they 91 reported with regard to themselves. These differences generally reflect the theoretical description.of the racial-sexual stereotypes. However it is important to note that these percent- ages of stereotyping §s are estimates because they are not based on an analysis of the reSponses of each indiv- idual S which is beyond the scape of this investigation. For example,some of the Ss may have responded ”As if Black" in ways Opposite to racial-sexual stereotyping (e.g. attrib- uting more sexual guilt to Blacks than reported with regard to himself). This type of reSponse might be theoretically predicted from a highly racially equalitarian.and/or sexually "liberated" person. If this is the case, then a greater percentage of §s than indicated reSponded in the stereotypic direction in order to account for the general differences in reSponce found across all 5s. For these reasons the percentages discussed above may be low estimates of the percentage of £8 responding in the ster- eotypic direction. The racial-sexual stereotype variable scores also present obstacles to the interpretation of their correla- tions with other variables which will be discussed in more detail below. Was Hoodmansee and Cook (1967) report means for four different criterion groups of §s in Western and Border South states on each of the subscales of the Multifactor 92 Racial Attitude Inventory. The four groups which represent various levels on an equalitarianr-antiblack continuum included: 1. Civil rights workers, 2. Students in elective racerrelations classes, 3. Political conserva- tives and 4. Members of social clubs that are on record as being apposed to the inclusion of Blacks in their local groups. As shown in Table 11, the means on the racial attitude scales obtained in this investigation were with one exception not significantly different from those obtained for students in elective race relations classes in the Woodmansee and Cook study. The exception was the subscale, Base in Interracial Contacts where the as of this study were found to be not significantly different from civil rights workers in Border South states in the Woodmansee and Cook investigation. woodmansee and Cook (1967) generally describe the students in elective race relations classes criterion group as "equalitarian” in relation to the other criterion groups. The general equalitarian nature of the racial attitudes of the S3 of this investigation is further substantiated by the fact that the means of the white §s on the following subscales: Integrationrsegregation policy, Acceptance in Status-Superior Relationships, Acceptance in Close Personal Relationships, and Black Inferiority were not significantly different from the means of Black 5s tested in this study (Table 10). In fact on two of these subscales, Integration-segregation 93 Policy and Acceptance in Status-Superior Relationships, the white 58 had slightly higher mean scores than the Black 5s. This may in part reflect the current disenchant- ment of some Blacks with integration as a means of achieving racial equality. Therefore,in.terms of mean scores on the racial atti- tude variables, the §s of this investigation.have equali- tarian racial attitudes. The standard deviations, however, give an indication of the range of racial attitudes. For example mean scores reduced by one-half standard deviation on the following scales: Subtle Derogatory Beliefs, Local Autonomy, Gradualism, Black Inferiority, Integrationrsegre- gation policy, and Black Superiority would give scores that are not significantly different (two-tailed trtests, P=.05) from the mean scores of the criterion.group-- members of social clubs in.Western.states that are on record as being opposed to the inclusion of Blacks in their local groups. Statistically this indicates that as much as 31 percent of the white §s of this investigation could have scores on.these racial attitude scales that are as low or lower than the mean scores of that criterion group. Similarly, means on the remaining scales reduced by one standard deviation would give scores that are not signifi- cantly different (two-tailed t-tests, P=.05) from this same criterion group indicating that up to 16 percent of the §s in this investigation could have scores on these remaining subscales-~Acceptance in Close Personal 94 Relationships, Acceptance in Status-Superior Relationships, Private Rights, and Ease in Interracial Contacts--that are as low or lower than the mean scores of members of these Western state Black-excluding clubs. Thus although many of the S3 of this investigation had equalitarian racial attitudes, from 16 to 31 percent have racial attitudes that may approximate the “character- conditioned" prejudice which was of Special theoretical interest. As has been seen, similar percentages of fis possessed the sexual attitudes (10 to 35%), sexual stereo- types (12 to 25%), and racial-sexual stereotypes (10 to 30%) that had been posited as important in the develOpment of racial prejudice of the ”character-conditioned” type in the theoretical discussion. Although these percentages are consistent with the theoretical framework, the study of the correlations between each of these variables in terms of the research hypothoeses is needed to discover their actual relationships. The relationships that are found to exist must however take into account the fact that many of the §s are equalitarian and sexually "liberal" and therefore the correlations would not be expected to be as great as would be the case if the sample included more 5s possessing racial attitudes of the prejudiced, "character-conditioned" kind. W The intercorrelation matrix of the 48 variables of this investigation is presented in Table 36 in.Appendix A. 95 The magnitude that each of these correlations must reach to be significantly greater than zero at different signif- icance levels (two-tailed trtests) is summarized in Table 14. Table 14. Significance level of correlations For Correlation Significance Coefficient Level: Must be at Least: .05 *.105 .01 $.138 .001 t.182 .0001 *.215 .00001 $.242 To simplify analysis of the more than 1100 correlations, in Table 15 the correlation matrix of the non-demographic variables is presented and organized according to the general conceptual areas which each of these variables was intended to measure--sexual attitudes, sexual stereotypes, racial- sexual stereotypes, and racial attitudes. This Table includes only those variables which had at least one correlation that was significant at the .001 level (re.182 or greater) in order to avoid including variables with many trivial correlations. Correlations not significant at the .01 level are underlined in Table 15. Was As shown in Table 15, the hypothesized significant positive correlations between all of the sexual attitude scales and the hypothesized significant negative correlations 96 .8. 4a.. 8.2095 u as we on an i on em ow Hence one MN mm as on on am nu .ma. «w Hem moses - Ha . rm mm ea om anaasosso as .1: .na on om an om cram sass on «a mm mm me as ma an. as use acooa ea .eseoam .w« on mm m as on as- as case ease as ashore .m« mm mm n ma ma mon-monsH ea .4“ mm mm as _n« as aosaeasa ea «4 be an mm mm ma ma Hm asmnsrsrm an as on an as am am Hem cacao as an- «2. «A. on- be. as- ma- as on- on- manner won as an- as ea- .44- as as ea- on an unease son as ooaoam ms- as om- .ma an mu! mm as ea- an mm asasansom as m-m m«. cm. as on om on ma Hosea won on ma. - ed as an mm as as ea- mm chasm a-= a on- an an om an so as an mm- mm on commoeooo r .ooaoem ea- mm on mm so on on an- as an an: seas a Henson ma- mm mm as on mm mm- an on a e m com e on an essH seen a ma- ma nu me an on mm mm- cm on pace used s .aars< es ea- ma- ea- mm: an- nu- am own an- an- recon wom m new on- on an on aw as ou an- we assoc rum N on- an mm me an on mm on as an- on canoe won H me, Na an own a, _ n (s, o n The n m, a noaapooaopm uoahpooaopm answomuasaosm season areasaea< season .393 Hmsucoosoo Heaoaom on 932003 domino meanness» mo Kahuna coaumaorwoo .mH canes 97 .oanea on» an arena usoapmaoaaoo moan doaaaao one: .HOPOH ouado«MHnwdm “O. on» an 00. Beam adenommad nuance Heaaoon no: one: muodpeaoaaoo deciduous: .waapma on» scam cousaoao one: Aeoaasruore .no.nav oo._sssr season» saussoaaaamaa cos naoaasaoaaopm an he on ma as 44 aoaaoaSm Mm an me no we so en se «a so as Hence one n ma me an an an n am we mm an arm moses an ow no em as as a m an as as eaaasesao as as on an we we mm on on as on cram sham em on an an as me mm as on as as see Hobos ea .esnoaa an as an mm mm on an we a as ones used as assess an as an on. cm on as me we monumoasa as ad «a an an on on an oe as as aoaaoasa ea or mm as wm es on no as an assurance na as as we : as as we as we Hem cacao ea season now ma :1. messes won «a coarse . «a an as. reactants as mum as «N ma ma .MA on an Hosea won on we as an on an on m an an an ocean an: e .«a.. on on m om mm mm mm mm an em nomaoeooe r .ooaoem mm on m an we we mm as an ms nu: uses a Henson on mm as on as an mm. ma s s m com o A anew earn m an as on we on an as ea mm asoo uses a .aaras n4- «an argon mom m wow 44 fiasco rem a on ea «a sh ea as as an passe won a em nu mm as om as ea as on as ea consensus assess Aeosshraoov .ma canoe 98 between sexual behavior and the sexual attitude variables were substantiated with one exception.discussed below. The largest correlation was between sexual guilt and external social control of sexual expression indicating that sexual guilt is often accompanied by an emphasis on social control of sexual expression. Personal control of sexual expression was assoicated with both guilt and social controls but the correlations were somewhat smaller suggesting that sexual guilt has a somewhat greater effect on social vs. personal controls with regard to sexual ex- pression. Denial of Inadequacy, Ideal of Sexuality had been included in this study as a measure of the “no sex is bad“ side of the theoretically important sexual ambivalance. As has already been seen many of the 5s in this investi- gation.did not appear conflicted in this area and as a result the denial of inadequacy scale was not significantly correlated with any of the other sexual attitude variables. This scale in some ways also reflects aspects of the masculine stereotype (e.g. hide troubles and feelings, deny problems) and as will be discussed it is possible that adherence to the masculine stereotype by males may develOpe and be responsive to different dynamics than the stereotyping of women. This reasoning might also explain the non-significant correlations of this scale with the other sexual attitude scales. Separation of Sex and Affect, Depersonalization of 99 Sex showed relatively smaller correlations with the other sexual attitude variables. Theoretically the deperson- alization of sex had been discussed as a result of sexual ambivalance--person becomes involved sexually but not emotionally reSponding to both sides of the ambivalance. Again.the fact that many of the S3 did not appear conflic- ted in this area may account for the somewhat smaller correlations of this scale with the other sexual attitude scales. As shown in Table 15 the hypothesized significant negative correlations between sexual behavior and each of the sexual attitude scales were also substantiated and indicated that sexual experience decreased with increased sexual guilt, personal and social controls with regard to sexual expression, and the depersonalization of sex. However contrary to the hypotheses,sexual behavior was positively correlated with Denial of Inadequacy, Ideal of Sexuality indicating perhaps that the reSponses of many §s to this later scale were not so much indications of denial of concerns or false sexual bravado as real indications of their sexual experience. Wm As hypothesized and shown in Table 15 the two sexual stereotype variables, Adherence to Traditional M-F Stereo- types and Sexual Double Standard, Women seen as “Good" or ”Bad” were significantly positively correlated. This correlation was relatively large and indicates that sexual 100 stereotyping (e.g. sexually aggressive women are "bed') and nonesexual stereotyping (women are illogical, dependent, etc.) of women are highly related. This is consistent with the theoretical framework where sexual stereotypes were understood as developing from sexual problems or concerns and anxiety in relation.to women regarding sexual differences. The Gough Fe Scale was significantly negatively correlated with Adherence to Traditional M-F Stereotypes as shown.in Table 36 in Appendix A. This was consistent with the research hypotheses indicating that stereotypically more “masculine" men.tend to view women more stereotypically. However this correlation was rather small (r=.15) and the Gough scale was not significantly correlated with viewing women as either “good" or "bad“ further suggesting that adherence to the "masculine" stereotype by males and the stereotyping of women are not highly related and may come about by different dynamics. As already mentioned, adherence to the "masculine” stereotype by men.hes apparently undergone little change in the last twenty years (Table 11). Substantieting what other investigators have found, the Gough and Franck scales were not significantly correlated (r=.06) and the Franck itself was significantly correlated with only one demographic variable out of the total of 48 variables in this study (Table 36). ;; ; ..;. . . f-._; ; .e: ... -. a < -. us; As shown in Table 15 the theoretically hypothesized relationships between the sexual attitude variables and 101 sexual behavior and the sexual stereotype variables, Adherence to Traditional M-F Stereotypes and Sexual Double Standard, ‘women seen.as “Good“ or “Bad“ were substantiated except for non-significant correlations with Denial of Inadequacy, Ideal of Sexuality. The largest correlations of the sexual stereotype variables were with Separation of Sex and Affect, Deper- sonalizetion of Sex. The process of depersonalizing sex and treating one's partner as an object is denounced by many 'femininists“ as stereotyping in itself and thus a large correlation with the other stereotyping scales is reasonable. Stereotyping of woman.was also associated with sexual guilt, personal and social controls of sexual expression, and less sexual experience. Theoretically it had been postulated that the sexual stereotypes provided one means with which to deal with sexual constriction and anxiety and these results are consistent with that formulation even though evidence for the existence of both sides of the theoretically important sexual amibiva~ lance in this sample was mininal. The Gough Fe scale showed small but significant correlations with only two of the sexual attitude sceles--Denia1 of Inadequacy, Ideal of Sexuality (rs -15) and Separation of Sex and Affect, Depersonalization.of Sex (ra -11). These correlations were consistent with the hypotheses but their small mag- nitude and non-significant correlations with the other sexual attitude variables adds further substance to the 102 possibility that adhering to the masculine stereotype and stereotyping women.hy males may come about by different dynamics. Nevertheless the correlations that were found indicate that stereotypically more lmasculine" men.tend to deny sexual concerns and depersonalize sex. These results are consistent with the theoretical description of the white male sexual stereotype summarized in.Table 2. As has been seen, there is evidence that from 10 to 30 percent of the 5s portrayed black males as having fewer sexual concerns, more sexual experience, less sexual guilt, and as depersonalizing sex more than themselves. These differences generally reflected the theoretical descip- tion of the racial-sexual stereotypes and these percentages were similar to those reported with regard to racial pre- Judice and sexual stereotyping which is also generally consistent with the theoretical propositions. Further, the fact that the correlations between same or similar instruments with the is giving their own responses and responding "As if Black“ (summarized in Table 16) are not larger indicates that the Es did in fact respond differently under each condition. However the "As if Black“ measures of racial-sexual stereotypes create at least two basic problems in the interpretation of their correlations with the other variables of this study: 103 Table 16. Correlations between same or similar instru- ments with 5s giving their own responses and reSponding “As if Black". 'As Self" Scale Correlation 'As if Black" Scale hosher Sexual Guilt Scale................. r=.37 Sexual Behavior Scale. r=.hh Denial of Inadequacy, Ideal of Sexuality.... r=.36 External Control of Sexual Expression..... r=.31 Adherence to Traditional M-F Stereotypes....... r=.55 As if Black--Mosher .....Sexual Guilt Scale As if Black-~Sexuel .....Behavior Scale As if B1eck--Ideal .....of Sexuality As if Black--Emphasis .....on Sexual Restraint As if Black-~Stereotypic .....Sexual Interaction & Depersonalization 104 First, an individual's score on the racial-sexual stereotype measures varies to a great extent with his own attitudes (as well as any stereotyping tendency). Thus the correlations of the "As if scales" with the other variables of the study reflect the relationship of the §s' own attitudes (as well as any stereotyping tendency) to the other variables. This is indicated in Table 15 by the fact that the magnitude and direction of the "As if Black" variable correlations are similar to those of the same (or similar) measures to which the §S gave their own personal reSponses. Also the fact that there were many racially equalitarian SS in this sample who would tend to reSpond "As if Black" and "As Self" in very similar ways further reduces the effects of stereotyping by more prejudiced Ss on the correlations. Second, the stereotyping of Blacks by prejudiced Ss on some of the racial-sexual stereotype measures can in itself reduce some possible correlations. For example, it has been predicted (and is shown in Table 15) that a highly prejudiced person is characterized by more sexual guilt and a significant positive correhation between these variables was found. However on the basis of the theoretical framework, this same person would be eXpected to reSpond "As if Black" with less sexual guilt. If this is the case, his "As if Black" sexual guilt score would then move closer to the mean for all Ss (the large percentage of equalitarian 5s with less 105 sexual guilt who would tend to portray Blacks similarly), and the predictive ability of the score (and correlations) would be reduced. This same reasoning can be applied with regard to the As if Black--Sexuel Behavior and As if Black-- Emphasis on.Sexual Restraint scales. In the case of the As if Black--Stereotypic Sexual Interaction and Depersonal- ization.and As if Black--Idea1 of Sexuality scales, racial-sexual stereotyping will cause the scores to move away from the mean for all Ss. On the basis of this reason- ing the correlations of these latter scales with other variables could be interpreted as reflecting inppart the effects of racial-sexual stereotyping although these variables still remain highly responsive to the individual Ss own attitudes. The correlations of the other racial- sexual stereotype variables are extreemly difficult to interpret and any interpretations would be highly suspect. In general the correlation of the later two scales, As if Black-~Stereotypic Sexual Interaction.and Depersona- lization and As if Black--Ideal of Sexuality, with the sexual stereotype and racial attitude variables indicate that the stereotyping of women and negative racial attitudes are related to a tendency to portray black males as deper-‘ sonalizing sex and having few sexual concerns. These results are generally consistent with the theoretical hypotheses that related sexual stereotyping and racial prejudice with stereotyping Blacks as ”indiscriminate supersexuals.' However the correlations were not as 106 large as would be expected and as seen in Table 15 the magnitude and direction of these correlations is quite similar to the correlations for the same or similar IAs Self" variables. The correlations of the remaining racial-sexual stere- otype variables with both sexual stereotyping and racial attitudes were either insignificant or contradicted the research hypotheses. However, as discussed it is very difficult to attribute meaning to these correlations. Also with one exception the correlations between the racial- sexual variables themselves substantiated the research hypotheses but interpretation of these correlations is beset by the same problems. Therefore no further attempt to interpret the correlations of the racial-sexual stereotype variables will be attempted and the relationships and sequential relationship of sexual attitudes, sexual stereo- typing, and racial attitudes will be considered excluding the relationship of racial-sexual stereotypes. Basial_Attitndes As shown in Table 15, all of the racial attitude variables were highly correlated indicating that equal- itarian or prejudiced attitudes were consistent over all racial attitude scales. The only exception was Black Superiority which is not an attitude scale like the others but a measure of any tendency by the §s to try to portray themselves in a favorable light. The mean of all the intercorrelations between the racial attitude scales was 107 .46 (excluding Black Superiority) which is about the same as that (.47) reported by Woodmansee and Cook (1957). ; ; ..;. . . =:. :A , .-; ;,. .-,.,; . . .,-: As seen in Table 15 both of the sexual stereotype variables, Adherence to Traditional M-F Stereotypes and Sexual Double Standard, Women seen as "Good” or “Bad" were significantly, positively correlated with each of the racial attitude variables. ~In.the theoretical discus- sion and research hypotheses sexual stereotyping was seen as diSposing an individual to adapt racial-sexual stereo- types which in turn led to negative racial attitudes. Even without being able to specify the relationship of racial-sexual stereotypes in this process, a relatively strong relationship between.sexual stereotyping and neg- ative racial attitudes was shown substantiating the theoretical prOposals. Non-sexual stereotyping of women (Adherence to Traditional M-F Stereotypes-~women illogical, dependent, etc.) was slightly more highly correlated with racial attitudes than sexual stereotyping of women (Sexual Double Standard, Women seen as "Good" or ”Bad”-- sexual woman = "bad" woman). This might be explained by the fact that the racial attitude measures were nonrsexual in nature. Sexual stereotyping of women might be expected to show a stronger relationship with racial-sexual stereotyping if those relationships could be accurately assessed. The racial attitude scale, Subtle 108 Derogatory Beliefs showed a somewhat greater positive cor- relation with sexual stereotyping than the other racial attitude variables. That scale is a measure of stereo- typing of Blacks and would be expected to be highly related to stereotyping of women. The Gough Fe Scale showed small but significant negative correlations with Black Inferiority (r=-.12), Ease in Interracial Contacts (r=-.16), Private Rights (r=-.15), Gradualism (rs-.16), and Derogatory Beliefs (r=-.13) indicating that stereotypically more "masculine" $8 tended to have more negative racial attitudes in each of these areas. These correlations are consistent with the theoretical discussion. Most of the other racial attitude variables had correlations of about the same magnitude with the sexual stereotype variables. These results are consistent with the theoretical formulation.which postulated that sexual stereotypes can create problems and lead to a "vicious cycle“ that can lead to racial-sexual stereotyping and negative racial attitudes as an attempt at solution, These correlations further suggest that sexism and racism may deve10pe by similar dynamics or at least often occur in unison. Sennantial_Belaticnshin_nf_larishles In the theoretical discussion, a sequential relationship of variables was prOposed: a specific set of sexual attitudes may predispose an individual to adapt sexual stereotypes 109 which in.turn may predispose the individual to adapt racial-sexual stereotypes which may lead to racial prejudice. Although the relationship of racial-sexual stereotypes to the other variables can.not be accurately ascertained, the relationship of the other variables in the sequence can be studied. Thus far the relationships of sexual attitudes to sexual stereotypes and then sexual stereotypes to racial attitudes has been.substantiated. On the basis of the preposed sequential relationship it was further hypothesized that seXual attitude variables and racial attitude variables would be significantly positively correlated but the mag- nitude of these correlations would not be as great as the magnitude of the correlations between either sexual attitudes or racial attitudes and any of the stereotype variables. Table 15 shows that half of the sexual attitude variables (sexual guilt, personal control of sexual expression, and separation of sex and effect) were positively and sig- nificantly correlated with the racial attitude scales. Comparison of these correlations with the correlations between sexual attitudes and sexual stereotypes or racial attitudes and sexual stereotypes shows that they are of smaller magnitude than the latter substantiating the hypoth- esis and theoretical predictions. Table 17 shows the mean correlation of significant intercorrelations between variables in each of these conceptual areas. .The relative size of these mean correlations is also consistent with the prOposed sequential relationship of variables. 110 Table 17. The means of significant intercorrelations between variables in each conceptual area Sexual Attitudes Sexual Attitudes $5.39 -—-—Sexual Stereotypes Fé.13 -———Racial Attitudes Sexual Stereotypes—— $5.36 -———Racial Attitudes As mentioned three of the sexual attitude variables were significantly, positively correlated with the racial attitude scales which indicated that negative racial atti- tudes tended to be associated with sexual guilt, personal control of sexual expression, and separation of sex and affect. Other significant correlations between individual variables showed that Subtle Derogatory Beliefs and difficulty in interracial contacts were associated with less sexual experience. External control of sexual expression and belief in local autonomy with regard to integration.were also associated. WWW As can be seen in Table 36 in Appendix A many of the demographic variables were not significantly correlated with any of the sexual attitude, sexual stereotype, or racial attitude variables. The variables that did show consistent significant correlations (p=.05 or better) are summarized in Table 18. To clarify the meaning of these correlations the coding principles used for the demographic variables were 111 Table 18. Matrix of significant correlations between demographic and nondemographic variables 9 $0 52591§6U3 “p; ,éga ‘gg e 95" ~>° 90° 1" . 1: 3° Lbs r") ($3 J“ (8 (g r Sex Sex Behav 35 30 3h 30 13 11 10 Attit. Pers Cont ~26 ~30 ~20 ~23 ~12 ~12 ~12 Sexual Trad M-F ~24 ~19 ~26 ~1h ~18 ~16 ~16 Stereo. GoodorBad ~27 ~20 ~25 ~1h ~22 Close Rel ~12 ~15 ~20 ~33 ~3# StatusSup -15 -13' ~18 -2o -2 Inferior ~12 ~11 ~12 ~14 ~1 Integ-Seg ~13 ~13 ~1# ~13 Racial Pers Ease ~20 ~18 ~15 ~18 ~27 ~26 Prejud. Local Ant ~27 ~21 ~26 ~21 ~17 ~21 ~19 Priv Rite ~15 '13 ~15 ~13 ~27 ~26 Gradulism ~28 ~21 ~24 ~26 ~18 ~21 ~19 Derog Bel ~27 ~26 ~25 ~27 ~16 ~25 ~25 Rec Total ~28 ~23 ~25 ~23 ~15 ~30 ~30 112 summarized in Table 3“ in Appendix A. Sexual experience increased with age related variables education and income. Married Se and §s from Northenistates were also more sexually experienced. Both sexual stereo~ typing and negative racial attitudes decreased with age, marriage, education, and income indicating that the older §s tended to be more equalitarian.with regard to both women and Blacks. However it should be pointed out that the upper range on age in this sample was about 25 years so that none of the Ss were very old. Ss from Souther states tended to stereotype women more and to have more negative racial attitudes. However regionality appeared to be a poorer predictor of racial attitudes (r=~.30) than seems to be generally believed. In this sample sexual stereotype: variables, for instance, were better predictors of racial attitudes than regionality. WW EmniIiaal_I:analIsis_Qf_the_Ecztx:eizht_Iariables The empirical V-analysis of the 48 variables revealed ten clusters of variables. Table 19 shows the variables that were included in each of the ten clusters with their factor loadings. Most of the clusters were rationally meaningful and were given titles as shown in the Table. Table 37 in Appendix A presents quantitative data describ- ing the inner cluster structure of the ten clusters-- communality (hz), mean correlation with the definers of the cluster (T), factor loading (oblique Fe), and 113 Table 19. Variables in the clusters from the empirical V-analysis with factor loadings.* Variable Loading W1). D Woodmansee Multifactor Racial Attitude Inventory 1.00 D Local Autonomy .8“ D Private Rights .75 D Gradualism .71 D Subtle Derogatory Beliefs .7u D Acceptance in Close Personal Relationships .87 D Acceptance in Status-superior Relationships .86 D Integration-segregation Policy .76 D Black Inferiority .71. W D As if Black-~Stereotypic Sexual Interaction and Depersonalization. .81 D Subtle Derogatory Beliefs .71 D Adherence to Traditional h-F Stereotypes .70 D As if Black-~Ideal of Sexuality .uu Base in Interracial Contacts .33 Separation of Sex and Affect, Depersonalization . 's, :05: :00 , 01 a1. _‘.qr;_ , \_o‘..’ ’q; ' I. ‘20, 0 Q C 0 O, D hosher Forced-Choice Sexual Guilt Inventory .71 D External Social Control of Sexual Expression .66 D As if Black-~Emphasis on Sexual Restraint .57 D As if Black-~Sexual Behavior ~.5h As if Black~~hosher Sexual Guilt Scale .62 Sexual Double Standard, Women seen as “good" or 'bad' .61 Sexual Behavior Scale ~.5“ Personal Control of Sexual Expression .36 W D Age 093 D Income .77 D Marital Status .76 D Education .69 W D Region of the Country Where § Currently Living .92 D Region of Country Where S Lived First Twelve Years .89 D Percentage of Non~whites where Currently Living ~.82 D Percentage of Non~whites, lived First Twelve Years ~.65 UUU UUUU UUU UUU 11h Table 19. (Continued) variable Loading 3;.04 :10 'ee; ; ea 4"; Density of Papulation.Where Lived First 12 Yrs. .8# Region of Country Where Currently Living .78 Region of Country, Lived First 12 Yrs .77 Population of City Where Lived.First 12 Yrs. .58 o ; ea ‘ ’0- . \0, 0° 0 Population of City where Currently Living .85 Density of Population.Where Currently Living .73 Percentage of Non~whites Where Currently Living .h8 Education of Father .98 Occupation of Father .72 Education of Mother .65 Educational Difference Between Parents, Father, yrs. Minus Bother, yrs. .39 Birthorder 000 Number of Brothers .41 Number of Sisters .38 * Defining variables indicated by "D". 115 reliability of the basic and expanded clusters. The generality of each of the ten clusters is summarized in Table 38 in Appendix A. Six of the ten clusters were composed of demographic variables (clusters 2, 3, h, 5, 7, and 10). The other four clusters contained the variables that conceptually were designed to measure sexual attitudes, sexual stereotypes, racial-sexual stereotypes, and racial attitudes. No clust- ers contained both kinds of variables indicating the relative independence and non-colinearity between the demographic and attitudinal-stereotypic kinds of variables which was also seen in the correlations between individual variables. Of the six demographic clusters, cluster 2 consisted of variables indicating parental occupational status and ed- ucational level. Cluster 5 consisted of variables (educ~ ation, marital status, and income) that quite reasonably were highly related to age in this sample, consisting largely of students. Cluster 7 consisted of variables indicating order and number of siblings. The other three demographic clusters consisted of de- fining variables indicating regionality and pOpulation char- acteristics of the cities where the subject. was currently living or had lived the first twelve years of his life. Cluster 3 is perhaps the most meaningful of these clusters. It consists of the regionality and percentage of non-whites variables. Because there were consistently larger percent- ages of non-whites in Southern cities and because most of the 116 subjects were living in the same region now as when younger, it is quite reasonable that these variables clustered together. Clusters u and 10 are more difficult to give meaning except that they reflect population characteristics of the city where the subjects lived during the first twelve years of their lives (cluster C) and where they were currently living (clust- er 10). The other four clusters obtained in.the empirical V- analysis contain variables that conceptually were designed or chosen to measure sexual attitudes, sexual stereotypes, racial-sexual stereotypes, and racial attitudes. Two empirical clusters of variables measuring racial attitudes were derived. These empirical clusters are mean~ ingful and provide two dimensions for considering racial attitudes. Empirical cluster 1 in Table 19 includes variables dealing with interracial policy~~local autonomy, private rights, and grad~ ualism. Cluster 8 consists of variables concerned with various kinds of personal interaction with blacks~~acceptance in close interpersonal relations and in status-superior relationships, and attitudes about integration. The last two clusters (6 and 9) consisted of variables reflecting sexual attitudes, sexual stereotypes, and racial- sexual stereotypes. The racial-sexual stereotype variables appear in both of these clusters. As already discussed the "As if Black" racial-sexual stereotype variables reflect the Ss own attitudes as well as stereotyping of Blacks, and therefore the correlations of these variables are' 117 similar in magnitude and direction to the same or similar "As Self" variables. Put another way, these variables would be expected to be collinear and come together in the same clusters. Although the variables in cluster 6 reflect both personal and attributed (”As if Black") sexual attitudes, there is a common meaning to the cluster in that all of the variables reflect constricted or Victorian sexual attitudes. Cluster 9 was composed of sexual and racial- sexual stereotype variables. Also one of the definers was a racial attitude variable but as a measure of subtle derogatory beliefs it was consistent with the general meaning of the cluster as a measure of stereotypes. It is also interesting to note that Base in Interracial Contacts was also included in this cluster indicating that attitudes about personal contact with Blacks are highly related to any tendencies to stereotype. In conclusion, although clusters 6 and 9 were meaningful, both were in need of conceptual clarification in the preset B-analysis espec- ially in terms of inclusion of racial-sexual stereotype variables. The relationships between the ten clusters of the empirical V~analysis are shown in Table 20 enleablea39 in Appendix A. Table 20 shows the estimated correlations between cluster domains or "common factOr correlations" which are estimates of what the correlations would be among clusters if one were able to get a thorough measure- ment of the kinds of variation in each of the ten clusters. 118 ma: NO ha «N so 0” ca: O« Na: so NH: ON: no NH HO 5“ NH: MN HN ON: on: no no ON: no ON: no on an mg no: “O: no: no 5N On On ma: NO: NO: mm: ON: 5N «o :5 mo: «0: Na Na: «N: mu «m nu ma: no: HO. mm: #N: ma. #5 mm «essense no 9020 find 90955 me e e e e H6>QH 30695058 s Hanaaasasooo Hensonum wadeua haanoahoo ease .u.wuee soapuaseom .mun «a sauna .u.nueo wodpcasaom use soawom 1 uoa«33:aoz owmasocaom dqm_soawom n...h.oseo .owcaaams .osooedo _. moanwsns> eosuaom ow< codaodapmaou use naaewpmom Haswom wadahpooaoam deacon use Hmswom mouaocaoesu Hm«0dm 0» “cavamonno meadow deacon smanmnaacsooLnoz OHOOOOOOOO $00.00 .50000000 $0.00... #00000... Meeeeeeeweee «00......O. “.0... oAaOdadHOEonOO fiOflOflH “CEO”: add—=06 NODOHHO 5003009 aOflfldHOEQOO doamadamm .mauhamsm:> acouaaaao one song chopmsao on» macaw uaasmsoupcaom :XWOHQQB 119 These correlations give perhaps the best indication of what the real relationship is between the important variables of this study. Table 39 in.Appendix A shows the correlations between cluster scores. All of these correlations are computed from defining variables only-- the non-defining variables are not included in the compu- tation of these correlations. The correlations between these clusters were consis- tent with the results reported in terms of individual variables although in most cases the cluster correlations were of greater magnitude. The relationships between the non-demographic clusters (1,6,8 and 9) will be discussed later in terms of the preset V~analysis where conceptually more meaningful clusters were derived. The relationships between the non-demographic and demographic clusters substantiated the results found in terms of individual variables with older married Ss from Northern states tending to be more equelitarian.with regard to women and Blacks. Among the variables excluded from clusters in the empirical V~analysis were the Gough Fe Scale, the Franck Drawing Completion Test, and Denial of Inadequacy, Ideal of Sexuality. Each of these scales reflects aspects of the masculine stereotype or the tendency of the Ss to describe themselves in stereotypically masculine ways. The exclusion of these variables again points out that degree of adherence to the masculine stereotype has little 120 effect on and is effected very little by the other variables of this investigation. Er:n:§.¥:flnallfilfi_91_3h:_¥d£1flhldd The preset V~analysis was limited to the following four clusters from the empirical analysis: Cluster 1: Racial Policy, Cluster 8: Attitudes on Racial Interaction, Cluster 9: Sexdal and Racial Stereotypes, and Cluster 6: Sexual Restraint and Constriction. Although this excluded the demogaphic clusters, the demographic variables could still cluster within any of these four dimensions in the preset V~analysis if they ordered individuals in a similar way as any of these four dimensions. The most important task before running the preset V- analysis was to set the cluster defining variables of these four clusters in such a way that they were conceptually meaningful. The defining variables of the two racial attitude clusters needed little changing. In the racial policy cluster, the only defining variable from the empirical V~analysis that did not reflect policy as well as the others was Subtle Derogatory Beliefs and this variable was excluded as a definer in the preset run. The racial interaction cluster contained only one variable, Black Inferiority, which did not fit as well as the other vari- ables reflecting attitudes on racial interaction. There~ fore it was excluded and the variable, Ease in interracial Contacts, was added to this cluster for the preset analysis. 121 The sexual and racial stereotype cluster contained two variables, Subtle Derogatory Beliefs and Base in Interracial Contacts, which had been conceptually included under racial attitudes. Although Subtle Derogatory Beliefs could be included in this cluster as another measure of racial stereotypes, it was decided to exclude both of these vari- ables to assure that the later study of the relationship of this cluster to racial attitudes would not be clouded by having included conceptually similar variables within each cluster. The variables, Sexual Double Standard, Women seen as "Good" or "Bad“ and Separation of Sex and Affect, Deper- sonalization of Sex were included as definers in this cluster because it was felt that they reflected stereotypes or stereo- typic interaction patterns. These variables also showed high intercorrelations with the other definers of this cluster as shown in Table 15. Finally it was also decided to keep the two racial-sexual stereotype variables, As if Black-~Stereotypic Sexual Interaction and Depersonalization and As if Black~~Ideal of Sexuality, in this cluster for the preset V~analysis. The fact that both of these variables also reflected the 5s own stereotyping tendencies did not alter the meaning of this stereotype cluster. Further, as was discussed, in these variables any racial stereotyping tendencies change the scores of these variables away from the means of all as and therefore these racial-sexual stereo- typing effects could also be added to the meaning of the cluster. 122 The sexual restraint and constriction cluster also contained racial-sexual stereotype variables. These variables were those whose correlations were most difficult to interpret and it was decided to limit the definers of this cluster in the preset run to only those variables that conceptually were subsumed within the category of sexual attitudes and to exclude the racial-sexual stereotype variables. . The results of the preset V~analysis are summmarized in Table 21 which shows the variables in the clusters from the preset analysis with their factor loadings. Tables #1 and #2 in.Appendix A present quantitative data showing the inner cluster structure and generality of each of the four clusters. As can be seen, all of the demographic variables were excluded because of low generality indicating that the variance of these variables is relatively unique in reference to the four clusters of the preset analysis. As might be expected, some of the variables that had been excluded as definers after the empirical V~analysis have reappeared as non-defining variables in the preset clusters. However the addition of these variables does not alter the interpretations to be made from the cluster intercorrelations since the correlations are computed from the defining vari~ ables only. WW2: Badidl_diilindfifi Two clusters concerned with racial attitudes were 123 Table 21 . Variables in the clusters from the preset V~analysis with factor loadings.“ Variable Loading W D Woodmansee Multifactor Racial Attitude Inventory 1.00 D Local Autonomy .87 D Private Rights .75 D Gradualism .68 Subtle Derogatory Beliefs ' .72 Ease in.Interracial Contacts .46 W D Acceptance in Close Personal Relationships .93 D Acceptance in.Status-superior Relationships .83 D Integration~segregation.Policy .72 D Ease in Interracial Contacts #3 Black Inferiority .75 921.135.). D Adherence to Traditional H-F Stereo1types .82 D Sexual Double Standard, Women seen.as ”Good“ or 'Bad'.75 D‘As if B1ack~~Stereotypic Sexual Interaction.and Depersonalization .71 D Separation of Sex and Affect, Depersonalization. .52 D As if Black-~Ideel of Sexuality - .33 W D Hosher Forced-Choice Sexual Guilt Inventory .78 D External Social Control of Sexual Expression .66 D Sexual Behavior Scale ~35 D Personal Control of Sexual Expression . 1 As if B1ack~~Sexual Behavior Scale ~.23 As if Black-~Emphasis on Sexual Restraint . As if Black-~Hosher Sexual Guilt Scale .82 * Defining variables indicated by 'D'. 124 derived. One of these variables (C1 in Table 21) consisted of variables concerned with the Ss' policy with regard to Black-White relations including: 1. Local Autonomy: whether or not each community has the right to decide about segreg- ation-integration for itself; 2. Private rights; whether each individual has the right to decide not to serve, sell to, or employ Blacks. 3. Gradualism: position on how rapidly the process of integration should take place. The other racial attitude cluster (CZ in Table 21) con~ sisted of variables indicating attitudes about personally interacting with Blacks including: 1. Acceptance in close personal relationships: personal willingness to recognize, live near, or be associated with Blacks; 2. Acceptance in status-superior relationships: acceptance of Blacks in positions of authority or social superiority to Whites; 3. Integration-segregation: position of the prOpriety of racial segregation and integration; 4. Ease in interracial contacts: social ease in interracial situations. W The final stereotype cluster (C3 in Table 21) included the following variables reflecting sexual stereotyping: 1. Adher- ence to tradition masculine-feminine stereotypes: women should accept their culturally defined stereotypic role with regard to work, sex, etc.; women described as dependent, weak, and illogical; emphasizes men maintaining their stereotypic role. 2. Sexual double standard, women seen as "good" or "bad“: the sexually controled and passive woman is seen 125 as "good," the sexually aggressive woman as "bad." 3. De- personalization of sex: separation of warm and tender feelings from sexual feelings, sexual partner responded to as an object. The variables reflecting both sexual and racial-sexual stereotypes were: 1. As if Black-~Ideal of Sexuality: Ss portrayal of black males in terms of the social ideals of sexuality. 2. As if Black-~Stereotypic Sexual Interaction and Depersonalization: Ss portrayal of black males in terms of their ways of interacting with women and the degree to which they depersonalize a sexual experience. Sexual_Attitndes This cluster (C4 in Table 21) revealed sexual attitudes with regard to social and personal control of sexual express- ion, sexual guilt, and an indication of sexual experience. The variables in this dimension included: 1. Mosher sexual guilt scale: attitudes about pre- and extra-marital sex, prostitution, masturbation, unusual sex practices, etc. 2. External control of sexual eXpression: attitudes with regard to sex for procreation vs. spontaneous erotic enjoy- ment. 3. Personal control of sexual expression: attitudes with regard to reduction of personal involvement during a sexual eXperience. 4. Sexual experience: the degree of experience in different types of sexual activity. This cluster does not reflect sexual ambivalance or the "new puritanism" that had been discussed theoretically. It indicates only the Victorian or sexually constricted side of this ambivalance. 126 W The relationships between the sexual attitude, sexual (and racial-sexual), and racial attitude clusters are shown in Table 22. Both common factor correlations and correlations between cluster scores are shown in the Table. All of the correlations shown are significant (two-tailed t~tests) beyond the ..001 level. The largest correlation was between the two racial attitude clusters (r=.77). This was consistent with the relatively large correlations between all the individual racial attitude variables. Also most of the policy vari- ables dealt with the issue of integration-segregation and it is reasonable that this would be closely tied to attitudes about interacting with Blacks on a personal level. The relationship of the sexual (and racial-sexual) stereotype cluster with both racial attitude clusters was about the same (r=.53 & .57). The slightly larger correlation between stereotyping and racial interactiOn makes sense in that the stereotype items were quite personal and sexual and might be expected to be more highly related to attitudes about personal interaction with Blacks. The relationship of sexual (and racial-sexual) stere- otyping to sexual attitudes (r=.57) was about equal to the relationship of stereotyping and racial attitudes. This further substantiated the theoretically prOposed sexual basis for the deve10pment of the stereotypes. Table 22 Relationships among the clusters V~analysis* 127 from the preset Common Factor Correlations Non-equalitarian 1 Racial Policy "°°"' Opposition to 2 Racial Interaction'°"° Sexual (a racial- 3 sexual) Stereotyping"' Sexual Restraint & 4 Constriction ""' 1 77 53 23 2 77 57 31 3 53 57 57 23 31 57 Correlations Between Cluster Scores (Alpha Reliability Coefficients in Parentheses) Non-equalitarian Racial Policy 00000001 Opposition to Racial InteractionH-o-2 Sexual (& racial- sexual) Stereotyping-oo3 Sexual Restraint & COHStriction ..o...4 1 (91) 68 45 18 2 68 (84) 46 24 3 45 46 (78) 43 4 18 24 “3 (70) * All correlations are significant beyond the ..001 level (two-tailed t-tests). significance level. Refer to Table 14 for exact 128 This relationship is made even more significant by the fact that the sexual attitude cluster reflected only the constricted, Victorian, 'sex is bad“ side of the theoreti- cally important sexual ambivalance. Thus sexual attitudes even without a measure of the "now sex is bad" side of this ambivalance were good predictors with regard to sexual (and racial-sexual) stereotyping~~a sexually con~ stricted person is more likely to develOpe stereotypes. Senneniial_Relaticnshin_cf_lariahlas To clarify the relationship of the sexual attitude, sexual (and racial sexual) stereotype, and racial attitude clusters in terms of the proposed sequential relationship, in Figure 3 these variable clusters have been ordered in approximately the same way as shown in theoretical Figures 1 and 2. The quantitative index of relationship used in the preparation of Figure 3 was the coefficient of deter- mination (common factor correlations squared) which indicates the percent of variance that each of the variables could account for in each of the other variables. Because coefficients of determination are symetrical measures of relationship (designation of independent and dependent variables is arbitrary), statements about the order or sequence of relationships can not be fully sub- stantiated by the coefficients of determination themselves. However the relative size of the coefficients was consistent with the theoretically hypothesized sequential relationship of the variables. As can be seen in Figure 3, the strongest 129 .oowosoou on» on mo>npmwuovnm aoauo mopdoadfia a .moaocdamp weave on» we come we ooh pasoooo ado massage» some sods: encodes» Ho accused on» waaxonm meanness» ones» he adammoapcaoa Hmapaosoom eomoooaa haatoauoaoosu on» on wmeeaooom eouammwao moeaanupo finance use .moahuooaoum Aacswom:amaoca demo Hoaxes .uooouauum Hudson moose moanmcoupcaoa Hmoaannao on» mo hamsaom .m oasmdm 838 .5238 ll... (an)... ll _ fl J “an / _ «mm 223593 .2853” ..I no” 39/» RR / _ mmaflommmsm Afienmm / 1. , L283 33 333/ / ¢.. umm / a» j mmaBHE< 55m ..\ 1. a 130 relationships were between variables that lie next to each other in the sequence substantiating the research hypotheses. For example sexual attitudes can account for about one-third of the variance of sexual (and racial sexual) stereotypes but only five percent of the variance of racial policies. This was theoretically explained by the fact that the possible number of alternatives to the sequence is greater between sexual and racial attitudes than.hetween sexual attitudes and stereotyping. Also it was theoretically prOposed that sexual attitudes may predispose an individual to adOpt the stereotypes which may in turn prediSpose him to develOpe negative racial attitudes, but the sexual attitudes without the stereo- types do not necessarily dispose the individual to deve1- Ope negative racial attitudes. The relative size of the coefficients of determination is consistent with these pr0positions and the research hypotheses. Snmmazx_af_Neiez_Eesnlts In order to summarize the major findings of this investigation, the results will be discussed briefly in terms of the major research hypotheses. Wang}: Consistent with research hypothesis 1, the results showed that sexual attitudes reflecting sexual guilt, personal and social controls with regard to sexual expression, and separation of sex and effect were 131 significantly positively correlated. Also, as predicted, sexual behavior or experience significantly decreased with increased sexual guilt, personal and social controls of sexual expression, and separation of sex and affect. Wines As predicted in hypothesis 2, sexual stereotyping of women (e.g. sexually aggressive women are "bad") and nonrsexual stereotyping of women ( women are illogical, «dependent, etc.) were significantly positively correlated. Contrary to research hypothesis 2, measures of adherence to the "masculine" stereotype by males were largely ‘uncorrelated with measures of stereotyping of women by males suggesting that these two types of sexual stereo- typing may deveIOpe by different dynamics. R ;_ 04.: t e 5.: : _o_~- :u _-; 7' -. .- Substantiating research hypothesis 3, sexual stereo- typing of women (e.g. sexually aggressive women are "bad”) and nonsexual stereotyping of women (women are illogical, [emotional, dependent, etc.) were found to be significantly positively correlated with sexual attitudes reflecting separation of sex and affect~~depersonalization of sex, sexual guilt, personal and social controls of sexual eXpression, and less sexual eXperience. The Gough Fe scale, a measure of adherence to the "masculine" stereo- type by men, showed small but significant negative cor- relations with the sexual attitude scales reflecting doemaom ow< mOOOOO moooA noduoaupmnoo use nfladfipuom Hmsxom wqamhpoouopm Hudson use Hmsxom noapomnoan Hmdowm 0» noandmoano H00... hadflom Hedeem_eeaeueflaeseoucez #00000... hooooooo.oooo NOOOOOOOO .uouospnonsn ad manodoauuooo haananodaoh osnao and: monoou houmsao_nooxuon $8339.88 6:393; decade-.0 on» 30.5 bananas on» macaw onusunodudaom .3 3an 180 Table 40. Inner cluster structure of the four basic and expanded clusters from the preset V~analysis. Expanded _Raliahilitx. Cluster Oblique 2 Cumul- Reliability Cluster Definers Fc h r’ Single lative on D's .91 Rac Total D 1.00 1.07 .83 Local Ant D .87 076 071 R17 Rite D 075 058 062 Gradulism D .68 .53 .56 Derog B81 .72 058 .59 .92 092(1) Pars Ease .46 .27 .38 .89 .90(2) .84 Close Rel D .93 .88 .68 StatusSup D .83 .72 .60 Integ-Seg D o 72 o 56 o 53 Pers Ease D .43 .27 .32 Interior .75 .57 .55 .87 .87(1) §exual_iand_racial:sexuall_§tersntxncs_i£&l. .78 Trad. M’F D 082 068 o 1 GOOdOPBad D .75 .6“‘ o 7 M'F Stero D 071 .55 0M Sep S a A D .52 .31 .33 Sex Ideal D .33 .13 .21 anf‘ngl g: figxng]. 333““an (£2) .70 Sex Guilt D 078 o O 0 Ext Contl D .66 .46 .39 Sex Behav D -.35 .31 .3 Pers Cont D . 1 .29 .2 Sex BehaVB “.32 026 030 073 07 (1) Restraint . .20 .27 .71 .7 (2) Sex GuiltB .42 .23 .25 .71 .77(3) 181 Table 41. Generality of the four oblique clusters of the preset V-analysis. Reproducibility of mean squares of correlations: cluSter 1'380181 palicyoooooooooooooooooooooooooo ouz Cluster 2-Control of sexual expression........... .17 Cluster 3-Attitudes on racial interaction........ .42 Cluster 4-Sexua1 (an racial-sexual) stereotypes.. .28 APPENDIX D APPENDIX B Sample Test Booklet* Contents: Baas: Demographic questionnaire........................ 184 Franck Drawing Completion Test............... 185-188 #Sexual Attitude and Stereotype Scale......... 189-194 #Sexual Behavior Scale........................ 195-197 Mosher Forced-Choice Sexual Guilt Scale...... 198-200 Gough Fe Scale............................... 201-204 Multifactor Racial Attitude Inventory........ 205-211 #AS if Black: Sexual Attitude and Stereotype Seal-80....0......O.....IOOOOOOOOCOOCOCCOOOCOO 212-217 #As if BlaCk: Sexual 381137161. 8031800000000... 218-219 #As if Black: Mosher Forced-Choice Sexual Guilt Scaleooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooocoo 220-222 * Test booklet for black §S excluded As if Black scales # Scales deve10ped by the author 182 183 This booklet contains a number of questionnaires and exercises. ZEach.of these is preceded by instructions explaining how to respond auui record your reactions. Except for the first exercise you will ‘be asked to mark your responses on answer sheets which have been inserted in.this booklet where you need them. Each answer sheet is a.different color and the instructions will tell you which color answer sheet to use for each inventory or questionnaire. Although you will often be asked to respond in terms of your personal Opinions, beliefs, feelings or experiences, we do not need to know your name. D...__t__a___x_u___o no ut o r MW- WWwWer ee - They have been coded so that all of your answer sheets can be kept together. Do not bend or fold the answer sheets. Please begin by filling in the information on the next page of the booklet. Then turn the page and continue through the booklet. 184 Age:_______ Sex:________ Race: Underline one: Single, Married, Widowed, Separated, Divorced, Remarried. Number of children: boys:______, girls: (Zity and state in which you are currently living: City: State: (Zity and state in which you lived most of your early years (ages one to twelve): City: State: laeligion (underline one): Protestant, Catholic, Jewish, Other (Please indicate other religion): ‘ Amount of schooling (mark highest point reached): ' Grammar Grades High Sc. College MA PhD Yrs.12345678 1234 1234567 Occupation: .Approximate personal annual income: ‘Were your parents born in this country? Yes No (circle one) If not, in what country were they born: Education of parents (indicate highest grade each reached): Father: Mother: Occupation of parents: Father: Mother: How many brothers and sisters did you have? Brothers: ‘ Sisters: Birth order: (please indicate whether you were the first born, second born, third born, etc. in your family): 185 INSTRUCTIONS In the following pages you will find a number of incomplete tirawings; please complete them. Do it any way you like; use as Inany lines as you wish; do it the way it seems most fun. There is no right or wrong way of doing this. Please complete all the drawings. We prefer that you (complete the entire exercise in about fifteen minutes. This is enough time if you do not spend too much time for any one drawing. Some peOple finish very rapidly-~they do all of the drawings on the next three pages in less than five minutes. ‘We don't want you to watch the clock, but if you are still on the first page at the end of five minutes, please speed up a 'bit in order to complete all the drawings (this entire exercise) in about fifteen minutes. The idea is not to spend too much time on any one drawing. use a pencil. When you have completed this exercise, continue on through the booklet with the questionnaires that follow this exercise. 3 186 “p.“ in l/ IO .lfllvl.‘ ‘ (If __ _ _ ”“187 1‘} £15 ’ 7»)! 1"] I? I! I'.’ ’17 -PI- :18 2| [7 HQ ,‘~:.v~-—t.w . 225' M l E l J)». , an»; . I6 ‘ Wmsnz 1': “11.3?! cream: naecmasmuzv. u 22 188 250 33 .36 26 129 32. 35 Au- g3! 34‘ 189 INSTRUCTIONS What follows next is a study of peOple's Opinions or exper- iences with regard to certain aspects of sexuality. The best response to each statement is your personal Qplnign. We have tried to cover many different points of view. You may find yourself agreeing strongly with some Of the statements, disagree- ing just as strongly with others, and perhaps uncertain about others. Whether you agree or disagree with any statement, you can be sure that many other peOple feel the same way that you do. What we wish to know is you; gplnlln. Begin using the hrgyghgngwgg sheet. It has been inserted after this page. Mark your opinions on.the brown.answer Sheet according to how much you agree or disagree with each statement on the follow- ing pages. Mark 1 on the answer sheet if you "strongly agree" with a statement, mark 2 if you "agree", 3 if you are "undecided", 4 if you "disagree", and 5 if you "strongly disagree." Please £2§DQEQ.I2.§E2£X statement. A reminder of what each number means appears on top Of each page. See sample item #0 below. Maladies: O. Expressing myself sexually is important. O. 1 ____ 2 3 355; 4 5 for "undecided" Please be sure that you use the pggyp answer sheet to recon1 your reSponses to the statements on the following pages Of this booklet. The instructions will tell you when to begin using another answer Sheet. Also be certain that the number Of the statements on the following pages agrees with the number on your answer Sheet when you are marking your Opinion. 190 1 2 3 4 5 :Strongly Agree Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly Disagree 1. 2. 30 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15c 16. 17. 18. 19. Sex would always work out if my partner could only have her orgasm sooner. Sex is for having children, not fun. A woman will use sex to get what she wants if you are not careful. One Of the most important attributes for a woman is cleanliness. It is difficult to feel close and warm toward a woman and sexually aroused at the same time. Although there are exceptions, nagging and domineering traits, however subtle, seem to be pretty typical among women. Sometimes I am just too tired for sex. To really enjoy sex, you can't get too emotionally involved during a sexual experience. I have many friends of the opposite sex. Two peOple can get along best sexually, if each person is free to express himself. When it comes to sex, the mind should always be in control of the body. It is better not to have sex relations until you are married. It is unnatural for me to get real personal during sex. It is difficult to have a logical discussion with a woman. Sex is more like an appetite (eg. hunger, thirst) than a feeling (eg. affection, closeness). Job equality for women goes against the natural order of things. You can tell a lot about a woman's morals from the type of clothes she wears. There is something shameful about getting emotionally carried away during sex. I sometimes like to have sex just for the fun of it. GO ON TO THE NEXT PAGE Strongly Agree 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25% 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33- 3“- 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 191 1 2 3 4 5 Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly Disagree Men are much more sexual than women. It is alright for women to manage money. Feminine men disgust me. Problems may arise when passion replaces respect in sex. Women.whom I admire are the closest thing to human perfection that I have seen. During sex, I seek to feel totally fused and united with my partner. In terms of sex, women seem to be either respectable or immoral. There has never been an occasion that made me question in the smallest way my own masculinity. The important thing about sex is not how good I am at it but that I am able to enjoy the experience. For me, a woman as wife and mother is the essence of purity. It is Silly to get romantic about sex. There is not much to sex for me if my partner does not reach orgasm. I have always been sexually successful given the right circumstances. Women naturally tend to be self-centered, so that for them to be loved is a greater need than to love someone else. It is difficult to feel personally aware of your sexual partner when you are sexually aroused. Women need men in control in sexual matters. The man should always initiate sexual activity. Warm and tender feelings are an important part of sex for me. Sex is one place where women should know their place. I feel more sure of where I stand with men than with women. Something is lacking in my sex life. There have been times when I wondered what it would be like to be a woman. GO ON TO THE NEXT PAGE Strongly Agree 1+2. 1.1.3. 44.. 1+5. 1+6. 1+7. 1+8. 1+9. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55- 56a 57- 58. 59. 60. 61. 192 1 2 3 4 5 Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly Disagree A man Should be able to handle everything on his own. In many ways, the sex act is a lonely experience. Hen Should be able to embrace other men just as women embrace other women. I have strong sex feelings but when I get a chance I Often can't seem to express myself. It is disturbing to see necking in public. Women.have far less control over their emotions than do men. One Of the nicest things about sex happens when your partner does something that surprises you. Sex is more work than play. I tend to experience sex as separate from the rest Of my relationship with my partner. Because men are strong and women are weak, it is only right that this be a man's world. During sex I do not like to get SO involved that I am not aware Of some Of the things that are happening. I am loved because I am lovable. One should always be completely in control of himself during sex. When a woman has made up her mind, a man might as well give up. When it comes down to it, there is really not much more to sex than two peOple trying to be both sexually satisfied. I resent that society prevents me from expressing myself sexually in some ways that seem healthy to me. I sometimes wonder whether my sexual partner has enjoyed sex as much as me. Sometimes I wonder how attractive I am sexually. All men have some "feminine" characteristics even if they don't show them. Good technique is the only thing necessary for a happy sex life. GO ON TO THE NEXT PAGE 193 1 2 3 4 5 Strongly Agree Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly Disagree 62. 63. 6n. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 7o. 71. 72. 73. 7h. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. Sometimes sex is like becoming a kid again. Any woman cpenly looking for sex is not much better than a prostitute. Many types of peOple could excite me sexually. I have had some problems in the area of sex. Affection is as important as technique for an enjoyable sex life. I have sexual limitations even though I believe in myself. Virginity is a girl's most valuable possession. Sexual excitement is the most pleasurable thing on earth. I consciously try to keep sex thoughts out of my mind. Although women play a part in many important jobs today, woman's prOper place is still in the home. I am capable and willing for sex anytime, night or day. A woman who knows what she wants is frightening. Women should be trusting and yielding. Women should be free to express themselves sexually. Women who really enjoy sex are usually "loose" or tend to be immoral. I don't judge women on the basis of their sexual ideas. Young peOple should learn about sex through their own experience. I feel OK revealing my sexual concerns with my friends. The thought of a sex orgy is disgusting to me. It is sometimes fun to take a more passive role in a sexual experience. Women who are sexually aggressive are shameful. I sometimes reach climax too soon. GO ON TO THE NEXT PAGE 194 1 2 3 4 5 Strongly Agree Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly Dis agree 811. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93- 94- 95- 96. 97- 98. 99. 100. Sometimes I am sexually aroused to the point that my sexual feelings seem to overpower me. Women should know their place. My sex life has been disappointing at times. I have found that one sexual experience is really not much different from another with my sexual partner. My ideas of a good woman do not include sex. Wives should agree with their husbands in public. The importance of sex is over-emphasized by many disruptive elements in our society. There is no right or wrong about sex itself. I don't ever remember feeling frustrated about sex. When it comes to enjoying sex, how you are feeling about your partner at that time makes very little difference. A woman should allow a man to take charge of the sexual part of their relationship. I never had as many dates as I would have liked.’ Women's liberation is unnatural and threatens what is good in our society. I have never been bothered by fears of being inadequate. I usually find sex a good way to reduce tension. I accept sexual feelings and thoughts that I have that may seem different from others. There have been times when I felt "below average" sexually. GO ON TO THE NEXT PAGE AND READ THE INSTRUCTIONS CAREFULLY 195 INSTRUCTIONS What follows next is a study of what peOple's behaviors are ‘with regard to sex. Our interest is not in your Opinion with regard to these sexual behaviors, but rather in.th§,p§nayigz§ Mmmmssssdin- using the brown answer: shes: and respond to the statements on the following pages as accurately as possible. Mark 1 on the answer sheet if the behavior applies or has applied to you at any time. Mark 2 on the answer sheet if it is a behavior that you have never participated in. A reminder of what each number means appears on t0p of each page. Elease respond Please be sure that you are still using the hrgun answer sheet. Also be certain that the number of the statements on the following pages agrees with the number on your answer sheet when you are marking your response. 196 On.the answer sheet, mark 1_if you gage engaged in.the behavior; 101. 102. 103. ‘109. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 11A. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. g,if you hays not engaged in the behavior. I have been swimming nude with someone of the opposite sex. I have been involved in more than one sexual relationship at a time. I have slept with my partner nude without having intercourse. I have expressed sexual interest toward my partner in the presence of others. Sometimes my partner is more active during sex than I am. I have laughed during sex. I try to find different ways to enjoy sex with my partner. I try not to make too much noise during sex. My partner has decided what we would do sexually. I have had intercourse during the day. I have had intercourse where my partner and I were not facing each other. I often enjoy tongue-kissing with my partner. have had interccurse out-of-doors. talk to my partner during sex. have had sex for an hour or more. have inserted my fingers in the vagina of my partner. have stimulated the breast of my partner with my mouth. have had intercourse in places other than bed. have been undressed by my partner. H I4 +4 +4 F4 #1 P! H have stimulated my partner's genitals with my mouth. I have had intercourse lying down where I was not the person on tOp. I have had sex in the shower or bathtub. GO ON TO THE NEXT PAGE 197 On the answer sheet, mark :L if you We engaged in the behavior; 2 if you hale, not engaged in the behavior. 123. My partner and I have stimulated to orgasm without having intercourse. 124. I have had intercourse standing up. 125. I have had my genitals stimulated by my partner's mouth. GO ON TO THE NEXT PAGE AND READ THE INSTRUCTIONS CAREFULLY. 198 INSTRUCTIONS The following questionnaire consists of a number of pairs of astatements or Opinions which have been given by peOple in reSponse 'to incomplete sentences concerned with different aspects of :sexuality. These peOple were asked to complete phrases such as "When.I have sexual desires..." and "As a child, sex play..." to Inake a sentence which eXpressed their real feelings about the stem. {This questionnaire consists of the stems to which they reSponded zand a pair of their reSponses which are lettered A and B. You are to read the stem and the pair of completions and decide ‘which you most agree with or which is most characteristic of you. ‘Your choice, in each instance, should be in terms of what you ‘believe, how you feel, or how you would react, and not in terms of how you think you should believe, feel, or reSpond. This is not a test. There are no right or wrong answers. Your choices should be a description of your own personal beliefs, feelings, or reactions. ‘ In some instances you may discover that you believe both completions or neither completion to be characteristic of you. In such cases select the one you mare strongly believe to be the case as far as you are concerned. Be sure to find an answer for every choice. Do not omit an item even though it is very difficult for you to decide, just select the more characteristic member of the pair. using the 11212.12 answer sheet- It has been inserted after this page. Place the green answer sheet that you previously used in a place where it will not be torn, bent or folded. Mark your answers on the violet answer sheet according to which alternative is characteristic of you. If alternative A is more characteristic of you for a particular item, blacken the Space in the column under If alternative B is more characteristic of you fo a pagticular item, blacken the space under the column headed on the answer sheet. Please be sure that you use the yiglet answer sheet. Also be certain that the number of the statements on the following pages agrees with the number on your answer sheet when you are marking the alternative characteristic of you. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 199 If in the future I committed adultery... A. I won't feel bad about it. B. it would be sinful. "Dirty" jokes in mixed company... A. are common in our town. B. should be avoided. As a child, sex play... A. never entered my mind. B. is quite wide spread. Sex relations before marriage... A. ruin many a happy couple. B. are good in my opinion. If in the future I committed adultery... A. I wouldn't tell anyone. B. I would probably feel bad about it. When I have sexual desires... A. I usually try to curb them. B. I generally satisfy them. Unusual sex practices... A. might be interesting. B. don't interest me. Prostitution... A. iS~a must. B. breeds only evil. As a child, sex play... A. is not good for mental and emotional well being. B. is natural and innocent. "Dirty" jokes in mixed company... A. are not prOper. B. are exciting and amusing. Unusual sex practices... A. are awful and unthinkable. B. are not so unusual to me. When I have sex dreams... A. I cannot remember them in the morning. B. I wake up happy. As a child, sex play... A. was a big taboo and I was deathly afraid of it. B. was common without guilt feelings. "Dirty" jokes in mixed company... A. are lots of fun. B. are coarse to say the least. GO-ON TO THE NEXT PAGE 1:5. 16. 17} 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 2h. 25. 26. 27. 28. Petting... 200 A. is something that should be controlled. B. is a form of education. Sex relations before marriage... A. are practiced too much to be wrong. B. in my opinion, should not be practiced. When I have sexual desires... A. they are quite strong. B. I attempt to repress them. Mas turbat 1 on o o o A. is a habit that should be controlled. B. is very common. As a child, sex play... A. is dangerous. B. is not harmful but does create sexual pleasure. If I committed a homosexual act... A. it would be my business. B. it would show weakness in me. PrOStitutiono o o A. is a sign of moral decay in society. B. is acceptable and needed by some peOple. Sex relations before marriage... A. are O.K. if both partners are in.agreement. B. are dangerous. Unusual sex practices... A. are O.K. as long as they‘re heterosexual. B. usually aren't pleasureable because you have preconceived feelings about their being wrong. Masturbation... A. is all right. B. should not be practiced. Sex. 0 o A. is a beautiful gift of God not to be cheapened. B. is good and enjoyable. Prostitution... A. should be legalized. B. cannot really afford enjoyment. As a child, sex play... A. was indulged in. B. is immature and ridiculous. Sex relations before marriage... A. help peOple to adjust. B. should not be recommended. GO ON TO THE NEXT PAGE AND READ THE INSTRUCTIONS CAREFULLY 201 INSTRUCTIONS On the following pages are a series of statements expressing a variety of different Opinions, feelings, ideas and reactions. Read each one, decide how you feel about it, and then mark your answer on the yiglet answer sheet that you have just been.using. If you agree with a statement or feel that it is true about you answer "true" by blackening the space in the column under T on the violet answer sheet. If you disagree with a statement, or feel that it is not true about you, answer "false" by blackening the space in the column under F. A reminder of what each means appears on the tOp of the following pages. Elgasejresngnd.£g W- Please be sure that you are continuing to use the xiglet answer sheet. Also be certain that the number of the statements on the following pages agrees with the number on your answer sheet when you are marking your response. 202 ' On the answer sheet, mark under 1 if it is tme about you or you meg; mark under 2 if it is false or you.di§agzee :29. I want to be an important person in the community. 30. I'm not the type to be a political leader. 31. When someone talks against certain groups or nationalities, I always Speak up against such talk even though it makes me unpOpular. 32. I like mechanics magazines. 33. I think I would like the work of a librarian. 3b. I'm pretty sure I know how we can settle the international problems we face today. 35. I would never feel right if I thought I wasn't doing my share of the hard work of any group I belonged to. 36. People seem naturally to turn to me when decisions have to be made. 37. I must admit I feel sort of scared when I move to a strange place. 38. I like to go to parties and other affairs where there is lots of loud fun. 39. If I were a reporter I would like very much to report news of the theater. 40. I would like to be a nurse. 41. It is hard for me to "bawl out" someone who is not doing his job properly. #2. If I.get too much change in a store I always give it back. #3. I very much like hunting. an. Some of my family have habits that bother and annoy me very much. 45. I would like to be a soldier. 46. I think I could do better than most of the present politicians if I were in Office. 47. I like to be with a crowd who play jokes on one another. GO ON TO THE NEXT PAGE 203 on ems‘v'e1r Sheet, mark under: 1 if it is true about you or you agree; us. #9. 50. 51 . 52. 53. 54. 55- 56. 57- 58. 59- 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. E,if it is false or you QASEEZEQ. It is hard for me to start a conversation with strangers. I often get feelings like crawling, burning, tingling, or "gOing to sleep" in