A .STUDY OF DIFFERENCES FOUND BETWEEN iNTELLECTUALLY- ORIENTEE} AND SDCIALLY-OREENTED SUPERIOR GIRLS Thai: for the Dog?” of Ph. D. MICHlfiAN STATE UNIVERSITY Ruth Schweigcrf Tukey E961 WlllllllIlllllWlHHllllMllllllHillllHlllllllHlllHll 3 1293 10395 6441 This is to certify that the thesis entitled A Study of Differences Found Between Intellectuelly-Oriented end Socially- Oriented Superior Girls. presented by Ruth Schwe 13ert Tukey has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for PH.D. degree in Eduoetionel Psychology Rtmwgnlt l2 (\fiiucaeLv Major professor Dam October 1 1 LIBRARY Mir? '7‘”? State Umvcrsity MSU LIBRARIES ‘- RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to remove this checkout from your record. FINES will be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. My? A STUDY OF DIFFERENCES FOUND BETWEEN INTELLECTUALLY- ORIENTED AND SOCIALLY-ORIENTED SUPERIOR GIRLS BY Ruth Schweigert Tukey AN ABSTRACT OF A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Education 1961 rile. I; ABSTRACT A STUDY OF DIFFERENCES FOUND BETWEEN INTELLECTUALLY- ORIENTED AND SOCIALLY-ORIENTED SUPERIOR GIRLS by Ruth Schweigert Tukey It was the purpose of this investigation to study the ways in which intellectually-oriented superior girls (i.e. the scholar) differ from socially-oriented superior girls (i.e. the social leader). The review of the relevant literature led to hypotheses concerning personality characteristics, attitudes toward self, and personal occupational aspirations; also, hypotheses con- cerning environmental factorssuch as socio-economic status of the home, level of formal education of the parents, and the ordinal status of the subjects. There were ninety-six girls selected fer the study, .taken from the most superior girls (top ten per cent of in- tellectual ability testing) in the public high schools of iLansing, Michigan, and Michigan State University. Extensive background material was collected and re- corded in two ways; one, by means of an intensive personal interview, and two, by means of a questionnaire which was cOmpleted by the subject. The material obtained in the inter- view dealt with attitudes towards dating, marriage, career, Ruth Schweigert Tukey future goals and aspirations, and attitudes toward self, es- pecially those attitudes that concerned compatibility or conflict between intellectuality and femininity. The material obtained in the written questionnaire concerned interest in school subjects, recreation, activities in the home, and other interests. Each girl was given the Rokeach Test for Dogmatism. In addition, the young women in the college sample were given the Edwards Personal Preference Schedule, while in the high school sample the girls took the IPAT (Institute for Per- sonality and Ability Testing) High School Personality Ques- tionnaire. The results indicated there were statistically sig- nificant differences between the intellectually-oriented and the socially-oriented girl in both psychological and socio- logical areas. The intellectually-oriented girls at both high school and college levels were found to have higher needs for achievement and autonomy. All socially-oriented 'v girls had greater needs for deference. Differences in occu— A A ‘ pational aspirations were significant in the college popula— tion, where the intellectually-oriented girl, desiring both marriage plus career, often elected to postpone marriage to fulfill other aspirations. This was in contrast to the socially-oriented college girl who aspired immediately to fulfill the traditional feminine role of marriage. At the high school level differences in aspirations of the two groups Ruth Schweigert Tukey of girls were not significantly different. The only socio- logical difference recorded concerned ordinal status where the intellectually-oriented college girls were found more often to be first-born. This relationship did not hold for the high school girls. In all areas, fewer differences and greater similar- ities were noted between the intellectually-oriented and socially-oriented high school girl than were recorded for the college sample. The interpretations made from this study indicate that at the college age, superior girls appear to be able to‘ accept differences which occur between the intellectually- oriented and socially-oriented, while at the high school , age, conformity controls to such a degree few differences can be noted between the intellectually-oriented and socially- .oriented. This view reinforces the opinion of those educa- tors who have said the greatest loss of talent in the United . States is that of the superior girl, and that one of the top priorities for improvement in our educational system must be the counseling and guidance of able and superior girls. This service must begin at an early enough age so that by’the time high school is reached, a more realistic appraisal of their own capabilities can be made by talented girls. 7—7 .0 3):}, l‘ 1 A STUDY OF DIFFERENCES FOUND BETWEEN INTELLECTUALLY- ORIENTED AND SOCIALLY-ORIENTED SUPERIOR GIRLS 0 By Ruth Schweigert Tukey A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Education 1961 DEDICATION To my daughter, Ann, whose gifts and talents have been a continuous inspiration, and whose companionship has been a source of enjoyment and friendly rivalry during the time we both began and completed our Ph.D. degrees. 11 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Appreciation is expressed to the members of the Gui-- dance Committee: Drs. Cole Brembeck, Bernard Corman, Eliza- beth Draws, William Durr, and Charles Wrigley. A word of special gratitude is extended to Dr. Corman, 'without whose encouragement in spirit, and generosity in giving many hours of valuable time, this thesis would not have been completed. The author wishes to thank Dr. Richard Dedolph, Dr. John Downes, and Mrs. Janice Castelein Clark for their assist- ance with the statistical treatment; and to Mrs. Marcia McColly and Mrs. Judy Webster for their cooperative efforts concerning the personal interviews. Finally, grateful acknowledgment is offered to my husband, Harold Bradford Tukey, and my children, Loren, Lois, Ronald, Harold Jr., and Ann, for their understanding and tolerance, having all personally experienced the "Ph.D. psychosis." // iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . LIST OF TABLES O O O O O O O O O O O 0 LIST OF APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . e Chapter I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE . . . Personality Characteristics Attitudes Toward Self Conformity Parental Values Socio-Economic Status Ordinal Status III. HYPOTHESES . . . . . . . . . . Iv. THE DESIGN OF THE STUDY . . . . v. RESULTS . . . . . . . . . . . . v1. INTERPRETATION OF RESULTS . . . VII. CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . BIBLIOGRAPHY O O O O O O O O O O O O O APPENDICES iv Page iii vii 15 59 62 78 105 135 1k2 163 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Summary of Differences for Intellectually- Oriented (I-0) and Socially-Oriented (S-O) College Samples on Edwards Personal Prefer- ence SCthUle o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 81 2. Rank Order of 15 Edwards Personal Preference Schedule Means for Intellectuall -Oriented (1-0) and Socially-Oriented (S-OK College Sample a o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 82 3. Summary for Intellectually-Oriented (I-0) and Socially-Oriented (S-O) College Sample for - Rokeach Test for Dogmatism . . . . . . . . . 85 h. Immediate Aspirations for Intellectually-Oriented (I-0) and Socially Oriented (S-O) College Girls 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 87 5. Distribution of Occupational Aspirations for College sample 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 88 6. Occupational As irations of Intellectually- Oriented (I-O§ and Socially-Oriented (S-O) College Girls 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 88 7. Self Rating or COllege Sample 0 o o o o o o o o . 89 8. Distribution of Occupations of Fathers of In- tellectually-Oriented (I-0) and Socially- Oriented IS-O) COllege Girls 0 o o o o o o o 90 9. Occupations of Fathers of College Sample . . . 90 10. Distribution of Level of Formal Education of * Fathers of Intellectually-Oriented (I-0) and. Socially-Oriented (S-O) College Girls . . . . 91 11. Formal Education of Fathers of College Sample . 92 12. Distribution of Level of Formal Education of Mothers of Intellectually-Oriented (I-0) and Socially-Oriented (S-O) College Girls . . . . 93 V Table ' Page 13. Formal Education of Mothers of College Sample . . 93 1h. Ordinal Status of Intellectually-Oriented (1-0) and Socially-Oriented (3—0) College Girls . . . 9h 15. S of Difference for Intellectually-Oriented (I-0 and Socially-Oriented (3-0) High School Girls on IPAT TBSt Variables o o o o o o o o o 96 16. Summary of Intellectually—Oriented (I-0) and Socially-Oriented (8-0 High School Sample for ' Rokeach Test for Dogmatism . . . . . . . . . . 98 17. Occupational As irations of Intellectually- Oriented (I-O§ and Socially-Oriented (3-0) High SChOOlGirlScoo-0000000000000 98 18. Occupational Aspirations of High School Sample . 99 19. Self Rating for High 8011001 Girls 0 o o o o o o o 100 20. Distribution of Occupations of Fathers of Intel- lectually-Oriented (I-0) and Socially-Oriented (8-0) High $011001 Girls 0 o O O O o o o o o o o 100 21. Occupations of Fathers of High School Sample . . 101 22. Distribution of Level of Formal Education of Fathers of Intellectually-Oriented (I-0) and Socially-Oriented (3-0) High School Girls . . . 101 23. Formal Education of Fathers of High School Sample 102 24. Distribution of Level of Formal Education of Mothers of Intellectually-Oriented (I-0) and Socially-Oriented (8-0) High School Girls . . 102 25. Formal Education of'Mothers of High School Sample 103 26. Ordinal Status of Intellectually-Oriented (I-0) and Socially-Oriented (8-0) High School Girls . 104 vi LIST OF APPENDICES Page Interest Survey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 Survey of College Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171 Survey of High School Girls, 1960 . .‘. . . . . . . . . 177 Index of Status Characteristics . . . . . . . . . . . . 182 vii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The changing role of women in our culture creates one of the more pressing and challenging problems of this era. It presents a problem, first of all, for individual women themselves, as they search fOr fulfillment. The total employment of all of one's abilities is required as a basis fOr an integrated personality and for general mental and physical health. Leading psychologists, such as Rogers,1 Maslow,2 and Allport,3 stress the importance of this total employment of ability or "self actualization." Allport states, "the one basic motive in life is maintaining and actualizing the capacities of the experiencing organism,"4 and Jahoda5 reminds us of the effects of an ever-changing 1Carl Rogers, "The Concept of the Fully Functioning Person" (mimeographed unpublished paper, 1958). 2A. H. Maslow, Motivation and Personality (New York: Harper & Bros., l95h). 3Gordon W. Allport, Becoming (New Haven: Yale Uni- versity Press, 1955). “Ibid., p. 16. . SMarie Jahoda, Current Conce ts of Positive Ment 1 Health (New York: Basic BooEs Inc., 1953). -1- -2- environment on self actualization and, in turn, on mental health. The continuous changes in American society and in the role of women in this society, place difficulties in the way of self actualization. Granted that the problem of self actualization is of great importance to individual women themselves, it is not necessarily the most vital aspect of the problem from the standpoint of society itself. In terms of its own sur- vival American society needs to use its intellectual woman- power. As the Rockefeller Report has stated, At a time when we face problems of desperate gravity and complexity, an undiscovered talent, a wasted skill, a misapplied ability is a threat to the capacity of a free people to survive. It is well established that the intellectual abil- ities of able girls and women are not being fully utilized. Both WOlf192 and Cole3 have indicated that the greatest loss of talent is that of the intellectually superior girl. Of the brightest high school graduates who do not go to _college, two-thirds are women. This is a reservoir of able people that can and must be called upon fer their unique contribution to society, whatever that contribution may be. 1Rockefeller Report V. ghg Sggguit of Egcgllggce (New Terk: Doubleday'& Co., 195 , orewar . 2Dael welfle, 1c ' e o o 8 ed 13123; (New'Iork: Harper ros., , p. . 3Charles 0. Cole, Jr.éjggf2ggfgigg3§gfign¥6§%§_1glg$§ (New York: College Entrance net on ar , , p. . -3- we are witnessing a revolution in society's attitude toward men and women of high ability and advanced training. Fer the first time in history such men and women are very much in demand on a wide scale. Through- out the ages human societies have always been extra- vagantly wasteful of talent. Today as a result of far reaching social and technological development in our society we aie forced to search for talent and use it effect vely One of the major deterrents to the fuller utilization of capable women in professional roles is the fact that many talented women and girls seem totally unaware of soci- ety's need fer their contributions. This can be seen by the lack of high personal goals and aspirations expressed by "0331102 6 Another deterrent to the fuller utilization of capa- ble women in professional roles is the fact that in many areas woman's potential contribution is still not sought out. -For instance, of the 900 freshmen enrolled in the 1961 class in one of this country's feremost scientific schools (Massa- chusetts Institute of Technology), only 2A were girls.3 Still another deterrent is the fact that in our cul- ture today there are other roles besides the professional one that women are expected to fill. .Mbst importantly is the traditional role of wife and mother. Of course, this is 1John Gardner, Exggllgggg (New'York: Harper & Bros., 1961), p. 33. zPearl Buck or mgn 32d veggg (New Yerk: The John Day 00., 19h1), p. 84. 3 \ Cleveland Amory "First of the Neath ' Sat, Rev. Id. (may 6, 1961), p. 8. ' ' ' -1. .. not a unique role in American society but in our society the modern expectations for this role obligate a woman out- side as well as inside the home. Being a successful wife today entails more of a partnership in the work of the hus- band than it did in the past. Thus, many corporations in- sist on evaluating wives along with their husbands when hiring new personnel. Often this assessment involves a very critical analysis of both husband and wife and represents a change from the past where the woman, although an important factor in the advancement of her husband, remained in the background as a sort of silent partner so far as the outside world was concerned. Furthermore, today it is important that wives conferm to the image created by the business of the husband. As Whyte states, There is a growing domination of the family by the corporation and the active ”wives programs" . . . some large corporations were instructed to make the domination absolute . . . the good wife is one who adjusts graciously to the system. curbs open intel- lectualism.or the desire to be one . . . corpora- tions wanted highly gregarious wives and highly adaptable wives. Similarly, the role of mother in the typical middle class American family carries obligations outside the home. The mother is expected to give time and energy to school, parent-teacher, and social organizations for the benefit of her children. To this has been added the role of a 1WilliamH. Wh e, The at on (New York: Simn & SChuater, 1956 , pp. " e -5- community-project participant. Further, there is the strictly social role in which friends and neighbors expect the wife and mother to become the afternoon bridge partner or golfing companion. In the days of rural America, before the closing of the frontier and up to the 1890's, the approved feminine role was well defined and relatively narrow. There was, in fact, only the one role, that of wife and mother, and that one kept women primarily in the home. Persistence in any other role was at the risk of social ostracism. WOmen were allowed, around the turn of the century, to enter several typically feminine careers: teaching, nursing and secretarial posi- tions. These were viewed as approved ways to fill the years before marriage or as social "insurance" against the hazards of being unmarried or widowed. But gradually these attitudes have changed. Espe- cially during and after werld war II, women took places in factories and business where they were able to contribute to what had been a man's world. Social approval was extended to the employment of women in unskilled and semi-skilled areas. There was a more limited entry, however, of women into the professions and, in fact, there has actually been a percentage decrease in the number of women entering certain professions in recent years.1 While the professions and —.- 1Robert L. Sutherland, "The Data on the Problem! (mimeographed unpublished paper, 1957). -6- occupations which demand extensive training are not socially disapproved, a distinction is still often made between "work- ing" and having a I'career." It is more and more accepted that women can, and perhaps should, work to help out with the family finances. But there is still a great deal of resistance to the idea of a woman combining a career with marriage and child rearing. These attitudes persist even though life in the home has changed and the combination of career and marriage is a practical alternative. women now have many mechanical aids and families are smaller. (Even though family size is again on the increase, it is still relatively smaller than in the past.) women are marrying at an earlier age and completing their families earlier. This means that the mother is much younger by the time the last child is in school. Often she will have twenty-five years or more to fill with work or play, with boredom, or with some worthwhile contribution to society. Role Chgiceg In reality there are now'three distinct periods in a woman's life when a role choice is possible. The first period is during early adolescence when individual aspirations are being formulated. The second period is when the choice is presented to marry or not to marry, and also to work or not to work. For even those who marry face decisions concerning work, especially those young married women who -7- may choose to assist the husband in the completion of his education. The third period is when the youngest child enters school, bringing with it relatively greater freedom to the mother and the possibility of entry into an occupation for which training already was obtained or a choice of a new’ occupation. These periods are crucial ones as regards the waste ‘ of talent; the first especially so, because it involves the making of decisions as to educational plans. If a girl makes a wise choice during this first period she will have more freedom of action in her later choices. The final choice point, that of entry or re-entry into an occupation after child rearing, is the one which in recent years has come under the sharpest critical scrutiny. The day has passed when the title "housewife" is accepted as satisfactory. One of our leading novelists, Pearl Buck, ex- presses a commonly held view: An idle woman ought to be despised as much as an idle man . . . so many women spoiled, petty, restless, and idle, they are our nation's greatest unused resource, good brains going to waste in bridge and movies, lec- tures and dull gossip instead of constructively applied to the nation's need of them.for the good and happiness of all women if nothing else.1 In the past it was necessary for women to give gen- erously of their time fer charity, voluntary services, and 1Buck, op. cit., pp. 87-89. -3- similar causes. New, much of that work has been advanced technically to such a degree that trained personnel have taken over the duties of the volunteer worker. Highly devel- oped skills and abilities are now needed in these particular areas. Even the role of "Lady Bountiful" is no longer as approved as it was a few'decades ago. This was the role played by women who attempted to make their contributions to society by attending social functions where they raised money fer their "favorite charities" rather than giving of their time. Thus, if a woman waits until the third period to make some choice of outside activity it is often too late. She has no marketable skills, and voluntary activities are rapidly being closed to her. The first two of the three choice points are thus the crucial ones, and are the ones with which this study will be primarily concerned. As our society has come to accept the dual role, that is, the combination of the wife-mother and the career role, more and more younger women must work through to a personal solution, must make choices as to the role or roles they desire and resolve any conflicts which might arise. One of three solutions is typically made. First, there is the resolution that looks forward to the adoption of'the tra- ditional role of“marriage with an acceptance of part—time work, or work as a wage earner if it is absolutely necessary, but a complete rejection of career. Second, there is the -9- adoption of a career role with rejection of the wife-mother role. The third solution involves the acceptance of the dual role, a combination of work in a career and as wife and mother. This study will not concern itself with the second of'these alternatives, namely, the rejection of the wife- mother role, simply because studies have shown that there are very few girls who choose this alternative. IMost studies show girls want marriage at sometime in their life, although the age at which.marriage is sought will vary.1 So the present research will focus on the choice between the first and third of the possible resolutions. we shall designate as "socially-oriented" girls those who have, by their be- havior, indicated that they have probably opted fer the wife-marriage role. In contradistinction to this group are the girls we shall call "intellectually-oriented.' These latter will assumed to have chosen to combine the career orientation with the wife-mother role. Just what is meant by the "socially-oriented" and the "intellectually-oriented" in this context? The socially- oriented girl is one who possesses social giftedness. This is sometimes described as the ability to sense the feelings and responses of’others, and the ability to handle social 1Aaron Lipman5 "Educational Preparation for the Female 3019.” l;_§§i_§22;. 3 (1959), pp. AO-h -10- situations.1 The socially-oriented girl is more interested in people than in ideas. Sociometric studies show that she has many friends, values friends, and is accepted by others.2 She strives for position by holding important offices and by being a leader in her peer group. She shows great interest in teen-age customs and often is a style setter. She is very interested in extra-curricular activities. She is especially interested in dating, looks forward to marriage, and aspires to be a happy and influential person in her own family re- lationships. Academically, she may do well, but in this area her goals are often the short term ones of maintaining a high grade point average and winning class awards. The Jex3 studies have described the educational goals of social leaders in a university population. They were found not to be those of learning for its own sake but for the symbols of learning such as grades, certificates, and degrees. The socially-oriented girl does not have career aspirations although she may plan for periods of work before marriage k 1Ruth Strang Hel in Your Gifted Child (New York: E. P. Button 8. 00., kW, 5 , p. . 2Elizabeth M. Drews, "A Critical Evaluation of Ilpproaches to the Identification of Gifted Students," in easurement and Research in Toda 's Schools ed. Arthur fPraxIer (Was? ngton, . .: American ouncil on Education, 1961), pp. 47-51e 3F. B. Jex and R..M. Merrill, "Intellectual and Personality Characteristics of University of Utah Students," W30: ‘53 (1959). pp. 118-120. -11- or even, in some cases, after marriage, if the family economy necessitates. But she has no commitments toward a career or professional attainment. The socially-oriented are good organizers and are able to think of interesting things for social groups to do. They desire and are given group approval. In later life these girls would be expected to become interested in club activities, and to become leaders in social situations. In general, one may think of the socially-oriented girl as being very much participation minded. How would one describe the intellectually-oriented girl who accepts both the marriage-family role and the career role? She is a girl who wishes to remain feminine but at the same time wishes to secure a high level education as a step to a career. She is probably more interested in ideas than in people. This does not exclude an interest in people. But the intellectually-oriented girl's interest in people is more intellectual, and less emotional. Her activities are more likely to be those related to her commitment. She has a great interest in books, in plays, and in the works of the intellectually alert. She is probably more individualistic and less conforming, showing less need for group approval. By accepting the dual role of marriage and career she indi- cates that she has the stamina and willingness to go against the traditional trend. The intellectually-oriented girl is, 131111113, primarily, learning-centered. -12- The remarks of a bright American girl may better describe in her own words the type of intellectually-oriented girl we are seeking to describe: ' I want more than anything to live and think to the top of'my capacities, to become a truly cultivated individ- ual. One of the places a rson can do this is at a good college. However, a ct of what you are exposed to is mechanical, impersonal and ultimately valueless . . . it is what ou might call cultured moss, and I don't feel it re ly extends your thinking and feeling capacities. Education should be a widening and deepen- ing process, not just accumulation of knowledge. As far as people are concerned, I don't go in for large numbers of friends . . . it is emotionally unsatisfy- ing for me. Girls must be intellectually equal or I have nothing to say to them. .Men? They must be attrac- tive mentally as well as physically but never just be- cause of good looki . . . it is companionship, not just a buddy or a here. The goal for this study emerged as an attempt to understandwhy some intellectually superior girls have ac- cepted the socially-oriented role while others have accepted the intellectually-oriented role. This study, then, is an investigation of two of the many ways in which giftedness may manifest itself, namely: (1) in the area of interpersonal relationships (i.e. the socially-oriented) and (2) in the area of scholarly attainment (i.e. the intellectually- oriented). So as to encompass the two crucial choice points "1n.a woman's development it was decided to study the superior £§1rl at two different stages, namely, in high school and in the university. ¥ lEllen Stiskin "Bright American Girl " Look 2 J 5. 1960), p. 30. ' ’ ""'"' 1’ ( “1y 4.? .IL. )1) I'll)! Ii -13- What are the merits in conducting such a study? First of all, in terms of our society and its immediate needs, many think it imperative to find new ways of lifting the goals and aspirations of superior girls. Secondly, in terms of woman's self actualization, it seems important to find new ways to help girls achieve the highest level that their po- tential makes possible. Third, a study such as this may prove of value in discerning the significance of variables that could be used in the counseling and guidance of young women of superior abilities. The feurth and last reason, facetious as it may seem, is one which is expressed most aptly by Aldous Huxley. In his short story, "Teung Archimedes," he writes, The physicists talk of deriving energy from the atom; they a ould be more profitably employed nearer home in discovering some way of tapping these enormous stores of vital energy which accumulate in unemployed women of sanguine temperament and which, in the present state of social and scientific organization, vent them- selves in ways that are generally so deplorable, in interferring with other people's affairs, in working up emotional scenes, in thinking about love and making it, and in bothering men until they cannot get on with their work.1 ‘we hope to contribute, modestly, to all of these objectives. As a first step leading to the goals of’this study, a search was made of the literature to identify the differ- ences and similarities found in girls who chose the two - 1 Aldous Huxley, Littl me c d Other Short Sto e ( London: Chatto and Hindus, I9E;, pp. 279-530. -14- paths which may be traveled by the superior girl, the social path and the intellectual path. As will be shown in this review,.many writers attrib- ute the girl's choice of orientation to personality variables. Others argue that a predisposition to intellectual pursuits can be attributed to situational determinants in the culture and the environment. As a result of this review'a study was designed which would permit an empirical test of the differ- ential relationship of such factors to the choice of a social rather than an intellectual orientation. The chapters which follow'will report on this review of the literature, will detail the hypotheses made from.that review, will describe the methods used to test these hypoth- eses, and will discuss and attempt an interpretation of these results. CHAPTER II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Two primary areas of research literature about supe- rior high school and college girls were reviewed fer this study. The first was essentially psychological in its em- phasis and included discussions of personality character- istics and attitudes toward self as these manifest themselves in the superior girl. The second area of the literature selected for review'was essentially sociological and included discussions of variables such as cultural impact, parental values, socio-economic status of parents, the level of parental education, and ordinal status as situational de- terminants of the behavior of the gifted. Our interest was only in academically-talented and gifted girls and the review was limited primarily to studies of the characteristics of girls who were thought to be "superior." "Superiority“ and "giftedness" are terms with an extremely varied set of definitions. Hollingworth,1 .for example, describes “giftedness" in terms of a "power to achieve literacy and deal with abstract knowledge and k lLeta s. Hollingworth, "How Should Gifted Children lie Educated?" Bgltimgre Bull, Ed., Vol.L (1931), p. 195. -15- III I l 1': I all. I.‘ Allq All ‘1’ :1 11 I‘ll -16.. symbols." Others suggest "creativity" as the major component of "superiority.“1 Still others imply that giftedness is the manifestation of special talents as in the artistry of a Picasso, the music of a Corelli, and the mathematical in- sight of an Einstein. As a practical matter, however, these definitions are beside the point. In most studies "supe- riority" and "giftedness" are, of necessity, equated with success in school as measured by school grades attained, or by achievement on tests of "intellectual ability." Unless otherwise noted this is the meaning that "superiority” will have in what follows. In general, it can be said that there was a notable lack of empirical studies of superior girls and women in contrast to what has been done in the study of boys and men. No parallels could be found fer the reports that Terman,2 and Roe3 have made on eminent men and that Kahl" has presented on the educational and occupational aspirations of boys. It is true that much has been written on women and their various 1Jacob W; Getzels and Philip W. Jackson, "The Highly Creative and the Highly Intelligent Adolescent: An Attempt at Differentiation," Agar, Psych., 13 (1958), p. 336. 2Lewis M. Terman Scientist aid Non-Scientiggs in 8 .ngup g; 800 Gifted.Men ( a ngton, r. syc . ssn., St). 3Anne Roe The gigging of g Scigntigt (New York: Dodd, Mead and 000, 1955). “Joseph A. Kahl, ”Education and Occupational Aspira- tions of 'Common Man' Boys " H ard Rev. 3 1953 . 186-203. 3 -.BE.______- 9 e a PP E. [II II. I." I II in. '. -17- roles in our society, but most of what has been written is philosophical analysis and lacks the warranty provided by a careful test of hypotheses. As far as can be ascertained, there have been no studies which have recognized social and intellectual giftedness, as such, and which have studied their correlates. Therefbre, in our investigation of the literature we were limited to a consideration of studies which have explored one of the other of these two kinds of giftedness. Our search was for clues to the differences and similarities that might be expected to exist between groups of superior girls exemplifying these two orientations. Personality Characteristics It is prObable that the personality characteristics that distinguish superior girls, whatever their orientation, from those less able, are similar. The ”need to achieve," for example, may be taken as a trait on which both socially and intellectually oriented girls of superior ability (as measured by grades made or intelligence scores) may be exp pected to differ from girls less endowed. Thus, in a study by Pierce and Bowman,1 of the motivational patterns of supe- rior tenth and twelfth grade students it was found that this group scored higher on McClelland's measurement of "need to ¥ 1James B. Pierce and Paul H. Bowman, "The Educational liotivational Patterns of Superior Students Who Do and Who Not Achieve in High School“ (mimeographed report, U. S. (Effice of Education, 1959). -13- achieve," on DeCharm's measure of the overt emphasis placed on achievement, and on Strodtbeck's scale of the value placed on success. Similarly, Drews'l study of 150 gifted adoles- cents found these students gave evidence of seeking the approval of the so-called "eggheads," universally liked school and the more academic subjects of the curriculum. This was contrasted to an earlier finding by Head and Metraux2 to the effect that the average high school student's image of scientists or "eggheads" was not favorable. To the same effect, a study conducted by Jonietz3 reported that students of superior ability were more likely to be self- motivated toward learning, more often set intellectual goals for themselves, and were more realistic in their choice of goals. But one feature of the studies of the "need to achieve" made their interpretation difficult in the context of the present exploration. For one thing, the researchers very often bias their measurement of the need to achieve to 1Elizabeth M. Drews, ”A Four Year Study of 150 Gifted Adolescents" (mimeographed paper presented to the American Psychological Association, 957). 2Margaret Mead and Rhoda Metraux, "Ima e of Sci- ‘33:;333 Among High School Students," Science, 26, 1958, pp. 3Alice Jonietz, "Achieving and Non-Achieving Students (if Superior Ability" (mimeographed preliminary report, Uni- ‘Versity of Illinois, 1959). -19- favor what has been described here as the intellectually oriented girl. Typical is Edwards' measure of achievement need in which a high level of need is characterized by de- sires "of becoming an authority in a professional field, writing a great novel or play."1 Girls who have opted to fellow intellectually oriented pursuits may be expected to score high on this and similar measures of achievement. It would not be surprising, then, to find, as did Brandweinz 'that gifted science students, including girls, did not in- clude those whose orientation was primarily social. "The 'cover girl' or 'model' were not in this group." But not all girls, including superior girls, define achievement in this way. Marks'3 high school social leaders perceived achievement as involving popularity, achieving the leader- ship in school organizations, being considered attractive, and having sufficient prestige to be considered a ”style Setter" and a "big wheel.” McClelland" found this pre- dominantly social definition of achievement was characteristic ‘ lAllen L. Edwards, u of E d r r o fer- 311 S edule (New York: T e syc o o c orporat on, 1.), 2Paul Brandwein, The Gifted Stggent a? Futgge Sci- er"Fist (New York: Harcourt race 8: 00., 955 e P- 5 . 1 3 J . B. Marks, "Interests and Leadership Among Ado- eacants,” Je Genete P Che, 91, 1957, ppe 163-172. D “David McClelland, The Achieveme t Motiv (New York: '- Appleton-Century-Crofts, I953), pp. 1293-ISL -20- of most girls and that where this social motivation was great, achievement in terms of school grades was also rela— tively higher. This finding may explain why superior girls, in general, are characterized by higher scores on most typical measures of achievement need than are students of lesser ability, even when the focus of the measurement is on the need for intellectual attainment. If we limit ourselves to possible differences be- tween groups of superior girls only, however, we might expect to find differences in "achievement need" depending on the nature of the measure of that need. Thus, with the Edwards test, where the need to achieve is equated with a desire for intellectual attainment, we would 'clearly expect the supe- rior girls we have called "intellectually-oriented" to ex- hibit higher need levels than do the "socially-oriented." a: an: e an: as: a The terms "ambition" and "persistence" were person- ality characteristics often mentioned in discussions of the superior girl, and most often linked together or used inter- changeably. Three studies were noted in which ambition and persistence were found to be associated with social leader- 8hip. In a study by Hanawaltl of 1.0 college women, 20 of whom were leaders and 20 non-leaders, "ambition was found \ . ,, 1”N. G. Hanawalt, C. E. Hamilton, and M. L. Morris, I'Qvel of Aspiration in College Leaders and Non-Leaders," NW» 38 (192.3), pp. 2.11-1.26. -21- to be higher for the leaders as measured by performance on ten trials on a letter substitution test. In the Moore1 study of the perception of leadership traits held by college women at Texas College for Women, the student body was asked to name three leaders and state the characteristics that in- fluenced their selection. From the 200 replies received more than half listed "ambition" and "persistence" among the five most important characteristics of a college leader. Ambition and persistence were also among the six traits of women college leaders as rated on the North Carolina Scale of Fundamental Traits in a study by Middleton2 which evalu- ated personality qualities of college leaders. Empirical studies of girls noted for their intellec- tual attainment have also remarked on the incidence of am- bition and persistence. Flesher,3 in an intensive study of 76 college women at Ohio State University who obtained their degrees in three years or less, was most cognizant of the firesence Of these two characteristics. Ambition and per- 8fi-stence also were found to be characteristics of the gifted 11.. H. Moore, ”Leadership Traits of College Women," We 20. 1935. pp. 136-139. 2Warren C. Middleton, "Personality Qualities Pre- EOmilzlgilt in Campus leaders," J. Soc Ps ch., 11 (191.1). PP- 3 Marie A. Flasher, "An Intensive Study of 76 Women who Obtained Their Under raduate De see in Three Years or Less," J, 351, Ross, 39 ( 91.6), pp. 02-612. k -22- high school students studied by Drews.l Cox, in a study of early mental traits of 300 geniuses names persistence as one of the two most important non-intellectual traits, the other being self confidence. Concerning persistence she says; High but not the highest intelligence combined with the greatest degree of persistence will achieve greater eminence than the highest degree of intelli- gence with somewhat less persistence.2 Thus, on the basis of these reports, there seems .little grounds for hypothesizing that socially oriented and :intellectually oriented groups of superior girls are likely to differ significantly with respect to ambition and per- sistence if the measurement is of the general trait. * s a e s # Maslow3 has proposed "dominance" as an important ZFNBrsonality characteristic of the superior college girl. Uflais hypothesis has been substantiated in the case of the socially-oriented girl. College leaders as tested by Hana- ‘vealt, Richardson, and Hamilton“ on the Bernreuter Personality ¥ lDrews, 0 e Cite, p. 1e 2Catherine E. Cox, 3151: ¥ggt§% Ergits of Three iitun. ed Ge i as (Stanford: t or vers ty ress, 1926) 3A. H. Maslow, "Self Esteem (Dominance Feeling) and Selmality in Women," Q. Soc, szch,, 16 (191.2), pp. 251.491.. ,' “N. G. Hanawalt, H. M. Richardson and H. J. Hamilton, ILeadership as Related to the Bernreuter Personality Measure ," ‘20 See, page}... 11 (191.0), pp. 31-11. -23- Inventory were found to be more dominant, extroverted and self confident than non-leaders. They were also inclined to take additional responsibility in extra-curricular affairs and were freed from feelings of humility and self conscious- ness. Similarly, school leaders studied by’Moorel were found to rate higher on "ascendancy“ as opposed to "sub- mission." On the other hand, several research studies have indicated a lack of "dominance" in individuals who chose 1careers in areas of scholarship or in certain professional fields. Terman,2 Roe,3 and Goodrich and Knapp“ all found this to be true for men, and a recent study of National Bierit Scholars of both sexes by warren and Heist5 reported that award winners were less "dominant." and less "authori- 13amrian” than other students. Also, at Columbia University E323 undergraduates of superior intelligence were studied by —_ IMoore, o . cit., p. 137. 2 Lewis Me Terman and Melita H. Oden, Genetic Stud es <11? Gen us: Vol IV The Gifted Grou at Mid-Life (Stanford: Sta-rHorH UnIversIty fies, I959). 3Roe, op cit., p. 65. 1.. Robert H. Knapp and Hubert B. Goodrich, Origins of AmBrie S ientists (Middleton, Connecticut: Chicago ess 201‘ WesIeyan UHversity, 1952). IL 5Jonathan R. Warren and Paul A. Heist, "Personalit thributes of Gifted College Students," Science, 132 (1960 , 191% 330-337. —"'" -2“- Gould and Kaplan.1 Maslow's Social Personality Inventory for Dominance was administered to all subjects. Results showed that high scores on a measure of aspiration level had consistent but low positive correlations with dominance. From these studies it seemed reasonable to conclude that the two types of superior girls we have conceptualized would be expected to differ on measures of the personality trait, "dominance." * a a e * a At the high school and college age, the adolescent's developmental tasks focus importantly on an adjustment to the opposite sex.2 While all girls work through this social adjustment in some fashion, conventional wisdom has it that .superior girls have considerably more difficulty and that, There importantly, the girls we are calling intellectually- <3riented make the choices that they do because of their low JLevel of interest in, and need for, heterosexual relation- Ships. Another "explanation" is that these girls are re- .‘Iected in these relationships. y 1Rosalind Gould and Norman Kaplan, "The Relationship ‘31? Level of Aspiration to Academic and Personality Factors," \‘SOCe ReVe, 1914-0), ppe 31"hoe 2 R. J. Havighurst, Human Developmgnt ggd Eduggtign (New York: Longmans, Green 0., . -25- Ramasesh's1 work with gifted high school students produced some interesting results which challenge these views in part. Three hypotheses were made in her experiment, (1) that the gifted and average do not differ in social adjust- ment, (2) that boys and girls of the same attainments do not differ in social adjustment, and (3) that the very gifted .and.the moderately gifted do not differ in social adjustment. ESubjects were rated by their teachers on a five point "social adjustment" scale and also on the Washburne Social Adjust- ment Inventory. The conclusions were that the gifted gen- erally showed superior social adjustment when compared to the average, that girls generally rated higher than boys al- though there was less disparity between the gifted boys and girls than among the average boys and girls, and finally, that little difference in total social adjustment was noted between the very gifted and the moderately gifted. However, it was reported that the very gifted seemed to have a 8‘fi‘lperior concept of social adjustment. Also, their wishes were superior and the motivation for their expression of goals differed from the moderately gifted. From this study we might predict very little differ- °nce in need for heterosexuality to be found between socially- HOwever, in v— A lhdmini Hannah Ramasesh "The Social and Emotional dJustment of the Gifted" (unpublished dissertation, Univer- Bity of Nebraska Teachers College, 1957). °riented and intellectually-oriented girls. \ -26- a comparison of career-motivated and home-making motivated college women by Hoyt and Kennedy1 the home-making motivated girls scored higher on a measurement of the need for hetero- Hoyt and Kennedy studied L07 freshmen women at The Strong Vocational Interest Blank sexuality. Kansas State College. and the .Edwards Personal Preference Schedule were used to compare the two groups of women. The scores of the career- oriented girls showed: (1) a higher need for "achievement" (i.e., a need to establish one's worth through competitive behavior), (2) a higher need for ”intraception" (the intel- lectual understanding of people), and (3) a higher need for ”endurance" (the need to accomplish concrete goals). The home-making motivated girl scored higher on the need for "succorance" (or warmth in reaching for people) and, (2) on the need for "heterosexuality" (i.e., interest in the oppo- site sex). The seeming contradiction between the Ramasesh and the Hoyt and Kennedy researches is instructive. It would a~I>I>ear that while both the superior socially and intellectu- ally oriented groups of girls may be expected to be as well, if not better "adjusted" as the average of their age groups, ‘ 1Donald T. Hoyt and Carroll E. Kennedy, "Interest and Personality Correlates of Career-motivated and Home-making- motivated College Women," J. Couns. Psych" 6 (1958). PP- g C -27- this adjustment may take different forms. Cattell1 sug- gested as much when he reported that scholars avoid social affairs because of their distaste for the waste of time this involves rather than because of any inherent emotional factor or personality need. Similarly, Maslow2 explained the qual- ity of detachment, so often noted in the intellectually- <3riented, as stemming not from their aloofness or disinter- ‘est in people but from their intense preoccupation with 1;heir own interests, ideas, and projects. Likewise, Hirsch satated, "It is a grievous error to credit the superior with £311 innate inclination to shun men, but in his youth he learns t>3r experience that solitude is preferable to suffocation, stupefication or surrender."3 If these views are correct, then we would expect our socially-oriented superior girls to express a higher need for heterosexual and other social C<>rrtacts than would the intellectually-oriented girls, though neither group would differ markedly on measures of intra- Ception (i.e. the need to relate to and understand people). ****** "Autonomy" is a personality charactefistic that has 1R. B. Cattell, Personalit and Motivation Structure a!!l_lfleasurement (New York: Wort Boo Co., 957 , p. . H 2A. H. Maslow, Motivation and Personality (New York arper and Bros., 1954), p. 7213. (C . 3N. D. M. Hirsch, Genius and Creative Intelli ence ambrldge, Mass., Sci Art. fiblisfiers, l§§I), p. 321,. -23- often been attributed to the gifted. In Riesman's scale of virtues "autonomy" is highest and is described as "that characteristic of men and women who are not only free but can endure freedom, who can conform or not as they choose and are aware of the choice."1 Maslow calls it: A quality of independence propelled by growth moti- vation. It is one's own development and the continued growth of one's own potentialities and latent re- sources that supplies the main satisfactions rather than the extrinsic satisfactions that come from other people or from the culture or even the present environ- ment. It is an intrinsic satisfaction dependent on self.2 ‘Simmons3 made a study of two groups of children to observe ‘their acceptance or non-acceptance of suggestion. The in- ‘tellectually-superior groups (those with IQ scores of 130 to 170) were less suggestible. They were more individualistic in their responses and showed more autonomy than the less talented. Goodenoughl‘ substantiated this finding in her own studies of bright children and reported evidence that such children were more apt to be autonomous and less "sug- ge stible." Neville ,5 in a study of 78 brilliant children _ 1Eric Larrabee "Riesman and His Readers " Hggpgr's (June, 1961), p. 62. ' ' zMaslow, op, cit., p. 211.. 3Rachel McKnight Simmons, "A Study of a Group of Ex- cePtionally High Intelligent Quotients in Situations Partaking 8f the Nature of Suggestion," NJ Bur. of Publ., Teacher's ouege, Columbia University, 112, 197:3. “Florence Goodenough, Exce ion Children (New Yerk: APPJ.etonu-Century-Crofts , Inc . , . 5E0 Mildred N9Villep "Brilliant Children With 3 fi35'7) ' Rate '0 O O O 0 pp . 529535)}? Their Difficultie s , Brit J Ed Psych , -29- with IQ scores ranging from 140 to 180, noted that their need for autonomy was often great enough to create impatience with peers and affect personal relationships adversely. Autonomy was also one of the attributes of superior students in a study by Remmers.1 In an experiment concerning the personality adjust- ment of the superior child, Zachry2 concluded that the gifted or intellectually-oriented child must make the most adequate all-around adjustment and one in which he must learn to appreciate the difficulties caused by his own needs for autonomy. ' Finally, in this vein, there is the evidence reported in studies of the National Merit Scholars.3 Gifted college students with IQ scores between 130 and 150, were feund to be more self sufficient, independent, autonomous, and to have a greater command of themselves. These students were more adventurous and more creative, less tense and less anxious than average students. They showed great interest in reflective thought, in working with ideas and in achieving intellectual independence. 1H. H. Remmers, "Some Attributes of Superior Students," P925: Jo, 10 (1931), ppe 167‘1780 2Caroline B. Zachry, "Personalit Adjustment of the Superior Child," Je Nat: Ede Assn., 21 ( 932 , pp. 89-900 3Warren and Heist, op. cit., p. 336. -30- A second study of National Merit Scholars1 also con- cerned itself with the personality traits of able students. Here the groups compared were those who chose to attend col- leges because of the quality of the programs offered and those who chose colleges fer various other reasons, such as interest in athletic reputations of the college, proximity to home, or desire to attend the college choice of friends or relatives. The population was chosen from all of the winners and 10 per cent of those who received certificates of merit (near winners) in 1956. Information acquired in- cluded biographical data, socio-economic data, results from the Strong Vocational Interest Blank, the Omnibus Personality' Inventory and the Allport-Vernon-Lindzey Study of Values. The conclusions from this study showed that students of high ability attending highly productive institutions had a pat- tern of traits, values and attitudes which were more closely :related to serious intellectual pursuits than students of lrigh ability attending institutions of less eminence. Re- sults were interpreted to show that there was more inner directedness and social independence in the gifted individual selecting the prestige university. From all of these studies it is reasonable to pre- dict that the intellectually-oriented girl would score higher k l P Paul Heist, T. R. McConnell, Frank Matsler, and (11(3ebe Williams, "Personality and Scholarship," Science, 133 1961), pp. 362-367. -31- on measurements of the need fer autonomy and related vari- ables like "ego-strength" and "introversien." Attitudes Toward Self In the opening chapter of this study socially— oriented and intellectually-oriented girls were described as those who had made a particular resolution of the choice of roles that adolescents are required to make. The values and attitudes that individuals hold regarding "self," in- cluding the extent of acceptance of the sex role, is of extreme importance in any study involving role definition. It is of special importance in this study because the in- dividual superior girl's feeling about her own self worth will be significantly related to the choices that she makes. Changes in attitude concerning sex roles have been noted along with other advancements in the culture. One major area of change has been in the attitudes concerning sex roles in occupations. Change has occurred in this area to the extent that some people feel it is morally wrong to insist that one's sex must predestine one's vocation and even one's style of life.1 Useem in reporting some occupational changes in sex role has stated, Distinctions between men's and women's work which was once based on human strength is now made obsolete as 1David Riesman, "Some Continuities and Discontinuities in the Education of WOmen" (Third John Dewey Memorial Lecture, Bennington College, Vermont, 1956), p. 12. m -32- war is substituted for animal and human energy. atterns which once made a division of labor between men and women in a society dependent upon human energy do not make sense for a power energy society. The push-button crane operator and the push-bution vacuum cleaner can be done by either men or women. This indicates a new permissiveness and interchange of sex role that is different from.the traditional marriage role of the past. Many studies have reported this new attitude. Ries- man2 has noted not only the change toward earlier marriages than in the past but toward a total gestalt in which marriage itself is of a new sort, shared, communative and emanicipated, in which the husband takes an active part as more than the breadwinner and the wife an active part as more than the "little woman." Changes in dating and courtship leading to marriage have also been observed by Blood3 and these were found to be quite different in quality than those of twenty years ago. The attitudes expressed today showed a greater desire to share, rather than to impress. Relationships seemed more sincere, more profound, and more searching with less interest shown in superficialities such as good looks and 1Ruth Useem, "women's Lives-~Changing Cultural Con- cepts" (mimeographed address given for Invitational Conference on Counseling Girls in High School and Colle e, American Council on Education, Michigan State Univers ty, 1960), p. 3. 2David Riesman, "Permissiveness and Sex Roles,” Hyman Dev. Bull., Ninth Annual Symposium, 1958, pp. h8-53. 3Robert 0. J. Blood, "Uniformities and Diversities in Campus Preferences," Mggr. ggd Egg, Liv., 18 (1956), pp. 37-#5. 4.! '. .. .1. %I)E -33- The new permissive attitude has been indicated, also, by Walters and Ojemannl in a study regarding the role of women, in which the partnership role between the sexes was becoming more popular. The subjects in this study were 132 sOphomores and seniors in a consolidated high school in Iowa. The subjects were given situations, 100 in all, which placed woman in (1) a subordinate position, (2) a partnership position, or (3) a super-ordinate position. Students were then asked two questions, Wflgulg you do the same? Do you think you ghgulg do the same?" The results showed only one-third of all responses placed women in a subordinate position. For those who had siblings only one-fifth of all responses placed sisters in a subordinate position while three-fifths placed sisters in a partnership role. There were interesting responses which showed the difference in attitudes between boys and girls. Boys Egglg place girls more frequently in super-ordinate position in education but subordinate position in play activities. But boys felt they ghgulg place girls in a super-ordinate role more often. Partnership roles were popular with both boys and girls. Girls 322;; place girls in partnership roles for both edu- cation and play activities but surprisingly, girls would place the wife or mother in a subordinate position except w 1James Walters and Ralph H. Ojemann, "A Study of Comp ponents of Adolescent Attitudes Concerning the Role of Nemen," J, soc. szch., 35 (1952), pp. 101-110. -34- for child rearing when she would be placed in a super- ordinate position. The new image of modern woman as described by Dichter also noted the partnership role. The modern housewife is becoming much more of a partner in the whole family operation. The tra- ditional division of labor between the two sexes has changed. Men are deeply interested in house- hold appliances and women, on the other hand have learned to tinker around the house, become the family car drivers . . . man does not want to marry a sweet little creature who is just cute and help- less . . . he wants a woman who can "chip-in," who can take a job, who can ive a car or truck if need be, who can be a partner. In the area of education Newcomer2 reports that sex differ- ences are not as rigid in determining roles as they used to be. The earlier distinction between men's and women's pro- fessions has in some measure broken down. A quarter of a century ago no woman received degrees in veterinary medicine and no man received degrees in nursing, but such awards are no longer rare. Likewise Brown3 has stated that in sex role development the direction has become broader, less rigid and more overlapping. There is greater similarity in edu- cation, with girls being more accepted in the fields of . lErnest Dichter, The Str te of Desire (New York: Doubleday &.Co., 1960), p. 18:. gMabel Newcomer A Centur of Hi her Education for American Women (New York: Harper E Bros., 1939), p. 185. 3Daniel G. Brown "Sex Role Development in a Chang- ing Culture," Psych. Bull., 55 (1958). -35- science and mathematics--more women are working outside the home and.more men are making contributions in the home. There is a trend towards the equalitarian rather than the hierarchi- cal. Studies have shown that both men and women are appar- ently aware of these changes in the definition of sex roles. H’acKinnon1 has observed that the highly effective, creative males he studied gave more expression to the feminine side of their personalities. The subjects in this experiment had wide ranging interests including many which were thought of as feminine. Concerning women, F'and,2 in the absence of dis- tinct definitions of woman's role in the modern world, chose to hypothesize that each woman now makes a choice between the traditional and modern concept of the feminine role de- pending on her self concept. Eighty-five college women answered a rating inventory of 3A statements as to needs, rights, and obligations. The inventory was given four times. Each time it was to be answered in a different way (1) as true opinion, (2) as the ideal woman, (3) as the average 'woman, and (h) as man's ideal woman. In addition, an auto- ‘biographical essay’wae written and a personal interview Inade. Her conclusions were that women visualized the ¥ lDonald w. MacKinnon, "The Highly Effective Indi- vidual, " Te egcher'g Coll, figc" 61 (019 2Alexandra Botwink Fand, "Sex Role and Self Con- cept" (unpublished dissertation, Cornell University, 1955). ~36- feminine role as combining equal amounts of the traditional and of a self-orientation which Fand viewed as the feminine creature striving to fulfill herself as an individual by realizing directly her own potentialities. It is interesting to note the attitudes of women in their middle years towards their role in life and the re- lationShip of their contentment to their attitude. A study was made of 130 women who were chosen to represent 1,000 women attending an Institute on "How Many Women Are You?“ These were mostly clubwomen who were interested in the sub- ject of leisure time and its use. All were between the ages of 25 and 50, and all had one or more natural children. The majority were full-time home-makers with either a high school or college education, mostly of upper class home status, married for approximately fifteen years and with at least one child at home. The conclusions from this study did not substantiate the theory that the well adjusted woman was content to remain home solely as a home-maker. Home-making was enjoyed if domestic help was available at least for part time. But home -making alone did not supply full mental and emotional satisfaction since there were abilities it did not tap. leisure time was viewed as a problem and women were not ‘ L 1Gertrude Zeman Cass, "Counseling Implications of Women's Changing Role " Pars, and Quid. J. 7 (1959) . 4824;87. 9 o 0 PP -37- proud of their use of it. They wished fer part-time work. All expressed contentment at being a woman but all desired more education and more effective vocational guidance fer women of their age group. In light of all these studies, it is puzzling that although women are aware of the choices and alternatives that are available to them in the present era, and which were forbidden to them in the past, many superior women and girls still view themselves in terms of subordination and deference. In comparing the sexes in their attitudes and beliefs it has been feund that women do not hold themselves in as high esteem as men hold themselves. The male has always had great respect for himself and places a high value on his own sex. women seem to agree with him. For example McKee and Sheriffs1 report that both college men and women regarded.men more highly than women. This study rated de- sirable traits fer both men and women. The results showed that both.men and women rated women lower on the most desir- able traits which were "calmness," "determinedness," and "realism." Also, in research conducted by Williams2 on the ‘ —5 1John P. McKee and Alex C. Sheriffs, "Men's and WOmen's Beliefs, Ideals and Self Concepts." Ame . J. Soc., 1. (1959), pp. 356‘3630 2Josephine J. Williams, "Patients and Prejudice La ‘kttigggegagoward Women Physicians," Amer. J. Soc., 51 (1945 Pp. " e -33- attitudes of American women toward women physicians, women once again rated their sex:unfavorably. The experiment was done by means of two questions asked by interviewers in the Chicago area. The first question concerned the selection of the doctor a subject would call first, differentiating be- tween sex, age, faith, nationality, race, and recommendations. 0n the second question the subject was asked to judge ten objections raised to the doctor of her choice. The first choice of two-thirds of men and women was for a male, white, American, same faith, and well-recommended doctor. As a_ second choice, women preferred a woman doctor to a very young male doctor or to an experienced Negro male doctor even though they accepted as a normal reaction that men would prefer a.male doctor in all cases. . The Hartley1 studies of 150 girls showed that these girls of ages 8 to ll had already developed very definite ideas as to appropriate sex behavior. They perceived the world of behavior as being divided into separate sex cate- gories and they rejected fer themselves the behavior sex- typed as masculine. ’ These studies indicate a seeming conflict and con- fusion with respect to the changes that have taken place in the role of’women, and the willingness of woman to defer to others and also in her willingness to accept a position of 1Ruth Hartley, "Development of Concept of women's Role" (preliminary report, City College of New York, 1957). -39- inferiority. Educators are showing great concern over this situation and several have voiced their opinions as to the reasons or causes of this attitude on the part of the supe- rior woman especially. Binger discussing pressures on the modern college girl states, In our culture, women still seem to regard themselves as inferior. Perhaps it is a genuine feeling of their own, or perhaps it is imposed upon them by men. The new freedom.has not done away with it--not the vote, nor trousers, nor cigarettes, nor even standards of sexual behavior that are somewhat similar to men's standards. Indeed all of these indexes of equality with men appear often as an uncertain effort to deny the confusion of roles in which modern society has placed women. Bunting blames society for certain prevailing attitudes of the woman of today, as expressed by the following: we have not been greatly concerned because we have never really expected women to use their talents and education to make significant intellectual or social advance. we were willing to open the doors but we did not find it important that they enter the promised land. we can use the able boy to plan and work for the contributions he can make in the second half of his life, but we have not encouraged the girl to look beyond her earl adult years. With the lack or expectation so prev ent, it is no wonder that most of the gifted children who fail to go to college are girls. When we see able high school girls shunted off from academic courses into the easier vocational courses, even though this means shunting them off from.later opportunities, we can be sure the "hidden dissuaders” are at work. These are the subtle under- currents of our society which shape our attitudes and often go unrecognized. They are inherited influ- ences the cultural standards which produce, for example, the belief that a scientific career is somehow —— 1Carl Binger, "The Pressures on College Girls Today," Atlgfltig Mgntflz, 207 (1961), p. 1.0. -40- "unladylike," or that marriage should be enough of a career for any woman. Along this same line of thought, Moser expressed the tra- ditional idea concerning woman's role as stated by certain men: A girl who succeeds is made masculine by her suc- cess. A girl is more attractive in need. Every step forward in success means a step backwards as a woman. ~ Certainly such views are damaging to any young woman with intellectual aspirations and goals. She is urged by the inner voice of conscience to be a success, to stay ahead of others, but to follow that voice is to damage her femininity. Yet, she must be feminine to be attractive to a man and her greater success, she is told, is to get a man who achieves. The door to a career is open to a superior girl, but accord- ing to the above statements, every step she takes through the door, she is warned, is a step backwards as a woman. However, some studies have shown that at least some superior or gifted women have not internalized the prevail- ing view. Dre‘ws'3 study of gifted adolescents reports the aspirations of these girls was very high with no feeling of inferiority or deference. Their choices of occupations g lMary Bunting, ”A Hu e waste: Educated womanpower," Ne Ye Sun: Times Maze SeCte June 7, 1961), p. 23e 2Clarence G. Moser, Understandin Girls (New York: Association Press, 1957), p. 235. 3Draws, op. cit., pp. l-3. -41- were often in the professions such as medicine, law, engi- neering and science. A great majority said they were above average intellectually. 0f the 531 "distinguished" students from Purdue University who acted as subjects in the study conducted by Remmers,1 more than half rated themselves as over average on native capacity. From the studies reviewed, one has the impression that confusion does exist in the attitudes of the superior girl towards herself. We can assume from the studies that the socially-oriented superior girl will be more inclined to avoid conflict in role or resolve it by accepting the still dominant view that women are in a subordinate position. Therefore, we would expect her to show a greater need for deference (to get suggestions from others, to do what is expected, to conform to custom).2 0n the other hand, the intellectually-oriented superior girl, who also faces role conflict, may be expected to be relatively less deferent. Conformity It is paradoxical that in the eyes of most of the world American women are looked upon as the most pampered and indulged women in modern history. Yet, in the area of g lRemmors, OEe Cite, pe 170e 2Edwards, op. cit., p. 5. -42- self development, and intellectual development they are greatly underprivileged. Women have been led to believe that the mink coat, not the laboratory coat, is the symbol of success; that beauty and youth is of greater importance than brains and experience; that leisure time is more re- warding than hard work, and that conformity is preferable to originality. Raskin, one of our few'well-known woman scientists says, Russian women are not smarter than American; neither are the Chinese, Indian, European and Scandinavian women who hold top flight technical positions in their respective countries. We have some outstanding female scientists and engineers. True, they are atly outnumbered by their male-colleagues, but this. s not due to any intellectual incompetence or lack of creative ability on the part of women. It is the fault of our cultural conditioning and our poor v ca- tional guidance for scientifically capable girls. Radler quoting Riesman on conformity stated; Parents make children feel guilty, not about failure to conform to some inner moral standard, but about failure to be popular . . . to conform to an outer standard, in other words. The schools enfbrce the necessary regularity not through set principles of behavior but through social pressures . . . through demanding of the student that "he play the game." Even researchers in universities and industry, people who ought to know better talk about "team approaches" to research, about "brainstorming" and about "group mind" and not about the individual working alone, concentrating at full power, the only creative approach to scholarship.2 1 . Betty Lou Raskin I'The untapped Resource " Goughgr Colle e Bulletin, 25 (1955), p. 3. ' 2D. H. Radler, I'The Teen-Ager's Choice; Popularity or Salvation" (mimeographed paper presented at Purdue Uni- versity, 1959), p. 2. -43- Everything conspires to produce conformity. The development of conformity begins in the home, and is rein- forced by the school. Roff'sl report on 39 research studies concerning the intra-family resemblances in personality characteristics, found that daughters tended to resemble and accept their parents attitude and Opinion much more than did the sons. This attitude prevailed in girls of all ages, from the grade school child to the female graduate student. Brown,2 in discussing the need for re-evaluation in sex identification in a changing world, has advocated a cessation of "boy's toys for boys" and "girl's toys for girls," thus reducing the establishment of definite sex roles and setting limitations in the definition of the sex role at a very early age. Fathers extol scholarship while mothers encourage sociability and as long as these two are viewed as separate and incompatible roles it creates an unfavorable psychological climate for the growing and devel- oping girl. The situation is not the same, however, at all stages of development. Both Brown3 and HartleyA show in early years LM. Roff, "Intra-famil Resemblances in Personality Characteristics,“ J. Psych., 3 (1950), pp. 199-227. zBrown, op. cit., p. 235. 31bid., p. 240. “Hartley, op. cit., p. 3. -44- girls are allowed comparatively greater freedom in role development for a longer period of time than boys. Boys at age five are subjected to a great deal of role pressure, while girls do not experience this factor until near the time of puberty. In other words, a girl may usually be a "tomboy" but a boy is rarely allowed to be a "sissy." It is true that girls in the present era have more freedom at an early age but it doesn't last, it isn't "for real." Conformity, has been in the past, and still is in some degree, one of culture's greatest inhibitors, especially to girls who as a sex have been taught to be conformists. Until very recently they have been admonished to be "little ladies." They have been trained from infants to be passive, personal and ma- ternal, docile, acquiescent and retiring. They have been enjoined not to express opinions too vehemently nor to con- tradict even when they know the correct answer. In a study of human potentialities,JMurphy1 has feund formal education to be one of the most rigid forces fer conformity. Anatasi2 has reported in a study of teacher ratings of the school child, that teachers expect girls to be more cOOperative than boys--the mere fact of being a girl is supposed to lead to a higher rating of cooperativeness. 1 Gardner.Murphy, Huggg Potentiglities (New Yerk: Basic Books Inc., 1958), p. 5. 2Anna Anatasi, Differential Psychology (New York: Macm113n, 1958), Fe 27 e -45- Conformity in reading material was found to be very prevalent beginning in the junior high school and continuing into senior high school. The quality of the reading material selected, deteriorated, especially in the case of girls who did not wish to appear "different," too brainy, or "book- wormish."1 One of America's well-known educators in discussing the influence of American culture on education describes two types of high school students which greatly resemble in many respects the socially-oriented and intellectually- oriented students with whom we are concerned. To quote: The total influence of the culture is to teach the young to run in groups as if America were one conse- ~ cutive series of which no one wanted to be chairman, and in which everyone must be included . . . there is accordingly, a general type of "American high school student," identified by foreign visitors and others who look at our educational system from the outside. He has absorbed the influences of an extroverted com- mmnity in his home town, particularly, in the urban and suburban areas, and models his conduct to a large extent on a young American type, itself a product of the movies, the magazines, the television, radio and phonograph records. The boys and girls have a co- educational attitude to teen-age life and a complicated ritual of dating, pledging, riding in cars attending sports events along with the common vocabulary of pepular phrases. They provide the material for the concept used by social workers, journalists and parents --the teen-ager. They also provide the mass market for commercial exploitation by clothing manufacturers, record companies, and television networks. The values are fer the most part accepted uncritically. The model for the high school boy is a star athlete who 1Ruth Strang5 "Gifted Adolescents View of Growing Up," ggcep. Child, 2 (1956), pp. 10-15. I!“ ll." I'll-IIII l llelilllul.‘ Ille.)x (I‘ll! (. -h6- has a straight "A" record, is popular with girls and elected to student office by popular acclaim. The model for the girl is one who is pretty, popular, hav- ing a "B"-plus record so that it will not be a threat to her popularity with boys, who likes sports, popular records, movies and has a well-knit social life. She - is neither arty or too brainy nor too intense about anything. The over-all value is to think of school as a place where you learn to get along with people, pre- pare either for getting into college by taking subjects and getting grades that will do that, or preparing for a job or for marriage following the years of high school. . . . Then there is another kind of high school student. His style is slightly different in the attitude of clothes he favors and in some of the books and ideas that are considered fashionable. But the style is similar in its in-groupness and its kind of togetherness . . . the togetherness shows itself in a special form of intellectual attitude--a serious con- cern for adult ideas and a rejection of the "high school pattern" . . . an additional characteristic of the sty e is that this student has a genuine concern for the rights and individualism of others and a genuine independence of mind that carries over to life in college, and after it. In the search for identity, this student is clearly concerned with finding an an- swer, and this clearly means a more intense and compli- cated struggle than fer those who have not undertaken the search. Yen ay a price for that kind of searching. But the values he d are those of equality for all cree 8, colors and countries, a sense of social justice and a love of art and learning.1 Thus education is working in opposition to its very life goals that should include a spirit of intellectual adventure, discovery, living curiosity, and a feeling of intelligence from cultural clamps, moving in a positive way and resisting the tendency to treat as enemies peeple who see things in another way. After all, people do differ in 1 Harold Taylor "The Understood Child " Sat. Rgv. hh (1961). Pp- a7-a9. ' ' ’ -47- their reactions to culture.1 In an experiment concerning the psychological aspects of conformity behavior of men and women,1Mouton2 attempted to discover if women were more susceptible to conformity pressures. Fifty college males and fifty college females were used in the project which presented three tasks. These included attitude statements, arithmetic problems, and answering information-items. Each subject answered after learning responses by two other subjects. Half of the group heard responses by the opposite sex and half by the same sex. Conclusions showed that women were susceptible to conformity concerning unfamiliar material but were not susceptible to conformity concerning familiar material (i.e. those girls who were more informed were less subject to coercive in- fluence). Neither sex was more pressured'for conformity than the other. College women were found to be more conform- ing than college men in a study of 125 seniors at the Uni- ' versity of Utah.3 All subjects had IQ scores of 115 and above. This group represented one-fourth of a class of freshmen who had enrolled, persisted, and become seniors. ~— JNurphy, OE: Cite. pe 1090 2Jane H. S. Houton, "Psychological Aspects of Con- .formity Behavior of Men and women" (unpublished dissertation, 'University of Texas, 1957). Jex, OP. Cite, ppe 118-120e -43- It is evident that some individuals are not con- forming, otherwise we would not be experiencing the change' in role definitions we have nothad earlier. Studies show that there is less conformity among the gifted. Lewis,1 in a study of 4,529 gifted elementary school children noted less conformity, and more originality and individuality than with those of lesser endowments. Drews,2 found less con- formity among the superior high school girls in her study. They showed non-conformity in their interests which were found to be primarily in science and mathematics, usually subjects dominated by boys. Their aims and goals also differed from those usually expected from young women of this age. Pepinsky,3 who investigated 40 young women at Ohio State University, some of whom.were intellectual leaders on the campus, showed definite signs of non-conformity. In general, superior girls are less conforming. The girl who elects the marriage-career choice and is intellec- tually-oriented still has to go against cultural norms. This is due to the cultural lag despite changes in society. ‘— 1W. D. Lewis, ”A Comparative Study of Personalities, Interests and Home Backgrounds of Gifted Children of Superior and Inferior Intellectual Achievement," J. Genet. Psych., 59 (19151), Pp. 207-218e 2 Elizabeth.M. Draws, "A Four Year Study of Gifted 4Adolescents." Paper presented at the American Psychological Association, 1957. (Mimeographedd 3Pauline Pepinsky, "Productive Non-conformity on the Campus." Paper presented at Ohio State University, 1958. (Mimeographed. ) -h9- To quote Steiner: Female roles are changing rapidly but are not yet stabilized to provide women with an unambiguous definition of sanctioned behavior. Undoubtedly, the use of overtly defiant behavior by females is still rather uniformly tabooed but the continuing emancipation of woman has lifted some of the re- straints and has made submissive and conforming behavior less completely appropriate than was the case a decade ago. Thompson2 substantiates Steiner's theory that submissive behavior is not regarded as entirely appropriate in this changing period. Conformity has been used in the immediate past by women simply as a method of resolving conflicts. Because the culture has been unable to define feminine roles during such rapid period of change, it has left women with no clear direction and has failed to provide a course of action which was_unquestionably correct, uniformly sanctioned, and manifestly safe. we would expect superior girls who elect intellectual orientation with all the obstacles still present concerning that role, to be the least conforming and the most open- minded. The Rokeach3 studies have shown that open-minded people (i.e. people with an open system of beliefs) score 1Ivan'D. Steiner, "Sex and Conformity,” J. Pers., 28 2Clara Thompson, "Cultural Pressures in the Psychol- ogy of Women," Pszclhiat , 5 (1942), pp. 331-339. 3Milton Rokeach The 0 n and Closed Mind (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1960), pp. $32-$83. -50- low on dogmatism. According to Rokeach dogmatism is the individual's system of closed belief-disbelief, general tolerance and general authoritarianism. Rokeach has also shown that persons with an open system of beliefs, scoring low on dogmatism, are those who move towards professional occupations requiring longer preparation and those occupa— tions that are more intellectually-demanding. From the review of the literature we would expect the intellectually-oriented superior girl to be less con- forming and less dogmatic than the socially-oriented superior girl. Parental Values As we have seen in the section above, tradition and cultural expectations are extremely important in the develop-. ment of values that parents accept and incorporate in their own philosophies. These values, in turn, are most important agents in influencing the goals and aims of young men and women. Family value systems, including not only the attitudes of fathers and mothers, but also the attitudes of siblings, are thought to have a strong effect on individual aspirations. The studies of Hartley1 have shown that such value systems are even more important for girls than for boys. Parents and siblings can inhibit mm or nurture 11:, by inattention, WV— f lHartley, OEe Cite, pe 2e -51- criticism, ridicule, or hostility toward efforts to explore ideas, to pursue special interest, or to achieve intellectual success. In Houle'sl work concerning the individual with an inquiring mind, those subjects identified as learning oriented or intellectually-oriented, when asked their opinion as to the origin of their curiosity gave these reasons in the following order of importance: (1) parents with a zest for new facts, (2) native intelligence, and (3) the advantages of education. Barzun would be in agreement with this as he states, There is no mystery about it--the child who is familiar with books, ideas conversation, the ways and means of the intellectual life before he begins school, indeed before he begins consciously to think, has a marked advantage. He is at home in the House of Intellect just as the stable-boy is at home among horses, or the child of actors on the stage. . Whatever the "actual" role played by mothers and fathers in the intellectual development of their daughters, the identification pattern of superior girls with social orientation may be expected to differ from that of the in- tellectually-oriented. A study by Price3 of leaders and leril o. Houle, The In uirin Mind (Madison: Uni- versity of Wisconsin Press, 195%), p. 5h. 2 Jacques Barzun, The House of Intellect (New York: ‘Harper & Bros., 1959), p. . . 3Mary Alice Price, "A Study of Metivational and Per- ceptual Factors Associated with leadership Behavior in a Private £32301." Unpublished dissertation, Ohio State University, -52- non-leaders among 223 junior college women of ages ranging from 16 to 20 made three comparisons of the attitudes and behavior of parents. The first difference noted was that those who hold leadership roles had learned certain social behaviors at home. The second difference noted was that the self perception for the leader groups was more positive (the leaders tended to see themselves as having good ideas and as able to make others share these ideas). The third differ- ence concerned the influence of the home itself. The leaders identified emotionally with both parents equally, although they viewed the mother as the more cautious member of the family and the father as the more likely to express emotion freely. This was in opposition to the findings for the non- leaders. Non-leaders identified more with the father than the mother even though they felt the father was the more cautious member of the family. The non-leader did not wish to emulate the mother.. 0n the other hand, Pierce and Bowmanl found high achieving girls and boys more often named their fathers as having been the most important influence in their lives.' Fathers of these students were found to be somewhat better educated and had somewhat higher social status than the fathers of a comparison group of superior low achievers. Getzels and Jackson2 note, in a study of family environment 1Pierce and Bowman, op. cit., p. 6. 2Jacob w. Getzels and Philip w. Jackson, "Family En- vironment and Cognitive Style," Ameri. Soc. Rev., 26 (1961), PPo 351-359. -53- and cognitive style, that the children with high IQ scores had fathers with high level educations. Socio-Economic Status One of the most generally accepted propositions in educational research is that intelligence, socio-economic status, and level of formal education (as these are usually measured) are positively intercorrelated. For example one might cite warner, Havighurst, and Loeb1 in a study of pupils with IQ scores of 110 and above, as to the socio- economic status of their homes, and the education of their parents. Similarly, Bond2 has reported in his study of Na- tional Merit Scholars that homes of high socio-economic status have produced, by far, many more merit scholars. The largest percentage of scholars came from homes in which the father was a professional or manager. The five most pro- ductive sub-groups were librarians, college personnel, architects, lawyers and clergymen. The fathers of students in Remmers3 research of superior university students were primarily from the professions. These findings are consistent 1W. L. Warner, Robert J. Havighurst, and.Mt B. Loeb, Who Shall Be Educated? (New York: Harper & Bros., l9hh). 2H. M. Bond "The Productivity of National Merit Scholars by Occupational Class," Sch. a Soc., 88 (1957). 3Remmers, op. cit., p. 175. -54- with Terman's early report1 that the great majority of the gifted children came from homes of high socio-economic status. But while, in general, superior students may be ex- pected to come from advantaged backgrounds when compared to less gifted, it does not follow that this is a one-to-one 2 found a great number of her 150 gifted relationship. Drews adolescents coming from homes other than the managerial and professional (upper middle class level). Also, Brynes and Henmon3 in their study of parental occupation and mental ability, found somewhat the same results. In a class of Wisconsin high school seniors who fell above the group median in intelligence scores only 7.9 per cent had fathers in the professions while l7.h per cent had fathers in skilled labor occupations. For the superior girl who comes from a less advantaged family background the choice of a career demanding expensive training might then be limited. The inability of a family to supply financial aid is known to take its toll of the superior girl. According to Riesmanh the goals and aspirations of the daughter in the 1Lewis M. Terman, Genetic Studies of Genius, Vol. 1 (Stanford University Press, 2 , p. . 2Drew8, OBe Cite‘ Pe 2e 3Ruth Brynes and V. A. C. Henmon, I'Parental Occupa- géznzgrlld Mental Ability," Je Ede PSZChe, 57 (1936), Pp. hDavid Riesman, "Some Continuities and Discontinuities in the Education of women." Third John Dewey Lecture, Ben- nington College, Vermont, 1956. -55- family are considered second to those of the son regardless of ability or capacity. The pinch of financial need is more acute for girls than for boys.1 In the first place boys have freer access to the family purse for educational pur- poses than do girls. Secondly, it is harder for a girl to work her way through college than it is for a boy. There are not as many opportunities available to her and some of the part-time jobs she might take are not suitable because of the hours of work, distance from the campus, and other factors. In the scholarship area there are still large corporations that give thousands of dollars annually for scholarships for men but will not give for girls. David2 in discussing the factors that affect the de- cisions concerning the higher education of superior women suggests that many teen-age girls with high ability would postpone marriage if funds were available for a college education. It is difficult to predict whether socially and in- tellectually oriented girls may be expected to differ with respect to the socio-economic status and level of parental education. On the one hand, the obstacles against extended —_ 1Anna L. Rose Hawkes, "Motivation of WOmen for Edu- cation; Scope of the Problem." Unpublished paper, Rye, New Ybrk, 1957, p. 9. (Mimeographed.) 2 Opal David, "Factors Influencing Women's Decisions About Higher Education," J. Natl Assn. women De 3 and Counselors, 23 (1959). pp. 35-33. -56- training may serve to force those less advantaged to consider marriage as a more practical alternative. On the other hand, those who are disadvantaged and who do elect college may feel compelled to consider training that holds a promise of some future income. At this point it seems wisest to con- clude that no differences will be found. Ordinal Status There is considerable agreement that superiority is correlated in some way with birth position. Where opinions differ is in the extent to which such correlations are ex- plained by heredity or by the environmental advantages of companionship with adults, greater financial aid, and oppor- tunity for education that exists for the first-born. There is some evidence that ordinal status also, influences occupational aspirations. For example, oldest girls in the Drewsl study were more apt to have mathematical and science goals and interests. Lewis,2 in a study of 4,529 gifted elementary school children chosen as the top ten per cent of a total population of t5,000 for the grades four to eight found differences in those who were education- ally accelerated (chronologically younger and presumably with higher educational aspirations) and those who were educationally 1 ' ' Drews, op. cit., p. 2. 2Lewis, op. cit., pp. 216-217. -57- retarded. 0f the educationally-accelerated superior stu- dents, twelve per cent were only children and thirty per cent were first-born. Of the educationally-retarded superior students, eight per cent were only children and 22 per cent were first born. Koch1 has pointed out that discipline is much more severe with first-born than with later born chil- dren. .Much more is expected of the first-born than of other children in the family. The father has been found to be most severe in this instance. Often the unfulfilled aspira- tions of parents are passed on to the first-born rather than to those children entering the family at a later time. Pierce and Bowman2 in their study of the educational motiva- tional patterns of superior students found the high achievers coming from small families and a great many were only or first-born children. In the Brandwein3 study of students with high science potential #7 out of 89 were only children and 24 were first—born. Likewise, in Remmer'sh study of supe- rior university students more than twice as many were first born (37.1 per cent against 16.7 per cent). 1 Helen L. Koch, "Attitudes of Young Children Toward Their Peers As Related to Certain Characteristics of Their Siblings," Psyph. Mbno., 70 (1956), p. A29. 2Pierce and Bowman, op. cit., p. 7. 3Brandwein, op. cit., p. 55. hRemmers, pp, cit., p. 17L. -53- It seemed reasonable to predict, therefore, that in- tellectually-oriented superior girls will more often be first-born children than will those who are socially-oriented. CHAPTER III HYPOTHESES The review of the relevant literature described in Chapter II served as a rationale for the following hypotheses: 1. That there would be statistically significant differences between socially and intellectually oriented superior girls on various personality characteristics as follows: (a) That the mean score of the intellectually- oriented superior college girls would be significantly higher on "achievement" and I'autonomy" as measured by the Edwards Personal Preference Schedule; and that for superior high school girls, the intellectually-oriented mean score would be higher on the High School Personality Questionnaire1 (IPAT) measures of "ego strength," and "individualism." (b) That the mean score of the sociallyboriented superior college girl would be higher on "deference," "domi- nance," and "heterosexuality" as measured by the Edwards Personal Preference Schedule; and that for the superior 1 . The Institute fer Personality and Ability Testing High School Personality Questionnaire designed by R. B. Cattell, He Bel-Off, and Re W. coane -59- -60- socially-oriented high school girl the mean scores would be higher on the High School Personality Questionnaire measures of "super ego," "dominance," and 'permia." (c) That there would be no significant difference in personality characteristics as measured by the Edwards Personal Preference Schedule and the High School Personality Questionnaire other than those named. 2. That both the socially-oriented college and high school girls would score higher on the Rokeach Test for dog- matism. 3. That both the intellectually-oriented college and high school girls would have different occupational aspira- tions both with respect to immediate goals and general level of aspirations. A. That the intellectually-oriented girls would more often rate their ability as being above average. 5. That for both high school and college girls there would be statistically significant differences on background sociological variables as follows: (a) That the intellectually-oriented and socially- oriented girls would differ on socio-economic status as determined by the level of the occupation of the father. (b) That the intellectually-oriented and socially- oriented girls would differ with respect to the level of formal education attained by their parents. -61- (c) That there would be more first-born found within the ranks of the intellectually-oriented girls than would be found within the ranks of the socially-oriented girls. In determining what would be considered "statistically significant," it was decided to infer that differences which would be expected by chance with a probability of l in 20 or less would be taken to be significant ones. It might be argued the five hypotheses above do little more than check the warranty of the division of superior girls into the two groups we have called the socially-oriented and the intellectually-oriented. As a further check on the hypotheses, and as an aid to their interpretation, it was proposed to engage all girls in both a personal interview and a group meeting. No formal hypotheses were proposed, however, for the material to be elicited in the interviews and the group meetings. CHAPTER IV THE DESIGN OF THE STUDY To test the hypotheses put forward in Chapter III, two samples of the most superior girls in the Lansing, Michi- gan public high schools and Michigan State University were selected. There were ninety—six girls in all, h8 of whom were in college and 48 in high school at the time the study was completed. At each level, there were 23 girls classified as socially-oriented and 25 classified as intellectually- oriented girls. Selection of the College Sample The following criteria were employed fer the selec- tion of the "socially-oriented" college girls: 1. High leadership qualities evidenced by.important offices held. Three such offices were to be held simul- taneously. 2. Junior or senior class standing at the time of the study. - Disucssions with college counselors for women, ad- visors for clubs and all-college organizations, sponsors for JMortar Board (senior national women's honorary), and student leaders themselves helped to determine which organizations -52- -63- would be considered "important." Those offices counting toward the first criterion included being a class officer; a social, political or religious club officer; serving as chairwoman of an all-university committee, such as the J-HOp committee or Campus Community Chest committée; being presi- dent of‘a dormitory unit or a sorority; an editorship; and membership on student governing boards. The number of important offices actually held by the college girls eventu- ally classified as socially-oriented ranged from 3-7 with a median of h.0. The girls designated as social leaders were located in several ways; by examining all club rosters registered at the office of the Dean of Students; by contacting living units (dormitories, sororities and cooperative living quar- ters); by examining applications to Mortar Board (Senior 'Woman's Honorary); by inquiring into student government boards and all-college activities boards and by talking with students themselves in order to find those girls holding offices, elected positions of importance, editorships of the student newspaper or yearbook, or committee chairmen- ships of all-college extra-curricular activities. Many girls were found who held one important office during the junior or senior year. Fewer were found who held two such offices at the same time, and only 25 girls were found who held three or more such offices simultaneously. The median of offices held by these 25 girls was h.0. -64- As to class standing, there were 14 seniors and 11 juniors in the socially-oriented group at the beginning of the study. Two seniors were dropped because of lack of data, thus 23 girls made up the population for the socially- oriented superior college sample. The American Council on Education Psychological Examination ratings for the socially-oriented girls were found to be equivalent to the Stanford Binet IQ score of 120 as the minimum and 130 as the maximum. The grade point averages of the socially-oriented girls included a minimum point average of 3.12 (3.00 repre- sented "B" and h.00 represented "A"), the mean was 3.h8 with a standard deviation of 0.19. The programs or curricula in which the socially- oriented girls were engaged at the time of the study in- cluded elementary teaching (7), secondary teaching (5), interior decorating (1), medical technology (2), social work (2), secretarial work (2), nursing (3), and law clerk (1). All of the social leaders, by the definition used, were thus found to be superior girls though none had ACE scores which might lead to their being designated as in- tellectually-gifted. The occupations for which they were preparing make it clear that these girls had elected fields traditionally chosen by women, and had avoided demanding career commitment. In selecting a group to contrast with these superior -65.. girls whose orientation was clearly social it was decided to identify a group whose minimum ACE equivalent IQ score was 130. It was felt that by using this as a minimum cut-off these superior girls whose orientation was more exclusively intellectual would be identified. While this might intro- duce a confounding factor into the comparison it was justi- fied on the grounds that the motivation to do well in formal examinations might in itself be characteristic of the intellectually-oriented girl. TherefOre, in order to qualify a college girl for. the intellectually-oriented designation the following re- quirements were established: 1. High level of intelligence test performance equivalent to a Stanford-Binet of 130 and above. 2. Junior or senior class standing at the time of the study. 3. The absence of a record of leadership in important campus soCial organizations. In the absence of Stanford-Binet scores for the col- lege sample, admission scores obtained by the university were used in determining the intelligence level. The following battery of tests was included at Michigan State University: The American Council on Education Psychological Examination, and the Michigan State University Reading Tests. In determining the equivalence of the ACE with the Stanford-Binet -66- the results of the Missouri Studies,1 and the Wilson College Studies2 were followed. Permission was granted by the registrar of the university to examine all admission records for junior and senior women in the year the study was to be carried out. The results from the study of records of the total univer- sity enrollment revealed that there were only 60 girls out of a total population of more than 20,000 (the total en- rollment of women during the three year span) who met the qualification for the intellectually-oriented designation. However, at the time of the collection of data all 60 girls were not at the university. Four had left for foreign study, two had suffered nervous breakdowns and had returned to their homes, five were engaged in internships away from the campus proper, several had left to study at other institutions, and many had married and were living in other localities. At the final count there were 25 girls who qualified on this, and all other criteria, and who agreed to participate 1Janeth Turner, Tolan L. Chappell, and Robert Collis, "Equivalent Scores on Several Tests of Mental Abilities," Univ. Couns. Bur. Res. Rep., 70 (1952), pp. 1-7- 2Edward E. Anderson, et al., "Wilson College Studies in Psychology of the Wechsler Bellevue, Revised Stanford- Binet and American College on Education Tests at the College Level," J. Psych., lb (l9h2), pp. 317-366. . -67- in the study. Of this number 13 were juniors and 12 were seniors. The intellectually-oriented girls were conspicuous by their absence as officers or leaders in what has been defined as important social or extra-curricular activities on the campus. However, some participation was noted, usually in professional organizations or activities related to career areas. The median number of such offices held was 1.0. The grade point averages of the intellectually- oriented girls ranged from 3.07 to 4.00; the mean grade point average was 3.h8 with a standard deviation of 0.23. It should be noted that the mean grade point average for both groups, despite their differences on their ACE scores was identical and may serve as a further Justification for the decision to select the intellectually-oriented from among those with higher ACE scores. If grade performance, rather than the ACE score is used as the basis for defining "superiority" these groups differed only with respect to the number of important offices held. It is recognized, of course, that the programs in which the intellectually-oriented ‘were engaged were more demanding than those in which the socially-oriented were enrolled. The programs in which the intellectually-oriented girls were engaged included chemical research (2), psychology (2), university teaching (8), anthropology (2), medicine (3), -68- mathematical research (2), writing (2), dietetics (1), and foreign service (1). For the college sample, variables that were essen- tially psychological (i.e. hypotheses 1-3) were measured by use of the Edwards Personal Preference Schedule, The Rokeach Test for Dogmatism, and by items in an interview question- naire specifically designed for the study. Evidence fer the reliability of the Edwards Test was 1 in terms of coefficients of internal presented by Edwards consistency for the 15 need variables measured, and also, by test-retest coefficients or stability coefficients. The lowest of all reported coefficients was .60 for "deference" and the median of all reliability coefficients reported was .89. As to the validity of the Edwards test, various studies have been made comparing ratings and scores on the variables and are reported in the test manual. There would appear to be sufficient warranty for concluding that the Edwards test measures what it purports to measure. The Rokeach test measures a general trait of dogma- tism. Rokeachl has defined "dogmatism" as a closed cognitive 1Allen L. Edwards,.Manua1 of Edwards Personal Prefer- ence Schedule (New York: T e syc o ogica orporation, 1951+) ’ PP. 11-12. 2Milton Rokeach, The Open and Closed.Mind (New York: Basic Books Inc., 1960). -69- structure of beliefs and disbeliefs organized around a set of centrally—located beliefs about authority., He also in- cludes within that framework attitudes of intolerance toward people. Since Rokeach believed that the best single behav- ioral manifestation of such attitudes is through the employ- ment of opinionated language, his scale was originally built on 66 statements whenasubjects indicated agreement or dis- agreement on a scale of -3 to +3 with the 0 point excluded in order to force responses toward agreement or disagree- ment. Four major revisions, over a two year period were made to assure reliability. Odd-even item correlations, corrected by the Spearman-Brown formula were used to deter- mine reliability. The fourth revision, Form D, had a reli- ability of .91 and this form was used in this study. Evi- dence for the validity of the test is reported in the Rokeach test manual.1 Information on the occupational aspirations of the girls, as well as on other relevant matters was secured. 1 Milton Rokeach, "Political and Religious Dogmatism --An Alternative to the Authoritarian Personality," Psych. Mono., 70 (1956), pp. 13-21. -70- through an intensive personal interview conducted by a train- ed interviewer.1 Responses were recorded by the interviewer who used a questionnaire designed for the study, and which may be found in the appendix. The interview questions dealt with attitudes and values toward such subjects as dating, marriage, career, future goals and aspirations, and attitudes toward self, especially those attitudes that indicated com- patibility or conflict between intellectuality and femininity. Much of the material obtained through the interviews was not used in the present study, but will be reported in later studies. The sociological material required to test the fifth hypothesis was obtained through use of the Index of Status Characteristics developed in 1949 by W. L. warner, Marcia Meeker, and K. Eells.‘2 An index status is computed for each individual by rating him on a seven point scale on each of feur factors: (1) occupation, (2) source of income, (3) house type, and (A) dwelling area. These fOur ratings are then weighted for an approximation of social status. The seven point scale for occupation includes the 1The interviews were conducted by graduate students who had completed the requirements for the Guidance and Per- sonnel curriculum including an internship in counseling at the University Counseling Clinic. 2 W. L. warmer, Marcie Meeker, and K. Eells, Socigl C as in Amer c (Chicago: Science Research Associat on, -71- following scale points: l-Professional level including a dentist, lawyer, doctor, professor, engineer, chemist, pro- fessor; business men such as top executives, presidents, managers of corporations, utilities or banks; white collar workers such as executive secretary of organizations, C.P.A., editor of reputed newspaper or magazine. 2-Professional level such as high school teacher, trained nurse, architect, minister, undertaker; business men such as assistant office and department managers or supervisors, managers of medium sized branches; white collar workers such as accountants, insurance, stock and bond, real estate salesmen in reputed firms, columist or editorial writer. 3-Professional level such as grade school teacher, optometrists, pharmicist, city veterinarian; business men such'as managers of small branch stores and similar businesses, salesmen of better merchandise and known customers, buyers; white collar workers such as bank and broker's clerks, secretary, railroad agent, elected civic and county officials, newspaper reporters. A-No pro- fessional level; business men and white collar workers, rural mail clerk, auto salesman, stenographer, clothing or book salesman. 5-Drug store, hardware, grocery, and dime store clerk, telephone and beauty operators, practical nurse. 64Migrant workers, those who do not want to be established with work. 7-Reputed law breakers. A copy of the Index of Status Characteristics will be found in the appendix. Ex- cept in the instances where the subject's father was deceased, -72- the Index was completed using the father's occupation and income. For.the exception the mother's occupation and in- come were used. Information on the girls' ordinal status, and level of parental education were obtained by personal interviews which have already been described above. Two group meetings were held with the entire college sample in order to establish the necessary rapport for the testing and interviewing. Each girl was introduced but was not, of course, identified as to membership in the socially- oriented or intellectuallyboriented group. The girls were then free to mingle and get acquainted as coffee was served. Following this, a counselor from the University Counseling Clinic gave a general interpretation of the Edwards test as each girl watched her own individual score. A question period followed in which some mutual problems of the superior girl were discussed. The interviewers were present and made some notes of the conversation during the discussion period and observations of their own. While there was no structured plan for data gathering at these meetings the intuitive re- ports of the interviewers and principal investigator provided many additional hunches about differences between these two groups of girls. Some of these insights will be reported in Chapter VI. Selection of High School Sample Selection of girls for the high school sample was -73- more straight forward and their reasons for employing the criteria used were the same as those used with the college girls.‘ The girls were selected from the three public high schools of Lansing, Michigan. The total enrollment included 5,602 girls. - I The following criteria were employed for the selec- tion of the "socially-oriented" high school girls: 1. High leadership qualities evidenced by important offices held. Three such offices were to be held simultan- eously. 2. Sophomore class standing at the time of the study. Although the requirements for the first criterion for the selection of the "socially-oriented"_high school girl were the same as that used for the college girl, there was a difference in the type of office of the social leader at the high school age. In the high school, those offices designated as important leadership positions included the home-room president, president of the girls athletic asso- ciation, cheer-leaders, majorettes, offices of the student council, officers of social and recreational clubs, and offi- cers of voluntary service groups operating at the high school level. The girls designated as social leaders were located with the help of the home-room teachers, and high school counselors who supplied the information as to those holding leadership positions in clubs, student governing bodies , -7L- and editorships of the school paper. There were 26 girls who met all the criteria for the "socially-oriented" desig— nation. However, two of that number moved from.the city during the study and one was excluded because of lack of data. This left 23 high school girls who participated as socially-oriented subjects. The median number of offices these girls held was A.0. Stanford Binet IQ scores were available from the school records for each girl. All scores had been recorded within the past two years. They ranged from 120 to 13A with a median of 129.0. The grade point averages of the ”socially-oriented" high school girl ranged from 3.00 which represented a."B,' _to L.00 which represented an ”A." The mean was 3.59. The standard deviation was 0.37. The following criteria were employed for the selec- tion of the intellectually-oriented high school girl; 1. High level of intelligence test performance, the minimum of which was a Stanford-Binet IQ score of 130 and above. ' 2. Sophomore standing at the time of the study. 3. The lack of a record of leadership in high school social organizations. The first criterion for the selection of the high school girls designated as ”intellectually-oriented" was supplied by the school records. Stanford-Binet IQ scores -75- were available for all girls. These scores had been recorded within the past two years. The scores ranged from 136 to 167 with a median of 149.0. The grade point averages of the intellectually- oriented girls ranged from 2.66 to 4.00 with a mean point average of 3.62, and a standard deviation of 0.30. _The intellectually-oriented girls were not prominent as officers or leaders in social or extra-curricular activi- ties at the high school. Some participation was noted, how- ever, the median number of offices held was 1.2. The tests and procedures used fer the college sample were repeated fer the high school sample with the major ex- ception of one test. It was not possible to use the Edwards Personal Pre- ference Schedule with the high school sample since the Board of Education of the Lansing Public School system did not consider the test appropriate for high school age girls be- cause of the inclusion of the items concerning heterosexuality. Therefore, it was necessary to substitute another personality test. After a thorough review of the tests available for this particular age group, it was decided to use the 1958 personality scale developed by Cattell, Beloff, and Coan.1 This test seemed to correlate more closely with the Edwards 1R. B. Cattell, Personalit and tivation Structure and Measurement (New York: World Book 00., I957). -75- test than did any of the other tests examined. The IPAT Test is a revision of the Junior Personality Test and represents the accumulation of thirty years of work in the field of personality measurement. The test was de- signed to measure personality characteristics»‘by a bi-polar system, aiming at giving the maximum information in the shortest time about the greatest number of dimensions of personality. The test measures the following characteristics: cyclothymia, general intelligence, ego strength, excitability, dominance, surgency, super ego strength, parmia, premsia, individualism, guilt proneness, self sufficiency, self senti- ment, ergic tension. Reliabilities fer the test are expressed in terms of a stability coefficient, a consistency coefficient and an equivalence coefficent. The lowest coefficient reported is .68 for surgency. Evidence is also available on the validity of the tests and is reported in the test handbook.l Minor changes were required to make the interview schedule used with the college sample appropriate for this younger age group. Further, only one group meeting was held with the entire high school sample. This meeting was fer the 1 R. B. Cattell, H. Beloff, and R. W. Coan, Handbook for the IPAT High School Personality Questionnaire (CEampaIgn, no 3: nst tute or erson ty an ty esting, 1958)..pe 10o [all {ill-I III-Ill. II u'lllll II .ll‘lJ -77- purpose of giving an interpretation of the Cattell Person- ‘ ality Test results and to establish rapport for the inter- views. CHAPTER V RESULTS The results of the statistical analysis will be presented in this chapter, separately for the college girls and then for the high school girls. In completing the analysis three statistical tests were used. These were the student's "t" test, the Wilcoxon non-parametric "T" test and the chi square test. As indi- cated in Chapter III the decision was made to reject chance as an explanation of the results obtained when the choice of level for acceptance-rejection of all such hypotheses was set at the .05 level. The observed difference would have been expected 1 in 20 times or less, if chance alone was operative. Student's "t" test was used where it was desired to examine differences between two sets of means. Since many of the hypotheses were directional the one-tailed "t" test was often considered appropriate. This meant that where direction was hypothesized the critical value of "t" employed was 1.68. Where non-directional hypothesis was used the critical value of "t" was 2.02. Where the "t" test was employed, adequate attention was given to testing the tenability of the assumption of -73.. -79- homogeneity of variance. In cases where the "F" test for differences in the variance was found to be too large to argue homogeneity, the data was submitted to the Wilcoxon non-parametric test which is a rank test requiring no assump- tions about the distribution of scores, or homogeneity. For other hypotheses, the chi square statistic was employed in testing the probability that the differences in the observed distributions for the two groups compared were due to chance alone. College Sample Hypothesis 1(a) and 1(b) were tested by using measurements of the college sample on the Edwards Personal Preference Schedule as described in Chapter IV. Hypothesis 1(a) stated that the intellectually- oriented girls would have a greater need for both achievement and for autonomy. The characteristics of achievement is described by Edwards as follows: To do one's best, to be successful, to accomplish tasks requiring skill and effort, to be a recognized authority, to accomplish something of great signifi- cance, to do a difficult job well, to solve difficult problems and puzzles, to be able to do things better than others, to write a great novel or play. 1 Edwards, op. cit., p. 5. As can be seen from Table l, the mean score for the intel- lectually-oriented girls was higher for achievement than it was for the socially-oriented girls. The "t" obtained for the difference in these means made it possible to reject chance as an explanation for the obtained difference in means and, in respect to the pepulations for which these samples are representative, to infer that the intellectually- oriented girl did, in fact, have a higher need fer achieve- ment than the socially oriented college girl. However, as can be seen by inspection of Table 2 in the hierarchy of needs measured by the Edwards test, the two groups are not markedly different. The characteristic of autonomy is described by Edwards as follows: To be able to come and go as desired, to say what one thinks about things, to be independent of others in making decisions, to feel free to do what one wants, to do things that are unconventional, to avoid situ- ations where one is expected to conform, to do things without regard to what others may think, to criticise those in a position of authority.1 With respect to autonomy the hypothesis was also accepted, but the difference in the importance of autonomy for the two groups should be noted. Autonomy was first in the hierarchy of needs for the intellectually-oriented girl but 13th for the socially-oriented girl. This appeared to be the major E -81- TABLE l.--Summary of Differences for Intellectually-Oriented (I-0) and Socially-Oriented (3-0) College Girls on Edwards Personal Preference Schedule Variable Group ‘Mean S.D. t Achievement s-oa 14.00 3.33 2.10* I-O 16.44 4.56 Deferenca 3-0 12.35 3052 1e68* I-O 10.48 4.06 Order S-O 9e35 “039 e36 I-O 8.84 5.36 Exhibition S-O 12.48 3.40 1.76 I-O 14.28 3.60 Autonomy 8-0 10.44 4.31 9.60* 1-0 22.24 4.06 Affiliation 8-0 17.35 4.04 .63 I-0 18.04 3.58 Intraception 8-0 18.26 5.17 .41 1-0 17.68 4.76 Succorance 8-0 12.7 5.60 .28 1-0 13.1 4.96 Dominance S-O 16.70 5.51 .66 I-O 15.72 4.78 Abasement 3-0 12088 3077 022 . I-0 12.60 5.00 Nurturance 3‘0 16057 #036 07“ I-O 17.48 4.26 Change S-O 17.35 4.22 .67 I-O 16.48 4.76 Endurance 8.0 12.30 5.68 e21 I-O 12.64 5.34 Heterosexuality S-O 16.04 5.36 1.44 I-O 13.80 5.42 Aggression 8-0 9.65 4.56 .34 I-O 9.20 4.71 as-o a 23; I-O = 25 *Probability that observed difference is due to chance is equal to, or less than, 1 in 20. -32- TABLE 2.--Rank Order of 15 Edwards Personal Preference Sched- ule Means for Intellectually-Oriented (I-0) and Socially-Ori- ented (S-O) College Samples 1 fl 1 :— Rank Order of Means ' 8ocia11y- intellectually- Variables Oriented Oriented Achievement 7 6 Deference ll 13 Order ' 15 15 Exhibitionism 10 8 Autonomy 13 1 Affiliation 2.5 2 Intraception 1 4 Succorance 9 10 Dominance 4 7 Abasement 8 12 Nurturance 5 3 Change 2.5 5 Endurance 12 11 Heterosexuality 6 9 Aggression 14 14 -33- difference in the data and was the one trait of the fifteen on which the two groups differed as extremely with respect to the importance assigned to the measured attitudes (c.f. Table 2). Hypothesis 1(b) stated that the socially-oriented girls would score higher on deference, dominance, and heterosexuality. Edwards describes deference as stated: The need to get suggestions from others, to find out what others think, to follow instructions and do what is expected, to conform to custom, to tell others they have done a good job.1 In respect to this characteristic the socially-oriented girls showed a greater need than the intellectually-oriented girls, thus supporting the hypothesis at a reliable level. According to Edwards dominance is described as fol- lows: To argue for one's point of view, to be a leader in groups to which one belongs, to persuade and influ- ence others to do what one wants, to supervise and direct the actions of others, to tell others how to to their jobs.2 Edwards describes the need of heterosexuality as: The need to go out with members of the opposite sex, to be in love with someone of the opposite sex, to be regarded as physically attractive by those of the 3 opposite sex, to participate in discussions about sex. In respect to both of these characteristics the difference in the sample means were in the predicted direction but not llbid. 21bid. -34- reliably so. Therefbre, the hypothesis concerning dominance and heterosexuality was not supported. Hypothesis 1(c) stated that there would be no sig- nificant differences for the other personality characteris- tics measured by the Edwards test. This hypothesis was supported. However, it is interesting to fecus attention on one other characteristic, namely, "exhibitionism." Ac- cording to Edwards this is the following need: To say witty and clever things, to tell amusing stories and jokes, to talk about personal adven- tuggsland experiences, to be the center of atten- The intellectually-oriented girls scored higher on this need than the socially-oriented girls but not enough to warrant an inference of a reliable difference, given the two-tailed hypothesis. However, the magnitude of the observed differ- ence will justify some special consideration of this vari- able when we interpret these data in the next chapter. Hypothesis 2 stated that the socially-oriented girl would be more dogmatic than the intellectuallyboriented girl. The characteristic of dogmatism.was measured by the Rokeach test. Dogmatism as described by Rokeach is "a measure of the structure of the individual's system of closed belief- disbelief, general intolerance and general authoritarianism.”2 1Ibid. zMilton Rokeach, The eggs sad Closed Mind (New York: Basic Books Inc., 1960), pp. 3-10. -35- The difference in the variances of the two groups was too large to conclude homogeneity in the spread of scores so that student's "t" test was not considered appropriate to test the difference in means. TABLE 3.--Summary for Intellectually-Oriented (1-0) and Socially-Oriented (S-O) College Sample for Rokeach Test on Dogmatism Variable Group N Mean S.D. Dogmatism 3-0 23 Moot“? 19e90 I-O 25 145.92 12.86 An F test for the differences in the variances of the two groups resulted in a value of 2.39. At the five per cent level the critical ratio for 22.24 d.f. is less than 2.03. Thus, it would appear that with respect to dogmatism the socially-oriented girls were considerably more divergent among themselves than were the intellectually-oriented girls. The data on dogmatism for the college sample was submitted to the Wilcoxon non-parametric T test, a rank test which does not assume homogeneity of the distributions con- cerned. The results of this test indicated that differences in means were not reliable enough to support the hypothesis. Hypothesis 3 was tested by using measurements obtained from the warner Index, the personal interview, and the inter- est questionnaire. It was predicted under hypothesis 3 that the intellectually-oriented girls would have different occupational -36- aspirations than the socially-oriented girls. Two questions from the interviews were used to order girls with respect to their aspirations. One measured the immediate choice she must make on graduation from college and the second measured her more general aspirations, if the choice of career were necessary. (Questions 16 and 21 in the interview schedule, Appendix.) Concerning the first question on their immediate occupational aspirations it was determined from the personal interviews that 46 of the 48 college girls wanted marriage at some time. (The remaining two of the 48, both from the intellectually-oriented group, rejected marriage for re- ligious careers).7 However, what was critical was not plans for marriage, but when marriage was contemplated. Several girls expressed a desire for graduate study or a career, thus postponing marriage until a later date. Some desired marriage, but were forced to choose to study or work until the right man appeared to make marriage possible. Others wanted either full-time or part-time work to give financial assistance fer the completion of the education of their future husbands, but had no desire for a career for themselves. Finally, there were those girls who were electing to marry immediately and continue with career plans, in some cases as part of a career-team with the husband. These variations in response were combined to discriminate between those girls whose orientation was primarily toward marriage, and -37- those who sought graduate training and/or a career. TABLE 4.--Immediate Aspirations of Intellectually-Oriented (1-0) and Socially-Oriented (S-O) College Girls Graduate Study-Career JMarriage Total (1-0) 21 . I. 25 (3-0) 5 18 23 Total 28 22 48 . x2 - up. Table 4 shows that the intellectually-oriented girl more often aspired toward study or career for the immediate future than did the socially-oriented girl, and significantly so. A second measurement was concerned with the level of occupational aspiration. The Warner scale of occupational classifications, described in Chapter IV, were used to order the occupations mentioned as follows: 1. Professionals such as doctors, lawyers, judges, Eggfzggingss executives, corporation presidents, 2. High school teachers, registered nurses, architects, editorial writers. 3. Elementary school teachers, pharmacists, civic and county officials. 4. Bookkeepers, salesmen, ticket agents, stenographers, airline hostesses. -33- 5. Clerks, beauty operators, dressmakers. As can be seen in Table 5 the principal difference was in the greater frequency with.which girls in the intellectually- oriented group aspired to occupations in Harner's highest level. TABLE 5.--Distribution of Occupational Aspirations for College Samp e ' 1 2 3 A Total (1-0) 11 10 3 1 25 ' (3-0) 6 13 a o 23 Totals 17 23 7 l 48 Categories Z-h were collapsed to produce the distribution of Table 6 to test the hypothesis that general occupational as- pirations would differ. TABLE 6.--Occupational Aspirations of Intellectuall -Oriented (I -O) and Socially~0riented (S-O) College Cir s :===E:, 4%: ::?+ 1 ’ Z-h Total (I-O) 11 1h 25 (3-0) 6 17 23 Totals . 17 31 #8 :2 " 1068 -39- Thus, while the observed difference was in the hypothesized direction, it was not reliably so. The results were largely explained by four intellectually-oriented girls whose occu- pational aspirations were out of balance with their tested intellectual ability. ' Hypothesis a predicted that the intellectually- oriented girls would more often rate themselves "above aver- age in ability. The question was asked "In comparison with your classmates do you consider your ability to be below average, about average, or above average?" (Question 13 in the interest questionnaire in the Appendix.) TABLE 7.--Self-rating of College Sample W Average Above Average Total (1-0) 2 23 25 (8-0) ‘ a 19 23 Totals 6 #2 LS x2 = .965 Application of the chi square test to the distri- bution of Table 7 indicated that there was no significant difference between the two groups for this self-rating. In hypothesis 5 it was predicted that the intellec- tually-oriented girl would more often come from a home of higher socio-economic status as determined by the occupational -90- level of the father. The Harner categories were again used here with results shown in Table 8. TABLE 8.--Distributions of Occupations of Fathers of Intel- lectuallybOriented (I—O) aggriociallybOriented (8-0) College s Occupational Level I 5 5 L **fi 3 Total w W’— (1-0) ‘ 13 6 2 3 o 21* (3-0) 10 7 3 1 2 23 Totals 23 13 5 h 2 #7 *One girl in the intellectuallyboriented group had no information concernin her father so the N on all vari- ables concerning patern parent will be 2h instead of 25 for the intellectually-oriented group. It is interesting to note that 52 per cent of the fathers of the intellectually-oriented girls and #2 per cent of the fathers of the socially-oriented girls had occupations in the highest socio-econolic status. Categories 2-5 were collapsed to produce the distribution of Table 9. TABLE 9.--Occupations of Fathers of College Sample Shearshhsauaisza; l 6 Total (1-0) _, 13 11 21 (3-0) 10 13 23 Totals 23 2h #7 -91- There was thus no grounds to support the hypothesis of a relationship between the orientation of the girl and her ‘ father's occupation. Hypothesis 5, also stated that the intellectually- oriented girls would come from homes where the educational level attained by the parents would be higher than it would for the parents of the sociallyboriented girls. "Educational level” was ordered in five categories as follows: 1. Ferzal education completed was below the 12th Era Ce 2. Formal education stopped.with graduation from high school. 3. Formal education included some college training. 1.. Formal education included college graduation. 5. Formal education included work towards an advanced degree. The distrubtion of the college sample is shown in Table 10. TABLE lO.--Distribution of Level of Formal Education of Fathers for IntellectuallybOriented (1-0) and Socially- Oriented (8-0) College Girls Educ tion Level A t ned 2 A Total Fathers of (1-0) 2 3 1 ll 7 2A Fathers of (8-0) 1 5 6 A 7 23 Totals ‘ 3 8 7 15 14 #7 -92- Levels 1-2-3 and 4-5 were combined to produce the distributions of'Table 11. TABLE 11.--Formal Education of Fathers of College Sample Some College College Graduation or Less or More Total Fathers of (I-O) 6 18 24 Fathers of (3-0) 12 _ 11 23 Totals 18 29 L7 x? - 3.63 / The chi square obtained for the relationship shown in Table 11 has a probability, if only chance were operating, less than .10 but greater than .05. Although the results were in the direction predicted, the results do not warrant acceptance of the hypothesis. It was necessary, also, to reject the hypothesis that the mother's level of formal education differed for the two groups. The relevant data is presented in Tables 12 and 13. Even though the hypothesis had to be rejected for both fathers and mothers it is interesting that, for these samples, greater difference was observed for the fathers. -93- TABLE 12.--Distribution of Level of Formal Education of Mothers for Intellectually-Oriented (I-0) and Socially- 0riented(S-O) College Girls Educ tional L vel Att in d ' I 2 3 4 3 Total Mothers of (I-O) h 6 3 ll 1 25 Mothers of (S-0) 5 2 A 10 2 23 Totals 9 8 7 21 3 #8 TABLE l3.--FOrma1 Education of’Mothers of College Sample Some College College Graduation or Less or.More Total Mothers of (I-O) 13 12 25 Mothers of (S-0) 11 12 23 Totals 2k 2k #8 x2 I .083 It was also predicted in Hypothesis 5 that there would be more first-born found within the ranks of the intellectually-oriented. The data for the test of this pre- diction are given in Table 1A. The test statistic obtained makes it possible to infer with considerable confidence that the results were not due to chance alone, and that girls in the intellectually-oriented group are more often first-born. -94- TABLE lh.--0rdina1 Status of IntellectuallyeOriented (1-0) and Socially-Oriented (8-0) College Girls First-born Middle-Youngest Total (I-O) —- _‘ 19 6 25 (3-0) 8 15 23 Totals 27 21 A8 x2 - 8.26 High School Sample As explained in Chapter IV the IPAT was used to measure the personality characteristics of the high school girls rather than the Edwards Personal Preference Schedule. Hypothesis 1(a) stated that the intellectually- oriented girl would score higher on both achievement and autonomy than would the sociallyboriented girl. The characteristic of achievement is called Ego Strength in the IPAT. "Ego strength" is described as follows: Strong motivation for professional status, high rate of effectiveness, more time and mental effort spent on work perseverance, thoroughness, capacity to show available emotional energy along integrated channels.1 As can be seen in Table 15 the mean score fer the intellec- tually-oriented sample was higher than for the socially-oriented lCattell, 0 e ite' Fe 101. -95- sample. The test statistic obtained for the difference in these means made it possible to infer that the intellectually- oriented girls did, in fact, have a higher need fer achieve- ment than did.the socially-oriented girls. Cattell describes autonomy, called coasthemia, as measured by his test as follows: Fastidious individualism, acts individualistically, $233321223;.pi°‘2’31§2.3°:3§“€§.°2.fi3, flan- ates intellectually. The.variance between the two groups on this characteristic was too large to insure homogeneity (I-O - 2.81, 8-0 - 1.11) so the "t" test was not considered appropriate as a test for the difference in means. In any case, the observed difference in means was so slight as to make further sta- ticial tests of the significance of the difference in means unwarranted. It was concluded that the intellectually- oriented girls tend to vary more widely on "autonomy" than do the socially-oriented girls but that these variations among the intellectually-oriented tend to cancel out with the effect that no difference appeared in the central ten- dencies of the groups on this measure. Hypothesis 1(b) stated that the socially-oriented girls would score higher on deference, dominance, and hetero- sexuality. Deference is described on this test as f°110W3 11g;a., p. 136. -96- TABLE 15.--Summary of Differences for IntellectuallybOriented (I-0) and Socially-Oriented (3-0) High School Girls on IPAT Test Variables cloth a 3-05— 6.0 1.6 .65 Wamtl’il)“. 1-0 5 e 72 1e 3 Intelligence 3 -0 8 e 87 1 e 09 e 17 (Brightness) I-O 8.92 1.04 E ’3th h 3'0 3 e 1e“ 3e27* fichievzfint ) 1.0 [A e 7 1e #0 - EXCitability 8-0 links 1e86 e 73 (Unrestrained) I-O 4.84 1.60 Dominance S-0 3.96 1.33 .1.01 (Aggressive) I-O 4.40 1.68 Surgency 8'0 6e“ 10 53 e08 (Enthusiasm) 1-0 6.40 1.38 Su r E -Strength S-0 6. 8 1.62 1.95* (Bzfergzce) I-0 5. 0 1.50 Fania 8-0 5e35 2e01 1021 (Heterosexuality) I-O 6.04 1.95 Premsia . S-0 5.39 2.01 .44 (S.DBiti'itY) 1.0 5 e16 1e65 Coasthenia . S-O 5.26 1.05** -- (Autonomy) I-O 5.32 1.68 Guilt Proneness S-0 4.52 1.90 .67 (Abasement) 1-0 4.88 1.81 Self-Sufficiency’ S-O 4.22 1.04 1.31 (Resourceful) I-O 4.64 1.19 Self Sentiment S-0 4 . 13 1.39 1.3 5 (Conscientious) I-O 3.60 1.32 E? c Tension S-0 6} e 70 1 e 77 e [#9 ($1181.01! ) 1-0 the“ le 26 as-o N - 23; I-0 N - 25. *Probability that observed difference is due to chance is equal to or less than 1 in 20. **The obtained F test statistic was too large (2.54) to conclude that the variances were homogeneous. The "T" test was, therefore inappropriate. -97- Being attentive to people, insistently ordered, con- scientious, always ready to cooperate . . . regard for public concern, popular in working with others on assigned tasks . . . wanting to do the right thing . . . very particular about conformity in clothing and property . . . desires social acceptance. In respect to this characteristic the socially-oriented girls showed a greaterneed than did the intellectually-oriented girls and the prediction was supported at an acceptable level. Dominance is designated by Cattell as the following: Aggressive, competitive, self’assured, attention- getting£1 attempted leadership rather than accepted adersh ip, socially-poised. Heterosexuality is characterized by Cattell as follows: Showing strong and overt interest in the opposite sex, adventurous, bold, friendly, impulsive and frivolous . . . enjoyingt large parties . . . likes to get ”into the swim," Mgive, liking occupa- tionS'with personal contacts. In respect to both dominance and heterosexuality the differ- ences in the sample means were in a direction opposite to that which had been predicted. In both instances the intel- lectually-oriented girls had higher needs than the socially- oriented. With respect to these traits the hypothesis was not confirmed. A Hypothesis 1(c) stated that there would be no sig- nificant differences on other personality characteristics as measured by the IPAT than those named above. This hypothesis was supported. 11bid., p. 122. 21bid., p. 108. 31b1de, p. 126e )al.llllllllllllivlfllll\ll(lalll IIIII'III. l.‘..'. A III-III. -93- Hypothesis 2 stated that the socially-oriented girl would score higher on dogmatism than the intellectually- oriented girl as measured by the Rokeach test. As shown in Table 16 this hypothesis was not supported. TABLE l6.--Summary for Intellectually-Oriented (I-0) and ' Socially-Oriented (S-O) High School Girls for Rokeach Test on Dogmatism M Variable Group N Mean S.D. t Dogmatism 3-0 23 158.52 16.50 .34 1-0 25 156.88 16.56 Hypothesis 3 stated that the intellectuallyboriented high school girls would have different occupational aspira- tions than the socially-oriented girls. The data for the high school girls was secured and analysed in the same manner as for the college girls. TABLE l7.--0ccupational Aspirations of Intellectually-Oriented (1-0) and Socially-Oriented (S-O) High School Girls 1 2 3 4' 166.1- (1-0) 8 13 1 3 25 (3-0) 5 13 t. 1 ' 23 Totals 13 26 5 4 48 Categories 2-4 were collapsed to produce the distribution of -99- Table 18 to test the hypothesis that general occupational differences would appear. TABLE 18.--0ccupationa1 Aspirations of High School Sample (1-0) A 8 17 25 (3-0) 5 18 23 Totals 13 35 - 48 x2 - .637 The results shown in Table 17 and Table 18 indicated that the hypothesis was not supported since the probability of the distribution of this sample occurring by chance alone was too great. I Hypothesis 4 predicted that the intellectually-oriented high school girl would more often rate herself "above aver- age.V in ability. Question 13 in the interest questionnaire asked "In comparison with your classmates do you consider your ability to be below average, about average, or above average?" The data concerning self-rating is shown in Table 19. Although the results of the chi square test showed no significant differences it was interesting to note that no .girl in either group rated herself as below average. Hypothesis 5 predicted that the intellectually- oriented girl would more often come from a home of higher -100- TABLE 19.--Self-Eating for High School Girls Average Above Average Total (1-0) 15 10 25 (8-0) ll 12 23 Totals 26 22 48 .sE;:_£Zyi socio-economic status as determined by the occupational level of the father. The Harner categories were used here as shown in Table 20s TABLE 20.--Distributions of Occupations of Fathers of Intel- lectually-Oriented (1-0) and Socially-Oriented (3-0) High School Girls Occupgtional Level Total Fathers of (1-0) 6 8 3 3 3 2 25 Fathers of (8-0) 4 6 8 4 0 l 23 Totals 10 14 11 7 3 3 48 0f the high school distributions 24 per cent of the fathers of the intellectually-oriented girls and 13 per cent of the fathers of the socially-oriented girls had occupations in the highest socio-economic status. This is a much lower per- centage than was found in the college sample and will be -10l- discussed in the interpretation of results. TABLE 21.-~0ccupations of Fathers of High School Sample W 0 tion Level 1 2-6 Total Fathers of (I-O) 8 17 25 Fathers of (S-0) 5 18 23 Totals ‘ 13 ‘ 35 48 £2 . e622 As can be seen in Table 21, categories 2-6 were collapsed to produce the distribution shown. The results show'no re- lationship between the father's occupation and the orienta- tion of the girl. Hypothesis 5 stated that the intellectuallyboriented girl would come from a home where the educational level attained by the parents would be higher than it would for the parents of the socially-oriented girl. "Educational Level" was ordered in the same five categories as shown for the college sample. TABLE 22.--Distribution of Level of Formal Education of Fathers for Intellectually—Oriented (I-0) and SociallybOriented (S-0 High School Girls Educat on Level Att ed Total Fathers of (I—O) 3 7 4 7 4 25 Fathers of (3-0) 3 9 1 6 4 23 Totals 6 l6 5 l3 8 48 -102- Levels 1-2-3 and 4-5 were combined to produce the distribution in Table 23. TABLE 23.--Forma1 Education of Fathers of High School Sample ———-—— Some College College Graduation or Less or More Total Fathers of (I-O) 14 11 25 Fathers of (S-0) 13 10 23 Totals 27 f 21 48 12 ' e001 The results of the chi square test indicated there were no significant relationships between the formal education of the fathers of the girl's group membership, thus the hypothesis was rejected. It was also necessary to reject the hypothesis that the level of formal education of the mothers differed in the two groups. The data for the information concerning the mother's education is presented in Tables 24 and 25. TABLE 24.--Distribution of Level of Formal Education offiMothers for Intellectually-Oriented (I-0) and Socially-Oriented (8-0) High School Girls Educ tion Level Attained 4 Tot 3 25 23 Mothers of (I-O) 2 8 6 Mothers of (S-0) 3 10 4 6 5 Totals 5 18 10 11 4 48 l. {ill-Ii! 1' lull ‘I'el sl'lll.‘:' -103- Levels 1-2-3 and 4-5 were combined to produce the distribution shown in Table 25. TABLE 25.--Formal Education of Mothers of High School Sample Some College College Graduation or Less or more Total Mothers of (I-O) 16 9 25 Mothers of (S-0) 17 6 23 Totals 33 15 48 x2 - .548 The results do not warrant acceptance of the hypothesis but it is interesting to note that greater differences were noted for the fathers than the mothers. The results shown were in the predicted direction even though they were not statisti- cally significant. Hypothesis 5 also stated that the intellectually- oriented girl would more often be found to have been first- born. The results of this test data are found in Table 26. The test statistic obtained will not permit the inference that the results were not due to chance alone, thus, the hypothesis must be rejected. -10g- TABLE 26.--0rdina1 Status of IntellectuallybOriented (1-0) and Socially-Oriented (S-O) High School Girls First-born Middle-Youngest Total (1-0) 16 9 25 (S-0) 12 11 23 Totals 28 20 48 - e68 CHAPTER VI INTERPRETATION OF RESULTS As stated in the introduction, the goal of this study has been that of searching for similarities and differences in superior girls who were either intellectually-oriented or socially-oriented. From the review of the literature, the statistically analyzed data, and the personal interviews, it is possible to recognize certain characteristics which dis- tinguish the superior intellectually-oriented from the supe- rior socially-oriented girl. ‘We will proceed to a discussion of the college sample and.then the high school sample. . College Sample There were certain differences noted in personality characteristics between superior intellectually and socially- oriented girls as reported in the previous chapter. One of these differences was with respect to the need for achieve- ment. It was found that both groups valued achievement relatively high in their hierarchy of needs, although the intellectually-oriented indicated a significantly higher mean level of need than did the socially-oriented. To some extent the difference in level represented the bias of Edwards' definition of "need achievement" and the fact that a significant -105- -106- difference was found simply confirmed that the objectives sought in classifying these girls had been obtained. How- ever, the difference in the two groups for need achievement was clarified by the interview material. It uncovered some contrasting viewpoints about achievement which might account, at least in part, for the significant findings of the sta- tistical analysis. The first 15 questions on the interview questionnaire pertained to intellectual achievement (cf. Appendix). The intellectuallyboriented girls were motivated in their studies by long-term.goals and career planning. The socially-oriented girls were motivated by short-term.goals such as those represented by grades and class awards. Grade point averages serve as a good example; they were very imp portant to the sociallyboriented girls since they were per- ceived as immediate rewards for achievement, and as a means of enhancing their present social position. In answer to Question 3 "How do you feel about your academic progress at the present time?" the socially-oriented responses tended to be like the following: (S-0) 8: IMy grade point average is a definite asset to my sorority and it gives me personal giggiiggizorggoggle to contribute to our (8-0) 2: Grades are important to me because I am in- {affafifufllfifii‘égczfifififidafifi 213331332. on the student governing board. Grades help a great deal when selections are made for these positions. -107- (3-0) 18: I am happy that my grades are good for my parents expect me to do well. It s a real effort, however because extra-curricular activities are always attractive to me. On the other hand, the intellectually-oriented girls did not consider earning a high grade as either a means to an end or an end itself. (I-O) 7: Naturally I would like to make an all-A record but the extra time it would take fer me to get an A in an area of less interest or in a class that is required but not one of my own choice, is not a worthwhile exp penditure of my time, so I will have to be satisfied with taking a grade of B in that subject. (I-O) 3: Grades are not as important to me as my own interest in the class. Of course I realise much of that depends on me and how much I put into it. If enough effort is made even a dull class can become interesting, but in some cases I Just haven't made that effort. Thus, it would appear that both groups of girls may, in fact, maintain high grade point averages--the socially-oriented be- cause grades are seen as a means to the achievement of an even more highly desired social recognition, and the in- tellectually-oriented as an incidental effect of the high valuation that is placed on learning for its own sake,-or for the sake of the achievement of a career. This difference was made even more apparent when the responses to a more general question were examined. This was question 8: ”How do you feel about your intellectual achievement in general?” The socially-oriented said it was important to them but went on to modify this view as illus- trated by these examples: -108- (8-0) 10: Getting along with people and learning to live with others is Just as important to me as what I learn out of a book. (8-0) 16: Going to college is more than Just intellec- ' tual achievement. I am.not interested in the gurely bookish-ivory-tower existence. Foot all games, fraternity dances, friends are important to me and should be a part of college life. (8-0) 3: The most important thing is being with and learning about people. Intellectual achieve- ment is Just one tool that is helpful in doing that. The intellectuallyboriented, on the other hand, felt intellectual achievement was very important, indeed. (I-O) 2: I have very strong feelings about this sub- Ject. It should be the most important aspect of college and it is a great disappointment to me to know’that it is not considered that way on.this campus. (I-O) 11: I can do all the socialising I want at home and at other places that exist solely as entertainment places. I came to the univer- sity for intel ectual training and that is what I want. Furthermore, I amlScotch.and I want my money's worth. When I finish here I want to be as well equipped intellectually as it is possible for me to be. (1-0) 7: I feel disappointed in my intellectual achieve- ment so far. There is so little opportunity to talk with my professors. I see them in class but so often there are questions I would like to ask but feel I must not monopolize class time. Also, I am required to sit through classes that are not stimulating to me and it is frustrating when there are other things I would rather be doing. A similar differentiation was noted when ”achievement“ was defined in terms of the winning of campus recognition. The following question (Question 1 of the interview) was asked: ”Are campus position and campus offices worth holding?" -109- All but two of the 23 socially-oriented girls answered in the affirmative, and their responses, of which the following are typical, demonstrate the importance they attached to immediate rewards. (8-0) 5: (3.0) 22: (8-0) 1: Definitel yes! They bring you into contact with peop e from all areas and help you get acquainted with new friends and besides they may even be a source fer dates--even if you do not like ur date he may have a friend when you wi like. Any office would be worth holding in my opinion. Being from a small town I feel I need all the social background I can get and this would be one way of developing leader- ship among people. Holding an office fills a need of belonging to something. It gives a person a feeling of acceptance and personal satisfaction. Without something like this a person might be lost in a large university. To contrast, only eight intellectuallyboriented girls answered in the affirmative to this question while the re- maining 17 answered in the negative or qualified their answers by saying "perhaps." Thus, (1-0) 9: .(1-0) 14: (1-0) 19: In general, no, only if they are connected with one's special interest. I am not interested in holding a campus office since I did all of that type of thin (clubs plays and other important positions in hi school. I feel I am beyond that now and want to get on with my work. An office in one's living unit might be worth- while but the all-campus offices are a waste of time and usually chosen on popularity rather than ability. These usually end up as being Just social get-to-gethers and I am.not inter- ested in that type of entertainment. I can get it elsewhere. -110- Question 13 asked, "What effect does intellectual achievement have on a girl's social life?" It is interesting, that the maJority of both groups of superior girls did.ggt see achievement of'this type as a disadvantage. Thirteen of the socially-oriented girls felt intellectual achieve- ment would increase a girl's social life, eight thought it would have no effect and four thought it would act as a dis- advantage. But many of the 13 who thought it would increase a girl's social opportunities, qualified their answers in some way or other. (8-0) A: Intellectual achievement will increase a girl's social life unless she becomes too impressed with herself and her grades. (3-0) 18: Intellectual achievement will increase a girl's social life if she is with other people who are interested in that t pe of thing-~if they aren't they will be Je ous and then, of course, it would not help her. (3-0) 7: Intellectual achievement will increase a girl's social life although it will narrow the field because many bo s are afraid of girls who are too intellect . The maJority of’intellectuallyboriented girls felt intellectual achievement would be advantageous, although here, too, many qualified their answers. Concerning marriage (Question lb in the interview) all 25 of the intellectually- oriented girls felt intellectual achievement in college would be helpful. This was probably because they differed in the type of mate they were seeking. (I-O) 25: Intellectual achievement will increase my social life. The more intellectual I become -111- the more attractive I will be to the intel- lectual-type man and after all that is the type I am interested in. (I-O) 9 No one likes a conceited person, so if a girl flounts her intellectual achievement she will be lost! She must learn to be subtle about it unless she is with her superiors and then it will be a definite advantage. (I-O) 20 Intellectual achievement will act as an ad- vantage. It will help a girl choose a mate that is more compatible and it will discourage boys who have other interests. Of course it means there will be fewer to choose from. One of my great worries is that I may not meet a boy who is interested in books and music and the intellectual atmosphere. Could I be happy with some other type? (I-O) h It will depend how a girl handles her intel- lectual achievement. A smart boy will not resent a smart girl but if she is with a boy who is not her intellectual e ual it could very easily decrease her social 11 . It would appear, then, that the need to achieve will be relatively high among both the intellectually and the socially-oriented girls. The manner in which this need is satisfied will differ, and how achievement is defined will differ. Where achievement is defined in terms of intellectu- ally-oriented goals represented in the Edwards, and similar measures of the need, the intellectually-oriented will, of course, exhibit a higher level of need. Grade point averages, and other immediate rewards, which are sometimes taken as indicators of intellectual performance will be deceptive. Both groups may be expected to earn relatively high grades, the socially-oriented because they see grades and other immediate recognition as means to enhance their social and -112- leadership positions, the intellectuallyboriented because of their interest in_their subJects. Neither group, in their maJority, shares what is supposed to be a common view, that intellectual achievement is, in and of itself, a bar to social enhancement or marriage. Another difference between the two groups was with respect to the characteristic of autonomy. The intellectually- oriented girl showed a statistically significant greater need for independence in making her own decisions, avoiding situ- ations where conformity is expected, and in doing thingsl that are conventional. This characteristic was reflected, also, in the personal interviews. One evidence of conformity or lack of autonomy was in the dress of the two groups of girls as they appeared for their interviews. The interviewers noted that all girls, in both groups, were attractive and well groomed but the maJority of the socially-oriented were dressed in the fashion that was in vogue on the campus at that particular time. It was evident that great care had been taken in choosing wearing apparel. Casual clothes were chic in their simplicity; Make-up was used in good taste. Hair styles were those considered fashionable by the "college set." There was a certain pattern of dress and appearance that was evident in the socially-oriented girls. On the contrary, there was much more individuality in choice of wearing apparel evident in the intellectually-oriented group. These girls were well dressed but not necessarily in the -113- latest accepted fashions. Hair styles were not universally alike. Make-up'was used by some, but in general was not used as freely as by the socially-oriented girl. These subjective reactions need to be interpreted with some caution, of course, and certainly are not intended to imply that the intellectu- ally-oriented were drab. One girl in this group, at least, was a beauty contest winner! Better evidence of the need for autonomy of the in- tellectuallyboriented girl was the repeated appearance of this theme in their answers to the question, "What are some of the worries, fears or problems that you face?" (Question 28 on the interview.) (I-O) 13: It worries me to be co-chairman with a man and find he expects and wants to make all of the decisions. It not only worries me but it irritates me especially if the ideas under discussion have originally come from me. (I-O) 23: wanting to express my own opinions is often a prob em to me. I am not satisfied to just sit and listen. (I-O) 17: One of my greatest worries is that I do not have the abilities to do the things I want to do. Time and money are two of my bi est problems. I haven't the time to do near y all of the things I want to do. I keep want- ing to spend money--fbr books--fbr a good hi-fi set--fbr records. If I have to have money it means I have to sacrifice time from other interests to work and get the money. Another worry is that I do not find many friends I am really interested in or who are really interested in me. (I-O) 19: At the present time I have no worries that I feel I cannot handle myself. One thing that keeps coming up is that I am just not inter- ested in most of the girls in the dorm and -114- they do not understand it. I love reading a good book alone, in fact I am alone a great deal of the time but I do not mind it. I get very bored always hearing chatter about clothes and dates. I do enjoy the people in my classes, my lab instructors, and I have a few close friends, one in particular who is also working in the science field. But it bothers me when my room-mates make little remarks such as, "Four-pointers are not sup- posed to be interested in dancing and parties."1 (I-O) 3: One of my problems is finding some privacy here on the campus. There are times when I like to be alone--I enjoy walking in the woods, listening to music--just having time to think but it is very difficult to get away from people. The socially-oriented girl's need to conform was also reflected in her answers to the same question. (S-0) 21: One of my greatest worries is wondering if I am making the right decisions--it concerns me about my friends, my courses, my whole future. I try to follow the standards set by my parents as I admire them greatly but it does worry me. (S-0) 12: Am I taking the responsibilities I should be taking? It is costing my parents money to send me to college and sometimes it seems as if all I want to do is just be with the crowd and have fun. (S-0) 6: One of my greatest worries is that now I am finding the beliefs I had in childhood are being questioned. This concerns religion-- drinking--smoking and things of this nature. I suppose it is all part of growing up but it does present a problem to me. _— 1The statement by this subject is very much like the infermation given by a bright girl in the Stiskin article. (Cefe StiSkin, OEe C1te)e -115- A third variable, highly related to autonomy, on which the two groups differed significantly was deference, which was the need to get suggestions from others, to find out what others were thinking and to praise and defer to others. Not only do many of the citations from.the interviews made above illustrate the manner in which this need was given expression, but also differences in the manner in which members of the two groups reacted in the group meetings are relevant. Both the intellectually-oriented girls and the socially-oriented girls displayed considerable poise and social ease. But, during the get-acquainted period, the socially-oriented girl appeared to be more interested in the other girls present and in the social amenities. They seemed to welcome the opportunity for meeting new people, they smiled often and easily, and their conversation did not lag. During the same period the intellectually-oriented girl appeared to display a certain reserve, perhaps a studied ”holding-back." This was not necessarily a reflection of shyness or social ineptness, but rather like the quality Maslowl calls "detach- ment" in his description of the self-actualizing individual. As the groups became acquainted and entered into a discussion of the business of the meeting a change was ob- served in the behavior of the two groups of girls. The lflaslow, M" p. 227. -116- intellectually-oriented girhsnow became more animated and radiated interest and enthusiasm in the ideas being discussed. Their conversation became fluent and stimulating. It was at this point that the sociallyboriented girl deferred to the extent of accepting the role of spectator as the intellectually- oriented girl dominated the situation. While these observations were highly impressionistic, of course, they do illustrate how the needs fer autonomy and to defer relate to the behavior of the individual girls. I It was hypothesized that the socially-oriented girl would prove to have a greater need fer heterosexual relation- ships than would the intellectually-oriented._ Although the results were in the predicted direction, they were not re- liably so. The interviews would indicate, however, that while both groups attach high value to contacts with members of the opposite sex, there may be important differences in the way these are perceived. The intellectually-oriented girl appeared to be less interested in dating as a purely social experience, and certainly rejected dating as an end in itself. She was more concerned with the choice of dating partner and preferred males with interests and goals similar to her own. Two questions shed light on this: "How do you feel about boys who are achieving intellectually?" (Ques- tion 10 on the interview.) "would you accept a blind date in preference to staying at home?” (Question 10(a) on the interview.) The intellectually-oriented girl sought. her dating partner -117- more often in ”professional" organizations and among junior staff members and was not interested in "blind'dating." (I-O) 13: (I-O) 17: (I-O) 7: (I-O) 6: The soc dating as a soc I would rather stay at home than be bored all evening with someone who had no inter- ests that were akin to mine. I would much prefer to read a good book, listen to my record collection than attend a "beer bust" with people who care nothing about me nor I about them. Boys who are achieving intellectually are the on y kind I am interested in but I do think we must allow fer more lopsidedness in men than women. Often men have to do social things that they care nothing about but are required in making their living for instance, salesmen often have to do soci entertain- ing of clients. It does not mean that they really want to. One concern to me is that I cannot find too many boys I am interested in dating. I cer- tainly do not want to date football pla ers and I would prefer sitting at home to t at but I would most of all like to go out with the right person--where ever he is I haven't found him.yet. . ially-oriented girl, on the other hand, valued ial experience. This meant she would accept "blind dates" or would date a boy of whom.she was not espe- cially fond rat (3-0) 20: her than remain at home. Any social e rience, even a blind date can be a worthwhi e experience. In the first place it may turn out that I will genuinely enjoy the new acquaintance. Even though I do not enjoy him he may take me to his fra- ternity house where I have the opportunity to meet other boys which opens more doors for me. Furthermore, just the experience of being with people is worth more than sitting at home and moping while other girls are out for the evening. -113- (8-0) 5: I would accept a blind date much in prefer- ence to sitting home. At my sorority house prestige is eatly lowered if one has no date especi y’on weekends. (8-0) 10: Naturally I am.not interested in stupid boys but I am a little afraid of the boy who is overly interested in intellectual achievement. He is usually a perfectionist and can be a very cold individual. He may be sarcastic and I Just do not like a person like that. One problemwthat was shared by both the sociallyb oriented and the intellectuallyboriented girl was the problem of "pinnings" and engagements. IMany girls in both groups felt they were being pressured by society in general, and by their mothers in particular, to become engaged befbre leaving the university. This affiliation seems to have become a prestige symbol in the university sub-culture. (8-0) 9: If I could only convince my parents that I am not unhappy because I am not “pinned" or engaged even though I amwa senior! (S-O) : The members of my mother's bridge club are making life miserable for my mother by their constant inquiry as to my marital possibilities. (I-O) 12: I am disappointed in the attitude of my parents concerning my college life. They do not share my interest in scholastic attain- ment, their only concern is in my social life, and their constant fear is that may become an Old maid. This was apparently a particularly sensitive area. MargaretMead1 has recently written concerning the tragedy of the too-early marriages which society is imposing on the lflead, OE: Cite. pp. 2-6e -119- young women of today. The average age for marriage for the girl of today, according to the 1960 census, has been lowered to 18 years, which means many young girls forego education, travel, and are literally pushed into a situation for which many of them are not preperly prepared. Evidence of the pressure was reflected, also, in the replies to the query about their fears (Question 28 on the interview). The re- sponses suggest that the socially-oriented girl is, perhaps because of her greater deference, less able to cope with the pressures. ‘ (8-0) 10: One of my chief worries has to do with marri- age. If a girl does not marry in college is it too late, does it mean she has truly been bybpassed? (3-0) 1: One of my biggest problems is the social pressure of being married. All of my friends seem to be either married or engaged. Some- how a girl is blamed if she isn't engaged at a certain age. This seems so unfair to me since it is a situation that a girl cannot control. There is nothing she can do if she Just hasn't happened to have met the right f. 11011. .There is a great deal of'"conventional wisdom" to the effect that the intellectually-oriented girl rejects her sex.role. To secure some data on this, the following ques- tion was included in the interview (Question 27) "How do you feel about being a girl in the world of’today?" There was not one girl in the entire population of the study who exp pressed a desire to have been born a boy! Some of the fol- lowing are typical expressions of the superior college girl. -120- (8-0) 15: I enjoy the preferences of being a woman. I have no problem with men because in some ways I want them to be superior, if they aren't I do not respect them. (3-0) 6: I have always loved being a girl. or course having two older brothers has influenced my feelings I am sure. (3-0) 17: The feminine role is still held somewhat in- ferior by tradition but it is gradually being freed and I feel no handicap or competition with men. I would not want to be a man. (I-O) 12: Although, I am.not interested solely in home- making and girls activities I find being a girl is no handicap. (I-O) 18: Great! Greater opportunities every day for girls! (I-O) 2: I still feel women are discrimdnated against but that would never make me wish to be a m e I (I-0) 16: I have never wanted to be a boy. The differ- ‘ences are not too great between men and women because more and more equal opportunities are offered to both.sexes. Prejudice against sex is breaking down just as other social prejudices are breaking down. Thus it would appear that, contrary to the popular view, the intellectuallyboriented girls are just as much concerned with establishing heterosexual relationships as are the socially-oriented. The socially-oriented, however, in this area, as in the achievement need, showed a concern with the immediate and the winning of social approval in contrast to the intellectuallyboriented who were more selec- tive in their choices. For the college sample, few of the hypotheses re- lating to socio-economic status were sustained. The majority -121- of girls in both groups came from homes of high middle or upper class status as measured by the warner scale. This finding would agree with the majority of’studies on the gifted including the Terman study of gifted children. It was evident from the personal interviews that the majority of girls in this study came not only from high and middle class homes but many came from.warm and helpful homes. This is indicated in the answers given in two questions: ”What are some of your worries and problems?" (Question 28 on the interview) and "What are some of the things that give you satisfaction and pleasure?” (Question 29 on the inter- view). .In answers to questions concerning pleasures prac- tically every girl mentioned her parents in some way. It was very apparent that fathers and mothers play a very im- portant part in the lives of young college women. Some typical responses are the following: (8-0) 9: Sly parents are my greatest pleasure and my greatest asset e (I-O) 2: One of the things that brings me the greatest happiness is making my parents proud of me. (I-O) 8: One worry I have is how'to cope with the double standards I see all around me which are con- trary to my up-bringing. In our home we were taught to be concerned with the well being of others as well as ourselves, to be honest in all of our dealings, to do as we say-~not to say one thing and do another. But even in high places in our government, in business, and yes, in the university, we see the double standard in operation. ~122- (S-O) h: I worry about my parsnts--I am.an only child figgiihzfieizviigggncggazingg§53§ 2:.me1bgg not mean that the have ever limited me in any :2’b2“§.§.£23.d‘§r::“i2f° "’7 “3"“ ‘°" “h” In answer to a question that asked, "Who inspired you the most toward intellectual pursuits?" (Question 30 on the interview) more than 60 per cent answered "father, mother or parents." Similarly, the educational level of the parents of both the intellectually-oriented and the sociallyboriented girls was high, and the two groups did not differ signifi- cantly on this count. It is true that the fathers of the intellectually-oriented tended more often to have had more fermal education but the difference was not statistically reliable. ‘ Thus, while the intellectually and socially-oriented superior girls may have differed from girls less gifted with respect to their familial background, it was apparent both . from the statistical analysis and the more intuitive analysis of the interview material, that the two groups did not differ from each other. ‘While these might be interpreted as negative findings they serve to throw into question many popular ex- planationsof the basis on which these kinds of girls differ. The situation was somewhat different with respect to the hypothesis on ordinal status. It was found that there were over twice as many first-born or only children within the intellectually-oriented group than within the -123- socially-oriented group. This meant, of course, that these children had no older brothers or sisters. This could indi- cate they had the advantages of more adult attention or it could mean they were left more on their own resources, depend- ing on the interpretation one chooses to make. Since this study concerned the aspirations of superior girls it was of utmost concern to know just what these young women considered their goals to be. As we have seen the two groups differed significantly in this respect. All of the girls in the college sample with the exception of two aspired eventually to marriage, a home, and a family. The two who rejected marriage had planned careers in religious orders. The difference was that the majority of intellectually-oriented girls wanted marriage plus a career, and, in fact, many of these girls had already chosen their field of work and were studying in their special areas. .Marriage for them.was either an aspiration for the future or if marriage was an immediate goal it often was with a partner studying in their own career field. One intellectually-oriented subject had already signed a contract with a large chemical corporation as part of a husband and wife research team. Another girl in this group was planning an immediate marriage and a career as a medical technician in the hospital where her future husband served as resident physician. The intellectually-oriented girls expressed confidence that a career, either partétime or full- time, could be combined successfully with marriage. None of ~12h- the intellectually-oriented girls aspired to marriage alone. The socially-oriented girl, in contrast, aspired first of all to marriage. Those who had no definite commitments for immediate marriage were interested in working only until the right man appeared but none were interested in long range career plans. Concerning occupational aspirations two interview questions were asked, "Are all careers open to women?" (Ques- tion 17) and "Do 19g think some careers should be closed to women?" (Question 18). Many of the girls in both groups answered negatively to the first question. ,This, however, did not necessarily mean that they, thgmgelves, felt limited in choice of career. In fact, no college girl in the study felt that she was personally limited or handicapped in a career choice solely because she was a woman. Rather, many of the girls indicated that they believed some careers should be closed to women. (3-0) 5: I heartily disapprove of any job that de- tracts from femininity for instance where 'women are required to wear men's clothing. (S-0) 19: President of the United States--I am not ready for a woman president yet. (S-0) 23: I think there are some departments in law enfbrcement a encies where women fit in very well especi y with juvenile delinquents, but I would not care to see a woman n the position of Chief of Police. (I-O) 9: There are very few careers where women cannot contribute but personally I would not care to degrade American women into doing hard labor as they do in Russia where women for instance dig ditches and pour concrete. -125... (1-0) 7: There is no career that need be closed to women but there is still the conflict exist- ing. Society on one hand wants wives and mothers--on the other hand it wants educated women and contributing women. The combina- tion has not been accepted universally as yet but it is coming gradually. (I-O) 25: I think the majority of girls know that they will have to work harder at their careers and probably will be paid less than men for doing the same job. But that in itself is not dis- couraging for it will not always be that way. One of my major concerns is that women will accept the responsibilities as well as the privileges and never in any instance use femininity to achieve favors or replace ability. Information on the goals and aspirations of these girls was also obtained by the question, "What job would you prefer if you had your choice and no holds barred?" (Ques- tion 22 on the interview). Also, included in this question was "If you could have one wish what would it be?" The wishes of the socially-oriented girl tended to be more personal, as for example, (8-0) 10: I would like to have a happy married life and be in a position to help my nts have every- thing they desire in their 0 d age. (3-0) It: {My only wish would be to live the good life that would insure salvation in the life to £0110We The wishes of the intellectually-oriented girl were more often less personal in scope; thus, many wished for world peace, and fer the control of, and the peaceful use of, atomic power. Those who did wish for personal aggrandisement hoped it would come through a contribution to society. ~126- (I-O) 11: I would wish to discover some benefit for mankind through science, especially in the medical world. (I-O) 3: More than anything else I would like to work in atomic research-~but not for military pur- poses, for peaceful uses like the curing of cancer. (I-O) 16: I would like most of all to do some original work in art-~something that would make the world more beautiful. Thus, in summary, with respect to their goals and aspirations the socially-oriented girls differed chiefly in the greater emphasis they tended to place on the immediate achievement of the status of wife and mother and tended to perceive the fulfillment of their sex role as a sufficient basis for self-actualization. The intellectually-oriented girl, while not rejecting her sex role, did not see it as sufficient. The High School Girls In general, fewer statistically significant differ- ences were found between the socially and intellectually- oriented high school girls than for the two groups of college girls. Perhaps this result should have been anticipated. Conformity pressures are especially prevalent both for boys and girls at this particular age. In the high school sample there were certain per- sonality characteristics on which the intellectually and the socially-oriented superior girl did differ as measured by the Cattell IPAT. As with the college girls one of these ~127- differences was the need for achievement or ego strength, as it is termed in the Cattell test. Here, too, the intel- lectually-oriented girl gave evidence of a greater need. Ad- ditional insight on the meaning of the difference was sought through the personal interviews. But, in contrast to the material supplied by college girls, the responses of the two high school groups did not give any further clues helpful in explaining the difference. The high school girls tended to respond alike to the questions in this area.’ To Question 3 on the interview, "What are your plans after high school?" 2h out of 25 intellectually-oriented girls answered "College": of the socially-oriented girls 20 out of 23 answered "College." Grades were important to both the sociallyboriented and the intellectually-oriented high school girl and for both groups winning the approval of parents seemed to be the major motivational force. Question 13 on the high school interview guide asked, "What are the reasons and motivations you have had fer intellectual achievement,if any?" Every girl an- swered either "father, mother, or parents." In addition, 20 of the intellectually-oriented indicated that a desire to learn, or curiosity was of importance, while 15 of the socially-oriented did so. Another question concerning achievement was asked, "Is intellectual achievement more important for girls or boys?" (Question 12 on the interview). Both groups felt, in their majorities, that such achievement was more important -128- for boys. Five of the intellectually-oriented girls thought it was equally important for both to achieve and 19 thought it was more important for boys. (I-O) 6: It is a different kind of achievement-~women prepare for family care, men prepare for careers to run the world but one is just as important as the other so I think it is equally important for both boys and girls to achieve. (I-O) l: It is a little more important for boys since they have to earn the living and support the family. (I-O) 24: It is equally important for both. Sometimes the woman has to earn the living so she must be prepared also she is responsible for teach- ing the children. Anyway, just because she is a housewife doesn't mean she should fall down in other areas. Of the socially-oriented group six thought it was equally important for both and 17 thought it was more im- portant for boys to achieve. (3-0) 18: It is just as important for a girl as a boy. Her home will be a better home if she is achieving. (S-0) 5: More important for boys. They have to provide for women besides themselves. (S-0) 2: It is more important for boys. They practically run the world, they are the bosses. women should.not show them up. From this interview'material it was apparent that girls were becoming aware of themselves as individuals but they still felt the need to conform to the status quo and showed this by deferring to boys on this matter. There were no significant differences noted in the high school group for means on the need for autonomy. -129- Conformity pressures are very high at this age, as previously stated, and this was very apparent in wearing apparel. In contrast to the college sample there was very little individu- ality shown in dress in the high school by either the in- tellectualy- or socially-oriented girls. It was not possible to detect any major difference between the groups in this area. However, the greater variance with respect to autonomy among the intellectually-oriented may indicate the beginnings of conflict in this area which perhaps manifests itself in over-reaction by the intellectually-oriented when expressed on a paper and pencil test. . There was no evidence that the socially-oriented girl differed significantly with respect to the need for hetero- sexuality or dogmatism. Concerning heterosexuality, all the girls indicated in the interviews that they were interested in the opposite sex. Only one question was asked in this area because of the limitations imposed by the school board. "Neuld you rather date the star athlete or the most brilliant boy in the class?" (Question 11a in the high school interview). Interestingly enough, the majority of both groups expressed the Opinion that the star athlete would very likely be among the most brilliant boys in the class! Nor were there significant differences for the socio- logical variables. Comments on the parental relationship by the high school girls paralleled the remarks cited by the college girls and will not be elaborated upon further here. -130- In the area of aspiration the predicted differences between the intellectually-oriented and the socially-oriented were not found. Perhaps this reflects the fact that future goals are in an early state of formulation at this age and definite commitments concerning aspirations are open to con- stant change. Several questions on the high school interview were related to aspirations and goals. Of the intellectually- oriented 2h out of 25 aspired to go to college. Six of this number were not certain of their plans since they would be dependent on scholarships or other financial aid. Nineteen were planning on combination marriage and career while six preferred the housewife role. Twenty-one of the 23 socially- oriented high school girls aspired to go to college. All 23 expressed the desire for marriage: five said they would marry immediately and give up college if the opportunity presented itself. Two additional questions concerning future goals and careers were suggestive of future differences, however. "What do you want to study in colleges?" (Question 5 on the inter- view) and ”If you were a boy, which field of study would you choose?" (Question 6). Of the intellectually-oriented 17 stated their choice would differ if they were boys, but only five of the socially-oriented responded in this way. (I-O) 3: I have always wanted to be an archeologist but this is not a good field for girls, jobs are hard to find and girls are not generally welcomed on expeditions. So I will look for some other branch of science--maybe psychology, that seems to be a field where women are more accepted. (I-O) 7: (I-O) 20: (8-0) 19: (S-0) 2: (S-0) 12: ~131- I would love to enter the field of medicine, ever since I was a little girl I have thought of it, in fact it was one of my favorite play .activities when I was small. But I know I haven't much chance as a girl of even getting admitted to a medical school so I am going into public health work with the idea of using my profession in a foreign country-~maybe ingia or some place where they really need ep. I am going into nursing. I always wanted to be a lawyer but that is a man's field and I probably would end up being a clerk in some man's law office. women are considered too emotional and irrational to be good lawyers. I don't believe that. I think in many cases women can handle affairs better than men. I have always loved math and have done well in it but I am worried that the competition would be too much since math is a man's field. After all boys should be the leaders sO’I think I will look into the field of education. However, I do think it would be a good thing for boys to have some competition in what they consider their own private professions. Capable girls could do that but I haven't the nerve right now to try it. If I were a boy I think I would chose either law or engineering but it does not sound at all glamorous to me. They are fields for boys. I have always wanted to be a kindergarten teacher and that is what I expect to do until I get married. I am going into a homemaking course. If I were a boy I probably would be better in science and I might choose that field but as it is I am satisfied with what I am doing right now. But signs that tradition was beginning to be resisted were noted among the intellectually-oriented in their responses to the question, "Do you feel certain fields are more appro- priate for men than for women?" (Question 19 on the high school intervieW) 0 While the majority responded in the affirmative, ~132- at least some felt that the situation was discriminatory. (I-O) 21: I feel all careers should be open to men and women alike. After all we have the same edu- cation and preparation and there is less dif- ference between the sexes all the time. (I-O) 24: JI believe all careers are just as appropriate for women as men. I think a woman's viewpoint is often invaluable-~of course it depends on the woman, some women do not want to do anything but keep house so it doesn't matter to them. But it does matter to me. (I-O) 18: I do not feel certain careers are more appro- priate for men than for women. Hemen are being accepted and are needed in most careers right now., By the time I take up my career I think women will be welcomed even in the science and medical fields just as they are in other coun- tries like Russia. But of the socially-oriented girls all but one indi- cated that they thought certain fields were more appropriate for men than for women. (S-0) 9: I do not like to see a woman in politics or iggthgnposition as a business executive direct- (S-0) 23: Many of the out-of-door fields are not appro- priate for women. There was no indication among either the socially- oriented or the intellectually-oriented girls that they were dissatisfied with their sex role. Question 25 on the high school interview asked, "Are you glad you are a girl?" It was interesting that even though some of the intellectually- oriented girls felt boys had advantages not afforded to girls they expressed no desire for any other role than the feminine role. -133- (I-O) 25: I wouldn't want to be a boy even though I do think they have the advantage in business and politics. Also, they have many more choices as to what they can do for a living. I think women could add a great deal if given the chance-~in politics, for instance. (I-O) 11: Although I like boys I wouldn't want to be one. But there is one thing I definitely dislike about being a girl and that is that I like to direct people. Many times I can't do this-- I have to sit and listen and take orders from people I think are inferior, perhaps they aren't inferior as people but their ideas are inferior. (I-O) 8: I like being a girl. I am planning on a medical career. I realize I will have to work very hard to compete with boys but I feel if I want to do it badly enough I will make a success of it. The following replies were typical of the socially- oriented girl: (S-O) lb: I am glad I am a girl. I have never wanted to be a boy and I simply could not stand being in the army and having to fight in a war. (S-0) 22: I love eve hing feminine and I think being a mother wi 1 be the most wonderful experience a person could ever have. (8-0) 22: I never have wanted to be a boy. I like femi- nine things, I have a wonderful home. My parents want me to have a college education and some travel before I get married. So really, I am well satisfied with my life. In answer to the question (Number 26), “If you had one wish to be granted as to what you would like to do in the future, what would you wish?" The majority of girls from both groups resembled the socially oriented college girl. Most of their wishes were personal such as "a desire to be happy," "to have a beautiful home," "to have money to help -134- my parents," "to travel." However, three or four of the intellectually-oriented girls wished for accomplishment, such as "to be prominent in the world," "to do something for others," "to be the first woman president," and "to contribute some- thing helpful to the underprivileged countries." In summary, the differences were not as pronounced between the intellectually-oriented superior high school girl and the socially-oriented superior high school girl as those differences found within the college sample. However, an awareness of the feminine conflict was beginning to appear, especially as reflected in the interview material. CHAPTER VII CONCLUSIONS It was the goal of this study to identify college and high school girls of superior ability and to search for differences and similarities between those who were socially and intellectually oriented. Before summarizing the data it should be recognized that the decision to use an IQ equivalent of 130 as a crite- tion for selecting the intellectually-oriented girls may con- found the interpretation of the data. The differences found may be attributed either to this variation in IQ or to the differences in social leadership, or to some combination of these variables. It should be noted, however, that the two groups at both the high school and college levels did not differ significantly with respect to grade point averages. In any replication of this study, however, it would be highly de- sirable to use a single IQ criterion in identifying the so- cially and intellectually oriented girls. The reader is cautioned to keep in mind this limitation in evaluating the interpretation of the data which follows. There were more pronounced psychological differences noted both statistically and intuitively, within the college sample, and more similarities among the high school sample, which is as one might expect since, conformity pressures are greater during the period of early adolescence than during the college years. The need and desire to conform had almost -135- -136- the force of a religion with the high school student. But evidently, with entry into college, that need and desire be- comes less intense and expressions of individuality make their appearance for the intellectually-oriented.' Evidence of this phenomenon has also been reported in the Gesell1 developmental 2 studies comparing freshmen scales, and also in the Vassar women with senior women. The need for achievement and for autonomy were the only measured characteristics that were found to be sig- nificantly higher for the intellectually-oriented superior girls at both the high school and college age. Likewise, the characteristics of deference was found to be significantly higher at both ages for the socially-oriented superior girl. There were similar needs of heterosexual relationships for girls at both ages, and for girls in both orientation groups. But, at the college level, the specific definition of how this need was to be met, differed. The socially-oriented tended to be interested in such relationships as an end; the intellectually-oriented viewed these relationships as means to other ends. The occupational aspirations of the high school girls in both groups implied that the girls had internalized a view which holds women to be subordinate to men. In their expres- sion of their goals they were held to tradition as to their views concerning_woman's place in the world of today. Many 1Arnold Gesell, Frances L. Ilg, and Louise Bates Ames, Youth and Years From Ten to Sixteen (New York: Harper & Bros., 5 , p. .- 2Nevitt Sanford, "Personality Development Through The Years," J._§9c. Issues, 12 (l958). _ -137- imposed limitations on their career choices. There was an indication that many girls in the high school sample were not aware of their own capabilities and potentialities. This was especially borne out by the self-rating data. At the college level, however, such uniformity in occupational as- pirations was not as prevalent and the girls in both college groups more often recognized their own superiority and ex- hibited a greater range in their occupational choices. For both high school and college girls there were no sociological differences that were significantly different with the exception of ordinal status. This difference between the intellectually and socially-oriented girls was apparent only in the college sample where there was a significantly larger number of first-born girls found within the intellec- tually-oriented group. At both the high school and college levels, the study has shown that the environmental situation has not been a prime cause for the low aspiration level recorded for many superior girls. The need for financial aid was rarely men- mentioned. Parental aspirations for the subjects were gen- erally high. The majority of girls indicated their parents encouraged them to make their own career choices. In other words, for all girls, the parents were permissive as to career choice. The majority of the entire population came from homes of high middle class status or high socio-economic status. ~138- The majority of all parents had attained high educational levels, although the fathers of the college girls had the highest level of formal education. The expressed wishes of the high school and college girls differed considerably. The wishes of the majority of high school girls centered aroxnd the individual's own life and problems. The wishes of the college sample seemed more realistic, less idealistic, and less self-centered. There were more differences, both psychological and sociological, between the intellectually and socially-oriented college girls than between the high school groups. The intel- lectually-oriented superior college girl obtained higher scores that were significantly different on the personality characteristics of achievement and autonomy than those of the socially-oriented superior college girl. There were differ- ences noted, also, for the characteristic of deference which favored the socially-oriented girl. ' There was a difference noted, also in role choice between the two groups. The intellectually-oriented superior college girl chose marriage plus career. She showed a de- sire to remain feminine and at the same time achieve a high level education. As.a group the intellectually-oriented girls seemed to illustrate a point of view expressed by Sanford: The attainment of femininity by itself in the culture of today does not seem to be a very notable achieve- .ment . . . but for a woman to be highly feminine and at the same time highly educated and highly developed, -139- however, . . . this is more difficult as well as it is a more worthy undertaking.1 The successful combination of marriage and career was not only envisioned as being desirable but also as possible. The intellectually-oriented girls were confident that the twin accomplishments of marriage and career would enrich their lives, offering them the greatest possible fulfillment of which they were capable. As a group, the intellectually- oriented college girl indicated the will to break the ties of tradition in achieving this goal. On the other hand, the socially-oriented group seemed content with the traditional feminine role. In the socially-oriented group, there seemed to be a lack of recognition that woman could be feminine and follow a profession at the same time. The immediate aspirations of the socially-oriented superior college girl differed from the immediate aspirations of the intellectually-oriented superior college girl. The former desired marriage immediately following college gradu- ation or during college. The intellectually-oriented, on the other hand, more often wished to defer marriage to achieve long range goals. No intellectually-oriented girl desired marriage alone. Thus, the difference in aspirations was really a difference in the time of marriage rather than the __ 1Nevitt Sanford, "Chan ng Sex Roles, Socialization and Education,” Human Dev. Bul ., Ninth Annual Smosium (1958), p. 670 -140- choice for or against marriage. Some of the socially-oriented girls expressed a de- sire to work, after their children had grown. But the major- ity seemed unaware of the changes in our own culture that would afford them the opportunity of many years of leisure time. They seemed unaware that preparation fer the use of those years was necessary: that their skills and knowledge would become inadequate through disuse or outmoded by the fast pace of progress in nearly all fields; and that some way must be found to keep abreast intellectually during the period when they would be raising their families. There were few differences noted for the sociological variables measured in the college sample. The majority of parents of the college girls in both groups had received a high degree of formal education. The outstanding sociological difference noted was in the ordinal status of the girls in the college groups. Three general conclusions stand out rather plainly after an analysis of the data: one, that the differences be- tween the socially-oriented superior girl and the intellec- tually-oriented superior girl are very much smaller at the high school age than at the college age: two, that the situ- ational environment is not a serious factor in distinguishing the socially-oriented superior girl from the intellectually- oriented superior girl of either age: and three, that the immediate goals of the socially-oriented superior girl, both -141- of the high school age and college age, reflect conformity to the prevailing culture more than do the goals of the in- tellectually-oriented superior girl of high school or college age. The study has reinforced the opinions of those edu- cators who have said the greatest loss of talent in the United States is that of the superior girl, and that one of the top priorities for improvement in our educational system.must be the counseling and guidance of able and superior girls.1 The study has shown a great need for guidance at an early age; early enough so that by the time high school is reached, a more realistic appraisal of their own capabilities can be made by talented girls. 1’James B. Conant, The Americ Hi School Tod (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., nc., , p. . BIBLIOGRAPHY i ll ill. ' I‘ll-ll 1!. lqill rt. ‘l'li BIBLIOGRAPHY Adorno, T. W.; Frenkel-Brunswik, Else, Levinson, D. J. and sword, Re No The Ant Grit P r30 0 New York: Harper E Bros., 128%. Allen, Roberth. ”An Analysis of the Edwards for a Local 6011989 Population," J: Ego gge, 513591-597, 19580 Allport,lg. w. Becoging. New'Haven: Yale University Press, 55. American Council on Education. 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APPENDICES ‘ T. *4; l.- ll-Ifidtl) .l'lfl-i l. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 8. 10. 11. -164- INTEREST SURVEY Name Address Birthdate Present Age ____ Home Phone No. _____ Sex: M___ F __ School Grade Father: Name Living? ___ Where born? __ It. Last grade attended: 7 8 9 10 11 12 Col. 1 2.34 Grad. Deg. 5 Occupation How employed at present Mother: Name Living? Where born? Last grade attd: 7 8 9 10 11 12 Col. 1 2 3 4 Grad. deg. Occupation How employed at present Check extra-curricular activities 7. List any offices you in which you participate. have he d and the Sports organization. Dramatics Debating Music A__ v_ Art Other(speciT}3w___ List your hobbies in order of 9. List recreational their importance to you. interests in order _fi_ of preference. would you be interested to meet an adult with a similar interest? (check one) very interested Interested Not interested If so, which interest would you choose to learn more about? School studies liked MOST - liked LEAST - Easy Hard (Check one) Easy Hard (Check one) 12. 13. 14. 15. l6. l7. l8. 19. 20. -165- Do you find your studies in general easy or hard ___? (Check one) Comment on this: In comparison with your classmates do you consider your ability to be (check one) below average about average above average Is school work interesting to you? Yes ___ No Why? What do you want most to get out of school? *‘-<:3 ___ What really interests you the most? (number 1 to 6 in order of interest) Hobbies Extracurricular activities Recreation Friends School subjects An outside job Discuss your activity in your first choice: ‘1 "exam; .‘I‘. < v v- Have you had any vocational counselling? Yes ___ No If yes, where? What was its nature (discussion, tests, etc.) Name the jobs in which you have been employed (clerical, factory, etc.) ‘__ (Circle the j05”§hibh’youlhave enjoyed’most) If you have a job at present, what is it? __ No. of hours per week _— __v List, in order of preference four occupations in which you would like to earn your living. Do not consider your abilities or opportunities for employment, but only whether you would enjoy the work. Occupation Reason for Interest —l66- 21. What is your present vocational choice? Date selected 22. Reasons for your present choice? (check one or more) Family wish Family tradition Friend's advice ' Have some experience Special aptitude f0r it __ Like working conditions Financially profitable ___ Have special opportunity Intellectually stimulating Other reasons __f Comment on your reasons: 23. What do your parents want you to do? 24. Are you considering any school or type of training other than high school to attain your vocational choice? Yes No How many years of training would this be? Years of college Years of special school Discuss your plans: 25. How do you plan to finance any further education? 26. List below any questions you may have regarding your future educational plans: ' 27. If you had the opportunity to meet with someone in the field of your choice would you be (check one) Very interested ____ Interested Not interested Name the field 28. would you want __y a personal interview (check those you would 1ike)___ a discussion with others also interested seeing the job in action working in connection with the job (Now double check those you want very much) 29. If it were possible for you to work NOW in this field, would you prefer (check one) work after school work on weekends work on a cooperative basis with your school. program work during a Vacation period (Now double check those you want very much) 30- 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. -167- Discuss anything you do very well or any skills or talents you have. .Discuss any of the types of activities and work that are difficult for you. What in your life so far has given you the most satis- faction? What do you consider to be your most serious problem? What do you worry about most? Do you consider yourself to be (answer all three) well liked by Misunderstood by Not liked by Do you consider your health to be (check one) Excellent Average _____ Poor Do you have any health handicaps: Yes ____ No ____, Discuss If you could have your wish for what you desire most, what would it be? What sort of a person would you like to be ten years from now? 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. -168- My three wishes: What I like best in school: What I like best outside school (that is, away from E3 school, when I'm not at school): A What I like least at school: P. *3!" “fr What I like least outside school (that is, away from school, when I'm not at school): What I like most about myself: What I like least about myself: The most interesting thing I have done at school during the last week or so: -l69- THE A-E TEST On this page write a personal history of a completely ficti- tious person whom you would like to be. You are to make up the name, age, sex, race and all personal history items of the Character and to tell some of the most important experi- ences he or she has had. Do not plan to spend more than 15 minutes on this. Use the reverse side of the paper to complete your story if you need to do so. Remember this is not a story of your real self. -170- ADDITIONAL ITEMS FOR INTEREST SURVEY 1. Name Age School Grade 2. Check your religious preference: Protestant (give denomination) Cathloic [a Jewish Other 4 None Ej 3. List the following about your brothers and sisters: Education .Married Name M or F Age Last Grade Yes No Occupation 4. From what foreign country or countries did your family come from originally? l. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. -171- Survey of College Women Name Campus Address Phone Home address Phone College major Class rag Birthday Present age Place of birth _____, Father: Name 'Living? Place of birth m Last grade attended: Graduate degree? a} Mother: Name Living? __ Place of birth __ Last grade attended: Graduate degree? Occupation of father Occupation of mother Number of children in family Older boys ___ Older girls ___ Younger boys ___ Younger girls __ )1! A... r J.‘ -172- The first set of questions has to do with life on the college caulpus o 1. Are campus positions and offices worth holding? a. Yes b. Perhaps __ c. No Explain why 2. Which ones are worth holding? 3. How are campus positions filled? a. High level of popularity b. High level of ability c. Other methods (Please specify) 4. ng do you feel about your academic progress at the present t me? a. Pleased b. Satisfied _____ c. Dissatisifed ___ Explain why 5. Are your classes of interest to you? Comment if you wish. a. Yes b o Somewhat Co N0 -173- 6. Are there other classes you would rather be taking? If so, which ones? a. Yes Which? bo NO 7. If yes, why are you not taking these classes now? Ex- plain briefly. The next set of questions involves our reactions to intel- lectual achievement in college and n the future. 8. How you YOU feel about intellectual achievement in general? a. It is the most important aspect of college b. Important, but no more so than other things c. Other things are more important 9. How do you feel about other girls who are achieving in- tellectually? a. Makes them more attractive b. No effect C. Makes them less attractive 10. How do you feel about boys who are achieving intellectually? a. Makes them more attractive be NO effeCto c. Makes them.less attractive 11. Is it more important for girls or boys to achieve intellec- tually? 12. How do you feel about your own intellectual achievement? a. Make you more attractive b. No effect c. Makes you less attractive 13. 14. 15. -174- What effect does intellectual achievement have on a girl's social life? a. Increases it b. No effect c. Decreases it How do you feel intellectual achievement will affect your chances of marriage? a. Act as an advantage b. No effect c. Act as a disadvantage Does a woman's intellectual achievement have an effect on marriage? a. Helps to maintain a good marriage b. No effect c. Tends to produce marriage problems Explain if you wish. The following group of questions is designed to see how you feel about your plans after college and about careers in general. 16. 17. What are your plans after college? Check any or all. a. Graduate work b. Job or career c. Marriage d. Other plans Are all careers open to women? ao Yes b. Some (Specify, please) c. No " fl -175- 18. Do YOU feel some careers should be closed to women? a. Yes (Specify, please) b. No If yes, explain briefly. 19. What career areas are you most interested in? a. Science b. Fine Arts (Music, art, literature, etc.) o. Social sciences (Psychology, economics, etc.) d. Others 20. How would you rate a woman's chance for success in these fields? A. Science 1) Good 2) Fair 3) Poor Bo Fine Arts 1; Good” Fair: 3) Poor“ C. Social Sciences 1 Good 2 Fair 3) Poor D. Others (Please specify) 1) Good” 2; Fair: Poor: If'there is a discrepancy between number 19 and 20, please discuss how you have been influenced and motivated to continue in the field of your choice, although you feel a woman's chance for success in the field is poor. 21. 22. -l76- What job are you sure you can get? a. When your schooling is finished - b. When you are about 35 Years old - What job would you prefer if you had your choice and no holds barred? a. When your schooling is finished - b. When you are about 35 Years old - Since the arrival of Sputnik we have been reading and think- ing about the most able students in our country and their development in many fields. of science. 23. 24. 25. What does science mean to you? What is your feeling about science? Are you a. Interested b. Mildly interested’. c. Not interested Were you ever greatly interested in science: posibility or a hobby? ao Yes b. Somewhat c. No If your answer is no, skip the next question. 26. The 27. 28. :29. When did you lose your interest in science? a. Junior high school b. High school c. College last three questions are general in scope. Let us consider the field as a career How do you feel about being a girl in the world of today? What are some of the serious problems that you face? What are some of the things that give you satisfaction and pleasure? -177- SURVEY OF HIGH SCHOOL GIRLS, 1960 NAME SCHOOL I. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 5. 6. 7. 9. -178- EDUCATION What is your favorite subject in school now? Second? A. Social Studies B. English C. Math. D. Science E. Other (specify) In what subject do you do your best work? (circle) __ A. B. C. D. E. What are your plans for after high school? Ao Work B. College Go Other E If you plan to go to college, do you aipect to earn a degree? (Realistic) A. AoBo BoDo B. M.A. M.S. Co PhoDo Other Which degree would you like to earn? (Ideally) Ao Bo Co Other What would you like to study in college? (Number in order of preference) Math. Social Sciences Science English Medicine Education Law Nursing Engineering Social work Other (speci'f?) Other (specify) If you were a boy, which field of study would you choose? If there is a difference between 5 and 6, please explain. What is your feeling about science? a. Interested b. Mildly interested 0. Not interested Were you ever interested in science? (circle) Yes No When did you lose your interest (become interested) in science? A. Elementary school B. Junior high school c. At home D. Other (specify) II. 10. ll. 12. 13. 14. -l79- INTELLECTUAL ACHIEVEMENT How do you feel about girls who are achieving intel- lectually? A. Makes them more attractive B. Has no effect 0. Makes them less attractive How do you feel about boys who are achieving intellectually? A. Makes them more attractive B. Has no effect C. Makes them less attractive Is intellectual achievement more important for girls than boys? GIRLS BOYS WOMEN (Circle ) MEN Why? What are the reasons or motivations you have had for intellectual achievement if any? A. Parents 1o MOther 2o Father B. Teachers C. Club sponsors Do Self Eo Other What were your special interests in grade school? What are your special interests now? If there was a change in interests, can you explain why? III. MARRIAGE AND CAREER 15. 16. 17. Do you think you will want to be married someday? When? A. After high school B. During college C. After working a wEIIe (after college) E. Never Whichvwould you most like to be, a housewife a; a career woman. Would you Iike to Befboth? In what careers, if any, are you most interested? List in order of preference: First choice Second choice ____ Third choice 18. 19. 20. IV. 21. 22. 23. -180- What do you think you will probably do after college or training? (What work are you sure you can get? A. Immediately after college B. When you are about 35 If there is a difference between 18 and 17, please explain. Do you feel there are certain fields more appropriate for men than for women? How would you rate a woman's Chances for success in the following fields? A. Science C. Social Sciences 1 1o 600d lo Goad i1 2. Fair 2. Fair 3. Poor 3. Poor B. Fine Arts D. Others (specify) _ 1o 000d .‘ 2. Fair 1! 3. Poor w Do you feel this will make a difference in your plans for the future? A. Will you completely change your plans? B. Will you modify your plans? C. Will you have to work harder? E. This will make no difference in your plans PRESSURES AND INFLUENCES Do most of your friends have the same or similar plans for the future? A.Swm B. Similar C. Different What do your parents think of your plans for the future? Ao MOther . l. Agrees Encourages 2. Disagrees 3. Has other ideas ___ he Other B. Father 1. Agrees Encourages 2. Disagrees 3. Has other ideas ho Other Can you think of anyone besides your parents who have encouraged or discouraged you in regard to your future plans? A. Teacher B. Other (specify) -181- 24. What group memberships or activities have inspried you along career or educational lines? Explain. A. B. C. V. 25. Are you lad you're a girl? (What is good about, bad about it . 26. If you had one wish to be granted as to what you would like to do in the future, what would you wish? Why? ~182- Warner, W. L., Meeker, Marcia, and Eells, K. A. Chicago: Sci. Res. Assoc., 1949 Sogiai Class in America I.S.C. INDEX OF STATUS CHARACTERISTICS Directions: Assign the individual or the status parent appro riate values on the scale from "1" (high to "7" (low) for each of the char- acteristics selected for the index to be used in the study. AREA LIVED IN I. Select residential area (or areas) of highest repute 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. in the community. Better suburban and apartment house area; homes with large grounds. Preferred residential areas, adequate grounds; good apartment buildings. Residential neighborhoods with no deterioration; re- puted to be average. Area beginning to deteriorate; business or industry entering into it. ' Area considerably deteriorated but not a slum area; de- preciated reputation. 7. Slum Area (or areas) of the community; neighborhood in bad repute. HOUSE TYPE . Large houses in good condition: adequate grounds-~1A, 2A, 1B, 28. 2. LR in medium condition: MH in good condition; best apartments--3A, BB, 10, 20. 3. MH in medium condition; large apts. in well-kept build- 4. 5. 6. 7. ing3““36o LH and MB in fair condition: apt. buildings in medium condition-~1D, 2D, 3D. SH in good condition; good apts. in remodelled houses --4A, 48, 5A, SB. SH in medium condition or fair condition; apts. in fair condition--4C, 4D, SC, SD. All houses and apts. in bad condition; store fronts et a1. - 1E, 2E, 3E, 4E, 5E. Note: ,Houses are rated according to size--(LH) l or 2, MH = 3, (SH) - 4 or 5 -- and condition (good) = A or B, (medium) = 20, (fair) = D, (bad) = E. The twenty possible types are fitted into the seven ratings. -183- C. OCCUPATION Classify the individual or status parent according to kind of occupation--professional, proprietor, business man, white- collar worker, manual worker, service and miscellaneous, landowners and farmers--and then rate the person concerned according to level, consulting the accompanying chart for guidance. D. l. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. SOURCE or INCOME Savings and investments, inherited--50% or more of the income. Savings and investments, gained by the earner--not retire- ment pensions. Profits and fees--including higher executives who share in profits. Salary or commission--including retirement earned thereby. (”Check List") Wages, based upon hourly rates or piece-work. ("Time Card" personnel) Private aid or assistance--may be supplemented by part- time work. Public relief and non-respectable income, according to reputation. Altarnate and Modifying Indices. E. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. F. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. EDUCATION Completed one or more years of graduate work at college or university. Grgduited from four-year college, university, or professional 8C 00 o Attended college for two or more years, or equivalent higher education. Giaduated from high school, or equivalent secondary educa- t on. Attended high school, completed at least one year but did not graduate. _ Third to eight grade (older persons), shifting to below eighth (young adults). Below third rade (older persons), shifting to below eighth (young adultl. ETHNIC GROUPS--ETHNICITY AND ETHNIC SECTS--COLOR CASI§ Old American or Anglo-Saxon Assimilated American French Canadian or Irish Catholic Northern European ethnic group or sect Southern European or Jewish Eastern European or Near East Color Casts- Negro, Oriental -134- OCCUPATIONAL RATINGS . WHITE COLLAR Level PROFESSIONALS PROPRIETORS BUSINESS MEN WORKERS l. Lawyer, doctor Value $75,000 Top execu- Executive dentist, judge plus depending tives: pres- secretary of minister, pro- upon nature ident, mgr, status or or- fessor, engineer5the community. etc. of cor- ganizations; ind'l. Chemist, porations, C.P.A; editor school suptd., :public util- of reputed coun. vet'n. ities, banks newspaper et a1. or magazine. 2. High school Value $20,000 Asst. of- Accountant; teacher; trained to $75,000 fice & insurance, nurse (RN); Chir- dept. stock and op'st, chiro- managers or bond, real practors, archi- supervisors: estate sales- tect, undertaker mgrs. of men in re- minister (no college) medium sized puted firms: branches; columnist or mfrs. agents editorial writers, etc. 3. Grade school tea- Value $5 000 Mgrs. of . Bank & broker's Cher, optometrist, to $20,000 small branch clerk; secty., undertaker's asst. or similar stores & sim- sr. postal pharmicist (em- equity ilar business-clerk; R.R. ployee); city vet. es; salesmen agent, spvsy, (better mdse. staff of tele- & known cus- graph, R.R. tomers) pub. utilities, buyers. elected civic and county of- ficials, news- paper reporter, etc 4. Value or equity Stenographer bookeeper, 2,000 to rural mail clerk; ticket 5,000. agent, auto salesman; auto, clothing, book, drygoods salesman. 5. Value or equity 500 to $2,000 Small propri- etors Drug store, hardware, gro- cery, dime store clerks, telephone & beauty opera- tors, dressmaker, practical nurse. -185- 6. Value or e uity less than 500 7. Level MANUAL WORKERS SERVICE & MISCELLANEOUS LANDOWNDERS & FARMERS 1. Gentlemen farmers: large landowners & operators who patronize the local activities . 2. .Managers & land operators with active urban lifeo (20M) 3. Small contractor Commercial pilot. Owners and opera- who works at or tors of good superintends his jobs. mechanized farms (10M). 4. Construction, fac- Police captain et a1: Small landowners tory, or mine fore- butcher, tailor, dry and the "for- man: carpenter, cleaner (small town ; gotten farmer" electr'n, plumber, Pullman conductor ~who owns a "decent" welder, master mech; place. RR engineer & train- men; linotype operator, printer. 5. Apprentice to skilled Policeman; barber, Tenants on good trades; time-keeper; gas station oprs.; farms; owners RR firemen & brakemen; butcher apprentice; of farms who just tel. & tel. linemen: bar tender, liquor manage to make a medium-skilled factory salesman: head living. workers: lead hands, waiter. section chiefs. 6. Send-skilled factory Taxi & truck driver; Sharecroppers: and production workers baggagemen: delivery established farm 'warehousemen; janitor man: gas-station at- laborers: sub- 'watchman; cook. tendant; waiter or sistence farmers waitress. .who "work out." 7. -186- Laborer, miner, Domestic servant; bus mill hand; migrant boy, etc. worker: section hand; scrub woman, laundress. Reputed lawbreakers. Migrant workers, unestablished and does not want to be. :1 w-‘JAC “'— ‘5 I‘rv—r - ' ' -i _- rm! 2! (L. new"? new: (m. ’CEII H ‘ ; ‘ ’ . A?“ ,. .I ‘ I- U. K! 9.! 9 "w" t- i...” 22.. J 1 ~11. ; APR 21 on- MMMWI