AWARENESS m JAPANESE mucmon OF JAPAN‘S ~ g . DEPENDENCE UPON FOREIGN mount-:3 , 1 V *' Thesisforthebegreeofmu wmmsmsumnsm WWW ~ 19;?2‘ \\\\\\ if“! LIBRAL‘.-.‘ ‘ ,1 Michigan State University \\\\\\\\\\;\\\\§\\\\\1\\\C\)\§\3\\§§\\§\\\\\§\§\g\\\§\8\\\\\\ x, 319 This is to certify that the thesis entitled AWARENESS IN JAPANESE EDUCATION OF JAPAN'S DEPENDENCE UPON FOREIGN RESOURCES presented by ELAINE JEAN HAGLUND has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for PH.D. degreein SECONDARY ED. 8 m WJ Major professor Date 3-31-72 0-7 639 ABSTRACT AWARENESS IN JAPANESE EDUCATION OF JAPAN'S DEPENDENCE UPON FOREIGN RESOURCES BY Elaine Haglund The writer's purpose in this thesis was to docu— ment the fact that the food supply of Japan is extremely dependent upon foreign resources. A parallel purpose was to determine to what extent the educational system of Japan is effectively educating the populace to the country's extra—territorial dependence. Before defining the dimensions of Japan's current food supply, the study began with an historical and geo— graphical précis of the nation's agricultural background. The summary discussed factors such as land reforms, intensive farming techniques, territorial expansion (Korea, Formosa, Manchukuo), the rural exodus, dietary changes, and population trends as they relate to current political issues, manpower demands, balance of trade strategies, and other facets concerned with economic industrial growth. IIII[III_______________________________—_—___—_———_—__IiW Elaine Haglund The research briefly reviewed the literature con— cerning Japan's food availability; it was found that Japan is generally reputed to be approximately eighty to eighty-five per cent self—sufficient in its food supply. This finding revealed a marked discrepancy vis-a—vis the statistics of the United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization which indicate Japan to be only about seven— teen per cent food self—sufficient. In response to this disparity of figures, a rather concentrated effort was made to clarify and define the reality of Japanese domestic production and that of the dependence upon various imports such as wheat, soybeans, and corn from the United States, Canada, and Australia. Another facet of dependence upon outside resources is Japan's use of the world's fisheries as the major source of the country's protein and other food—related needs such as fish meal for fertilizer. The study sought to expose the magnitude of Japan's fishing operations, an industry which is highly essential to the nutritional welfare of Japan's expanding population. This portion of the study also outlined Japan's vulnerable food situation in terms of the following factor which is unique to Japan. Japan‘s food situation is in a particularly precarious position in that nearly all of the raw materials, which are requisite to food production, need to be imported. Food production 1 . Elaine Haglund universally is very dependent upon the availability of resources such as petroleum and chemicals for fertilizer, iron ore for farm machinery or for fishing vessels, and fossil fuel for energizing the food—related industries. However, in Japan's case, nearly all of these highly impor- tant raw materials are reliant on trade sources. The documented information in this part of the study provided the foundation upon which the balance of the thesis was based. The remainder of the research investigated the education sector of Japan. A description of the historical foundations and the social dynamics of Japan's educational system functioned as introductory information to describe how education has operated in the development of Japan. With that as a framework, the inquiry proceeded to a direct examination of the schools' awareness of Japan's food—availability. The findings in curriculum guides and textbooks, along with the results of correspondence with Japanese educators and researchers, formed the basis of a discussion concerning what is taught about the food—supply of Japan. Also, a questionnaire involving three hundred Japanese students (grades five, eight, and eleven) was analyzed as an indication of what is known by students about Japan's diet needs and its food-availability status. it was concluded from the investigation that the curriculum of the schools does not convey information which reflects Japan's extreme dependence upon extra—territorial sources OH I" Elaine Haglund for its food. It was also determined from the measurable results of the questionnaire that the students do not consider their country to be particularly food-dependent on resources beyond their national boundaries. The final portion of the thesis provided informa— tion regarding the global food crisis. Japan's relation- ship to these ecologiCal parameters was analyzed in terms of its current economic and political policies. Finally, the study attempted to synthesize the findings of the entire research. In regard to Japan's food-supply, conclusions and conjectures were offered concerning the challenge ahead in determining national educational priorities. A summary of the findings restated the original assertion that in terms of Japan's use of foreign resources, it is possible, in time, that increas— ing amounts of food imports may not be at Japan's disposal. Therefore, the populace must be informed how to prepare for and how to off—set such an eventuality. Suggestions were formulated to facilitate administrative reorganization and teacher—training; these recommendations, in turn, formed the basis for further research. AW} M: in partia; AWARENESS IN JAPANESE EDUCATION OF JAPAN'S DEPENDENCE UPON FOREIGN RESOURCES By Elaineyhaglund A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Social and Philosophical Foundations of Education 1972 WE, i. 7.W '. Copyrigh ELAINE H 1972 Copyright ELAINE HAGLUND 1972 Not knowing It is a famous place, A man hoeing the field. -Shiki ii TOM and have To DEDICATION To Mom and Dad, whose steadfast love and support throughout my every endeavor, have made all things possible. and To Marilyn and Bob, Patty, and Lou. As the the field of in interest such as to the interdisc expertise and co nittee members h the thesis. In edges the origin Professor of Geog initially conceiV Dr. Borgstrom's 5 relationship to t study would hardl conference with D arrangement for w gratitude to her experience , and p It is to Gross, Professor and Chairman of t Ulrriculum, that appreciation. A5 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS As the title may indicate, this study has related the field of international education to several areas of interest such as agriculture, economics, and ecology. Due to the interdisciplinary nature of the dissertation, the expertise and cooperation of the writer's Guidance Com- mittee members have been essential to the development of the thesis. In particular, the author gratefully acknowl- edges the original thinking of Dr. Georg Borgstrom, Professor of Geography and International Food Science, who initially conceived of the theme of the study. Without Dr. Borgstrom's subsequent guidance concerning Japan's relationship to the world food crisis, the pursuit of the study would hardly have been possible. The many hours of conference with Dr. Borgstrom rendered a teaching—learning arrangement for which the pupil has an enduring sense of gratitude to her tutor for his international awareness, experience, and patience. It is to the Chairman of her Committee, Dr. Carl Gross, Professor of Comparative and International Education and Chairman of the Department of Secondary Education and Curriculum, that the writer wishes to extend her deepest appreciation. As a student advisee of Dr. Gross, the iv — writer has been of assistance. through the cou: tion process, Di teaching, judgme professional sup background as at efforts as contr ment to excellen his conscientiou welfare have had the research. F: a sincere and ab; Dr. Troy be gratefully rec throughout the WI background, as pr vistas in intern More than that, interest in his 5 have been greatl Dr. Geor has just returned Despite the many measure of priori sPecial note of a writer has been the grateful beneficiary of countless kinds of assistance. From the beginning of her graduate studies, through the coursework, and finally through the disserta— tion process, Dr. Gross has been a constant mentor by his teaching, judgment, and encouragement. His personal and professional support is reflected in the study through his background as area-specialist of Japan, his indefatigable efforts as contributor and critic, and his rigorous commit- ment to excellence. The blend of Dr. Gross' competence and his conscientious dedication to this writer's work and welfare have had a very beneficent effect on the outcome of the research. For this and much more, the writer expresses a sincere and abiding thank you. Dr. Troy Stearns, Professor of Curriculum, is to be gratefully recognized for the time he has rendered throughout the writer's graduate work. His cross-national background, as professor and overseas—consultant, opened vistas in international understanding to this writer. More than that, his supportive nature and his personal interest in his students have represented qualities which have been greatly appreciated. Dr. George Myers, Professor of Teacher Education has just returned from an overseas assignment in Japan. Despite the many demands On his time, he willingly gave a measure of priority to the reading of this thesis. A special note of appreciation is extended to Dr. Myers for V this cooperatio Guidance Commit ment, and that who know him. The au many in East La graduate school. have involved a helped make poss The author espec and Tommie Sue S and Rosalie Bake Frank Shepard, Mc Detlef Frank, as It is Ku Japanese literatu credit must be gi and translating t journals and who his patience, and the analysis of J2 indebted for his '4 labor of translati Associated with th Japanese script 0 this cooperation in scheduling. As a member of the Guidance Committee, Dr. Myers offered his time, encourage- ment, and that cheerful countenance that is familiar to all who know him. The author feels a particular indebtedness to the many in East Lansing with whom she shared the 'process' of graduate school. The friendship, guidance, and learning have involved a sense of community which has ultimately helped make possible this 'Saga of the Soybean' thesis. The author especially wishes to thank Mary Rainey, Charly and Tommie Sue Schindler, Jim and Rosemary Covert, Fred and Rosalie Baker, Bryan DeLeo, Helen and Bill Hankins, Frank Shepard, Masuma and Dick Downey, Wilma Hahn, Detlef Frank, as well as many others. It is Kuo-Ching Tu, a visiting Chinese scholar of Japanese literature at Stanford University, to whom the credit must be given for his tireless efforts in surveying and translating the material in the Japanese research journals and school textbooks. His extremely astute mind, his patience, and perseverence are largely responsible for the analysis of Japanese literature. The writer is deeply indebted for his willingness to persist in the onerous labor of translating the extensive amount of information. Associated with the translating and with the writing of Japanese script on charts and in the correspondence were vi two extermely h Frank Shigakawa It is enough to have ‘ family. To the responsible for‘ and tables, a si for that which I labor-of— love . fully appreciate and patience tha It appe‘ preparation of a heroines of scho.‘ editor and dear i notable degree 01 proofread the dra competently contr Suggestions. Thr insight, she help intended. Withou for having immeaS' 0f the thesis. T] for the spirit of hours of givingne. rePresented. two extermely helpful interpreters, Thomas Ishida and Frank Shigakawa. It is perhaps not often that a student is fortunate enough to have a built—in professional draftsman in one's family. To the writer's father, Vernon Haglund, who is responsible for the drafting of the majority of figures and tables, a simple, but deeply felt thank-you is expressed for that which represents an unlimited dedication or a labor—of—love. Probably only one's immediate family can fully appreciate the phenomenal commitment of time, skill, and patience that the arduous task of drafting has involved. It appears that those most responsible for the preparation of a manuscript often remain as the unsung heroines of scholarship. With Patty Piatek, diligent editor and dear friend, the writer wishes to share a notable degree of credit. Rather than having simply proofread the drafts, she assumed the responsibility of competently contributing sound criticisms and creative suggestions. Through her sensitive manner and critical insight, she helped the writer express that which was intended. Without a doubt, she deserves considerable merit for having immeasurably improved the contents and clarity of the thesis. The author is deeply grateful, most of all, for the spirit of friendship and support which those long hours of givingness and ennervating thinking have represented. There relatives, and pursuit. Invol encouragement , measure of tole her gratitude t the development thank-you is ex to Allen and De McCray, Mary An Mike and Virgin' Judy Winchell. Through kindness by the this author. Th: express apprecia1 thesis as useful Wishes to acknowl Perhaps more thar able amount of as cimperative aid 0 tional Informatio research in Japan difficult, and ev meIltion should be this organization There are innumerable means by which one's family, relatives, and friends assist one through a particular pursuit. Involved are expressions of intellectual guidance, encouragement, generosity, humor, and even a sizable measure of tolerance. The author would like here to express her gratitude to each who in his or her own way shared in the development of this thesis. In particular, a special thank—you is extended to four special nieces and nephews, to Allen and Deborah Lawton, Mary Elizabeth Taylor, Ross McCray, Mary Ann Oberhaus, Ray Snyder, Judi Jelusich Hanson, Mike and Virginia Laden, Babe and John Reisinger, Cliff and Judy Winchell. Throughout the period of research, efficiency and kindness by the Japanese authorities have been extended to this author. There seemed no more appropriate way to express appreciation than by having attempted to make this thesis as useful and accurate as possible. The writer wishes to acknowledge the following organizations which, perhaps more than others, were able to provide a consider— able amount of assistance. Without the extremely cooperative aid of the International Society for Educa— tional Information in Tokyo, a significant amount of research in Japan would have been substantially more difficult, and even, perhaps impossible. Particular mention should be made of Miss Michiko Kaya who, through this organization, served as the focal point of contact in viii Japan. Also to Narashino Pedag< the Internatione Ministry of Edu tional Research Institute for E Tokyo; The Kyush Culture; The Ins' International Ed Education at Hir Research Center; UNESCO: The Natic The Japan Societ The Ministry of In regar States that have gathering process acknowledge the a Library at the Un Other valuable so Mr. Ronald Anders; Center for Japane. Of California, Be: University of Mic] national Developme Oriental Society; Japan. Also to be recognized are the following: The Narashino Pedagogical Institute; The Research Bureau of the International Cultural Relations Section of the Ministry of Education; The National Institute for Educa- tional Research at the University of Tokyo; The Kyushu Institute for Educational Research at the University of Tokyo; The Kyushu Institute of Comparative Education and Culture; The Institute for Democratic Education, The International Education Research Institute, Faculty of Education at Hiroshima University; The Japan Economic Research Center; The Japanese National Commission for UNESCO: The National Institute of Agricultural Sciences; The Japan Society for the Teaching of Social Studies; and The Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In regard to organizations within the United States that have been prominent throughout the data- gathering process, the writer wishes particularly to acknowledge the able and cooperative staff at the Oriental Library at the University of California, Los Angeles. Other valuable sources of information are as follows: Mr. Ronald Anderson of the East West Center, Hawaii; The Center for Japanese and Korean Studies at the University of California, Berkeley; The Center for Japanese Studies, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor; The Stanford Inter— national Development Education Center; The American Oriental Society; and The Asia Society in New York. ix DEDICATION ACKNOWLEDGMENTS LIST OF TABLES LIST OF FIGURES LIST OF APPENDI Chapter I. INTRODU Purpose Need for Methodol Limitatii Cultural H H AVAILABII AND FOREI Backgroui Geogra; History Food Avai Agricul III. FOUNDATIC Historica Early P Recent Summary Social Im TABLE OF CONTENTS Page DEDICATION . . . . . . . . . . . iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . iv LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . Xii LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . xiii LIST OF APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . xiv Chapter I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . 1 Purpose of the Study . . . . . . . I Need for the Study . . . . . 9 Methodology and Organization . . . . . 23 Limitations of the Study . . . . . 28 Cultural Considerations . . . . 33 II. AVAILABILITY OF FOOD TO JAPAN: DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN RESOURCES . . . . . . 62 Background Factors . . . . . . . 62 Geography . . . . . . . . . . 62 History . . . . . . . . 65 Food Availability . . . . . 74 Agricultural Self— Sufficiency . . . . 74 Agricultural Dependency on Foreign Resources . . . . . . . . 91 Summary and Conclusions . . . . . . . 127 III. FOUNDATIONS OF EDUCATION IN JAPAN . . . . 142 Historical Background . . . . . . . . 142 Early Period . . . . . . . 142 Recent and Contemporary Era . . . . . 152 Summary . . . . . . . . . . 168 Social Implications . . . . . . . 171 Chapter IV. EXAMIN BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDICES Chapter IV. EXAMINATION OF CURRICULA IN JAPAN . . . Correspondence . . . . . Courses of Study and Textbooks . . . . Questionnaire . . Summary of Findings and Conclusions . . V. CONCLUSIONS OF THE STUDY . . . . . . Ecological Dimensions of the Global Resource Crisis . . . . . . The Challenge for Japan . . Recommendations Implications for Education: for Further Research . . . . . . . BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi Page 187 188 I92 215 225 233 233 245 262 283 301 Table Imports a: Plant proc Comparatix Value sunm import 1 Value sunm import 1 Production Ghost acre Use Of hit: 1964) Table LIST OF TABLES Page Imports as percentage of G.N.P. . . . . . 80 Plant products balance . . . . . . . . 95 Comparative protein consumption--l966-l968 . 108 Value summary of agricultural trade: export— import 1962—1967, Japan—U.S.A.-Mexico . . 123 Value summary of agricultural trade: export- import 1962-1967, Japan—U.S.A.—Mexico . . 124 Production increases . . . . . . . . . 203 Ghost acreages of selected nations . . . . 234 Use of nitrogen fertilizers (average, 1964— 1964) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237 Figure L N w >J> U1 C!“ \n oo \o Comparati Timeline Percentag Japan imp Japan imp Feeding b - Animal pr. Estimated average U‘S-A-I ‘ Per Caput Consumpt (1954-15 « Per Caput uman CC (1963-19 . Japan__imp . Trade Comm . PerCentage . Decreases ‘ . Use of Worj . Whaling OPE DecreaseS j . Total impor . Distributic Figure l. 2. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. LIST OF FIGURES Comparative land use . . . . . . Timeline of Japanese history . . . . . Percentage of self-supply: 83% . . . . Japan imports by commodity group, 1968 . Japan imports-—1962/1963-1967/1968 . . . Feeding basis of Japan . . . . . . . Animal produce imports-~1962/1963—1966/1967 Estimated protein content of national average food supplies per caput in Japan, U.S.A., Mexico 1954/1956—1966/1967 . . Per caput food supplies available for human consumption in Japan, Mexico, U.S.A. (1954-1956) . . . . . . . . . . Per caput food supplies available for human consumption in Japan, Mexico, U.S.A. (1963- 1965) . . . . . . . . Japan--import of rice . . . . . . . Trade commodities, l964-1966 . . . . . Percentages of imports . . . . . . Decreases in imports . . . . . . . Use of world's fisheries . . . . . . Whaling operations . . . . . . Decreases in imports . . . . . . Total imports . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of farm acreage . . . . . xiii Page 34 76 85 97 106 107 109 115 ’116 122 200 205 206 207 208 210 212 213 Appendix A. Contemp Educa B. Questio: Engli. C. Investig Quest: LIST OF APPENDICES Appendix A. Contemporary Organization of Japan's Educational System . . . . . . B. Questionnaire: Japanese Translation; English Version . . . . . . . C. Investigation of Foreign Textbooks and Questionnaire . . . . . . . . Page 302 312 316 It would nC turned out Japan's today a subject This small isla. has demonstrate: tion. In the m: of isolationism country, nonpare Huddle-class soc western industri unerica and the economically pro 10 1868! the internationa. unshackled itsell 250 Yours. CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Purpose of the Study It would not be surprising if the let Century turned out to be the Japanese century. - Herman Kahn Japan's rapid and successful industrialization is today a subject of very intense interest to the world. This small island nation, within the last hundred years, has demonstrated remarkable energy and ineffable innova— tion. In the mid—nineteenth century, Japan drew its period of isolationism to a close, and presently is the Asian country, nonpareil, to have developed an industrial, urban, middle-class society that in many ways is similar to western industrial cultures. Only the United States of America and the Soviet Union exceed Japan as the most economically productive countries in the world. In 1868, the Meiji Restoration brought Japan into the international community. The country, at the time, unshackled itself from its long Tokugawa isolation of over 250 years. It took a relatively short time for the nation to relinquish its former feudalistic structure and to position itself among the economic leaders on the world if fifi scene. This .' ‘ in the traditi and trader wer warrior and la disdain for mo: .in the code of were the fief-l them were the 1: all, the trades during the Toku commercial clas. By 1917 economic prowess fifty years to a ranks of the wor ability to have Progress has bee statistics of CE and Development) billion. By 196 increased tenfol reaching the $10 industrial giant Flgllres now reve N scene. This is a notable shift when one considers that in the traditional pattern of Japanese society, the merchant and trader were members of a denigrated class. Among the warrior and landed gentry, there was utter scorn for money; disdain for money—making was one of the fundamentals found .in the code of honor. At the top of the social hierarchy were the fief—holders, followed by the warriors; beneath them were the peasantry, then the artisans, and last of all, the tradesmen. As a result, commercial morality during the Tokugawa period had become as maligned as the commercial class itself. By 1917, Japan had significantly advanced its economic prowess, a development which had taken less than fifty years to accomplish. In 1941, Japan entered the ranks of the world's leading powers, as indicated by its ability to have waged a major war. Japan's post-war progress has been even more remarkable. According to the statistics of OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development), Japan began in 1950 with a GNP of $10 billion. By 1966, in just sixteen years, the GNP had increased tenfold. During that year, with a GNP figure reaching the $100 billion mark, Japan, as a recognized industrial giant, passed its nearest competitor, Germany. Figures now reveal that since 1966, Japan has doubled its 1966 figu billion. 1* What I miracle-~the s legendary firs numerable as t. following infli in any order 01 direct financia industrial raw customer for Ja revolution; hig.‘ and government : facilitated the defense budget; spartanism (the \—-—-——— * The rat features of Jap—a 1955, its growth Germany coming 11 (6 per cent), an .3 per cent eac 10 per cent, whi Germany, 5.8 per States, 2.9 per i 1963 through 196 1985 the rate of 1966 onward, the for the whole yea its 1966 figure and has increased its GNP to beyond $200 billion.l* What has been responsible for the economic miracle-—the so—called greatest boon since Jimmu (Japan's legendary first emperor)? Of course, the reasons are as numerable as they are complex. Briefly one could cite the following influences in this economic rehabilitation (not in any order of rank): massive United States aid through direct financial assistance and shipments of food and industrial raw materials; the U.S. as a very significant Customer for Japanese exports; land reforms; consumer revolution; high rate of investment; synchronized business and government sectors; commitment to education which has facilitated the spread of innovation and technologY; 10w defense budget; energetic populace with a background of spartanism (the Japanese rate of saving is a higher “k The rate of growth is one of the most distinctive features of Japan's economic development. From 1950 to 1955, its growth rate was slightly above 12 per cent, with Germany coming next (9.3 per cent), followed by Italy (6 per cent), and then France and the United States with 4.3 per cent each. From 1955 to 1963, it was always above 10 per cent, while the West had the following rates: Germany, 5.8 per cent; France, 4.1 per cent; the United States, 2.9 per cent; England , 2.8 per cent. The years 1963 through 1965 were difficult for Japan, but neverthe— less the rate of growth stayed above 8 per cent. From 1966 onward, the earlier speed returned, in spite of the government's efforts at restraint, and in 1968, the increase in the GNP was 1 per cent a month, or 12 per cent for the whole year. percentage of fortuitous "Me the United Nat forces in both This 51 explanation for influence does natural resourc trade is the li Japan is mainta: natural resource success story is its economic sur other countries balance these im semi-finished pri to the buyers of Thus, Japan is t( Countries. The! important, becaus Critical to the ; WI, and raw mat llmPOrtS; for exam ran cotton, wool, °f its supply of Iron ore. To con percentage of income than any other nation); and some fortuitous "Mazel," or luck (the purchase of supplies by the United Nations and the United States for the fighting forces in both Korea and in Vietnam). This study will attempt to indicate that the explanation for Japan's sharp growth in international influence does not lie in the country's endowment of natural resources. In materials—short Japan, foreign trade is the life-line by which the national existence of Japan is maintained. With a small land area, limited natural resources, and a large population to feed, Japan's success story is largely dependent upon overseas trade for its economic survival. Vast quantities of materials from other countries must be imported. In order to pay for and balance these imports, Japan has to produce finished and semi—finished products from these imports and sell them to the buyers of the foreign market as manufactured goods. Thus, Japan is today one of the world's great processing countries. The need to export has been increasingly important, because procurement of foreign exchange is critical to the purchase of food and raw materials. Fuel, food, and raw materials constitute Japan's principal imports; for example, Japan imports all its supplies of raw cotton, wool, and rubber, up to ninety—nine per cent Of its supply of crude oil, and ninety—six per cent of its iron ore. To compound matters, nearly all of these supplies are c the other. It is how vital raw 1 industry. In : assert that the security of sup recognized is h materials, such is to the natio America and Aus colonies. Acco: the Far East, ". even with increa except at prohil: food requirement to produce the e imported, Japan acreage by one—f its total tilled 0f Soybeans that hm" graphically land (16 Per cent 0f E"91nd and we \*§ APProxin Collared, and eigr ‘ supplies are cyclically dependent upon the availability of the other. It is generally known by Japanese and by foreigners how vital raw material imports are to Japan's manufacturing industry. In fact, it would probably be reasonable to assert that the Japanese are extremely sensitive about the security of supplies. However, what appears to be less recognized is how necessary the importation of £229 materials, such as soybeans, wheat, corn, and many others, is to the nation. Consequently, the prairies of North America and Australia have become Japan's vast supporting colonies. According to the Economic Bulletin for Asia and the Far East, ". . . food deficient countries, like Japan, even with increasing agricultural productivity, cannot, except at prohibitive cost, meet more than a part of their food requirements from domestic production."2 For instance: to produce the equivalent amount of wheat that is being imported, Japan would need to increase its entire tilled acreage by one—fifth. And Japan would need to expand its total tilled acreage by one-third to equal the amount of soybeans that is currently being imported. Figure 1 below graphically illustrates Japan's modicum of arable land (16 per cent) and pasture area, as compared to that * of England and Wales or the United States.3 * Approximately two—thirds of Japan is forest— covered, and eighty per cent of Japan is mountainous. The JAPAI HIGLA A WALI WIYEI S'ATE Figure It is t fpgl materials, hmtralia--whic for the purpose The par to determine to effectively edur extreme dependel This Stl following questi A. What of s situ \‘n— linttuse chart al J“‘I’AH'S land is , the Small area a: 0Cities in Ja] °‘ “We people. snare kilometer Wt 26 '9 Persoi ‘ JAPAN ENGLAND d. WALES UNITED STATES Figure l.--Comparative land use. It is this facet--the extreme need for particular fggd materials, mainly from the United States, Canada, and Australia—-which will form the background or the foundation for the purpose of the study. The parallel purpose of the research is to attempt to determine to what extent Japanese schools have and are effectively educating the populace to the country's extreme dependence upon foreign food resources. This study, then, will pursue answers to the following questions: What attention in the authorized courses of study is given to Japan's agricultural situation? A. land-use chart above makes clear that a small amount of Japan's land is available for urban areas. But within the small area are 1,998 towns and 819 villages. Of the 560 cities in Japan, 60 of them have populations of 200,000 or more people. These figures account for the fact that Japan is first in the world in density of population per square kilometer of arable land (104.65 million people with 265.9 persons per square kilometer of arable land). Educat: which Onltures effectivelY' it understanding 0 Today the world and communicati in areas such a: that educators I of the correspor out the entire “ the stream 0f id mass media of CO new dimensions a transmission- C5 school personnel in the national F waters of unions interaction betwe mechanisms . Japanese is their American B. How does the subject content in the standardized textbooks relate the balance between domestic food production and dependence upon foreign resources for food? C. To what extent are the educators and students of Japan aware of their nation's dependence upon extra-territorial resources for food? Education is sometimes defined as a process through which cultures perpetuate and renew themselves. To educate effectively, it is desirable for educators to have a clear understanding of the dynamics operating within the society. Today the world is contracting, if gauged by transportation and communication factors; but the world is also expanding in areas such as cultural exchange. It is now imperative that educators be aware, not only of domestic issues, but of the corresponding international forces as well. Through— out the entire world, the flow of new behavior patterns and the stream of ideas from urban to rural centers, through mass media of communication, are elements which have led to new dimensions and problems of educational and cultural transmission. Creatures and creators of these changes are school personnel and higher education researchers, officials in the national ministries of the central government, members of unions, and the authorities involved in the interaction between national and local decision—making mechanisms. Japanese educators face the same types of challenges as their American counterparts over the relation between broad scholars Shall they hel highly complex emphasis shoul ship in a plur the modern ind the needs inhe In Jap an extremely r since World Wa tion has had t keep pace with Japanese indust unequivocally a implications of accelerated rate become a synchrc (hired an economy highly dependent IiVelihood. This inv interPrEt inform needs, aS relate practices. Prec unlined within broad scholarship and specific skills for manpower demands. Shall they help to produce a society of engineers for a highly complex, technologically-oriented future? What emphasis should be placed on training for emerging leader— ship in a pluralistic social milieu? Should the goals of the modern industrial organization take precedence over the needs inherent in achieving greater individual dignity? In Japan, perhaps more so than in the United States, an extremely rapid economic recovery and industrial growth since World War II have created changing demands. Educa— tion has had to adapt its content and methods in order to keep pace with the realities and mandates of the perpetual Japanese industrial growth. Are the citizens of Japan unequivocally aware of the national and international implications of the modern industrial state? At a highly accelerated rate, Japan's government and industry have become a synchronized organ, a phenomenon which has pro— duced an economy with an extremely dense population, highly dependent upon the rest of the world for its livelihood. This investigation will first establish and interpret information relevant to Japan‘s agricultural needs, as related to current production and importation practices. Precedents, policies, and curricula will be examined within the educatiOnal framework of Japan in order to deter: spond to the d country. In e the responsibi tion's 'awaren status of Japa gruency between information and perhaps a signi For according t Challenge, Japa responsibility today's third 9 economy, is for educational syst be Japan's. As hediterranean' (‘ the creative cen' civilization: a culture " 1 Perhaps Japan Permanent de] of its food a and other ce: order to determine to what extent they reflect and corre- spond to the data concerning the food realities of the country. In essence, the purpose is to help anticipate the responsibilities of tomorrow by investigating educa- tion's 'awareness quotient' concerning the agricultural status of Japan. Should the findings suggest an incon— gruency between the empirical data concerning agriculture information and that which is presented in the schools, perhaps a significant contribution will have been advanced. For according to Robert Guillain's new book, The Japanese Challenge, Japan must ascertain its 'proper place,‘ its responsibility in terms of the global good. If Japan, as today's third great industrial leviathan in the world's economy, is fortified by a vital and increasingly aware educational system, the twenty—first century could indeed be Japan's. As Herbert Kahn has indicated, "The 'new Mediterranean' (the Pacific Basin) . . . might well be . . the creative center of the post-industrial culture and civilization: a true world-wide cosmopolitan culture . . . ."5 Need for the Study Perhaps Japan's greatest economic problem is its permanent dependence on the outside world for much of its food and foodstuffs (such as soybeans, wheat, and other cereals) . . . . — Edwin O. Reischauer Former United States Ambassador to Japan ——r——¥ 10 Food and population problems appear to be the most crucial situation facing mankind today. These two concerns provoke many other dilemmas such as ecological imbalance, internal and international conflicts, and the widening gaps between the 'developed' and 'developing' countries of the world. Until the pending crises of food supplies and population growth can be solved, all other efforts to improve the world condition will be for naught. Leading agricultural consultants suggest that although man is awakening to the crisis in natural resources, he does not yet realize the dimension of the difficulties. With more than half the human family desperately short of life's necessities, some believe that we are already in a disaster, headed for a future of famine. This research proposes that Japan is advancing industrially at the expense of the world's resources; in proportion to its population, the country has become a major factor in the resource-tapping of the world, and it has become, this side of Europe, the chief purchaser of the world‘s resources. As this study evolves, data will be presented which outline Japan's relationship to the crisis in the world's natural resources. For instance, the current issue of population control in Japan is closely aligned with the plight of international resources. For the past two decades, Japan has struggled to curb its population — r 11 growth; family planning techniques have been adopted whole- sale, and the birth control methods have been largely successful.* But recently, Prime Minister Sato indicated that the population control effort may have gone too far. The Prime Minister's remarks caused great consternation in family planning circles in Japan, for even at the current rate of expansion, Japan's population is expected to rise to 131 million by early next century. Japan's population increase is 1.1 per cent, which is above that of most European countries; and it is presently mounting due to the sheer size of the population and due to the boom of the war babies. The end result is a considerable annual increase of 1.85 million births and a net growth of 1.15. Japan's total land area is not large enough to support * There is evidence that the people's concern regarding the size of the population in Japan has been the rule rather than the exception during the last several centuries. In former times, when famine or pestilence caused great havoc, there were those who practiced 'mabiki' or 'weeding out' to insure a decent life for the new-born infant. In the Tokugawa Era (1603-1867), abortion and infanticide were acceptable and widely utilized ways for keeping the population relatively stationary (at about 28 million for over two hundred years) and realistically pro— portionate to the available domestic resources. But after the Meiji Restoration in 1867, industrialization encouraged population growth and brought about changes in attitudes. Abortion and infanticide came to be frowned upon; the rapid growth of population came to be regarded as desirable, for it helped to make Japan one of the great powers, and could be used to justify the policy of territorial expan— sion which led to the control of Formosa, Korea, and Manchuria. Nevertheless, there is general agreement that even during this period, the practice of contraception became established among certain groups. ‘ T,—....- 12 such population growth. As will be discussed in greater detail throughout the study, only 16 per cent of Japan's land is arable. The country is fourth in population density per square mile, and it is first in density per square mile of arable land. This is definitely inadequate, even under optimum climatic and technological conditions, to support such a growing population.6 The inevitable outcome will be increased imports, drawing further on international reservoirs and earmarking more earnings through trade for food. The following statistic is germane to the popula- tion consequences: despite the fact that Japan ranks third in its Gross National Product, the index to its 'social overhead' registers twentieth on the international scale. Considering living standards in terms of nutrition, a westerner would conceive of the average Japanese as poorly fed. In 1969, the average daily caloric intake of the Japanese was 2,450 compared to India's 1,940 and the United Kingdom's 3,180. Protein consumption is generally an indicator of nutritional welfare; the shortage of protein is more widespread than calorie under—nutrition. The Japanese daily protein Consumption in 1969 was 75.1 grams, two—fifths (39 per cent) of which was of animal origin, but half that amount was fish food. A contrasting figure can be seen in Australian statistics: 106.4 grams, two-thirds of which was of animal origin. In Japan the — ' 13 recent gains in milk, meat, and eggs are almost entirely depending upon fish meal and feed that are purchased on the world market or are obtained from Japan's floating factories. The diet of the Japanese is related, in part, to other indications of Japan's lagging social capital. While the average annual income per capita in Japan is $1,190 (1971), in Western Europe there is no nation that falls below $1,200 per year. A report from the Ministry of Health in Tokyo shows that in 1965, more than 20 per cent of Japanese households lived at the extreme limit of poverty——that is to say, at subsistence level. To further emphasize the 2nd and 20th ratio (second highest GNP in the non—Communist world and only twentieth in per capita income), the Japanese newspaper, The Asahi Shimbun, printed excerpts from The United Nations World Statistics Annual: Japan ranks seventh in population, first in rate of industrial development, but has a lower ratio of flush toilets than most backward nations.* If one looks only at items concerning the economy or industry, one sees highly favorable figures that would make Japan appear one of the great nations of the world, but if one looks up prices or any other item related to the standard of living, one finds only row upon row of the coldest figures.7 *Japan's ratio of distribution of flush toilets is extraordinarily low, a mere 9.2 per cent. This compares with the 80 and 90 per cent ratios found in western Europe. It is far lower than Iraq, Malaysia and Turkey, and ranks in the lowest percentile with such countries as Nepal and Jordan. 14 Each year, as in many nations, reports on all aspects of governmental administrations are made to the legislative bodies. In Japan, just such a report, the White Paper on Japan's National Life, was submitted to the Diet, Japan's legislative branch. It further emphasizes Japan's policy of sacrificing the standard of living for the goal of rapid economic development: In recent years there have been many instances wherein the results of economic development, such as increased traffic accidents and environmental pollution, have worsened rather than bettered the environment of our daily lives. There are also many instances where public facilities, such as housing are not on a par with our consumption power. Even though consumption power may increase, so long as these underdeveloped aspects remain, the actual feeling of richness of our lives will be dimin- ished . . . . The spiritual unrest brought about by the alienation of the human being in today's highly industrialized and specialized society, and the differing senses of value of the different generations together with the loss of confidence stemming from the sense of confrontation between the generations are, against the background of a rapidly changing society, creating a sense of social urgency . . . . The growing problem of campus disturbances in Japan can be said to reflect the changes brought about by rapid post- war economic development and the materialism and lack of spiritual values of the modern age.8 At this point, some may simply dismiss this situa- tion as the agonies involved in Westernizing an oriental environment. However, it is not a peculiarly oriental phenomenon for a society to begin developing its economy, only to find that the new expansion has changed the character and the environment of the people. But in Japan, a major portion of the people now are identifying ii nth 15 with a middle—class consciousness; this represents a cultural change of considerable magnitude. It can safely be said that the public now covets the norm of delayed gratification in the form of diligent work and austerity, with the aspiration of eventually achieving the esteemed "3 c's," a car, a cooler (air-conditioner), and a color television; and to this list one could add a computer consciousness for calculators to be used for kitchen- accounting and other domestic needs. Robert Guillain remarks that the adoption of western ideas has meant a bi-civilized people, for Japan has binary forms of every- thing: "two ways of life, two hotel systems, two different ways of cooking, two architectures, two ways of dressing, two styles of painting, two kinds of music, two theaters, two sorts of writing, two cinemas."9 And one might include two calendars, two types of courtship patterns, two kinds of marriage ceremonies, ad infinitum. Indeed, the people are on the threshold of becoming a mass- consumption society, as in the West; in fact, in some people's minds, they are simply an 'almond-eyed America.’ This bifurcation—-East~West or tradition—modernity—— actually co-exists compatibly; the two extremes are often juxtaposed and reciprocally interacting. However, in the urban areas, the thrust is definitely toward the western pattern; and it does not appear as if the people of Japan will voluntarily accept a dimunition of their 16 newly—acquired standards; the 'goods and services explosion' has resulted in most Young people's aspiring for 'salary- man' or white—collar jobs in business or government enter— prises, positions which will assure the life—style of a 'sarariman.‘ In order to broaden this middle-class band, the huge governmental—business complex has apparently chosen to disregard the implications within the text of the White Paper on Japan's National Life. But the fact remains that there is conspicuous evidence of a weak standard of living: insufficient food supplies and inadequate nutrition, excessive pollution, and overwhelmingly crowded conditions (housing space in metro— politan areas averages forty feet per person, no more than before the Second World War; more than 104 million people are living on a land mass smaller than that of the 19 million Californians in the United States; and the trains operate at a rate of 300 per cent beyond capacity).10 A recent article in the OECD Economic Review of Japan stated that Japan's ". . . vast increase of production and the pattern of the expansion have produced highly undesirable side effects which seriously and increasingly affect the well—being of the people."11 Economic growth, then, does not necessarily insure a commensurate development in the infra—structure. In fact, Japan appears to be learning just how miserable a healthy economy can be. 17 In view of such conditions, it is difficult to understand why the Cabinet refused approbation of the White Paper on Japan's National Life. The general attitude seems to be that without the national industrial growth and strength, there will be no life for the individual. Further, the conclusion appears to be that if more public services and supplies are needed and if improved diets are a goal of the people, then the answer lies in increased taxation. One of the reasons for this attitude is that in the minds of the decision—makers of the country, a far more menacing problem holds priority: if the logarithmic spirals of industry are to continue their upward trends, Japan will face (and is now facing) a significant labor shortage; also, policy—makers claim that Japan needs more and more consumers within its own national boundaries. Indeed, business and government hold that it would be imminently dangerous for industry if the nation were to continue to curb its population growth. Business reasoning is simple and deterministic. It is more profitable to supply cameras than bread. And to raise total productivity of cameras and other export goods, one needs abundant resources of human reserves. Therefore, such essential considerations as reduced births, more wholesome, adequate diets, and less drain on the world's natural resources may be given second place by entre- preneurs while they pursue ready profits, dividends which 18 are shared by a small minority. Business and government equate population with strength; in Japan, the leaders justify Japan's dense population by suggesting that it is only a fraction of the millions in Mainland China or in India, and is lower than the populations of Pakistan or Indonesia. (They disregard the fact that Japan receives from the world more protein than the massive populations of China or India; they also are not considering that with an increased population, more acreage will be an inevitable need in order to meet the corresponding increases in food needs). Government and industry contend that the labor shortage is responsible for excessive wage demands and the need to import workers to meet the requirements of a rapidly expanding economy. Consequently, a rise in birthrate can be expected, for business and the government policy—makers sustain a symbiotic relationship, one which allows the two sectors to work in concert with one another. Corporations are fortified by an amazing arsenal of cooperation from the government. Tokyo, as the political and economic capital, serves as the country's transformer, the seat of the nation's energies. Premier Sato, himself, heads the Supreme Trade Council which is responsible for the goals for every projected international trade-relationship. Indeed, it is no coincidence that this modus vivendi of interaction between the government and business sectors fit 19 has been pejoratively tagged with such appellations as 'Japan, Inc.,' the 'Mindless Mega—institution,’ and the 'Corporate Complicity.’ The Ministry for International Trade and Industry (MITI) is a body which, by virtue of its wide scope, has no exact equivalent in other nations. Its members have extensive powers of intervention at all levels in industry and trade. MITI includes within its area of responsibility the Japan External Trade Organization (JETRO) which among other functions, provides a world— wide intelligence service concerning international trading. When a major change in national direction is contemplated, those in business and government engage in a process of consensus-building: "'The subject is thoroughly analyzed until all segments agree; in the inimitable way of the Japanese, they talk intensively for a year or two, and 12 In order to butress trade, giant then you see action]' general trading companies are backed by the full support of Japan's ministries and banks through tax incentives and credit at preferential rates. Japan's trade expansion, which is based upon growth rather than immediate profit, will be increasingly dependent upon a ready labor supply, which in turn, indicates the imperative for a higher birth- rate. In order to abet, justify, and utilize the growth in population, Japan is routinely preparing long-term negotiations overseas; these transactions are designed to assure a stable supply of raw materials for expanding the “(If 7' . 12L 3‘21 J'- F951 . 0.. ’i" o IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIZ_______________________________________—————W ""I 20 export position and for procuring food materials in anticipation of the population increase.13 According to Herbert Kahn's The Emerging Japanese Superstate, the year 2000 is Japan's target year for superseding the rest of the developed nations. "There is beginning to develop an almost manic enthusiasm for completing their self— appointed task of surpassing the West."14 The commitment to ever-greater industrial expansion-—the production of the world's smallest transistors up to the largest oil tankers——is encompassed within the words of various commercial firms' anthems: For the building of new Japan Let's put our strength and mind together Doing our best to promote production. Sending our goods to the people of the world Endlessly and continuously Like Water gushing from a Fountain, Growing Industry, grow, grow, grow. Harmony and sincerity! Matsushita Electric! 5 But the reality is that the globe is finite, and it cannot continue to support goals such as those reflected in the above stanza. Although Japan is often cited as a country which feeds a large population on a small area, this is misleading, for Japan relies heavily on protein from elsewhere. According to Dr. Georg Borgstrom, an international agricultural food expert, who is largely responsible for this author's research, the earth's natural resources are rapidly dwindling. Already, one~third of — 7 21 the land of the world is tilled or is in pasture. Scientific technology cannot be expected to meet the food demands of an ever-spiraling population. "Each sweeping panacea poses its own problems."16 Dr. Borgstrom figures that it will take thirty to forty million acres of new farm land each year, or a corresponding increase in yield, just to maintain the world's people at their current malnourished level. To improve nutrition, we will need a doubling of food production by 1980 and a quadrupling by the year 2000. By his calculations, two-thirds of the world's population at the present time eats inadequately. Nations simply must confer and plan the use of the remain— ing resources, and they must enforce the decisions through some form of an international tribunal. The entire world, both developing and developed countries, has a significant stake in the results of Japan's struggle for change. Japan could well serve as a model, were she able to strike a balance between the rate of development and the standard of living. Japan appears, then, to be following a collision course: the current belief is that industrialization promotes agricultural development by improving the con— ditions of supply of modern inputs to agriculture. According to the introductory quotation by Edwin Reischauer, that is an illogical assumption; a food— deficient country as Japan, even with increasing 22 agricultural productivity, cannot meet more than a part of its food requirements from domestic production. And even with expanded ability to produce and export manufactured goods, does Japan have the right to continue purchasing natural resources, thus appropriating resources badly needed by the remainder of the undernourished world? Recently, a Japanese industrial leader made the following observation: There are three big industrial areas: the U.S., Japan, and Europe. Now we have manufacturers trying to sell each other the same things. It doesn't make sense. Two—thirds of the world's people are still living under low standards, and because of that they do not yet constitute a viable market. Just as the U.S. helped Japan rise from nothing, we should all join to try to make more Japans in other parts of the world.17 As viable and magnanimous as that thinking might appear at first glance, it is short—sighted, for the world cannot afford two Japans. India or any other developing country cannot become a Japan; the two elements which are strongly responsible for Japan's ascension to the modern industrial world, foreign capital and vast amounts of imported raw materials, are simply not available to countries with the awesome populations of India or Mainland China. Nor can they continue to be for Japan. If the 1950-1970 growth rate of Japan has not been just a transi— tory phase, and if the 'economic miracle' is to be a sustained effort, in food materials alone, Japan would need 2.7 Japans in acreage to produce the animal protein 23 it takes from the world's oceans. And, further, 2.9 Japans would be needed to equal what the nation imports in foodstuffs. If the thinking of Japanese leaders, as cited above, is representative of present attitudes in Japan, it is a basic assertion of this research that the Japanese have not fully recognized their place in the world. The need, then, for this study is at least twofold: to expose some of the realities which Japan should be facing. Are the Japanese aware of their global dependence for food? And, in a further realm of inquiry, the rationale is to discern to what degree educators and students in Japan are cognizant of their nation's dependence upon imported food resources. Methodology and Organization The following study purports to follow an induc- tive approach in that documented data are first presented, described, and interpreted. Definitive statements are subsequently made which allow generalizations concerning educational practices, attitudes, and administrative policies and goals. The preliminary area of concern, Japan‘s dependence upon foreign resources, is identified and established at the outset. In Chapter II, a cursory review of the literature indicates a remarkable degree of discrepancy between generally accepted information and the statistics p. B: (I) ._v. C), In — 7 24 based on United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization figures. In response to this finding, a rather concen— trated effort is made to clarify and define the reality of Japanese production and the food import situation as it exists today. Included are tables and figures, based on primary source information from the United Nations FAO yearbooks and from the Japan Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry. These charts are not copies from already com— piled and compared information; rather, they are graphic formulations which have been drafted according to the various statistics found in the research. Included also is factual material from various specialized reports from such sources as the Japan Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Japanese agricultural research institutes, and various Japanese universities. Mexico, as a national comparison unit, is charted along with Japan, because its nutritional pattern in average figures, approximates that of Japan. Both countries are poorly nourished, although Mexico is a land—fed country, as opposed to Japan which is dependent on the world's oceans and upon international imports. United States of America statistics are also compared with those of Japan, because the country represents the writer's reference point and because the United States and Japan share similar roles as highly industrialized, economically developed nations. An interpretation of the charted data is necessary in order to put the evidence into perspective. ———————i7 IV 25 For this reason, background information involving the following topics is peripherally examined: economic con- siderations as to the balance of trade position, manpower demands, and Japan's status as the country with the third highest G.N.P. in the world. Chapter II, then, serves as the foundation or documentation upon which the balance of the study is based. Throughout the study, salient characteristics of the Japanese ethos are pointed out, if they have appeared to relate to the purpose of this research. Included are such factors as modern Japanese history, traditional and emergent value orientations, former isolationist policies, religious and philosophical ideologies, population trends, dietary shifts, and linguistic variables. With this approach in mind, Chapter III describes the historical and social foundations of Japanese education. After reviewing educational precedents of the Tokugawa and Meiji Eras, current practices in the educational system are described. A discussion is included concerning the educational structure and administration, as these elements relate to contemporary Japanese society. The study proceeds in Chapter IV to an examination Of public school curriculum guides and textbooks. The findings of these materials, along with the results of correspondence with Japanese educators and researchers, form the basis of a discussion concerning what is or is 26 not taught in the schools in regard to the food-supply of Japan. (Charts in this particular chapter are copied directly from the textbooks in which they were found.) Also, a questionnaire involving Japanese students is analyzed as a further indication of what is known about Japan's diet needs and its food—availability status. The questionnaire, in the Japanese language, was sent to the International Society for Educational Information. This particular organization agreed to distribute and administer three hundred copies of the instrument, one hundred each to children in grades five, eight, and eleven. These grade levels were chosen in order to ascertain results repre— sentative of the elementary, lower—secondary, and upper— secondary schools. As a back—drop chapter, the study attempts to discern, in a very limited dimension, how children in various countries, particularly in the United States, are led to view Japan. What images of Japan do textbooks and curriculum units reflect? In connection with this, another three hundred copies of the above—mentioned questionnaire were distributed to children in identical age—level groups in the state of California. The purpose of the writer in this chapter is to determine what degree of accuracy con— cerning Japan is being promulgated throughout the schools Of the international community. It is simply ——'———" 27 intended as another area of inquiry as to the understanding concerning modern—day Japan. The fifth chapter is introduced by a discussion concerning the global food crisis. This explanation of the ecological dimensions is followed by a description of Japan's relationship to the international issues involved in food availability. The final section of the chapter attempts to synthesize the findings of the entire study. In regard to Japan's food—supply, conclusions and con- jectures are offered; a summary of the findings restate the original assertion in terms of Japan's use of foreign resources: because it is possible, in time, that increasing amounts of food imports may not be at Japan's disposal, the populace should be informed how to prepare for and how to off—set such an eventuality. Suggestions are formulated in terms of educational administrative reorganization and teacher-training; these facets, in turn, form the basis for further research recommendations. The study is based on a variety of sources, includ- ing the literature in both English and in Japanese. In regard to the data written in Japanese, the author sought the aid of three translators for the purpose of cross— validating the accuracy of interpretation. Considerable use was made of the University of Michigan Center for Japanese Studies and of the Oriental Libraries at the University of California at Berkeley and Los Angeles, and 28 at Stanford University. Also, much information was gleaned from a comprehensive correspondence conducted with various oriental and Asian institutes and societies in America. In regard to the mechanics of written expression, the Japanese words are romanized according to the Hepburn system. That is, the macron (—) has been omitted from the letters. For instance, the word, Tokyo, would normally be written in Japanese publications as Tékyé, in order to indicate to the reader that the letter, 2, be prolonged in speech. In the case of personal names, the word order is given in the customary western pattern with the family name written last. In regard to Japanese words which are repeated frequently in the text (such as samurai), under— lining of the foreign word will generally be limited to the initial appearance of the word. Limitations of the Study For the student interested in a general compendium of educational research in Japan, there is a plethora of material in both English translation and in the original Japanese language. Indeed, with just a minimum of corre— Spondence, one could be inundated with valuable material Which would facilitate comparative studies in such topical areas as administration and organization of the schools. The Central Ministry of Education sponsors such research, and the information is generously and expeditiously made 29 available to foreign researchers. Various pedagogical institutes and colleges of education, as well as nationally sponsored societies and educational organizations, are equally willing to forward the results of their research efforts as they appear in journals and special publications. However, any topic as subjective and as elusory as the one here under consideration, the awareness in Japanese education of Japan's dependence on foreign resources, encounters the problem of crucial gaps in tangible sources of evidence, even in the Japanese literature. This particular type of inquiry would be difficult to harness, even within one's own national setting. A com— mitted researcher can exhaustively analyze texts, curricula, and study guides. And yet, some sort of je ne sais quoi might forever elude him; his findings may very well not represent what is actually taught by the teachers or learned by the students; this is largely due to what is perhaps a rather universal phenomenon in education: that Which is impressively organized and officially prescribed in the study guides of a school system is not necessarily that which is eventually communicated to and internalized by the students in the classrooms. To paraphrase a quip of Alfred Adler, education is the process of transferring the information of the researcher to the curriculum guides of the teacher to the notebook of the pupil without an under— standing having passed through the heads of any. Although 30 this study will investigate the materials which contain the information ostensibly conveyed to the students of Japan, it is expected that more validity will be derived from the measurable outcome of the questionnaires. The questionnaires may help to reveal the extent to which the teaching strategies have been effective. It could well be that educators have consciously tried to impart the concept of Japan's reliance on foreign resources, but the methods of instruction may have not insured real learning, retention, and an in—depth understanding. Another factor in considering the limitations of this study is the overwhelming amount of literature currently available in regard to Japan and its foreign relations. One can scarcely scan a newspaper or hear a news broadcast without some allusion to Japan's stance in international current affairs. Japan is presently the Cynosure of eyes throughout the world, and the media reflect this phenomenon each day. The author fully aCknowledges that the following study necessarily is limited in covering the content, for, Of course, an exhaustive treatment would not only be formidable, but impossible. Too, because Japan is the dynamic country that it is, the rapid change of events often belies inter- PretiVe accounts, for obsolescence, at an alarming rate, is a constant reality. However, the intent has been to Span, as representatively as possible, a Variety Of ,J“ 31 sources by authorities throughout the world. And follow- ing this, an assiduous attempt has been made to avoid both the dangers of facile generalization and tedious detail. Without a doubt, one of the greatest dangers in cross—national research is the bias with which both the writer and the reader approach a study. It is a Damocles sword which should constantly be suspended in order to eliminate distorted reporting and reading. Of course, one's frame of reference is culturally—induced; therefore, one's interpretation of material is inextricably crocheted into a knot of predisposition. Indeed, we are all victimized by the implications of Kipling's observation: Father, Mother and Me, Sister and Auntie say All the people like us are We, And everyone else is They. 8 The ramifications of the "We—They" polarization are even more involved when subject content spans the East—West hemispheres of our globe. For instance, Japan is so often cited as the nation of contradiction; witness book titles, alone, such as Quentin Crewe's Japan: A Portrait in Paradox or the recognized Chrysanthemum and §yg£g by Ruth Benedict, both written as so many other volumes, to explain what appears to a westerner as a conundrum of dichotomies. Recurring themes in most sociological descriptions of Japan are often the antitheses involved in Japan's culture: the temerity and brutality 32 of Nanking or the cycles of fervent xenophobia, as con— trasted with the delicate art expressions, the gracious hospitality, the timorous diffidence of the people. But undoubtedly, such facets as these are no more an enigma for the westerner than the following American character— istics may be for the Japanese: the inconsistencies between America's lauded deferred—gratification ethic versus the practice of installment payments and mortgages in order to make possible immediate benefits; or the exalted ideal of egalitarianism versus the reality of invidious discrimination. The following few pages are only a very cursory outline, a broad-brush picture of Japanese attitudes and behavior as shaped by the confluence of natural forces and cultural antecedents. They are, admittedly, mostly the result of the author's observations of some cultural configurations while having lived in Japan, but, in general, can be supported by a substantial body of literature reflecting many similar impressions. The purpose here is very definitely not to develop an erudite exegesis of customs and history; it is simply to aid the reader who may be relatively unacquainted with Japan, before proceeding with the study itself. There will be no expressed intent to weave this informal sociology of knowledge into any illuminating conclusion or justifica— tion. It is only some information in capsule—form which —7—_r 33 may fortify the reader against the puzzlement expressed by so many western visitbrs to Japan. Hopefully this brief resumé, accompanied by Figure 2 (a schematic rendering of an historical timeline that is not according to scale),19 will help toward fusing Kipling's prominent East-West twain. Cultural Considerations These are the best people so far discovered, and it seems to me that among the unbelievers, no people can be found to excel them. — St. Xavier‘s Report on Japan Japan's awareness of being relative orphans of the mainland is reflected somewhat in the fact that the people often regard their country an island nation (shimaguni), rather than just an island (shima) or a nation (533i). The tradition of isolation in Japan is both geographically and culturally abetted. During the Tokugawa Era (1603—1867), every effort was made to seal her culture from the rest of the world, from the divergent influences which would occur through the cross—fertiliza— tion of ideas. Kenneth Bieda, an economist, has suggested that the Japanese have traditionally been very much aware that they were different from the rest of the world, a factor which has led to an in-group cohesiveness.20 Generally, the Japanese have not felt greatly threatened by external military forces; part of this feeling of security comes from the absence of land borders which affords an island—nation basic immunity from land invasion and international conflicts and concerns. 34 NNW.\ .nh“~ {heel 92:) {has IQ! exthesohoem hqofi 5:3: 595:0.» sen. HEP: Vets—Eu befihtosmu moeupcuemhcx ”been; kind: .3on totehpuus next—x Hm. t3: 33% .393} that to tutti QEQEEQQ. oxok 3.3.39 amount but; 2 ruptutsm 955.23% E 35..., rough .2: \9 xemfieflze‘nm :3: mmmeuqunhscb peN . muoumflr mmmcmamo xtestutcu 3253:: 533* SW amounts...‘ ‘3 ESE 38:39 econoxam \uth. Bu... .2: 2 «(not 05 3%:qu 9°qu EoneEEou . a mo meaHmEaex\ N mu:m.m Wh§§\h\ QBEKUQ state \93 .5: Susana .93 3.an 32.9%: mmmTvmm. noeéom. x. - EEC kg 323% i has: Eek : boofmmtm 32‘»th Q brash. Eelisk 3 >0th 955E 32m 328%: not totsneaok N “i b1 -\ P . n _ . mom. \ \. . \ . . \ . / «we now. 332359 9.2 €3sz EN. Eazmofm mmEEzmo Sang 5323 an =0: unttuhii .éotuxo‘mbx REE 23x93: Q pageant .mehcmq 5.293% < n .( ulbhatsk us tensed Shhké kbmxuhowx & .ofiw \e wk: .Eoo 3 But . \uusbux 32:5»on E323 95th.: “Sufisss‘ Status. 3.23:5 .3 Emeefluecob Snitch 3% / \e \hks 53v. 6533.... \o met—Exec «Sufism — i 35 Domestically, too, Japan has not known significant con— flicts of interest, due to her high degree of homogeneity, ethnically and culturally. A modern American writer recently described the Japanese as follows: The first thing the traveler in Japan notices is that the people resemble each other, with obvious variations, much the way members of a family do, and this sense of a common identity was the source of their power in the past, all children of an emperor who was the child of the sun.21 Linguistically, too, Japan represents perhaps less diversity than any other nation of comparable size. The enigmatic ‘ ‘fl nature of the written language, perhaps more complex than the Chinese script, has hardly been conducive to the cross- national spreading of the language. For this reason, the Japanese have historically been linguistic isolates, and the impact is currently being felt. There has been little effort to learn the major neighbor languages such as Russian or Chinese (not even during the occupation in the 1930's). Only since the Meiji Restoration has English, as the international lingua france, been considered a second-language necessity for educated citizens. Even with a pervasive program of English instruction in the schools and industries, communication with other countries has remained a difficult barrier for Japan. According to some authorities, this lack of a non-international language facility, as a vestige of the self-imposed policy of isola— tionism, may severely handicap the range and effectiveness of Japan's international efforts. 36 Further evidence of homogeneity is expressed through the standardization of house—building and house arrangements. In Japan there is one kind of insulation that helps to decrease the discomfort of cold floors. There is a mat, the tatami, which covers all floors of a house.* It is uniform in length and breadth (roughly three feet by six feet) and therefore is used as a unit of measure in the plans for houses. The methods of western house—building are so thoroughly individualistic, by comparison, that the significance of this 'mat module' may be missed. What this kind of standardization means is that virtually all elements of the entire building can also be standardized and made interchangeable with other buildings. Education has long been a highly revered institu— tion in Japan, as evidenced by the existence of Samurai (warlord) schools in feudalistic Japan. Indeed, today the country enjoys the reputation of having one of the ighest, if not the highest, literacy rates in the world. s a result, Japan is reputed to be one of the most * It is about two or three inches thick and is omposed of straw which is covered by a woven matting. his mat provides one explanation for the custom of leaving treet shoes in the entry: under the pressure of leather oles or wooden clogs, the mats would become shredded ather rapidly. The Japanese mat is probably one of the ost versatile pieces of architectural equipment ever evised. It serves as floor insulation, as carpet, bed, hair, sofa, and in some instances, as a dining table. 37 well—read societies. Because education is so highly regarded, it has been a very significant force in effect- ing and perpetuating uniformity, conformity, and, in a sense, isolation. But education has also been responsible for having introduced the borrowed ideas from other countries, prac- tices which the government has found not only acceptable, but necessary and valuable for national development and reform. Therefore, education and the homogeneous nature of Japan have served both to compound isolationism and also to have facilitated an assimilation and refining of new ideas throughout the whole society. Ideas were able to be introduced and rapidly initiated over a widespread area. In the nineteenth century, America's Commodore Perry forced Japan to open its doors to the world; and the Meiji Restoration followed with a policy of westerni— zation, one which encouraged aggressive pursuit of ideas and technologies from all over Europe and North America. Phe process was of such a fervent nature that it almost appears that Japan, in a generation, wished to compensate for its 250 years of isolation. In The Structure and peration of the Japanese Economy, Bieda writes that, at his time, highest priority was assigned to economic evelopment.22 The Meiji leaders wanted economic growth or the sake of military defense against the possible —7—_ 38 onslaught of European colonialism. Relatively widespread education was established, a process which helped to prepare the people for the absorption of new ideas. In the words of John Whitney Hall and Richard Beardsley, the Japanese nation "entered the world community of nations 23 . it was a process as learner, rather than instructor"; which served to strengthen the country's identity, rather than to fragment it. Indeed, Japan has what some have dubbed as a plastic ability to assimilate foreign 'know- how.’ As one can glean from the following list of influences, Japan is unique in that the country does not fall easily into either a western or into an eastern group of nations. From China in the 7th century, Japan adopted the Chinese laws, customs, method of writing, Buddhism and Confucianism. Shintoism easily accommodated to Buddhism, for the animist and ancestor gods became gods to help Buddha save mankind. Portugal and Spain, in the 16th century, introduced trade, Christianity, printing, and rifles, although trade and Christianity were banished ideas in the Tokugawa period which was to follow. In the 19th century, the Meiji Restoration patterned itself after the European Industrial Revolution and modeled its education and political structure on the western prototypes. t is a well—known phenomenon that Japan has historically een a borrow-culture; but a copy-culture, it is not. he Japanese tend to improve upon each imitation, for 39 they ingeniously make an idea go further. For example, the bonsai (potted tree) has been copied from nature; but in its dwarfed and refined state, it can be enjoyed more fully within the confines of a small garden or home; in the crowded world of the small island—nation, the people have learned to find the great in the small, to realize the infinite in a grain of sand. The genius for borrowing and contracting has more recently revealed itself in transistorized electronics and precision lenses and instruments. In effect, Japan could actually be con— sidered a seminal culture; the originality involved here is the innovation which the Japanese attach to nearly every loan which comes their way. As Mushakoji Kimihide writes in The Japan Annual of International Affairs, Western models served as a kind of generalized phenomenon of seiyo kabure which was actually the imitation of external customs in one's own manner. These models were usually sought to be built on the principle of saicho hotan—— adoption of foreign strong points to supplement Japanese weak points.24 This unique acceptance of new ideas, then, does not pre— clude loyalty to traditional customs. In fact, the very quality of receptiveness perhaps indicates a confidence in how secure, deep, and sturdy certain values are, for new patterns are not perceived as threatening or corrosive to established mores.25 Modern Japan has even been portrayed as an acrobat who has never had to perform without a safety net beneath him; if he failed in daring 40 advances, traditional Japan was always there to protect him.26 Japan has profited by its willingness to risk traditions in order to be renewed and enriched by the confluence of many streams of thoughts and habits. The written language, for instance, is basically Chinese, but it is flexible in that the accompanying written figures for pronunciation allow adaptation to the spoken Japanese language. The people have tended to adopt ideas as means to the ends of utility and expediency. But Kimihide suggests that the importing also has been done in terms of an exotic quest for new stimuli, a curiosity for that which is foreign.27 Hall and Beardsley also support this thesis; the word, hakurai, apparently means 'imported,‘ but it tends to carry along with it the attitude that anything foreign is good. This suggestion is Viable and consistent, for historically, nearly every foreign contact that Japan has had has heightened the culture. It is noteworthy here that the rulers of Japan, not the citizens, have traditionally promoted the foreign— culture learning which has led to the new movements in the country. This is not true of development in the West, as represented by the Renaissance and the Industrial Revolu— tion which had their roots in the common people. The Japanese have not been exposed to national rulers who were exceptionally ruthless and tyrannical. In fact, the 'Divine Right of Kings' element is relatively atypical in —7—#W 41 the Japanese experience. This may be due, in part to the influence of Mencius, the Chinese sage, who believed that a leader's responsibility was to ensure peace of mind to his followers so that they, in turn, would be free to do good. It was incumbent upon a leader to look at his people as limbs of a body, and the citizenry would subsequently View the leader as its heart; in effect, a noblesse oblige was invoked. The benevolence from above has assured the relative propriety and Confucian obeisance from below and has propagated the success of a system based on deference to vertical authority. In the twentieth century, the presence of the Allied Forces Occupation in Japan caused a transformation of the entire Japanese society. The people appear to have assimilated the values inherent in a technology-production oriented society. But the initial, total acceptance of the experiment in constitutional government ironically reflects Japan's background of obedience to higher command, rather than democratic COOperation in the evolution and enactment of participatory government. Witness the fact that within three years of the end of World War II, seven million people were organized into unions. Honor toward bne's conquerors, as part of the Confucian ethic, was a stoic reaction, a behavior not easily overcome. Learning respect for elders is perhaps the most prominent demand required of Japanese children. A traditional corrective —7—__,__ 42 measure has been the burning of Chrysanthemum leaves into the skin, a very painful punishment which results in the infamous mgxa scar. So deep is the conditioning for respect to authority that it is reported that even Japanese mental patients remain docile and do not need to be constrained. The question arises in some critics' minds as to whether democracy is just another ceiling—lamp security or, if indeed, the people have really internalized the principles of democracy. Have the people been thoroughly socialized to the ideas, or have just the structures been democratized? Some pessimists suggest that only the skill, and not the soul, has been adopted. But any different mode of absorption would hardly be consistent with the elements inherent in seiyo kabure or saicho hotan, described above. Others proffer that Japan's ready adjustment to the Occupation Forces was totally compatible 1 with the Confucian ethic of obedience to exhalted power and with the Buddhist virtue of passive acceptance of destiny, rather than an active modification of it. Japanese industry has capitalized on the tradition of Confucian discipline. Routine, assembly-line jobs are not considered as abhorrent to the Japanese as they might be to the westerner who derives meaning from initiative and self-assertiveness. Unlike his western counterpart, 43 a Japanese may well find significant freedom in regimenta- tion. For instance, the essence of Japanese art, poetry, and gardening is based in this adulation of punctilious form. The prescription seems to be to understate the essence or to eliminate the non—essential; in other words, less is more. Black and white brush painting (ggmig) and the poetry of Haiku (l7 syllables) and Tapka (31 syllables) are generated from definite restrictions and rules of expression; and the assiduously pruned gardens and the formalized placing of stones also reflect the obedience to regulations. The Japanese appear to believe that greatness is achieved through self-restraint and restriction. Perfunctory tasks can be liberating in that a degree of freedom is found in limitations. In regard to Buddhist fatalism, man is expected to be agile in response to an altered situation; it is anticipated that he will accommodate himself to the external realities; he learns to live in a current of change, for change is considered the one absolute Truth. One surrenders according to the direction of the forces of the period. As might be expected, the poetry reflects the transitory nature of life; themes are usually Centered in natural objects passing through various seasonal changes and through life—death cycles. But change is not conceived as being caused by the will of the people; rather, environmental demands or daily ordeals dictate 44 the behavior of the people. Such logic justifies the aggressive war effort: why reprehend individuals for the war if they could not be divorced from the dynamics of the period? Afterall, increased land domains were a need and a pressure of the time. Such resignation to the trends of the time also helps explain why there was no resistance to the Occupation. In the people's attempt to justify this, they compare themselves to water in that they consider them- selves able to take any shape according to the container. As an example of this quality of supple acceptance, one is reminded of the Japanese people's willingness to operationalize and follow MacArthur's request to change the system employed in identifying house addresses. The shift involved switching to the western 'logical' plan of identifying spatially-consecutive building lots. However, with the departure of the American forces, the country reverted to its prior arrangement. For them, the American format had been non—sequitor; their more 'logical' and familiar pattern involved numerals assigned according to the temporal order in which buildings had been con— structed. The positive side of this ability to adjust is flexibility, a characteristic vital to the people's survival. For instance, the catastrophe of World War II left five million people dead, eight million homeless, five million repatriates penniless, and half of the W , 45 territory lost; yet the country made a remarkably rapid recovery. This inordinate ability to cope with situations is manifest in the people's tolerance of over—crowded urban conditions. Most Japanese city—dwellers live in exiguous quarters which make private life extremely public. One medium of adjusting to the unpleasant realities such as over—crowded settings is the physical and psychological therapy of bathing. The daily bath in Japan is not merely an act of physical hygiene, but a ritual designed to cleanse the mind and spirit of contamination from the imperfections and unreality of the physical world. This need for a purification in the Japanese spirit goes very deep. At the beginning of time, the brother of the Sun Goddess, after his vain attempt to bring back his dead wife from the underworld, was only allowed to return to life after taking a bath of purification in the stream dividing it from the world of death. Another example of 'copability' concerns Japan's adjustment to the weather. Despite the severe holocausts of earthquakes, typhoons, and extreme ranges in temperature and humidity, the people are not unduly alarmed by the misfortunes which are often wrought by nature. The Japanese live in a land where earthquakes, wind, flood, and fire have repeatedly decimated their world of wood and paper. The methods and materials employed in house— building are palpable examples of the Japanese ability 46 to adjust to the environment.* Statistics say that there are annually more than two thousand earthquakes in Japan. (When the earth begins to rock, some people say that the great subterranean fish on which their world rests is waking up and beginning to wiggle about.) But the fires which often ensue from the more destructive earthquakes are not regarded as overwhelmingly devastating as they might be in the West. It is almost as if the people's spirit welcomes these disasters as an opportunity for renewing themselves and their buildings; this belief is immeasurably encouraged by the Buddhist doctrine of reincarnation in which it is believed that brittle flesh and blood can only achieve immortality through regeneration. Perhaps this facet of pliancy in the Japanese is also partially related to their not coveting any fixed, L * i It is curious that wood should be so universally Employed as a building material, for lumber has not always Seen that readily available. The reason for this per— istent use of wood lies in the concept of the house as i special kind of shelter. Wood and paper are not thought f as a separation from nature; rather they are in com— 1union with nature and they afford sun- and moonlight in he home. Indeed, some structures are so atuned to the arth that they almost appear to have grown out of it. aced with the problem of making houses stable and of esigning in harmony with nature, the Japanese concentrate he weight of the house not in the ground, as in the West, ut in the roof where the load of tile or thatch and assive beams keep the structure in place on its under— inning. In a gale, the house can sway and creak peri— usly, much like a loaded fruit tree, without being 'own down. It should be noted here that stone has been ed in Japan for building, but usually only for defense }rposes in the massive castles which have served as prtifications. l l \ 47 resolute ideologies. Hall and Beardsley suggest that the people display "persistent inquisitiveness and flexibility in the face of new and demonstrably superior intellectual systems."28 One Japanese explained this by way of an analogy to the furoshki, a wrapping cloth, used for carrying virtually everything and anything of small size. American logic can be figuratively thought of as a suitcase, an encasement which is square and has finite limits. Japanese mentality is conceived in terms of a furoshki, a soft cloth which can be folded flexibly to accommodate the contents and also be put into the pocket when not needed. To explore the 'furoshki‘ logic further, it is said that the Japanese are born dialecticians; they believe that existence is contradiction. However, these contradictions are not really conceived in terms of the stumbling blocks which the Kantian antinomies represent; they are simply necessary elements for existence. Every single object in the universe holds two opposing, mutually denying elements, standing against each other, as in finite and infinite, life and death. Beyond this, the Japanese have not outlined complex formulations of philosophy; for a Japanese, Spinoza's Ethics might look like a geometry book with axioms, propositions, defini— tions, and proofs. For no dogmatic, crystallized theory can tolerate contradiction. Consequently, the Japanese have only general policies, not fixed principles by which —7—_ii 48 to think. To a westerner, accustomed to established guidelines of philosophic approaches, the Japanese appear to be lost in a lacuna of incoherence. Hajima Nakamura explains the lack of systematic, theoretical ideologies as a matter of the inadequacy of the language to express complex ideas: "The Japanese language is, generally speaking, very poor in imaginative "29 It is words based on abstract and universal ideas. apparently as Benjamin Whorf has suggested: language is more than just a medium of expressing thought; it is, in fact, a major element in the formation of thought. If the Japanese, then, are not doctrinaire in their approach to life, it must be pointed out that they do have profound sentimentality of feeling. Since the eighth century, Japan has had superb literature and exquisite fine arts with the most delicate touch of sensitivity. There have been countless numbers of metaphysical treatises of inspiring depth. But there have been no broad categories of thought; there has been no Republic, no Bible, no §EEEE Theologica, no Ethics. The Japanese intellectuals, the interi as they call themselves, do not indulge in thought for thought's sake, as Europeans have tended to do. Such 'idleness' is considered a luxury and an evasion of reality; the idea for them is there to be lived, if necessary to be died for. Again, as Nakamura has suggested above, the —’1— ____ , 49 nature of the Japanese language may not lend itself to deliberate, structured ways of thinking. This may be due, in part, to the fact that in Japanese, the fundamental division if infinite, present, past, and future does not exist as it does in western tongues. The language seems to be based on moods. Not time, but the element of probability and the relation of the speaker to the one spoken to dominate the character of the language. As a result, it is a language full of allusion, suggestion, mood, and association of endless poetic nuance and possibility; it is also a language rich in a hierarchy of honorifics and kinethetic gestures such as the bow. But it is not a language particularly amenable to abstract thinking. Even today, as Japan becomes more and more scientifically, technologically oriented, the people have been forced to borrow appropriate terms from languages which are more precise and rational. Some westerners observe that the Japanese have a dualistic approach to problem-solving. The people appear to spend considerable time on the development of an idea in an idealistic and emotional sense without actually following through in an operational way. Obviously, this is simply another cross—cultural mis-interpretation, or else Japan would not have made the remarkable strides that it has in its recent history. It is simply a 50 different approach to problems, perhaps one mixed with the kimochi of the Japanese. Kimochi is best translated as a type of mien, an inner feeling, an intuition which has grown out of Buddhism. Japan's version of Buddhism is described as transcendental, noumenal metaphysics, based on the senses, intuition, and meditation. There is no holy writ; nor does Buddha survive as a guide to conduct. The Japanese have no real concept of a God in the western sense, one who transcends earthly life. Christian missionaries were handicapped by this and could teach their ideas only by using the word kami, which implies a very powerful leader. Because this way of life is centered in the liberation of the self and in self- enlightenment, a Buddhist may only vaguely understand the exhortations of "Love thy neighbor as thyself" or "I am my brother's keeper," at least, not much beyond one's immediate social milieu. There is, in Japan, a structural morality, rather than an individual code of ethics. There is no real concept of sin or guilt, as in western Christianity; rather, there is a shame, based on losing face with one's associates. Anyone involved in some ignominious act can be expected to suffer from feelings of reproach, due to the opprobrium exacted by his social censors——the members Of his social group or work enterprise. Subtle training 51 for this deeply embedded set of mores begins very early in a child's life. Children who are still too young for 'shame' can nonetheless be taught to avoid being embarrassed to avoid the world's laughing at him.30* A gradual series of restraints are introduced at home and in school, but the serious concerns of preparing for patterns of adult life do not really commence until a child has been in school two or three years. At about age eight, incisive pressure is exerted upon a child to subordinate his own will to the ever—increasing realm of duties—to—others. Moral imperatives, then, are generated from the people who surround a person. This aspect of Japanese life accounts for the pattern of labor unions in Japanese industry. Membership of many unions is limited to the work force of a single enterprise or firm. There— fore, strongly entrenched among the wage and salary learners is the idea of 'enterprise consciousness,‘ in contrast to occupation or class consciousness. This * However, it is necessary to add that maximum willfulness, freedom and indulgence are allowed to infants and small children in Japan. This is strikingly true for boys. In comparison to most child—rearing practices in the United States, Japan's infant feeding and sleeping patterns are considered very permissive (except the rigid toilet-training which is explained by Japanese as good Preparation for accepting the panoply of adult restric— tions). Indeed, a familiar belief is that the children know no shame (haji); that is why they are so happy. This Privileged period of ease is not experienced again until late maturity when one is finally relieved of the many Messing personal obligations to others. 52 social mechanism supports strong identification with and loyalty to the employer and to one's immediate work group. One speaks from a position within the vertical society, in terms of his social nexus where his individuality is sublimated; it is a commitment to collectivities, to member—mindedness, dependent on the vagaries of the time. According to linguistic pundits, the essence of this 'I am we' formula is captured in the intransitive verb of amaeru, which means "to depend and presume upon another's "31 This group dependence offers security and )enevolence. Ldentity, but it does not encourage personal assertiveness >r responsibility for one's actions. Related to this are Buddhist teachings which tend to conceive of the individual .3 part of the total cosmos rather than as a unique ndividual in the Christian sense. Emphasis on the social grouping gives priority to he rights of the group above those of the participating ndividual members. Even individual birthdays, except ar the first one, go uncelebrated; the fact that this arsonal occasion is not observed is somewhat indicative : the group submersion behavior. Ceremonies in Japan md toward age or gender rituals. For example, November th is the nationally designated day for "Shichi-go—san" en parents take their seVen, five, or three aged children visit a shrine. Similarly, Boys' Day (May 5th) and 53 Sirls' Day (March 3rd) are special holidays which direct 1ttention to childhood gender roles, not to one particular :hild. Another group pattern is the formation of dgnen, 'roups of males of the same age; the dggen arrangement 5 an extremely important fraternal identity with friends ho sometimes become closer to one another than they do 0 their wives. But within this group—ethic, there is a ell-defined system of obligations which undergird the ve—feeling;' from childhood one is centered in a web of )ligations to others. The three main principles of the >nfucian code are kg (filial piety), gigi (duty), and 93 >bligation). These duties and obligations run deeper .an the gratitude a child feels toward his parents in e West, and although less rigid today, they continue to ay a very significant part in Japanese life. The akobun relationship (gya, senior——kg, junior) extends roughout the academic, political, and business world ‘the form of batsu; the batsu represents a patronage Iwork which allows young people a support basis with Ch to face society as a young adult. Indeed, an luential and beneficent gya is often responsible for Very success of his kg, or his protégé, and this bond ds to obligate the young person to an endless pledge loyalties and respect to his senior benefactor. It lows, then, that one of the most cherished national s is "The Forty-Seven Ronin," a heroic story concerning 54 a eulogized warlord, the paragon of probity. The tale involves the warrior's struggle to maintain face and to ischarge his social obligations on the basis of quid pro uo. Because the story centers around two cardinal acets which govern Japanese life, the people readily 'dentify with it; consequently, the tale has enjoyed mmense popularity, indicating perhaps that the enduring egends of a culture may serve as master keys to increased nderstanding of the people. The Japanese language corresponds to the tradition f group identity. For example, the first and second erson subject is omitted; therefore, there is no pro— ision in the vernacular for attributing actions to a pecific performer. Furthermore, the expression of per— anal feeling is not encouraged; this is connected with 1e whole matrix of self—negation, which westerners, as :oducts of the rugged-individualism precepts, find dif— Cult to understand. In venturing an opinion, one gambles; Japan, if the idea proves ineffective or appears dicrous to others, it is cause for the dreaded loss of ce to the speaker. Indeed, it is widely accepted that wise man does not speak, for 'it is the shallow water ich makes the noise.‘ As indicated above, Confucianism demands a vast e of structure, starting with filial piety, continuing h the duty to the group, and culminating with loyalty 55 to the state. In View of employees' responsiveness to the paternalism existent in the huge cartels of modern Japanese industry, some say that Confucianism is repre- sented atavistically in a twentieth century version, that of corporate allegiance. Again, related to this security of group identification is the semantic pattern, for it is said that as a language—group speaks and assigns neaning, so it is as a culture. There seems to be little .diomatic evidence that refers to the dignity and equality If man or his freedom to pursue excellence as an ndividual. As a Japanese friend once said, "In the West, ecause two thinking people can easily identify themselves y their mutual respect for the dignity of a man, they can, herefore, realize the society of man. In our language, mere is not even the vocabulary to express that concept." 1 a further spirit of national deprecation, he sorrow- Illy added that because his society lacked the spirit of ndividualism, Japan's history had 'no beautiful flowers,‘ i in Greece's heroic triumvirate of Socrates, Plato, and hstotle. Be that as it may, it cannot be denied that ese 'I—less' people have indeed had a history of high ality culture. It is revealing to analyze the language further, r it tends to articulate the bi—modal aspects of the st and the West. Whereas the West has customarily ided toward the concept of free will--man as a 56 self-propelling source of acts——and toward the Leibniz :ontrol of the environment, the East is considered more apt to adjust passively to outside forces. In effect, :hey are the venerable, enduring extremes of 'Eindringlichkeit' (dramatic penetration) found in the )ionysian-type societies and the 'Einffihrung' (serene acceptance) seen in the Apollonian-type cultures. The following sampling of proverbs somewhat reflects these iichotomous attitudes. The West The East Nhere there is a will, there Sayonara--let it be so. is a way. All things are possible. Circumstances permitting. Phe Word 'impossible' is Man does not make the wind, only in the dictionary but is blown by it. of fools. E am the captain of my soul, The greatness of a person Captain of my fate. may be measured by his humility, not by his assertiveness. [ever say 'die.‘ Dozo Yoroshiku-—a very common expression used for a variety of cir— cumstances; implies, 'I am at your mercy, I have no opinion, I leave everything to you.‘ A calamity is the result of the dictates of time and trend. 57 In the West, Bacon and all who have followed him, wished to conquer nature in a Promethean fashion. Western man has sought to manipulate his environment in order to benefit economically and technologically. But Japan has historically tried to harmonize itself, integrate rather than intervene, with nature. It has been said that European culture reflected nature while Japanese culture imitated it; the one seeks to express itself, the other to express nature. But unfortunately, Japan's Shinto sense of communion with nature is fast-dissipating. The lovely panoramas of the Old Tokkaido Road, made famous by the exacting wood block prints of the esteemed Hiroshige, are now scenes of odious, polluting effluence. And just as with all other developed countries, the pernicious arms of Japanese industry stretch far beyond the nation's ooundaries. The developed world's assault on the world's resources and its contribution to global effluence are Tendering the term 'affluence' obsolete. The world is nuch in need of reviewing the theme stressed years ago >y Lecomte du Nouy and which has recently been re— :mphasized by René Dubos: As the power of science increases, its uses become less sacred, more trivial, more brutal, and often quite immoral. . . . When man truly enters the age of science, he Will abandon his crude and destructive attempts to conquer nature. He will instead learn to insert himself into the environment in such a manner that his ways of life and his technologies make him once more in harmony with nature. . . . Man emerged on the .T i u.) . yr». 3 . “but.“ 58 earth, evolved under its influence, was shaped by it, and biologically he is bound to it forever. He may dream of stars and engage in casual flirtations with other worlds, but he will remain wedded to the earth, his sole source of sus— tenance.3 The following study, in conjunction with many ner research efforts and action programs, will be one tempt to expose the exigent need for a total re- aluation of man's relation to his environment. ecifically, in Japan, the race of food supplies ainst population will have been lost irretrievably less public awareness and subsequent reform are forth- ning. FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER I lRobert Guillain, The Japanese Challenge, trans. from French by Patrick O'Brian Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1970), pp. 138-139. 2United Nations Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East, "Population and Food Supply in Asia and the Far East," Economic Bulletin, VII, No. 1 (May, 1956), 8. ___________________ 3Prue Dempster, Japan Advances; A Geographical Study (London: Methuen and Co., Ltd., 1967), p. 72. 4Luman H. Long, ed., The World Almanac and Book of Facts (New York: Newspaper Enterprise Assoc., Inc., 970), p. 534. H 5Herbert Kahn, The Emerging Japanese Superstate; Challenge and Response (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1970), p. 145. 6Atlantic Information Centre for Teachers, "Japan: A Study in Contradiction," The World and the School, No. 18 (London, 1970). 7U.N. World Statistics Annual, as quoted by_ Sasayama Yutaka in ”Japan's Lagging Standard of LiVing," Japan Quarterly, XVI, No. 14 (October-December, 1969), 408. l_____________ 8White Paper on Japan's National Life, as quoted by Sasayama Yutaka, Ibid., p. 409. 9Guillain, op. cit., p. 332. 0"Japan's Struggle to Cope With Plenty," Time, (CIV, No. 5 (August 1, 1969), 69B. llOECD Economic Review, as quoted by Beresford Ianard in "The Social and Economic Issues of Japanese Educational Policy," Reviews of National PoliCies fort. ' ' ' - ' ' ' Co-o era ion ducation (Paris. Organisation for Economic p .nd Development, 1971), p. 153. 12Quoted in "Changing Challenge," The Wall Street QEEEQl, LXXXVI, No. 28 (February 9, 1972), 1. 59 —7—— ' 13Department of Agricultural Economics, Japanese mport Requirement: Projections of Agricultural Supply and emand, The University of Tokyo, March, 1964, p. 79. l4Kahn, op. cit., p. 88. 15Quoted by Peter Stone in Japan Surges Ahead Jew York: Praeger Publisher, Inc., 1969), p. 185. l6Georg Borgstrom, interview. l7Akio Morita, as quoted in "Japan, Inc.: Winning 1e Most Important Battlefl Time,XCVII, No. 19 (May 10, ’71), 89. 18Rudyard Kipling, Rudyard Kipling's Verse (New urk: Doubleday and Co., Inc., 1940), pp. 768—769. 19According to the information formulated from The lumbia Viking Desk Encyclopedia (New York: Viking ess, 1953), p. 622. 20Kenneth Bieda, The Structure and Operation of e Japanese Economy (Sydney: John Wiley and Sons, .stralasia Pty., Ltd., 1970), p. 16. 21Gore Vidal, "Mr. Japan," New York Review of oks, XVI, No. 11 (June 17, 1971), 8. 22Bieda, op. cit., p. 271. 23John Whitney Hall and Richard Beardsley, Twelve are to Japan (New York: McGraw Hill Book Co., 1965), 387. 24Kimihide Mushakoji, "From Fear of Dependence to 1r of Independence," The Japan Annual of International fairs, 1963-1964, p. 80. 25Hall and Beardsley, op. cit., p. 151. 26Guillain, op. cit., p. 322. 27Mushakoji, loc. cit. 28Hall and Beardsley, op. cit., p. 387. 29Hajime Nakamura, Ways of Thinking of Eastern les: India, China, Tibet, Japan (Honolulu: East Center Press, 1964), p. 557. 61 30Ruth Benedict, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1946), p- 288. 31Doi Takeo, "Amae: A Key Concept for Under— tanding Japanese Personality Structure," in Japanese ulture, Its Development and Characteristics, ed. by obert J. Smith and Richard Beardsley (Honolulu: Pacific :ience Congress, 1961; Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 962), p. 132. 32René Dubos, 80 Human An Animal (New York: iarles Scribner's Sons, 1968), p. 235. CHAPTER II AVAILABILITY OF FOOD TO JAPAN: DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN RESOURCES Background Factors :ography The Countrey of Japan is very large and spacious, consisting of several Ilands and pettie Provinces; it is Mountainous and craggie, full of Rockes and stonie places, so that the third part of this Empire is not inhabited or manured; neither indeed doth it affoord that accomodation for Inhabitants which is needfull, or that fatnesse and con— veniencie for the growth of Corne, Fruit, and small grayne as is requisite; which causeth the people to select the choysest and plainest parts and places of the land both to till and dwell in. The Climate is temperate and healthie not much pestred with infectious or obnoxious ayres, but very subject to fierce windes, tempestuous stormes, and terrible Earthquakes, insomuch that both Ships in the harbour have been over-set, and driven ashore by the furie of the one, and Houses on the land, disjoynted and shaken to pieces by the fearefull trembling of the other. The above passage, from a European's seventeenth tury anthology,l limns the topographic limitations Climatic handicaps which beset the Japanese. Nonethe- s, with great personal fortitude and with a commitment labor as a virtue, the people persevered in agricultural suits, for the Confucian attitude decreed that a try's success was based upon the prosperity of its 62 63 griculture. The land was considered to be like a sesame zed: the more the people squeezed it, the more oil they zaped. But besides the people's industrious labor and ltensive farming efforts, it is to be remembered that Lring the 250 years of the Tokugawa period, the Japanese intained relatively static population figures. doubtedly this stabilized balance between birth and rtality rates was EEEE'EEE £23 to survival in a land limited in arable land area. Japan is sometimes called the 'Kasai Islands,‘ a rland archipelago made up of four main islands. In ne of these main islands is the center more than sixty les from the seashore. The country is an area, compar— le in size to the state of California in North America. one of the world's most densely populated nations, the anese are accustomed to operating within spatially- pressed areas. That which might have been a demo- phic drawback has been turned into an asset: the ntry has not needed to limit itself to an agrarian nomy; rather, the human reserve has been utilized to and the service and industry sectors.2 Space-short an does have what appears to be an almost insurmountable icit. The mountainous make—up of the country leaves y approximately sixteen per cent of the land (about teen million acres) which is appropriate for agriculture. 64 About three—fourths of the land has a gradient of more :han fifteen degrees. The remark of a visiting Chinese ance reflected the effort and ingenuity involved in the \ [apanese method of terraced farming: “Cultivation bulminates unto hilltop."3 Too, most of Japan's soils (all in what is called the 'azonal' category, soils that he thin or immature, and infertile. About 82 per cent of Ee total surface area is covered by such soils, a markably high proportion for any country. Without a hubt, the people have blended inordinate skill and labor P meet the challenging tour de force involved in the afavorable land—man ratio. It has often been asserted 1at a less imaginative or a less ambitious people could »t have so successfully accommodated to the seven or ght mile elevation—differential (the off—shore ocean pths to the mountain heights), nor to the earthquake i typhoon menaces which annually threaten the people. It should be emphasized, however, that although >an has a meager natural endowment, the country does sess some notable assets. To help offset the lack of ural resources and the paucity of arable land, Japan 3 have total access to the sea. Of course, the Llable fisheries have been a largesse as a significant ‘ce of food; too, shipping for trade is greatly litated by the ambient ocean. In order for Japan to 65 fapitalize on these advantages of being an island—nation, be country has historically been a littoral population. Lwever, the nature of this coastal concentration of pulation is now changing from a narrow ribbon of pro- fincial fishing villages to a vast panorama of industrial ‘d shipping operations. In fact, major land reclamation tojects have artificially increased the short space ieded by the massive freight traffic and by the ship— iilding industry. I Another geographical advantage of Japan is its imperate climate. The subtropical location affords long owing seasons and adequate, well-distributed rainfall er the year. The long, thousand mile north-south span Japan's latitude represents great climatic variety, a :tor which Japanese technology has helped convert to an zantage. £2151 Contrary to earlier belief, it is now clear that anese agriculture progressed considerably during the igawa isolationism (1603—1867). In the book, TEE irian Origins of Modern Japan, Thomas C. Smith declares : necessity bred the discovery of new seeds, equipment, methods. Too, a high level of soil fertility had been tained due to the historical use of human excrement, ashes and grass, and leaves for compost. Optimal 66 ise of the land was made by such measures as double- :ropping. In the spring, rice was planted in seedbeds, vhile the winter crop matured. Following the harvest of :he winter crop, the rice was transplanted by hand to the .arger fields. Following its harvest in the fall, the 'inter crop was planted. In some areas, intercropping as practiced, allowing the production of a third crop, ften a vegetable. This crop was planted between the rows efore the harvest of rice and was gathered before the lanting of the winter grain. As will be discussed ater, this multiple use of land space is not as widely :acticed today, due to contemporary economic/political Inamics. During the earlier part of the Tokugawa period, :tended family groupings operated large holdings of land. the shogunate weakened in the latter decades, tenancy owly replaced the large-area farming. Built into the nancy farming was an increased freedom, and a few illful peasants succeeded very well. Others were akened by the tenant system and by the ineffective pdal bureaucracy. The gradual corruption of the govern— ht became increasingly apparent and is evidenced in the policy expressed here by a Shogunate advisor: "It is ht that the peasants should be so treated that they . 4 e neither too much nor too little." The procedure effecting this policy was not difficult: "Each man 67 must have boundaries of his fields clearly marked, and an estimate must be made of the amount needed for his con- sumption. The rest must be paid as tax." The new Meiji government, in 1868, was totally committed to modernization; the immediate task was that of coordinating the needs of pioneering industries and those of agriculture. The new leadership became painfully aware of the acute lack of natural resources. This lack was compounded by the fact that there had been an upsurge in population after the 1850's (one which has continued: four—folded from 1850 to the present). Concentration on agricultural technology was viewed as a means to a rise in agricultural productivity. A fertilizer industry was ieveloped, one which supplied fertilizers at continuously ieclining prices, relative to product prices. The \ ieclining relative prices of fertilizers, as a result of industrialization, induced innovations in the form of fed improvements; these new seed varieties, in turn, Fought about remarkable increases in fertilizer input and l p the yield per hectare of arable land.6 The first \ ype of high yield rice, called shinriki, was developed in 1 886. The continued growth in both the output and in the icome per capita in agriculture was made possible through lis progress in land productivity. But it was also .ded in the 1890's by the yields gained from the acquired 68 arritories of Formosa (Taiwan), Mainland China, and Korea, s a result of the Chino—Japanese war. This extra— arritorial dependence has consistently operated to serve apan's agricultural needs and is currently the basis for ipan's survival (the world's fisheries and the food aterials from North America, Thailand, Australia, and 2w Zealand). The agriculture sector, then, was augmented { its reliance on areas beyond its national boundaries 1d by its adaptation to industry's technologY; in turn, inufacturing development was reciprocally aided by the JCCGSS in agricultural growth. Since the Tokugawa Era, there have been two land aforms in Japan. Along with the 'Meiji method' of 1creased agricultural technology, a land reform was lacted right at the outset of the restoration. As the eudal land rights were abolished, the de facto owners of e land became owners de jure. This entitled them to ase or to sell land. The landlords were able to charge cessively high rents, so it became more profitable to ase land to a tenant wishing to work unsupervised. The :t that tenancy became very popular is a major reason 7 large farms did not develop in Japan. This first 1d reform did not prove to be very effective, for it teased the area of tenancy and reduced the security tenure for the tenants. Land tenancy, without the 69 advantage of tenure, is not now considered conducive to >roductivity. There is no incentive to improve the land, 1 factor which is requisite to long—term yields. The second land reform occurred in 1946 when the )ccupation Forces insisted on a radical reform, one which ssentially eliminated land tenancy; this was accomplished y making the vast majority of tenants the owners of the and which they had formerly leased. At the close of World War II, there were about ine million displaced persons who had moved to villages. he land reform was enacted to help absorb the number of andless people and to aid the growth of agriculture. aavy industry was to be banned, food was critically short, 1d agriculture was considered an exigent priority. It 1y be helpful, for later discussion, to interpolate the 1ree main features of the 1946 land reform: (1) com— llsory purchase by the government of some lands and :sale to the peasants; (2) establishment of limits on the ture acquisition of land by farmers; and (3) reduction the tenancy rate from 46 per cent in 1948 to just 10 r cent in 1950. The near—extinction of the tenancy stem provided the farmers with greater incentive to prove the land. Too, since incomes in the villages were gnificantly better distributed, farmers had greater ins to improve their methods; another favorable outcome 3 that the villagers experienced a reduced social 7O stratification within the society. The government adopted a policy of protectionism of the farm sector; this strategy proved to be very beneficial to the agrarian community, for the farmers were just emerging from a state of virtual poverty. With the government's support, the nation's farmers "acquired——if only on a temporary basis-—productivity standards higher than those of the inhabitants of urban areas. By selling more food at ligher prices, they succeeded in amassing a certain amount )f capital."7 Consequently, the second land reform 1elped mobilize what had formerly been a restless country— ;ide into a supportive constituency for the conservative .iberal Democratic Party. In 1961, a Basic Agricultural Law was passed to eke possible an increase in the size of the average farm. he aim was that these specialized farming units would ecome the nucleus of agricultural production. This was one primarily to encourage the growth of specialized arming households; also; it was an attempt to adjust to ie overwhelming rural-urban migration and the subsequent )55 of farm labor. A far lesser percentage of the nployed work force was still directly engaged in the Lral occupations. The 1961 law actually was not effective 1 curbing the rural—exodus trend. And the fact that Lring the period 1961 to 1968, the agricultural labor rce continued to decline from 30 per cent of the total 71 work force to 21 per cent attests to a remarkable rate of change in the structure of the Japanese economy.* This decrease in farm labor (which is estimated to drop to 9 or 10% by 1985) is largely due to the opportunities for higher salaries in the metropolitan areas; a Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry survey revealed that the average income level of farmers was over twenty per cent lower than that of industrial workers.8 The rural exodus is also due to the attraction of urban life-styles. Most crippling to the farm labor situation is that it is the youth who are fast disappearing from the rural scene. In 1968, 750,000 people were estimated to have left for the :ities; most of them were in their 20's.9 The incidence >f part-time farming is increasing very rapidly. A part— ime farm household is defined as one in which one or more embers is employed outside agriculture. Consequently, s the numbers of men who commute to work in nearby cities ncrease, 'weekend and women folk' farming has become a ore familiar form. Indeed, 'animal wifery' has become n appropriate epithet to describe the rural situation. Dme male members of a farm family even depart for several anths to work in the cities. Seasonal farming has proven * During the long span of years between 1880 and ’40, agriculture's share in the labor force declined 'om 75 per cent to 42 per cent. Related to this decrease :the fact that agriculture's contribution to the national wome declined from about 25 per cent in 1950 to less an 8 per cent in 1965.10 72 to be more profitable than cultivating year-round crops. Consequently, the fields are either left fallow, or the women and elderly members of the family attempt to farm the area. The 'independent management units' provided for in the 1961 Agricultural Law represent no more than \ ten per cent of all farms, and their production is no 1 i If so many villagers are leaving the farm occupa— 'ions, one wonders why the number of farm households does ot decline. The explanation lies in the fact that part- time farmers have retained their rural residences while .ntermittently working in the urban areas. One reason is he inflation of land prices. Another is that housing in he cities is exorbitantly expensive; commuting, though ncredibly tedious, is cheaper. Moreover, members of arm households foresee their land ownership as eventually ffording a place for retirement. Japanese penions are :ant, and farmland could well be a means to food pro- Lsion later in life. The Socialist Party of Japan has suggested that e cooperative method of farming could be a means of creasing the productivity level in View of labor losses. is thought that increasing the area would make each rm more economically efficient, but the Japanese do not em responsive to the idea. However, partial cooperatives a extremely popular.ll 73 This capsule description of Japan's agrarian back— ground brings the study to the au courant concerns of present—day Japan. It should be pointed out here that throughout Japan‘s more recent history, the country has been able to depend partially on its major colonies for food supplies; Formosa, Chosen (Korea), and later, Manchukuo provided key ingredients such as rice, soybeans, fish meal, and other products. At the close of World War II, this extra area was no longer readily available to Japan. Since 1945, this loss of colonial territory has been a significant hardship for Japan. One of the most perplexing problems facing the government and agriculture today is the insuf— ficient size of the farming units within Japan, a vestige perhaps from the first land reform; the average size of ‘individual farms is less than two-and-a-half acres.* Small— ‘scale operations are not economically plausible for Japan and its rising food demands. The complexity of the problem, as will be explained in greater detail, will become more ‘apparent in a later section of this study. As these few pages have revealed, contemporary Japan :is plagued by numerous dilemmas in the agricultural sector. EThe resolution of these predicaments is contingent upon the ;(availability of food, domestically or extra-territorially. fit is this subject—-the availability of food-—which will now * This is about one—fourth the size of an average farm {n Thailand, about one—sixth the size of the average farm in permany, and about one—ninetieth the size of the average farm in the United States.12 74 Food Availability Agricultural Self—Sufficiency A nation normally directs its efforts toward agri- culture (animal husbandry, included) and/or fisheries to feed its population. In today's world, industry aids the process through the production of farm equipment and tech— nology and the processing of manufactured foods. In order to multiply the benefits of farming, mining is sought out as the source of elements needed in the production of fertilizer; minerals are highly important, too, for the fuel energy needed in the manufacture of fertilizer. In the event that a country is deficient in any of these agri— :ultural/fishing resources or those minerals needed for the >etro=chemical industry, the only recourse is importation. "or an active trade arrangement, of course, a reserve of ?oreign exchange from exports is necessary. Basically, :hen, food requirements for a nation's people are dependent pon the availability of land, labor, and capital. According to both Japanese and western authorities, apan is generally reputed to be about eighty per cent r more self—sufficient in its food requirements. The urpose of this chapter is to present data which disprove his prevailing attitude concerning Japan's eighty per ent food self-sufficiency. Documented material will be ffered in order to substantiate the fact that Japan, on 1e contrary, is extremely dependent upon foreign sources 9r its food requirements. However, initially, before 75 proceeding to that discussion, a few passages from current literature are presented below in order to reveal how this misleading, 'accepted' figure of eighty per cent self— sufficiency is being perpetuated throughout various publications. For instance, the annual Abstract of Statistics, which is published by the Japanese Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, compiled the following information for its 1969 publication in English: Of the total edible agricultural commodities consumed by Japanese people, 83 per cent was domestic production in l968——an increase of 3 per cent over 1965, due to the rise in self—sufficiency of rice. Phe above quotation indicates that Japan is able to meet most of the food needs of its people. In various other )ublications, similar statistics are given which range from between eighty and eighty-three per cent self— :ufficiency. Usually it is admitted that the remaining eventeen to twenty per cent of foodstuffs and other gricultural products for industrial use, such as crude ubber, cotton, and wool, are dependent upon international mportation. Figure 3, on the following page, is a ranslated version of a chart which appears in the 1969 iition of The Illustrated White Book of Agriculture, a >vernment publication.14 The figure reveals low coverage om domestic sources in wheat, soybeans, and sugar, but th the title and the 'Total' column indicate that Japan eighty-threezper cent self—sufficient in agricultural Dducts. This graphic representation of production levels, . __...__..._. -: a m 96.0.. { d O n m N w IT 909c9wuou9wcu. 9.0. 4 . 4 4 1 . A s F .T «swank? NM E 1 s G 3.1 . . .9. 9109010194 . . . B k u m a. «a...» «was 1 v Y D .... C O. u 4 . S 8 0 E ".33.... T. t& .a!! Cu E: O . c o s ~/ ”U V 6 “W D L o P .. R 6 p P a Y ........ 7 L U a . . A _ w . : .. R . R S VI f; 6 A 9.9. . nu m“ 4‘ 5 no .) fif$fifi T J. l 6 U I L F. a7 m x s z nu c L “in B . do ~09 ‘00.!909‘0‘0‘OCOGOCOCOC O 0 O O 0 O . O , mm phh 0 upfuzrpbbbbbbbbwaKflwhr 6 i G S ,5 , ,0 AH L4 8 7. 6 .9d 0.0... 1 9 4 9 . a, W Eh. 7 ... wwwnwwswn. . —— ...«4 ,_ 0 gm T 5 «$8M»... ... M A a m i ..<.¢O¢4111{441441 , A urn. A r. . ..~....wwwwu.«.».ushaky. 5 ........ A _ R 6 E VO‘OQO‘ { C C .H T E w M 1m $0©O©OOOOOOOOOOMOMO§O ,1 A _.. / o i a T . ,. A . «9&9»? , mu . 8 , I 6 .0‘0! 4040(01049t ( 4 1 9 1 9 . N in .4999900900909904949. r Amy Mm 09%fififlufiafiflfiz 7 999.9963359Ebhhfisx , 9??? a999b§m 6 9€€§4.4.<. 4 ,1 .9. CE L s 8 gm was.vmwwwwwwm..»wu , i A g.— .......... 6 T J ............. t . +r R T «E m E o a R a . 949994919c949<049t 4 . 4 . a T E F . . . .949?wowowow94919494049wuwk .1 .7 O L 0/0 N C O .00OOODOOONONONOMONONONHNNO1 4 $0 I 65 66 67 68 60 83%. 60 65 66 67 68 65 66 67 68 fokyo, Japan, 1.96.9, Pg. [6‘ 60 Taken from [Hus/rain! Wit/f0 500.4 of AyI/cu/fun Figure 3.--Percentage of self—supply 65 66 67 68 60 77 between 1960 and 1968, is not accompanied by written text which might help to Clarify the data; for instance, it is puzzling as to how the total can be charted as higher than the composite parts. Furthermore, data to be presented later in this study will serve to invalidate much of the content shown within this figure. The cross—section of literature is replete with economics data-—import balances versus domestic production-- based on the above statistics. The general theme of this widespread data is well-represented by the following passages from Warren Hunsberger‘s book, Japan and the United States in World Trade. The author begins by saying that, admittedly, there is a limited supply of soybeans and wheat, but output of these products "could not be enlarged except at high cost, in both money and displace- ment of other crops."15 He continues: The things Japan imports (food products) are, for the most part, available in ample quantities and cheaply. In fact . . . wheat and some other products are exported at subsidized prices from the United States. . . . This dependence is in some ways less than it used to be . . . The factors influencing Japan's decline in Japan's import dependence are numerous——rapid expansion of the fish catch, extraordinarily rapid growth of agricultural production, self-sufficiency in rice . . . .16 Bieda has also analyzed the situation and has :oncluded that Japan, in regard to all imported raw aterials, is now one of the less—dependent countries of 78 the world, that "in any case, short of a general depression or a world war, there is no danger of Japan being able to obtain the raw material she needs."17 A 1968 "Facts About Japan," published by the Public Information Bureau, Japan Ministry of Foreign Affairs, claims the following fact: "Imports of foodstuffs, which before the war amounted to an average of 22 per cent of total imports, declined to 17.6 per cent in 1966."18 And Tsuchiya Rokuro accounts for the eighty per cent self—sufficiency in food through the greater use of farm machines and technical equipment.19 The above citations appear to reflect the accepted .nformation concerning the food availability of Japan. Iumerous other authorities could be documented, but little 1ew insight would be gleaned from the review of re-worked laterial. The balance of this section is concerned with nalyzing data found to be inaccurate in their presenta— ion. Following this section, the results of in-depth esearch from the United Nations Food and Agricultural rganization (FAQ)20 will be analyzed; these statistics have enerated a substantial body of information which rivals he 'accepted' eighty per cent domestic food-production tatus of Japan. Moreover, the differential which is evealed, is significantly disproportionate to warrant horough investigation and subsequent concern. J. .2er .0» up 9; y . 79 Before proceeding to the analysis of the data which has been found to be erroneous, perhaps a dis— cussion is in order concerning the definition of terms. Too, a more inclusive interpretation is needed concerning just what constitutes the food imports realm. It is not only the accuracy of the 'accepted' data which deserves questioning; it is a more thorough understanding of the entire food industry which begs clarification. At the outset, the term 'dependence' needs to be analyzed when considering Japan‘s overall dependence on foreign resources; the thinking of political economist, George C. Allen of the University of London, will be drawn upon. First, if dependence "is to be measured simply by the ratio of imports to the national income or G.N.P., ‘then Japan's overall dependence is at present low by international standards and compared with pre—war times, "21 Since this definition of it has steeply declined. 'dependence' is the one to which Bieda earlier referred, his 1970 charting will be used below to substantiate this point, albeit only one facet of 'dependence.‘ This ecline can be attributed largely to structural changes 'n industry; part is due to the comparative advance in ervice industries; but mostly, it is because of the ecrease in the manufacture of the textiles made from 80 natural fibers and the large increase in the output of products with a small import content, such as machinery. TABLE l.——Imports as percentage of G.N.P.22 Country Percentage Netherlands 37 Belgium 35 Sweden 20 Canada 17 U.K. 16 Italy 14 West Germany 14 Australia 14 France 11 Japan 10 Secondly, ". . . if one is concerned primarily with the dynamic aspect of trade, and if one judges the degree of dependence by the contribution of the export demand to the growth in the national income in the post—war period, the answer to the question is much the same."23 Domestic investment, without a doubt, has been the main catalyst to the economic development in the past two decades; the role of exports has been secondary. But even this assertion needs qualifying. The Japanese commercially benefitted very substantially from American expenditures in the Korean War. The sale to America in the Far East should be con— sidered as exports, but were never officially indicated in >4wa 81 ,he trade returns. Too, during the trade recessions in ,he late 50's and early 60‘s, there was a sharp rise in ,xports which definitely compensated for the decline in .omestic orders. Furthermore, a premature reflationary tolicy was made possible by the upward trend of exports rhich had caused a favorable effect on the balance of layments. Therefore, it is fair to suggest that dependence »n export trade has been secondary to domestic investment, nut the recovery from recessions is responsible partly to ;he export trade. "Finally, if one measures dependence in physical ,erms, by the extent to which the country is self— ufficient in food and raw materials, then it is clear hat Japan is highly dependent on her foreign trade."24 oncerning reliance on food imports, Allen claims that hifts in people's diet and the organization of agri— \ bltural production have commanded the need for very \ eavy imports of animal feeding stuffs. ". . . And hring the last few years food imports as a whole have i bVed up steeply . . . this trend is likely to be scentuated during the next decade.”25 Even though Allen's analysis of terminology serves b clarify some aspects of the putative '83% self— ifficiency, 17% dependency on foreign food resources,‘ : is necessary to consider another misleading element, 82 that of how food import data are categorized. Rigid classifications, in Japan's case, tend to isolate food figures from their total context and lead to misinter— pretation of the total picture. For instance, Japan's food imports cannot be considered as separate from their relationship to other resources, such as petroleum and chemicals that are used for fertilizer; Japan's food production is crucially dependent upon the availability of various other resources also. But, as the following statement indicates, Japan is characterized by a paucity of natural resources: "Japan is very poorly endowed with mineral resources and lacks most of the minerals necessary to sustain a modern industrial nation, having to import such basic materials as oil, iron ore, coking coal and bauxite."26 Japan's food situation, then, is in a particularly precarious position in that food production is extremely dependent upon the availability of raw haterials, nearly all of which need to be imported. A highly synchronized integration of various sectors—— agricultural, economic, and foreign trade--is paramount 1 f0 the development of the country. This factor is so 1 important that further elaboration is in order. ' As implied above, the 'accepted' figure of over ?our—fifths self—sufficiency is rendered invalid if one ronsiders that such figures in Japan must necessarily be 83 fused with, or interpreted only in connection with, those of mineral fuels, chemicals, and raw materials. For instance, intensive farming in Japan is possible partially through the extensive use of fertilizer; Japan uses almost one hundred times as much fertilizer as India, despite Japan's being less than a fifth of India's population. Part of the reason for this is that the Japanese fertilizer prices are much lower than in India, so that one Japanese farmer can buy four times as much fertilizer for the same 27 Fertilizers are produced by chemical quantity of paddy. plants which are dependent on the import of salt, phosphate, potash, and some petroleum. In fact, "nearly all Japan's manufacturing industries rely on Foreign sources of supply for the bulk of their fuel needs."28 Heavy farm machinery, a key facet in Japan's farm and-fishing technology, can be produced from Japan's thriving steel industry only if ponderous amounts of iron ore and scrap metal can be supplied from abroad. There is also a deficiency con— erning the power generation to propel the associated 'ndustries; even though Japan ranks fourth in the world in hydro—electric power, the national demand for power Ear exceeds the supply. Despite the seeming abundance of aurface water supplies, industry has usurped a great share, 1nd marked scarcities of water in many parts of the country 84 have been the result.* Because Japan's variety of coal is only a low—grade bituminous coal, it cannot serve as a source of power for industry. So, in order to help energize the industries which strengthen food production, Japan is very dependent upon imports of mineral fuels such as natural gas and coking coal. Domestic food production, of any magnitude at all, would be forced to a sudden deceleration if there were no access to the imported fossil fuels, minerals, and chemicals. The conclusion is that agriculture, industry, and imports in Japan must necessarily be interdependent as an organic whole; they are so uniquely reliant upon one another that isolated foodstuff figures become insignificant and are misleading. Statistics are officious numerical representations which distort the full reality. In other words, facts are often well-represented y statistics; however, statistics can be arranged in uch a way as to misrepresent the evidence. For example, igure 4 "Japan Imports by Commodity Group, 1968" appears n a widely distributed publication, Statistical Handbook f Japan, 1970.29 Here, the problem in categorical ieporting lies in the ambiguity of what constitutes the L__ * Some authorities are optimistic about Japan's ‘ecourse to the nuclear reactor for energy provision. Sut the nuclear reactor uses about 60% more cooling water )er energy unit than other conventional power sources; to .Void overheating, enormous amounts of water are required, mounts which are not available in Japan. kaxébék 683:5.“ \6 2.33m. 85 mzumE mJuau unzhxw... 3<¢ J<¢uz_2 <9 00. l _.-_._.—.—. _‘_,.____.--——w 86 commodity groups. Because the text which accompanies the figure does not define the terms, a casual observer is led to believe that Japan is not a heavy import—dependent nation. But the veracity of this chart is to be challenged through the following inquiry: Mineral fuels.——Coa1 and oil are the products generally referred to in this category. Because Japan has virtually no coal (other than the low-grade bituminous coal mentioned earlier) and few petroleum fields, Japan is forced to import perhaps as much as 90% of its mineral fuels. A substantial proportion of coking coal, for instance, comes from Europe and Indonesia. The demand for imported fuel energy to run Japan's whirring industries is exemplified by the country's contact with United States i. . . - p11 companies in Alaska's Cook Inlet. For at least five iears, the country has been tapping the natural gas ‘iquids (NGL) of that area. From an American plant, {here natural gas is converted into a liquid, it is ransferred by pipeline to ships which deliver the liquid 30 Japan. There it is reconverted to a gas for use as guel power. In view of Japan's ever—expanding industrial )een projected: "It is expected that by 1975, four— fifths of Japan's energy requirements will be met by .mports."3O 87 Raw materials.—-This is a highly misleading category. For its industry, Japan is importing considerably nore than the charted 17.4% in its ores and wood imports alone. But to which raw materials is the figure referring? Apparently ores are not to be included in this category, for they are computed in the fourth column. Is the heavy dependence on lumber to be covered in the column designated 'other'? Is rubber to be considered here under raw materials? If so, Japan is totally dependent upon foreign import for this commodity. Foodstuffs.—-A thorough analysis of the food imports will be forthcoming in a later section, but some elaboration here is pertinent to this particular chart. Again, part of the misunderstanding of this 1970 statistic hf 14.5% import—dependence of 85.5% self—sufficiency 'ies in the previous explanation concerning agriculture's bsolute interdependence upon the other imports. But another factor involves the likelihood that oybeans, a very major food import, is deleted in this omputation of foodstuffs. In cross-referencing various overnment publications, it was found that soybeans are isted often under a description of 'Other Materials,‘ upposedly because soybeans are also processed for uses ther than food.31 88 Too, Japan depends heavily on food which is lerived not only from domestic fisheries, but from those vhich are extra-territorial. Although the Japanese make intensive and extensive use of the world's oceans, the fish catch is obviously not regarded here as dependence 3n foreign resources. Undoubtedly the low profile of this column is lue also to the fact that Japan is now reported to be Largely self—sustaining in rice, but it is only since L969 that there has been no registered importation. ?urthermore, there is evidence suggesting that Japan axports its high quality rice and imports a cheaper strain for domestic consumption. Rice is a heavily subsidized product in Japan; it sells at almost three times the world market prices. It must be remembered I foo that with the increase of population, it is unlikely f e I‘ ”oods in Japan, one wonders whether the significant import hat this surplus of rice will be sustained. Since pork and chicken have become highly popular f fodder should not legitimately be included here, or mewhere on the chart. The hog and poultry farms exist 1y with the heavy imports of cereal grains. Metalliferous ores and metal scrap.-—The figure oted is not meaningful, for a distinction needs to be 'de between new and re—circulated ores. Normally, the 89 greatest percentage of metals in developed countries is re-circulated. This process is used in order to make new products and, therefore, to lead to self-sufficiency. But this figure is ambiguous, for a differentiation is definitely in order. We are concerned in this chart with imports. The facts are that Japan is literally buying up the mining industry of new ores from Canada, Australia, and Brazil, for Japan imports 96% of its iron ore. The chart should reveal just how dependent upon the import of new ores Japan is. The maintenance of the industrial sector is overwhelmingly reliant upon the expanded use of new ores, beyond that of re—circulated ores. Machinery.—-Again, the title is not very explicit, but it is possibly correct, for Japan is primarily a processing country. Textile Fibers.——A distinction needs to be made between natural and artificial fibers. Japan is importing nearly all of its cotton and wool; also, linen, in substantial amounts, comes from Argentina. If the figure refers to artificial fibers, it is perhaps valid. In :hat case, where on the chart are cotton, wool, and linen .ncluded? Too, it must be remembered that to make :ynthetic fibers, if that is what the figure refers to, he petro—chemical imports need to be accounted for in mounts proportionate to the needs of this industry. 9O Chemicals.-—If this figure covers final chemicals (fertilizers), it brings up the same point as in textile fibers. To make the chemicals, the raw materials need to be imported, such as the large amounts of petroleum, phosphate, and potash. gppg£.--The observer is definitely left in a quandary as to what may be included here. The high level of lumber import was apparently not computed under 'Raw Materials,’ and is not part of this 'Other' column, or else the figure would need to be considerably higher. Lumber thus far, then has gone unaccounted for; yet, timber is still the principal source from which the country ierives its chief building material, much of its paper )ulp, and some charcoal for domestic fuel. Even though ;ylvan land covers about two-thirds of Japan's total land Lrea, much of Japan's forest area is inaccessible due to he lack of roads and other transportation facilities. he domestic forests, extensive as they may be, fail by a onsiderable margin to satisfy Japan's lumber and pulpwood eeds. Paradoxically, Japan is not only a great producer E wood and wood—products, but is one of the major nporters of them. According to The Japan Economic aarbook, Japan is currently importing 49.2% of its Lmber; plywood and pulp account for the greatest per— 32 ntage of that figure. Indeed, the growing demands 91 on lumber are dictating the need for ever-expanding imports of lumber; yet, there is not an indication of this on the chart. A further criticism of this chart is its lack of identifying the needs involved in manufactured goods (capital equipment). Because of the omission, an explana— tion is necessary here. Just as in most industrial nations, Japan relies on the expertise of foreign suppliers. "For the progress of her science—based industries, such imports are as indispensable as raw materials. Import dependence in the immediate future will probably increase."33 The inaccuracy of this chart is to be faulted. Fhe value of having included it here is simply to emphasize :hat much information, of a similarly uncritical nature, is all too available. As a result of such indiscriminate data, -t is no wonder, for instance, that impressions abound :oncerning 80 to 85 per cent self—sufficiency in food .griculture. It is the task in the following section to ake this particular facet--food self-sufficiency-food ependency——and more precisely document and describe the indings. gricultural Dependency on Dreign Resources The following few pages are arranged with the :plicit purpose of supplying reliable data which counter 92 1e commonly-held assumption that Japan is eighty per cent, : more, self—sufficient in agricultural food provisions. 1e information to be included here revolves around data 1ich have been ferreted out and interpreted from the aarbooks of the United Nations Food and Agricultural rganization (FAQ).34 In order for Japan to feed its population in 1969/ 70, approximately 103 million people at that time, the untry needed a feeding—base represented in the figure of 4 per cent. This percentage is based on the 100 per nt figure ascribed to Japan's domestic agricultural ea. The differential found between Japan's food agri— ltural production and Japan's consumption was met by pendence on other sources. This conclusion is based on the following data (page 93). Such figures as these should dispell any impression at Japan's food requirements are 80 per cent, or more, lf—produced. Japan was only able in 1967/1968 to supply 7 per cent of its needed 664 per cent feeding base. An )unt of 557 per cent had to be obtained from the other 1rces, those of trade and the world fisheries. Another ' of expressing this is that Japan needed a total amount tilled land equal to about 37.7 million hectares; this ure is roughly 30 million hectares beyond the 6.55 lion hectares of self-supply. In other words, 31.2 lion hectares are obtained extra-territorially. One 93 :an only conclude from these figures that Japan is only [bout 17 per cent self-sufficient in food agriculture )roducts; food availability for Japan is very definitely lighly dependent upon other sources. Japan's domestic agricultural area: 5.6 million hectares tilled land = 100% .95 million hectares pasture land = 7% 6.55 million hectares TOTAL 107% he remainder of Japan's food availability is dependent pon trade and the world's fisheries. Trade: A. A food import amount which is equal to lg million hectares B. Food import, in million hectares, is 286% of Japan's tilled land; or, it is 2% times greater than Japan's agricultural production 286% Fisheries: A. A food amount in protein which is equal to about 15.2 million hectares B. Fishery supply, in million hectares, is 271% of Japan's tilled land; or, it represents almost 3 times the amount of domestic agricultural production 271% TOTAL FEEDING BASE NEED 664% 94 In an attempt to verify the above conclusion, the lant Products Balance (Table 2) bears examination. everal purposes are served here, one of which is the dentification of the major food commodities Japan needs 0 import. Second, two different time periods are cited n order to show a revealing change: domestic production f all the products (except sugar) has declined, while the nport of the products has significantly increased. Also, he is readily able to grasp the impact of these figures y analyzing the third column which represents the import igures as multiple percentages of domestic production. lthough statistics tend to be numbing at times, the sality of these percentages must be recognized. In 962/1963, corn as an import, represented over two thousand 2r cent more than domestic production; and in the more scent period of 1967/1968, it is 7500 times the Japanese 1 toduction. The figures for corn neither represent the i ghest nor the lowest commodity statistics on the chart. ie figure for barley is low only because it is compensated r by the other fodder commodities of millet-sorghum and t frn. The figures, alone, for millet-sorghum (used also i soba noodles for human consumption), reveal that Japan i pends on foreign import 9,650 times above the country's atput of these cereals. The impact of these findings is | .tensified when one realizes that the recently published 95 06$ 2x233: sotosbsxk Q one: 663* ow ii mm. imor >mumom 0:. 9.9 I o._ , 5mm; 32. m3. - mo. zmou 82:56. i 963 2383.2 5.5.63.4 m use: dim o. t. I 3... >353 mi. 9... N. «.33 emo. mm. - L we. zszomomfimji -¢ Ni... en. 3:38 at mud no; #313 mmmm med 0.. zmoo III I axe... 0.1km! 20.135 wzo._. SEMI 2034—! 20.882: .6 3 Eons: zoioaoomu Become 3 55%.: 32.82 96 gures of 1969/1970 show even greater disparities between oduction and import. Whereas Table 2 compares imports to productivity tes, Figure 5 relates the actual amounts of imports in tric tonnage. Unfortunately, the soybean unit on the art is actually not as revealing as it deserves to be as it might have been, had a period other than 1967/1968 3n selected. In 1968, the Japanese demand for soybeans ickened because the crushers experienced difficulty in ;posing of vegetable oil; however, soon after, the 'bean regained its former prominence as a high—import Imodity. Imports recently have been stimulated also the fact that the l970 Japanese tariff on soybeans was ,uced.35 Soybeans provide the people of Japan with a ‘y significant portion of their protein. Along with high food value, they are indispensable as feed; one hel of soybeans, 60 pounds, yields about 47.5 pounds of l. The meal is used as an ingredient in the rations of m animals, principally for hogs, cattle, and poultry. high protein element in soybean meal makes it an inntial supplement to corn in the feeding of livestock. Lontributes to the production of pork, beef, milk, Lm, butter, cheese, chicken, turkey, and eggs. A el of soybeans also yields 10. 6 pounds of oil, a fact h indicates that soybeans are to be considered pre— ent as a vegetable source for oils and fats in food m 97 moo.‘ cmmmhf‘ . m munmflm vw? 3:5 33. £3: 6.... .k . w w mH\hmeIm mmH\N me1|mpH0mEfl \ho mw\hw. om . 5. n33. 2:5. «35. $ka. coho. 8km. cox 3km 3R9 moxuw. m who. 33 w. mzo» 0E5: 203...: 98 preparation.36 Soybean imports have been registering a consistent increase. Currently the dependence upon soybean import is 94 per cent. Of this total, 83 per cent comes from the United States; the remaining 17 per cent is from flainland China, a fact which makes soybeans Japan's most important import from Mainland China. The four most important imported products that Figure 5 shows are corn (maize), wheat, soybeans, and Jheat/meslin (a naked barley, barley—oats—rye-wheat blend Ihich, in Japanese, is combined in the term mugi). Sugar rould actually register considerably higher if this chart 'ere to show the most recently published information. omestic sugar production, beet and cane, accounts for nly about 20 per cent of the nation's sugar demands. bout two—thirds of Japan's entire sugar consumption is 3w accounted for by household use and confectionary pro— iction. Recently, however, demands from manufacturers of 3ft drinks and ice cream have shown a sharp increase. ipan has to rely upon other countries to fill the demand- roduction gap. But the retail price of sugar is said > be the highest in the world due to customs duties, msumers' tax, and import Charges.37 In 1968, Japan ported 2,050,000 tons of sugar from Latin America and utheast Asia, a fact which places Japan as third among 8 world's sugar—importing nations. m-,fiL- :Ji_l i_:;,. ,.,I,... _ . ,, 99 The high import rates of sugar, wheat, and corn .1 reflect the transition in the Japanese people's .etary habits within the last few years. Although lports of wheat from the North American and Australian 'airies have noticeably increased since 1966, Japan at at time was importing 80 per cent of its wheat for e food industry's bread—processing. The wheat importa- on is a massive amount, one which is on a continual Nard trend. As of 1968, imports of wheat had doubled five years and cost 300 million dollars annually. The importation of considerable amounts of corn due to the need for the forage of pigs. Meat in Japan, >ecially beef, is expensive, but relatively large tunts of pork and chicken, as compared to the past, are ' consumed by the Japanese. In order to meet this ular demand of meat, the livestock industry has, at es, expanded. Therefore, fodder in the forms of corn, ley, and meslin have become crucial import needs. In an, crops raised exclusively for fodder are extremely rce, so concentrated feed competes strongly with food— ffs. These products are needed also for the production western-type alcoholic beverages. It is highly probable : imports of these grains will increase since consumers' Les haVe noticeably shifted from the traditional EEEE .k and the low—grade whiskey to beer and that of high- e whiskeys. This possibility, of course, will depend lOO pon the strength and movements of the sake industry. orn, as separate from barley and meslin, is imported in ven greater quantities than wheat and soybeans. Corn anks as the world's principal grain after wheat and rice; Jurty-four per cent of the world's corn is grown in the iited States, a significant part of which is exported 3 Japan. Together with the United States, South Africa, 1d Thailand, over five million tons of corn were shipped > Japan in 1968; this figure, in comparison with Japan's :re 50,000 ton production, placed Japan as the world's up corn—importing country.38 Such is the state of Japan's domestic and import tio. Clearly, as the diet of Japan westernizes, so es the expanded need of imports. Table 2 and Figure 5 stify to the fact that Japan's diet preferences have t only changed, but that these changes are continuing precipitate increasingly high demands on products ich Japan is not producing domestically. A digression here is perhaps appropriate in order take a brief look at Japan's past food consumption :tern and trace it up to the contemporary caloric/ :ritional situation in the country. As one examines the period from Meiji Japan to ‘ld War II, a span of about seventy years, there is one spicuous trend in food consumption which is noteworthy: composition and amount of food consumption, with its L i lOl nphasis on starchy foods, underwent hardly any change. 115 is significant, for there was a fairly consistent -se in the level of per-capita national income. In the ast, usually an increase in a nation's per capita income ; paralleled with a rise in food consumption, as well : a transition from starchy foods to livestock products. . until World War II, the starch intake in Japan remained .irly constant, despite the rise in economic levels. The parent explanation for this pre-war consistency in Japan's od consumption probably lies in the fondness that the panese have for rice.* Furthermore, the reason might due, in part, to the persistence of the Confucian tra— tions of moderation and austerity.39 Also, it must be nembered that the wherewithal of agricultural resources 3 simply not available for any great flexibility in diet Lor to World War II. The trend, however, of post World War II food lsumption has shown a completely different tendency >m that of the pre-war period. First, the income .sticity of livestock product consumption has risen; "k The rice which is eaten by the Japanese is a iety called Japonica and is produced almost exclusively Japan. In comparison with the long—grained or medium— ined Indica, which is produced everywhere in the world, Japonica is short—grained and viscous. This is boiled a spe01al container until the water has been completely orbed. As Japan's chief staple, it is eaten by the ition of only a small amount of spice composed mainly salt, and without combining it with other food. | I ___ ,, I 102 cond, the rate of food consumption has been accelerated; ird, the caloric consumption of starchy foods has mained fixed at about the same level as that at the end the pre—war era, but this does not hold true for other pes of food consumption. Fourth, the income elasticity expenditures on food and drink has roughly doubled.4O As Table 2 and Figure 5 have revealed, these diet inges have had vast implications for the international 1ere, due to the overwhelming demand for imports; at 3 same time, the shift in food consumption habits has an responsible for the near—extinction of the South .an rice market. The conditions which are responsible for this .nsition in food demands are multifold. At the closing iod of World War II and during the first few post—war rs, the supply of rice in Japan decreased sharply due the decline in domestic production and to the cessation rice imports from the lost territories of Korea and nosa (Taiwan). The necessary substitution of rice by ious other foods served as a wedge in providing asure to other foods. For example, during the early :—war years of low agricultural production, the people :he cities were fed to a considerably extent by imports 1 the United States. The chief factor in the diet iges, however, was the westernizing influence that the \ 103 cupation Forces had on the entire style of living in pan. The consequences of this major transition were idenced in all facets of Japan's society, from the hool—feeding programs to the pervasive effects of banization. With such a massive culture change, food nsumption habits were almost inevitably influenced. It is no surprise that compelling problems have sulted from this amazing transition. Although the point 5 already been made, it bears repeating. Agriculturally, i e consumption of livestock products, alone, has given se to an extremely sharp increase in the total require- nt of fodder. Another major problem which has evolved the disparity of workers' income which exists between :iculture and other industries. Simply put, the west- 1ization process has made labor in other industries ‘e appealing than farming; the ensuing exodus of farm ‘or has made intensive utilization of land difficult. ording to Seiki Nakayama, it was imperative in 1969 t the country resolve the problem as soon as possible: . if the state of utilization of land in Japan and the yield per unit of land area remain as they are at present, the imports of food and feed in 1970 will exceed $4.5 billion, imposing a heavy burden upon the international balance of payments. extent of this perplexing problem is complicated gh to warrant an even greater elaboration in the luding section of this chapter. The concern here is Ialyze the food—consumption habits. 104 It is probably that the overall national rice needs, due to population growth, will undoubtedly continue to increase. Each year, as the diet of the Japanese becomes more varied, the demands for milk, milk products, and meat continue to expand. Since Japan has not been prepared to produce large quantities of these products, there have been noticeable increases in their import rates. The feed materials needed for pig and broiler production are obtained almost exclusively from abroad, and the import ias increased 25 times over the last fifteen years. Indeed, it is a fitting comment that Japan's broilers 'have blue ayes.‘42 No less than one-third of Japan's food imports, 1ccording to Tsuchiya Rokuro, are of animal feed materials. :oncerning beef, there has actually been a decrease in tattle population for the reason that animal husbandry ith cattle has proved relatively unprofitable. Conse- uently, there has been a great increase in the retail rice of beef. Although Japan's beef specialty, sukiyaki, 5 probably the foreign tourists' primary food attraction, 1ch a meal of beef cannot be classified as Japanese ,ddle-class fare. From the foregoing information gained from the arts and text, it is very apparent that the Japanese diet sits have undergone a significant shift in the past enty—five years. However, the average daily intake of .ories per person is still only about 2400. The intake 105 of proteins is about one—fifth of the average in western Europe; and over 55 per cent of the animal protein is derived from fish. Figure 6 explains the feeding basis of Japan, computed according to protein and kind of protein (plant or animal). During the years of 1969/1970, fisheries provided 40.5 per cent, domestic agriculture 17 per cent, and import trade, 42.5 per cent. Figure 7 shows that the major increase in animal produce imports was meat, a gain of about 100 thousand netric tons between 1962/1963 and 1966/1967; in the latter 1 period, Japan imported a total of 170,000 metric tons of neat. And even cheese, a completely untraditional food- stuff in Asia, more than doubled in import quantities. ‘ Vith fish serving as the major proportion of the protein .evel, Japan has been forced to find fishing grounds all tver the world. Judging from the data presented here, it eems safe to say that Japan's eating habits have changed ufficiently so that if meat and milk products were reely available at cheaper prices, there would be an stonishing increase in the demand for them. Nonetheless, ipan lags behind such countries as the United Arab rpublic, Turkey, Syria, Libya, and the Philippines, and ny others in its per capita consumption of meat. Japan also among the lowest ranking countries in its use of 1k and egg proteins. Only in fish consumption (SS—56% 106 .onammma A955“ cfiwuonm a: smash mo wanna msflpwmmnlé wmsmflm Rfieoonasot 6.3.. .55 5E §§”www.mnwwwwwwm.2; adv 2 00¢ wmon own—emu... .21 .___s ism. o\o~._ E . 39.... 233234 3:23... KN wow 09 SR Me 23.\m2_:. 92:5 ..___.__n_: 12...:s 2.55 0.2 on raw ad 0001.. 0mm“. , y-..“ .3‘..;L—_.___,.a————" ’ 107 THOUSAND METRIC TONS jLMEAT FRESH CHEESE AND FROZE . AND cuao MILK 8n CREAM FISH i ’WHOLE MEAL t MEAT MEAL *i 2 /63 66/67 62/63 66/67 62163 66/67 62/63 66/67 62/63 66/67 Figure 7.--Animal produce imports--l962/1963- 1966/1967. Taken from F.A.0. Tradaboo/rs L964 8 [968 108 f the animal protein) does Japan rank high; but even hen, the animal protein level is not anywhere near the evel of other advanced countries.43 The protein composi- ion of other advanced countries is derived from a variety f protein sources, as distinguished from Japan's heavy oncentration on aquatic products. In Table 3 below,44 t is evident that Japan's consumption of 'Other' proteins 8 roughly one-fifth that of the United States and about ne-fourth that of the United Kingdom. ABLE 3.——Comparative protein consumption-—1966-l968: grams per day. Total Animal Fish Other Plant Total Protein Protein Animal Protein Protein Protein apan 28.3 15.8 12.5 45.4 73.7 axico 14.2 0.8 13.8 52.1 66.3 lited Kingdom 54.0 4.0 50.0 34.0 88.0 lited States 69.6 3.3 66.3 27.3 96.9 lstralia 68.9 3.5 65.4 33.5 102.4 Another approach to underscoring Japan's protein lrsimony--a situation which is particularly significant >nsidering that Japan ranks as the world's third most zdustrially powerful nation--is to make another specific 'oss-national comparison. Figure 8 scales both Japan's tal protein and its animal protein factors (1954—1956 d 1966-1967); these figures, darkened by the overlay UHHMD I'C.“ UHI n"|;I\ U‘H" 1 "fi U'I‘v 109 TOTAL PROTEIN TOTAL PROTEIN l954-I956 l966—I967 IOOn ‘ 751 " 50-< " 25--I .. n JAPAN U.S.A. MEXICO JAPAN U.S.A. MEXICO ANIMAL PROTEIN ANIMAL PROTEIN l954-I956 l966-I967 751 '1 50— _ 25- JAPAN U.S.A. MEXICO JAPAN U.S.A. MEXICO u,/v.-/-'.A.0.The State of Food and Agriculfuro Figure 8.——Estimated protein content of national average food supplies per caput in Japan, U.S.A., Mexico 1954/1956—1966/1967. 110 Tattern, are shown vis-a—vis the same factors of Mexico nd the United States. The country of Mexico has been elected in order to point out that Japan's protein— onsumption pattern is extremely similar to that of .exico, a developing country. It is important here to ealize that Mexico‘s protein level is based upon the act that Mexico is a land—fed country; Japan, as revealed n Figure 6 is 83 per cent dependent upon oceans (40.5%) .nd trade (42.5%) for its protein. The United States is hosen here, primarily, to offer a contrast at the other :nd of the 'developing—developed' continuum. A first ‘lance at the top charts shows Japan rating fairly well .n total protein consumption. The reason for this is its .igh consumption rate of soybeans; but 94 per cent of this rotein source is imported. The animal protein charts eveal that Japan's consumption was approximately 2% times ess than the United States in grams per caput (1966-1967) d about 3% times less in the earlier period. The ited States-Japanese differentials are about identical those of the United States and Mexico. Sufficient idence is compiled here to conclude that Japan is erating on a low total protein base, and its animal— otein intake is quite low, even with the widespread e of the world's oceans. Because fish supply Japan th about 55 per cent of its protein, a discussion llows concerning the state of the fishing industry in pan. 111 The seas represent, for Japan, an immense source of food supply; seaweed farms are maintained for the production of food and fodder; and because no rock salt is available in Japan, all salt is manufactured from the sea water. Due to the development of new deep-ocean fishing grounds and of innovative fishing techniques, there has been a steady rise in Japan's fish totals. For instance, the giant 4,000 ton trawling ships have significantly advanced the range of Japan's fishing catch. Moreover, the utilization of fishing grounds in the northern seas has also contributed greatly toward the fish catch. However, coastal fishing near Japan has been severely limited due to the growing urbanization and the pollution resulting from industrialization along Japan‘s shoreline. In order to compensate for these setbacks, Japan has been forced to explore elsewhere for fishing areas. However, the possibilities of more extensive use of contiguous extra—territorial waters is becoming less and less likely. Increasing numbers of countries are adhering to the twelve nautical mile territorial water agreement and denying entry to foreign fishing boats. herefore, the marine resources of continental shelves are becoming less and less available to Japan. For 'nstance, in 1969, Mainland China notified Japan that he Sino—Japanese Fishery Agreement (a pact drawn up in 112 L955 with the aim of protecting Sino—Japanese fishing :esources in the Yellow and East China Seas) would be )nly renewed for six months, instead of for the usual full year. Underlying this action was an alleged tres— >assing on Chinese territorial waters by Japanese fishermen.45 Also, the constraints on fishing operations >n the high seas are becoming more controlled. And :ompetition from other neighboring countries such as the Soviet Union, Korea, and Taiwan, is intensifying. Another factor which portends problems for Japan is the decreasing Labor force. According to the Fourth Fishery Census of :he Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, the number of Iorkers leaving the fishing industry for other high—paying -ndustries, is steadily increasing. Although the number of whalebone whales to be aught in the Antarctic is tightly controlled by the nternational Whaling Treaty, Japan has recently been atching the maximum amount, 1493 head, as opposed to its ext contender, the Soviet Union with a catch of 976. As t, there is no international treaty to control whaling erations in the northern Pacific, but pressure is unting to formulate such a treaty. In that event, Japan '11 have to face a noticeable setback, for in 1967 and 68, its total catch each year of sulphur-bottom whales that area was at least two-thirds its Antarctic catch. I‘ll-ZZZZ: ——————:::::'I 113 World ecology movements and national political leaders are severely chastising all industrial nations for their destruction of the planet's waters. But Japan is cited as a major culprit, due to its massive fishing and whaling operations. Sustained over—use of the oceans may well lead to the Japanese being known as the ethical pariahs of the world. The country's industrial effluence and the resulting pollution is jeopardizing not only Japan's waters, but is extending into the international sphere. Whether Japan can sustain its standing in world fishing is debatable. Behind the 100 million Japanese loom the 800 million Chinese who will demand their share. The food requirements of Japan's people, as has already een explained, are highly dependent upon the protein content that fisheries render. But consumption of the orld's marine resources is limited. To put this into learer perspective, we need only look at the limitations f the fish resources: the world's catch of ocean fish or food is 24 million metric tons. The 1968 catch for apan, with about 100 million population, was over eight illion tons. If India, with 5% times the population, ere to exploit the fisheries to the same degree, over I0 million metric tons of fish for India, alone, would be lecessary. Of course, for China, with over eight times apan's population, the figure would be astronomical-— A 114 over 65 million tons, a sum far and above what is now available. But now especially as a member of the United Nations, China, as well as the combined populations of India, Pakistan, and Indonesia (another 800 million) can be expected to register a larger claim to the oceans' resources. Despite the magnitude of Japan's fishing industry, and despite the fact that it consumes at least a third of the world's ocean fish for food, the nation is still forced to import. "Japan's imports of marine products have been steadily increasing in recent years;"46 the nation is gradually changing from a fish-export status ' to that of a marine—product importer. The previous pages have examined the modest level of Japan's consumption of proteins, in general, and the low level of animal proteins, in particular. A logical rogression now is to analyze the remainder of the apanese diet-—the carbohydrates. Figure 9 (1954—1956) nd Figure 10 (1963—1965) on the following pages reveal he levels of consumption in grams per day. One can eadily see that cereals and vegetables have consistently onstituted the largest proportion of Japan's non—protein ‘ * ialance over the eleven year period (1954—1965). In * Vegetables and fruit, as opposed to cereals, are sually low in caloric value; with the disproportionately igh consumption of cereals, one can assume that the bulk 115 Taken fr. [HM-FAD, The Slate of Food and Agricu/fun I969 9 9499999999941QQQQ1911999222233 D aggfififigfifiggggggfifi§1$3£$§$§3 . 9 99 9 9.9.”?9.” .9.9.9n9w9u9»9»9>9>9»9 9>9 9.. .O.‘ 0.0... .0. 9.9.409 4.9 9 9.9.99...‘..9..C.O.C.0.... W9M9W9W9M9W9M9M9W9W9w9w9494994040999090909 9 999 9 99909999999 > oz< J._.. 024 0006 mkunoomm 4r example, is light and adapted to the present small elds. About 98 per cent of the power tillers have less an ten horsepower strength, not unlike large garden uipment used in western countries. They are designed r limited processes; changes are taking place, but avy equipment for seeding, transplanting, and harvesting seldom used. Since a further development in machine :hnology requires a larger operating acreage, it appears :ally important to change the institutional arrangement ch is impeding expansion on a large scale. 133 In an attempt to shift from this pattern of small— rale farming, a third land reform may be necessary. The ‘vernment could buy out small farms which are presently n on the part—time basis. The price would be a pitalized value of income yield of the land. Larger- ale units would be designated and resold to farmers on easy installment basis. As plausible as this may seem the economists, the government does not seem motivated this direction. The outlook seems to be one of 1porizing the explosive issues of structural change, so not to tarnish its tenure of office. The burden of Iporting a highly inadequate agricultural sector is seen more favorable, presumably without increasing yields, n opting for the massive changes that appear necessary. this point, one wonders if it is a third land reform :h is needed or if the government does not need to :entrate on more rigorous population control. From this information, two pressing agriculture riculties are evident and need simultaneous solution: the need to escape from the present high concentration ice farming; and (2) the necessity of increasing the oscopic scale of farm operations. Answers to both lems are, of course, contingent upon the government's :y decisions. The structural transformation of the :e Japanese industrial economy has had a serious impact 7, _ ___._.__— ”a” 134 on the agricultural sector. The weakened agricultural realm now needs increased management efficiency and a corresponding increase in the productivity of labor in order to correspond to the parallel growth in the other sectors. The fact that this has not occurred is reflected in the following statistic: the contribution of the agri— cultural sector to that of the national income declined from about 25 per cent in 1950 to less than eight per cent in 1965. But if agriculture is to be strengthened, there must be more advantageous use of space. Presently, agricultural acreage is in direct competition with urban areas for space. To benefit optimally from the land area, there must be not only legislative action but ingenious and rapid innovation. As an example, Japan gguld be more self-sufficient in milk, pork, broilers, and eggs; it is possible to raise the rudimentary level of animal husbandry Ln Japan if a selective expansion policy were activated. ‘he needed space to make this possible can be accounted "or in the following suggestion by a Japanese agricultural conomist: Japan with its many mountains, has a considerable area of mountainous land which is not suitable for forestal development. Approximately 2 million hectares of such unused land are suitable and accessible for the production of fodder or for use as grazing land for cattle or sheep. If so used, they could provide a further significant improve— ment in the availability of food.52 135 However, it is doubtful whether this possible increase would make the food available at competitive prices. These unused areas of land are perhaps more attractive for subsistence than for commercial production to feed the Japanese masses. So, almost inevitably, we are returned to the disconcerting puzzle of priorities, decisions that need to be made on the scale of very limited supply and over— whelming demand. A highly industrialized nation is forging forth, leaving innumerable problems of great magnitude in its wake. Japan is presently developing its industrial strength at the expense of other nations; it is a process that involves the extension of the Darwinian theory to its logical conclusion. However, this 'survival of the fittest' philosophy is not compatible with the principles which have been accepted within the charter for the United Nations, an organization of which Japan is a member. Phere are certain basic humanitarian values that involve :he use of the earth's resources. A re—definition of lational purposes is one means of restraining this .mpelling drive toward industrial advancement. No drastic Lostrums will ameliorate this particular supply—demand atio; it is simply no longer valid to assume that any —‘_ 136 problem is amenable to technological solution. If Japan's political leaders are bound by constituency pressures, then the citizens of both Japan and of the rest of the world must become aware of Japan's ad hominen consumption of the world's resources. Perhaps only with public enlightenment can one hope for a control of population and a general re-ordering of priorities. One wonders, in light of the alarming exposé that this chapter reveals, if the people of Japan are aware of the country's extremely high rate of dependence upon territories beyond its own boundaries. Do the young people, perhaps the most significant sector here in terms of future national development, have any conception of their nation's use of the planet's resources? With the critical situation as it is, it would not be too absurd to expect that every student should be aware of how much acreage he depends on, how much water he uses, how much a book costs in terms of trees, and what a car costs in terms of iron, other metals, and fossil fuels. With the close of this chapter, the first purpose Of the study has been established: documented data have indicated that Japan depends to a considerable degree on foreign resources for its food supply. The assembled information is to serve as a foundation and reference POint for the balance of this research inquiry. 137 The parallel purpose is to determine to what extent the Japanese schools have and are educating the populace to information concerning the thesis of this chapter. The remainder of this research, then, will investigate the education sector of Japan. The following chapter will serve as an interim or transition section; a description of the historical and social foundations of Japan's educational system will function as introductory information concerning how education has operated in the development of Japan. With that as a framework, the study will then return to a direct examination of the schools' awareness regarding Japan's food—availability. FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER II 1 . . In Purchas, Pilgrimes, p. 240, quoted in Michael Cooper, They Came to Japan: An Anthology of European Reports on Japan, 1543—1640 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965), p. 7; re—quoted by Kusum Nair, The Lonely Furrow (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1969), pp. 103—104. 2Hall and Beardsley, op. cit., p. 7. 3Seiichi Tobata, An Introduction to Agriculture in Japan (Tokyo: Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Productivity Conference, 1958), p. 20; quoted by Kusum Nair, The Lonel Furrow (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1969), p. 135. 4Quoted by George Sansom, A History of Japan, 1615—1867 (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1963), p. 15; re—quoted by Kusum Nair, The Lonely Furrow (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1969), p. 135. 5Sansom, pp. cit., p. 99. 6Yujiro Hayami, ”Innovations in the Fertilizer Industry and Agricultural Development," Journal of Farm Economics, XL (May, 1967), 412. 7Hiro Wada, "Japan's Decisive Century," _ Britannica Book of the Year, Encyclopedia Britannica, __________11 1967, p. 42. 8Americana Encyclopedia, XV, International Edition (New York: Americana Corporation, 1971), p. 741. 9Derek Davis, ed., Far Eastern Economic Review, 1969 Yearbook (Hong Kong: Far Eastern Economic ReView, Ltd., Box 160, 1970), P. 204 loIbid. llBieda, op. cit., p. 252. 12Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan, The Japan of EQQEZ (Tokyo: Public Information Bureau, 1968), p. 35. 138 139 3 . . . Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, Japan, Abstract of Statistics on Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Japan, 1969 (Tokyo: Association of Agriculture- Forestry Statistics, 1970), p. x. 4 . . . Association of Agricultural Statistics, The Illustrated White Book of Agriculture, 1969 (Tokyo: The Association, 1970), P. 16. 15 ' Warren S. Hunsberger, Japan and the United States in World Trade, published for the Council on Foreign Relations (New York: Harper and Row, 1964), p. 111. 16Ibid., p. 113. l7Bieda, op. cit., p. 281. 18Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan, Public Information Bureau, "Facts About Japan," No. 26, C5 (January, 1968), p. 3. 19Rokuro Tsuchiya, "Agricultural Changes," Japan Quarterly, XVI, No. 1 (January—March, 1969), 59. 20Nafiz Erus, ed., Production Yearbooks and Trade Yearbooks (Rome: Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations, Statistics Division, 1955-1971). 21George C. Allen, Japan's Place in Trade Strategy (London: The Atlantic Trade Study, Moor House, London Wall, 1968), p. 2. 22Bieda, loc. cit. 23Allen, op. cit., p. 3. 24Ibid., p. 4. ZSIbid. 26Ministry of Foreign Affairs, The Japan of Today, OB. cit., p. 39 7Bieda, op. cit., pp. 260—261. 28Allen, loc. cit. 9Bureau of Statistics, Tokyo, Statistical Hand— book of Japan, 1970 (Tokyo: Office of the Prime Minister, 1970), p. 78. 140 30Allen, 10c. cit. 31.. . . . Ministry of Foreign Affairs, The Japan of Today, op. Cit., p. 55. 32 . . Japan Economic Yearbook, compiled from the Oriental Economist Publications (Tokyo: English Language Journal, 1971), p. 123. 33Allen, op. cit., p. 5. 34Erus, op. cit. 35 . . United States Department of Agriculture, World Agricultural Situation, Report No. 57 (Washington, D.C.: i L Economic Research Service, February 11, 1970), p. 17. 6Farming Facts, Fort Atkinson, Wisconsin, based on USDA information (December, 1971). 37Nippon: A Charted Survey of Japan, 1968 (Tokyo: Kokusei-sha, Daiichi-semei, Nishi-Gotanda, Shinagawa—Ku) p. 141. 38Nippon: A Charted Survey of Japan, 1970 (Tokyo: Kokusei—sha, Daiichi-seimei, Nishi—Gotanda, Shinagawa—Ku), p. 136. 39Seiki Nakayama, ”Long—Term Changes in Food Consumption in Japan," Developing Economies, VII, No. 1 (March, 1969), 231. 4OIbid. 4lIbid., p. 232. 42Tsuchiya, loc. cit. 43Bieda, op. cit., p. 5. 44Borgstrom, interview. 45Nipppn: A Charted Survey of Japan, 1970, Op. cit., pp. 152-153. 46Ibid., p. 150. 47Tsuchiya, op. cit., p. 53. 141 Hfirlimann and Francis King, Japan 48Martin E. Tuttle Co., 1970), p. 95. (Tokyo: Charles 49 . . Bieda, op. Cit., p. 261. 50Allen, op. cit., p. 7. 51Quoted in Tsuchiya, op. cit., p. 54. 52Ibid., p. 59. CHAPTER III FOUNDATIONS OF EDUCATION IN JAPAN Historical Background Wisdom and knowledge shall be sought throughout the world for the purpose of promoting the welfare of the Empire. - Fifth Article of the Charter Oath, Meiji Restoration, 1868 Early Period The words above were, in effect, Emperor Meiji's sacred pledge to his Imperial ancestors. The fifteen—year old boy-Emperor established this commitment to education during the ritual of becoming the 122nd Emperor in the unbroken line of descent from the Emperor Jimmu, 660 B.C.l Almost immediately after the oath was taken in 1868, attention was turned toward mobilizing the educa— tional interests. By 1872, the Gakusei (Educational Ordinance) that provided Japan with its first national system of compulsory education was promulgated. This, however, was not the first form of schooling in Japan. A closer examination of the Tokugawa-Shogunate (1603-1867) would reveal that the antecedents developed throughout this period had a very significant effect upon the modernization of Meiji Japan. Most of the 142 143 population—-the peasants, artisans, and merchants-— received their instruction in the basic skills in close to 16,000 terakoya (temple schools), to enable them to pursue their traditional occupations.2 The leading group of this period was the samurai class, and it was this echelon that took the initiative to advance the progress of Japan throughout the last stage of the Tokugawa era.3 The tacit oath of a samurai was to defend the country against the enemy and to protect the life of the public. However, samurai were not only military warlords, but civil officers as well; in addition to exercising military power, they also exerted political and social influence. The samurai arrived at various political positions according to their hereditary right and social status. Implicit in the samurai standard was emphasis on the moral life and loyalty to the feudal lord. Nearly all the feudal lords built fief schools (hgpkp) which were patterned after the official Confucian school, the Shoheiko, in Edo (present day Tokyo). There were over two hundred of these fief schools which trained the young samurai in the classics and Confucian ethics, as well as in military chivalry (bushido). The samurai only com— prised about ten per cent of the population of Japan; as a result of the hgpkg system, the samurai were the most highly educated and informed people in the country. Some samurai were permitted to study Dutch, French, German, 144 English, and Russian, which resulted in the knowledge and enlightenment of modern western civilization. This young intellectual class, the scholars of western learning, increased in number, although most of them were not aware of the enormity of the reformation movement under way. The rigorous training in the hanko schools encouraged and perpetuated a profound respect for learning and for education in general. Although the samurai system was abolished by the Restoration in 1868, the former samurai substantially guided the society during this period and became a central force in the Meiji government's adoption and promotion of education as an extremely powerful medium of reform.4 The closing years of the Tokugawa Era were marked by social and political ferment, a turmoil which was exacerbated by Commodore Perry‘s opening of Japan in 1853. Those individuals who tried to rehabilitate the society, to create new policies for the country, and to defend Japan against the oppression of foreign countries split into two groups. One faction believed that it was necessary to reinforce the Tokugawa Shogunate; the other felt compelled to overthrow the shogunate and to establish a new government under the Tenno or emperor system. The samurai, as the educated class, played leading parts in the activities of both groups. It is noteworthy that the samurai in both groups assiduously dealt with the problem 145 of education reform in their writings. Without any dis- agreement, other reformists expounded the necessity of a new education which would be suitable to the new period. Indeed, these writings undoubtedly contributed significantly to the remarkable development of education that took place during the Meiji Era.5 But the educational reforms initiated by these men were not instituted until the establishment of the Meiji Government, the era to which we now return. Yukichi Fukuzawa, a leading educator of the Meiji Era, announced that Our object is to strengthen the nation and modernization is the means for it. . . . We Japanese are only a people, not a nation; the objective of education is to make the people become a nation!"6 The government, through such leadership, proceeded then to exert all its efforts towards the fulfillment of that objective. In essence, the goal was to develop a new man in a new civilized society.7 The modern educational system served as a link between the national policy and the realization of modernization. Education, at this time, was devoted to bringing about the prosperity, unity, and strength of the nation. The policy was one of interaction between education and industrialization: the "smoothly inaugurated industrialization resulted in effectively SUpporting education for industrialization."8 146 The efforts and services that the Ministry of Education rendered in the westernization process were extensive. Japan made a continuous and earnest effort to spread primary education in order to elevate the intellectual level of the Japanese people; and through a centralized system, teacher-training schools were organized in order to actualize the goal of universal primary education. . . compulsory education played an important role in education and training the personnel who contributed to Japan's socio—economic development, and in supplying an educated labor force for industry. Also the broad foundation of compulsory education made the development of secondary, higher, and special education possible, which then became the foundation for leadership training.9 A significant part of the education plan was the invita— tion of famous foreign scholars to Japan from the United States, Germany, and France, as advisors in educational policy. Scholars and students were sent abroad to acquire educational knowledge and to observe pedagogical practices. The Educational Ordinance of 1872 established a school system similar to the highly centralized French school administration. From the United States, Japan adopted curriculum plans, the ideas of co—educational common schools, and the framework of the normal schools. Japan chose to model much of the methodology after Herbart, the German philosopher—educator, who emphasized a strict moral system in the schools; too, from Germany, the idea of the 147 university was transferred to Japan. In addition, Japanese leaders translated western learning into the Japanese language. In support of these efforts, books were published at reasonable enough prices so that the translations became available to the general public. Even today, the amount and the intellectual level of reading among the Japanese population is a recognized phenomenon. Furthermore, the Japanese gradually trans— ferred western research in higher educatiOn to the Japanese scholars by inviting numerous overseas personnel to their universities.lO At first, various kinds of difficulties and obstacles, as a result of old customs, had to be hurdled. For example, the tradition of separate schools for the elite and for the common peOple, and separate schools for boys and girls involved some adjustment. But gradually, people accommodated to the new policies. Contemporary historians generally agree that the universal aspect of the elementary schools in the Meiji Era was largely responsible for the development of a national identity, and this feeling has continued, to this day, to have a lasting effect. Social status and economic property, which formerly had been available only through samurai heritage, were to be considered rights available to all citizens in the Meiji Era. Accordingly, people sought 148 school education in order to actualize their aspirations. Social mobility had become a possibility since the basis for it rested in achievement rather than in ascription. This factor was revolutionary for a people who conceived of themselves as being at the mercy of destiny. The enthusiasm for education which ensued has remained almost unchanged up through the present time.11 The means by which the goal, as articulated by Fukuzawa, was achieved was largely through the absolute and central control of the Tgppp or emperor rule. The education system was perfectly organized to integrate and execute all national policies. To be sure, the slogan, "For the glory of Tenno" carried with it the implicit "12 AS understanding, "For the prosperity of the nation. to whether the pursuit of nationalism during the first years of the Restoration can be legitimately regarded as the root of Japan's aggressive militarism toward both China and Russia near the turn of the century is for others to deliberate. One can only historically cite the early stage of Meiji Era Japan as a remarkable period of national reorientation in which the Ministry of Education took the initiative in the modernization of Japan. . . . we may say that education preceded indus— trialization during the first stage. During the second stage when economic development had been accomplished to some extent, education was absorbed in the process of the development.13 149 The influence that the former samurai leaders had on the institution of universal primary education was highly significant. The Ministry of Education then systematically commandeered foreign policies which became the basis for the entire development of the restoration process. From there, it is the tradition of Japan that is to be commended—— the intellectual and moral strength which enables a people to humble themselves so as to learn, and in time, benefit greatly from the experience of others. Within the short space of five or six years since the Educational Law of 1872 had been enacted, Japan entered the International Exposition held in Paris in 1878. Japanese educational materials won prizes second only to those received by France and Belgium.14 This recognition underscores the remarkably rapid success of Japan's educational reforms. However, in 1879, a conservative element agitated against Japan's westernized system, arguing to the effect that it was morally degenerate. This second stage of the Meiji Restoration occurred about the time that Arinori Mori assumed the role of Minister of Education. As an ardent nationalist, Mori was a strong force in converting the educational policy from one of enlightenment to that of national prosperity and military strength. As viewed today by many observers, he is a target of criticism. But, as with all historical precedents, one needs to 150 identify with the entire social terrain of the time, the 'Zeitgeist.‘ Mori's desire to forge a modern and great Japan is to be interpreted vis—a—vis his concern in opposing the Confucianists who advocated a return to an even more rigid authoritarianism. In consideration of the various forces of the period, the Imperial Rescript of Education (Kyoiku Chokuge) was established in 1890. It is possible that the Imperial Rescript of Education that Mori helped to establish represented a compromise. The alternative may have been an even more infamous manifesto of chauvinistic nationalism riding in tandem with militarism. Nonetheless, it is significant that the liberating aspects of the earlier education reforms were curtailed by the imperial edict. The notable out- come of the document was the organization of systematic education from primary school through the university level. Also, moral education (shushin) was instituted, and after Mori's assassination, the principles of shushin, as expressed in the Rescript and in the Constitution, made a conservative shift. Portraits of the emperor were dispatched to the schools as objects of reverence, and the Imperial Rescript was read in the schools, somewhat resembling a religious incantation.15 It was hoped that through such rites and rituals, the young would be impressed, and the goals of the political 151 and economic order could be achieved. The seeds of patriotic indoctrination were firmly established; it was a policy, which until the end of World War II, remained unchallenged.l6 Japan totally transformed its entire social order through the aid of education. But as Herbert Passin has emphasized, Japan had the Tokugawa legacy of a natural intellectual base, a relatively high "'take—off' point" from which to build. Japan acted on the belief that through education, western modernization could be emulated. The end of the nineteenth century and the first years of the twentieth century marked a signifi- cant transition for Japanese history. Light industry made far reaching gains during the Sino—Japanese War and afterwards, while heavy industry made equally substantial progress during the Russo—Japanese War. This development of Japanese industry owed much to the progress of education during the first decades of the Meiji Period. The spread of education throughout the nation . . . had provided the skilled labor which was a fundamental requirement for industrial— ization and modern leadership was also trained during this period.17 Actually, that which Gunnar Myrdal today refers to as the newest economic approach, that is, education as an invest— ment in man, was employed by the authorities in the Meiji Restoration. In effect, they "put educational reform into the conceptual strait jacket of quantity of financial investment, accounted for in a capital/output ratio."18 The Meiji government invested in educational advice and assistance from the West; they borrowed ideas, innovated, 152 and adjusted the composite findings to Japan's own tra- ditions. The accountability lay in national economic gains and in the national allegiance of the people. The nation very effectively educated the populace in an endeavor totally representative and appropriate to the meaning of Meiji, 'The Enlightened.’ Recent and Contemporary Era The Japanese educational system was inter- nationally recognized to be one of the most efficient mass instructional programs in the world. The above assessment of the state of Japanese education, in 1945, was a description by Robert Hall, the first Chief of the Education Division in General MacArthur's 19 One could trace the incipient stages from headquarters. the Taisho Era (1921—1926) through the final pre—World War II development in order to discern the graduated pro— gression of such a well—regulated system of education. But perhaps an excursus concerning the system of 'thought— Control' will suffice as describing a representative facet of the latter part of this time-span. Shortly after the Showa Era began in 1926, the Ministry of Education began to establish agencies of thought—control. And following the Manchurian incident in 1931, the military usurped control of the government. By 1937, a policy book, Cardinal Principles of the National 153 Entity of Japan (Kokutai Np Hongi), was published by a division of the Ministry of Education, the Bureau of Thought Supervision. As Minister of Education, General Sadao Araki required all teachers to read and teach the State—Shinto principles as outlined in the Kokutai. Through the efficient use of shushin, as described earlier, a wholesale indoctrination was accomplished. The schools had been expediently converted into a vast propaganda mechanism for the purpose of promoting loyalty to the Emperor and service to the State.20 It is not the purpose here to impugn Japan for the armored foray which resulted from education's zealous dedication to nationalism and bellicosity. Rather, the intention is to confirm Hall's statement above as to the educational system's extreme degree of effectiveness in having achieved its goal. This evaluation is borne out further by recognizing the high level of literacy which was then and still is about ninety—five per cent. This background, then, represents a telescoped view of the conditions that the Allied Occupation authorities were met with in 1945. The Japanese were disillusioned by the disintegra— tion of the wartime myth of imperial invincibility; and they maligned the system of education which they viewed as having been largely responsible for the morass of 21 - misery in which they found themselves. Occupation 154 advisors seized upon education as a major agent of change for rehabilitation. Ironically enough, the same social mechanism, education, was accepted as the means to democratize a people that had just emerged from an educa- tion for ultra—nationalism. The directives which were issued by the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP) were eagerly embraced by the existing Japanese civil government, for the people seemed ready to embark on a radically different educational policy. This represents the prelude to the overall revamping of the Japanese educational system which occurred after 1945. The trends of education in Japan after 1945 until the present time may be considered in three stages of development. The first stage covers the period of the Allied Occupation from 1945 to 1952, during which the educational system was drastically reformed through the democratization of Japan. A new Constitution was promul- gated, new school laws were enacted, and the present 6-3—3—4 school system was established. Education was decentralized, educational authorities were popularly elected, and textbooks were no longer nationally stand— ardized. (Free enterprise publication was combined with a system of licensing by committees under the Ministry of Education.) Just seven weeks after the surrender of Japan on the battleship Missouri, General MacArthur issued the 155 first of four major directives. It simply outlined the major educational aims of the Occupation: to prohibit the ultranationalistic ideology and to encourage the inculcation of democratic educational concepts and practices. The second directive followed just eight days later with the requirement that the Japanese government set up machinery for screening the nation's half—million teachers.22 Six weeks later the third directive appeared for the purpose of prohibiting the teaching of militaristic doctrines of State-Shinto. It also required that all textbooks and teachers' manuals be censored for Shinto doctrines. The fourth directive, issued just two weeks later, banned the use of shushin, the morals course in the curriculum. The results of these edicts were ultimately embodied in the Constitution which was formed in November, 1946. Article 26 made the following directive: All people shall have the right to receive equal education correspondent to their ability, as provided by law. All people shall be obligated to have all boys and girls under their protection receive ordinary education as provided by law. Such compulsory education shall be free.23 The Fundamental Law of Education of 1947 was a definitive statement of educational policy which proposed to implement the guarantees of the Constitution. This important document was a replacement of the Imperial Rescript of the Meiji Era. The aims of education were to be found in the "individual dignity," and the endeavor 156 was to be "to bring up people who love truth and peace;" the sovereignty was stated to rest with the people.24 The School Education Law that appeared at the same time provided the details for the basic 6-3—3—4 plan; it made nine years of education compulsory and established a single—track system. When the School Board Law was passed in 1948, it created elected local school boards with power to modify curricula and textbooks. In order to train educational authorities for this full-scale transition, institutes were organized for a program in educational leadership. Teaching methods, school curricula, school administration, and the system of teacher training were overhauled in conjunction with the Civil Information and Education Section as a liaison with the Ministry of Education.25 The second stage of post—war education may be said to fall between the years of 1952 to about 1958. It was a period during which revisional movements to meet the new situation of independence were encouraged by the government. The Ministry of Education suggested the return of a morals course, more centralized administration, and a general revision of teaching methods and curricula. At this point, a Vigorous campaign of opposition was embarked upon by the Japanese Teachers' Union (Nikkyoso).26 157 One of the major objects of contention was the government's wish to re-centralize the administration of Japan's schools. During the 1950's the Teachers' Union took over much of the control of the local boards, and the group was highly Successful in electing teachers to serve on boards of education. The requirement that teachers who were elected must resign as teachers did not prevent the Union's policies from being carried out. Consequently, during this second post—war period, the government amended the original law of 1956, in spite of the energetic crusade launched by the Teachers' Union. As a result, members of school boards are now appointed by governors, with the approval of prefectural assemblies. Mayors now appoint municipal boards with approval of municipal assemblies. The Ministry of Education, then, regained some of its former power in that it was, and still is, able to guide prefectural boards, who in turn could advise municipal boards.27 During this period, the Ministry of Education also required that principals rate their teachers on a vague subjective scale; and since 1958, the Ministry has made "a financial contribution toward the salaries of school administrators in order to increase their 'obligation' to the Ministry."28 The other debate which waxed acrimoniously was the government's decision to re—institute a morals course 158 in the schools. The plan was anathema to the members of the Teachers' Union who virulently opposed a return to any leitmotif of State-Shinto premises which might encourage militarism or might exacerbate any residual feelings of ultranationalism.29 Nonetheless, the pre— vailing attitude was that the expulsion of shushin had left the people vacuous without a code of morality or an ethos with which to identify. One superintendent of schools was quoted as follows: It is all very well for the Americans to have abolished chauvinistic indoctrination and Emperor—worship but the democratic give-and- take philosophy of the American school as introduced here is unfamiliar to Japanese children and teachers alike, even ten years after the war. The Emperor has lost his prestige as a binding force in national life, especially among young people. But what exists to take its place? To the young, the country is drifting. The mystique of Japan's nationhood evaporated in the vast loss of self- confidence at war' 5 end. Americans have Christian values taught them from childhood, but Buddhism . . . has no real moral force for young people. Tokyo politicians do not impress the youth. Real leaders are few and hard to identify.30 Consequently, the teaching of morals was restored to the curriculum in a revised form, called dotoku. There is now an assigned school period weekly in each grade of the nine year compulsory program. The following passage from the revised course of study indicates some of the aims: IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII[:I_________________________’I’I’II 159 The objective of moral education is predicted on the basic spirit of education as defined in the Basic Education Law and School Education Law. That is, the object of moral education is to foster the pupils' moral character essential in their upbringing and to put into practise the spirit of respect of human beings in their actual lives in their homes, schools, and in other societies, and strive for the creation of a culture rich in individuality, for the develop- ment of a democratic society and State, and con- tribute towards the materialization of a peaceful international society.31 The new program of dotoku does not include the Imperial Rescript's concepts of obligation (pp), such as chu (duty to the Emperor), g9 (duty to the head of the family), and giri (obligation to relatives outside the immediate family and to non—related persons, such as teachers, advisors, business associates, friends, and neighbors). Nevertheless, the Teachers' Union has consistently campaigned against the inclusion of dotoku in the cur— riculum. Although the polemical opposition from the Teachers' Union has hardly abated, dotoku has been main— tained in the courses of curriculum. And according to one observer, There is no fear of a return to super—nationalism in education. . . . Though moral education is now in practice, its aim is quite different from that in prewar education. . . . Ideas of the Occupation have been blended with the better parts of the deep-rooted, morally uplifting ideologies of old Japan, and . . . the forces are balanced to keep democratic ideas paramount in the future. The third stage may be regarded here as having begun about 1959, the period when movements for educational 160 reform were being initiated in several industrially advanced countries around the world. The conventional wisdom of the past was not apparently considered adequate to respond to the scientific achievements of Russia's Sputnik or to the emerging ideologies of national inde- pendence issues throughout the world. Technological innovations in industry began demanding manpower for which the promotion of education among the people became indispensable. It was at this time, too, that the peak school population of the early post—war babies was reaching the upper-secondary level of the schools. In 1961, the government conducted a study con— cerning the problems of upper—secondary education in Japan. The conclusion stated that "The entire upper—secondary school system must be reconstructed in accordance with the fundamental principle of education for all youths in a "33 Largely as a result of this study, a changing world. new curriculum for the upper-secondary schools became effective in 1963; attention here was given to the expansion of vocational education. Another revision was issued in 1970, in which the immediate goal is stated as establishing universal free upper-secondary education by 1973.34 With the expanding growth of the economic sector during the 1960's, Japan was enabled and has continued to be able to afford more than five per cent of the national 161 income each year for education.35 However, it should be pointed out that Japan's rapid post—war development has actually rendered this amount insufficient to prevent severe distortions in the financial structure of education. Too little money has been devoted to the upper levels of education due to the public commitment to the funded first nine years of schooling. Public policy has been in favor of status quo upper education and improved facilities for compulsory education. A revised curriculum for the elementary schools was operationalized in 1961. The curricula at all levels of the school system were analyzed with the intent of improving the teaching of the Japanese language, social studies, mathematics, and science. The latest revised courses of study for elementary schools was presented in 1968 (effective in 1971); in 1969, the lower—secondary course of study was issued (effective in 1972). The upper-secondary school course of study was just made available and is due to go into effect in 1973. Because the subject of the social studies is particularly pertinent to the topic of this thesis, Japan's relationship to food resources, the following breakdown of courses is offered here (as listed in the revised courses of study).36 162 Elementary School (Compulsory): Grade Four: Regional and Industrial Geography of Selected Areas of Japan Grade Five: History and Physical Geography of Japan Grade Six: History and Government of Japan International Understanding Lower-Secondary (Compulsory): Grade Seven: Geography Grade Eight: History Grade Nine: Political Science and Economics Upper—Secondary Requirements for those who attend: Grade Ten: World History and Geography Grade Eleven: Ethics and Civics Grade Twelve: Japanese History In the last few years, as many as 75 to 80 per cent of the lower—secondary students have entered the upper— secondary level of school. In contrast to the United * States' perplexing problem of high school drop-outs, * Approximately one—third of the students who enter high school in the United States do not graduate.37 This high ratio of drop-outs can be attributed somewhat to the fact that compulsory education laws in most states do not correspond to the divisions in the education structure. Most children are compelled to attend school until age sixteen, which is not the age of graduation from either junior or senior high school. Most students who drop out of senior high school in the United States actually com- plete their compulsory education but do not complete the maximum level of the twelve—year structure. 163 nearly all of Japan's upper—secondary school students graduate. There may be several reasons for this high— completion rate. Basically, it is the social pressure for children to scale the education ladder in order to be admitted to college. Too, parents who pay a tuition fee, as a commitment beyond the compulsory level, are apt to expect diligence and perseverance in their children as a return for the investment. Educational mandates in Japan prescribe the minimum school year as 210 days. But, again, largely due to the emphasis on a college degree and the rigorous competition involved in being admitted, parents encourage the schools to function nearly 250 days of the year.* This pressure to pursue education is reflected in the saying that "to enter a high-prestige university, a student J must begin preparing before entering kindergarten."39 i Society's emphasis on a college education has had signifi— , cant implications for the elementary and secondary school system. The augmented number of college and university applicants has expanded so rapidly that the demand for education at all levels greatly exceeds the capacity of the schools. * This amount is in contrast to the usual l80-day year in most United States schools. These figures point out that between the United States and Japan, there is more than a two-month difference each year—-a difference which, over the six-year elementary span amounts to a one—year variance, and over the twelve-year period, to a two-year margin. 164 Perhaps related to this disparity between the demand for and the availability of education is the surge of student demonstrations which has plagued the country throughout the last decade. The reasons for the fulmina- tion against 'the Establishment' are multifarious, attributable possibly to the influence that a hard core of professional agitators may have on students who are dis- affected by the social, political, and economic malaise.40 Part of the explanation may lie in the sheer numbers of students in the concentrated population centers. For instance, the overall population of Tokyo is undoubtedly one of the youngest in the world. This is largely due to the fact that there are 78 universities in Tokyo, alone, with approximately 320,000 students. There are also 980 secondary schools with a prodigious number of pupils.41 And besides the officially-enrolled students, there are the young people who are in the undefined status between secondary school and higher education. To understand the background of these students, the ronin, a more complete explanation of matriculation in Japanese education is necessary. Japan must be the only country in the world with prekindergarten tests. This fantastic concern for 'brightness' in children is caused by the wish of ambitious parents and prosperous families to make sure that their young hopefuls will enter the right kindergarten (private) which will lead to the right elementary school (either private or public), which will lead in turn to the right lower-secondary and the right upper-secondary schools with a high predictive rate for admission to the right universities.42 165 As is implied by Edmund King's reference to the 'right' schools, there is a considerable variance in the prestige— level of various schools, contingent partially upon tuition fees and the locality of the schools. These differing upper-secondary school fees are coupled with the reality that school attendance, through college— completion, delays a student's substantial earning power; and repeated college examination fees, to be discussed below, only compound the problem. Indeed, the expense involved in a first—rate education becomes prohibitive for many Japanese. Due to the existence of 'preferred' or elite schools, these factors will probably continue to be barriers to higher education, even if an upper- secondary school education is soon made compulsory. The quotation above is particularly significant when one fully realizes that in Japan, a degree from a university is the key to a job, and a degree from a good university is the key to a good job, for it is during the university years when the 'pappp' relationships are established (when business and political coteries garner and condition the select students for positions in their lifetime employment networks). Since an education from a prestigious university is the sine qua non of success in later life, entrance examinations are highly competitive and have become Japan's official rite de passage. But even before a student is subjected to the college entrance 166 examinations, he has already had to have survived the previous examinations which allowed him admission to the upper—secondary schools. This form of screening often necessitates a student's dropping out of the progression stream in order to persevere and study for entrance examinations; hence, one can recognize the significance of the 'x' in the graphic sequence of the school year pattern: 6—3—3-X-4. These 'unattached' students are called ronin, like the masterless samurai who had no sense of identification in feudal times. During these interim years, many students spend time in private preparatory schools, schools that are devoted to the single—minded purpose of preparing the students for the infamous 'examination hell.l Some of the instructional materials used by these schools are derived from the enterprise of one book publishing company that analyzed the entrance examinations and published information on the correct answers.43 These schools often serve as a built—in source of supplementary employment for the venerated, but underpaid university professors.44 Similar to the upper—secondary school situation, the quality and admission requirements of various higher education institutions vary considerably in Japan. The competition to enter one of the better colleges is so ruthless that about only one student in twenty succeeds 167 in gaining entrance. In one university there were recently 100,000 applicants for 15,000 places in a single year.45 These figures are understandably encouraging to the university in question since a stable source of university income is represented by entrance examination fees, but the same figures are daunting to any would—be student. In Japan, about seventy—five per cent of the student population is enrolled in private universities, some of which are reputed to be very excellent; however, a degree from the national university, Tokyo University, is still lauded as the most revered degree of all. Con— sequently, rather than relinquishing one's goals by pursuing a degree from a less prestigious institution, many students indefatigably endure several years of Eppip existence in the hopes of ultimately gaining the passport for entrance into the university to which they aspire. In one of the highest ranking universities, more than seventy per cent of the freshman were reported to be repeaters of the entrance examination.46 The full impact of the appalling pressure and the subsequent tenacity of the students must be viewed in the context of the ubiquitous loss—of-face and shame factor in Japan. Failure to succeed is emotionally and physically debilitating and leads to despair, disgrace, and even suicide. 168 It is basically the extremely arduous competition which accounts for the Eppip element of Japan, some of whom join political organizations, or even militant unions such as Zengakuren. The unrelenting pressure to climb the 'right' educational ladder with the apprOpriate patronage-rung in the pgppp system may be a significant reason why the students have embraced the cause of protest that they have the past few years. In this brief discussion of Japan's educational history, editorial license has operated to delete informa— tion and details which appeared to have minimal bearing on the focus of this particular research. The reader is encouraged to refer to Appendix A in which an organiza- tional chart and a more detailed account of contemporary education in Japan is explained. Summary This particular year of 1972 has marked the centennial of the Education Law of 1872, the document which formally introduced a modern educational system into Japan. Throughout the hundred year period, Japan has ambitiously and consistently delegated national priorities toward the support of education. During the Meiji Restoration and during the build—up of World War II, education "meant not the development of young minds for participation in a fuller life, but rather the training 169 of a technically competent citizenry to help build a strong state."47 And the remarkable recovery the country has sustained since its devastated state in 1945 can also be significantly accounted for by the persistent commit- ment to education. For instance, in 1962, the Ministry of Education published its annual White Paper in which it attempted to explain to the public an ambitious educational theory. The White Paper was officially entitled "Japan's 1 Growth and Education,l and bore the sub-title "Expansion of Education and Development of the Economy." Many data and statistics were boldly incorporated in the contents in an effort to document the relationship between Japan's economic development and education. Its position was explained as follows: It is only when there are people who produce equipment and machinery of high productivity, and people who operate them, and furthermore, people who have the organizational and managerial ability to combine these material capitals with a labor force, that modern industry is able to continue increasing its high rate of productivity. If the effect of human ability is highly rated in increasing production, then it should naturally follow that . . . education should play the main role for this purpose . . . .48 Following the direction of the White Paper, in 1963, the late Prime Minister Ikeda pledged the government's efforts in achieving the two aims of 'Kuni—zukuri' (building up the nation) and 'Hito—zukuri' (developing the correSpond— ing talents and skills within the human resource element). 170 The focus of the 1962 White Paper and of Ikeda's commitment implied a theme of "Education as an Investment,"49 education for economic direct returns. Ikeda was confirm- ing Japan's century of education—for—economic-development by recognizing its manifest success. His message repre- sented a theoretical posture for the future, as projected in the early 1960's, one which has been adhered to up to the present time. The following section of this chapter will con— stitute a re—statement or an analysis of two of Japan's most controversial facets of education: the social selection mechanisms of university entrance examinations and the authority of the Ministry of Education. These particular areas of focus are those which appear to have the most profound social implications for Japan. Justifi— cation for this assumption rests upon the very recent findings of a report published by the Organization for Economic Co—operation and Development (OECD): Reviews of National Policies for Education: Japan. The document represents the observations of a group of OECD Examiners who visited Japan in January, 1970. The summary of the OECD report forms the basis for the next section of this chapter. Its conclusions are presented in order to add detail and dimension to our inquiry: to what extent are the former Prime Minister 171 Ikeda's goals of national development, Via a trained man- power, correspondent to the realities of the nation's present—day needs? What emphasis is given to "Consumption Education,"50 an education which is conceived of as an end in itself in contrast to one being responsible pri- marily to the economic vicissitudes of the nation? Social Implications The mystery of Japan's extraordinary growth lies in its social investment in education. - Seiichi Tohata Education is often considered, in part, as a process of cultural transmission. A society regenerates itself by communicating to its young through either informal, oral means, as in some indigenous societies, or through sophisticated, formal structures and media, as in industrially advanced societies. Education in this con— text classically serves to transmit a body of knowledge and a society's general ethos in order to enrich and refine the learners. But education also functions pragmatically to transmit and to effect the goals of a given society. Within the last century, education in Japan has placed considerable emphasis on the second of the two functions. Education has been a particularly significant force in the development of the country's economic goals, such as in the Meiji modernization, the pre—war mobiliza— tion, and the post—war recovery. Although pre—Meiji 172 Japan fostered a propensity for learning, it remained for the Meiji leaders to coordinate education effectively with the industrial and national needs. That dynamic covenant among the three sectors is largely responsible for Japan's catapulted arrival into the modern world. In less than a hundred years, Japan clearly validated itself as having mastered the idiom of industry. Indeed, the 'social investment' in Mr. Tohata's quotation above has involved the organic interaction of government, industry, and education. The nation has conscientiously dedicated its efforts and resources towards the identification and sub— sequent training of the nation's talents. Education has been intimately involved as an institution which has been privy to the national and economic plan; it has proven itself as a highly effective mechanism for selecting students to respond to the country's manpower. However, in the words of the recent OECD evaluation report, Japan's education is . . so single-mindedly dedicated to the . . . [selection] function . . . [that it] lacks even that lingering attachment to the . . . [enrichment] function which persists in European societies where the major universities trace their traditions continuously back to the pre—industrial past.51 Nearly every society struggles over the issue of What percentage of the population is to be educated. Financial restrictions are inevitable, and these fiscal limitations ultimately necessitate some form of competition 173 and screening of students. To review Japan's particular case, the Meiji leaders in 1872 set about recruiting the nation's most able talent from all social classes. Social stratification was released from its former feudalistic rigidity. Social mobility was stimulated by providing the opportunity for all classes to compete for entrance into higher education. Through a reasonably fair process of competition, all people were encouraged to improve them— selves within the unified education structure. As a con— sequence of the new reforms, a few state universities were established. However, the people had come to consider education primarily in instrumental terms, as a means of crossing the bridge to professional and social success. The strong desire for advancement resulted in such strict competition that several private universities were organized. However, a number of these universities, eager for financial support, began accepting nearly anyone who was able to pay the tuition fee, and an element of mediocrity prevailed. This phenomenon is largely respon— sible for the wide disparity in quality which still exists today among the institutions of higher education in Japan. And, as previously mentioned, admission to the more prestigious universities is an extremely rigorous process. This inordinate amount of competition is ramified throughout the school system, for the elementary 174 and secondary schools are forced into the roles of college examination preparatory schools. In the OECD report, Johan Galtung offers a sociological analysis of the dynamics described above: 1872, in Japan made only a minor modification in its social struCture. Essentially, it did not venture far from its feudalistic vertical patterns. The country maintained the top-heavy authority structure through its strong govern- mental centralization. And similar to the Tokugawa stratification, a selective group was sustained. Industry in the new Meiji Era provided in—service training beyond the university; life-long employment, with its attendant 'master-disciple' relationships (pgpgp) and seniority principle, was only a refined arrangement of the former fiefdom model of the samurai class. Compulsory education was introduced to serve a dual function. First, it operated as a device for social placement. People were screened by ability, and regard— less of subsequent merit, were cast into defined groups, protected by the patronage, life-long employment pattern. SeCond, education helped generate the identification with the national ideology of technical—economic goals. The new goal of economic development demanded new Skills and a mobilized force of the nation's highest talent. "The old near—caste system was not adequate for 175 the new purpose; it sorted people into inadequate cate- gories and, too early in life, at biological birth."52 A new emphasis on secondary school diplomas was intro- duced, causing what some have called a 'diplomania;' then a university elite, an 'educationocracy' or 'degreeocracy,’ was needed. Rather than having instituted a major transi- tion in societal structure, essentially, Japan only changed its national goal and provided a social mobility device to meet the adjustment. In actuality, Japan has main- tained its prior system of status by ascription, in that one is ranked into a caste; a change is not very possible. The immutability of this status allocation is aided and abetted by the twin customs of the patronage system and the life-long employment arrangement. Galtung continues: It is like being born into a class, only that in a degreeocracy, social birth takes place later than biological birth. More precisely, it takes place at the time of the various entrance examina— tions, and like all births it has its pains. There is the pregnancy period with some element of social isolation (preparation for the exam); the labor (the exam itself); and there are mis— carriages and infant mortality (the high suicide rates for that particular age group, 20724, in that particular period of the year, April). It is traumatic and dramatic; and it should be because it is the entrance to real life. Biological birth is dramatic and the social birth of fully conSCious individuals, even more so. One's future life is determined as soon as one enters college and later receives his degree. The university entrance examinations are assumed to be justified on the grounds that they are more demo— cratic than other means of selection, such as through the 176 influence of nepotism, or family origins. However, a university degree is now only a substitute for that which formerly served as one's validation of identity, that of heredity or 'pedigree.’ The actual knowledge function in a university is of secondary importance;54 this is due, largely, to the phenomenon of post—university in-service training in industrial firms and governmental offices. The actual training for a job is considered the responsibility of the employer; even in the world of academia, graduate school is conceived mostly as an in—service training period for university careers (only about two per cent of the students go on to graduate school). It is a matter of an in- breeding of professors, as is indicated in the following comment: '“Only our disciples are good enough to become masters!"55 In other words, what business and government, and even academia ask of the educational establishment is to accomplish the basic task of screening candidates. A period of sophisticated apprenticeship, or on-the—job training, follows one's university career. Education, then, serves society as a sorting process rather than primarily as a teaching/learning arrangement. Selections for employment are made in terms of the prestige of the university. The point is that status in the society is ascribed rather than, as it is in a meritocracy, achieved; 177 the allocation is by 'social or university birth' rather than by biological birth. It is a matter of where one studies rather than what one is capable of adjusting to or what he knows. The high—pressure time of university entrance examinations is followed by a period of relative calm during the university years; and in View of the fact that life—long employment more or less assures advancement according to a criterion of seniority, a reasonably pressure-free occupation period follows one's college experience. Once employment is established, job security is virtually assured. This element of guaranteed life— employment is alien to a meritocratic society where an individual receives rewards according to his merits throughout his life cycle. Permanent employment carries with it an attendant disadvantage which implicates educa— tion more than perhaps is normally recognized. Insured lifetime service necessitates close coordination of government policy shifts, manpower needs, and education's ratio of graduates. A fluctuating economy, particularly a recession echoes a strident discord for industries saddled with a surplus labor force, one which is fixed. It is possible that the practice of life-long employment in Japan is germane to the second salient issue concerning education, that of the government's insistence 178 upon centralized authority in education. The structure of the economy cannot tolerate too great a discrepancy in labor supply and demand, in that laid—off labor is nearly a non-existent phenomenon in Japan. Uniformity among the government, industry, and education sectors is of paramount importance. In 1945, the dictates from the Allied Occupation authorities forced sweeping institutional reforms in education; among the changes were decentralization of authority and the termination of standard national text— book distribution. However, throughout the period of independence, the Ministry of Education has regained formal and central control over the contents of Japanese educa- tion: in this respect, it is perhaps "one of the most "56 centralized in the world. It is authorized: 1. to determine the courses of study in each subject, a power which is exercised in the form of such detailed prescription that the teachers' freedom to vary the curriculum is restricted. 2. to license all textbooks to be used.57 The gradual resumption of power has had serious reactions. The Japanese Teachers' Union diametrically opposed the Ministry's usurpation of power, as has already been mentioned. Various issues involving history or social studies content have unleashed vitriolic responses from the JTU. The content of these subjects naturally involved the expression of certain attitudes toward the State, the nation, and tradition. The JTU virulently 179 opposed the Ministry's control over the curriculum; such control, the Union asserted, only insured protection of the government's consensus for the pursuit of national objectives. A counter-reaction was voiced by a group of conservative educators who advocated that the main function of history teaching was the inculcation of a proper patriotism. This particular faction of teachers repre— sented a position more circumspect than that of the Ministry of Education. According to the OECD Examining Committee, the textbooks used in the schools tended to fall between these polarities. And Ronald Dore, a member of the committee, averred that this was also true for the attitudes of the vast majority of teachers. For instance, "amongst the teachers there seemed to be a large, moderate, ‘ inarticular middle group, and, at either extreme, highly articulate minorities."58 As a consequence of this sensitive issue over content—control, teachers tend to treat the textbook as an "'incontrovertible bible'" rather than as a motivating supplement which could generate discussions to help dis- tinguish between statements of fact and expressions of opinion. The re—centralization of the education system in Japan was undoubtedly operationalized for a variety of complex reasons. It is to be kept in mind that Japan has been historically accustomed to the efficiency which 1....2. .Rq‘.” *— 180 centralization engenders. Too, a national standardization of courses of study, the central monitoring of textbooks, and the licensing of teachers are egalitarian in that these practices tend to insure a minimum and universal quality in the schools. However, a danger which is inherent in centraliza— tion and uniformity is the lack of freedom to experiment with content and teaching methods. A teacher becomes a disenfranchised professional once the liberty to innovate is thwarted. Continual re—evaluation of teaching strategies and content is tantamount to education's ability to meeting the needs of a modern, dynamic society. Related to the classroom processes is one of the observa— tions that the OECD Committee made concerning the teaching in the Japanese schools: . . . importing knowledge tended to take priority in educational policy over the effects of the system on the pupils as human beings. Even at the kindergarten level the instructional aspects were emphasized and this was only one aspect of the pressure under which pupils studied in Japan . . . .59 The Committee was convinced that this pressure should be modified to allow for greater peer interaction. This Could be encouraged by affording the students greater choice of learning options; also, environments could be 181 arranged for greater student participation, communication, . . . *60 and deCiSion-making. Another result of a high degree of centrality is perhaps even more significant. When uniformity is managed through a national education ministry, which in Japan's case is the interstice of government policies and industrial goals, there is the inevitable danger "that the government in power may use its control to enforce a conformity designed primarily to perpetuate its rule."61 The historical foundations of Japanese education have been presented in relationship to the contemporary context of social issues. Another observation by the OECD Examiners may serve to recapitulate as well as to cast a portent—filled caveat in the direction of Japanese authorities. In a system wholly geared to social selection functions, the most powerful (most prestigeful) universities have strong vested interests in preserving it. So do their graduates, who occupy the important positions in society . It is in the nature of the democratic process that such groups—~the most interested and informed parties-—exercise a very powerful influence on the policy-making process.62 *A Japanese primary school child has succinctly expressed the main direction of current Japanese educa— tional centrality in a letter written and deposited in the Matsushita Time Capsule to a school child in the very distant future, emphasizing that he may be able to go to School when he wants and study what he likes according to a plan of his own choosing.53 182 The conclusion poses further questions, inquiries to which the study will return in a final chapter. The denouement of these almost inscrutable complexities has implications for the whole of Japanese society. Is centralization and a tendency toward uniformity seen by Japanese authorities as educationally necessary or desirable under Japanese circumstances? Are there special circumstances in the Japanese situation which would justify an emphasis on uniformity?64 The information in this chapter has been presented in order to expose some of the educational background of Japan, as it relates to present—day Japan. With this as a frame of reference, the study will return now to an examination of today's schools in regard to the country's food resource situation. For the data-gathering of the following investiga- tion, the combined elements of standardized textbooks and curricula conformity have proven to be valuable. Were there greater freedom in book selection and wider diversity in course objectives, the task would be Herculean. Due to the organized nature of Japan's educational administration, scrutiny of the Ministry's set of prescribed materials should provide a litmus that will help to ascertain the level of food—availability awareness in the education sector. FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER III 1 . . A. K. Loomis, ”Recent Changes in Japanese Educa- Educational Forum, XXXI (January, 1967), 181. tion,’ 2Ministry of Foreign Affairs, The Japan Today, op. cit., p. 71. 3Ronald P. Dore, Education in Tokugawa Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965), p. 316. 4Hall and Beardsley, op. cit., 391-392. 5Herbert Passin, Society and Education in Japan (New York: Teachers' College Press, Columbia University, 1965), P. 26. 6Yukichi Fukuzawa, as quoted by Hisao Inoue, "Some Aspects of Educational Policy That Contributed to the Modernization of Japan," Education in Japan, Journal for Overseas, II (Hiroshima: International Educational Research Institute, Hiroshima University, 1967), p. 100. 7Japanese National Commission for UNESCO, The Role of Education in the Social and Economic Development of Japan (Tokyo: Ministry of Education, 1966), p. 11. 8Ibid., p. 13. 91bid., p. 70. 10Passin, op. cit., p. 70. llHisao Inoue, ”Some Aspects of Educational Policy That Contributed to the Modernization of Japan,“ Education in Japan, Journal for Overseas, II (Hiroshima: Inter— national Educational Research Institute, Hiroshima University, 1967), p. 95. lzIbid., p. 100. 13Japanese National Commission for UNESCO, The Role Of Education in the Social and Economic Development of Japan, op. cit., p. 12. 183 184 4 Inoue, op. cit., p. 99. 15 . . PaSSin, op. Cit., p. 155. 16 . . . . ‘ Shido Sumeragi, "Japanese Education Since the Time of Meiji: Its Nationalism and Occidentalism," Education in Japan, Journal for Overseas, I (Hiroshima: International Education Research Institute, Hiroshima University, 1966), p. 22. l . . . 7Japanese National CommiSSion for UNESCO, The Role of Education in the Social and Economic Development of Japan, op. cit., p. 37. 8Gunnar Myrdal, Asian Drama: An Inquiry Into the Poverty of Nations, III (New York: Pantheon, 1968), p. 1545. 19Robert King Hall, Education for a New Japan (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1949), p. 228. 20Ronald S. Anderson, Japan: Three Epochs of Modern Education (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Health Education and Welfare, Office of Education, 1959), p. 16. 21Edwin O. Reischauer, Japan, Past and Present (Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Co., Inc., 1964), pp. 202—204. 22Robert Hall, op. cit., p. 439. 23Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan, Public Information Bureau, "Facts About Japan," No. 5-—El (August, 1965), p. l. 24Ministry of Education, Japanese Government, ”The Fundamental Law of Education," 1965, p. 1. 25Hall and Beardsley, 0p. cit., p. 413. 26Edmund King, Other Schools and Ours (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1967), PP. 310-311. 7Anderson, op. cit., p. 88. 28Hall and Beardsley, op. cit., p. 423. 29King, op. cit., p. 310. 185 30 Lawrence Olson, Dimensions of Japan (New York: American Universities Field Staff, 1963), p. 42- 31 . . . _ Japanese National CommiSSion for UNESCO, ReVised Course of Study for Lower—Secondary Schools in Japan, No. MEJ 6756, 1969, p. 6. 32 . . . . T. Makino, as quoted in Loomis, op. Cit., P- 188: 33Ministry of Education, Japan, quoted in Youth Education in a Changing Society (Government of Japan: Research Bureau, Ministry of Education, 1961), p. 131, and cited by Loomis, Ibid. 3 . . 4Loomis, o . Cit. 35International Cultural Relations Division, Agency for Cultural Affairs, Outline of Education in Japan, (Government of Japan, March, 1970), p. 37. 36Japanese National Commission for UNESCO, Revised Course of Study for Elementary Schools in Japan, 1968; Revised Course of Study for Lower-Secondary Schools in Japan, 1969; Revised Course of Study for Upper— Secondary Schools in Japan, 1970 (Tokyo: Ministry of Education). 37Grant Venn, Man, Education, and Work (Washington, D. C.: American Council on Education, 1964), p. 2. 38 Susumu Shibanuma, A Comparative Study on American and Japanese Education, a report issued by the National Institute for Educational Research (Kashiwa City: Hiroike Institute of Education Publication Department, 1967), p. 6. 391bid., p. 16. 40Hurlimann and King, op. cit., p. 12. 41Laurens Van der Post, A Portrait of Japan (New York: William Morrow and Co., 1968), P. 48. 42 Edmund King, op. cit., p. 300. 3Katsunori Manto, letter. 44King, op. cit., p. 305. 45Hurlimann and King, loc. cit. 186 4( jllall and Beardsley, op. cit., p. 419. 47 . Reischauer, op. cit., p. 128. 48 . . . . . . Ministry of Education, White Paper, 1962, Cited by Shido Sumeragi, op. cit., p. 33. 49William S. Platt, in Education and Political Development, ed. by James S. Coleman (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965), p. 570. SOIbid. 51 . . . . O.E.C.D., ReViews of National PoliCies for Education (Paris: Organisation for Economic Co—operation and Development, 1971), p. 139. 52Johan Galtung, "Social Structure, Education Structure and Life Long Education: The Case of Japan," Reviews of National Policies for Education (Paris: OrganiSation for Economic Co—operation and Development, 1971), p. 139. 53 Ibid. 54Ibid., p. 140. 55As quoted by Galtung, Ibid. 56O.E.C.D., op. cit., p. 66. 57Ibid. 58 Ibid. (comment by Ronald Dore), p. 29. 59Ibid., p. 34. 6OIbid. 61Ibid., p. 53. 62Ibid., p. 26. 63Ibid., p. 67. 64Ibid., pp. 27-28. CHAPTER IV EXAMINATION OF CURRICULA IN JAPAN He who touches the child touches the most sensi— tive pOint of a whole which has roots in the most distance past and seeds for the infinite future. - Maria Montessori Earlier in this study, an attempt was made to reveal how reliant Japan in upon the food resources of the world. The review of publications, which prefaced that exposé, indicated that this dependence—factor is not one which is recognized. In fact, the prevailing supposition appears to be that Japan is between 80 and 83 per cent self~sufficient in food supply; this is apparent by the information contained within the numerous introductory Citations and also within the contents of the misleading government publication chart of Figure 3. The study pro— ceeded to disclose FAO data which countered these 'accepted' statistics; substantial evidence was presented to conclude that, in actuality, Japan's agricultural industry is considerably inadequate for the needs of present-day Japan. The immediate concern here is whether this same fallacious information-—that of sufficient self—supply of food—~prevails in the schools of Japan. The message in 187 :Eusagi..' LEN-g ... —. 1...: " .. :' _ _.I._. .~..- 188 Montcssori's quotation above implies great hope in Chil‘ dren, but places great responsibility on education. Simi— larly, the following paraphrased statement of John Kennedy exemplifies his faith in and his expectations of the world's young people: children are mankind's most valuable re— source and its best hope for the future. If, indeed, one endorses these opinions about children as the world's potential leaders, it seems almost axiomatic that children be exposed to the realities of their environment; more specifically, in view of Japan's critical food situation, it seems self-evident that the young people of Japan be informed as to the country's extra—territorial dependence upon food supplies. This chapter will attempt to determine to what degree Japanese children are aware of their country's vulnerable food situation. Answers will be sought to the following questions: What attention in the authorized courses of study is given to Japan's agricultural situation? How does the subject content in the standardized textbooks relate the balance between domestic food production and dependence upon foreign resources for food? To what extent are the educators and students of Japan aware of their nation's dependence upon extra-territorial resources for food? Correspondence As a preface to the analysis of official course Outlines and textbooks, information is included here which ls based on an extensive correspondence with Japanese 189 educators and educational researchers from various pedae gogical institutes in Japan. The material is presented not as documented, empirical evidence, but rather as a random indication of educators' candid, personal opinions based on their association with the education complex of Japan. The following excerpts from letters represent only a frac— tion of the total correspondence that was returned (forty- eight out of fifty letters were returned). However, content—wise, they are typical of the responses to the above questions. Although a few respondents admitted that they were not informed enough to make significant contribu— tions, no one indicated that Japanese curricula devote particular attention to Japan's foreign dependency for food. The author is indebted to her Japanese colleagues for their English—writing ability and for their efforts and time involved in the correspondence. Selections from the various letters are entered here in non-edited form in order not to adulterate the authors' intended meaning. A lower—secondary teacher, Mr. Takeshi Kawai, conveyed this information: I have examined the textbooks in our schools re— garding the food situation. I am also sending you a number of these books for you to see your— self. Other books I have left here are similar to these in contents. I have decided not to send any elementary books because I did not find information about agriculture production—importa— tion statistics of help to your study. Most of the school books I send point out that trade problem is very important, but the problem of import agriculture products is almost 190 neglected. One of my friend who is the leading teacher of geography and economics telled me the import of soybeans and wheats in Japan was not so big a problem as import of oil, and the statistics and comments of FAO that you sent was not believ— able. March 2, 1971 Mr. Hiroshi Dokita, an upper—secondary teacher wrote: In our teaching of social studies, emphasis is placed upon Japan's foreign trade as a whole, and I think that the imports of food materials alone are not often stressed. November 1, 1970 A letter from the National Institute for Educa- tional Research, written by Mr. Tadashi Kaneko, reported the following: I was unable to find any educational research con— cerning how important food importation to Japan is, neither in English or Japanese. November 21, 1970 As a member of the staff of the University of Tokyo Library, Mrs. Mieko Igasaki wrote: I regret that Japanese children (grades 7, 8, 9) are not taught about the food import problem you speak of. They are taught production of food, but not in the percentages you say. The problem of Japanese agriculture (food) are not being successfully learned in the schools. February 3, 1971 The International Society for Education Information (Miss Michiko Kaya) wrote that: . . . regarding the problem of 'food imports,’ we made an inquiry to the Ministry of Education. An official there, who is also a professor of Tokyo University of Education, told us that the Ministry had no intention to carry out a nationwide control over this issue. March 22, 1971 191 Another correspondent, one who wished to remain anonymous, is a comparative educator on the staff of the National Institute for Educational Research. He wrote the following: The younger generation gradually prefer the westernized food to the traditional one. Gener- ally speaking, the more the meals go westernized, the more materials depend on import. But the necessity is not emphasized at school, nor realized by the people. The letter continues, outlining the importance of the national course of study: The Course of Study published by the Ministry of Education is now considered almighty over the school education. Any books which do not follow this Course of Study are not authorized to be used at public schools or even in private insti— tutions. This system has been blamed as the excessive government control over education. It was recently judged by the Tokyo District Court to be unconstitutional. But the Ministry insists on the necessity of supervision over textbooks to be used at schools. Now not only the textbooks, but also the educational TV or radio programs, reference books and magazines—~everything concern- ing education and teaching materials is subject to the Course of Study. This means that the Course of Study will provide believable information on the contents to be taught at school. October 30, 1970 The author of the above letter gives testimony to the centralized and uniform nature of the Japanese educa- tional system. Since he implies that the Course of Study appears to hold priority, even supremacy, over the cur- riculum content, it is this professional teaching manual which now warrants analysis. 192 Courses of Study and Textbooks In 1958, the National Courses of Study for ele- mentary, lower—secondary, and upper—secondary were issued and used until very recently. However, beginning in 1967, the National Curriculum Council submitted a new series of courses of studies. According to the Foreword in each of the three recently published manuals, . . a remarkable improvement has been made in the socio— economic and cultural standards in Japan, and in the international society. In order to cope with this situation and to improve the basic education for young people . . . it has become imperative to revise the curriculum. 1 Consequently, the Revised Course of Study for Elementary Schools was made effective in 1971, followed by that of the Lower—secondary Schools in 1972. The Revised Course of Study for Upper—secondary Schools is due to be in effect in 1973.* Each of the three courses of study includes intro— ductory material concerning the required and elective sub— jects, time allotment tables for each Specific subject by grade level, and general directions to the teachers con- cerning the use of the study guide. Each manual is divided into sections by subject areas. And within each subject division, general objectives are given. These are followed *Despite the fact that the Upper-secondary Course of Study is not yet effective, the revised editions of all three school levels are to be considered the reference points, in order to avoid immediate outdating of this research study. 193 by detailed directions for each grade level concerning the following sub—divisions: (1) Objectives, (2) Contents, and (3) Points of Consideration in Teaching the Contents. For instance, in a subject for a particular grade level, the sequence would appears as follows: Social Studies Objectives First Grade Objectives Contents Points of Consideration in Teaching the Contents Although in the secondary school course outlines, some attention will be devoted to the subject of agri— culture, the primary interest area throughout this analysis will be that of social studies. In extracting the follow- ing material, no attempt has been made to edit the English translation, for the reason that alterations may tend to distort the intended interpretation. In all of the schools, the subjects of geography, history, civics, and economics are subsumed under the title of Social Studies. The elementary social studies curriculum in the primary grades (grades one through three) is generalized in objectives and content. For instance: First Grade: Objectives To guide [the children] to understand the fact that that the people are using land in various ways and also that a variety of facilities are playing important roles in the interest of people. (p- 33) 194 Second Grade: Objectives . . to deepen [the children's] interest in the relation between nature and man's life. (p- 35) . . to understand the relation between [farming, fishing, forestry,] and their own living and . . that these jobs have a close relation especially with the terrain conditions and the circumstances of nature (p. 35). Third Grade: Objectives To guide the children to understand that the major production activities and the consumer-life of the people in the city (town or village) are being operated under the devices and ideas that permit full use of the area's natural condition (p. 39). Fifth grade social studies centers around the history and physical geography of Japan. One of the objec— tives is as follows: Fifth grade: To guide the children to understand the character— istic features of the geographical environment of our country and their relation with the major industries in various places inside our land and the people's life, and have them deepen their interest in the development and the protection and utilization of resources (p. 46). From the above objective, one is led to believe that there might be some relevance to the teaching of food resources; however, the following list under Contents does not make any particular reference to agricultural deficiency. . . to deepen children's grasp of the features of the land, as a geographical one. To have them think of the fact that various industries, that 195 support the lives of about a hundred million people, are being operated on our land with a close relationship mutually maintained between them (p. 47). With regard to Japan's agriculture, guide them to understand the characteristic features viewed from the aspects of her major farm products and their distribution, the utilization of land and production techniques, and have them consider the relation between agricultural production and the people's lives and the achievements of those who have been putting forth effort for an increase in production (p. 47). To lead them to understand the fact that Japan's agriculture is being operated under the char— acteristic features that reflect such factors like the configuration of her land and climate, that is, for instance, under the conditions of raising the most possible crops from a narrow stretch of farm land, and of combating natural disasters, using data that indicate the farm land acreage, agricultural production yield, the farmer's income, etc. (p. 48). Here again, there was an allusion to agriculture and the need for cooperation between agriculture and other industries, but not in any terms that imply a shortage of food supplies or a need to import agricultural products. The theme of the above content appears to be one of Japan's ability to produce food from a small land base. The syllabus continues: To lead them to understand the fact that in first order industries like the marine products industry . . . improved efficiency . . . in fishing methods, increased size of fishing boats are a new approach to fish culture (p. 48). Chapter II of this study has emphasized the magni— tude of Japan's fishing and whaling operations, a consump— tion of approximately one-third of the world's fish catch. 196 But the above objective does not acknowledge Japan's use of extra—territorial waters; rather, it tends to credit the recent expansion in the fishing industry. The focus of sixth grade social studies is the history and government of Japan; secondarily, the curricu— lum concerns itself with concepts in international under- standing. The following selections are presented to give a perspective of what is expected concerning the children's image of Japan's role in the world. Sixth Grade: Objectives To guide the children to understand the important function of the nation's government and the people's desire for world peace (p. 51). Contents To guide the children so as to enable them to grasp specifically the important function of the State in the conduct of government to secure safe and happy lives for all of her people . . . . (p. 51). To lead [the children] to understand . . . that after the defeat of the War, Japan became a demo— cratic nation, conquering so many difficulties, meanwhile the rehabilitation of her industry and her economy, and the advance of the people's lives were quite spectacular, and that her role in the international society is growing ever larger (p. 54). To guide [the children] to understand the outline of the world's natural environment, the situation of the people, in which they are leading their lives under diversified climatic conditions, the close mutual relations between the nations of the present world, etc. and have the children deepen their concern about the strong desire of the people for peace of the world and the standpoint of our country which is striving towards this end (p. 55). To lead the children to study the fact that the lives of peOple in various regions of the world 197 are tightly bound by the advanced networks of transportation, communication, and information . . which [are] shown in the present economic and cultural exchanges between our country and various foreign countries (p. 55). The concern for peace, the recognition of Japan's programs, and the need for economic and cultural exchange are all emphasized in the above objectives, but there is no specific follow~up in the Contents Section regarding Japan's role and responsibility in the international sphere. The tendency may be to assume that the textbooks offer material to supplement and elaborate upon these objectives. However, the reader is reminded of the cor— respondence entries above (particularly Mr. Kawai's letter) which indicated that the textbooks at the elementary level are not sources of hard data concerning food production and importation. In summary, the above analysis reveals that the elementary school curriculum provides a general, but limited, background of Japan and its relationship to the rest of the world. The analysis proceeds to the next level of com— pulsory education, the lower—secondary school which in— cludes grades seven through nine. The sequence of social studies for these three grades is as follows: Grade 7—— Geography; Grade 8~—History; Grade 9——Civics (Political Science and Economics). The eighth grade objectives and content that are described in the course of study appear to have little direct bearing on the inquiry here and 198 consequently are eliminated below. However, the overall objectives for the lower—secondary schools are as follows: Lower—Secondary Objectives: To have the pupils understand the role of Japan in the world, exalt their national consciousness, deepen their international understanding, and develop the spirit of international cooperation, thereby fostering an attitude of making contribu— tions to world peace and the welfare of mankind (p. 20). To have pupils awaken to the present state of Japan and the world, where the economy, culture, etc. have been showing rapid changes and advancement, and foster an attitude and fundamental ability of making impartial judgments by analyzing various information, based on exact data (p. 20). The objective above suggests that specific data are available concerning subject content. This is cor— roborated by the following letter written by Mr. Sakakibara, Specialist in the Secondary School Textbook Division of the Ministry of Education: There has been no research work on the conscious— ness of the importance of food material imports in the Japanese schools, except what is in the text- books. Standard textbooks are so important mate- rials in Japanese schools! November 21, 1970 In view of the fact that textbook content does supplement the course of study with facts relevant to this study, correlative excerpts from the texts will be included throughout the following analysis. Also, any discrepancies which are found to exist between textbook data and data established in Chapter II of this study will be referred to and interpreted, but not with the intent to evaluate. 199 Geography——Grade 7——Objectives: To have [the children] understand that there are various types of regional groupings, large and small, in Japan and the world, which are mutually interdependent, and [to have them] think about the role of Japan in international society, thereby deepening their realization as a member of the nation and the world (p. 21). Content: Japan: Taking up the major industries and the state of distribution and development in various kinds of natural resources in each region, the teacher should have the pupils think about the geographical condition that form the basis thereof, and their regional role, and understand the regional features. Also, they should be led to pay attention to the regional changes com- mensurate to the development of industries and transportation as well as the problems faced by cities and farm villages, and to increase concern over the industrial development of the people's living standard in the local community (p. 23). World: Taking up the size of the earth, the dis— tribution of land and sea, geographical relations between continents, the outline of distribution of population on the surface of the earth, the location of major countries, etc.; the teacher should have the pupils develop a basic under- standing about the earth as an area of human life. . . . (p. 24) The textbooks for Grade 7 follow the sequence of the above course study material. For instance, there is a unit on "Japan" and one on "The World." These, in turn, are followed in the course of study and in the textbooks by "Japan in the World." However, before proceeding to that last unit, the following chart is presented in order to illustrate the textbook datum which, by virtue of sequence, corresponds to the contents of the course of IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII:—______________________::JIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII 200 study. The chart is taken from the standard Textbook of 2 Geography, Grade 7, p. 173. Export Import A = Other A = Others B = Manufactured B = Food Items C = Manufactured Goods C = FOOd Metal Products D = Fuel—Oil Textiles Machinery E = Raw Materials Figure 12.—-Trade commodities, l964—l966. The chart illustrates Japan's export and import trade for the period of l964-l966. (The Export column is also included here due to drafting technicalities: the percentage marks appear only on the 'Export' side). From the top down, the right hand chart lists imports of "Other, Manufactured Items, Food, Fuel—Oil, and Raw Materials." The written text accompanying this chart does not define the meaning of "Other," nor does it clarify the term "Manufactured Items." The fact that "Food" is charted as 17.7% indicates the percentage that food represents in Japan's total amount of imports. In the written text of a more recently published geography textbook (supplementary— No. 5—7028), the figure listed for food is even decreased IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII::::______________________________________ 201 to 16.9 per cent of the total of Japan's imports. Although elaboration of these data is inappropriate here, it should be pointed out that these figures represent a relatively optimistic picture of Japan's food imports. First, the written text does not explain how very related the raw material import is to the import of food. Second, the food import vis—a—vis the raw material import does not appear large; however, it is to be remembered what an immense amount of raw materials that the 39.7 figure represents; since that figure supposedly depicts the 95 to 100 per cent of Japan's consumption, the food import appears rather dwarfed. Therefore, cursory viewing of the chart may lead students to consider food not a very significant import. And, third, the import chart, of course, does not account for the foreign resource use of fish which represents such a major facet of Japan's food. Because the course of study and textbooks cor- respond so closely, presumably the following course of study material is written with the above chart as a reference point. Japan in the World: . . . the teacher should have the pupils re-evaluate Japan as a whole through studies on Japan and various regions of the world, deepen cognizance of this country, and further understand that advanced and rational utilization of the country's resources and much closer linkage with the world are vital in order to build up a more affluent and comfortable country to live in (p. 26). Taking up the industrial features of this country and her linkage with the world, the teacher should F .I—n—hh [ I IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII_________________—________________I:::IIIIIIIIIIIIII 202 refer to future problems of the industries of this country, thereby having the pupils understand the importance of further promoting her industries and foreign trade for future development. The pupils should also consider the roles that industry and foreign trade play in the international divi— sion, and arouse their interest in the problem Japan faces in the complicated international rela— tions (p. 26). The emphasis above is upon the significance of foreign trade to Japan. This theme is also found through— out the translated findings of the textbook material; many pages in the books are devoted to the issue of the country's lack of raw materials. However, there was found to be no particular reference to significant dependence upon food import or to the fact that Japan's own agricultural pro— duction is insufficient for the country's needs. This is logical in terms of the chart above which implies a com— paratively low dependence on food importation. In Grade 9 the students are introduced to political science and economics, a course which is called "Civics" in the course of study. In the section on "Economic Life" in the course of study, the following suggestions are made: Contents: Grade 9 Through studies of Japan's foreign trade, trends of the international payments balance, etc., the teacher should have the pupils understand that it is important for the development of the Japanese economy to aim for an expansion of her foreign trade while trying to keep her international pay— ment balance stabilized in consonance with the trends of the world economy (p. 51). IIII|IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII________________________________________::]Illllllll 203 The corresponding textbook for Grade 9 contains a chapter directly related to the course of study unit, "Economic Life." Liberally translated, the chapter dis- cusses the dynamics of trade, the inter—relationship between imports and exports. The text explains the merits of a balanced foreign trade in the development of the in the Japanese economy. Three charts are included here, order in which they appear in the book, to represent 3 graphically the information conveyed in the textbook. TABLE 6.——Production increases.* PRODUCTION INCREASES A = Rice fifEW/JEEEVDDUWW': wwh(w-% Mrzmo = A B c Dl,fl£ Egriflgm B Wheat fief i ,mr i pfnk tr HJEWW c = Fruits 3%Mrl 7“ '"IW '" I (mmml9a3PWstrahwvzszfl 530(708 D = Processed Foods I9584t g 93~?. 88.3 84.53106.6,IO7.8; 82.3{ 83.5 , . 1%ZflgmL6iMpJW3THQOWMBf[fililfiJ E = Pork { [ ‘ 19661t I 99.4: 59.3[142.7 127,5‘308.8i 180.6; 196 o I? __ Dij_1}< (fiwk(&MW#M&‘HEIU, . “” b I G = Chicken Eggs xwrmthmsr,sm- ”r mm Republic 9.66 M5fl£1li‘twmflfig.péu,iflififli 3 «w. fififly C=Others {3'83}. l ’9’)!“ "it: " ,1 ~ '1 : mm < ' [Ilium—J; .. D=Rus sia 9 . 5 % .)l. . x' . r' .. ,_u _. *3“ .. willfl'm-I’fleq / , ‘...aw,,, ...nw.mh E=Norway 5.3% 3% 199 EX] H 'r'wlliyt' arm: t Ana-'lw-kll.1:l1dru.((ww~.b,l. mm 1: , ' H ' ML ’ " F=Peru 16.7% Figure 15.——Use of world's fisheries. The sum for Japan's catch in the above figure is given as 12.9 per cent of the oceans' feed and food catch, —fi_ 208 an amount considerably less than the approximate 30 per cent or more implied in Chapter II (page 113). However, this discrepancy may be accounted for by the fact that the textbook lists whaling operations separately (see below). The above chart does serve to point out Japan's production (12.9%) is over and above the more highly popu— lated countries of The People's Republic (9.6) and India (2.3). But it is well to remember that were figures for whaling and whaling oil included, the differential with Chapter II data would be considerably greater. The chart is to be faulted on mechanical grounds for not identify- ing the percentage for 'Others' (C). \NHALING OPERNHONS R [’5sz 40 40 SgAPAé'wgq , u ‘ Whales ”‘M , a 51.593” ”a" NofiWAY 80 90 1u95 70 (3966/67) Whale Oil i.pj 25.] ( 1966,/(J7) Russia ’1 JAPAN NLORWAY ' Figure l6.——Whaling operations. Figure 16 (from the textbook publication data of 1970) above reveals that Japan's whale catch is less than that of Russia's. These data are to be viewed in contrast to the more current information found in Chapter II, page 7 112. 209 Although the upper—secondary agriculture book has been included, most of the material which has thus far been presented constitutes the information representative of the compulsory levels of education in Japan (Grades 1—9). The analysis will continue to investigate the upper-secondary levels, but in consideration of tedium-thresholds, the analysis of the course of study will be omitted. This is justified in that many of the objectives and content sec— tions approximate much of what is covered in the lower— secondary course of study. The two upper—secondary books which were sent by the Ministry of Education and by the teacher, Mr. Kawai, are for the tenth grade level social studies course: "World History and Geography." Understandably enough, the text— books for Grade 11 (Civil Government) and for Grade 12 (Japanese History) apparently contain no information pertinent to this research study. One of the books (No. 130—047) acknowledges the food problem in the world (page 101). Liberally trans— lated, the text states that between 1934 and 1969, the food in the world has increased, but so also has the popu— lation increased. A closing statement on the page briefly indicates that there must be greater coordination between the areas of surplus and those countries in need of food. No specific information is given to world food problems beyond this one page. IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII[II_________________—____1IIIIIIIIllllllllllllllllllllllll 210 The second of the two geography books (No. 1—049) is centered more around the study of Japan. In regard to agriculture, reference is made to the following informa— tion: After World War II, land was decreased, but in— tense farming (fertilizer, double—cropping) have helped considerably. In fact, production of rice is three times that of the Meiji period. Japan keeps almost a balance between rice production and population increase (p. 103). The following chart (Figure 17), entitled "De- creases in Imports," appears on the same page as the state- ment above, perhaps to confirm that intensive farming has resulted in decreased imports. Others DECREASESIN HWPORTS m x ‘ A = Sugar m Jul NI «‘0 80 110 IGOR; i__i.i, B = Grain C = Lumber D = Iron E = Coal F = Oil G = Wool «fit }_34RMN H = Cotton Figure l7.—-Decreases in imports. In Figure 17 above, the products on the left are agricultural: sugar and grain, in that order. Those on 211 the right side of the chart are raw materials. In view of Chapter II data, it is difficult to understand how the raw materials of lumber, iron, coal, oil, wool, and cotton could be considered as having decreased. The decrease in sugar and grain between 1954 and 1968 is the most signifi— cant period, although the material is charted from the Meiji Era to the present. It is not clear from the chart, nor from the written text which accompanies it, what is de- fined as grain. Figure 5 (page 97) of this study shows material which is in contrast to these data. For instance, barley and wheat meslin, and sugar have all increased from the early period to 1968. And once again, by virtue of omission, the chart is not followed anywhere in the book by figures which would indicate import data concerning sugar, corn, or soybeans, the imported food materials which were found in Chapter II to have increased considerably since the early 1960's. Also, the title of the chart is ambigu— ous; the accompanying written text does not clarify the definitions either. Does the word Decreases perhaps refer to volume or to the percentage of total value? The chart below is included in the same book on page 192; it shows Japan's overall imports of 1934 (inner circle) as contrasted to its overall imports of 1965 (outer circle). Figure 18 is not accompanied by any in— formation in the text concerning a clarification of "Others"——the largest section. Also, the chart indicates very little increase in the imports of soybeans, corn, and 212 wheat, factors which are in direct conflict with much of the material compiled in Chapter II. In addition to the fact that the food figures are questionably low, their importance is diminished when charted alongside the large sections of "Oil" and "Others."lo Yen Graph TOTAL.IMPORTS A = Soybeans mama—asters _ QWM%5E B — Corn C = Wheat J \ ,/é/,¢ H D = Coal 7p E = Lumber $4.! I I 4;" F = Mining nwvbz :QE‘G . 13AM ~ G = Machinery a1 LOWER SECONDARY SCHOOLS ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS KINDERGARTENS Figure 20.——Organization of educational system. Aduplod from: ___—-_—_ Agency for Cultural Affairs Governmcn! In Japan, larch, I970 APPENDIX B QUESTIONNAIRE: JAPANESE TRANSLATION; ENGLISH VERSION 312 .5. .7 ‘ APPENDIX B QUESTIONNAIRE: JAPANESE TRANSLATION 1 7>W«t __iéi___a l l éfld’a A: la @4013 7: 67%”?th a 66%“? “47: 5.4.124 "' ’2'“;- “£3,410 17 avg 1M 11.111759. Lam» iffivt‘gfl Lin/H. Wlfi-IB‘“. ”M31 -" l-_ m 1 67.11 {it ,1? 177“ hi 2131i: iflf‘fétt“gq. (ml.1inb/fi'fii “d ‘N/Fittnk'l. fulfil: fi~ 171/VAN? 1§¥k1:¢@1"7i"7{¢ 597A (0°92 (M. Aw, I?- umfifi. saw 4131.15» Hilfi: Rial-Jaw (MY-1:1 n51») r\\ji(t(1 v.1 171/714710 “$5.2 afilfi [1‘41 [i] am @9¢/\ 5'70 Hz 3.42:; rmo‘w- ‘Kt-‘P F—‘Q'%~“ ’J’H‘? (fl%1%~&ho\b‘5§% ('1 five-Fjv) ll tuft/fit 7,1, Alf/£13; ~__ that XVI/‘Zfifsa. i (216A13_1“:1"”§‘7"< ’Ptfizst‘i‘dfiv‘? (Mtg‘hd~3}§¥ (“ELF 11“. fl) BALI‘LE-é‘ we) Rfl‘i e0 K\i7f$ _____dl 4"(“l‘éi' [SJAGLH'L 1037m3nm IIHIJ 1m%¢tjfiu°-t’s(~i:7/I\'c‘*‘1f§.i’u/~Zp§ tip“??? (@‘éébhhafi‘gb (vquLz"’F3\\,) a) 7.3;ifl of.“ a... v _1t/o -464 _écX, _&‘07.. __/acZ, _ M _. 269 _4% _ 607. ~ch _/oD/°i; “Mi/awailimazmn Wm, FDQS’I Pfflzlucf)‘ ~ (”A . LOO/b __ 4C7; _ 87: _ @0770 _/‘;6 70 (“B/(SAN wenirafimmi/B. Ari-1:9 7mi‘8m ’2'7 #2910 Biol iflz‘ (£27111: @121” 1.1 ‘5. J‘Jm.‘ (”3 fit "’rmaxz, 'A, (7&1: 1 H) [fl 2%.» @421 rm» 277 IB/A u 1 «x 2 9447:?55 rag/Do waif/[‘12- :1?%ofl‘?~/‘6/c (T31Zmoxk/23Pl: é’y’lvvrz‘fq... ) ~v— 4) A M {ital/figu {'12le Quin/5'}. ___L~) 15 X) ‘7‘4 3—‘( Lap 911 ~—ww% mat [£7+§,;)L57a \11 ‘fil’.ffffl“ fiA’qufir—fiaqg, T: éijiitun li"\g WA (0477 1(1), 17\ 7 (9n? "xi: \LLPV‘W' ‘3. T: ”EMA"- 7‘ 7'9 4277i, 'mi‘ 7”,]- l“: ) a) X _.x €)\’5 14911;, #___N ._~-_l, {mi cl 1: .___l_ _ pm; dflziki __ Miter [weak/Pa “ti/’7'” €21 m E 49415., Fr (2 1‘ 51.44? (AZ (iw‘fJJ/JULZ)1\3 z‘ivaw (‘kz’tJu L ‘ ' —:' 7 '.i _075 _1~"% _ 407:7 _.6070 _‘?y% _’“7° 313 314 ENGLISH VERSION People all over the world need many different goods and services. Each country tries to produce these things for its own citizens. For example, to produce food, we use agriculture and fisheries. If some resources are scarce or are not available, most countries try to import the needed materials. We would like to know your opinion about the degree of dependence of your country on outside sources. 1. How important is fish in the Japanese daily diet? (Please check one answer). a. not very important b. moderately important c. very important 2. Where are most of the Japanese fishing areas? (Please check one answer). near the Japanese coast in the Atlantic Ocean in the Pacific Ocean in the Indian Ocean Ill QIOC‘QJ 3. What percentage is Japan depending upon its own resources for fuel energy? (Please check one percentage for a, b, and c). a. Petroleum L 1 1 ' __0% __20% _40% _60% __80% __100% b. Coal 1 ‘ i ' 4 . ___0% ___20% 40% ___60% 80% ___100% c. Forest L: J i i ' . Products __0% _20% 40% _60% 80% __100% 4. Japanese people use many different food products. What percentage of the food consumed or used by the people in Japan is raised in Japan? (Please check one answer). L l l l _ I L 0% ____20% ____40% 60% 80% 100% . $4.;— 315 5. Which of the following foods do you believe Japan needs to import? (Please check as many names of foods as you think answer the question). Rice Dairy Foods Wheat Corn Meat Vegetables Sugar Soybeans 6. If you think that Japan needs to import some or all of the above foods, please tell below from which country or countries they are imported. For instance, if you checked Rice in Number 5, please write the name of the country or countries that you think send Rice to Japan. Or, if you did not check Meat in Number 5, you will not need to write anything by Meat. Country or Countries that Send the Food Rice Meat Dairy Foods Soybeans Wheat Sugar Corn Vegetables 7. What percentage of protein do fish products provide in the Japanese diet? (Please check one answer). . l 20% 40% __60% __806 _100% O o\° ,— APPENDIX C INVESTIGATION OF FOREIGN TEXTBOOKS AND QUESTIONNAIRE 316 APPENDIX C INVESTIGATION OF FOREIGN TEXTBOOKS AND QUESTIONNAIRE Japan's remarkable post—war recovery has attracted much attention from abroad. However, despite the international interest that has accrued during the nation's rehabilitation, ". . . correct information about the country is still in short—supply." (Bulletin) Japan is today the third most economically pro— ductive nation in the world. As a major world power, Japan's policies are of considerable significance to the international community; consequently, much space and 'air—time' in the media are devoted to Japan's economic and political directions. However, despite the wide publicity, the message above implies that little is actually known about Japan. The following inquiry, in a limited perspective, is an attempt to reveal how valid the above statement is. ‘The purpose of the analysis here is to determine how children in another country are led to view Japan. A few entries representing European countries will be reviewed, but more specifically, the investigation will primarily concern an examination of textbooks used in the United States. Also, results of the student—responses to a 317 —: ' 318 questionnaire will be analyzed. The objective will be to determine how familiar foreign students are with the food— supply situation in Japan. In essence, the purpose and format of this section are similar to those of Chapter IV of this study in which the attempt was to learn what Japanese students know of their own country's food availability. The textbooks to be examined are those which are currently in use in the state of California. They repre- sent all three levels of education: elementary, junior high (or middle) school, and high school. Both the supplementary and the basic, state—adopted social studies or geography textbooks will be inspected. A set of audioevisual supplies is also included in the discussion. Along with this public school material, there are two texts from Catholic parochial schools which will be surveyed. And because public libraries are additional sources of educational information, a random selection of children's books on Japan will be examined for information relevant to this analysis. Passages from the books which are pertinent to the following question will be extracted. (Interpretative comments which will accompany some of the selections are based on the documented data which appear in Chapter II of this study.) 319 How does the subject content in the textbooks relate the balance between domestic production of food and the dependence upon foreign resources for food? Elementary Level When considering a state as large as California, with many autonomous school districts, it is difficult to generalize with any amount of accuracy. However, it is reasonable to assert that actual classroom methodology and course content are largely determined within the individual classrooms in compliance with overall district and state policies. Generally, teachers and students make use of available basic and supplementary texts, as adopted by the state. The general sequence for the upper grade social studies is as follows: Fourth Grade: Japan, California Fifth Grade: United States of America: History and Geography Sixth Grade: Central and South America, Canada, and Australia As indicated above, it is prescribed at the state level that a portion of the fourth grade be devoted to a study of Japan. The various ways in which elementary classes approach the unit of Japan are undoubtedly as numerous as the number of classes themselves. This is due largely to current innovations in teaching methods that are straying from the traditional lecture—test process; instead, 320 teachers and students are involved in a wide range of teaching—learning arrangements. Textbooks, too, are undergoing somewhat of a transformation from the conven— tional 'cultural region' approach to that of concep- centered, interdisciplinary content. However, many of these recent publications have not yet reached the local school districts. The following textbooks appear to the writer to represent the basic reference upon which most learning about Japan is based in California. This assumption is predicated