ANALYSIS OF THE METHODS AND PRINCIPLES OF COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION APPLIED TO THE POSITIVE NEIGHBORHOOD ACTION COMMITTEE ROLE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE SOCIAL SCIENCES AND SOCIAL WORK Thesis for the Degree of Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY GEORGE WILLIE LOGAN 1972 LIBRARY I I Michigan State (Inmvenamy’. I; III IIIIIIII II I II I III III II I This is to certify that the thesis entitled ANALYSIS OF THE METHODS AND PRINCIPLES OF COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION APPLIED TO THE POSITIVE NEIGHBORH999_ACTION COMMITTEE ROLE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE SOCIAL SCIENCES AND SegCBIAL WORK present y George Willie Logan has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for PILD. figgreein §0§T§I SCIENCE é7/4::ii;xeziéi,I7z/Hi:3:z«.£162; I Major professor Date 3"” «Z "' ,7‘2/ 0-7639 ,5, x aINDING av ,umcasur .‘ : IIIJK BINDERY INC. 5. i‘uemnv amoans I: lgilINOIT, MIGHT“; ‘{ [A EV") SITTBP "20.) (I E: T: a: :na t: s. \ 61's,": u [14:43.32 m til -I___,__.__ - ‘7 MSU LIBRARIES ._c—. RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to remove this checkout from your record. FINES will be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. ABSTRACT ANALYSIS OF THE METHODS AND PRINCIPLES OF COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION APPLIED TO THE POSITIVE NEIGHBORHOOD ACTION COMMITTEE ROLE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE SOCIAL SCIENCES AND SOCIAL WORK By George Willie Logan The basic purpose of this study was to describe the on-going process of a "peoples" organization, in order to sort out the methods and techniques utilized, and to further scrutinize their applicability to prevelent principles and theories of community organization. Secondly, if in fact a sound community organization process were found, what are the role implications of the process for the field of social science. In brief, the study wanted to determine through analysis of functional operations, if the Positive Neigh- borhood Action Committee organization without traditional social agency modus Operandi, followed any clearly delineated processes which would render it capable of addressing the needs of an inner city community. The techniques and methods of the P.N.A.C. were analyzed in detail in an effort to uncover both the process and the role implications. It should be noted that the George Willie Logan researcher treated the P.N.A.C. organization and its process asvinseparable entities. In order to investigate the stated purposes of the study, it was necessary to employ the following methods: (1) Interviews, (2) Participant observation, (3) Direct observation, (A) Case study analysis, and (5) Historical viewpoint. Because of an inability to clearly isolate dependent and independent variables in a descriptive study of this nature, a variety of data collection methods were used for the purpose of cross checking and validation. The following results emerged: \xl. The P.N.A.C. has the capability of coordinating relationships between itself and peer status groups in the community as well as between groups that would normally relate to the P.N.A.C. on a subordinate-superordinate level to achieve common goals. 2. The P.N.A.C. follows the rules of initiation in attacking community problems, i.e., problem solutions always begin with the people affected. 3. There was clearly delineated planning process, utilizing outside professionals, agencies, univer— sities, industrial consultants, etc. A. There was a continuous process orientation. ‘5. A "peoples" organization such as the P.N.A.C. can be a viable community organization with survival value. ' ANALYSIS OF THE METHODS AND PRINCIPLES OF COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION APPLIED TO THE POSITIVE NEIGHBORHOOD ACTION COMMITTEE ROLE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE SOCIAL SCIENCES AND SOCIAL WORK By George Willie Logan A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY College of Social Science 1972 h. C III ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A This research was conducted with the assistance of a large number of people; both, within the university and in the Detroit community where the research process took place. Unfortunately all of those providing help can not be named. The assistance provided is, nevertheless, greatly appreciated. Gratitude is expressed to all persons who willingly gave of their time and consented to the interviews and the collecting of various documents needed to conduct this study-- namely, the peeple in the Positive Neighborhood Action Committee, and some non-committee peOple living in this community. Specifically I am grateful to Mrs. Annie Watkins and Mrs. Isabell Rushin for their ardent assistance over the span of this research project. I am greatly indebted to Professor Lucille K. Barber, Chairman of my guidance committee, for her assistance, gui— dance, and warm understanding. I would also like to express my gratitude to Professor Christopher Sower who provided field supervision and much direction for this research. I thank the other members of my committee for their help and encouragement. They are Professor Gordon Aldridge, and Professor Arthur Seagull. ii A special thanks is extended to Professor Victor Whiteman for his suggestions and assistance with the research methods. The literary works of Dr. Christopher Sower, Dr. Murray G. Ross, and Dr. Arthur Dunham were very helpful and provided me with a great deal of insight into the role social scientists can play in urban communities and their organiza- tions. I would be remiss if I did not express gratitude to my family, and especially to my wife for her enduring under- standing, support, and encouragement. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . CHAPTER I. II. III. THE PROBLEM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . State of the Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . Background of the Study . . . . . Organizational Structure of the P. N. A. C. Significance and Underlying Assumptions Questions Considered in the Study . General Organization . . . . . . . . . . . . Limitations of the Study LITERATURE REVIEW . . . Introduction . Theory of DevelOpment Organization Principles of Inter-Organizational Relationships . . . . Consequences of the Organization' 8 Actions Role Consensus as a Variable in Development Organization Theory . . . . Basic Principles and Current Trends in Community Organizations . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . CITIZEN PARTICIPATION . . . Background . Pros and Cons of Citizen Participation . . . Evolutionary Development of Citizen Partici- pation in Planning Processes . . . . . . Planning and the Public Interest . Structure and Power Facets of Participation . . . . . . . . . iv Page ii vi TABLE OF C CHAPTER III. (C IV. DE V. AN ONTENTS (Cont.) ont.) Power and Authority in its Relationship to Planning Strategy . . . . Strategy for Citizen Participation Objectives of Citizen Participation Aims of Citizen Participation . . . . . SIGN OF THE STUDY . . . . . . . Introduction . . . . . . Source of the Data . . . . . . . Procedures for Data Collection . . . . . Summary . . . . . . ALYSIS OF THE DATA Event I . Summary . . . . Event II . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Event III . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . Event IV . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . VI. SUMMARY OF RESULTS AND DISCUSSION BIBILIOGRA APPENDIX A APPENDIX B APPENDIX C APPENDIX D APPENDIX E APPENDIX F Discussion . . Role Implications for the Field of Social Science with Special Emphasis on the Field of Social Work . . . . Summary . . . Limitations of the Study and. Implications for Further Research . . . . . . . PHY O O O O O O O O O O O Page 10A 110 110 118 118 I22 12A 125 130 13“ 135 137 1U2 1A5 181 186 198 203 LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE 1. Composition of the P.N.A.C. Community . . . . . 7 2. Measures of Consensus about P.N.A.C. . . . . . 108 vi CHAPTER I THE PROBLEM STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM Neighborhood Community organization programs have traditionally been "social agency" programs or more in the line of Miierl-oaiis "philanthropic colonialistic" programs. These programs have two basic components: paternalism predicated on the assumption of cultural under- development and clinicalism founded on a presumption of psychological damage. We have only to look historically to determine that to a large extent, social agency programmatic efforts have not yielded the greatest success. Such programs have in one way or another been "social welfare" programs, which by and large continue to be ineffective in their administration and in their ability to achieve stated goals. There are of course severe problems of manpower, funding, and quality of services, etc., nevertheless, these kinds of issues seem to indicate that radical new methods and techniques of dealing with community problems need to be devised, and most seriously considered. 1Henry Miller, "Social Work in the Black Ghetto", Social Work (Vol. 1H, Ho. 3, July 1969), p. 65. l The social agency approach, the "I program for you approach", the pouring into communities of massive funding approach, the whole local, state, and federal funds approach to community organization as delineated in our present "poverty" programs need altering in light of the conditions and functioning of contemporary communities. Present approaches are culturally rooted negativism: they are based on an assumption of continual poverty and disadvantage and tend only to deal with already existing problems. They are not geared toward future planning and development. There is no co-partnership between providers and consumers at planning levels. Consumers are not participants, at least not until programs have been formulated and handed down to the imple- mentation level. Even then, the extent to which consumer involvement is permitted is left to question. Methods and techniques of community organization as presently employed by agency structures are continuing to assist communities in maintaining present levels of poverty, urban blight, central city deterioration, etc. To paraphrase a contention of the poor, the disadvantaged, the ghetto dweller, the consumer says: "perhaps we don't know what needs to be done, but we do know that your (agency) approaches to our problems have failed--now, give us a chance to failJ'IThe Positive Neighborhood Action Committee (P.ILA.C.) is a committee of consumer§]who have demanded the right for a chance to fail. In view of the ever increasing problems of urban unrest poverty, racism, education, and in general the whole strata of social ills facing urban communities, a critical evaluation of a new organizational approach to a complex situation is timely. It is timely also, because it illumi- nates refreshing and innovative approaches by an organiza- tion relatively new to the "social helpers" arena. The P.N.A.C. is such an organization: It was selected as the focus of the present study because of its central city location, and because of its relative success in dealing forthrightly and constructively with its immediate environ- ment and with the larger city community of Detroit. ”‘J In its short history, dating back to 1966, the P.N.A.C. has made very significant contributions to one of the ever recurring problems of community organization; i.e., how to meaningfully involve people in the processes directed toward organizing and developing their own communitieslj This kind of position has gained much support in recent years. A. J. Cervantes, Mayor of St. Louis, testifying before the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, states: We have found that ghetto neighborhoods cannot be operated on from outside alone. The people within them should have a voice, and our experience has shown that it is often a voice that speaks with good sense, since the practical aspect of the needs of the ghetto people are so much clearer to the people there than they are to anyone else.2 The emergence of the P. N. A. C. and its revived "peoples'" i thrust is making serious inroads into the heretofore impreg- nable professional arena of community organizing and community development. The P.N.A.C. has progressed well toward eliminating the concept of community planning without community involvement, which has always been a source of friction between community peOple and those social and government agencies responsible for administering programs. A report prepared for the Senate Subcommittee on employment, manpower and poverty presented prior to the Detroit riot in 1967 exemplifies the problem: Area residents . . . complain almost continually that their demands for program changes are not heeded, that they have little voice in what goes on . . As much as the area residents are involved, listened to, and even heeded . . . it becomes fairly clear that the relationship is still one of superordinate— subordinate, rather than one of equals . . . the procedures by which HRD (the Mayor's Committee for Human Resources Development, the Detroit Community Action Agency) operates by and large, admits the contributions of area policies have already operated for a time or already been formulated, and to a large degree only in formal and infrequent meetings rather than in day-to-day operations . . . The mean— ingfulness of resident involvement is reduced by its after-the-fact nature and by relatively limited resources they have at their disposal. 2U. S. Riot Commission, Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorder (Bantam Books/Published l9687i p. 287. 31b1d., p. 286. Bridging the gap of resident involvement leads to the critical aspect of the present study. It is the methodology of the P.N.A.C. that will be critically evaluated as part of the total study, in order to determine if the methods and techniques utilized in this new kind of "consumerism" approach to community organization merits broadening and further development, and if so, based upon data collected and conclusions drawn, what are the implications for the broader field of social science, and specifically for the field of social work. I Background of the Study The P.N.A.C. is a community based organization of volunteers which was established in the Summer of 1966. It is truly a "peoples" organization: There is no paid staff. It grew out of the frustration, anxieties and unfulfilled needs of a community which was rapidly changing from Polish to Black. The P.N.A.C. community was facing deteroriation, disorganization, lack of social services in the area, and a general lack of political voice. Property was run down, schools were demeaning, crime and delinquency were on the incline, and the total area was practically ignored by the city of Detroit.; This organization was created, has grown and still exists without traditional sources of support, i.e., without government, agency or foundation support. Initial organization plans called for the involvement of as many local groups and business concerns as were possible within prescribed community boundaries. Out of this coalition of neighborhood groups and organizations came the mandate for the P.N.A.C.to develop into a force capable of mobilizing people for constructive positive action. The basic philosophy of the organization was and remains two fold: Can we the people save our neighborhood by demanding alternative planning with resident involvement, and secondly, we not only must do something about ourselves, we must refocus and begin doing things for ourselves. From this very vasic philosophical, and energetic approach, the P.N.A.C. launched its self help programs in a wide variety of areas, aimed at vigorously attacking the social ills that were plaguing its neighborhood. The scope of problem areas run the gamet from sanitation, absentee landlords, crime, police, community relations, disorganized and dislocated families, inadequacy of services of local TAP and other social agency programs--to community control of schools. , wjnThe P.N.A.C. organization is located in the heart of the inner city of the east side of Detroit. It serves the community bound on the north by Warren Avenue, on the east “Presentation - Governor's Conference,_June 20, 1961, Lansing, Michigan by the Positive Neighborhood Action Committee and Urban Dynamics. side by Mt. Elliot, on the south by Gratiot, and on the west by Dequindre. The area comprises 165 city blocks with about 23,000 people living within the delineated boundaries. Table 1 gives a skeleton breakdown of the community socio- economically, based on preliminary reports from the 1970 census.5 TABLE 1 COMPOSITION OF THE P.N.A.C. COMMUNITY White Population 3,061 Noy( White Population (99% Black) 20,051 Total Population 23,112 Median education (grade level) 8.2 Median family income 3,AU6 Dilapidated housing (1965) 32.A% Unskilled labor force 77.0% Unemployment 26.A% Unemployment (City of Detroit) 10.0% The figures listed in Table 1 are intended only to provide a clearer picture of the neighborhood which the P.N.A.C. serves. 5U. S. Dept. of Commerce--Bureau of the Census-1970 Preliminary Report. \\O0rganizational Structure of the P.N.A.C. The P.N.A.C. since inception has been chaired by Mrs. Annie Watkins, a licensed beautician and the president of her block club. Presently Mrs. Watkins and Mrs. Isabell Rushin with a board of directors and a secretary - receptionist comprise what might be described as the P.N.A.C. staff. Mrs. Watkins and Rushin are the two primary peOple in the organization: All programmatic activities are supervised and directed by these two people. In addition to the P.N.A.C. board and two key actors above, the organizational structure consists of six very actively functioning standing committees: Housing, Police—Community Relations, Recreation, Sanitation, School Related Services, Social Services, and a steering committee. The standing committee idea has proven to be fruitful from an organizational perspective because it allows a much larger cross section of community people and groups to rally around specific interest areas of need, and to develop specific programs and strategies to meet those needs. This has prevented a centralization of power in any one place or among any one group, which can be the downfall of community organizations, and it might be added, many agency organiza- tions. The standing committee concept serves another positive function, it allows for the active participation of large numbers of community residents in the decision- making and planning processes. Even though the board of directors elected by the community over-sees the total program, each standing Committee has a great deal of antonomy of operation within the boundaries of its prescribed role assignments. It has been noted that while casework and group work might possibly be carried on without committees, community organization can not. Committee practice therefore is a crucial method of community organizationI The role(s) if the various committees will be elaboratedOn in more detail in subsequent chapters. Significance and Underlying Assumptions .2 The significance of this study has to be evaluated in two respects. One, as a study of a peoples organization, operated by the people themselves, is this kind of organiza- tional model a viable model which can adequately address itself to the many needs of an inner city community?~ Secondly, as a viable model, can the component parts he clearly delineated so that the model can demonstrate survival value and replicability in terms of being trans- plantable as an on-going community organization process? This is a study of a different kind of community "agency" which is committed to eradicating the social ills facing its people. iThe P.N.A.C. organization has been very innovative in attempting to develop new approaches to meet individual needs as well as the needs of the community at 10 large. Ifits clientele, as described earlier, is the very much typical and difficult to reach Black, inner city, poverty stricken families. The P.N.A.C. organization successfully reaches and involves hard to reach families. This has signif- H‘H icant role implications for the field of social scienceI This issue is dealt with in considerable depth in the last Ehapter of this study. The entire role question of the social scientist is scrutinized indirectly as the P.N.A.C. organization is described and analyzed. The primary assumption of this study is that the social scientist has a key role in the develop- ment and operation of an organization such as the P.N.A.C. The assumption is based fully on the recognition of the fact that because community people are able and capable of articu— lating their individual and collective needs that singularly they may not be equally able and capable of bringing know- how kinds of knowledge to bear on the problem areas, or of providing sound methods and techniques to deal with those problem areas. This study attempts to illustrate how one such peoples organization is bridging the gap between the previously "mother-knows-best" approaches of social agencies and social scientists, and the community which they serve. It is a further assumption of this study that neither the social scientist or the community residents (represented by the P.N.A.C.) is capable of affecting desired change alone, that the two can affect together. The P.N.A.C. was ll willing to try this marriage and so were social science pro- fessionals from a local consultant firm, several local agencies, social and governmental structures, and Michigan State University. There are processes that already have been used in this marriage, and it is assumed that it has been the result of these processes being constructively employed that has accounted for the survival and relative success of the P.N.A.C. organization. This study is concerned with the adequacy of this marriage as a model for community organization and community development. The assumption is that this is not only a desirable marriage but a necessary one in clarifying and spelling out the purposes and process of an innovative organization. Such an organization does not exclude but rather co-exists with other agencies and agency professionals in providing up-to-date and consistent interpretations of current issues and in evaluating the reliability and validity of the methods and techniques employed and proposed. Questions Considered in the Study The analysis of methods and principles of community organization utilized by the P.N.A.C. organization in working with an urban, inner city community should raise general questions for both the community and the social scientists: 1. What kinds of knowledge is necessary to alter the roles of existing community organizations? 8. 12 How does the community gain knowledge of new methods of community organization: how is such knowledge utilized? How are cooperative and coordinated efforts between different organizations brought about? How is conflict minimized? What are the relationships between citizen partic— ipation, and power and authority as they relate to the community planning process? Can systematic alterations of traditional community organizations methods and techniques by peoples organizations ultimately lead to a refocusing of resources on the part of the larger social system? How does development theory of organizations relate to the behavior of individuals and/or small groups. What specifically is the role of the university in peoples organizations? What is the process of assuring survival value for urban neighborhood organizations? Based on the theory of what a community organization does and what its process is, the present research will attempt to isolate and substantiate basically the following: 1. The P.N.A.C.'s ability to establish working relationships between groups that have tradi- tionally been in conflict, in order to common goals. The P.N.A.C.'s capability of coordinating rela- tionships based on common consent between groups located in equal positions of a community of interest status order, and if these kinds of relationships are more likely to achieve common goals than are those based on a subordinate- superordinate basis within the hierarchy of a community of interest status order. The importance of the manner in which initiation processes are first organized and presented to the community, or relevant order of the action l3 process, and how this becomes a variable by which to predict acceptance, neutrality or opposition by different segments of the relevant order by the community. A. The P.N.A.C.'s planning orientation. 5. The P.N.A.C.'s process orientation. Because the P.N.A.C. Organization is the vehicle through which the process is carried out, the organization and the process are not viewed as separate entities. The former is treated as an instrument that facilitates the latter. Therefore, at any point in the present study, where the researcher describes the P.N.A.C. organization, the process is likewise being focused upon. With these kind of ideas in mind, the remainder of the study attempts to look at the P.N.A.C. as an organization in process. General Organization The remainder of the study is divided into five additional Chapters. Chapter II is a review of the litera- ture as it relates to community organization. The intro- duction of the chapter deals with some early conceptualiza- tions of community organization and its evolutionary development. From there, the theory of development organiza- tions is discussed as it relates to the development and practice of community organization. The chapter concludes Vflth a look at basic principles and current trends of the field. 14 Chapter III is a continuation of the literature review but not from the theoretical perspective. This chapter is concerned with the issues of citizen participation in the community organization process. Because of the importance of this topic, it is being dealt with in a separate chapter to allow for greater depth. Major emphasis is placed on historical development of citizen involvement, pros and cons of involvement, and the evaluation of such involvement as a viable means of affecting social change. An attempt is also made to place citizen involvement in a proper perspective as it relates to community power and authority structures and the resulting effects of such involvement on the whole question of community planning. The chapter concludes with a brief review of tactics and strategies of citizen participation. Chapter IV is the study design. Sources of data, procedures for collecting, and methods employed are described in this section. Chapter V deals with data analysis, interpretations, and applications, The chapter concludes with an evaluation of the P.N.A.C. process (derived from collected data) as it relates and incorporates basic principles of community organizations. Chapter VI deals with the results and discussion. In addition, it covers role implications for the field of 15 social work. Discussion is in terms of traditional "social helper" roles, boundary maintenance, and multidisciplinary approaches leading to "new" roles. The chapter concludes with a further look at the limitation of the study, and the implications for additional research. Limitations of the Study The study is a descriptive analysis of the methods and techniques of a "peoples'" organization. The study is so designed to investigate if such "peoples'" organizations do in fact have a community organization function, and whether or not there is survival value for this kind of structure. Because of the relative "newness" of the P.N.A.C. organiza- tion, and its lack of ties to "established organizations", generalization of results are somewhat limited. Careful note should be made that while the study is concerned with effectiveness, it does not attempt to measure it: rather it deals with the measurement of factors which either enhance or inhibit effectiveness. The study does not include data covering the suita- bility of P.N.A.C.'s; inner city location, its lack of true ethnic makeup, or the fact that the social atmosphere is presently conductive to pro-community-organization and ImOple involvement in self determination. CHAPTER II LITERATURE REVIEW Introduction Early conceptualization of community organization in social work was concerned primarily with purpose, the nature of the community, the community as a "client," the similarity to, and the difference from casework and group—work, the role(s) of the worker, and the relationship of social action to community organization. Early organizers envisioned initiating and sustaining a kind of democratic process, involving the citizen and the experts at the grass root level, to make a viable creative entity out of the whole community. Their idea of social welfare was broad and all inclusive. These early community organization advocates depended primarily on the then contemporary theories of sociology and social psychology for their knowledge base of practice. They also recognized that the idea of a cohesive community working together in unified solidarity was more an ideal than an actuality. Today, the conceptualization of community organization has undergone an evolutionary change designed to remain in line with the community patterns of an industrilized, and 16 17 bureaucratized urban society. Arthur Dunham has conceptu- alized community organization in very general terms as: A conscious process of social interaction and a method of social work concerned with any or all of the following objectives: (a) the meeting of broad needs and bringing about and maintaining adjustment between needs and resources in a community or other area; (b) helping people deal more effec— tively with their problems and objectives, by helping them develop, strengthen, and maintain qualities of participation, self direction and cooperation; (c) bringing about changes in community and group relationships and in the distribution of decision- making power1 Dunham's definition is broad enough to allow for the inclusion of community organization methods and techniques in almost any aspect of community life such as education, housing, economics, religion, recreation, etc. However, before looking more indepth at the practice of community organization it might be useful to first review some of the theory of organization and organizational development; i.e., the knowledge base of the actual process. Theory_of Development Organization Urban society is characterized by the establishment of small and large scale bureaucratic organizations within which the major functions of society are performed. Not only have small government units recognized the important lArthur Dunham, The New Community Organization, (Thomas Y. Crowell Co. NeW'York), 1970, p. A. 18 role of these formal structures, but emerging nations have also realized that their efforts of progress must be carried out within these organizational structures. As a consequence, the study of organization and the behavior of those involved in their operation has received considerable attention from social scientists. From Max Weber to Blau, March and Simon, organizational behavior analysis has become an important topic of study. Without attempting to present the views of the various bureaucratic analysts, focus will be on one theory about large scale organization, i.e. the theory of develop— ment organization. This is done because of its special application to the present study endeavor. The idea of development organization as a theoretical model for organizational analysis and predicting organiza- tional behavior has been developed from within the broad framework of the "positive social organization" concept by Parsons. Whereas the term 'social organization' is an old one, Parsons gave new meaning to it during the course of his discussion and criticism of the assumptions underlying C. Wright Mills' analysis of power. In Mills' scheme of thinking, power appears to be essentially a negative phenomenon which, in effect, is exercised by the holder for the preservation of his power to the detriment of others. In redefining the role of power in modern society, Parsons suggests that . . . "power, while of course subject to l9 abuses and in need of many controls, is an essential and desirable component of a highly organized society."2 In fact what Parsons suggests is that whether power is misused is an empirical question and not definitional. Definitionally speaking, power can be positively exercised for enhancing the objectives which the individual and the society have set forth, as in the concept of "positive social organization." Sower and Miller in offering an explanation for the vast agriculture organizational establishments during the last century used this concept and as a result evolved a new set of organizational principles which, they contend, can predictably affect the achievement of goals desired by the society. 'In place of "positive social organization" they use the concept of "development organization."3 A development organization is defined as a bureau- cratically arranged social system with at least one speci— fiable goal.“ This goal cannot be achieved with the 2Talcott Parsons, Structure and Process in Modern Societies (Illinois: Free Press, 1960), p. 220. 3Christopher Sower and Paul A. Miller, "The Changing Power Structure in Agriculture," Our Changing Rural Society: Perspectives and Trends, ed. by James H. Copp TAmes, Iowa: State University, 196D). “The author is now following Sower on this and succeeding pages except where specified. 20 'resources or employed personnel within the bureaucratic hcommand. Legitimate, non-hierarchial accesses and linkages to the resources of other participant-recipient social systems must be established by the organization in order to set and to achieve its goals, which are definable as for the "good of the whole" or good for the "community of interests." This notion further assumes that a "fund of good will" exists in a community of interest. The partici— pant-recipient system is defined as a formal or informal social system that either contributes to or benefits from the goal achievement of the development organization. Both the participant-recipient system and the develop- ment organization must justify this cooperative action within their own beliefs, sentiments, values, and patterns of social organization. The key element characterizing a development organization then is its linkage to other partic- ipant—recipient social systems in order to achieve common goalslf Two interrelated sets of principles are included in Sower's development organization theory. They are: (1) principles of "inter-organization" structure, linkage and management, and (2) principles of "intra-organization" situations as dealt with in traditional, large-scale organization theory. 21 Principles of Inter-Organizational Relationships Access Linkages: This first set of principles deals with the charac- terizing features of a development organization, namely, the multitude of relationships to other social systems necessary to achieve development goals. Development organi- zation personnel, at the end position of the bureaucratically structured development organization, must establish and main- tain many hundreds of non—bureaucratic linkages with a large number of social systems. They must gain access to resources of participant-recipient systems across bureaucratic social system boundaries without the aid of position or "chain of command" authority. This access and linkage must be made primarily on the basis of influence and not on the basis of position authority. The depth of influence is reflected in the participant-recipient system's perceptions of an interest, willingness and ability of the development organi- zation and its personnel to help in cooperative solutions to common problems which result in the achieving of common development goals. This link is measured in terms of a goal that has been defined as "for the good of the community of interests." It should be noted here that a development organiza— tion never merges with other social systems to form a new system. It simply gains legitimate access to the resources 22 of these systems for allocation to a common development goal. The Involvement Process: The process of involvement is related to the way in which organizations form coalitions to achieve goals which are definable as for the good of the community of interests. At least two principles emerge as being relevant to the involvement process. The first is a positive identification within the community of common interests, inherent in any area of inter- dependence, around which it is possible to organize resources to achieve common goals definable as for good of the community. The second principle deals with how groups within an area of interdependence act to achieve common goals deemed desirable for the good of the whole as well as for the good of the independent interest. This principle postulates that it is impossible for anyone to deny the inherent character of a project that has been defined as for the actual or potential good of the whole community of interests as well as for each member or group of that community. This would in essence deny the existence of the "fund of good will" concept. Research5 supporting these principles shows that: 5Paul Miller, Community Health Action, East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1953. Christopher Sower, John Holland, Kenneth Tiedke, and Walter Freeman, Community Involvement, Free Press of Glencoe, 1957. 23 1. Effective working relationships to achieve a common goal can be established even between groups that have traditionally been in conflict. 2. "Coordinate" relationships based on common consent between groups located in equal position of a community of interest status order are more likely to achieve a common goal than are those based on a subordinate-superordinate basis within the hierarchy of a community of interest status order. 3. The manner in which the initiation process is first organized and the project first presented to the public, or relevant order of the action process, is an important variable by which to predict acceptance neutrality or opposition by different segments of the relevant order or by the public. For example, if the initiating process became captured by one segment to enhance its own benefits, this would provide legitimate grounds for opposition to form within other segments of the relevant order. The "development organization theory" stated in terms of intra-organizational principles holds that any organization is only something in the minds of peOple. An organization is a collectivity of various individuals drawn together to achieve stated goals. These individuals form a network of both formal and informal relationships among themselves. They act and relate to each other in terms of the values and sentiments which each one of them brings into the organiza- tion. In this sense then, we can perceive an organization as not only containing the 'most immediate' individuals involved in the operation of an organization, but we can also recognize the distant and the far off 'relevant others' associated in varying degrees of involvement with the organization. In other words, if we regard an organization 2“ as an 'environmental manipulative system' then we can recog- nize not only the very immediate actors as important, but also the distant, but yet related, outsiders as necessary components of organizational behavior. Some social scien- tists tend to make a distinction between the 'variables' and 'parameters' on the basis of difference in the environ- mental position of various factors.6 Sower however resolves this dilemma by offering the concept of 'organiza— tion anchor points of legitimation' which were derived from Parsons' "three levels in the hierarchical structure of the organization."7 The Product Using System: This level represents those people in the organization who use the product of the organization and who place value on the product in terms of the product's utility in meeting their needs. Sower suggests that goal selection and goal action are managed through the complex of work relationships. These three components hold expectations for and about the 6For example, see: Gwen Andrew, "An Analytical System Model for Organization Theory," (unpublished paper, East Lansing: Michigan Department of Mental Health, 1963). 7Talcott Parsons, "Suggestions for a Sociological Approach to the Theory of Organization," Part I and II, Administrative Science Quarterly, Vol. I and II (June and September, 1956), pp. 63-85 and 225-239. Also see Talcott Parsons, "Some Ingredients of a General Theory of Formal Organizations," Chapter III, in Andrew W. Halpin, Adminis- trativeiTheory in Education, Midwest Administrative Center, Chicago, Illinois: University of Chicago, 1958. 25 organization. The problem then is how groups in these various levels "within an area of interdependence" select a common goal perceived as desirable by these sub-structures. In fact, the selection of goal for the organization is seen as one of the primary variables in the analysis of organiza- tions. Anderson suggests a proposition based on the principle of "anchor points of legitimation;" namely that: the nature of the goals of an organization, and how these goals are arrived at and set, is one of the most predictive variables for explaining other organizational variables such as: Organizational personnel relation- ships, service relationships and the consequences that the organizational output will8have upon its relation- ships to other social systems. The tri-structural legitimation model offers a theoretical basis of explanation of organizational goal setting in the beginning, as well as during the subsequent stages, of its growth. This is indeed an important point, in as much as it points to the fact that organizational goal setting and organizational goal achievement are not static phenomena. It is rather a dynamic arrangement of expectations which each sub-structure or level holds as basically important to its existence. If this is so, then the legitimation principle offers two benefits for research experimentation. An obvious benefit is that, in this model, we tend to recognize the strength of structural analysis as we focus 8Robert Anderson, "A Method and Instrument for Predicting the Consequences of Intra-Organizational Action," (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Michigan State University, 1961), p. “S- 26 our major attention on each level and its role relationship in organizational affairs. We, in effect, admit that individuals operate and show their strength as members of these various sub-structures. If, therefore, we can change the sub-unitary perception, we can affect changes in organizational behavior to advantage. "It is sufficient to say here that functions of each of these . . . types of sub-structures within an organization are important to developing the models necessary for predicting such processes as goal achievement."9 An organization has many relationships to other structures. These structures are usually organizations, but may occasionally be individuals, such as relation to a person who has influence because he is held in personal esteem by members of the community of interests. An organization therefore has many established working relationships with many hundreds of other social systems. Each of these social systems fits into the anchor point of legitimation model, either as resource input systems or as product using systems. A logical way of classifying the middle anchor point, or resource receiving organization, is to label it a develop- ment organization. 90hristopher Sower, "Working Papers: The Role of Organization in Achieving Development Goals: The Case of Ceylon," (unpublished U. N. Technical Mission Report, 1962). See Also: Christopher Sower, gt. al., "The Role of Organiza- tions in Achieving the Goals of Planned Change," Highway Change and Locality Change, Part IV, (unpublished Michigan State University Report, 1961). 27 By definition, this type of organization has a peculiar type of relationship to other organizations. Basically, a development organization cannot achieve its goals without first activating some other organizations to work for the good of a locality, community of interests, or public good. In any of these relationships, the development organization is in difficulty if the participant-recipient organization perceives that the action is being initiated primarily for the good of the initiating organization, and not primarily for the good of the receiver. There are at least two ways that any two or more organizations can establish working relationships: either, 1) they merge certain portions of themselves to form a new system or organization, or 2) they agree to act on common goals. DevelOpment organizations, by definition, establish these working relationships by use of the second alternative. Consequences of the Organizations Actions The concepts of "anticipated and unanticipated con- sequences" of any given social action are widely used terms in social science. Their definitions are obvious in that there are certain intended consequences for any action. These are either achieved, or they are not achieved. Like- wise, there may be consequences which were not intended. These are either deemed desirable or undersirable. 28 The problem becomes more complex when the unit of observation is a large organization than when it is a social unit of only two or three persons. The goal of research is to increase ability to predict the consequences of any given social action, hence to increase the precision with which more of the consequences can be anticipated, and thus a higher proportion predicted. Several types of consequences are observable from the behavior of organizations. Three types are dealt with in Sower's theory. There are consequences pertaining to 1) persons who occupy positions in the organization, 2) the maintenance of the organization, and 3) development organi- zation goal achievement. It is postulated on the basis of consequences to persons who occupy positions in large bureaucratic organi— zations that: 1. There is a direct positive relationship between the extent to which position incumbents perceive their involvement in organizational action with interest, enthusiasm and satisfaction and the extent of goal achievement for the organization. 2. There is a direct negative relationship between the extent to which position incumbents perceive their involvement in organizational action as conflicting, stressful, and emotional tension building and the extent of goal achievement for the organization. In consideration of the consequences to the maintenance of an organization it should be noted that maintenance is not necessarily an automatic function of an organization. 29 It is postulated that: There is an inverse relationship between the percentage of its resources an organization must allocate for maintenance and the extent to which the organization is providing timely functional needs of the larger community of interests of which it is a part. Finally, the consequences of achieving the goals of an organization rest primarily on the organization's ability to clearly and systematically define, set, and rank, its sub-unit and total organization goals. The goal achievement pattern of any organization may be classified within two general types: 1. Extent to which the visible goals are achieved. 2. Extent to which users of the organization's output justify using its services for their own good, or the public good. This is essentially a legitimate model of output, and though related to the first, is primarily of a different order. Role Consensus as a Variable in Development Organization Theogy It has been pointed out that bureaucratic roles do not function in isolation. They are performed in relationship with a series of other roles. Organizational behavior, as such, is determined more by the interlocking variables of role consensus rather than individual roles. After all, an organization is nothing more than a "collectivity of 30 positions with accompanying behavior exceptations for the incumbents of each position and for the unit as a whole."10 Roles in organizations tend to cluster around two major nexus points. The first one is personal, composed of all formal and informal positions occupied by an individual. The second is organizational, composed of all the roles in any sub-unit of the organization. There may be a considerable degree of difference in what each incumbent perceives and expects his role to be and what an organization and its various sub—units anticipates and believes is the role of its members. These prescriptions and proscriptions of individual roles are problems of cognitive definitions having different meaning and value for each individual. In short, it is a problem of consensus, i.e. lack of it. The problem of consensus can be seen as occurring on two levels. First, the individual is subject to behavior expectations held by relevant others in the individual's immediate sub-unit of which he is a member. Secondly, he holds a position in the total organization structure and as such is subject to behavior expectations of a totality of other position incumbents in an organization. 10Christopher Sower, et. al., "The Role of Organiza— tion in Achieving the Goals of Planned Change," Highway and Locality Changg, Part IV, (unpublished Michigan State University Report, 1961), p. 10. 31 In addition, the actor has a self image of what he should be doing. Sower postulates that the consequence of these variant demands may be that ". . . there will not be consistency between the different 'relevant others' who have the legitimative right to hold behavior expectations for any given position incumbent."ll The problem of variant behavior expectation, Sower suggests, causes the problem of consensus with two sets of consequences. The first deals with psychological consequences to position incumbents; the second, with the consequences of achieving organiza- tional goals.12 It is beyond the scope of this analysis to present the possible ranges of psychological consequences of a lack of consensus except to suggest the possible emergence of emotional stresses in a situation of that kind. In as much as the actor's own perception comes into conflict with what others expect him to do, he may experience a variety of psychological stresses. The second type of consequence with which we are concerned at this stage leads us into explaining the rela- tionship between lack of consensus among the various 11Christopher Sower, "The Land Grant University, Development Organization in Transition: The Case of the Extension Service," Proceedings of Seventh Annual Coopera- tive Administrative Seminar, (Madison Extension Center for Advanced Study, University of Wisconsin, 1962), p. U2. 12Anderson, 32. cit., p. A9. 32 relevant segments in so far as the organizational goal is concerned. It is postulated that in a complex organization goals frequently are not clearly defined, thus disagreement about roles among those who operate it may exist. There tends to be a degree of difference in conceptions about the role the complex organization is expected to perform. "A natural condition of a large scale organizatiOn is that there will not likely be consensus between the goal achieve- ment patterns of sub-sections and those of the total organization."13 The problem of organizational goal consensus is, therefore, a problem of legitimation and justification of these goals, by various parts of an organization. Each sub-structure (three anchor points of legitimation) defines and justifies the goals in terms of their own respective unitary objectives. This justification in part results from the norms and sentiments which are believed to be of value to the sub—unit. As a result of this process, the members of a sub-unit may identify goals in their own minds as over-all organizational goals. A contest between the various sub-units may emerge. A large amount of development energy in these cases is spent in justifying sub-unit goals. 13Sower, gt. al., op. cit., Part I, p. 27. :.:r—---‘——-- -. 33 The organization then becomes basically oriented to fulfill only one function, i.e., that of maintenance. In terms of consensual validity of the organizational goals, it may be proposed then that the extent to which the organization achieves its goals has some relationship to two variables: 1. The degree of agreement the relevant segments have about organizational goals, and 2. The extent to which the organization imposes upon its segments patterns of behavior that are congru- ent with their own perceptions and expectations. The developing countries are establishing many of these large scale development organizations to initiate and achieve development objectives. Basic Principles and Current Trends in Communitngrganizations At the beginning of this chapter, a definition of community organization was quoted from Arthur Dunham's conceptualization which deals essentially with (a) bridging the gap between needs and resources, (b) assisting communities in self determination and cooperation, and (c) the redistribution of decision-making power. Murray G. Ross also posits a definition of community organization which views it as: a process by which a community identifies its needs or objectives, orders (or ranks) these needs or objectives, develop the confidence and will to work at these needs or objectives, finds the resources (internal and/or external) to deal with these needs or objectives, takes 3“ action in respect to them, and in so doing extends and develops cooperative and collaborative attitudes and practices in the community.1 Further discussion of basic principles of community organization will either directly or indirectly proceed from the prospective of the preceeding two definitions. Ross' position implies a form of community integration - the exercise of cooperative and collaborative attitudes and practices which lead to identification with the community. For Ross, there are three primary orientations in community organization practices: (a) reform orientation, (b) planning orientation, and (c) process orientation. This third orientation is the central focus of the community organiza- tion process: the achievement of self determination, cooperative and collaborative work among various groups, and the capacity to solve community problems. This particular orientation differs from the first two in that these focus on the achievement of tangable goals such as facilities and services. Dunham takes a somewhat narrow View of Ross' definition, in that Ross' view of total community involvement is not possible, unless the community is very small, and that community organization can not be restricted to total l”Murray G. Ross, Community Organization, TheoryiVPrin— ciples, and Practice, (Harper and Row, Publishers) 1967, p. A0. 35 communities, but rather only certain parts. Dunham15 holds that community organization should be a primary function of social agencies and not a secondary function. In this way, supportive or facilitive activities which are necessary and incidental to the giving of direct services by a social agency can be achieved. Differing again somewhat with Ross, he does not regard social action as an additional social work process or as a separate process in itself, Dunham considers social action as another aspect of community organization practice. The community organizer has to engage in social action irrespective of whether or not it is a special process. For Dunham, both social action and community organization rely on common methods. Dunham's mode of thought, along with others in agree- ment with him is responsible for the school of community organization that proposes coordination of all community- wide services at the council level as the essence of community 16 organization. Ross does not limit community organization 15Arthur Dunham, Community Welfare Organization, Prin— ciples and Practice, (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1968). 16The need for broad participation in interagency plann- ing has indeed become so generally recognized that the council device has become part of the social machinery of every sizable community in the United States, and exists in several forms at the National level. Increasingly citizen activity is being re-emphasized as vital to these agencies in joint planning in order that the product which results may be truly community organization for social welfare. Russell H. Kurtz, "Community Organization for Social Welfare," Kurtz, ed., Social Works Year Book 1959 (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1949), p. 130. N:V‘ VI“ ‘Inu an‘. P. I,“ 36 to welfare services alone or to the large coordinating central agency concept. He contends that it is useful in many other facets of community life, e.g., agriculture, education, etc. In this latter respect, Dunham's position is not dissonant. It becomes apparent that community organization is not reform alone; and neither is it singularly a process of planning and coordination at a council level. In regards to new trends in the field Dunham in his book, "The New Community Organization" states: "More sweeping changes have occurred in community organization between 1955 and 1969 than during any comparable period in its history."17 People like Floyd Hunter, James Coleman, Ronald Lippitt and his associates, and Roland L. Warren, have put behavior science theory into the concept of community organization. They introduced new concepts and theoretical formulations from sociology and social psychology into the analysis and understanding of community organization l8 l9 practice. Both Hunter's and Coleman's work introduce conceptual realism into the understanding of community 17Arthur Dunham, "The New Community Organization," (Thomas Y. Crowell Co. Inc., 1970), p. 85. 18Floyd Hunter, Communit Power StructureztA Study of Decision Makers, (UniversIty 0 North Carolina Press, 19657 19James Coleman, Community Conflict, (Glencoe, Ill,: The Free Press, 1957). 37 organization practice which had previously neglected the analysis of factors in a community which affect voluntary participation, the worker, the process, and the outcome. Lippitt20 and his colleagues in Dynamics of Planned Change, construct a series of concepts - planned change, change forces, resistance forces, interdependence forces, interference forces, etc., - to analyze and guide the practitioner's role in changing the small social system or client sytem. They provide a broad range of new alternative roles and techniques for the community organizer. Warren in "Toward a Reformulation of Community Theory."21 and Patterns of Community Action,22 suggests even another conceptual framework which adds tremendously to the develop- ment of the field of community organization. He further elaborates this conceptualization in The Community in America.23 Specifically, Warren developed the concept of a community as 20Ronald Lippitt, Jeanne Watson and Bruce Westley, The Dynamics of Planned Change (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1958). 21Roland L. Warren, "Toward a Reformulation of Community Theory," Human Organization, Vol. 15, No. 2 (Summer, 1956), 22Roland L. Warren, Patterns of Community Action (Waltham, Mass.,: Branders University, 1962). 23Leonard Kogan, ed. Social Science Theogy and Social Work Research (New York: National Association of Social Workers, 1960). 38 composed of a multitude of systems, many of which are more influenced by their horizontal relationships. Under the Warren system, actions of locally based units are influenced by units outside of the local scene. This constitutes the nature of these relationships which are the essence of community life and action. He further postulates that a new action system has to be created for each episode of inter- unit cooperation. This position places Warren in opposition to the Lippit group because Warren does not assume that a client system pre-exists and that a change agent need only contract with a subpart to work with. He feels that actually it has to be created for each action episode. It is the Warren's, the Hunter's, the Lippitt's, etc., who have brought broad new thinking to the field of community organization. Their conceptualizations are enabling prac— titioners not only to use but readily recognize aspects of community organization amenable to emperical research. Alfred Kahn, Martin Rein and Robert Morris and Jack Rothman are among another group whose scholarly approaches to community organization adds significantly to the field. In a series of papers by the above authors, they succeed in projecting new levels of sophistication in understanding social science concepts of organization, role, power struc- ture, and planned change theories, taken mostly from sociology and social psychology. These authors perhaps contribute as much as any one toward dispelling the notion 39 of using social casework and social group work as sole models for the community organization practitioner. Kahn,2u in his paper, "Social Science Conceptual Frame- work for Community Organization Research" critically evaluates previous community organization formulations based on com- prehensive knowledge of behavior science and research studies. He raised many questions about Ross' formulations, in terms of the absence of sufficient objective indicators to measure a communitys' capacity to change, Kahn is primarly interested in trying to systematically and empirically document the facts of much of Ross' and others early formulations. Rein and Morris,25 in their article, "Goals, Structures, and Strategies for Community Change" came into direct conflict with Ross' primary orientation - planning and integration concepts. They take the position that organiza- tions and agencies in social welfare can pursue one of two orientations, either community integration or achieving predetermined objectives. They do not view the two orien- tations, as compatible within one agency or organization. 2“Leonard Kogan, ed., Social Science Theory and Social Theory_and Social Work ResearchTTNew York: National Associa— tion of Social Workers, 1960). 25Martin Rein and Robert Morris, "Goals, Structures, and Strategies for Community Change," Social Welfare Forum, 1962, Proceedings of the National Conference on Social Welfare (New York: Columbia University Press, 1962). H0 It is felt that when both occur simultaneously, dysfunction of the agency or organization result. For Rein and Morris there are different strategies and structures suited to each kind of orientation, and for each of Ross' ideal types, a new method is necessary. They do agree, however, that either of Ross' orientations with different goals, strategies, and structures is compatible with the social work practice of community organization. Jack Rothman26 in "An Analysis of Goals and Roles in Community Organization Practice" offers some new insights into the dual goals of community organization practice. He views process or integration goals as related to func- tional capacity, and selected task gaols as related to delimited functional problems. Both goal attainments can be measured by objective indicators. (The issue of measuring by objectivity is one of Kahn's criticisms of Ross' early formulations.) Rothman also rejects Ross' all purpose 'enabler' role model and suggests a variety of intervention roles for the practitioner, all of which are compatible with the social work practice of community organization. Rothman, unlike Rein and Morris, does not posit any latent incompati- bility of dual goals as performed in one agency or one organization. He views the two goals (integration and 26Jack Rothman, "An Analysis of Goals and Roles in Community Organization Practice." Social Work, Vol. 9, No. 2 (April, 196A), Al planning) as equally legitimate, and interlocking. Which goal to stress temporarily, and under what given conditions, presently have no theoritical foundation: this leaves the practitioner to rely upon rule of thumb for guidance. To conclude this section of the chapter, a brief look at Werner W. Boehm's27 paper "The Nature of Social Work" offers a new dimension in the exploration of contemporary social problems. This approach views the industrialized and urbanized society as producing social problems for dif— ferent status groupings in society, as a by-rpoduct of its functioning. Thus, Boehm reasons that social welfare services and programs are a normal, stable, enduring feature of the social economy. Such services and programs should therefore be institutionalized, as contrasted with residual, or of a contemporary nature, and not offered only to those individuals and families who break down. This institutional approach is focused on large segments of classes in the population, and not therapeutically focused on particular individuals and families. Boehm's position posits an institutional scheme without reference to specific social ills, but rather for all, as a matter of right, in an urban industralized society. 27Werner W. Boehm, "The Nature of Social Work," Social Work, Vol. 2, No. 2 (April 1958), p. 16. (see also Harold L. Wulensky and Charles N. Lebeaux, Industrial Society and Social Welfare, Russell Sage Foundation, New York, 1958). “2 If this approach is accepted in the social work pro— fession, community organization practice will undoubtedly turn further in the direction of system analysis, and system change. However valid and promising the new directions may be, Warren in his paper "Consensus and Confrontation In Community Change," warns of the difficulties that will be encountered in any attempt at such new directions. He says: System change is difficult in any event, for a number of reasons. One is the force of habit: people are accustomed to the status quo. Further, change may actually be disruptive. In addition, certain ways of doing things take on strong ideological overtones, and so certain changes meet with strong ideological resistance. Hence, bringing about these system changes, or structural changes, as they are sometimes called, is not easy. What from one point may be considered system change may be looked at from another viewpoint as merely a slight modification in the system to permit it to continue to persist in its present environment. Or putting this another way, social systems such as organ- izations or communities are changing all the time, but they are changing only incrementally, for the most part. At the same time, a succession of such incremental changes may aggregate to a situation which is so different that gne may feel justified in calling it system change.2 Summary The present chapter has attempted to provide a cross section view of literature. The discussion of development 28The American Jewish Committee, Institute of Human Relations, 165 East 56 St., New York, New York 10022. Text of Dessie E. Kushell Memorial Lecture presented at the Institute of Human Relations of the American Jewish Committee, May 20, 1969. ’43 organizations has been dealt with in some detail because of its direct relationship to the functioning and operation of community organizations; i.e., bureaucratic organization or "local" or "neighborhood" organization: there are common properties in terms of their structural components and operations. A further look has been taken at community organization literature from a field of operation perspective; tracing conceptualizations of the field from its early inception to current trends. In viewing the evolutionary process of community organization development the chapter also covers the basic theory and principles which provide the knowledge base for field practice. Finally the chapter attempts to cover the behavioral and social science base from which the field of community ‘organization has gained legitimacy. Through this kind of social science approach, the field has earned the right to proceed from new frameworks and formulations, well grounded in sound concepts and based on research of the behavioral sciences. __...__ a v ‘. CHAPTER III CITIZEN PARTICIPATION Background At one time or another during most planning and organ- izing efforts the concept of "citizen participation" is likely to be discussed. It is in very few planning attempts that any efforts are made to apply a concept of citizen participation. Why some planning programs will pay lip service to citizen participation and others will succeed in its application appears to lie in the control of access to decision-making in planning. Although this is not a new explanation for the success or failure of citizen participation, the support of this position is relatively new. This chapter seeks to investigate the strategy that is required to support efforts that have as part of their goals the establishment of citizen partici- pation in planning processes. A basic assumption of this chapter is that if citizen participation is to be success- ful, planning organizations must provide access to the decision-making process for participation organizations. AA ah. ,— A5 The Economic Opportunity Act of 196A and its 1967 amendments, were the initial efforts on the part of large government units to deal with the issue of citizen partici- pation. They extend the "opportunity" concept from employ- ment and training for youths to: A full range of opportunities . . . for the poor The ultimate goal is to enable low income persons to achieve self sufficiency. In short, the community action program should move poor people through their own efforts into the mainstream of American life. The 1967 amendments went even further by providing for career development models for neighborhood residents, and in addition the amendments contained a redically new provision which encouraged the use of neighborhood based delegate agencies at least half of whose governing board members are to be residents of the area and members, of the groups served. Occurring almost simultaneously with the Economic Opportunity Act's new amendments was the Demonstration Cities and Metropolitan Development Act of 1966, whose purpose was to help cities, Plan, administer and carry out coordinated physical and social renewal programs to improve the environment and 1Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967, Senate Report N0. 563, Senate Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, — th. Congress, 19th. Session, p. A5. This was earlier distilled in Sec. 202(a), Subsec. (3), of the Economic Opportunity Act Of 196A, which require, that Community Action Programs be developed "with the maximum feasible participation of resi- dernm of the areas and members of the groups served." A6 the general welfare of people living in slums and blighted areas.2 This act created Model Cities which is required to have "widespread citizen participation in the program."3 In a broad and liberal interpretation of the city Demonstration Act, the Department of Housing and Urban Development in an official newsletter states: there should be an organizational structure, existing or newly established, that embodies neighborhood residents in the process of pfilicy and program planning implementation and operation. "Big government" has set the pace, and given sanction to the citizen participation concept: It now is acceptable. Where one proceeds and how one proceeds from this point is contingent on a multitude of variables. The remainder of this chapter attempts to delineate and examine some of those variables. Because citizen participation, as a crucial issues in society, made its presence felt in the early days of urban renewal, much of the analysis alludes to "physical planning." 2House Report No. 1931, 89th, Cong., 2nd Sess., p. A. 3Demonstration Cities and Metropolitan Development Act of 1966, Sec. 103(a) Subsec. (2), 89th. Cong., 2nd Sess. “City Demonstration Agency Letter No. 3, U.S. Dept. of Housing and Urban Development, Oct. 30, 1967. “7 Pros and Cons of Citizen Participation If social planners, community residents, members of minority groups, and politicians were asked to define citizen participation as it relates to community planning and organ- izing, there is no doubt that a variety of definitions and views of citizen participation would be given. The defini- tions and views given would probably yield and relate a broad spectrum of attitudes toward participatory democracy and decision-making. Accordingly, such attitudes would undoubtedly be in relation to how past planning efforts may have affected the individual and/or his neighborhood or vested interests. When speaking specifically of citizen participation in urban areas, it seems reasonable that a response from an urban inner city resident would include a view that citizen participation by and large remains a guise, or more pre- cisely what Funnye has described as being "nonsolutions aimed at diverting pressure to change society and eliminate discriminatory practices into harmless activities that do not threaten the establishment."5 This fact is very much supported when one surveys a broad spectrum of community based programs and discover that the option of control is 5Clarence Funnye, "The Militant Black Social Worker and the Urban Hustle," Social Work (N.A.S.W. Vol. 15, No. 2, April 1970), p. 7. »a- A8 always in the hands of "officials" who are usually members of the "establishment". Whether or not this view of citizen participation in palnning processes change depends upon numerous variables; e. g., politics, federal funds and planning programs, but, most importantly, the neighborhood group participating, and asserting its rights to participate. These groups, after all, are usually concerned about neighborhood, not city-wide problems, and the member's attachment is often at most to his immediate family and neighbors, not to the community as a whole. The response of an organizer or planner working with a municipal agency might be that citizen participation occurs when the agency and city government attempt to inform, involve and advise citizens of the various aspects of a planning program that will directly affect the citizens. The planner might also point out that this task is attempted in the face of public interest that is continuingly apathetic. The city official, despairing of the apathy and indif- ference of those he tries to serve and guide toward wholesome city living blames the failure of his programs to gain support and operate as he had planned upon this presumed impersonal aspect.7 The nature of a response from a member of a minority group in an urban area would probably depend upon a sense of 6James Q. Wilson, "Planning and Politics: Citizen Participation in Urban Renewal," Journal of American Insti- tute of Planners, XXIX (November, 1963): p. 2A9. 7Massachusetts, Dept. of Commerce, Housing Association of Metropolitan Boston, Inc., Housing and Home Finance Agency, Urban Renewal Administration Demonstration Branch, Community Organization for Citizen Participation in Urban Renewal (Boston, 1957), p. 2. “9 "community struggle" and/or "black awareness," shaped by such factors as age and income. These factors could influ- ence a view that citizen participation represents a mechanism which is aimed at keeping down the voice and/or opposition of a community toward a planning program. Another citizen participation practice is to involve citizens in an organization in order to prevent antic— ipated obstructionism. In this sense citizens are not seen as a means to achieve better planning goals nor are they seen as partners in assisting an organization in achieving its goal; rather, they are viewed as potential elements of obstruction or frustratéon whose cooperation and sanction are found necessary. The response of an urban politician could very well reflect a view that citizen participation is grass—roots involvement in the democratic decision-making process. The politician would probably indicate that this type of involve- ment is required to guide the policy formulation of the elected and appointed decision makers. According to Walter Wilcox, this type of response may be given; although, in actuality the elected politician has "very imperfect infor- mation about constituency preference" and the constituent's awareness of the representative's position is "slight."9 8Edmund M. Burke, "Citizen Participation Strategies," Journal of American Institute of Planners, XXXIV (September, 1958), P- 291. 9Walter Wilcox, "The Congressional Poll and Non—Poll," in Political Opinion and Electoral Behavior: Essays and Studies, ed. by Edward C. Drever and Walter A. Rosenbaum (Be§mont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Col., Inc., 1966), P. 97. g..." 50 The response of a suburbanite might exemplify a view of citizen participation as the ability to participate in local board meetings and public hearings. Yet, because of the relatively small size of many suburban areas and ease of accessibility to the local decision makers, the ability and opportunity to participate regularly has often gone unused. In vacating this opportunity, the suburbanite has assumingly placed his confidence with the local elected officials and decision makers. But, does this abdication of participation cause other effects? If the earnest citizen has surrendered control over many local issues, if few party leaders intervene, and if public affairs are the responsibility of the non-par partisan amateur, how are politics of suburbia managed? A detailed answer is difficult to come by, but it is at least certain that in one form or another, align- ments and associigions exist to form some sort of power structure. The purpose of establishing these probable positions of citizen participation is to illustrate some recurring views which contribute to an image of citizen participation in planning. The pros and cons title of this particular section is somewhat misleading because it is not intended to convey a concept of polar issues of involvement vs non-involvement, but rather to deal with the depth or magnitude of involve- ment. Almost everyone favors that concept of "citizen 10Robert C. Wood, Suburbia: Its People and Their Politics (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 19587, p. 175. 51 participation". It is, afterall, socially and professionally unpopular to take any other position. The central question is therefore one of the nature of the participation. Stanley J. Brody raises the issue of citizen participa— tion in planning processes as perhaps being a panacea when he says: It may be a human trait or one previously restricted to the ancient Greeks or early English Knights, but what ever it is, Americans have it obsessionally. This is the "holy grail" complex—the need to find a mythical solution to all problems. The current panacea is "maximum participation of the poor". Social planners suffer from this condition patholog- ically; they have chased "holy graiis" until they see a silver chalice under every bush. Brody sounds a note of caution, if not pessimism. He is more concerned that public agencies and professionals not abdicate their responsibilities and create further separa- tion between the professional and the citizen, but rather to create competence on both sides by extending the process of participation: i.e., to make it meaningful as opposed to beings superficial. Partly because of the lack of clarity and specificity in the prescription of maximum feasible participation models, the unwillingness of those in power to risk threats to their positions can easily be perpetuated. Arthur B. Shostack has identified three modes of involvement used by those in 11Stanley J. Brody, "Maximum Participation of the Poor: Another Holy Grail?" Social Work, (N.A.S.W. Vol. 15., No. 1, January, 1970), p. 6 . _' fl ~1- 52 power to keep those out of power out. They are: containment, co-optation, and codetermination.l2 Containment is designed to keep the aggressive and more militant elements among the poor under control. The poor is allowed to par- ticipate in planning processes as "advisors". In the co- optation model, class minority group members are appointed to various boards as "representatives" of the poor. The representative is not allowed to take part in the actual policy decision-making processes. The extent of his involve- ment is to give support and consent to the decision makers. The codetermination model if used properly could be a very positive one for indicating the nature of meaningful involve- ment. This model allows for elected representatives of the poor, welfare professionals, and community leaders to operate programs from group peer perspectives. It is not supposed to have any subordinate-superordinate charac- teristics. However, this remains the flaw in this particular model. Perhaps a crucial question of the whole issue of citizen participation in planning processes is one of a "right to sanction policy." Mogulof points out: The right of the poor to sanction a policy must be clarified. This is important since the poor may be involved for different purposes: They may be involved l2Arthur B. Shostak, "Containment, Co-optation or Co- determination," American Child, (Vol. AA, No. A November, 1965), pp. 15-19- 53 in policy making bodies as representatives of the groups a CAP seeks as constituents, they may be target area residents serving on an ad hoc or continuing basis as advisers, or they may be asked to give local sanction to policy created at a higher level. The difference between advice and sanction in dealing with representatives of the poor is critical.13 Mogulof doesn't even bother to deal with the issue of policy formulation (the absolute absence of the poor in this area is a given) but only with policy sanctioning. This in itself would be a step forward in providing meaningful participation. The root of the controversy over rights of the poor to make policy decisions is actually a question of power and authority and power relationships. The issue of power will be covered in the latter part of the present chapter. There is no one single view of citizen participation, nor is there an established degree of activism or involve- ment associated with any particular participation model. The present discussion is designed to point out some of the types of considerations which influences social planning efforts which seek to either include or exclude citizen participation in the planning process. l3Melvin B. Mogulof, "Involving Low—Income Neighbor- hoods In Antidelinquency Programs," Social Work, (N.A.S.W. Vol. 10, No. A, October 1965), pp. 51-57. 5A Evolutionary Development of Citizen Participation in Planning Processes The examination of citizen participation in planning and the course of its evolution has special importance in light of contemporary re-evaluation of the goals, aims and objec- tives of planning. The commonality of planning and citizen participation lies in the means by which these goals and objectives are formulated and the means employed to achieve stated aims. To the extent that planning has always characterized our democratic heritage - "Citizen participation is part of our democratic heritage, often proclaimed as a means to a perfect democratic process."lu Stated simply, it is viewed as the ultimate voice in community decision- making. A phase in the evolution of the planning process and citizen participation groups, that is shared is the re- evaluation of means employed in the political, decision-making and planning process to activate the vocalize citizen partici— pation. The planning professionals only recently, and under pressure of their own memberships, sought means of obtaining in urban areas the opportunity for citizen participation and policy sanctioning that has always existed at the local 1”Burke, op. cit., p. 287. 55 town meeting level. In pursuing their professional methods, planners became aware of the shortcomings of planning for the poor. The consequences of these shortcomings have evidenced themselves in a need for new political, economic and social policies. The need also stressed the develOpment of policies to re-establish forms of participation as a first step toward making planning a valid process. As the evolutionary process developed further, re-evaluations made by many divergent citizen participation groups, in reference to the means to vocalize their participation, was to consider a more militant posture. Furthermore, both the magnitude and the complexity of urban areas today demands more than a "unitary plan" which represents a single public interest. It has been the different public interests behind the motivations which ultimately led to the re-evaluation of planning processes. A major portion of the motivation for a modification of the concept of one public interests (that of the power elite), was also largely due to the active civil rights movement of the sixties, and the beginning of federal develop- ment of social policies and planning programs with the 196A Economic Opportunity Act. Yet, this happened only after America had for so long avoided acknowledgment of their "other America."15 15Michael Harrington, The Other America: Poverty in the United States (Baltimore, Maryland: Penguin Books, Inc., 1962). 56 Eventually, social planners and politicans began to realize the failure of their planning and its implementation; and it was pointed out (sometimes forcefully) that the inability of citizens to participate in the democratic process was due to economic, political and/or racial determinants. Urban planners began to realize that because of these kinds of restrictions, perhaps more than the tech- nical competence of its planning, the confidence in the representation of the different public interests in the establishment of planning goals, aims and objectives had been affected by this inability of various sectors to partic- ipate. From the simple goal of including citizen participation in planning processes, the tasks has become progressively confusing and complex. When a policy to provide for an active form of citizen participation is adopted, then the dilemma of knowing who participates and to what extent they participate can become the fulcrum of the planning effort. The pragmatic consideration for citing citizen partici- pation as a fulcrum in a number of planning efforts is based upon various legislative requirements that call for the development of planning efforts only after an attempt has been made to establish some community consensus. Since these requirements can be sidetracked by the often sundry acceptance of "representatives of the community" and judg- ment based on the term "consensus," the unbalancing of a 57 planning effort by participation can work without formal representatives and consensus. An example of this is the halting of poorly planned projects by the defacto veto of citizens. This type of participation has only been given notice when it has taken on more militant dimensions. 223 Village Voice reports that the following "preventive partici- pation" occurred because of the proposed construction of a New York State Office Building (SOB) at 125th Street and Seventh Avenue: An angry meeting at a Harlem Church, a mass of pickets at the SOB site, some frantic communications between Deputy Mayor Robert Sweet, Rocky, and Harlem State Senator Basil Paterson, and construction on the $28 million building had been indefinitely postponed. Swift action; even in this politically hot summer. But the protest at the site was more than just a protest. The people of Harlem have not only stopped dead the building, for which all contracts had been let but they have 'reclaimed' the land and are determined to make use of the huge empty lot as they see fit.1 The report further notes: The sudden flame of conflict over the SOB exposes the familiar dangers of 'planning from above' and confirms the desperate need of local communities to establish their own priorities, particularly in the ghetto where the gap between the planner and the plannee is so formidable.l l6Jonathan Black, "This Is Our Land, We're Here to Stay," Village Voice, (July 17, 1969), p. 15. l7Ihid., p. uu. 58 This type of "preventive participation" by community resident also existed in the early days of the urban renewal era, renewal by bulldozer, which were also the early days of the present issue of the validity and acceptance of the issue of citizen participation. Many of the earliest redevelopment projects were completed with little organized opposition. Somehow, however, people learned from the experience of others, and today in cities which have been engaged in renewal for several years, physical planners often find prospective renewal areag ready and waiting for them, organized to the teeth.1 With this type of opposition in mind, one of the most important questions which should be adked is, "if the aim of having citizen participation has become so reversible, then what was the strategy of citizen participation?" A look at urban planning, one of the forerunners in citizen participation models will shed some light. An examination of the historical development of citizens in physical planning legislation appears to indicate varying degrees of participation in several stages of planning development with no consistent strategy for participation within planning. The City Beautiful Movement (approximately 1900 to 1915) was the beginning point of comprehensive planning, and it occurred during the reform movement period of American politics and government. Each of these movements helped 18Wilson, 9p, cit., p. 2A3. 59 planning achieve a semi-official stance in terms of plann— ing's function for government at that time, and each move- ment in its own way was reflective of a "grass-roots" concern. The City Beautiful Movement established two aspects of local planning that remain in common use today; the professional planning consultant and the quasi—planning 19 commission composed of leading citizens. The effect of the movement was also to "create a special upper-middle class constituency for planning."20 The City Beautiful Movement attributed its sense of grass-roots concern, since it used concerned citizens; i.e., garden and civic clubs, as a basis for "doing something" in a planned way for the physical environment. The turn of the century planner saw governmental officials involved in the behind the scenes interplay of private interests, which created the machine-run city. Quite obviously, the machine politicians did Operate on the principle of satisfying private interests. Thus, it was natural that the planner should ally himself with the municipal reformer who was also dedicated to the ideals of a "good" government, which supposedly serves the public interests in an "efficient manner." l9w1111am I. Goodman and Eric C. Freund, ed., Principles and Practice of Urban Planning, International City Managers' Association (Washington, D.C., 1968), p. 22. 20Ibid., p. 21. 60 Additionally, during this era, the Tenement Housing Acts were passed in New York City, and the municipal refor- mers, saw slum removal as a method of social reform. Thus, by allying themselves with the reformers, physical planning was seeking re-establishment; based upon social concern, a true public interest, and the involvement of some citizens. The actual planning practiced since then may have deviated and lost emphasis but clearly it was there. The town meeting concept is indicative that it was once present. During the 1920's, city planning became increasingly "popular" and in 1922 the U.S. Department of Commerce published the first edition of A Standard State Zoning Enabling Act. By 1926, the Supreme Court established the constitutionality of comprehensive planning. Then, in 1928 the U.S. Department of Commerce gave additional sanction to the use of planning commissions in its model law, A Standard City PlanningyEnabling Act. Yet, because the leadership of most local planning commissions fell into the hands of Chambers of Commerce and the well-to-do citizen, "their "21 This plans paid no attention to slums or poverty. occurred even though the legal opportunity and mechanism for "fuller" citizen participation existed in these enabling acts, in their provision for public hearings. 21Goodman and Freund, 9p, cit., p. 23. 61 Thus, local planning on the eve of the great Depression had attained status and self-identity. Yet, the relevance of most planning programs to basic urban problems seemed questionable. "Organization for planning was in the hands of quasi-independent commissions composed of business executives, realtors, and the high priests of economic order - lawyers, architects, and engineers."22 For the most part, these lay leaders looked upon planning as a citizens' effort, to be "sold" to recalcitant politicians.23 The Depression experience provided impetus toward a redefinition of local planning when attention became focused on creating new institutional structures and coordinating their activities with old ones. The realization came about that planning could not escape questions of administration and organization. An analysis of the status of planning and a plea for an alternative model to the quasi-independent planning commission was established in Robert Walker's book, The Planning Function in Urban Government. It was then becoming favored that effective local planning required that the planning function be organized as a staff aid to the municipal executive. In addition to foregoing new relationships to municipal government, planners during the Depression were also 22Ibid., p. 2A. 23See Robert A. Walker, The Planning Function in Urbgp Government (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 19AI), pp. 1A3-62 and p. 205. 62 broadening the focus of their activities. Social problems assumed equal stature with physical oayout as a legitimate claim on professional attention. Federal programs wfire of great assistance in producing the new emphasis.2 However, the greatest emphasis of federal programs which related planning to citizen participation and planning was within the workable program of the Housing Act of 195A.25 The importance of this legislation and reshaping of the planning process is that it gave birth to the concepts of "maximum feasible citizen participation" in the federal legislation of the Economic Opportunity Act of 196A and to "sidespread citizen participation" of the Model Cities Legislation."26 Furthermore,the strength of this legis- lation and its importance was placed before the public app the planning profession with the Supreme Court's re-affir- mation of the rights of the Black minority.27 However, it appears that only in this period of a strong (but unclear) federal stance and the frequent occurrence of urban disorders did the urban planner seem zuGoodman and Freund, pp, cit., p. 27. 25U. S. Congress, House, Title 1, Housing Act of 19A9, (as amfinded, Section 101), Public Law 171, Blst Congress, H.R. l 50. 26 U. S. Congress, House, Title I, Demonstration Cities and Metropolitan Development Act of 1966 (as amended), Public Law 755, 89th Congress, H. R. 3301. 27Brown V. Board of Education, Topeka, Kansas, 39A U.S. 29A (195A). 63 "to be convinced that it is both ethical and necessary to play the political game."28 Briefly, it is seen thattfluaconcepts of planning and citizen participation have had some general parallels in their development. The most important of these is with respect to decision-making. It appears that as planning processes developed plans more towards fiat planning, its role became officially adopted by the government with a corresponding increase in the size of urban areas. Emerging directly with this growth came an increase in the communi- cating distance between the government, its administration and the citizens of the community. As this distance increased, there was a decrease in the trust and confidence by the people of the community toward the elected and a appointed officials who were responsible to larger and larger numbers of persons and more diverse public interests. The inability of some citizens to participate became greater, and their ability to protest this tendency through structured channels and make their situation known was non-existent. The changes that the federal urban renewal legislation imposed upon this condition, however, were not as far reaching as they possibly could have been. 28Alan Altshuler, The City Planning Process, (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1965), pp. 355-356. 6A The results have been generally ineffective, although it should be recognized that any efforts in this direction are to be encouraged and facilitated. The objective is worthy, although the methods, means, and techniques have not been perfected or developed to the point of becoming genuinely meaningful. However, in isolated instances, special efforts in relation to particular urban renewal projects have proved to be quite effective.29 Until federal policies made a clearer statement of the aims and goals of the community participation it expected from its programs, citizens continued to be left out of the decision-making of planning processes. The frustration of this dilemma now partially rested upon those planners social and physical who sought to correct the wrongs in the representatives of the planning process, but were handicapped by the lack of clear policy statements by the federal government and other government units, and a lack of adequate models to follow. It was this type of clear policy statement which could have been made by local units of government to promote increased participation in planning at the local level. Thus, the concern and the burden of finding the means and methods for participation then rested with the citizens being affected by plans developed without their participation. Clearly, the desire "to take part" was developing into the most comprehensive 29Goodman and Freund, pp, cit., p. 573. 65 aspect that the planning process would have to concern itself with. Since the catalyst for the struggle for access to the decision-making process of planning was the federal urban renewal programs, and the unsatisfactory solutions to this participation problem has focused this struggle, an examination of this federal citizen partici- pation legislation is in order. Jewel Bellush and Murray Hacsknecht cite in Planning Participation and Urban Renewal: Urban renewal programs have opened a vast complex of activities requiring the skills and knowledge of planners. At the same time, that the contributions of the planners are called upon, the urban renewal administration calls for participation of citizens in renewal programs. The law specifies that a community submit a workable program for community improvement which must include provisions for 'citizen partici— pation.30 As an example of this intent, a statement of the then Department of Housing is cited: . . . and we mean by that not just a passive accep- tance of what is being done, but the active utilization of local leadership and organizations whicg can profitably assist in the community effort. 1 Of this intention, Bellush and Hacsknecht feel that as admirable as this is, a statement of values, it ignores some inevitable problems of democratic planning. 3OJewel Bellush and Murray Hacsknecht, "Planning, Participation and Urban Renewal," in Urban Renewal: People, Politics & Planning, ed. Jewel Bellush and Murray Hacsknecht (New York: Doubleday & Co., Inc., 1967), p. 278. 31Address, Robert C. Weaver, Administrator, Federal Housing and Home Finance Agency at the Family Service Assoc. of America, November 13, 1961. 66 For example, if we consider planning as a continuous decision-making process, at the crudest level of analysis we can distinguish three major stages of decision-making. First, there is the decision of the community to embark on urban renewal. Second, there is the formulation of a general plan for a given area which involves decisions as to what kinds of policies are to be emphasized; e.g., a decision to convert a mixed industrial and slum area to all residential use. Third, the development of specific proposals; e.g., drawing up detailed architectural and engineering plans providing for projected land use and the design of structures in the area. Does the notion of citizen participation mean that members of the community have a chance to participate in the construction of these designs; have the power to propose revisions; and have the power to approve or reject the final plans?32 The argument of their articles goescn to question whether all individuals within a community have the necessary prerequi- sities or resources for effective participation regardless of their location within the social structure of the community. However, although this type of questioning is obviously needed, much of the responsibility for planning is borne by the planner. His concept of the public interest and the planning process makes it just as important that the following questions be asked and answered. Does the planner and the planning process have the necessary prerequisites for initia- ting and adopting the means and methods to formulate a plan representing both a given public interest and the whole public interest? How long and how much effort will the planner spend in pursuit of each interest? What is the 32Bellush and Hacsknecht, pp. cit., p. 278 67 strategy of the planner towards each public interest and citizen participation? Planning and the Public Interest Through some of the words of Paul Davidoff, in "Advocacy and Pluralism in Planning," the cry of tribunal has been aroused.33 The text of the article speaks directly to the problem of "unitary planning" and the dilemma facing the planner who is to plan for two or more public interests. In addressing the planner directly, Davidoff states that: Appropriate planning action cannot be prescribed from 2.2231332 Sisl’iiéesbfi‘i‘é‘éiiiiiium premipfim One conclusion drawn from this is that "values are inescapable elements of any rational decision-making process."35 When the "unitary plan" is defined as process whereby only one agency in the community should prepareElplan, the strategy and attitude of the individual planner towards citizen participation takes on increased importance. However, even if the unitary plan "has discouraged full participation by 33Roger Starr, Editorial, American Society of Planning Officials Newsletter, XXXIII (December, 1967. 3“Paul Davidoff, "Advocacy and Pluralism in Planning," Journal of American Institute of Planners, XXXI (November, 1965), p. 331. 351bid., p. 331. ll 68 citizens in plan-making in the past, its weakness is a 36 That strength for citizen participation in another way. is, unitary planning can be a method of drawing into the public arena the views of both the residents and the planning agency toward citizen participation and access to decision-making in planning. This can be accomplished through controversy or confrontation. Drawing positions on issues of importance into the public arena, which can affect the general public, is often called politics. If the planning process is to encourage democratic urban programs by its planning efforts, then it must operate to include rather than exclude citizens from participating in the process. Inclusion means not only permitting the citizen to be heard. It also means that he be able to become informed about the underlying reasons for planning proposals, Sigfiigi‘bi? EEJSESHSSESSI‘EEIESE:.§i°“"i°a1 The mentioning of urban politics may very well be the key to a dialogue between government units, social and physical planners and potential participants of any planning effort. Although it should also arouse the fears of all those who had an underlying suspicion that political organization was the aim of citizen participation in the first place, and that the taxpayer's money is being used to promote a single 36Ibid., p. 332. 37Ibid., p. 332. u. .a‘ 69 political movement, it is extremely doubtful that questions will be publicly asked as to whether this approach is the needed solution for the participation and decision— making problem. It is not difficult to see that the political history of those groups rallying for a larger share of decision-making in planning for their community indicates a distinct breakdown in the traditional political linkage between people and the central decision makers; e.g., the old town meeting concept. Dr. Kenneth Clark writes in the Black Ghetto: Democratic government tends to be limited in its capacity to respond to the demands of minority or lower status groups because its necessity is dependent either upon majority support or upon those groups that already have economic, political, and social status and power. The successful politician seeks to find a balance between the demands of those who wish to Chang and the resistance of those who are determined to pre- vent it. American political history is the record of adjustment to the needs of those minorities most restless at one time and a postponement or solution of the requests of those groups that are, at the time, relatively satisfied or quiescent. The strategy of such compromise responds to tension among competipg forces and is inevitable in a democratic society. Some of the reasons and explanations of why there are no particular breakthrough from this pattern are explained by the examination of the limitedness of the ghetto. The effective exercise of power in the urban ghetto is crippled severely by the inexperience of the ghetto's own political leaders. Their inexperience and 38Kenneth B. Clark, Dark Ghetto: Dilemmas of Social Power (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, Inc., 1965), p. 155. 70 political unsophistication have a fundamental root- the psychology of the ghetto with its pervasive and total sense of helplessness. It is difficult, if not impossible, to behave as one with power when all one's experience has indicated that one has none. Because their house of political power is built on sand with- out a solid base of economic or social influence, ghetto politicians are likely to accept a limited jurisdiction and to seek immediate and concrete rewards. They often subject themselves to the control of others they believe to hold the primary power, and some are prepared to make petty deals and to toy with political corruption. But even in corruptipp the Negro is accorded second-class citizenship. The continuation of the breakdown of the traditional sources of political power throughout the city are also emphasized when it is considered that its present develop— ment must compete with other participants of the political structure. American mayors today are faced with the problems of governing cities in which to a great extent the traditional sources of political power have been dispersed or eliminated. The old style political machine is gone except in a very few big cities. Party organization is generally weak. Mayors must still assemble the power to govern but they can rarely do so today by relying on loyal party lieutenants who occupy the lesser city offices and who sit on the council. Instead, the mayor must try to piece together that power out of the support he can receive from city— wide interests, such as newspapers,civicugssociations, business organizations and labor unions. Aside from having control over a political structure by position and power, the change of the political structure may 39Ihid., p. 156. uoWilson, pp, cit., p. 2A8. 71 be achieved by the vote. At least this is what the standard bearers of the present democratic process believe; but in actuality, does the voting power of the ghetto and unorganized groups promote itself as that much of a potential for political and social change? The most obvious of the social sources of power is political, yet Negroes have failed so far to translate their vote into effective action in their own behalf. There is a circular pattern in political behavior, for ineffective use of the vote limits a group's political influence while its political powerlessness may in turn seem convincing evidence that voting is useless, leading to apathy. But votes alone do not necessarily imply actual political power, in the sense of control of the direction of social change, for seldom are the issues of an election clearcut enough for a vifitory to imply a mandate for a particular program. 1 For the planning process and for politically estranged citizens, consideration must be given to how citizen partici— pation can work in a manner that promotes its own recognition while engaging in a strategy of improving the practice of planning and participatory democracy, to the extent that it becomes planning in participatory democracy. It must further be stated that the pursuit of a basic framework to promote citizen participation and access to the decision—making process is as complex as the human emotions of the planners, decision-makers and participants. “Clark, pp, cit., p. 155. 72 The problems conflicts and needed solutions noted in the history and background of citizen participation indicate that today the sphere of activity in which the interactions of planning, politics, citizen participation and decision- making occur could be described as the "quasi—public and political arena" of urban areas. It is in this arena that the values which were associated with past citizen activism and potential citizen responses will be expressed. It will also be in this arena that the differing views of citizen participation will be expressed through various organizations, groups and social institutions. However, if change is to occur, it must involve the established institutional structures whose functional domain embodies the formal and informal facets of social control and change. In addition, this movement must occur by the interaction of institutional influences which promote access to the decision-making process which determines the ultimate direction of the planning process. From a planning standpoint, if it were possible to become convinced that institutions, politics, planning and citizen participation and participatory democracy existed in a state of equilibrium, then the task of determining what forms and degrees of the decision—making process each public interest should have to produce the best plan, would simplify the planning issue ten—fold. However, this condition does not exist. Decision makers and planners, 73 social and physical, responsive to institutional influences, to a great extent, determine the strategy of the planning process. Only from this understanding can efforts be made to describe what factors, interactions and change must be occurring and provided to ensure that citizen participation means access to the decision-making process between public officials, planners and between public officials, planners and citizens. Structure and Power Facets of Participation The establishment of a participation model, although it may only consist of representatives from a selected area in a policy or advisory capacity, must develop strong governing objectives, procedures and methods. This is required in order for it to function effectively with a multitude of governmental and social agencies and institu- tions. Beyond ability to participate, the interaction between government and citizens in planning sould not be ambiguous. Any lack of clarity renders participation irrelevant in terms of the citizen's responsibilities toward the authority of government and government toward the rights of citizens. "Experience suggests that these ambiguities underlie the demands of many neighborhood residents for group 'control' A2 of the planning process." It is the existence of citizen ”2U. S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, Technical Assistance Bulletip No. 3: Citizen Participation in Model Cities (Washington, D.C.: HUD, December, 1968), p. 1A. 7A participation among institutions and the influences and power wielded in the political process that demands that citizen participation have its role and authority known and accepted. Without such an established position, it cannot be expected that other institutions will account for the presence and interests of citizen participation, nor can it be expected that the participatory function would be willing to account for the interests of other institutions. The brief discussion earlier of the attitudes and images associated with citizen participation begins to reveal why each and every element of an institution must be established in citizen participation. The creation of the basic condition for citizen participation as a social institution; the inability of existing institutions to broaden their membership, will continue to exist, if the planning function fails to utilize citizen participation to achieve an up-to-date planning process. As the planning function utilizes citizen participation as a social institution, it will give more credence to goals and objectives which must be subject to consensus of interests and power of influence. Such credence will draw resisters away from compartmentalizing planning into physical, economic and social components. Instead, the improved capacities of planning to forecast probable consequences 75 and assess payoffs of recommended socio—economic policies will be strengthened by a broader judgment of how it will affect the daily living patterns of residents. The increased ability of planning to gain feedback and recommen— dations in devising meaningful alternative plans will undoubtedly approach greater compatability in objectives. The promotion of interaction between citizen participation and vested interests, combined with political influences, will also promote the differing positions on issues to take a greater stance of practicality, and greater benefit over that of political expediency. The ability of the planning function to develop acceptable policies will broaden the potential for compromise, negotiating and bargaining with the effect that benefits of holding a position will come under greater public scrutiny and evaluation. In turn, the emphasis on the complexities of development will be better understood by the public at large. When a final plan is developed, it will reflect a greater reconciliation of diverse interests and can more readily gain public approval. The implementation of such a plan can only be more positive, since it will have been based upon the concept of political practicality in the public arena and not narrow political expediency. To follow this course, is rational and action oriented. Yet, the ability of citizen partici- pation to succeed in providing access to decision-making hinges on the power of influence, authority, and resources, It: '0 .-5 .1 d u“ 76 it can meet the established institutional power structures and their resources at each phase of the planning process. Power and Authority in its Relationship to Planning Strategy The important task now is to evaluate the kinds of power, influences, authority and resources citizen partici- pation requires, and to understand how acceptance of citizen participation as a social institution provides a foundation for these powers. Then finally, how to establish the working framework of citizen participation to achieve its position as a social institution. However, in order to accomplish this, the evaluation of power, influence and resources, of citizen participation, must be understood relative to those possessed by existing institutions and their use in political policy—making. The critical question of evaluating this aspect of citizen participation can only be answered when its role is seen as a form of citizen power in planning. It is the development and redistribution of various forms of power to influence policy, strategies, priorities and decisions for those citizens who at present are not included in partici— pation and who do not have access to decision-making. It 'is a strategy by which all citizens will be able to rejoin the policy-making functions in determining among other things how information is shared, goals and policies set, tax 77 resources allocated, programs are operated, and benefits are parcelled out. It is, also, a strategy for the planning process as Rein points out: Lack power, 'the ability to control external and internal environments and/or to counteract the consequence of imperfect control' for there it needs to win cooperation to achieve the process and to do this the distribution of influence may have to be altered or fragmented power may have to be collected and harnessed. 3 For it is according to Kaplan, "Within the structure of institution responsibility (that) the planner attempts to articulate values, priorities and programs“)4 When the expression "power" is discussed in planning processes it is done so in terms of power to influence that process, and not an external force per se. The citizen power to influence is an exertion of authority to promote interests in the form of participation, and this authority is based upon the ultimate consent of the participants. The exercise of authority in this sense is the promotion of a strategy. In regard to the notion of strategy, Burke states: This is not to imply that citizen participation is a single, undifferentiated and overriding strategy. “BMartin Rein, "Social Planning: The Search for Legiti- macy," Journal of American Institute of Planners, XXXV (July, 1969 , p. 233. MIMarshall Kaplan, "Advocacy and the Urban Poor," Journal of American Institute of Planners, XXXV (March, 19697. p. 97? 78 It is more accurate to speak of several strategies pgjpigispg.pgrticipation, defined in terms of given Thus, the power to influence, the authority to promote interests, and the strategies are the primary means of achieving participation. To begin with, the ability to influence citizen partic- ipation occurs where there is a process of community decision- making. The form that the process takes as it affects planning has been summarized and discussed by Lawrence Mann in terms of various power model concepts.”6 Belief in any one particular one of these power models is not the crux of recognition of the ability of citizen participation to influence planning processes. Strategy for Citizen Participation Institutions and their ability to influence are already existing; patterns of community decision-making are already in existence and past planning policies to some extent will exist in both the minds of government and agency "officials," as well as in approved public documents. usEdmund M. Burke, "Citizen Participation Strategies," Journal of American Institute of Planners, XXXIV (September, 1968), p. 288. “6Lawrence D. Mann, "Studies in Community Decision- Making," Journal of American Institute of Planners, XXX, (February, 196A), p. 58L65. no v5. ‘v 'Q a" “a. 79 The beginning of a planning effort is the most difficult time for the promotion of citizen participation. At this point, there is the greatest amount of reliance upon the planner, who in the past, when conventional "planning" functions were performed, was not in control or in any position to direct the process. Not that any single decision-making entity that could be said to have "planned" was in central control of the process.“7 The planning process and its functions are performed in an essentially political process. With this handicap, the planner attemp— ting a viable program of citizen participation is promoting a program of institutional reform which has an implicitly limited appeal; and, its first results are relatively remote, roundabout and intangible. Nevertheless, this is the time in which the effort for citizen participation and access to decision-making must begin. It must begin when the potential of citizen partic- ipation will not be an issue opposed by other institutions and organized interests. Not later, when these interests can and will become fully activated by particular issues and vested interests in programs and policy decisions. ”7See Roland L. Warren, "Model Cities First Round: Politics, Planning and Participation," Journal of American Institute of Planners, XXXV (July, 1969), p. 2A54252. 80 The "power" requirements of citizen participation at this time are least; it needs only to obtain a non-c00ptable, non-manipulated working position on the first decisive decision-making body established for the articulation of the public interest. The power now required of citizen partic- ipation is the power of stimulation. This is the activation of the main purpose of citizen participation as a social institution; it is the purpose of participating. The first interest of participation will be to prevent its first position from becoming final, since from this point, citizen participation will endeavor to strengthen its posi- tion. Next, it will further promote recognition of itself amongst the community, and as a non-threatening force of the interests of other institutions. Thirdly, it must bring into the public arena thefirst issues of the planning process, that of the establishment of goals. The success of these immediate steps will be noted in the ability of the planning process to become the public and political issue it realis- tically is. Furthermore, the ability of citizen, participation to operate with or against community decision-making, its ability to blunt proposals of planning policy not in the interest of the whole community and to counter these proposals with other constructive proposal and efforts, and 81 the ability to prevent a coopted or sidetracked public interest rests upon the "power" of citizen participation to remain active. Probably the most troublesome area of citizen partici- pation is that of objectives, aims and strategy. This area is difficult to deal with because it begins to examine citizen participation internally; and, as this occurs, the implications of the objectives and aims of citizen partici- pation that reach to planning programs, bureaucracy, public interests and rights of individuals become apparent. Since citizen participation is seen as a social institution, the objectives and aims are embodied within the structure of the institution. However, since citizen participation is also viewed in terms of planning and, therefore, in a process of decisions and compromises, these same objectives and aims take on the significant effect of also being viewed as elements of strategy. The concluding part of this chapter places citizen participation in the position of attempting to enumerate a scheme for operationalizing its objectives and aims as strategy; both for the members of the citizen participation effort itself and as an influence on planning processes. In addition, an attempt has been made to relate citizen partici— pation to a number of achievement elements, which are seen 82 as crucial factors in the structuring of a citizen partici- pation organization, in that they strategically link par- ticipants to the aims and objectives. Objectives of Citizen Participation Accordingly, the most important objectives in the establishment of a citizen participation effort are: 1. To strengthen and reinforce the planning process and planning programs. 2. To re-establish the best concept of the public interest. 3. To ensure a continuing responsiveness of existing institutional structures. Aims of Citizen Participation 1. Providing the communication of new ideas from persons previously excluded from the planning process. 2. Correction of existing and future policies which are influenced by the best intentions of bureaucrats which have not always been definable, predictable, consistent, workable or realistic. 3. The strengthening of the rights of all persons to have a voice in the planning that affects them. The importance of the first aim, which is to provide the communication of new ideas from persons previously excluded from the planning process, is a key to effective citizen involvement. This aim is cited as being a key to effective citizen participation, because channels of communication are the means for citizens "to convert local aspirations into highly visable, creditable projects that 83 A8 In affect the public and private resource stream." addition, where past planning has failed by proposing complex, involved approaches to a problem, time should be allowed to consider simple but uncomplicated approaches proposed by persons affected by a problem area. This is not to exclude a planner's or anyone else's approach for solution, but it strives to establish a better view and consequences of alternatives. Summary To briefly review what was established earlier, the primary function or purpose of citizen participation as a social institution is the ability to participate. This is seen in the components of a social institution which provide the means for individuals to participate and the means for citizen participation to function in an institutional system. The goal of citizen participation in this form is in its ability to partake in the planning process, which assumes the inherent ability to influence decisions. This requires the incorporation of citizen participation into the decision-making process. Without access to the decision- making process citizen participation cannot be considered as partaking in the planning process. “8Kaplan, pp, pip., p. 98. 8A From a presentation of divergent views of citizen participation and a review of past planning involvement with the grass-roots level of participation, the conflicts and problems surrounding access to decision-making for citizens in today's planning process evidenced themselves in three main areas. First, there is both an overall and specific breakdown or dysfunction of the social insti— tutions which contribute to the decision-making process. Second, there are existing patterns of influence which tend to exclude groups of citizens from aiding in the deter- mination of the public interest in planning. Finally, there is an apparent lack of planning strategy for planners to use in their attempts to activate citizen participation. In acknowledgement of these problem areas, this exam- ination of citizen participation was directed towards finding a solution and strategy for providing access to the decision-making process. CHAPTER IV DESIGN OF THE STUDY Introduction It is obvious from chapters 11 and III that community organization requires, (1) some form of organization, and (2) the participation of people of a given community setting. Chapter II deals with organizational structure and how organizations develop into viable entities. Chapter III focuses on the participatory processes of organized groups of people. Singularly, neither the organizational nor the participatory paradigm provides the necessary and sufficient conditions to sustain community organization as an on—going process. Given the two basic component parts as creating a form of social organization: The task, or problem or project will be considered by some group committee, council, commission or other form of organization. This latter may be formal, with title, offices, and employed staff, or informal. But there will be some form of association through which are channeled the aims and efforts of the persons concerned. The character, structure, and methods of operation of the association are of first importance to use, since the association becomes the main channel through which the community organization process moves. . . The association and process are not separate; the association is an instrument that facilitates the process. lMurray G. Ross, pp, cit., p. 158. 85 86 It is the intent of the present study to examine the process of the Positive Neighborhood Action Committee. Concern is therefore focused on the pattern of structure, the arrangements of the different parts of the whole structure, and the various ways in which they function cooperatively or restrictively. As in any complex situation, the P.N.A.C. too has essential or dominant features with varying forces that hold it together as well as the strains that tends to weaken. In essence an attempt is being made to sort out that complex matrix of factors which make the P.N.A.C. a func- tional organism.{ Organizational theory defines a developing organiza- tion such as the P.N.A.C. as being simply a social system with at least one specifiable goal, and which has legitimate, non-hierarchial accesses and linkages to the resources of other participant--recipient social systems. Rules must be established by the organization in order to set and achieve its goals, which are definable as for the "good of the whole" or good for the "community of interests." The theory further implies cooperative action between partici- pant--recipient systems and developing organizations; cooperatively in beliefs, sentiments, values, and patterns of social organization. As derived from the theory, the key elements sought are the linkages the P.N.A.C. establishes and utilizes with other participant-recipientsocial 87 systems in order to achieve its goals. Careful attention is devoted to the degree or extent to which the P.N.A.C. "formally" cooperates with other organizations. Again, the theory implies that a developing organization such as the P.N.A.C. simply gains legitimate access to the resources of other organizations and social systems in order to achieve its own goals, but never allows itself to be co-opted or merged with others. Whereas development organization theory addresses such concepts as "for the good of the community of interests," and "the fund of good will" that exists in communities, these concepts are nevertheless based on involvement processes, linkages, and certain kinds of cooperative efforts. Community organization theory in general does not differ greatly from deve10pment organization theory. In fact, the researcher tends to view the latter as an element of the former. Community organization theory dictates that the P.N.A.C., as a peoples organization, would have to proceed from a perspective of community integration—-the exercise of co-operative and collaborative attitudes and practices which lead to identification with the community by assisting the community in the achievement of self determination, developing cooperative and collaborative work relationships among various groups, and the capacity to solve community problems. 88 Source of the Data In view of the needs of the field of social science to develop workable multi-disciplinary efforts to directly address urban ills, and the innovative methods and tech— niques employed by the P.N.A.C., and as there appears to be implications for the field, a comprehensive and detailed case study seemed the most appropriate way to identify, delineate, and analyze the salient features of the program. The P.N.A.C. organization was chosen as the focus of the present study for two basic reasons: one, the organi- zation appears to be indicative of or to represent a direc— tion that social agency professionals are going to have to give very serious consideration to incorporating, into present methods of operation, if not outright adoption. Secondly, the researcher had easy access to the P.N.A.C. operation. This includes total operations: access to all files, memos, written communques, board meetings, neigh- borhood or community meetings. Most important however, was the active participation of the two primary forces underlying the total operation (Mrs. Annie Watkins, and Mrs. Isabell Rushin). The P.N.A.C. organization itself is the primary source of data for this study. Secondary sources include relevant others, individuals and organiza- tions who are in some way related to the P.N.A.C. 89 Procedures for Data Collection To collect the necessary data for analysis, trips were made to Detroit and the P.N.A.C. program over a twelve month period; August 1970 through July 1971. This was during the researcher's field training. Average length of time spent per trip was two days. Times varied with the programmatic efforts being undertaken; i.e., board meeting, community meetings, etc., some activities occurring in the evening hours and other during the day. Data were collected through the following means: 1. Interviews 2. Participant observation 3. Direct observation A. Case study analysis 5. Historical viewpoint Interviews were held with Mrs. Watkins and Mrs. Rushin, the primary sources of interview collected data. Inter- views were rarely scheduled, but more often occurred in relation to a regularly occurring event or crisis situation. The interviews also concerned themselves with information the researcher gained from his participation and obser- vations, as well as cross checks of information taken from files and case studies. The purpose of the interviews (no questionnaires or interview schedules used) was to try to ascertain attitudes, perceptions, philosophies, opinions, etc., of those engaged in and primarily responsible for 90 the P.N.A.C. Operation. This kind of information was to be gained from "event reconstruction." A secondary purpose was the cross checking of all other information. As a participant observer, the researcher was able to cross check and validate information from both case records and interviews with the researcher's own observations. This kind of participation allowed the researcher greater flexi— bility in sorting out and quantifying underlying interests, motivations, conflicts, etc. Participation, as stated earlier, was in all phases of the program... from the board meetings to the neighborhood "hash out" sessions. Data gathered by direct observation was in addition to that gathered as a participant observer. Often times, the researcher was present at meetings or other functions, but not as a participant. This kind of observation often yielded— information regarding the P.N.A.C. process as it relates to other relevant and constituent parts of the total community. It allowed the researcher to view the P.N.A.C. "out of the vacuum", and in relations to other units. Case study analysis covers two aspects: one, the total study can be considered a case study, and secondly, individual cases handled by the P.N.A.C. were analyzed in order to gather information on the on-going processes. The intention was to seek otu the existence of a process, from case to case, if in fact One did exist. 91 Hostorical viewpoint, the fifth method used to gather data for the present study was concerned with reviewing documents, bulletins, press relases, etc., in order to document past conditions and occurrances of the P.N.A.C. Granted, at times, it was difficult to separate individual case analysis from historical viewpoint. No systematic effort was made to totally separate them. The procedures used to collect data covered a rather broad spectrum of the "methodology" scale, but it was the feeling of the researcher that in order to objectify the study as much as possible, one or two of the methods listed would have been insufficient to describe the P.N.A.C. organization. Together, it was hoped that a broader, more comprehensive and objective analysis could be made. The researcher has attempted to collect, and extract that information which may be regarded as units or wholes, subject to descriptive and explanatory analysis. For this reason, an attempt was made to restrict the kinds of data collected to the following criteria: 1. Concepts; abstract ideas, notions, and systems of thought. 2. Individual events, or people, including their characteristic properties, behaviors and attitudes. 3. Group characteristics, including their normal dynamics or behavior aspects. A. Situations, small particularized situations, including all the ascertainable conditions or factors of significance. 92 5. Activities, processes, performances, the emphasis here is on sustained, ordered, processes leading to problem solving. This list includes the totality of the kinds of variables the researcher looked at, in terms of collecting necessary data. However, equally important as what was looked at, is what the researcher was looking for; perceptions and consequences at given points in time or around given major events and/or situations. By using one or a combination of all the five basic methodological techniques of data gathering listed earlier (case studies, historical viewpoint, etc.), a detailed sequence of events was constructed for particular developments; e.g., specifically (l) The various and varied roles played in the P.N.A.C.'s initiation, (2) The P.N.A.C.'s handling of a school crisis situation, (3) Phonenix Housing Construction situation, and (A) Detroit Riot situation. Chronicalizing these events took several forms. Step one was that of a detailed examination of the local newspapers and other written documents over the period of each situation, aiming to note persons, plans, associations and other descriptive material that provided perceptual cues of the P.N.A.C. by the larger community. The information gathered from these analysis, was cross-checked with staff and board members for discussion and validation. The second step was the securing of data by which the general community setting reflected their perception in 93 regard to the situational event. The community peeple whose views were used to ascertain consensus around a situation, were among those who had close knowledge of the P.N.A.C. operation and who were active participants or collaborators in that operation; either as officers, advisors, or representatives of relevant other organizations which had day to day contact with the P.N.A.C. These kinds of informants were selected on the assumption that those with intimate knowledge of the P.N.A.C.'s central core could provide more fruitful information than could be gained from community wide informants. Community wide representa- tion in the above sample would certainly have given a broader perspective, but not necessarily a more precise one for descriptive and analytical purpose. The informants views selected were broken down into four broad categories. The first category was that of the officers of the P.N.A.C.; the second, consulting agencies in the community; the third, professional advisors to the P.N.A.C.; and the fourth and last category was that of religious and other non professional neighborhood groups. A series of intensive interviews was conducted, in an attempt to elicit information from the officers in which they had been engaged at certain selected points in the process. The methods of investigation employed above assumes that the decisions and Operations of the P.N.A.C. can best 9A be described, delineated and analyzed for process, using key and selected informants as a methodological vantage point, rather than tracing the reverberations and reactions of the entire community organization process throughout the community. Summary As the design of the study has indicated, primary analysis will have to be done in terms of "event recon— struction" as a method in community organization research. This device is frought with all the difficulties of viewing the historical past. However, by controlling the time span in which the event occurred, the recall of informants and the cross-check of field investigatory methods, valid reconstruction appears to be possible. CHAPTER V ANALYSIS OF THE DATA In attempting to analyze the data, it should be kept in mind that the P.N.A.C. organization and the process are not separate; the organization is the instrument or channel through which the process is facilitated. A more detailed look at the organizational structure of the P.N.A.C., yields a better understanding of how the process works. IThe P.N.A.C. as stated earlier, went through the usual informal organizational phase. All the initial works of planning and implimenting was carried out by the volunteers who initiated the project. In this phase, momentum picked up and knowledge of an impending community organization spread, through friends and other acquaintances; face to face contacts occurred, further public meetings were held, and the early volunteers enlarged the circle of participation through personal contacts and exchange of information with one another. The P.N.A.C. likewise followed the informal organiza- tional development pattern of developing rudimentary program ideas and community contacts, and begin to cultivate a few prominent or "strategic" people, professionals and influential laymen. In this phase, program activities were 95 96 varied, not always specific, but very pragmatic, representing innovative and often times improvised responses to new situations.fi The P.N.A.C. was shaping into a cohesive force. Cartwright and Zander have defined the properties of such a self help organization as being the same as those of small groups; a collection of organisms in which the existence of all (in the given relationship) is necessary to the satis- faction of certain individual needs in each. That is to say, the group is an instrument toward the satis- faction of the needs of the individual. Individuals belong to the group because they achieve certain satisfactions made possible by its organization which would not be $0 readily possible for them through any other device. «c LThe P.N.A.C. was also experiencing another trait common to the informal organization phase; emerging leadership roles. Several key people were beginning to emerge as leaders. One of these emergent leaders was Mrs. Annie Watkins, the P.N.A.C.'s first president and the present president. With a rudimentary form of leadership added, the organization began to expand its tasks and take on more volunteers. For such a developing organization, it became necessary, due to growth in scope as well as personnel, to divide up work chores and not have the total organization working in one area. The division of labor signaled the beginning of the P.N.A.C. as a formal organization. 7 1Dorwin Cartwright and Alvin Zander. Gropp Dynamics: Research and Theory., (2nd. ed.; Evanston, 111., Row, Peterson, 19607: p. 75. 97 I", I“ I I“. r .'- f‘ .- -. K In utilizing the method of event reconstruction, the present study attempts to pull out, illuminate, and focus on the multitude of perceptions, concepts cooperative - collaborative attitudes and planning orientations that constitute the process of the P.N.A.C. Major emphasis is focused on four events, all occurring at different periods of time in the P.N.A.C.'s development. The four events analyzed in detail are as follows: 1. Various and varied roles played in the P.N.A.C. initiation. 2. Detroit Riot situation 3. Neighborhood school crisis situation A. Formation of non profit housing corporation, (Phoenix Housing Corp.) Event I Event I, and perhaps the most significant because it has much greater ramification than do the other three events. Event I deals with the P.N.A.C. initiation process; i.e. how did it come into being. It is this particular process that the researcher feels can be replicated. While Event I concerns itself with initiation processes, the other events are concerned with the on-going organization. The mere facts of time, location, people diversity, etc., dictate that'bn-going" process will invariably differ from one organization to another: There are too many variables 98 that are uncontrolable. It is primarily for these reasons that heavy emphasis is placed on the replicability of the P.N.A.C. initiation process; how it got started. M.S.U.'s land grant input was a crucial factor in the establishment of the P.N.A.C.2 Initial research efforts, in the summer of 1966, at building an organizational base map for one area (Sophie Wright Settlement) on the east side of Detroit resulted in the Positive Neighborhood Action Committee. M.S.U. was able to enter this east side community at the invitation of the Sophie Wright Settlement House. Sophie Wright functioned in the tradition of the Settle- ment House concept. Sophie Wright had served this east side community for many years: It had also been a white community for many years prior to the early sixties. Faced with a changing community, white to Black, SOphie Wright was suddenly faced with the mandate of modifying its traditional program thrusts or becoming an obsolete agency. All indications point to the fact that it attempted to modify, but failed. It failed because of inter-organizational conflict which could not be resolved. Namely, it had a white board of directors programming for a Black community in much the same manner as had been done when the community 2See: Alan S. Komins, "New Roles of University Extension," Social Case Work, Vol. 51, No. 3 (March 1970), 99 was white. The needs of this community, at two different periods in history, simply were not the same. The attempt at modification, however, was not a total failure because a new community organization did evolve out of that attempt. Mr. Sidney Rosen, a social worker and Executive Director of Sophie Wright Settlement tried ardently to meet the changing needs of the community. His first move was to place some Blacks on the board. One of those Blacks was Mrs. Watkins, first and present president of the P.N.A.C. organization. Mrs. Watkins and several other Blacks only remained for a short time because of anamosities, hostilities, and general inactivity on the part of the predominantly white board as it related to the Black community. Mr. Rosen, in spite of this set back, was not yet ready to allow the Settlement to fall into a state of obso- lescence. It was at this point that Mr. Rosen brought in outside consulting help;Organization Research Unit, Sociology Department, Michigan State University, in the person of Dr. Christopher Sower. In a speech presented to the Sophie Wright Centennial on June 1A, 1966, Sower spelled out the role of social work organizations in urban development. (see appendix (a) for a summary statement of the remarks). Resulting from this initial meeting between Sower and Rosen, came a contractural committment for Sower to bring the university knowledge and resources to bear on the problems facing the settlement and the surrounding community. Sower, 100 using the land grant, agriculture experiment station concept set about to apply strictly a knowledge base to the opera— tions of SOphie Wright. Sower attempted to interject workable develOpment ideas into the organization and provide needed technical assistance on how to implement them. The first step was to take a look at an aspect of the community in which community support could be gathered. Many people had heard Sowers' Sophie Wright centennial address. Added to this the fact that housing was one of the crucial issues facing the community, the people, through Rosen, requested that a housing survey be conducted. The survey was conducted in the summer of 1966, with the aid of two female students: Sandra Odom, a work study student from M.S.U.'s Organization Research Unit, and Mary Kahle a Master of Social Work graduate student from the University of Michigan. Ms. Kahle's contribution was done as a part of her field training experience, while attached to the Settlement House Program. Appendix B gives a synopsis of the extent and nature‘ of interviews conducted in regards to the housing survey. Because of magnitude, only a small sample of the interviews are included. However, that select sample attempts to give a cross sectional view by the total community; business, church groups, social agencies, neighborhood organizations, etc. 101 Appendix C contains the questionnaire used in the study, as well as a summary of consensus responses. After the survey had been completed, Sophie Wright further contracted with M.S.U. to do an in-depth analysis of the collected data. Appendix D contains the data analysis. Armed with sound data and analysis, several people seized on the opportunity to organize the community around a very concrete issue, housing. Though it had been the SOphie Wright Settlement that had commissioned the housing study, it was now, the people themselves who wanted somehow to impliment the findings. It was also at this time that Sophie Wright's role in the community diminished even further-a real paradox because its usefulness to the community should have been on the incline as a result of the housing study. The Settlement's role decreased because its board would not allow Mr. Rosen to pursue the case because it was out of character with the Settlement's traditional mode of operation. Mr. Rosen obviously was aware of the implications of his board's decision as well as the ramifications it had for the surrounding community. In a desperate attempt to keep the Settlement involved and viable, two social workers were assigned to work with the community people who were organizing the community around the housing issue. 102 The researcher has labeled this a desperate attempt because Mr. Rosen's activities were outside of his board's desires; desperate, when it should have been a part of the Settlement's normal procedures. It should not have been "out of role" for the settlement to assist the community in developing its own organization. From this kind of beginning, the P.N.A.C. evolved (see Appendix E for minutes of first organizational meeting). Who started the P.N.A.C. is a question that the community still leaves Open to debate. Perhaps at this point, that is no longer a crucial question. What is obvious to the researcher is that the P.N.A.C. did not simply "appear". It evolved and that evolution was certainly, in part, from an already established community organization; the Sophie Wright Settlement House. ‘Enthusiasm was high and participation was extensive in getting the P.N.A.C. organization off the ground. (See Appendix F for a 10 statement questionnaire and responses). This questionnaire was administered during the early develop- ment phase of the organization, in hopes of getting the perceptions of the people in regards to the purposes of a new organization. The researcher has given a general overview of how the P.N.A.C. got started, i.e., based on compilation of available data. However, there are some step by step processes which 103 are overshadowed in the general overview. It is the system- atic step procedures that are of utmost concern in this first event because it is these procedures that are most replicable and transplantable. Procedures: Event I 1. The university, and other consulting and planning organizations provide the "knowledge" base. That is, such organizations bring to the perspective community organization certain research designs based on organization theory. The process is one of assembling all pertinent information about a given problem area. This can be done by college students reviewing census data, conducting inter- views, doing surveys, etc. The housing study of the P.N.A.C. community is a case in point. Research findings and interpretations of infor- mation has to be made publicly available and easily accessable. Making available of such information is done without violating rules of initiation. Dissimenation of such information to the public must eminate from an organization which has a public image of being a knowledge respecting one. Information must be brought to a state of being usable in community planning process. This includes the development of new knowledge and information, and helping community leaders understand such knowledge. This is the process of providing tech- nical assistance about information usages. Organizational and leadership base maps are con— structed. University and agency people not only collect information around problem areas, but also about local organizations and leadership structures in the community. This step should further include information pertaining to the structure and life condition of each unit of the organizational base map. The knowledge base about community problems as they relate to the community goals is constructed. University and agency personnel work with community groups and/or individuals in compiling data needed to reach stated goals. 10A 6. The university designs and test various feasibility models of how much change can be initiated into the power and decision making structure of the community which is required for successful sponsorship and execution of the innovation. 7. The university provides technical assistance to help the community design and conduct the kinds of "application research" and systematic observation needed to help in the design of specific organiza— tion arrangements and action projects necessary to achieving developmental goals. Summary These are the tested and replicable steps that in a variety of ways were applied to the initiation of the P.N.A.C. organization. The procedures used in Event I differs from the criteria set up to analyze the three events to follow. The reason being, Event I is concerned with starting a process, whereas the other three events are concerned with on-going processes. Event II The Detroit riot in the summer of 1967 and the P.N.A.C.'s reaction to it provides a view of the second process. The Kerner Report described the P.N.A.C. during the 1967 Detroit disturbance: As the riot alternately waxed and waned, one area of the ghetto remained insulated. On the northeast side the residents of some 150 square blocks inhabited by 21,000 persons had, in 1966, banded together in the Positive Neighborhood Action Committee (PNAC). With professional help from the Institute of Urban Dynamics, they had organized block clubs and made plans for the 105 improvement of the neighborhood. In order to meet the need for recreational facilities, which the city was not providing, they had raised $3,000 to purchase empty lots for playgrounds. Although opposed to urban renewal, they had agreed to co—sponsor with the Archdiocese of Detroit a housing project to be controlled jointly by the archdiocese and PNAC. When the riot broke out, the residents, through the block clubs, were able to organize quickly. Young- sters, agreeing to stay in the neighborhood, partici- pated in detouring traffic. While many persons reportedly sympathized with the idea of a rebellion against the 'system,' onl two small fires were set—- one in an empty building. This was the Kerner Commission's account of the P.N.A.C.'s role in the riot, but there are other accounts which perhaps shed more light on the behind the scene picture. Information in regard to the riot was obtained in three ways: interview, case study, and by historical document. In attempting to determine whether the P.N.A.C. community response to the riot was ad-hoc or whether the response was the result of planned on-going programming, the researcher wanted to ascertain if the following criteria could be applied to the P.N.A.C. organization during the period immediately prior to the riot. 1. Had it established "working" relationships with other community groups to achieve common goals? 2. Was there a coordinating force among peer status groups in the community? 3U.S. Riot Commission Report, 196. Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders Bantam Books, 1968, p. 196. 106 Did it have active ties with social agencies and/or other professional consulting organizations? If in fact the above relationships did exist, were they of a planned, cooperative, and collabora- tive nature? Interviews were held with the following people: 1. 9. Mr. George Kelly, local restaurant and nightclub owner, and active participant in the P.N.A.C. since its inception. (Businessman) The manager of Mr. Kelly's business and one of his associates; both local residents. (Business- men). Mrs. Watkins and Mrs. Rushin, president and vice president of the organization. Director and assistant director SOphie Wright Settlement (both trained social workers). Two consultants from Urban Dynamics Community Programs division. School-community agent-liasion man between the local high school and the P.N.A.C. organization. Four block club presidents. Ministers of two black churches and the local Catholic church. Researcher-M.S.U. and Urban Dynamics. As stated previously, no attempt was made to sample a large population, of community people because the intent on the study is not to evaluate the effectiveness of the organi- zation, but rather its process. A function of the operation which can only be reflected upon by those intimately tied to the P.N.A.C.'s operation. For this reason, information 107 gathered from recorded interviews, has been limited to speci- fied sources; individuals representing agencies and/or business and other social organizations. Table 2 is an attempt to point up the degree of consensus and/or dissonance of key community peOple and groups about the P.N.A.C., in regards to the four previously established criteria. These criteria are all derived from the theory of what an active and viable community organiza- tion must be capable of achieving. The table itself obviously does not delve into the process of ahcieving the stated criteria, but rather, only with the fact of whether or not the stated criteria existed at the time of the Detroit riot. Closer inspection of the table however, yields addi— tional information. First, the only criteria that the data supports 100% is the fact that the P.N.A.C. did have active ties to social agencies and/or other professional or consul- ting groups. Significantly, all the cases studied as well as extracted historical information, likewise supports the existence of the above relationships. The case and historical data further indicate that since its inception, the P.N.A.C. had utilized the expertise of local social agencies as well as community organization consultants from Michigan State University. Specifically, the expertise of professionally trained social workers from Sophie Wright Settlement, and an M.S.U. sociology professor. 108 Hampsom u on pcmEommmamH© u ATV Hampsmm u ATV A+V pmmEmmmma n A+V .lh ATV mommammc A+V momma on Hampsmm A+V momma pcmoa I3ma> HaOHmOpmHm A+V momma n+v momma A+v momma A+v momma mammaacm madam mmao ATV mommammo A+V momma ATV mommamfia A+V momma moweaczo capm: pea .D.m.z monomaowmm A+++v momma A+++V momma A+I+V momma A+++V momma Amv mmmpmmcHz mmmpmmmfiz oaaonpao cma unapaam A++++v momma A++++V momma A++++V momma A++++v momma sz mummvfimmmm .mmmm psao xooam A+V momma A+V momma A+V momma A+V momma . pmmm< amasseEoo Hoonom A+IV Hampsmm A++V momma A++v momma A++V momma momsammo canm: mpmapHchoo AIV mommanma A+v momma ATV mommamma ATV mommammc mummsmapmmm .mfia .pmm< ATV mommamflp A+V momma ATV mommammo A+v momma omsom pmms Imappmm monommmo A+V momma A+V momma A+V momma A+V momma .mmmm .o.<.z.m A++IV momma A+++V momma A++IV momma AI++V momma Amv cosmmmcfimsm mmspam o>fimamonaaaoo masomm mpomm om momma vca m>mpammaooo mmmpasmmoo mqsomm wasomm .5800 an cam: mommaaa a mo was mo mmmocmma mmma mpfimdssoo mmnpo mums mmomuamommm mqsomm mmnpo Hafioom cums mmoEa momom amnmcoapaamm amsmsomuaamm mom» m>mpo< mmfiuaCmamooo a mcfixmoz *.o.<.z.m mmB 530mm mbmzmmzoo mo mmbm Reading the newspaper or magazine (Check 3 in which How long have you lived at your present address? Interviewer's reactions/comments: APPENDIX D COMMUNITY SURVEY ANALYSIS* Introduction Community develOpment can be defined as a process designated to create conditions of economic and social progress for the whole community with its active participation and the fullest possible reliance upon the community's initiative. While the United Nations intended this definition to emphasize the need to right wrongs, or to improve lives, it could also be the starting point of a community develOpment program, and the program will be successful only if much of the required action is taken by members of the community who will be affected. Services provided by government and/or private agencies may be essential to self—help, but they will rarely be efficient in removing the causes of suffering unless they are fully understood and used by the people whose lives are to be improved. Community development then, tackles both effect and cause by encouraging local leadership which will bring about the changes needed to make general programs effective and outside 'charity' unnecessary. A primary requirement is that volunteer agencies, administrators or any other group of individuals must be dedicated to the idea that efficient change must come about by encouraging local leaders inside a community rather than by well-meaning but paternal action from the outside. Community develOpment is more than a tool of an anti-poverty program: no anti—poverty program can be successful without community. The whole process of fighting poverty and developing opportunity can thus be seen as a community development program in which the people meet their needs by taking individual action when it is within their capacity, or by taking action through their government when it is beyond the capacity of local individuals or groups. To determine the effectiveness of such a program and the possibility of accomplishing its objectives, the Sophie Wright Settlement House contracted the Organization Research Unit, Department of Sociology, Michigan State University to analyze a series of interviews held in the summer of 1966, The purpose of the interviews was to determine *Conducted for Sophie Wright Settlement House Organization Research Unit, Dept. of Sociology, Michigan State University. 186 II. 187 the concerns, problems and interests of community leaders: clergymen, businessmen, members of block clubs, politicians and professionals and agency representatives working in the community. Awareness of mutual problems and a confirmed desire to cooperate must be substantiated before the implementation of a community development program. Methodology l. The Area The boundaries of the area to be considered are Warren E. on the North, Mt. Elliot on the East, Gratiot on the South and the railway tracks adjoining Dequindre on the West. This portion of the lower east side of Detroit will henceforth be referred to as the 'Sophie wright Area' as that organization's zone of influence roughly coincides with those boundaries (see Map l). A windshield survey indicates that the Sophie Wright Area is obviously a blighted and substandard portion of the city, characterized by the following factors: (a) the incompatibility of the existing land uses which has persisted for many years; (b) the physical deterioration of buildings, many of which were constructed before the first world war and have become functionally obsolescent; (c) the roads which formerly gave good access to properties in the area have been transformed into main traffic arteries to the con- venience of downtown and the detriment of this immediate district; (d) the area is underused, having regard to its proximity to the retail core, the variety of transportation facilities and the capacity of downtown utility installations; (e) the run-down appearance and the undesirable social problems of the area have a depreciating influence upon adjacent districts. Although no major land-use survey has been undertaken, Map 2 (Number of Houses for Sale in each Block), 3 (number of Vacant Lots), 4 (Number of Buildings Vacant and Vandalized) and 5 (General Condition of Each Block) substantiate the claim that physical blight exists. The community can be spatially identified as a contiguous physical area but we are still unaware if the pOpulation within has certain distinctive social characteristics more similar than in adjacent socio-economic areas. Identified areas are not necessarily neigh- borhoods in the traditional sense of the concept; that is, they are not usually viable social entities with significant unique social structures and where life style and intermingling of population is common. The interviewees do represent, however, enough positive identification and potential for 'neighborhoodness' so that we may consider the physical area as a social unit. The area referred to as the 'corridor' is an exception in the physical sense but this has not yet been demonstrated to be the case sociologically. 188 2. The Interview Simply stated, the purpose of the interviews was to obtain informa— tion with respect to social needs in the Sophie Wright Area. Social need is, in large part, a matter of experience and judgment; few measures of absolute need exist. What a community perceives as a problem and what it will do about it constitutes a basic indicator of need for community resources. Clearly, definitions of problems-— and therefore concepts of social need--change with the changing social and economic makeup of communities and with increasing knowledge of human behavior. The specific needs for community resources here were identified by judgments of 'community leaders' knowledgeable about the area and about human needs. Informal leaders were contacted and the question can be raised whether those who allowed themselves to be inter— viewed were necessarily the leaders or only the more boisterous members in the community. This does not infer that their percep- tive ability is less credible, rather that their opinions may not reflect the views of other members of the community. A second condition to bear in mind is that the interviews were 'focused interviews'. Any divergence within or between response groups could easily be due to the fact that respondents were asked different questions. Not only are our answers as good as the questions we ask but also a great deal depends upon the calibre of the interviewers. Two female interviewers undertook the project of interviewing representatives of all major agencies and commercial enterprises where possible in the Sophie Wright Area. Their relative inexperience led them to make certain errors in reporting their findings, especially value judgments. Two examples are: "The people that are involved in the organization are quite committed to its existence, and herein lies the danger in such a group." "She doesn't understand why some of 'these people' (Negroes) are lazy, unambitious and without regard for family life. She described, in contrast, her own sons, who worked their way through college and have achieved a great deal of success in spite of their difficult beginnings." The latter example can generally be the case in reporting an inter— view where the interviewer is Negro and is appraising the statementCs) of somebody who is prejudiced against Negroes. III. 189 Results No sensitive statistical technique could be applied to the data, but by grouping the data in various ways, we do obtain definite clusters of information. Table 1 lists the more apparent concerns by priority. "High" concern was designated if the different groups (professionals and agency representatives working in community, politicians, business men and clergymen) agreed or disagreed on the same subject or if there was high inter—group agreement. To obtain this ranking, concern had to be expressed with strong agreement as to a solution given in all of at least one group and mention to it given by gll_the other groups. A "medium" ranking was given to problems and concerns having strong agreementin one group only and some mention of it by other groups. A "low" ranking was given when casual reference was made to the existence of some problem or concern but no position or a neutral stand was taken. The ranking is somewhat arbitrary in that a frequency count would be invalid due to the varying nature of the interviews. Also, the number of interviews in each group was too divergent, so any logical analysis based on a strict comparison (by percent, for example) would be statistically unfeasible. The degree of emphasis and concern is therefore the main measuring devise. Table 1. PROBLEMS AND CONCERNS BY PRIORITY Priority Problem or Concern High Housing Recreation Deviance Medium Organization of existing facilities Representation by delegates, block clubs, etc. Cooperation in and between organizations Low Prejudice Politics Unavailability of social workers Table 2 distributes these concerns by priority within each group. Priority here is based upon the number of times mentioned and the degree of emphasis placed upon the problem or concern by the various groups. 190 Table 2. PROBLEMS AND CONCERNS BY PRIORITY WITHIN GROUPS A (30) B (11) c (23) D (7) Housing H H H H Recreation H L L L Deviance L H H L Organization H L L H Representa- H L L L tion Cooperation H H L M Prejudice M L L M Politics M L L M Social M L L L Workers H—-high M--medium L-—low A—-Professionals and agency representatives working in community B--Block clubs C--Business men D—-Clergymen (30) Number of interviews in each group 1. Housing There was high agreement among all interviewees that housing was the most pressing need of the community. Although block clubs have sparked voluntary 'paint and repair' drives and alley clean ups, the amount of participation by community members is not sufficient to significantly enhance the general appearance of the area. Urban renewal is not destined for the Sophie Wright Area in the immediate future. Reverend Crudup felt that even with the hint of urban renewal, people will not take care of their prOperty. The elimination of blight would obviously be advantageous for business men and as Mr. Kelly (of Kelly's Ballroom) points out, "The people would remain in the area if they had the financial means to repair and remodel their homes." General awareness of the problem was not accompanied by compre- hensive suggestions for implementation of a housing scheme. A conservation scheme and low-cost housing were some suggestions. The unfeasability of other suggestions is a result of the relative naivety of the interviewees. Of the disadvantages of any scheme, Councilman Hood suggested that the appraised value of homes might not be enough to purchase another home. 191 2. Recreation Recreation facilities, another major need in the community, was voiced by representatives of all four groups. TAP representatives, school community agents and long-term residents were more aware of the necessity of recreation sites. The Sophie Wright facilities are not sufficient for the entire area and the unavailability of a substantial program of recreation and cultural enrichment for children and teenagers was noted by many. In the words of a block-club president, "There is not enough in the neighborhood for children to do. The few playgrounds that are there are not safe." 3. Deviance The unavailability of recreation programs and facilities was suggested by most as a contributing source of deviancy in the area. As Reverend Payne points out, "The teens are idle most of the time and although there are programs for them in the neighborhood, they are not being reached properly . . . any type of activity begun by the church is faced with the obstacle of lack of coopera- tion in the community. It is difficult to get volunteers to help. Some group offered them equipment for a baseball team, which they had to refuse because there were no men in the area who could supervise practices for the boys." Business men are the most severely affected by vandalism. Many of them felt the neighborhood was 'dangerous' and the high vandalism rates made insurance too expensive or impossible to obtain. Block clubs have made some attempt to reduce vandalism by demanding more police protection and more street lights. Members felt that the provision of teen clubs would promote interests other than delinquency. Abandoned houses and vacant homes provide the potential for criminal activity. 4. Organization Criticisms of many organizations (notably block clubs, TAP, WCO and the church) were common amongst professionals, agency representa- tives and clergymen working in the community. Ineffective communication and coordination between agencies or the unawareness and anxieties from the knowledge that other groups participate in identical endeavors in the community led to gross inefficiency. The need for large—scale revision of organizations by utilizing an organizational approach to bring community resources and the community together is a necessity. 192 Many of the comments by the interviewees indicated considerable thought and insight on their part. The impressions of various groups and organizations can best be examined by providing a series of excerpts from the interviews. Names have been deleted to protect the anonymity of those who represent the agencies they criticize. "TAP not effective in meeting needs churches not effective" "Area needs organization-~block clubs not very effective in this respect" "Sophie Wright devoid of organization. The block clubs that exist are narrow in scope and therefore not effective in dealing with large-scale problems. Sophie Wright not O.K. as initial agent--it would be necessary to include other groups in sponsoring organization." "To keep an organization going it is necessary to have a full— time paid staff because volunteer help has proven unsatis— factory." "WCO unconstructive--they are essentially doing a good thing that few people can fight, but that their tactics are often poor. He has a poor opinion of block clubs as community organizations, because they are founded by the city, made up of mostly women and older people, and fail because of petty jealousies, and their social orientation." "WCO dramatizes the problem of the inner city residents in their area—-the tactics they employ sometimes serve as a setback to their work because of bad publicity. Not a 'people's organization'--predominance of professionals." "TAP is a racket--ADC does not do a proper job." "WCO's goal is to have the residents of urban renewal areas have a say in the planning for the area." "TAP is not doing what it should to help the poor. Therefore, the community doesn't have a say in decision making and it should. TAP administrators do not arrange meetings at a convenient time for the community. Neighborhood needs strong leaders." "Critical of organization of TAP. Goals are redirected in practice due to size and complexity of the organization and the means by which federal programs are initiated and improved. TAP recognized as place to go for help not an organization where people can participate in its Operations." 193 "Block clubs should be organized to foster understanding between divergent ethnic groups in the community and sponsor neighborhood improvement projects at grass roots level." "Churches would not make a very good base for operation." "Lack of organization in area-—only a few and ineffective block clubs." 5. Representation Agency representatives were most critical of other organizations and their own in their failing to effectively represent the community. Precinct delegates, TAP advisory board and the Sophie Wright Council were mentioned most as examples of unrepresentative representation. In general, staff services have not been geared to meeting residents in a manner that will enable them to develop cooperative patterns of action. Professional people, most of whom are responsible for administration of services in a larger area, have been unable to devote sufficient time and energy to social planning in this community. One community aide, active on various councils and residing ten years in the community, aptly stated the view of many others in this regard, "There is a necessity to reorganize the community so that it will be truly representative of the block clubs, rather than reflect the wishes of only a handful of people." We are not suggesting that the block clubs could provide the most appropriate base for such reorganization but the point that the 'people' are not effectively represented is well taken. 6. Cooperation The desire of citizens of the Sophie Wright Area to participate collectively is not as strong as some might have it. Obviously, the question of ineffective representation could easily be related to the fact that the people themselves are unwilling or apathetic. As a vice-president of a block club points out, "My neighbors are nice but they do not cooperate with the block club the way they should." [Cooperation can be a 'social thing' and the degree of attainment of some objective can be limited if personality clashes occur especially within an organizationz) An interviewer relates the reply of a school community agent when the latter was asked about the natural organization of people in the Sophie Wright Area: 194 "She noted that it is difficult to tell what groups of people are united and what areas organized because they don't always follow logical geographical boundaries and also because they do not remain constant in membership, or alliances. She cited as an example Mr. Russell, who is beginning a new community organization in the area called CURE, which is funded by some foundation, and Mother Waddles, a preacher in the area. These two people are sometimes at odds and some- times working together, depending on their mood." 7. Prejudice Language barriers between the members of the indigenous population and divisions in the resident population itself, especially between partially assimilated families and recent immigrants, further handicaps attempts for cooperation in the community. The interviewers did not intend to gather evidence for or against this proposition but comments by representatives of service agencies in the area raise suspicion. For example, an executive of the Federated East Side Improvement Association stated. ". . . you can't help the Polish community and the Negro community at the same time. Deterioration of the neighborhood should be blamed on the Negroes who moved into the area." Because of the large proportion of Negroes in the area, some prejudice is inescapable. Father Thomas explains that now the Negro feels that what they say or want does not count. Police were said to have a very negative attitude toward the Negro. There is no documentation of present and/or potential prejudice in this community. If hostility is too great and not reducible, attempts at coordination and cooperation at the community level would certainly be inhibited. 8. Politics and Politicians The grouping of interviewees did not include politicians as only two (Councilman Hood and State Representative David Holmes) were contacted. Any attempt to combine their responses with the responses of agency representatives with political aspirations is clearly invalid. While some felt that politicians are responsible to the voters so that what is needed is an organized vocal group that will make them see and act upon this responsibility, others were more inclined to surrender in the face of adversity. The latter is not uncommon behavior in low-income areas and leads to apathy. One reverend stated, "The powers that be must be bucked to obtain what the people want and need but are too overwhelming to overcome." IV. 195 Political interests were considered to be served whenever an agency is perceived as being differentially favorable. This appeared in many interviews regarding one association that "got people all stirred up in order to get votes; the people don't really know what they're getting upset about." 9. Social Workers Clergymen, professionals and agency representatives in the Sophie Wright Area agreed that there are too few social workers per capita. Although private services are available, there is a two- to-three week waiting period for an initial appointment. Conclusion Regardless of the antagonisms within and between the various agencies working in or representing the Sophie Wright Area, there is a definite feeling of commitment generated, if by nothing else, the concern for the future of that portion of Detroit's Lower East Side. The business men obviously have a larger stake in the community. Not only do they have a sense of pride, but also a larger financial investment than most other residents. Many of them would move if they could afford it; however, if there were improvements made in the neighborhood (social and physical), they would prefer to stay on. Homeowners are also committed to the improvement of the community as they cannot afford to move and/or it is more convenient to remain. Where resident commitment was high, evaluation of the present or future state of the community was also high. A more refined definition of what they like or do not like about their neighborhoods in reference to the point at which the balance is tipped and the area becomes a mobile community should be pursued further. Jim Bush, Community Relations Commission, aptly stated, "The average person does not have the scope to realize what contribution they can make toward greater community improvement." A great deal of encouragement is required and although many would never become leaders, they could learn to work along with those who are. By capitalizing on the effort of those who have a commitment now and encouraging those who are currently apathetic or uninvolved, we can begin to guarantee the eventual success of a community development project. Recommendations 1. Development programming The adoption of a sound development programming policy is the heart of a sound renewal planning venture. Aspects of programming such as preconditions for effectiveness and method for evaluating 196 programs' ability to achieve success are critical to a continuing overall assessment. We must identify criteria in human and social terms, a type of social costs and benefits analysis, paralleling economic costs and benefits, which form the basis for measurement and ultimately establishment of successful urban renewal programs and plans. 2. Citizen participation The fact that the neighborhood will be undergoing urban renewal presents a special focus for community organization. It is important that local people be assisted to understand the changes taking place and, if possible, have some say in determining the shape of the new community. Thsi reaching out to encourage the involvement of local citizens has importance in terms of democratic values; however, it also has a utility value for the redevelopment progam. By some degree of participation in the affiars of the community, residents can overcome alienation from one another and from the institutional structure of society. No longer suffering from feelings of powerlessness, it is conceivable that many local citizens will begin to think positively in terms of community improvement. 3. Major study Practical considerations of pressing problems demanding immediate answers continue to force data-gathering into partial and frag- mentary efforts and rarely provide an opportunity for an intensive view of the problem at hand. The present study has provided some valuable insight. In order to more accurately measure and project need it is necessary to determine present and potential use of services by ascertaining through survey procedures the awareness on the aprt of the general public of problems, knowledge concerning existing services, attitudes toward using services and actual use of services. Other than the usual geographic and socio-economic concerns, the study should establish the intensity, direction and influence of opinion-makers or '1eaders' in reference to urban renewal. Although unpopular by nature, such inquiries promise to be fruitful in identifying the gross impact of leadership on the ultimate goals of municipal policy and action. Knowledge then, concerning leader- ship structure, organizational behavior, local issues, identifi- cation with local area, social structure, aspirations and rela- tionship to the larger community are important to study as the plan unfolds, as well as prior to its initiation, if information on the impact of change is to be gained and reliable. 197 We also require further insight into the degrees Of effectiveness Of organization, as related to the social structure, attitudes and behavior of social characteristics of different types of small areas. Criteria for measuring participation would need to be developed, taking into consideration an understanding of the methods of operation of community organizations. Other factors to be considered would be means of communication and leadership structure which line the organizations to participants and others in the neighborhood under study. 4. Neighborhood Development Committee The interviews demonstrated the existence of a concrete awareness of problems and a desire to cooperate. TO increase the possi- bility of accomplishment and to promote the Opportunity to provide a leadership training ground, a Neighborhood Development Committee is strongly urged. Such a committee would command some degree of involvement by most, if not all, major agencies serving the area. Definite prOposals for community improvement could be better formulated through a localized planning process. All decentralized social planning having relevance for the entire area would take place under the auspices of the area council. This would include matters such as development of recreation and social adjustment services. However, the Neighborhood Develop- ment Committee would be given special responsibility for relating to problems connected with redevelopment and relocation in that section of the area. In addition, it would be in relation to the Neighborhood Development Committee that indigenous participation would be sought,it being more feasible to encourage citizen involve- ment in tackling the major identified problems of the immediate neighborhood, rather than in relation to the diverse affairs of a large social planning council. Membership in the area council could conceivably be mainly of a representative nature--that is to say, members could be solicited on teh basis of representation according to institution or profession, while at the neighborhood level emphasis could be placed on participation by all citizens with an investment in the neighborhood. Provision could be made fo inclusion in the council itself of representatives from the Neighborhood Development Committee and other neighborhood-based bodies within the council's area. In addition to its connection with the area council, the Neigh- borhood Development Committee should strive to relate itself to city-wide bodies concerned with urban renewal. This could provide such a city-wide body with the kind of impetus that springs directly from a concerned neighborhood committee trying to cope with the renewal plans. APPENDIX E COMMUNITY MEETING SUMMARY By way of background the meeting held at Mr. Kelly's Ballroom on September 14, 1966 was planned by a group of community leaders. After years of having had opportunities to voice complaints and talk about neighborhood problems while having at the same time had no channels by which constructive action could be applied to the solution of these problems, the group decided to hold a community meeting. They decided to invite other community leaders, groups and organizations to see what the feeling was concerning the many crucial problems facing our community and try to seek more means by which these concerns could be tackled on an action level. They, also, wanted to obtain some sort of agreement on "what are the real problems?" "Do other concerned people identify the same problems we feel?" Thus, after several meetings at Sophie Wright Settlement the group decided to temporarily be known as the Positive Neighborhood Action Committee which would exist until a community meeting could be organized. The committee decided to delineate geographical boundaries. These boundaries include: Dequindre on the west, Warren - north, Mt. Elliott - east and Gratiot (to include the Charlevoix loop) on the south. The committee members were: Mrs. Annie Watkins, (Chairman) Pres., St. Joseph Block Club Mrs. Rachael Simmons - neighborhood resident G. L. Kelly - Proprietor Mr. Kelly's Ballroom Mrs. Elizabeth Jones, Pres. Hancock Block Club Mr. L. Frazier, Pres. Leland Block Club Carl Busch, neighborhood resident Louise Palmer, Pres. 7th Dist. Community Club Consultants William Walsh and Company Ulysses Boykins and Associates, Inc. 198 200 In sequence, the resource people and the body, through each foreman urged us all that it was time to "wake-Ep'afid act" while there is still time before our neighborhood decays to a slum level and it is too late to do anything but to accept the "bulldozer." They identified the following problems and issues we should actively be combating: 1. Problems of Urban Renewal - "Can we save our neighborhood?" "Are there alternative plans we can fight for?" The "adult delinquent" (us), not only morally but in shirking our responsibilities to do something about the many crucial issues damaging our commEEity. Not only must we do something about ourselves, we must do something fgr_ourselves. Sanitation (garbage and rubbish) is a problem we must tackle EEK) i. e. inadequate service. It was noted that services have not increased to keep up with (approximate) twice the number of the people in our neighborhood. This 100% increase, of course, is caused by urban renewal. Absentee landlord property problems caused because they "milk" the property but do not keep it in good repair thus creating the first signs of physical neighborhood decay. This eventually contributes to development of a slum neighborhood. Vacant and vandalized property which is an inviting attrac- tive nuisance for children. It defaces our community. And was described as the second step on the road to development of a slum . The disorganized families dislocated into our neighborhood from the Renewal areas. These disorganized families lack the knowledge, motivation and the concern to properly raise their children. As a result these children are the ones we see committing all sorts Of delinquencies, vandalizing buildings, setting fires, etc. The inadequacy of services by local TAP and other social service agencies which do not provide programs to: a) educate disorganized families in child rearing who cannot raise their children. b) launch adequate housing programs which are solely needed in our neighborhood due to the great influx of people into our community by families who have been dislocated by Urban Renewal. c) day care and cooperative nurseries. 10. 201 Our neighborhood schools were focused upon as failing our children. A comparison of achievement levels between inner city and suburban schools was made to emphasize this point. The immensity of the problem was recognized since education is Ihg_tool by which we prepare our youth to face the ever increasing educational demands of the world. Specifically mentioned were the following points: a) Several student needs which the schools are not providing for such as hot lunches for deprived children. "Who can study and learn on an empty stomach?" b) A branch library - since there is none in our neighbor— hood. "Why doesn't the city provide one instead of a bookmobile once a week?" Recreation and Youth Service Programs. It was felt that immediately needed were recreation and youth service programs to reach the kids in the streets and alleys. These are the kids who are constantly in trouble. Specific points on these were: a) Adequate personnel to reach out to these kids. b) Adequate recreational programs and supervisory personnel. c) Facilities such as in—door, out-door swimming pools, tot- lots, Open play spaces. Finally, before the meeting ended the entire body decided to allow the committee to form a steering committee. This was done by calling for from the floor. The Steering Committee would classify, designate priorities to these community problems and assign each person at the meeting into a committee to work on one of the specific problems identified. The Steering Committee consists of the following persons: Mr. Lloyd Blue Mrs. Annie Watkins Mrs. Louise Palmer Mrs. Elizabeth Jones Mr. Titus Greenwood Mrs. Hattie Talbert Mrs. Effie Pearson Rev. 0. M. Oates Rev. John Payne Mr. G. L. Kelly Adviser Robert P. Mejia, SOphie Wright Community Worker 202 This committee will meet Monday, September 26, 1966, l p.m. at Sophie Wright. Please contact any one of us if: 1) You have a preference as to working in specific problem area. 2) If you know of anyone who was at the meeting and did not receive this summary or other interested persons who want to involve themselves in our efforts. APPENDIX F P.N.A.C. QUESTIONNAIRE In the numbered spaces below, just write 10 different things you think about the question to follow. Don't worry about how important they are or the order you put them in. Just write the first 10 comments or answers you think of to the question: WHAT IS PNAC? (Positive Neigh- borhood Action Committee) 9. 10. Also, will you please answer the following questions? (1) Your age range: 24 or under; 25-44; 45 or over. (2) How far did you go in school: 8th grade or less Some high school, but did not graduate. High School graduate Attended college Business or technical school (3) Do you hold an office in PNAC? Yes No (4) Are you a member Of a block club? Yes No 203 204 (5) What is your occupation, or the occupation of the head of your household? (6) List a few things with PNAC has done: 205 Response to Question; What is PNAC? Schedule 1 1. An org. to better the community 2. To help the community help itself 3. To preserve the community 4. To save the property 5. To fight delinquents and help them to seek a better way of living a. Organized quite a few committees b. For the betterment of the c. Raised funds to build better homes Sdmmfle2 l. PNAC is an org. to help the people 2. Keep the people together 3. Help our children grow up to be better citizens 4. Provide better homes for the aged. 5. Keep the area in which we live beautiful 6. To help our young children 7. Cut down crime 8. Provide better jobs 9. Also help education of our children a. PNAC has helped in getting a place started for a playground b. A big start for the housing Schedule 3 l. Cooperation 2. Work 3. Play 4. Sing 5. Sleep 6. Enjoyment 8. Laughter 9. Good judgement a. PNAC has helped to bring some communities closer together b. It has brought about a better understanding in the community Schedule 4 l. A community organization 2. A grass-roots organization 3. A self-help organization 4. A federation Of block clubs 5. A group of concerned citizens 6. Although new, has become a community power on the eastside 7. The result of the organizaing efforts of professional and community persons 8. A growing "active" group 9. A group that practices citizen participation a. Obtained the Phoeniz homes b. Solidified the community c. Involved the community d. Confronted the power structure e. Has become a voice in the community. 206 Sdmmfles 1. Neighborhood Action Committee 2. Persons interested in aiding others who are not able to express their views, problems, etc. 3. Getting better acquainted with families living in our community 4. Being interested in others who are more unfortunate through no fault of their own 5. Setting good examples--which usually are a form of education in caring for one's property a. Phoenix homes beginning b. Jobs available SdmmfleB l. PositiVe Neighborhood Action Committee 2. A group of people working together in the neighborhood for the betterment of each. 3. For better housing 4. Cleaner streets 5. Beautiful yards 6. Pretty flower gardens 7. Better children 8. How to live a better life and get along with people a. Have helped to bring the peOple together in the area b. Organized different groups of people c. Have collected a nice sum of money d. Have offered and given several jobs Sdmmue7 1. To help neighborhood children 2. To build better housing for the community 3. To bring together a group of people for better understanding 4. To do things that cannot be done unless we work together 5. Pooling our thoughts and coming up with an answer 6. Better understanding in the community 7. Togetherness where we need it 8. Working together when we thought we could not Schedule 8 l. A neighborhood group working for the community 2. Trying to build back the community Schedule 9 1. Is help to the neighborhood 2. Would like to see everyone active a. It put people to think b. Put many to work at home c. Made with others 207 Schedule 12 l. U'QJOLOCDQOUl-F'ODM 0 9:0 A group of concerned neighborhood residents A group interested in community welfare A concern for people An urge to better the neighborhood Positive thinking peOple A group interested in all the peOple An action group A group where all people can solve problems A group concerned about urban renewal A group seeking a better tomorrow for its youngsters A project on low-cost housing Interceeded for more equipment on playground Given the community brighter hope Solved some community problems SOhedule 13 l. P O‘moaoooqovmsww Q- 0 C C C e. A community organization A head Of all the club, church and businesses A place to meet and discuss problems A working group of interested people An institution A business combination and working org. A building organization Future rehabilitation of community Learning how to salvage and redo. Financial insurance at low rates Working on lowcost homes Working on sanitary conditions Working on recreation Working on social services in community Working with youth in community Schedule 14 l. M O [—3 U‘WOLOCDQOWUT-FOJ O. O O PNAC is an organization for better community PNAC helps for improvement PNAC is for better living For better schools Helps young adults Helps small children Better sanitation More recreation Better organized groups (community) More improvements for everyone Received grant from gov. for homes Organized community relations Combined all block clubs which help community 208 Schedule 15 l. 2. PNAC is for a better community I hope to learn more about it Schedule 16 l. 2. \ICDU'IFOD A group of persons cannot explain himself so very well Something you have a desire to do Someone you have a desire to be nice with Someone that cannot do very well Someone always keeps you upset Someone who just can't think very well Some children do not think very well Schedule 17 l. A group of people 2. Interested in improving community 3. A power bloc in birth 4. An action group 5. A group attempting to coordinate community action 6. Interested in stopping deterioration in the community 7. Attempting to stir community self-help 8. Attempting to interest outside help in community development 9. Raising money 10. Helping community spirit a. Became organized b. Voiced an objection to Faygo CO. c. Brought in Phoenix homes d. Brought pressure on Parks 8 Rec. for help in area Schedule 18 1. An org. that will help our community 2. A coming together of people with the same ideas 3. To enlighten people to want a better life 4. Going to help the community economically soon 5. Will help our children have a better image of themselves a. Held meetings b. Kept people on the track to obtaining some goals 0. Helped with info that we might not have learned elsewhere d. Encouraged the community e. Taught us to seek news constantly from all medias Sdmmuelg 1. People working together 2. Social Action group 3. Political action group 4. Group to rehabilitate community 5. Group to rehabilitate people 6. A growong institution 7. A positive institution 8. A resistant group-—self—he1p group 9. The common man's organization 10. A mobilization group 209 Schedule 19 (Cont.) a. b. c. d. Low—cost housing—-Phoenix homes Recreational improvements Sanitation improvements Worked to ease big city business pressure against community Schedule 20 l. 2. Ocoooqowmcoo 0 F4 OU'DJ An org. for betterment of mankind It helps poverty-stricken areas It helps people to find a new life It helps raise the community relations It helps neighbors to improve their property It hleps organize community leadership It helps build a better city It helps bring jobs to the unemployed It is made up, due to block clubs, etc. It is a stable organization that puts forth action to accomplish a goal, a better citizen. Has neighbors plant grass Made landowners fix up their property Held meetings to discuss community problems Schedule 21 1. M o 0.0 U‘m ¢>a>xaovuwctc> 6. Neighborhood improvement Recreation School relationship to community Business Jobs City planning for neighborhood Voice of community Sanitation Bringing together all city services for betterment of the community Helped solve school problems Individual block club problems are studied Parks 8 Red. are working with them Business of the community work together through PNAC A leadership for the community Schedule 22 1. a. b. c. A group of people working together to build and help the neighbor— hood tO be a better place in which to live Secured lnad to build new homes Raised money to buy land Helped to make the area a safer place to live Schedule 24 1. 01-pr A group of community people Self-help org. Tackles jointly problems which can't be attacked alone Housing, recreation, jobs, community self It seeks to get the city to recognize our community as being as important as any other 210 Schedule 24 (cont.) 6. 7. a. b. c. d. e. A group that needs more Agroup that needs to capture the imagination of the young people of the community Got the Archdiocese to come to terms on the community Getting housing Getting machine shop Got Parks and Rec. to tackle recreation in our area Istrying to preserve community from big business harassment (Moran St. Issue) Schedule 25 l. A club that is building homes Schedule 26 1. Designed for neighborhoods and to enlighten the community on various subjects that should be enlightened 2. To make absolutely sure that the action is carried out 3. To keep the community decent 4. To dispose of dirty yards 5. To find homes of small value for large families of little income a. Housing development demue27 1. Something wonderful 2. Makes you think more for yourself it is good for everyone 3. It is rebuilding our neighborhood if we would help and we can. It is needed very much. Something new and great for our community Has one more than I can state, such as rebuilding almost the entire neighborhood with the young and adults Schedule 28 1. It is a help to the community 2. It helps the 3. It works together 5. One of the best things that ever happened to the community 6. A working organization Schedule 29 1. An organization 2. A group of community people 3. A group of people concerned with similar problems 4. Aiorganization seeking to help those unable to help themselves 5. A group of people concerned with their surroundings 6. An org. willing to raise standards 7. A groups of people representing many people in a specific area 8. A group of people wanting facts concerning the future of their neighborhood This is my first visit to PNAC 211 Schedule 30 LII-FUJNH About children playing in alleys What disease or germs they can catch What about a clean surrounding Must we have drunkards in our neighborhood How can we avoid such habits Schedule 31 l. 2. a. b. C. Positive Neighborhood Action Committee A committee formed by all people of all races and creeds in the neighborhood who joined together to work for the benefit of all people To improve living conditions To get more effective services for this area from city depart- ments for their tax dollars To help the uniniated to learn how to live within the community to become better neighbors To help one another. To improve the lot of the needy and keep up what we had before the neighborhood started to run down Started Phoenix homes with the Archdiocese Organized block clubs Arranged for job availability for neighborhood people Schedule 32 014‘:me Positive Neighborhood Action Committee People interested in our community Trying to keep our alleys and streets clean People working together to help others to build low income housing To form youth clubs and have recreational facilities Schedule 33 l. 2. (oooqowmcoo Neighborhood Action Committee A group of people working together People trying to beautify their homes A committee to keep the community clean Help the neighbors in time of need Build homes of low income Keep the alleys clean Lighting on the blocks Trim trees Schedule 34 1. M o O O O U‘mcoooqmcn-xroo 0 An organization to improve the community To make better citizens To draw the community peOple together To rehabilitate To organiz e cleaner neighborhoods To improve housing in the community To clean alleys, etc. It teaches you to communicate with others To build a stronger and better neighborhood Started to buy land for houses Have started tO buy for tot lots for children from 5—10. 212 Schedule 35 An organization Dominated by a few A section of the city Sophie Wright Half action Not much direction Little planning Block club Churches White leaders Brought people together Model homes Worked on recreation Had a raffle e. Has a newsletter H U‘moLoooqmm-FOHOH 00 0 Ga 0 O O 0 Schedule 36 1. To help people with their problems 2. Help build homes for poor people 3. Help old people get jobs 4. Young people off the streets 5. Give them something to do and a place to go and play 6. All work together with the children and see that they will not have so much trouble 7. I think it is a good idea Schedule 37 l. A group of people 2. Trying to help themselves and others 3. I think PNAC has bettered the community a. Help with Parks 8 Rec. b. Bought land to build homes c. Help with neighborhood problems Schedule 38 l. A committee in our neighborhood that helps 2. A help to better our neighborhood 3. Helping to get better housing in the community 4. Getting playgrounds for our children . This community is helping to bring people together . Helped sanitation problems in the community . Helped the block clubs come together U‘WU" 213 Schedule 39 1. It is a plan to better the community 2. Keep up the neighborhood 3. To make more friends 4. TO learn more about better living 5. To help our children 6. Get a better understanding 7. Upkeep of our streets and alleys a. Building homes Schedule 40 1. An organization that was organized by the people, for the people. To make the community a good place to live 2. Positive—-the key meaning of the approach a. Has started to tell the city community agencies what they want b. Cleaning up the city c. Building homes for people of low income levels d. Attacking crime, school delinquency, etc. Schedule 41 1. Organized the community to help solve their problems a. Hustaken a positive position on the community problems b. Has assumed a moral responsibility for its neighbors c. Has spared no pains to see that their problems be dealt with d. Has given guidance which has brought results Schedule 10 1. LOCDQCDUI-‘FCDM C m b. A self-help organization An asset to our neighborhood Very interesting Is unique Ideal Of value to all Something different An improvement to Detroit It is grand It has helped in presenting the city from forcing a family to sell on Meldrum St. It is interceding for the homw owners on Moran St. that are pressured by Faygo Co. Sdmmflell 1. Is an organization for the people, by the people.