_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ n _ _ u M t .112... ... ., . .. . . . . 2:. . . .....:..... _.:. . . . . I: . . .. . ....1.... 1., mg): r14"; (can? . . , inf“, 2. 3.... . . . .1 .1. u... . ryrrict..l.q\w.vu..fl. , . . . : . LIBRARY L}: l Mfihigan State I. University llfllllllllllllllllllflllllI!"lllllllllllllllfllll“lilllllllll This is to certify that the ‘ thesis entitled 717‘]; /(/5(;; @F? AW/SF67more effective if they demanded limited "bread and butter" objectives such as higher pay, a minimum wage, maintenance of apprenticeship rules, collective bargaining, the closed shOp, and shorter hours. This entailed an acceptance of inequality in that these workers by forming tightly organized craft unions were claim- ing that their interests were not the general interests of society. WOrkers now realized, as one union declared, that under existing conditions "there exists a perpetual antagon- ism between Labor and Capital . . . one striving to sell their labor for as much, and the other striving to buy it for as little as they can."66 The chief weapon of these newly organized unions was again the strike. In 1850 New York carpenters, cord- wainers, bootmakers, bricklayers, painters, printers, and certain common laborers struck, chiefly for higher wages.67 In 1853 and 185h the number of strikes increased markedly. "Each spring," reported the Tribune, "witnesses a new struggle I-g ? he's-r P. 223 for enhanced wages in some if not most of the trades of this and other cities."68 On occasion as many as twenty-five or thirty strikes were cited in one issue of the Tribune or Tigg§.69 These strikes were partially successful in raising the wages of skilled mechanics. Times were prosperous and labor was in demand. In certain trades wages rose as much as 37% percent from 1850 to 1851..70 However, prices were rising nearly as rapidly, and, except in a few trades, wages did not keep pace. Employers took every Opportunity to weaken the unions and were often successful during slack seasons in driving down newly won wage increases.71 Just as in the thirties, the labor organizations of the fifties proved to be precarious institutions, dependent on general prosperity for their very existence. The sharp recession during the winter of l85h-55 adversely effected organized labor. Skilled mechanics were laid Off in large numbers in the fall and early winter of 185A. In December ‘less than one-fifth.of the building workers in New YOrk City were employed. By mid-winter over one-half of the nation's skilled laborers were out of work. Unable to maintain wage gains or keep workers employed, the trade union movement collapsed.72 Business picked up again in the summer of 1855, and the few unions that had survived led in an attempt to re- build the movement. By the summer of 1856 unions had revived somewhat and were again able to force better terms from their 22h employers. However, before these reorganized unions had made any significant gains, the depression of 1857 once more destroyed the movement even more completely than had been the case in 1854—55. By October, 1857, at least 200,000 were unemployed. Immigrant laborers crowded the New York docks begging for the Opportunity of working their way back to EurOpe.73 On November 2, 1857, some 12,000 unemployed New York City workers met in Tompkins Square to take "prompt, vigorous and decisive action to prevent our families from starving."74 Three days later, November 5, 1857, a meeting 15,000 strong again gathered at Tompkins Square. A parade was formed and thousands of unemployed workers marched down Wall Street chanting: "We want work."75 Later, desperate New York workers broke into the shOps of flour merchants and stole goods to keep their families alive. Some public relief as well as public works projects were established to aid the large number of jobless. Workers were employed in grading Central Park and in pulling down an Old almshouse on Chambers Street.76 However, unemployment and low wages remained in the years just before the Civil War. Unions did begin to build up again by 1859 and 1860, but their impact was slight. Generally working conditions were as bad if not worse in the late fifties than they had been at the beginning of the decade.77 225 III An old New York cartman, one Of those human-haulers who transported much of the city's goods before the advent of motorized trucks, made the following comparison of work- ing conditions in the late fifties with those of the thirties: There is one thing . . . that is quite certain. With all her glitter of prosperity, and her rapid increase of wealth and population, New York is not now the place for a poor man that it was when I first took up my residence there. Then there was plenty of work for all; wages were high, and all the necessaries of life were low in price and better in quality than they are -at present; pg! wages are low, work scarce, and all the necessaries of life poor and high in price. Then you could hire good, comfortable apartments for $75 a year; Egg the same accommodations will cost you twice that amount for the same space. . . . Then the farmers brought their own produce to market, and you could go down to the wharves and purchase at retail anything you wanted from first hands; now you cannot purchase anything from first hands at 311, but have to pay two or three commissions upon every articles you obtain from the markets. . . . Then the working- man was looked upon and treated as a human being; n9! he is looked upon and treated more like a brute than like a man and brother. Verily, verily, I say unto you, that New York has been growing r at, with- out growing good.78 I Obviously this nostalgic reminiscence paints an exaggerated picture of the changes that had taken place in laboring conditions between the Jacksonian period and the Civil War. But there exists ample evidence to the effect that the laborer's situation had declined over these three decades. Horace Greeley, reflecting on the changes in New York between the early thirties and 1850, stated that while the city's pOpulation and wealth had more than doubled the 226 conditions of labor had not improved, and in fact had worsened since rents and living expenses had greatly increased ‘while wages remained the same. Greeley was particularly struck by the close connection of low wages to vice, poverty, and destitution. Ten—thousand poor women, he maintained, "because they cannot acquire by any sort of honest industry" more than $2 per week were driven in infamy. "Thousands of poor children are daily driven forth from the cellars and wretched rookeries of this Christian emporium to gain by thieving or the most horrid pollutions the means of their own and their parents' subsistence."79 Signs of poverty multiplied yearly in New York, reflecting low wages, unemployment and worsening labor con- ditions. In the mid-forties there were 76 pawn shops in the City. By 1860 they numbered in the hundreds. As might be expected the pawnbroker never located in the fashionable neighborhoods. Rather his three gold balls gleamed out of the city's slums.8O Begging in the streets greatly increased during the period. In the thirties it was rare to see a beggar, but by the Civil War there were several thousand engaged in this occupation. Greeley termed New York of the fifties "the me- tropolis of beggary," while a Londoner of the same.period found little difference between the begging in his native city and that in the greatest city of the New W0r1d. Even a class of professional beggars practiced their art along 227 with those who were truly destitute.81 Immigration, industrialization, and the growth of urban areas greatly enlarged the number of persons classi- fied as "paupers" in New York State. In 1825 only 22,111 received poor relief out of a population of 1,500,000; in 1855 the state census listed over 20h,000 paupers on relief out of a total population approximating 3,400,000.32 The suffering of these paupers was severe. "The truth is," wrote G. G. Foster in 1850, "that the condition, both moral and physical, in which such a city as New York permits its poor to exist, is utterly disgraceful-~not to the poor, for they deserve only our deepest pity, but to the community-- the powerful, enlightened, wealthy communitye-which permits its unfortunate children who know'nothing,but how to work, to become thus horribly degraded."83 During periods of panic and depression, of course, poverty was far more general than usual. In November, 1858, when the unemployed numbered well over 50,000 in New York City alone, some cruel joker advertised a dole of bread and meat to all the poor people present at noon in Union Square on Thanksgiving Day. Several thousand lean, weary people came and waited for hours in vain.34 Not all of the hardships of labor were the result of low'wages and periodic unemployment. Norman ware, the leading authority on American labor conditions in the two decades before the Civil war, maintains that "the losses of lug? :vE'b-I-F \a- \- 228 the industrial worker in the first half of the century were not comfort losses solely, but losses, as he conceived it, of status and independence."85 Skilled mechanics, as has been shown, yearly found their independence lessening and their skills declining in value. In industry after industry artisans felt themselves challenged by new methods which re- quired little skill or training. "Boys do the work which men are wanting," complained a group of New York printers, "and at half, or less than half, men's wages."86 Another group complained that "the capitalists have taken to bossing all the mechanical trades, while the practical mechanic has become a journeyman, subject to be discharged at every pre- tended 'miff' of his purse-proud employer."87 Even when skilled workers were able to win such benefits as higher wages and shorter hours their sense of loss was not offset. Shorter hours were often accompanied by a speed up of production which entailed a tightening Of discipline over workers and a further loss of independence. Higher wages in most instances were eradicated by rising living costs. Even the best paid employees found themselves falling behind in the American quest for the Almighty Dollar since the share of the worker in the general pmsperity was not commensurate with that of other factors in production.88 With the triumph of mechanization and the replace- ment of the craftshop by the factory the artisan lost his earlier position in the community. Instead of selling his 229 product he was selling his labor; he no longer owned the tools of production. As more and more workers became more wage earners in the aristocratic factory system the general dignity of labor diminished. The great use of cheap immi- grant labor also made laboring less respectable than it had been. Mechanics employed in factories began to consider themselves as "wage slaves" in a very real sense. There was little that the worker could do to escape the system. NO longer did apprentices and journeymen have much hOpe of one day becoming independent, shop-owning masters. During this time in the cities and factory towns the worker became more and more divorced from his former rural agricultural ties. A large class of laborers became completely dependent on the industrial system. For the majority of workers, whether native or foreign-born, this brought great hardships, Often entailing long hours spent at tedious routine work. Lacking capital reserve, and work- ing for wages that were seldom above a subsistence level, the laborer had little Opportunity to better his position. By the Civil War there existed a sizable pauperized proletariat in New York State. FOOTNOTES lGreeley, Recollections of a Busy Life (New York, 1868), p. 14A; The New Yorker, January 20, 1838; for other accounts of the suffering during the depression see: Fred- erick Marryat, A Diary in America (Paris, 1839), p. 17; Levi Beardsley, Reminiscences (New York, 1852), p. 328; John R. Commons and others, Higtogy Of Labour in the United States ‘ (A vols., New York, 1918—35), 1, 456—57. 2Samuel Rezneck, "The Social History of an American Depression, 1837-18h3.” in Amgrican Historical Review, XL (July, 1935). 66A. 3The New Yorker, July 24, 1841. “Commons and others, History of Labour, I, A63-6h. 5The Knickerbocker, IX.(May, 1838), t88. 6Arcturus, I (February, l8hl), 133; Rezneck, "The Social History of an American Depression," pp. 665-76. 7Quoted in: Rezneck, "The Social History of an American Depression," p. 666; see also: Robert H. Bremner, Fggm the Depthg: the Discovegy of Poverty in the United States (New York, 1956), pp. 13-15. 8Quoted in Greeley, Recollections, p. 1A5. 230 231 9Fester Rhea Dulles, Labor in America (New York, 1960 ed.), pp. 77-78; Philip S. Foner, Histogy of the Labor Movement in the United States (2 vols., New York, 19A7), I, 168. 10John R. Commons and others, eds., A Documentayy History Of American Industrial Society (10 vols., Cleveland, 1910), VII, h7-h8. 11Dulles, L bar in America, p. 77. 12Workin M 's Advocate, March 30, 18AA. 13Dulles, Lgbor in America, p. 78. IACommons and others, Document Histo , VII, 217-l8. 15Junius H. Browne, The Gregt Metropolis (Hartford, 1869), p. 5A8; Thomas Mooney, Nine Years in Ameripa (Dublin, 1850), p. 820 16David M. Schneider, The History of Public Welfgye in New YOpk StateI 1602-1866 (Chicago, 1938), pp. 296-97. 17New York Times, November 8, 1853- 18New York Dail Tribune, March 27, 1851. 191Mooney, Nine Years in America, p. 22; Foner, History Of the Lgpor Movement, I, 220; Commons and Others, History of Labour, I, A87-88. 232 20Samuel 1. Prime, Life in New York (New York, 18A7), Po 950 21Brace, The Dangerous Classes of New York gpd Twenty Yegrp' Work Amopg Them (New York, 1872), pp. 168-70. zzrhe Sgpitgry Congition of the Laboring Population of New York (New York, 18A5), pp. 6-7. 23flss_12:k_£aaazaaa (New YOrk. 1938). p. 429. 2"Charles H. Haswell, Reminiscences Of an Octogena - lap of the City pf New iork (New York, 1896), p. 332. 25Quoted in New York Panorama, p. 430. 26Descriptions of New YOrk City's tenements abound in the literature of the period. See: Mathew H. Smith, Sunshine and Shgdow in Ney‘York (Hartford, 1868), p. 365; Peter Stryker, The Lower Depphs of the Great Americgp Metppp- 0113 (New York, 1866), p. 10; James D. Burn, Three Years Ampng the Wprking Classes ip the Upited Stgtes Qpring the Hg: . (London, 1865), p. 8; Griscom, Sgpitapy Conditiops, pp. 6-15; D. W.IMitchell, Tep Yegrs in the United Statep (London, 1862). ppe 1‘59 156-570 2 7Brace, The D erous Classes of New York, pp. 5A-56. 28John F. Maguire, The Irish in America (London, 1868), p. 221; Brace, Th Dan erous Classes Of New York, p. 53. 29Dickens, Americgp Notes for General Circulation (New York, 191.2 ed.), pp. 399-I-p020 233 . 3°Smith, Sunshine and Shadow, pp. 205-06; for other descriptions of the Five Points area see: Putnam's.Monthly Ma azine, I (May, 1853), 510-11; Adolph B. Benson, ed., Americg in the Fifties: pietters of Fredrika Bremer (New York, 1924), pp. 325-26; W. S. Tryon, ed., My Ngtive Lgpd (Chicago, 1952), p. 116. 31The S nitar Condition, pp. 8-10. 32Robert Ernst, Immi rant Life in New York Cit , 1825-1863 (New York, 191.9), p. 1.9. 33Maguire, Irish in America, pp. 225-26. 3"Griscom,.‘l'he Sanit Condition, pp. 10, 26. 3SStryker, Thg Lower Depths, pp. 3-4: Smith, Sunshine and Shadow, pp. 2-5. 36Quoted in: .Maguire, Irish in America, p. 227; see also: Griscom, The Sanita Condition, p. 6. 37Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone, eds., Dictiongpy of Ameyican Biogrgphy (22 vols., New York, 1928-44), 1, 401. 33Griecom, The Sanitapy Condition, pp. 7—8, 46-47. 39A11an Nevins and Milton H. Thomas, eds., The Dippy of Qgprge Teppletop Strong (3 vols., New York, 1953), II, 177. “QMitchell, Ten Years in the Upited Statep, pp. 146- 47. Mitchell found the sanitary condition of New York far inferior to that of London. 23h theglire, Irish in Ameriqg, p. 229; Brace, Egg Dan erous Classes, pp. 25-29, 57. thew York Dail Tribune, February 9, 1850. #3Prime, Life in New York, p. 91. tharke Godwin, Democracy; Constructive and Pacific (184A) in Merle Curti, Willard Thorp, and Carlos Baker, eds., American Issues: The Social Record (Philadelphia, 1960), pp. Alz-lh. hsCommons and others, History of Labour, I, 493-96; Alice Felt Tyler, Freedom's Ferment (New York, 1962 ed.), p. 196. 46Edmund Wilson, TO the Finland Stgtion (Garden City, New York, 1955), pp. 86-91; Commons and others, History of Labour, 1, h96-97. 47Wilson, To the Finland Station, p. 91. A8Foner, History o§_the Labop_Movement, I, l7A-75. thuoted in Ibid., 1, 176; Commons and others, eds., Documentar Histor of American Industrial Societ , VII, 185- 87. 50Foner, History oithe Labor Movement, I, 176-78; Dulles, Labor in America, p. 81. 5100mmons and others, Histogy of Labour, I, 505-06. 52New York Daily Tribune, August 12, 13, 15, 1850. 235 5300mmons and Others, Histor Of Labour, 1, 506-510; Foner, History of the Lpbor Movement, I, 178-83. 5“Commons and others, eds., Qpcumentgpy Histogy Of American Industrial Societ , VII, 305-307. SSIbide, VII, 29h’3050 56Commons and others, History of Labour, I, 531-32. 57New_§9rk Sun, January 13, February 21, 1855; E2! York Times, July 25, 1853. 58See: Carl N. Degler, "The West as a Solution to Urban Unemployment," New York Higtory, LIII (April, 1955), 63-8h; David M. Ellis et al., Short History g§_New York State (Ithaca, 1957), p. 291. 5900mmons and others, Documentary History of American Industrial Societ , VII, 54-55. 60James A. Frost, Life on the Upper Susguehanna (New York, 1951), pp. 121-22; Degler, "The West as a Solution to Urban Unemployment," pp. 78-79; Robert Riegel, YpunggAmerica, 1830-1850 (Norman, Oklahoma, l9h9), pp. 52-53. 61mg; to the Weaithy of the L_a_r_l_d (Philadelphia, 1833), p. 8. 62Norman Ware, The industpial Worker, 1840-1860 (Bos- ton, 192A), pp. xx, 1; Riegel, Young America, pp. 97-98. 236 63Commons and others, History Of Labour, I, 542-h3; Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor (New YOrk, 1959), p. 96. 64Both Foner and Rayback, using the same statistics, maintain that the general tendency was toward shorter hours. However, this inference is based on the reported hours of a very limited number of establishments. Foner, History of the Labor Meypppnt, I, 218; Rayback, A History of American £3222. pp. 96-97. 65Commons and others, History of Labour, 1, 575-76; see also: Rayback, A Histoyy of American Labor, pp. 104-05; Dulles, Labor in America, pp. 88-89. 66Quoted in Dulles, Labor in America, p. 89. 67Commons and others, Higtopy of LapOpp, I, 576. 68New York Dail Tribune, April 20, 185A. 69Commons and others, History of Labour, 1, 607-608. 7°1bid., I, 610-11. 711bid., I, 597, 608-13. 7gipig., I, 613-14; Rayback, A Hiptory of Amepicgp Labor, p. 105. 73New York Times, October 16, 1857. 7“New York Herald, November 2, 1857. 75New York Dail Tribune, November 6, 1857. 237 76Leah H. Peder, Unemploypent Relief in Period; of Deprespion (New York, 1936), pp. 21, 34; Haswell, Reminiscences, - p. 505. 77Commons and others, Histor of Labour, II, 5-12; Foner, Histoyy of_phe Labor Movement, I, 240. 78Isaac S. Lyon, Recollections Of an Old Caytmap (Newark, 1872), ppe 8’90 79New York Dail Tribune, January 18, February 9, 1850. 80Prime, Life in New York, pp. 221-23; Browne, Egg ' Gre t Metro olis, p. 474. 81Browne, The Great M tro olis, pp. 456-65; Greeley, Recoilectipns, pp. 192-83; William Hancock, An Emigrgpt's Five Years in the Free Stateg of America (London, 1860), p. 185; Lyon, Rec llection of Old Cartman, pp. 27-33. 82Ellis et al., Short Histopy of pr York State, p. 315. 83New York b C s- i t (New York, 1850), p. 123. 8"Nevins and Thomas, eds., The Digry Of George Templg- ton Stron , II, 422. 85Indugtrial Worker, pp. x-xiv. 86Commons and others, Documentary History of American Indpgtrigl Society, VII, 110. 87§£§§§_M§ppgpip [New York], September 10, 1842. 88Ware, Industrial Worker, p. xii. CHAPTER 7 THE NEW ARISTOCRACY Rapid approximation to the European style of living is more and more observable in this city. The number Of servants in livery visibly increases every season. Foreign artistic upholsterers assert that there will soon be more houses in New York furnished according to the fortune and taste of noblemen, than there are either in Paris or London; and this prOphecy may well be believed, when the fact is considered that it is already not very un- common to order furniture for a single room, at the cost Of ten thousand dollars. "’10. Me Child Letter§_From New York (1845) There is an untitled aristocracy both in New York and the other great cities of the Union, more haughty and exclusive than any within the region of Belgravia. --James D. Burn Three Years Amen the Workin - Classes in the United States 5 I Early in 1860, D. Appleton and Company published the first American edition of Darwin's The Origin oiTSpecies, which the New York diarist George Templeton Strong found "a shallow book, though laboriously and honestly written."l Less intellectual Americans were absorbed at this time by the international prize fight between John C. Heenan of 238 239 California, the claimant of the American title, and Tom Sayers, the British champion; a match stopped after forty- two bare-knuckled rounds and declared a draw.2 Others were intrigued by such matters as the visit of the first dele- gation from Japan, or horrified by the news from Lawrence, Massachusetts Of the collapse of the Pemberton mill on Jan- uary 10, killing about two hundred workers, many of whom were women.3 Politics, of course, overshadowed all other concerns in 1860, with the antagonism between North and South moving rapidly toward an Open breach. However, in New York, among the best society, the greatest excitement was not occasioned by the election Of Lincoln in November, but rather was caused by the social event Of the season, the visit of the Prince of wales, the future Edward VII, who arrived in New York On October 11.4 New York's elite pondered for months how to make a good impression on the nineteen-year-old Prince. A committee of some fifty leading citizens headed by General Winfield Scott, William B. Astor, and Peter Cooper planned a great ball and reception for the British heir on his arrival in the city. For weeks before his coming the newspapers played up the preparations being made to receive royalty. 0n the day of the Prince's arrival Strong, who was a member of the planning committee, wrote: "Everybody has talked of nothing but His Royal Highness for the last week. . . . I fear we are a city of snobs."5 240 More than 200,000 New Yorkers crowded Broadway on October 11 to witness the parade and hopefully glimpse the Prince being pulled in a six-horse barouche. Baron Salomon de Rothschild, residing in New York at the time, gave the following description of the event: Try to imagine all the ships in the port and in the bay decorated with flags; the army and the whole militia under arms, passing in review and following along, the Prince's coach; and a pOpulation of a mil- lion people sticking their heads out Of the windows and jamming into all the streets along his route. These poor peOple waited without a murmur from ten or eleven o'clock in the morning to seven at night, the military review having delayed the royal cortege considerably. When it finally arrived, it was al- ready dark; it was impossible to see anything, but you should have heard the frenzied "hurrahs" Of these good republicans, who greeted the royal scion with more enthusiasm than they would6have shown for a liberator of their own country. The parade was for the many; the grand ball on the following night was for the few. The New York Times felt it incongruous that only the "aristocracy" had been invited to this affair, excluding even the city Alderman. But it was evident that the great interest taken in the Prince's reception among the upper classes resulted from the fact that the guest list for the ball indicated who was "in society" and who was not.7 New York's "best society" crowded into the Academy Of Music to be present with royalty. Lesser nobles were forgotten; when Baron Rothschild arrived an hour before the Prince "his coming," according to the Times, "created no sensation."8 241 At ten in the evening the Prince was led in by the reception committee headed by the wealthy and aristocratic Hamilton Fish and followed by the iron and glue magnate Peter Cooper, looking in Strong's words "like one of Gulli- ver's Yahoos caught and cleaned and dressed up." Unfortun- ately as people crowded in to watch the first Qpadrille d'Honneur part of the temporary dance floor collapsed. How- ever, order was quickly restored, and soon the dancing was resumed.9 Even the worldly Baron Rothschild remarked on the brilliance of the occasion: "There were dresses of an elegance and sumptuousness without compare, magnificently beautiful jewelry; but what ought particularly to have struck the young Prince . . . was the immense number of pretty women who were present. As a matter Of fact I have never in my life seen such a collection."10 The dinner prepared by Delmonico's was as unrepubli- can as possible, running from Consumme'dg Volaille through dozens of courses concluding with Glaces a 1g Vgpille and Chgrlottes Rupees. In the supper room "stood an army Of servants, elbow to elbow, all in livery" waiting to serve the guests. Tired but contented New York fashionables having feted a prince finally returned to their mansions as day was dawning.11 A few days later the Prince left New York, continuing his journey to West Point and Boston and than home. In re- flecting on the visit Strong drew the following conclusions; 242 "(1) No community worships hereditary rank and station like a democracy. (2) The biggest and finest specimens of flunkey- ism occur in the most recently elevated strata of society, as for example, Cooper: the 'self-made millionaire glue- boiler,’ [Charles] Leary: the fashionable hatter's son, and others. (3) Under all this folly and tuft-hunting there is a deep and almost universal feeling Of respect and regard for Great Britain and Her Britannic Majesty."12 New York's High society in 1860, of which George Strong was bOth a member and a critic, was far removed from the staid Knickerbocker elite of the early thirties. In the intervening years a wealthy plutocracy had emerged which included self-made millionaire glue-boilers as well as opu- lent Old family patricians. New Yorkers were, as Strong had concluded, highly status-conscious, probably more so than persons living in the traditionally aristocratic soci- eties of EurOpe. The very absence of legitimate aristocratic tradition--one in which social rankings were unquestioned-- made all Americans emphasize status. And since claim to higher status ran counter to the basic belief that all are socially equal, those claiming a higher station felt com- pelled continually to assert it. Thus to be present as one of the select guests at a reception for royalty was a means of affirming social position. More than ever wealth was the distinguishing factor setting off New York's best society. Nearly ten years before 243 the Prince's ball Strong had noted the tendency of the aristocracy to assert their position by means Of conspicu- ous consumption. "It is terrific to see," wrote Strong, "the strides extravagance and luxury are making in these days. Langdon's arrangements for his ball tonight remind one of the fact. Though I thought a few years ago that I was or might be hereafter tolerably well off, I'm satisfied from the way the style of living grows and amplifies that I am to be always poor, relatively speaking, and perhaps some day an absolute pauper, unable to live in New York."13 Other New Yorkers ridiculed the spending of the city's socialites. The journalist G. G. Foster called the "aristocracy of the New World--a race of beings who . . . have never been equaled on the face of this earth, in all that is pompous without dignity, gaudy without magnificence, lavish without taste, and aristocratic without good manners."14 The essayist George William Curtis in his highly pOpular Potiphar ngers of 1854 wittily satirized the showiest, wealthiest New Yorkers. His fictional characters--the pushy, nouveau riche Mrs. Potiphar, the smug Reverend Cream Cheese, and the gossipy Minerva Tattle--each had a hundred likenesses in New York of the fifties. Curtis began his satire with the following picture of Gotham's social display: If gilt were only gold, or sugar-candy common sense, what a fine thing our society would be! If to lavish money upon objets de vertu, to wear costly dresses, and always to have t em out in the height of the 2AA fashion; to build houses thirty feet broad, as if they were palaces; to furnish them with all the lux- urious devices of Parisian genius; to give superb banquets at which your guests laugh, and which make you miserable; to drive a fine carriage and ape European liveries, and crests, and coats-of-arms; . . . to talk much of "old families" and of your aristocratic foreign friends; to despise labour; to prate of "good society"; to travesty and parody, in every conceivable way, a society which welcnow only in books and by superficial observation of foreign travel; . . . if all this were fine what a prodigiously fine society would ours bellg The growth of conspicuous and extravagant living was reflected in New York's architectunfl.history. The brick and wooden structures of Knickerbocker New York gave way to the< dreary but costly brown sandstone and the more tasteful and Still more expensive marble. wealthy persons who weathered the depression Of 1837 generally emerged in the early forties richer than ever, while new fortunes continued to be made. The 950 names that Meses Beach published in 1845 "of persons estimated to be worth $100,000 and upwards" give some indi- cation Of this. These persons continued to push the fashion- able section of the city further to the north. As Strong wrote in 1847 when contemplating a move uptown to Gramercy Park: "a street of emigrant boarding houses and dirty drinking shops is not a pleasant place to live."16 New mansions built around Stuyvesant and Union Squares, Gramercy Park, Fourteenth and Twenty-third Streets and upper Broadway rivaled One another in gaudiness. When the Hungarian liberals Francis and Theresa Pulszky, touring America as guests of the country with the celebrated Louis 245 Kossuth, arrived in New York in 1851 they were surprised at the numerous substantial dwellings, many with elegant marble facades. Mrs. Pulszky described one especially lavish house be- longing to Dr. Benjamin Haight, an eminent Episcopalian min- ister. Haight's mansion had "an Italian winter garden, playing fountains, large saloons in the Parisian fashion, a drawingroom in the style of the Taj Mahal at Agra, a splendid library, etc."17 By the early fifties Fifth Avenue had become the most sumptuous residential street in America. One source relates that three Fifth Avenue dwellings built in the year 1851 had each cost over $50,000.18 At the end of the fifties Fifth Avenue from WaShington Square to the beginning of Central Park was an almost unbroken line of mansions.19 Some of thexnost impressive homes along ppp Avenue were those of the Brevoorts, Parishes, Astors, Roberts, Rhinelanders, and Minturns.20 The interior furnishings of these nabob palaces often cost more than the dwellings themselves. Massive and ornate furniture became a reflection of wealth and status. Elaborately draped beds were popular; so too were heavy imported silk or satin draperies, usually in floral patterns. Mahogany was the most favored wood in this age of oppressive taste. Equally popular were rosewood and satinwood. Fur- niture made abundant use of marble and gilt.21 Strong, while making the traditional fashionable New Year's Day 246 calls in 1846, was struck by the interior display at the home of William Aspinwall. "One can't make a satisfactory guess at the amount he's invested in rosewood and satin, mirrors, cabinets, and vertu. . . . [Woodbury] Langdon, William B. Astor, [James F.] Penniman go beyond him in dis- play and costliness. . . . Langdon's arrangements are said to have cost not much less than eighty thousand dollars."22 Another New Yorker described the interior of a $100,000 mansion on the corner of Fifteenth Street and Fifth Avenue. The lady's bedroom was palatial. The bed was inlaid with pearls and draped with satin and lace; the roof was of glass, framed in arabesque tracery-work. One part of the dwelling was a greenhouse, containing exotic flowers, birds, and a large fountain. Other rooms were walled with mirrors and fine paintings.23 Wealthy families frequently in the forties and fifties had extensive private libraries and art collections. Both Philip Hone and George Templeton Strong, the two diarists, had excellent collections of American and EurOpean art works as well as fine libraries. Probably the best art collection in the city was that of John Taylor Johnson, the first President of the Metropolitan Museum of Art after its founding in 1869. Johnson's marble mansion on the southeast corner Of Eighth Street and Fifth Avenue, which was completed in 1855, contained a large art gallery at the rear of the house which he Opened to the public one day a week.2h William 247 Aspinwall, August Belmont, William B. Astor, Cornelius Van- derbilt, A. T. Stewart, and Others also had substantial col- lections Of pictures. The practice of scouring Europe for art treasures by rich Americans was already well developed by the Civil war.25 The uptown movement of fashion and the growth of extravagance was witnessed in hotel construction as well as in the houses of the elite. Although many fashionable hotels were built in the 1840's it was not until the opening of the $1,000,000 Metropolitan Hotel in 1852 that the elegance of the Astor House was eclipsed. Located on the corner of Broadway and Prince Street, the MetrOpolitan at the time of its opening was considered the world's most luxurious hotel.26 Yet in less than a year a new hostelry, the St. Nicholas Hotel, outclassed even the Metropolitan. James Robertson, an English visitor who stayed at the St. Nicholas in 1854, described it as "perhaps the largest hotel in the world" and certainly "the most comfortable, and the most elegantly furnished in the States."27 The St. Nicholas had a polished white marble front embellished with carving. Inside were thick crimson carpets, satin curtains, velvet covered couches, carved rosewood tables and chairs, and great gilt mirrors. It had over 600 rooms and was staffed by more than 300 servants all in livery. The food and wine were reportedly the b33t028 248 But the pinacle of pre-Civil War magnificence in hotels was the Fifth Avenue which opened in 1859 on the northwest corner of Fifth Avenue and Twenty-third Street. This hotel had accommodations for 800 guests and contained according to a contemporary report "more than one hundred suites of apartments, each combining the conveniences and luxury of parlor, chamber, dressing, and bathing rooms. All rooms, besides being well lighted and ventilated, will have means of access by a perpendicular railway [elevator] --intersecting each story. . . ."29 It was here that the Prince of wales stayed on his 1860 visit, and for the next half a century the Fifth Avenue Hotel played a prominent part in New York social life.30 At about the time that the Fifth Avenue Hotel opened, Delmonico's Restaurant, long the most famous and fashionable in the city, confirmed the supremacy of the new center Of society by'taking over the Grinnell mansion on ppg Avenue at Fourteenth Street and Opening New York's most palatial eating place. Its dining and ball rooms were the scenes of countless gatherings of wealth and fashion. "To lunch, dine, or sup at Delmonico's," noted a contemporary, "is the crown- ing ambition of those who aspire to notoriety."31 There were myriad other ways in which wealthy New Yorkers displayed their riches. Private carriages, not very common in the 1830's, became standard possessions Of those with social pretentions in the forties and fifties. 249 Not only did the number of private equipages yearly increase but it became common to see carriages with heraldic crests and liveried footmen and coachmen.32 In the late fifties the newly Opened Central Park became the great display place for fashionable carriages. "On pleasant afternoons," wrote the author of a New York guide book, "the Park presents a brilliant appearance, and reveals not only the worth and wealth, but the pretension and parvenuism of this aristocratic- democratic city. One would hardly believe he was in a re- publican country to see the escutcheoned panels of the carriages, the liveried coachmen, and the supercilious air of the occupants of the vehicles, as they go pompously and flaringly by."33 Fine horses, too, were kept by people Of wealth. "No man of the world," wrote a New Yerker, "who has liberal means and aspires to fashion, considers his establishment complete without a well-supplied stable." Some men spent hundreds of thousands on trotting horses. The most famous horsemen were Robert Bonner, owner and publisher Of‘ng Led er, and Cornelius Vanderbilt; many others had stables valued anywhere from $10,000 to over $100,000.34 The extravagant attire of New York Socialites, partiCularly the ladies, was another visible indication of the great increase in wealth and another symbol of status. A woman complained in 1850 that dress was "running wild, in the direction Of expense."35 The British novelist 250 William Makepeace Thackery viewed the New York lady's attire move favorably. In his lecture tour Of 1852, he was struck by the prodigious luxury in the city. "Surely Solomon in all his glory or the Queen of Sheba when she came to visit him in state was not arrayed so magnificently as these New York damsels. . . . I never saw such luxury and extravagance such tearing polkas such stupendous suppers and fine clothes. I watched one young lady at 4 balls in as many new dresses, and each dress of the most 'stunning' description."36 Women generally followed the latest Parisian fashions in their dress. As the noted geologist Sir Charles Lyell remarked in the mid-forties: "Every fortnight the 'Journal des Modes' is received from France, and the ladies conform strictly to Parisian costume. Except at balls and large parties, they wear high dresses, and, as usual in mercantile communities, spare no expense. Embroidered muslin, of the finest and costliest kind, is much worn; and my wife learnt that sixteen guineas were not unfrequently given for a single pocket handkerchief. Extravagantly expensive fans, with ruby or emerald pins, are also common."37 In the display of 'jewelry, according to the French Baron M. de Trobriand, "Amer- ican ladies rival the sumptuousness of the titled dames of Europe."38 Numerous shops existed to cater to the whims of the wealthy. Broadway was the center for fashionable stores; it was on that thoroughfare that Tiffany's and Stewart's great 251 emporiums were located.39 EurOpean styles were consciously imitated not only in women's attire but also in nearly all aspects of society life. As the wealthy social lioness Mrs. Tiffany says in Anna Mowatt's play Fashion, a delightful social satire Of the mid-forties: "You have yet to learn, Mr. Snobson, that the American ee-ligpt--the aristocracy--the how-ton--as a matter of conscience, scrupulously follow the foreign fashions."ho American taste relied heavily on the prevail- ing English modes. But in the decade before the Civil War French fashions became more influential. "The taste of America," wrote the novelist Anthony Trollope in 1862, "is becoming French in its conversation, French in its comforts and French in its discomforts, French in its eating, and French in its dress, French in its manners, and will become French in its art."41 Even more than in the 1830's, New York fashionables doted on nobility. Their reception of the Prince of Wales was a good example of this. Not Only did aspiring Americans cultivate the acquaintance of princes, dukes, and barons, but also a number of marriages between wealthy daughters of American plutocrats and European nobleman took place. One of the most famous of these marriages occurred on October 13, 1859, when Miss Frances Amelia Bartlett, daughter of wealthy New York parents, married a Spanish noble, Don Esteban Santa Cruz de Oviedo at St. Patrick's Cathredral. 252 Described as "the Diamond Wedding," it highlighted New York's social season. The bridegroom, in addition to being titled, was a very wealthy Cuban, owning several large plantations. Many dignitaries were present. The wedding presents alone were said to be valued at anywhere from $50 to $100 thousand, including a great string Of diamonds from Tiffany's.“2 For those unable to marry into nobility there was always the hope of searching back into one's geneology and turning up a stray duke. On Broadway there existed an Office Of heraldry where, for a fee, the socially ambitious and pecuniarily prosperous would be informed of their noble lineage.43 In the early fifties, according to Nathaniel Willis, a tome entitled an American Hand Book of Heraldry was published by Gwilt Mapleson, containing the pedigrees and coats-of-arms of some Of New York's leading families, along with "directions for crests, mottoes and liveries." Included in the book were pictures of the family crests of such families as the Allens, Christies, Doanes, Emburys, Grays, Grymes, Haggertys, Hones, Livingstons, McVickars, Mounts, Porters, Schermerhorns, Taylors, and Wards. This book reportedly sold "like hot cakes" among the pretentious aristocrats of New York.44 Social affairs among New York fashionables in the Jacksonian period, although quite exclusive, were neither too costly nor frequent to be beyond the means of the average middle—class New Yorker. A decade later this was not the 253 case. As in the earlier period social life consisted chiefly of exclusive balls, dinners, and parties. But both in fre- quency and lavishness the affairs of the forties and fifties far surpassed those of the thirties. An entry in Strong's Dippy for November 30, 1848, gives an idea of the full so- cial schedule followed by upper class New Yorkers: "Divers parties in prospect. . . . One at that amiable Mrs. Baxter's tomorrow night that I shall shirk, one at Mrs. Fearing's and one at Abraham Schermerhorn's. The Penningtons give a fancy ball at Newark next week" (I, 336). The tone that High Society was to adOpt was clearly indicated as early as 1840. In that year several balls were staged the likes of which had not been seen before in this country. The most elaborate was the Brevoort Costume ball given on February 27, at the Brevoort mansion on the corner of Fifth Avenue and Ninth Street. "Never before," according to Philip Hone, "has New York witnessed a fancy ball so splen- didly gotten up, in better taste, or more successfully carried through."h§ According to the New York prgig, the first paper to perfect the art of society-page coverage, nearly six-hundred Of the "piipé of this country were there." People came as Hamlets, Othellos, Romeos, Caesars, Sultans, Queen Victoria and sundry other personages. One dress, the prgig reported, cost over $2,500. The ball lasted from eight in the evening to five the next morning. Servants, and excellent food and wines were found in abundance. The 254 Herald devoted its entire first page to the affair, describ- ing it in characteristically over-exuberant terms as having "created a greater sensation in the fashionable world than any thing of the kind since the creation of the world, or the fall of beauteous woman, or the frolic of old Noah, after he left the ark and took to wine and drinking."46 From the time of the Brevoort Ball in 1840 up to the reception for the Prince of Wales in 1860, fashionable soirees yearly became more extravagant and elaborate. By 1850 it was not unusual for $3,000 or $4,000 to be spent on a single party.47 A contemporary satirized the extremes to which those in society went to outdo one another: "If Mrs. A. had a thousand dollars worth of flowers in her rooms, Mrs. B. will strain every nerve to have twice or three times as many, though all the greenhouses within 10 miles of the city must be stripped to obtain them. If Mrs. C. bought all the game in market for her supper, Mrs. D.'s anxiety is to send to the prairies for her's,--and so on in other matters. .Mrs. E. had the prima donna to sing at her soiree, and Mrs. F. at once engages the whole opera troupe."‘*8 The Episc0pal Church continued to be the church of the aristocracy. An indication of this was the fact that the unofficial ruler of New York's High Society was Isaac H. Brown, the famed sexton of Grace Church. In 1846 the congregation of Grace Church moved from its downtown location on Rector Street to the beautiful marble structure designed 255 by James Renwick on Broadway at Tenth Street. This new site, central to the recherche uptown residences, made Grace more than ever the most faShionable church in New York. Thou- Sands of dollars were paid for the yearly rent of a single pew."9 Brown stood at the entry way to the best society. He knew the antecedents and the fOrtunes of all the leading families in the city. It was to Brown that persons of social standing entrusted the invitationsfor any important occasion. As a contemporary noted: "He gets up parties, engineers bridals, and conducts funerals, more genteely than any other man."50 Another writer called Brown "a kind of master of ceremonies and general referee in aristocratic society."51 In addition to the rounds of balls and parties, New York's elite frequented certain theatres and the opera. The latter was particularly fashionable, and Opera companies were patronized almost exclusively by High Society. In 1847 the Astor Place Opera Theatre Opened. "Never perhaps," wrote the New Yorker Charles Haswell, "was any theatre built that afforded a better opportunity for the display of dress."52' I When a new Italian Opera company opened on November 2, 1849, the Tribune reported that the "elite of New York aristocracy" were present, "about a thousand of the most brilliantly- dressed and expensively-bred ladies and gentlemen in New York. . . ."53 As with Grace Church persons spent thousands for choice season seats. "The Italian Opera," wrote a journalist in the early fifties, "has become one of the 256 established and most conspicuous of our glorious institu— tions, and not to be familiar with its organization, its characteristics, its beauties and general atmosphere, marks one as very low down in the scale of refinement, elegance and social distinction."5h III Palatial mansions, lavish furnishing, collections of EurOpean art, grand hotels, regal equipages, fine horses, real or feigned titles, costly parties and various other forms of conspicuous display were indicative of a class of persons attempting to assert their superiority in an ostensi- bly democratic society. Well before Mark Twain and Charles Dudley Warner through their title "The Gilded Age" coined the most lasting epithet describing post-Civil war business civilization, New York had a "gilded" society. An English- man remarked in the late fifties: "There is perhaps, more of what is called '1iving for appearances' in New York than in any other American city. . . . The tasteless ostentation of vulgar wealth is by no means wanting. . . ."55 "We live on the sidewalks;" wrote a New Yorker, "we dine, dress, talk, and make society in public; we marry for money and live for appearance. . . ."56 Some persons lamented that the ostentatious specta- cle of lavish spending in the forties and fifties had ended true aristocracy in New York. The Episcopalian BishOp William Kip complained that the growing facilities for 257 making fortunes had ushered in "the age of gaudy wealth." "Wealth came in and created social distinction which took the place of family, and thus society became vulgarized."57 Great wealth was a factor in society which a person like the reminiscing Bishop Kip did not fully understand. It did, as he fretted, create garishness and vulgarity, but enjoying luxurious goods and services was.not the chief reason persons sought to accumulate large fortunes. These were secondary concerns. Of primary important was the fact that wealth conferred both power and honor on its possessors.58 Even the Old Knickerbocker families whom Kip seemingly saw as the true aristocracy generally followed the pattern of the parvenu in the forties and fifties. Thus, the numerous man- sions of Fifth Avenue were built not only by the noveau riche but also by such respectable 01d families as the Brevoorts, Rhinelanders, Howlands, Grinnells, Griswolds, Lenoxes, Lor- illards, and others.59 Power and distinction, two of the most important attributes of aristocracy, were substantially augmented by the great increase in fortunes. The real change which did take place between the thirties and the mid-forties and fifties was the growth of "High Society"--a society-page class partially dependent on conspicuous consumption to gain social notoriety.60 The way Of life of this wealthy society- page set distinguished them from the rest of society far more pronouncedly than did the less ostentatious life of 258 the earlier Knickerbocker elite. It was in this period of lavish spending that the term the "Upper Ten Thousand" came into vogue when referring to New York's best society. The phrase was originated by Nathaniel Willis in the magazine Of New York society, the Hemp Jppypglfil In 1852, Charles Astor Bristed, the grand- son Of John Jacob Astor and.the husband of Henry Brevoort's daughter, published a book entitled The U r Ten Thou and, sketching New York society life. In the London edition of this work Bristed felt compelled to explain that America was not "wild savage, and frightful." He wrote: You will be surprised when, in presenting you in, American society, I introduce you among a set of exquisites,--daintily-arrayed men, who spend half their income on their persons, and shrink from the touch of a woollen glove,--who are curious in wines and liquors, and would order dinner against the oldest frequenter of the Trois Freres; delicate and lovely women, who wear the finest furs and roll in the most stylish equipages,--who are well up in the latest French dances and the newest French millinery, --whO talk much such English as you do yourself, and three or four continental languages into the bar- gain.62 As the term "Upper Ten Thousand" implies no small set dominated New York's High Society, although there were a number of restricted coteries. "No society in the world," claimed the New York journalist Junius Browne, "has more divisions and subdivisions than ours--more ramifications and inter-ramifications,--more circles within circles--more segments and parts Of segments."63 Browne, in a book on New York life, maintained that there were three basic 259 divisions among the aristocracy--the Knickerbockers, the newly rich, and social adventurers.64 These categories have some merit, but are much too cleaecut. Although family, education, and manners continued to be important as a basis for high social standing, the common denominator of New York's elite was wealth. Without wealth even the Oldest families tended to sink into social obscurity; with it one sooner or later acquired enough of the trappings of educa- tion, culture, and manners to become respectable. That wealth gave one status was basic to the Ameri- can dream. It was this factor that gave men the incentive to amass fortunes well beyond their actual needs. Americans generally were proud Of the speed with which they could accomplish anything; this included the develOpment of an aristocracy. "An Englishman," according to Nathaniel Willis, "must have a grandfather, to be a gentleman, while an Ameri- can needs but a father."65 Some individuals did not even need fathers as the careers of such persons as John Jacob Astor, Cornelius Vanderbilt, Ezra Cornell, Alexander Stewart, and a host of others indicate. Etiquette books of the time were designed to trans- form persons of wealth into ladies and gentlemen. As the wellborn authoress, Catherine M. Sedgwick, wrote: "I have seen it gravely stated by some writers on manners that 'it takes three generations to make a gentleman.’ This is too slow a process in these days of accelerated movement. . . . 260 You have it in your power to fit yourselves by cultivation Of your minds and the refinement of your manners for inter- course, on equal terms, with the best society in our land."66 Numerous books on etiquette were written during the period from 1830 to 1860. Arthur Schlesinger records the publica- tion of 28 books on social decorum in the thirties, 36 in the forties, and 38 in the fifties.67 I The great majority of these etiquette books not only aimed at teaching manners, but also at instilling class distinctions and appealing to social snobbery. The pOpular- ity Of the Earl of Chesterfield's maxims on behavior is a good example. Lord Chesterfield's work with its chivalric ethic of courtly self-gratification went through many Ameri- can editions. The American Chesterfield, a condensed manual with what American editors considered improprieties expur- gated, became the most popular etiquette book in this coun- try, teaching a highly aristocratic moral coda.68 American writers on manners, although usually more moralistic than the English Earl, also assumed and encouraged a class struc- tured society. Mrs. James Parton (known to her readers as Fanny Fern) gave such advice in her "Rules for Ladies" as: "Always keep callers waiting, till they have had time to notice the outlay of money in your parlors;" or "Always whisper and laugh at concerts, by way of compliment to the performers, and to show your neighbors a sovereign contempt for their comfort." In addition to etiquette books, the 261 fashionable magazines such as Code '3 d '8 Book and the Homg qurnal were filled with both didactic essays on breeding and ill-breeding as well as sentimental stories depicting heroes and heroines of great gentility and ser- vants who knew their place and served happily.69 Man having by one means or another acquired a for- tune set themselves up, one after another, in an elegant manner and attempted to enter society. Often the rich nabob was snubbed by those who had already arrived. The desire to obtain an exclusive niche in High Society made that society quite competitive and cutthroat. According to Willie, persons in society were "afraid to give a party, last somebody should 'vote it vulgar'--afraid to have an acquaintance who is not intimate at the So-and-so's--afraid to take seats at the Operas lest the fashionables should not be on that side of the house--afraid to decide where they will go for summer, till they know what is 'the thing'-- afraid to have a card printed, answer a note, ask a stranger to dinner, or reply to a civility, lest they should show that they have not been to EurOpe, or do something which would number them with the last peOple they heard ridiculed."7O Naturally a society based primarily on wealth fluc- tuated with the rise and fall of fortunes. There were in- dividuals with some means or some credit who would live pre- tentiously for as long as their money, credit, or wits would allow. Such persons Often blazed resplendently across the 262 social scene only to burn out and disappear.71 One such individual was Dr. Samuel "Sarsaparilla" Townsend who had made a small fortune from that beverage. In the late fifties, Townsend built the largest mansion in the city on the corner of Fifth Avenue and Thirty-Fourth Street occupying three lots. According to a contemporary Townsend's palace was "large enough for a hotel, and showy enough for a prince. It was burnished with gold and silver, and elaborately orna- mented with costly painting."72 This mansion was the nine days' wonder of the city. Men and women crowded to see it at twenty-five cents a head. But in less than three years Townsend went bankrupt and the house passed out of his hands. Eventually A. T. Stewart bought the property, razed the dwelling, and just after the Civil War built a million dollar white marble mansion which then was the most splendid in America.73 However, the "Sarsaparilla" Townsends were the ex- ceptions, not the rule. The great majority of New York's elite were far more permanent both in their wealth and so- cial status. Great wealth began to tell, and by the 1850's newly rich industrial families such as the Havemeyers, Stuarts, Colgates, COOpers, Allaires, and Hoes were accepted as social equals by the Livingstons, Schuylers, Fishes, Van Cortlandts and others.7h Marriage alliances between wealthy families were common. It has been said that Beach's Biography of nglth 263 served as a marriage guide for mercenary mothers looking for a good match.75 It was not unusual for marriages to be arranged between families. Often rich but not old family persons would actually buy brides or grooms as the case might be by Offering large sums to respectable families.76 Junius Browne termed these marriages "coldblooded calcula- tions, determinations for vulgar display, meretricious shows from beginning to end. There is slender opportunity or desire for election in them. They are . . . managed, directed, and accomplished by and through ambitious mothers and their thoroughly disciplined daughters."77 Despite occasional moral condemnations of this type of mercenary mating, arranged marriages between upper class families grew in frequency during the forties and fifties.78 At the other extreme genuine love matches between persons Of different class pro- duced a general shock in society. In 1857, wrote Charles Haswell, "the public was much surprised and interested in reading the announcement of the marriage of Miss Mary Ann Baker, daughter of a very much esteemed citizen, to John Dean, her father's coachman. So distasteful was the marri- age tO her father that he assayed to remove her from the country, and also to have her declared a lunatic. . . ."79 Marriage plans were Often cemented, sometimes by chance and sometimes by arrangement, at the various elegant summer spas and resorts frequented by persons of fashion. watering spots such as Saratoga Springs and Ballston Spa in 264 New York or Berkeley Springs and White Sulpher Springs in Virginia were developed in the late eighteenth century chiefly for the sickly. At that time the mania for useful work was so universal in America that the notion Of a summer resort in which to spend leisure hours was virtually unheard of.80 By the Jacksonian period these spas became the first theatres of conspicuous leisure in America. Still in the guise Of health resorts the watering places each year attracted the elite of both North and South. In mid-Victorian America, Saratoga Springs north of Albany was the nation's most fas- hionable resort. "All the world is here," wrote Philip Hone from Saratoga in 1839, "politicians and dandies; cabinet ministers and ministers of the gospel; officeholders and office-seekers; humbuggers and humbugged; fortune-hunters and hunters of woodcock; anxious mothers and lovely daughters. . . ."81 During the summer of 1838, Hone was staying at the elegant United States Hotel of which he wrote: "no watering- place in this or any other country can boast of a pleasanter establishment." Present at the time that Hone wrote were President Martin Van Buren, Henry Clay, New York Governor William Seward, Edward P. Livingston, General Winfield Scott, and hundreds Of other leading figures. Hone wrote that the Saratoga season united "as in one brilliant focus the talent, intelligence, and civic virtues of the various parts of the country."82 265 Yearly resorts such as Saratoga became less self- conscious. By the mid-forties persons seldom made the excuse that they were visiting a spa for their health. In 1850 Saratoga introduced horse racing; shortly after this gambling casinos were added. But above all the spa was the great spot for matchmaking. The Baron Salomon de Rothschild visiting Saratoga in August of 1860 wrote that "every day the young girls put on new dresses in order to attract admirers. When one of them has several around her, she encourages them all until she has made a decision in favor of one of them. I was present several times as a confidant at these intrigues and it is quite diverting, I assure you."83 After his stay in Saratoga, Baron Rothschild went on to Newport, Rhode Island, which by the late fifties had surpassed Saratoga Springs as the center Of fashion. "All of New York society," wrote the Baron, "is gathered here. Boston, Philadelphia, and especially the South have sent a good share of theirs, too." Among the notable New Yorkers residing at Newport that summer were Hamilton Fish, F. W. Rhinelander, Erastus Corning, James Lennox, Henry Van Rensselaer, William Schermerhorn, August Belmont, and Ward McAllister.8h At Newport there were a number of luxury hotels, but many of the wealthy summer visitors built "cot- tages," some of which rivaled the most extravagant Fifth Avenue mansions.85 Ward McAllister, the self-appointed leader 266 of High Society, termed Newport "the most enjoyable and lux- urious little island in America." On one occasion McAllister decided to give his cottage ground "an animated look" for the benefit of "a gathering of the brightest and cleverest people in the country." He hired for the day an entire flock of Southdown sheep, two yoke of cattle, and several cows.86 So general did spending summers at fashionable re- sorts become amongst the well-to-do that not to do so became a mark of social inferiority. Apparently some persons even went to the extreme of pretending to be out-of-town in sum- mer when they were not. C. G. Foster satirized the fashion- able summer routine: . The first week of bright sunshiny weather dis- mays all these persons, who pack off in hot haste to be roasted at Saratoga, or broiled and bleached at NeWport, lest somebody should suspect they are not "fashionable." If, by any sad mischance, one of this class should be obliged to remain in town, he straight- way bars up his front door, offers inducements to spiders to colonize the portico--whi1e members of the household exist in the kitchen and steal out after dark through the back streets for fear some one sgould recognize them and report them not "fashionable." 7 In addition to visiting the summer resorts, New York's elite travelled abroad with increasing frequency in the decades before the Civil war. European travel was facili- tated by the greater speed, safety, and regularity of steam- ships and sailing packets and by the growth of wealth and leisure. Hone noted in his Diary that at a dinner of some twenty persons in 1838 all had spent some time abroad. A few years later the diarist lamented that it was now quite 267 the rage for women of fashion to reside abroad for months at a time leaving their husbands in the United States.88 By the 1850's European travel was a fashionable commonplace. On a visit to Rome, Ward McAllister found that city "full of the creme de la creme of New York society." McAllister remarked on the number of fashionable New York women having busts done in Rome. As in the thirties Americans abroad tried to enter EurOpe's best society and Often attacked the democratic tendencies of the United States. MCAllister noted an American at a party in Florence who when asked by the Austrian minister what the decorations he wore were re- plied: "Sir, my country is a Republic; if it had been a Monarchy, I would have been the Duke of Pennsylvania. The Order I wear is that of The Cincinnati."89 The way in which the life of upper class persons was distinguished from that of the lower and middle classes was not limited to the obvious things such as housing, dress, carriages, summer resorts, European travel and so on. Class differences were also reflected in many of the details of daily life. An illustration would be the use of gas light- ing. As early as 1823 gas lighting had been introduced into New York City. But right up until the Civil War the cost of gas light limited its use in private homes almost exclusively to the rich. The same was true of running water and indoor toilets. These things in their own right became status symbols.90 268 Although a small leisure class had develOped by the fifties most men Of wealth Continued to work regardless of the size Of their fortunes. This then gave them something in common with virtually every other American male. But for the wives and daughters of the well-to-do a way of life developed which was strikingly distinct from the American norm. "Very many things are considered unfeminine to be done," wrote Mrs. Lydia Child, "and of those duties which are feminine by universal consent, few are deemed genteel by the upper classes. It is not genteel for mothers to wash and dress their own children, or make their clothing, or teach them, or romp with them in the open air. Thus the most beautiful and blessed of all human relations performs but half its healthy and renovating mission. . . . Some human souls, finding themselves fenced within such narrow limits by false relations, seek fashionable distinction, or the ex- citement of gossip, flirtation, and perpetual change because they can find no other unforbidden outlets for the irrepres- sible activity of mind and heart."91 These wives and daughters of wealth did lead a life of leisure. They had a sufficient number of servants to take care of the ordinary domestic duties. It was tacitly assumed in upper class society that a woman did not work. Perhaps at no other time in American history was the woman so pampered as in mid-nineteenth century America. Mrs. A. J. Graves in a work on Women in Amgyica published in 1855 269 wrote that : The tendency to Orientalism is visible . . . in the false position in which woman is placed, as a being formed for no higher purpose than to be decorated, admired, and valued for her personal charm. Do we not see females in every fashionable circle who fill no loftier station in social life, and who live as idly and as uselessly as the gorgeously attired inmates of the harem. . . . An English woman, Mrs. Barbara Bodichon, wrote in 1859 that "there is in America, a large class of ladies who do absolutely nothing. . . . In America--in that noble, free, new country, it is grievous to see the old false snobbish idea of 'respectability' eating at the heart Of society, making generations of women idle and corrupt, and retarding the onward progress of the great Republic."93 The contrast between the leisurely life of the women of fashion and that of the majority of women who were bur- dened down with domestic duties or with outside employment was very great. Mrs. Bodichon noted that "there are thousands who have to do household work, bear and nurse children, cook and wash, and live continually indoors, often in badly built, undrained, unhealthy wooden houses, and suffer terribly. . . . As a pendant to this, side by side, may be seen a sister, living in the midst Of luxuries, which many an English lady of rank would refuse as superfluous."94 Not having domestic duties nor allowed to follow a profession or even a serious intellectual pursuit, aristo- cratic ladies gave an inordinate amount of attention to 270 fashion. In New York a fashionable woman set aside one morning each week as a day to receive her friends. On that given day, according to a writer in the early fifties, "you will find her enshrined in all that is grand and costly; her door guarded by servants, whose formal ushering will kill within you all hope of unaffected and kindly inter- course; her parlors glittering with all she can possibly accumulate that is rechgpghe, . . . and her own person arrayed with all the solicitude of splendor that morning dress allows, and sometimes something more."95 ’ With the great growth of luxurious living the number of persons catering to the whims of wealth and fashion noticeably increased. Nathaniel Willis noted "the many ministers to taste and luxury who follow the garden of refinement on its 'Westward course'" arriving naturally in New York. Those serving the needs of aristocracy included such functionaries as portrait painters, dancing masters, upholsterers, glove fitters, gardeners, hairdressers, carri- age makers, milleners, fine chefs, and various other retainers. Many foreigners, particularly French, Italian, and German, served in these special capacities.96 The growing number of servants in New York and other cities was perhaps the clearest index of the rise of an urban aristocracy. As related in an earlier chapter, by the mid- ‘forties the term "servant" and the wearing of livery were commonplace. Advertisements such as the following from the 271 New York Tribune, January 30, 1851, were frequent: "WANTED --Situations for about seventy excellent servants. . . ." Mrs. Mowatt in her play Fashion has Zeke, the Negro servant of the pretentious Mrs. Tiffany, say of his uniform: "Dere's a coat to take de eyes ob all Broadway! Ah! Missy, it am de fixins dat make do natural ppyp gemman. A libery for ever!"97 Zeke had enough actual counterparts in New York of the forties and fifties to give this satire a firm basis in reality. Complaints of bad and insufficient servants con- tinued to be heard, but not as frequently as in the Jack- sonian period. Foreigners no longer found servants so inconveniently democratic. An English woman visiting America at mid-century said: "So far as the Observations and en- quires of sixteen months could elicit such facts, I have not discovered that the servants in the United States are of a worse description than the same class of persons in England."98 Evidence seems to indicate that what difficulty. in obtaining good servants remained in the forties and .fifties did.not stem chiefly from an equalitarian dislike of service, but rather from the fact that servants were poorly paid and forced to work long hours.99 Strong went so far as to say that slaves "are more kindly dealt with by ‘their owners than servants are by Northern masters." An- esther writer observed that contempt for servants seemed to be a badge of gentility. The rich showedthair superiority 272 by "enforcing caste in our treatments of domestics."100 IV The generation before the Civil War witnessed the emergence of a class of wealthy persons set apart quite clearly from the rest of society. This New werld aristocracy was urban centered, New York City being its chief focal point. "The best society in New York," stated an English woman in 1854, "would not suffer by comparison in any way with the best society in England."101 Another foreigner residing in New York in the early sixties predicted that very soon the different classes in America "will be as marked, if not more so, than in the old regions of titled nobility."102 Actually, on the eve of the Civil War there were two distinct types of aristocracy in America. In the North, centering in New York and other cities, there existed a plutocracy of merchants, mill owners, shipping magnates, and speculators in city real estate. In the South aristocracy had followed a divergent path because of quite different economic and Social conditions. There a planter aristocracy controlled the best lands and the slave labor supply. Sou- thern planter magnates had increasingly claimed to be the only true aristocrats in the country. In some respects this claim seemed valid. Like the former feudal nobility of Europe, Southern planters had large land holdings, servants and subservient workers, elegant manors, political power, 273 and various social privileges. However, Southern aristocracy remained dependent on the institution of slavery, and just as slavery was anachronistic in mid-nineteenth century Amer- ica so too was an agrarian based aristocracy. The future lay with those who controlled the nation's industries, merchandizing facilities, and transportation systems.103 Even before the Civil war forced the collapse of antebellum Southern society the triumph of the Northern industrial elite seemed clear. The Civil war strongly reinforced the power of the Northern aristocracy and gave to the Northern elite a greater degree of national political power than it had hitherto enjoyed. But it could be argued that well before the firing on Fort Sumter the Northern aristocracy was already more powerful and more firmly en- trenched than that of the South. From the point of view of wealth and style of living certainly the Northern millionaires and lesser magnates far surpassed the Southern planter. Ward McAllister, who had been born on a Georgia plantation and knew the best society of the South intimately, attacked the Southern claim that only Southern gentlemen lived well and "that there was no such thing as good society in New York or other Northern cities; that New Yorkers and Northern people were simply a lot of tradespeOple, having no antecedents, springing up like the mushroom." McAllister argued that, on the contrary, no one in America lived more aristocratically than New 274 Yorkers. He claimed that New Yorkers dined better and had better servants than the slaveholding Southerners.104 The question of the actual power wielded by the Northern elite is more difficult to ascertain. In the Jacksonian period most trades were still dominated by in- dependent skilled workers and only in.the South did aris- tocracy control a large labor supply. In 1830 there was not a clear economic basis for distinct class lines in the North. Only in the matter of finance was a select group able to effect any widespread control over the economy, and Jackson's attack on the Bank actually weakened this power.105 However, between the thirties and the Civil War this situation was greatly altered. In the North, and particu- larly in New York, the wealthy classes were beginning to exercise a power and influence far greater than had ever been possessed by any earlier American elite. Private cor- porations were able to have great sway and control over such things as banking and the transportation system. The factory system, largely unchecked either by government or by an effectively organized labor force, gave to a few capitalists the virtual control over the destinies of many.106 By the fifties unregulated industrial growth had led to the decline of the status of free labor and had created a propertyless urban pOpulation dependent on the industrial system for their very existence. At the same time the emergence of a wealthy plutocracy created far greater 275 extremes between rich and poor than had previously existed. The fact that many of the proletariat consisted of foreign immigrants further widened the social division between cap- ital and labor. Americans tolerated the stratification of what had been a fairly homogeneous, middle-class society for a number of reasons. In the first place those who were most harm- fully effected by this develOpment had the least power to do anything about it. Workers were unsuccessful in meeting the challenge of industrialization either through unions or politics. Even if they had possessed political power, which they did not, there was the added difficulty that the govern- ment of the United States was highly decentralized both by nature and choice at a time when the economy was becoming more and more centralized, controlled by the new capitalist elite. Under different circumstances politicians in the fifties and sixties might have been forced to come to grips with some of the basic social and economic problems stemming from industrialization. However, the slavery crisis, the Civil war and reconstruction absorbed political attention during these decades while the rich grew yearly richer and more powerful.107 Another factor was the strong American belief in social mobility, a belief which made Americans more tolerant of plutocrats, as well as paupers, than any society in the Western world. inpality meant the ability to get ahead. 276 Thus, the Astors, Stewarts, Vanderbilts, COOpers, and Cor- nells of society were not hated for their wealth; they were heroes who had triumphantly climbed the American success ladder. It took Americans a long time to realize that the very success of these persons limited future Opportunities and lessened social mobility. But as recent studies have shown the chances of rising from rags to riches became less of a reality with each passing decade.108 The rich helped to make their position more accept- able by using their wealth philanthropically. Many of New York's wealthiest citizens gave away a certain percentage of their yearly incomes to favorite charities. William Colgate, the soap king, gave large sums to Hamilton Literary and Theological Seminary (Colgate University since 1890). The Stuart brothers, Robert and Alexander, owners of the nation's largest sugar refinery located in New York City, donated over $1 million to Princeton University and several hundred thousand to Presbyterian Hospital of New York. Peter Cooper founded Cooper Union in the late fifties as a free school for the poor. Both Alexander Stewart and Horace Claflin, the drygoods princes, practiced extensive philanthropy.109 Often philanthrOpy was highly paternalistic and did little to win friends for the wealthy. During the panic of 1854 when thousands were unemployed, New York's elite held a grand ballet at the Fourteenth Street opera house to help relieve the suffering of the poor. As George Strong wrote: 277 To a poverty stricken demagogue, the plan of feast- ing the aristocracy on boned turkey and ate-de-foie gras that the democracy may be supplied with pork and beans, and assembling the Upper Ten in brocade and valenciennes that the lower thousand may be helped to flannel and cotton shirting, would furnish a theme most facile and fertile.11 Nevertheless, as Strong later wrote: "There has been vast improvement during the last three or four years in the dealings of the 'upper class' with the poor; not merely in the comparative abundance of their bounty, but in the fact that it has become fashionable and creditable and not un- usual for peOple to busy themselves in personal labors for the very poor and in personal intercourses with them."111 For these and other reasons, than, Americans generally tol- erated the major social and economic changes between 1830 and 1860 without effective protest. V However, the social and economic changes that brought a wealthy plutocracy to thexnnnacle of New York society in the period before the Civil war were not accepted without resentment. As the rich became richer and the poor more numerous hostilities and even open class conflicts,frequent1y occurred, particularly in New York City. In the dreary slum-ghettos of Manhattan immigrant and native workers often expressed unrest and dissatisfaction in the form of brawls, riots, and.other violent outbreaks. For example, on Friday, May 10, 1849, the fashionable Astor Place Opera House was 278 the scene of a bloody fracas. That night a large mob, chiefly Irish, stormed the theatre where the hated English actor William Charlesthready was playing. Shouting "burn the damn den of aristocracy," the unruly crowd attacked, throwing bricks and abuse, only to be driven back by a round of musket fire from the forewarned militia. The riot that ensued saw sides taken along class lines with the rich (supporting Mao‘eady while the mob championed the American actor Edwin Forrest. Before the troops and the police could restore order some 200 persons were killed or seriously wounded.112 Angry outbursts of distraught citizens were reported intermittently for the next decade. During the depression year of 1857, New York's debased slum population seemed especially restless. An Independence Day quarrel between two rival gangs, the Dead Rabbits and the Bowery Boys, turned into a major riot. Streets were barricaded as whole sections of the city became a battle ground. Several persons were killed and many others wounded before the police, aided by vigilante groups composed of some of the leading citizens, were able to supress the rioters. Nor was this the end. A little Over a week later on July 13th,an angry mob of some 500 persons attacked the police with pistols and bricks.113 Later that same year as unemployment multiplied, working class persons on several occasions held large public demonstrations and paraded through the streets demanding 279 bread and work. ShOps were sometimes sacked, and on Nov- ember lOth an angry crowd seized control of part of City Hall. United States marines were brought in from Governor's Island and posted in front of the Custom-House and Treasury Office. Order was once more restored, but periodic violence remained common in the years immediately preCeding the Civil War.114 However, the clearest example of major class strife in New York occurred during the war years. The Civil War hurt the laboring classes for, although unemployment was checked, the cost of living soared while wages seldom kept pace. Added to this was a growing distrust among immigrant workers, especially the Irish, that a war to free the Southern slave would bring in thousands of Negroes to take over their jobs. These discontents were brought to a head when the conscription of soldiers under the newly passed Draft Act began in New York in July of 1863. The law itself in the eyes of laborers seemed to bear out the familiar adage that this was a rich man's war and a poor man's fight since for 8300 anyone could buy a substitute and avoid the draft. Hatreds aroused by economic distress, racial antag- onism, and class bitterness were vented through burning, pillaging, and general carnage during the terrifying week of July 13, 1863. The draft riots began on Monday morning July 13th,when an angry mob broke into the registry office 280 on the corner of Third Avenue and Forty-sixth Street where drafting was in progress.115 After driving‘out the Officials and burning the building, rioters then beat off a group of soldiers and police. Emboldened by their initial success the mob roamed the city almost at will attacking Negroes, abolitionists, public officials, and well-dressed gentlemen. Stores and houses were sacked, an orphan asylum for Negro children was burned. Fear grfined the city. Business closed down, public transportation halted, and factories ceased to operate as workers joined the swelling mob. Rich men feared for their lives and property. George Templeton Strong wrote in his diary on the evening of the second day of rioting: "At eight to Union League Club. Rumor it's to be attacked tonight. Some say there is to be great mischief tonight and that the rabble is getting the upper hand. Home at ten and sent for Dudley Field, Jr., to confer about an expected attack on his house and his father's. . . ." Two days later on July 16th Strong reported that the rioters "are in full possession of the western and eastern sides of the city, from Tenth Street upward, and of a good many districts be- side. I could not walk four blocks eastward from this house this very minute without peril."116 The rioters numbered well over ten-thousand. Many were, as one contemporary noted, "the scum of the city"; others were, as Strong contemptuously observed, "the lowest Irish day laborers."117 Yet it would be a great falsification 281 to blame these riots simply on the poorest foreign immi- grants. From first to last the rioters' ranks were swelled with respectable working class persons, many of whom were native Americans. As a recent student of immigrant life in New York City has concluded: "the draft riots were a manifestation, not of immigrant feeling, but of genuine working-class discontent, augmented by fierce racial antipa- thies characteristic of the war years."113 Order was restored only after a series of pitched battles reminiscent of the bloodiest days of the Paris Commune. All told over 1,000 persons were killed, some 8,000 wounded and.more than 100 buildings destroyed before the combined efforts of the police, militia, army veterans, and private citizens could suppress the rioters. Thus, well before the turbulent industrial disputes of the late nineteenth century, violence had come to char- acterize urban-industrial America, reflecting a growing class consciousness. The favored minority maintained their superior position, but did so only at the social cost of increasingly alienating the lower classes. These industrial aristocrats were not entirely at ease in their eminence. They lacked the mutual bonds between themselves and the working classes that had tied the feudal lord to his serf. Their services to society seldom seemed indispensable. Nor did they help the masses toward greater social and economic equality. The vast sums they spent in conspicuous display, 282 though sometimes admired by the.less opulent majority, in the long run only increased the odium which the masses felt for the flashy rich. Furthermore, in republican America these aristocrats were clearly out of touch with the demo- cratic ideals of the age. In 1840 Tocqueville had warned that "the manufactur- ing aristocracy which is growing up under our eyes is one of the harshest which ever existed in the world. . . . If ever a permanent inequality of conditions and aristocracy again penetrate into the world, it may be predicted that this is the gate by which they will enter."119 Two decades later this prediction was realized in the state of New York. The generally democratic and agrarian society of farmers, craftsmen and.merchants of the Jacksonian period had given way to a hierarchical urban-industrial society dominated by an aristocracy of wealth. Clearly the founda- tions for the plutocracy of the Gilded Age had been laid, and democracy itself stood challenged. ***** Americans of the Jacksonian era associated freedom and equality with their republican institutions. As a people they sensed a special destiny. "Providence," President Jackson told them, "has showered on this favored land bless- ings without number and has chosen you as the guardians of freedom to preserve it for the benefit of the human race."120 To realize this prOphecy all that was believed to be necessary 283 was for the genius of the people--the majority-~to express itself through this nation's democratic institutions. Mon- archy, oligarchy, or any form of special privilege were to be avoided. Economic rewards were to go to the honest toiler. "The planter, the farmer, the mechanic, and the laborer," asserted Jackson in his Farewell Address, "all know that their success depends upon their own industry and economy and that they must not_expect to become suddenly rich by the fruits of their toil." "Let us,” proclaimed a supporter- of Old Hickory, "avoid luxury as the greatest bane to liberty."121’ These were the ideals of exuberant and apti- mistic young America. Yet within a decade after Jackson retired from the political scene, this democratic faith stood distinctly _challenged in the state of New York. In the years before the Civil war special privilege became a far more pronounced facet of New York society than in the days of Jackson's struggle to end such exclusive rights through his war on the Bank. Honest toil in the Jacksonian sense, though still re- warding the patient person with modest ambitions, had de- cidedly not proved to be the way to wealth, power, and recog- nition. Above all, luxury, "the greatest bane to liberty," had become a salient feature of life in the Empire State. Clearly, the vague notion that the anti-democratic ills effecting American society in the late nineteenth century 28h were the result of the Civil war and post-war industriali- zation is highly questionable. All.of the problems asso- ciated with that later period had already inflicted New York society in the putatively piping times of mid-nineteenth century America. FOOTNOTES lAllan Nevins and Milton H. Thomas, eds., The Diary of George Templeton Strong (4 vols., New York, 1952), III, 9"th 2Sigmund Diamond, ed., A Casual View of America: The Home Letters of Salomon de Rochschild (Stanford, Cal., 1961), Pp. 36-42. 3Nevins and Thomas, eds., The Diagy of George Temple- ton Stron , III, 1-2, a, 31-33. hIbid., III, 32; Charles H. Haswell, Reminiscences of an_0ctggenarian of the City of New York (New York, 1896), pp. 526—30. 5Nevins and Thomas, eds., The Diggygof George Temple- ton Stron , III, 39, LO, AZ-AS. 6Diamond, ed., A Casual View of_America, pp. 78-79. 7New York Times, September 10, 1860; ward McAllister, Society As I Have Found It (New York, 1890), p. 129; Nevins and Thomas, eds., The Diary of George Templeton Strggg, III, 32. 8New York Times, October 13, 14, 1860. 285 286 9Nevins and Thomas, eds., The Diagy of George Templ - ton Stron , III, 46-h9; New York Herald, October 13, 15, 1860. 10Diamond, ed., A Casual View of America, pp. 79-80. 11New York_Herald, October 12, 13, 15, 1860; McAllister, Society As I Have Found It, pp. 130—33. 12Nevins and Thomas, eds., The Diary of Geogge Temple- ton Strong, III, 52. 13Ibid., II, 37-38. thifteen Minute§_Around New York (New York, 1853), p. 19. 15The Potiphar Papers (New York, 1854), pp. 1-2; Carl Bode, Anatomy of American Popular Culggge.18Q_—18§; (Berkeley, 1959), pp. 216-17. 16Nevins and Thomas, eds., The Diary of George Templ_- ton Stron , I, 29A. l7flh;§§y_fi§gyflgpd Black: Sketches‘gngmerican Society in the United States During the Visit of Their Guests (2 vols., London, 1853), I, 71. 18N. Parker Willis, The Rag-Bag (New York, 1855), p. 221. 19Henry Collins Brown, Fifth Avenue-~Old and New (New YOrk, 1924), pp. 24—43; Junius H. Browne, The Great MetroEolis (Hartford, 1869), pp. 221-22. 287 20Henry Collins Brown, Brownstone Fronts and Sara- toga Trunks (New York, 1935), p. 59. 21Arthur Train, Jr., The Story of Everyday Thiggs (New York, l9hl), pp. 268-70. 22Nevins and Thomas, eds., The Diagy of George Templ - ton Strong, I, 272-73. 23Willis, The Ha -Ba , pp. 268-69. ZbBrown, Fifth Avenue, pp. 30-31. 25;g;g.; Willis, Ra -Ba , pp. 114-15; William Han- cock, An Emmigggnt's Five Years in the Free States of America (London, 1860), pp. 68-69. 26 Haswell, Reminiscences, p. 481. 27Quoted in Bayard Still, ed., Mirror For Gotham (New York, 1956), p. 126. 28Putnam's Monthly, I (May, 1853), 509-10. 29Quoted in I. N. Phelps Stokes, Ngwlprk Pgst and Present (New York, 1939), p. 46. 30Brown, Fifth Avenue, pp. 55-59. 31Abram C. Dayton, Last Days of Knickerbocker Life in New York (New York, 1897), pp. 139-h5; Brown, Fifth Avenug, 42-43. 288 32Charles Mackay, Life and Liberty in America (New York, 1859), p. 20; Willis, Ra -Ba , pp. 150-51; Putnam's Monthl , I (February, 1853), 170; Hancock, An Emigrggt's Five Years in the Free States, p. #1. 33Browne, The Great Metro olis, p. 12h. 3“Ibid., pp. 568-73. 35Mrs. c. M. Kirkland, The Evening Book (New York, 1851), pp. h8’h90 36Quoted in Still, ed., Mirror For Gotham, p. 134. 37Ibid., p. 142. 38Cited in Willis, Ra ~Ba , p. i1. 391Mackay, Life and Libert , p. 15; Pulszky, White, Red, and Black, I, 66. . honghion' or Life 13 New York (New York, 18h9): p. 310 “W (New York. 1951 ed.), p. 201.; Kirk- land, The Evenin Book, pp. 109-10. thetails of the wedding are given in The New York Her ld, October 1t, 1859. 43Browne, The Gregt Metropolis, p. 596. 44Willis, Ra -Ba , pp. h9-56. hsAllan Nevins, ed., The Diagy of Philip Hone (New York, 1936), pp. h62-63, A65. 289 46New York Herald, February 10, 13, 14, March 2, 18AO. h7Nevins and Thomas, eds., The Diary of George Templ - ton Stron , II. 3; New York Dail Tribune, January 18, 1850. h8Kirkland, The Evening Book, p. LA. thaswell, Reminiscences, pp. 426-27. 50Matthew H. Smith, Sunshine and Shadow in New YoJr_l_<_ (Hartford, 1868), pp. 38-39; Browne, The Great Metro olis, pp. 521-22. 51Hancock, An Emigrant's Five Years in the Free Stgtes, pp. 109-10. 52 Reminiscences, p. 439. 53New York Daily Tribune, November 3: 1849' 54Foster, Fifteen Minutes Around New York, p. 71; see also: Willis, Ra -Ba , pp. 89-90; Nevins and Thomas, eds., The Diary of Geggge Templeton Strong, I, 332. 55Hancock, An Emigrant's Five Years in the Free States, pp. 85-86. 56Foster, Fifteen Minutes Around New York, p. 23. 57Kip, "New York Society in the Olden Time," Putnam's Ma azine, VI (September, 1870), 252-5A. 58William Gouge, a contemporary writer on wealth, wrote: "Wi most men the desire of great wealth appears 290 subordinate to the love of great power and distinction. This is the end, that the means." Quoted in: Joseph L. Blau, ed., Social Theories of Jacksoniag_Democracy (New York, 1954). p. 191. 59Brown, Fifth Avenue, pp. 22-92. 60Edwin H. Cady, The Gentleman in America (Syracuse, l9h9), pp. 18-19, 1&6. 61Willis, Ra -Ba , pp. 256-57. 62The Upper Ten Thousand: Sketches of American Society (New York, 1852), pp. 5-6. 63The Green Metropolig, p. 32. 6hlhigo; pp. 32-37. 65Ra -Ba , p. 275. 66Means and Ends (Boston, 1839), pp. 15-16, 150. 67Learningjiow to Behave (New York, 1946), p. 18. 68Lord Chesterfield, The American Chesterfield (Philadelphia, 1833); Schlesinger, Learning How to Behave, pp 0 12’110 o 69;2;Q., pp. 17-18; Dixon Wecter, The Saga of Ameri- can Society (New York, 1937), pp. 157-95. 703.8 "Ba , pp. 80‘810 71Browne, The Great Metro olis, pp. 36-37. 72Smith, Sunshine and Shadow, pp. 60-62. 291 731hid.,; Brown, Fifth Avenue, pp. 78-79. 7“Alexander C. Flick, ed., giptory of the State of New York (10 vols., New York, 1933-37), VI, 240-41. 75William.Miller, "The Realm of Wealth" in John Higham, ed., The Reconstrgption of American Higtory (New York, 1962), p. 138. 76Smith, Sunshine and Shadow, pp. 76—77. 77The Great Metropolis, p. 517. 78Arthur w. Calhoun, A Social History of the Ampricap Famil! (2 V0150, New York, 1960 ed.), II, 29, 2210 79Reminiscences, p. 514. 80John A. Krout and Dixon R. Fox, The Completion of Independence, 1290-1830 (New York, 1944), pp. 30-31. 81Nevins, ed., The Diayy of Philip ngg, p. 415. 821bid., pp. 405-14. 83Diamond, ed., A Casual View of America, p. 66. 841bid., pp. 67-69. 85TrollOpe, North America, pp. 23-29. 86McAllister, Sopiety As I Have Fogpd It, pp. 110-19. 8792119: or. New York Above-Ground and Under-Ground (New York, 1850), p. 41. 88Nevins, ed., The Diary of Philip Hone, pp. 372, 674. 292 89SocietyAs I Have Found It, pp. 48-50. 90Charles King, Progress of the City_of New-YOrk During the Last Fifty Years (New York, 1852), pp. 47-51; Carl R. Fish, The Rise of the Common Man, 1830-1850 (New York, 1927), p. 331. 91LetteszrFrom New‘York: Second Series (New York, 18105), pp. 280-810 92Quoted in Calhoun, A Social History of the Ameriqu Family, II, 227-28. 93Quoted in ibid., pp. 228-29. 941bid. 95Kirk1and, The Eggpingyppok, pp. 41-42; Pulszky, Whitg, Red, and Black, I, 66-67; Calhoun, A Social Higtory of the American Famil , II, 231-34. 96Willis, Ra -Ba , pp. 45-48; Robert Ernst, Immigrapg Life in New quk City. 1825-1863 (New York, 1949), p. 70. 97Fashion, p. 1. 98Quoted in Calhoun, A Social Histogy of the Americap Famil , II, 148. 99ipig., II, 147-48, 233; Ernst, Immi rant Life, p. 67. 100Nevins and Thomas, eds., The Diary of Gegyge Templg- ton Strong, II, 22; Kirkland, The Evening Book, pp. 159-64, 166, 168. 293 101Quoted in Still, ed., Mirror For Gotham, p. 158- 102James D. Burn, Three Years Among the Working- Classep in The United States During the war (London, 1865), p. 21. 103Wecter, The Sa a of American Societ , pp. 103-04; W. J. Cash, The Mipd of the South (New York, 1941), pp. 3-12, 61‘810 10[’Societ As I Have Found It, pp. 98-100. loSFish, The Rise of the Common Man, p. 20. 106Ibid., p. 328. * 107Gilman Ostrander, The Rights of Man in America, 1606-1861 (Columbia, Mo., 1960), pp. 294-302. 108See: William.Miller, ed., Men in Business: Espays in the of Entrepreneurship (Cambridge, Mass., 1953); Thomas C. Cochran, Railroad Leaders, 1855-1820 (Cambridge, Mass., 1953)- 109Flick, ed., History of the State of New York, VI, 241; Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone, eds., Dictionary of Americgp Biography (22 vols., New YOrk, 1928-44), IV, 299, XVIII, 176-77, IV, 409-10, XVIII, 3-5, IV, 110; Robert H. 'Bremner, From the Depths: The Discovery of Poverty in the United States (New York, 1956), pp. 31-45. 110 Nevins and Thomas, eds., The Diacy of George Teppietog Strong, II, 203-04. 29h l11lbid., II, 209. 112Ibid., I, 351-533 Stokes, New York Past and Pres- ppp, p. 80; Wecter, The Saga of American Society,;mh 462-63. 113Nevins and Thomas, eds., The Diary of George Tem leton Stron , II, 346-50. 1“Ibid., II, 369-71, 373; Stokes, New York Past and Present, p. 80; Ernst, Immigrant Life, pp. 106-07. llSThe account of the draft riots has been drawn from the following sources: Nevins and Thomas, eds., 1p; Dia of Geor e Tem let n Stron , III, 332-433 James Ford Rhodes, Histor 0 th United States from the Com romise of 1850 to the End of the Roosevelt Administration (9 vols., New York, 1928), IV, 320-28; Paul M. Angle and Earl Schenck Miers, eds., Trggic Yearp, 1860-1865 (2 vols., New Ybrk, 1960), II, 679-83; Ernst, Immi rant Life, pp. 172-74; Anna E. Dickinson, Ehat Answer? 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