flHlamtllelllflLIUHlflllcljlflw“MW!!! OVERDUE FINES: 25¢ per W per item RETURNING LIBRARY MTERIAL§: Place in book return to mow charge from circulation rocor ® Copyright by JOHN ALLAN MOCK 1980 SOCIAL CHANGE IN AN URBAN NEIGHBORHOOD: A CASE STUDY IN SAPPORO, JAPAN BY John Allan Mock A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Anthropology 1980 ABSTRACT SOCIAL CHANGE IN AN URBAN NEIGHBORHOOD: A CASE STUDY IN SAPPORO, JAPAN BY John Allan Mock This study examines the patterns of social change found in a neighborhood of Sapporo, the capital of the northernmost major Japanese island of Hokkaido, between 1925 and 1975. Specifically, it shows how a neighborhood has changed from a state of high social integration to a state of social disintegration through looking at the patterns of change in social relationships during this fifty year period. The elements important in this social disarticulation are the primary focus of this study. The changes in the neighborhood are analyzed in terms of changes in constraints, strategic barriers defining and delimiting the range of possible behavior by individuals. There are four major categories of constraints that have significantly shifted. There are l) the physical geography of the area including the shape and structure of the city, population density, and the relative positions of places of employment relative to places of residence; 2) the amount and types of resources available for individual allocation reflected in land or building ownership and tenure in the neighbor- hood; 3) the types of socially acceptable behavior and the kinds of John Allan Mock sanctions imposed for violations; and 4) the type and degree of influence exerted on the neighborhood from higher political systems such as the city, the prefecture, and the nation. The constraints act on social behavior in combination, not individually. Thus the visible results, the shifts in the social networks of individuals and groups, are the result of various changes in the constraints. The study is broken into phases, 1925-1945, 1945-1965, and 1965-1975 reflecting significant divisions of recent Sapporo history. The changes in the social patterns, as reflected by the changes in the networks of the various social groups, are discussed in terms of the changes in the constraints for each period. The conclusion of this study is that the final disarticultion of the social fabaic of the neighborhood was not the result of gross population increase or other "urban" factors but rather the influx into the neighborhood of a social group, the entertainers, who had no wish and no strategic reason to maintain extensive social networks in their place of residence. ACKNOWLDEGMENTS It is impossible to thank everyone who contributed to the production of this work in appropriate detail so I will simply have to make do with this rather superficial form. I cannot thank sufficiently the Japanese who lieterally made this dissertation possible. Especially important to me was Kumiko Onooda who tutored me in Japanese, helped me do the actual research as a field assistant, and remained a friend and comrade both in Japan and the United States. Drs. Asai and Okada of the University of Hokkaido were most helpful in shaping the research. Wakizo Takata helped me understand what little I know of Japanese society and has served as a staunch friend. Mr. and Mrs. Eichi Shinya and my landlady, Mrs. Sakuraba, introduced me to the rich detail of Japanese urban life while being incredibly kind to a large bumbling foreigner. For the same reason, I would like to thank all of the people of Hanayama. I would also like to thank the Ouchi family, the Araya family, and Ogawa-sensei of Nemuro-Shibetsu for being good friends. Scott Whiteford chaired my dissertation committee putting in enormous amounts of time reading and commenting on various drafts of the manuscript. Bernard Gallin, Dave Dwyer, and Iwao Ishino all made helpful suggestions. Bill Ross set an example of a scholar and a gentleman that I would like to emulate. David Plath of the University of Illinois kindly donated time to read and comment on the dissertation. ii George Somers of Adrian College was a friend and colleague, in the best sense of the term, when one was truly needed. Hilayne Cavanaugh did a marvelous job editing the defense draft of the dissertation. Special appreciation is due to Maureen Honey who encouraged and assisted in ways too numerous to mention. Recognition is also due to Herb Whittier and Pat Whittier who have functioned somewhat like academic older siblings. Finally, I would like to thank my family and friends for putting up with me over the last several years and actively assisting in this project. My father helped with the maps and other figures, my mother edited parts of the post-defense draft, and my brothers provided useful comments on assorted aspects of the analysis. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii Chapter I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 II. HISTORICAL AND PHYSICAL BASE: JAPAN AND HOKKAIDO UNTIL 1925. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 III. PHASE I: 1925-19h5. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 IV. PHASE II: 1945-1965 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114 V. PHASE III: 1965-1975. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180 VI. CONSTRAINTS AND CONTINUITY: EXPLANATIONS FOR PATTERNS OF SOCIAL CHANGE. . . . . . . . . . . . 266 APPENDICES A. METHODOLOGY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 314 B. REAL ESTATE OWNERSHIP. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 319 LIST OF REFERENCES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 326 iv Table 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. LIST OF TABLES Comparative Climatic Data . Regional Subdivisions of Japan. Population of Hanayama. . . . . . . . . Composition of Hanayama in Phase I. Location of Employment. Education and Occupation in Phase I . Tenure in Hanayama. . . . . . . . . . . . . Growth Rates of Population and Employment for Ten Fastest Growing Regional Economic Clusters. Levels and Growth Rates of Hokkaido Population and Employment by Industrial Class: 1950-1970 . Comparative Statistics on Worldwide Urbanization: 1950-1970 . . . . . . . . . . Percentage of Population in National Urban Regions: 1920-1970 . . . . . . Composition of Hanayama in Phase II . Hanayama Migration: Phase II . Origins of Phase II Migrants: Proportions. Origins of Migrants in White's Tokyo Study. Origins of Phase II Migrants: Numbers. Urban vs. Rural Migration . Education and Occupations of Phase II Migrants. Location of Employment. Hanayama Population by Age and Sex: 1975. V Page . 29 . 53 . 79 . 80 . 85 . 9O . 98 135 136 137 139 147 149 150 148 152 154 157 177 192 Table 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. Page Hanayama Population by Age and Sex: 1965. . . . . . . 193 Neighborhood-City Population Comparison (Age) . . . . 194 White-Collar Education and Occupation: Phase III. . . 201 Composition of Hanayama in Phase III. . . . . . . . . 204 Comparison of Migrants by Phase . . . . . . . . . . . 206 Origins of Phase III Migrants: Proportions. . . . . . 207 Origins of Phase III Migrants: Numbers. . . . . . . . 208 Migrant Origins: Phase III. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209 Education of Phase III Migrants . . . . . . . . . . . 210 Education of Phase III Younger White-Collar Migrants. 218 Housing of Phase III Younger White-Collar Migrants. . 219 Younger White-Collar Family Composition . . . . . . . 223 Frequency of Family Contact . . . . . . . . . . . . . 238 Parents/Children in Sapporo . . . . . . . . . . . . . 240 Family Contacts and Distance. . . . . . . . . . . . . 242 Perceptions of Importance of School Ties. . . . . . . 243 Hanayama Migration: 1965-1975 . . . . . . . . . . . . 247 Family Composition: 1925. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 300 Family Composition: 1975. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301 Land Ownership. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 322 Building Ownership (partial). . . . . . . . . . . . . 323 vi LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Northern Japan and Adjacent Areas . . . . . . . . . . . 25 2. Ocean Currents in the Vicinity of Japan . . . . . . . . 28 3. Days Frost Free . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 4. August Mean Temperatures. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 5. January Mean Temperatures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 6. Coastal Drift Ice and Sea Fog . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 7. Terrain Subdivisions of Hokkaido. . . 41 8. Cities of Hokkaido. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 9. March of the Rice Frontier. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 10. Railroad Development in Hokkaido. . . . . . . . . . . . 49 11. Colonial Militia Settlements in Hokkaido: 1876-1899 . . 50 12. Hokkaido Population: 1875-1975 . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 13. Pattern of Sapporo Tondenhei Land Grants. . . . . . . . 57 14. Sapporo Population: 1875-1975 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 15. Sapporo Growth Pattern. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 16. Representation of the Neighborhood about 1885 . . . . . 67 17. Representation of the Neighborhood about 1911 . . . . . 69 18. large Shop Floorplan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 19. Small Shop Floorplan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 20. Waflthy Hanayama House Built about 1920 . . . . . . . . 78 21. Neighborhood Economic Conduits. . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 22. Mnfimrn Islands. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 vii Figure Page 23. Representative Older House, Built in 1953 . . . . . . 122 24. Sapporo--Percentage Population Increase: 1925-1975. . 182 25. Ten Largest Cities in Japan: 1881-1975. . . . . . . . 184 26. Two Typical Mansion Floorplans. . . . . . . . . . . . 188 27. Two Representative Apatg Floorplans . . . . . . . . . 189 28. Portions of Sapporo Workforce Engaged in Primary, Secondary, and Tertiary Industry. . . . . . . . . . 196 29. Older White-Collar Density. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 274 30. Older White-Collar Intensity. . . . . . . . . . . . . 275 31. Shopkeeper Durability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279 32. Shopkeeper Density. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 280 33. Shopkeeper Intensity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 281 34. Blue-Collar Density . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287 35. Younger White-Collar Density. . . . . . . . . . . . . 291 36. Younger White-Collar Intensity. . . . . . . . . . . . 292 37. Younger White-Collar Reachability . . . . . . . . .-. 293 38. Mitchell's Network Properties . . . . . . . . . . . . 316 39. Divisions of Ownership, Representative Block. . . . . 321 viii CHAPTER I Introduction This dissertation describes aSpects of the social history of a neigh- borhood in Sapporo, Japan. Specifically, it shows how a neighborhood has changed from a state of high social integration to a state of social dis- integration through looking at the patterns of change in social relation- ships over a fifty year period. The elements important in this social disarticulation are the primary focus of this study. In 1925, this neighborhood, known as Hanayama, had a population of about 200 people and formed a tightly integrated social entity. This state was maintained while the neighborhood trebled its 1925 size during the next forty years. Even in 1965, the neighborhood with its pOpulation around 550 still represented a well integrated social whole. In 1975, the population had again doubled and the neighborhood had disintegrated as a social entity. Although the northern island of Hokkaido where Sapporo is located has been largely ignored by western analyses of Japan, this study was designed to be and in many respects is similar to the Tokyo studies done by Dore (1958) and Vogel (1967). As a detailed ethnography, it fits in with most of the anthropological work done in Japan which tends to be heavily ethno- graphic in nature. In their typology of urban anthr0pology, Eames and Goode (1977) draw a distinction between those studies primarily focusing on the city itself and those that touch upon but do not focus on the city per se. Examples of the latter category would be those studies of social groups or quasi- groups whose existence in the city tends to be incidental to the focus of the study such as Spradley's (1972) study of urban tramps or James' (1972) 1 study of the cognitive categories of prostitutes. This dissertation is of the former category, of a sub-type Eames and Goode describe as follows: One such approach is to accept certain distinctive attri- butes of urban settlement as given--scale, density of population, social, cultural, and economic heterogeneity, spatial segregation-and then study the impact of these characteristics upon other aspects of life, such as social relationships, cohesion, social interaction, social mo- bility, and adaptation. In other words, the predefined nature of the urban is assumed and is not itself under investigation. (1977:34) For a classical theoretical statement of this approach, Eames and Goode cite Mitchell (1969). For a prime example of the application of this ap- proach, they cite Anderson's (1972) study of Chinese adaptations to crowd- ing. More germane to this study, several major English works on urban Japan, notably Dore (1958), Vogel (1967) and Cole (1971), also use this approach. This study follows the lead of the above-mentioned writers in using this approach to focus on social relationships, specifically patterns of social relationships as reflecting cohesion within an urban neighborhood. The primary interest of this work is not the nature of the city itself but rather, given the environment of what Eames and Goode call the "urban", the changes and the constraints to human behavior that result under various conditions. For example, the increase in population density, the shift in styles of housing, and the shifts in the economic base of Sapporo all af- fect the constraints on social behavior in the neighborhood. The effect of these elements on the constraints is reflected in the patterns of social relationships through time thus reflecting the various degrees of cohesion that existed. Although this study follows the same approach as those writers indicated above, it is distinguished from most other urban studies in that it empha- sizes what might be called a "majority" population, i.e., one indistinguish- able from the larger social milieu by ethnic or economic characteristics.1 Many of the groups studied--in cities of Africa (e.g., Little 1965 and Mayer 1961), Asia (e.g., Willmott 1960 and Vogel 1967), North America (e.g., Cans 1962 and Hannerz 1969) and Latin America (e.g., Leeds 1968 and Mangin l970)--have been economically or ethnically identifiable, often as politi- 'cally or economically marginal, social groups. ' While the bulk of work done in urban anthropology has focused on dis- tinctive sub-populations, this trend has not held true for Japan. The vast bulk of work done on Japan has been on the mainstream population with the exception of Hokkaido where almost all of the ethnographic work has focused on an ethnic minority, the Ainu. Assessing mainstream populations avoids some of the methodological and theoretical problems encountered by anthropologists focusing on minori- ties. For example, the relationship between the minority and the mainstream pOpulation and the question of the integration of a given minority into a whole urban system do not arise in mainstream studies.2 However, focusing on a mainstream population has distinct problems. The major problem encountered in such a mainstream study pertains to the problem of boundaries, a term used in the social sciences with a variety of meanings. In the context of distinguishing among social groups--in the sense of distinguishing mainstream from non-mainstream pOpulations--those studies that center on ethnically or economically distinct populations have their focal groups pre-defined by ethnic or economic lines. All that re- mains is to select the specific fraction of, or the entire, group to be studied, usually making this selection on geographic grounds, e.g., a specific barrio or an ethnic colony living in a particular city. When focusing on a mainstream group, the problem of its boundaries becomes acute, particularly if a group is not distinctive in any real sense of the term. However, boundaries must be drawn if one is to apply the techniques of intensive, ethnographic research.3 Without boundaries the research strategy of selecting informants for long-term, in-depth interviewing from a focal group, or any form of intensive, small-group research, would be impossible because such focal groups would not exist. In this study, the boundary emerged clearly because the focal group, the past and present residents of the neighborhood of Hanayama in Sapporo, has a number of characteristics making its boundaries easily identifiable and distinct from other such units and which make it logically acceptable as a unit of study. Three criteria converge to define the neighborhood of Hanayama: physical space, legal identity, and social identity. First, the neighbor- hood is separated from the rest of the city on all sides by streets, three of which are major arteries. Second, the existence of the neighborhood is recognized by the civic structure of the city of Sapporo. In Sapporo the neighborhood forms the smallest formal political unit of the city; it is used for governmental and civil functions such as census taking, voting, and police records. In the civil hierarchy of the city, neighborhoods are grouped together to form a district. Districts in turn are grouped to form higher units of organization. Third, the neighborhood has a social identity recognized by its residents and non-residents. The changing nature of this social identity is discussed in Chapters III, IV, and V. The boundaries of the unit of study, the neighborhood, are thus geographi- cally, politically, and socially delineated.4 Selecting the Neighborhood: Having established the formal properties of a neighborhood, we can now examine the neighborhood of Hanayama's amenity to anthropological analysis. The principal research techniques used in this study, partici- pant observation and intensive interviewing, required that the unit of study be sufficiently small for analysis by one individual. For an ethno- graphic study such as this one, a small, carefully selected unit, such as the neighborhood, is appropriate. Hanayama had a maximum population in 1975 of about 1,050 peOple, indicating that a single reseracher could in- terview a significant portion of the total number of inhabitatns. Signi- ficance in this sense refers to the level of confidence, established by cross-checking the informants, one can ascribe to the information elicited from the interviews. About 20% of the adult population was interviewed allowing considerable cross-checking. ‘Sigg. The neighborhood of Hanayama is also physically small enough for direct observation of activity to play a major role in data gathering. Simply in the process of day-to-day activities, the analyst observed much of what occurred in the neighborhood including incidents of social inter- action which could then be applied to check the perception or veracity of the informants. Historical Depth. Aside from the characteristics of being definable and small enough to handle, there were other reasons for selecting this particular neighborhood as the unit of study. Sapporo neighborhoods can be divided into three broad categories: primarily business, mixed busi- ness and residential, and "pure" residential. The all-residential neigh- borhoods, located in the suburbs, were excluded from consideration as research sites because they lacked the historical depth desired. All of the "pure" residential neighborhoods were only a decade or so old. I wanted a neighborhood that was old enough to show patterns from before Sapporo's most modern economic and demographic phase. The primarily busi- ness neighborhoods were also excluded as being inappropriate for a study of changing social relationships because too few people lived in them. This left most of the older part of the city, composed of neighborhoods of mixed residential and small business. What I was looking for was a neigh- borhood that fit Dore's description of his Tokyo ward, a "nondescript sort of place" (1958:4), as representative as possible of urban life in Sapporo. There is, of course, no such thing as an "average" neighborhood and Hanayama has its unique aspects, as does any neighborhood. On the other hand, Hanayama shares a historical foundation, as well as an overwhelming majo- rity of demographic, political, economic, and social features, with most of the other neighborhoods of the mixed business and residential types. Conceptual Framework: As stated earlier, the first task of this study is to describe changes in patterns of social relationships in the Sapporo neighborhood of Hanayama. Having described these changes, the second task is to analyze the patterns of change in terms of a conceptual mode. Following Barth's (1967) usage, the model applied for this purpose perceives constraints on behavior as selective pressures that channel the choices made by individuals into broad, recognizable patterns. Thus the application of the model to the described changes yields a congruence between shifts in constraints and changes in patterns of social relationships. The third and final task is connecting the constraints to human behavior in the neighborhood with shifts in the physical and social environment outside the neighborhood, in the larger city of Sapporo, the prefecture or the country. There are six elements to this analysis: 1) J. C. Mitchell's concept of social networks used to delineate and describe the patterns of social relationships found in Hanayama and the shifts that occurred in these pat- terns; 2) the nature of the socioeconomic groups making up the basic build- ing blocks of the analysis; 3) the role of kinship in Japanese social re- lationships; 4) the importance of physical space as a constraint on human behavior; 5) the historical perspective; and 6) the choice of time periods or phases used in the analysis. Because of the importance of each of these issues to the analysis, I briefly discuss each before turning to the body of the ethnography. Networks: The core of this study consists of a series of descriptions of social groups and their social relationships with each other, as exemplified by aspects of their social networks. Elements of the networks for each socio- economic group change as conditions in the city change through time. Trac- ing the shifts in the networks and contrasting the networks of the various socioeconomic groups yields a picture of the relative positions of the so- cioeconomic groups in the neighborhood, the relationships among the groups, and the changes in these social relationships as the environment of the city has evolved. The concept of social networks as used in this dissertation follows J. C. Mitchell (1968). Mitchell's work, in turn, was based on the work of writers such as Barnes (1954), Bott (1957), Epstein (1961), and Mayer (1962). Mitchell's prOperties, isolates which together make up social networks, are applied to individual networks, then "averaged" to create group composite networks.5 It is these composite networks whose shifts through time are described. because the primary focus of this study is on those changes occurring over a period of time in social relationships, the individual networks-Mitche11's primary focus-are not in and of themselves important elements except as building blocks to the next level of abstraction. In this vein, certain other formulations, such as Thompson's (1973) idea of networks as being instrumental in social mobility, are examined as they apply to individuals and, in a modified form, as they apply to groups, but again these are not the primary focus of this study. They are seen, rather, as selective forces Operating on the patterns of social re- lationships of which the networks are a part. Of particular note in this respect is Lomnitz's (1977) analysis of the importance of reciprocity in the development and maintenance of social networks. She looks at the eco- nomic functions of individual networks and then concentrates on the inter- relationships of whole socioeconomic groups. The concept is similar, but the application occurs on a different level of abstraction, that of indi- viduals versus groups. The concept of reciprocity is used as a measure of the intensity of network links. Social Groups: This analysis of the Sapporo neighborhood deals almost exclusively with social groups both as an analytical abstraction derived from observa- tion and as "real" in the sense that they are recognized by the residents of Hanayama. These social groups are categories used by the people in the neighborhood in everyday life; There are distinct advantages to using indigeneous groupings in an ethnographic analysis. One is that because these groupings have indige- neous labels, it is relatively easy to elicit information directly applic- able to a particular group. Also, with informants with whom extensive interviewing has occurred, informants sometimes asked their own questions about my research and were often able to volunteer information crucial to my analysis which I might well otherwise have missed. If these indigeneous groups had not been used, the volunteered information might not have been offered.6 Interestingly, this observation also applies to the concept of networks. The concept, in its anthropological sense or something close to it, is part of Japanese social thought and as such is an emic structure. There is even a phrase, koosai no hiroi hito (a person with a wide acquain- .1... tance, X Pf," @fiflp, that is, a person having a large network. Five criteria were used to distinguish the seven socioeconomic groups. The broad criteria distinguishing the groups were: 1) age, 2) occupation, 3) income, 4) formal education, and 5) relative social prestige. These interlocking criteria are not meant to be hard boundaries but rather gen— eral principles. For example, age tends to generally correlate with higher prestige in Japanese society. Thus an older person with a somewhat less prestigous occupational status might have higher overall social prestige than a younger person with a slightly more prestigous occupation. The other major division utilized is sex. All the groups were analyzed sepa- rately in male and female categories and, where significant differences were found, these are discussed at some length. The social groups are named by their primary characteristic, occupa- tion, since this along with its concomitant criteria of education and so- cial prestige appears to be the best single descriptive term. Although occupational terms are used as labels, it is important not to confuse the social groups in the neighborhood with purely occupational groups. We are not talking about groups tied to specific occupations but rather groups of people who tend to correlate with clusters of occupations. I am using 10 this type of taxonomy rather than, for example, one based directly on so- cial class because of indigeneous use of these terms and the complexity and conflict that appears to be built into any attempt to use an overworked and highly ambiguous term like class. The usage of occupational labels similar to those used by the neighborhood residents is meant to stress the emic nature of these socioeconomic categories. The seven socioeconomic groups are the 1) older white-collar employees, 2) younger white-collar employees, 3) shopkeepers, 4) blue-collar employees, 5) farmers, 6) enter- tainers, and 7) landladies. The farmers occupied the neighborhood only until 1942 and the landladies and the entertainers were present only after 1965. The other four groups were represented throughout the study period. Older White-Collar. The older white-collar residents are the older group of what the Japanese call sarariman (salary man or men). The dis- tinction between the younger white-collar group and the older white-collar group is drawn at age fifty. Actually, I had no informants in the 45-50 age range so the distinction is not quite as random as it sounds. The distinction between the younger and older groups of white-collar employees is crucial for several reasons. The age and prestige correlation mentioned above is one important element. However, the most crucial difference is socialization. In 1975, literally all of the older white-collar employees were of the prewar and the wartime period in their training as children or young adults. All of the younger white-collar employees were postwar. Socialization in this sense is used broadly to include not only things such as early value absorption but also formal education--the younger group has had more, certainly different, and possibly more extensive formal edu- cation. Since I do not want to separate out each of these factors for analysis, and because they appear to cluster rather neatly, the two groups 11 of white-collar residents are separated. Finally the residents of Hanayama made the same distinction between older and younger white-collar residents usually referring to them as younger or older salary men (sarariman). In 1975, the typical older white-collar residents lived in single- family housing, usually an older home, either owned by the company he worked for (if he was not 60 yet) or owned outright. If the male were more than 60 years old, the couple invariably owned their own house since the retire- ment age for most Japanese businesses is 60. After that age, most males get another job but at greatly reduced pay and fringe benefits, such as access to company owned housing. All of the older white-collar residents had rather large personal savings, a reflection of the poor social welfare and pension programs available in Japan. All of the males between the ages of 50 and 70 years of age were employed. Only two males, both in their eighties, acted retired in the sense that most Americans think of the term and one of them was still very active in local politics. None of the older white-collar females was employed. Some of them did volunteer work but only on a very limited basis. Mostly, the older white-collar females kept house and, if geographically close enough, played the role of the doting grandparent. Two of the older white-collar females in the neighborhood acted, in effect, as permanent baby sitters for their grandchildren. Their daughters-in-law drOpped the children off in the morning and picked them up at night on their way home from work. The older white-collar residents, male and female, tended to know more of their neighbors than members of other groups. The males were often ac- tive in the Neighborhood Association where they dominated most of the of- fices, both elected and appointed. The females tended to know everyone on their street, except some of the most recent arrivals, at least by sight. 12 The older white-collar females were, with the landladies, by far the best informants since they were both very well informed about the activities of people in the neighborhood and were willing to talk to a foreign anthro— pologist. Younger White-Collar. The younger white-collar residents were basic- ally junior versions of the older white-collar group but there were a few important distinctions. First, the younger white-collar residents did not live in the neighborhood as long as the older white-collar residents and therefore did not have the time to establish social relationships that the older white-collar residents had. This tendency towards transience mark- edly increased during the final phase of the study between 1965 and 1975. Secondly, the younger white—collar residents were poor. Traditional Japanese differential wages are paid on the basis of seniority which means that the young are relatively underpaid and the old are relatively over- paid. Further, as in the United States, the white-collar group as a whole has tended to resist unionization which would tend to increase their in- comes. There are notable exceptions to this situation, of course, the most important being the very powerful, very active, left—wing teachers union which included several Hanayama residents among its members. Finally, the younger white-collar residents were young. They had less prestige, less money, and in general less to lose by being a bit more li- beral, traditionally, than their older counterparts. This difference, of course, becomes insignificant if one looks at the oldest part of the youn- ger white-collar range and at the youngest of the older white-collar range. It does have some significance, however, as a general pattern of behavior. Most important was the fact that the younger white-collar residents were trying very hard to attain the status and prestige of older white- 13 collar residents, if not in Hanayama then in some other similar neighbor- hood. Even in 1975, when following the patterns set by the resident older white-collar employees was almost impossible due to changes in the neigh- borhood structure, several younger white-collar males expressed the opinion that, had they been given a choice, they would have preferred the old, con- servative way to the more modern paths that were emerging. The younger white-collar females were likely to be employed if they were unmarried or if they were married but (did not yet have children. After the first child, the females almost always stayed home with the child. The younger white-collar couples had almost always lived in company owned hous- ing until 1965. In 1965, with the advent of the apartment buildings, many younger white-collar couples moved into apartments, either company or pri- vately owned. Shopkeepers. The shopkeepers ran the small, retail stores that occu- pied three sides of Hanayama. The husband and wife both worked very long hours in the family shOp, sometimes with the assistance of some of their children. As almost all of the adult's waking moments are spent in the shop, there is little time for visiting or other social activities. On the other hand, traditionally, almost everyone in the neighborhood would stop in once a week or so to make purchases. The shopkeeper families lived over, behind, or beside their shops and so were always available for a short chat, an attribute that surely aided social intercourse. Although the economics of the small shops are marginal, the shops seem to have had remarkably long tenure in the neighborhood. Part of the reason for this is strong customer loyalty built up through the years. Another reason is the strategic location of the Hanayama shops, at a locus where many peOple from Hanayama and other surrounding neighborhoods pass on their 14 way to and from work and other activities. Blue-Collar. The blue-collar residents of Hanayama had originally moved into the neighborhood on their own, buying or renting their own houses. However, by the beginning of the study period in 1925, all of the blue-collar residents of the neighborhood lived in company owned housing. By 1975, only a few blue-collar families remained and these were isolated from the rest of the neighborhood. The living pattern of the blue-collar residents seems to have been nearer that of the older white-collar residents than any other group in the neighborhood. The housing available for the blue-collar families was high quality and only quite senior employees would live there. Few of the fe- males were employed outside of their homes although several are reputed to have done piecework for various concerns. Farmers. The farmers are a category that must be included and yet it does not fit well with the other categories. In 1925, there were three farm families in Hanayama. They were the descendants of the original settlers (two of the original settlers were still alive in 1925) and the families had originally owned all of the land in the neighborhood. In 1975, there were no farm families in Hanayam. The last farm ceased operation in 1942. Landladies. The landladies operated the apartment buildings that started being built in Hanayama in 1965. They also usually owned at least a share in the buildings. The landladies are a notable group because they were overtly aggressive about building and maintaining extensive social networks in the neighborhood. As each landlady moved in, she sought to build up as solid a social position in Hanayama as she could. As a result, the landladies were almost as useful informants as the older white-collar 15 females. The landladies were also the only channel between the largest single group of adults in the neighborhood, the entertainers, and the other residents of the neighborhood. The landladies occupied an odd position in Hanayama. They were ac- corded a position of fairly high social prestige, not because of their previous occupations (in some cases these previous occupations would have accorded them very low social prestige) but because of their chronological age, their position as property owners--or at least managers, and because of their wide networks. The landladies' social prestige appeared to in- crease in preportion to the extension of their social networks. By 1975, when there were many landladies in the neighborhood with extensive social networks, the landlady group enjoyed high social prestige, probably just below that of the older white-collar group. Entertainers. The final group, and the most difficult to define and analyze, is the entertainers. The entertainers are young, poorly educated people who work in Susukino, the entertainment district of Sapporo. They work at a number of occupations. In Japanese these occupations are lumped together under the label "water trades" (mizu shobai, *5 fi ). These occupations include bar hostess, mama-sen (female bartenders/managers), musicians (popular music), waiters, bartenders, bouncers, prostitutes, thugs, and a host of other trades carried out in and associated with the entertainment district. Most of the entertainers who lived in Hanayama used the neighborhood simply as a place to sleep. Their social interaction in the neighborhood was limited almost exclusively, and sparsely, to their landladies. Almost all of their social and professional life took place in Susukino. Most of the entertainers did not even cook in their apartments but rather took 16 all their meals outside the neighborhood. Social Groups, Summary. These socioeconomic groupings are not rigid entities; there is some mobility from one to another. Some mobility is built into the system--younger white-collar employees become older white- collar employees, for example. Other examples of mobility include farmers who became younger white-collar residents (one example in Hanayama) or landladies (one example). The landladies, in fact, all were in different groups before they became landladies, although not in Hanayama. One was a farmer, two were mama-san, one was older white-collar, and the rest were from a variety of other groups.7 It is difficult, therefore, to say much about the maintenance of group boundaries. Such boundaries do exist among the various groups, but mobility across them is possible. Kinship: The relationship between kinship and social networks found in Hanayama differs somewhat from those explored in a number of other network analyses. Notably, several studies in Latin America have demonstrated a clear rela- tionship between network and kin affiliations (e.g., Lomnitz 1977; Peattie 1968), which may well be a function of the economic minorities focused on who are socially and physically separated from the mainstream populations. Other network analyses reveal this because they have Specifically aimed at the relationship between family and social networks (e.g., Bott 1957 and Young and Wilmott 1962 in England, Vogel 1967 and Nojiri 1974 in Japan). Kinship is viewed somewhat differently in this study because the fo- cus is on a neighborhood where the incidence of separate household kin existing in the same area was exactly two in 1975. While the network of links in the larger city is often derived from kin-based links, the major l7 focus of this study is on links within the neighborhood, which are almost all non-kin except for spouse-spouse links. Kinship and family structure are analytically presented as a distinct set of social patterns--a1beit somewhat related to social networks--and changes in the familial social patterns through time are analyzed in their own right. There is clearly a relationship between kinship and social networks but they are not as intertwined in this analysis as in the studies mentioned above. Looking at patterns of kinship as a descriptive isolate separated from social networks has the advantage of providing a "check" for the pat- terns of change induced for the networks. Particularly for the earlier phases of the Sapporo neighborhood, this raises the level of confidence in the conclusions of this study. Physical Space: Although it is very difficult to demonstrate causal relationships be- tween physical space--in the sense of housing and neighborhood design-and social behavior, some sort of perspective should be established. The de- sign of both housing and the neighborhood as a whole appears to have selec— ted against some kinds of social interaction and possibly promoted others. For example, in the earliest phase of the study, the relatively open nature of the neighborhood allowed for a great deal of residential privacy nonex- istent in the most recent phase. There is, then, a direct correlation, if not a causal relationship, between the physical privacy and the relatively tight social relationships existing in the earliest phase. It also seems clear that changes in neighborhood and housing design correlate with changes in social patterns. The coming of the apartment houses in the 1965-75 phase, discussed in Chapter V, had the effect of breaking up some of the existing social patterns and preventing certain 18 kinds of interaction among their residents. These correlations suggest that there is some type of causal relationship, either positive or nega- tive, between physical space and social behavior. For example, one could argue that the lack of privacy in the apartments forced the residents to "hide" from their neighbors, trying to gain maximum privacy, rather than allow interaction on a more open basis. The vast increase in total popu- lation, doubling between 1965 and 1975, that the apartments accompanied may also have been the crucial factor in the decline of the tonari gumi, the block associations, which served a number of important formal as well as informal social functions. Historical Perspective: Because a historical orientation underlies this analysis, the relation- ship between history and social anthropology as used in this context should be made clear. Most of the historical material used here is derived from informant interviews, and as such, comes under the general heading of oral history. Because of the use that this material is put to, and the buttressing by documentary materials (census data, published histories, other formal sources), the orientation toward the informant-derived material is in direct contradiction to Lewis' history-as-myth approach, typified by the following passage: The social anthropologist in contrast (to the historian) derives most of his primary data from direct personal observation and inquiry, studying social life as and where it is lived, partly at least through the medium of a particular culture. His basic concern is with the inter-connections of events, with the structure of ideas, values, and social relations, but from the perSpective of the present rather than the past. For him, although the past may be one source of the impera- tives which control the shape and content of man's 19 actions in society, its role in determining how men behave now is secondary to the interconnections between their current beliefs, actions, and institutional arrange- ments. Current custom replaces the past as the reposi- tory of the springs of social behavior. The past as the subjects of study themselves see it, however it actually was, becomes explicable at least in large measure as a mirror of the present and may be treated to a considerable extent as myth. In this extreme view, which is not devoid of explanatory power, history is virtually relaged to the status of Malinowksi's 'mythological charter'. (Lewis, 1968:xi) In this study, I reject the history-as-myth view, along with Lewis's ideas about social anthropology. I can not find a meaningful boundary between history and social anthrOpology, nor can I see any pressing reason to do so. Discussing any sort of social organization without recognizing time is like taking a single frame out of a motion picture and claiming that the one frame is the whole movie or even a meaningful segment of it. The reason for the frequent use of informant-derived material is that such information is unavailable elsewhere. To say that the past is mirrored in the present, and therefore less important or more distorted, is to ignore the point that the accounts of events are always mirrored in the presenter's reality, informant or analyst, present or past. Wherever possible, other sources have been used in addition to the informants, if for no other reason than to verify those elicited perceptions. Further, this study is limited to the lifetime of my informants so all of the oral material is first hand and as such tends to be more accurate than other- wise might be the case and, moreover, is capable of being cross-examined and rejected if found inaccurate. This technique has been applied success- fully elsewhere, especially in cases where "objective" documentation does not exist. The focus of this study is on the processes of change that have oc- curred and continue to occur in an urban setting. The present, in this 20 sense, has no more significance than any other point in time except that the data is more accessible. There is no particular emphasis on the pre- sent except as a logical bridge between the past and the future. Time Periods: The presentation of material in this dissertation is broken into four chronological segments because it is simpler to handle the century or so with which we are concerned in separate pieces rather than as a whole. The first division of time constitutes the historical background for the prefecture, the city, and the neighborhood up until the beginning of the period of study in 1925. The date dividing the historical background from the beginning of the study period is not based on historical significance. It was chosen be- cause: 1) there were several people living in the neighborhood in 1975 who had been living there since 1925, 2) 1925 is the date of the ascension of Hirohito to the throne, the beginning of the Showa era and thus an easy reference date for the informants to use, and 3) fifty years is a nice round number for a study. The year 1925 has no other particular signifi— cance for Hokkaido, Sapporo, or the neighborhood of Hanayama. The period of study, 1925-1975, is divided up into three phases, each representing a significant segment in the life cycle of the neighborhood. Phase I, 1925-45, was the prewar and war periods. The dividing line be- tween Phases I and II, 1945, is important for Sapporo and Hanayama because it marks: 1) the end of the Pacific War, 2) the beginning of the recon— struction during part of which Japan, including Sapporo, was occupied by the United States Armed Forces, 3) the disintegration of the empire leaving only Hokkaido and its associated islands as the remaining colonial terri- tories, and 4) the beginnings of the processes of demobilization and 21 repatriation leading to a flood of migrants into the prefecture, city, and neighborhood. Phase II, 1945-65, was the postwar reconstruction, recovery, and eco- nomic boom periods. The city of Sapporo and the neighborhood of Hanayama grew very rapidly. The neighborhood of Hanayama enjoyed economic pros- perity and a very high level of social integration. The beginning of Phase III, 1965, marks the beginning of apartment house construction and the concomitant flood of entertainers into the neighborhood. The social mechanisms which had served to absorb previous migrants proved inadequate in Phase III marking the disintegration of Hanayama as a social entity. Summagy: This dissertation has two major goals. The first goal is to describe and explain the changes that occurred in the neighborhood of Hanayama be- tween 1925 and 1975--the relatively sudden disarticulation of a tightly integrated and durable social entity. The second goal is to provide a descriptive ethnography of an area that has not previously been the subject of participant observation analysis. To fulfill both these goals, the next step is to fill in the background history and geography essential to any ethnography. Historically and geographically, Hokkaido is different enough from the rest of Japan to warrant special attention in this regard. 22 CHAPTER I Footnotes The term "majority" here is not technically accurate but serves to emphasize the distinction between the focal population in this study and those normally termed "minorities" in American idiom. By "majority" I refer not to numerical proportions but rather to a population economically or ethnically undistinguishable from the population as a whole, that is, a mainstream population such as white Anglo-Saxon Protestants in the United States, who are numerically a minority of the total population but are the locus of the dominant cultural patterns and are thus distinguished from other classifications, all others being considered "minorities”. For an in-depth discussion of the methodological problems of focusing on minority populations, see Leeds 1968. For an extensive discussion of the importance of boundaries in ethnographic research, see Nadel 1942. There are advantages and disadvantages in selecting a neigh- borhood as the unit of study. The major disadvantage is that there is a danger that the neighborhood may be unrepresentative. Or, rather, that the neighborhood selected is so unrepresentative, so unusual, as to make it impossible to generalize from the findings derived from that study. The advantages of a neighborhood as a unit of study are 1) the depth of information obtainable is far greater than is other- wise accessible because of the narrow focus, and 2) the intensive approach is extremely flexible allowing ig situ examination of a broad range of topics and the interrelationships of the elements of people's lives. For a succinct discussion of the advantages and disadvantages of a neighborhood study, see Dore 1958:3-5. Mitchell's criteria are described in the early part of Chapter III where they are first applied to the ethnographic material. The methodological implications of this approach are discussed in Appendix A. These social categories are emic (Pike 1967 and Harris 1979) in that they are native categories. However, this analysis uses them both as emic and as etic categories. To a certain extent, this is an example of the interaction between emic and etic structures discussed by Harris (1979:36). 23 This brings up a problem, discussed in more detail in Appendix A, of classifying women working outside the home. This problem, which I do not really solve, appears to be a persistent one in the social sciences. My quasi-solution.is to simply classify housewives in the same category as their husbands. Thus all of the landladies change groups which they start practicing their current professions. An excellent example of this type of approach to oral history is Strobel's (1975) study of Muslim women in Mombasa. CHAPTER II Historical and Physical Base: Japan and Hokkaido until 1925 The social organization of the neighborhood of Hanayama is rooted in the ecological and historical context of the prefecture of Hokkaido and the city of Sapporo. Hokkaido and Sapporo are Japanese and as such share much of the ecological and historical base common to the rest of the archi- pelago yet more than any area of Old Japan, Hokkaido and its premier city, Sapporo,have historical and ecological roots differentiating them sharply from the common Japanese experience.1 The colonial historyof the pre- fecture and the city and the development of Sapporo as a center of terti- ary industries--commerce, government, transportation and communication-- are closely connected to the climate, tepography, and location of natural resources. For example, the neighborhood of Hanayama exists because of its location on fertile land halfway between the Yubari coalfields and the port of Otaru. Hanayama's historical cycle, from an agricultural village to a densely populated portion of a large urban center directly reflects Hokkaido's develOpment and the concommitant growth of Sapporo. Hokkaido: The primary distinctive feature of the island of Hokkaido is its geographical location. Hokkaido lies at the extreme northern end of the Japanese Archipelago (45042" to 41°23" north longitude, 139045" to 145050" latitude). It is a rather large (70,508 square kilometers, or 31,200 square miles, about 22% of the area of Japan), roughly diamond-shaped island about 450 by 400 kilometers across the points of the diamond (see Figure l). Hokkaido lies about 300 kilometers from the coast of the 24 25 CHINA KOREA 50 KY USHU USSR HONSHU SAKHALIN SEA OF OKHOTSK o Sapporo PACIFIC SH! KOKU OCEAN mil“ 0 100 200 300 400 500 l— L L I l J F T r T T T f I 1 0 200 400 600 500 kilometers Figure 1 . Northern Japan and Adjacent Areas 26 mainland of Soviet Siberia (at the closest point), about 45 kilometers south of the island of Sakhalin, and less than 30 kilometers to the west of the first of the main Kurile Islands, both Sakhalin and the Kuriles being currently controlled by the U.S.S.R. Hokkaido can therefore be des- cribed as an intrusion of Japanese territory thrust into a horseshoe of Soviet-controlled, and heavily militarized, territory. Hokkaido is the most geographically isolated of the major Japanese Islands.2 The Tsugaru Straits separating Hokkaido from Honshu, the next island to the south, are about 17 kilometers wide at the narrowest point and are noted for difficult currents and weather patterns.3 This isola- tion was even more pronounced in the past than now, but it is still sig— nificant. Hokkaido, like Old Japan, consists primarily of old volcanic forma- tions, many still active, creating a series of mountainous ridges sepa- rated by relatively flat valleys. There are three rather large plains in Hokkaido of which the Ishikari and the Tokachi are the most usable be- cause of the climates. The plains on the eastern end of the island and to the north are limited in their agricultural potential because of the long severe winters. The Ishikari and the Tokachi plains, along with the smaller plains and valleys of the Oshima Peninsula, are relatively fertile and support most of Hokkaido's population. The mountainous backbone of the island is not high, the southern peaks reaching 1500 to 2500 meters above sea level, but they are rugged which, when combined with climatic factors such as snow, serves as a barrier among the various parts of the island. The pattern found in Old Japan of relatively isolated valleys and plains separated by mountain walls is also found in Hokkaido. However, because of Hokkaido's relatively recent occupation by Japanese, this 27 internal isolation has not had the same social significance, primarily because of better modern communication systems. Had Hokkaido been settled by Japanese in large numbers before the development of railroads and tele- graphs, the isolating effects of the climate and the terrain would have been much more drastic than in the south. The late nineteenth century colonization emphasized the plains and sea coasts both because that was where the natural resources and fertile land was and in an attempt to con- struct a prefecture that could have adequate modern communications. Even today, all of Hokkaido's large cities are on agricultural plains and dur- ing the winter, with its severe weather patterns, are often isolated from one another and from the south. The climate of Hokkaido is moderate to severe, with cool summers and cold winters, much like New England or the Canadian Maritime Provinces. Because of the action of ocean currents (see Figure 2) and the movement of air masses from continental Asia, the southwest part of the prefecture is markedly warmer than the northeast. In fact, in some ways the east- west axis is more important in terms of temperature and precipitation than is the north-south axis. The precipitation levels are fairly high for all of Hokkaido with somewhat higher precipitation in the west than in the east, as is true of Japan as a whole, but in no region could Hokkaido be called arid. As shown on Table l and Figures 3, 4, and 5, Hokkaido is considerably cooler than other parts of Japan but even the coldest low- lands have a growing season of sufficient length for agriculture. Further there is adequate rainfall for all of Hokkaido. The combination of suffi- cient precipitation, sufficiently mild temperatures, and stretches of flat land allow parts of Hokkaido to be among the richer agricultural areas of Japan in spite of the more severe climate. Hokkaido produces most or all 28 CNdHWA KOREA SAKHAUN HONSHU SEUKCDF OKHOTSK 0909 PACIFIC a SHIKOKU * _ / OCEAN ’- \ £3 (. \ l’zrll KYUSHU \ 4, l / (a "Al miles 1 1 0 1m) am an) an an 59 \ F-/ Lfi T L—fi Ii . 1‘ fl r —1J \ o 200 400 600 300 U kilomtors Figure 2. Ocean Currents in the Vicinity of Japan 29 Table 1. Comparative Climatic Data STATION Southwest Japan Kagoshima Kumamoto Fukuoka Hiroshima Osaka Kochi Central Japan Nagoya Hamamatsu Tokyo Nagano Fukui Tohoku Sendai Yamagata Morioka Akita Hokkaido Sapporo Asahigawa Obihiro Kushiro Source: The Climatographic Atlas of Japan. Temperature (F0) month (Aug) 80 80 80 80 80- 79 80 79 78 76 79 75 75 73 75 7O 69 67 64 Mean of Mean of warmest coldest month (Jan) 44 40 41 39 4O 41 37 41 38 29 36 31 29 26 29 21 l4 13 20 Days of growing season 253 211 203 221 219 241 207 281 215 166 205 181 168 148 175 129 127 121 141 Precipitation Cm. Inches 221.4 _87.17 180.1 70.91 161.2 63.46 151.3 59.57 133.0 52.39 260.7 102.64 161.7 63.66 118.4 46.61 161.0 63.39 99.1 39.02 233.9 92.09 112.9 44.45 123.6 48.66 102.1 40.20 179.5 70.67 108.0 42.52 109.3 43.03 95.7 37.68 109.8 43.22 Tokyo, 1948 30 \ \ SAKHAUN SEUACDF ' OKHOTSK \ PACHFIC OCEAN kilometers Figure 3. Days Frost Free 31 SAKHALIN SEUKCDF’ OKHOTSK (NdHVA . USSR KOREA HONSHU _ PACIFIC ' OCEAN o. l r O Figure 4. August Mean Temperatures 32 SAKHAUN SEA—--....._ .1 ,_______._‘ , —-— befor61883, '5. . '. * 5 7 l ++l-l-+-+l- 1884-1910 I '5 "' -——- 19104925 = 1925-1946 - - - - 1945—1966 IIIIIIIIIII planned .9 gure 10. Railroad Development in Hokkaido 50 HQKKAIDO kilometers (after magi}. inigifisai Ce—cagraghicaIILJ—n-ion 195 ) Figure 11. Colonial Militia Settlements in Hokkaido: 1876-1899 5.000 4.000 3.500 3.000 1,500 1.000 500 Figure 51 - l ' ‘ , . a 'I" ‘ I . ' 'I. . ' I. o I ' ' ‘ “I.‘.O"r . ." . I1 3. 9‘ . ' O ‘ I 1"‘. |~ .IV . u. ‘e. . .3 ‘ .v I I . . ' V ' n , ‘ , u .5. ‘ . 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Hokkaido Population: 1875-1975 52 territories thought to be more commercially valuable, more strategically located, or less secure, such as Taiwan, Korea, and the Pacific islands mandated to Japan by the League of Nations after World War I. As a result of these unique features, Hokkaido had certain aSpects in marked contrast with Old Japan, particularly with the Tohoku region which it most closely resembles geographically. This is not the place for an extensive comparison between Hokkaido and 01d Japan, but a few items might aid in understanding the socioeconomic patterns found in Sapporo, which has relevance for the work at hand. Al- though the population density is lower than that found in Old Japan, the degree of urbanization is similar if one uses the "densely inhabited dis- trict" (DID) criteria. Using DID figures for 1960, Hokkaido had 42.1% of its population living in DIDs, while the national average was 43.7%, with only seven of the Old Japan prefectures having higher percentages of the populations living in DID. All of these denser pOpulations are located in the three great metropolitan-industrial areas, plus industrial Fukuoka in northern Kyushu (Trewartha 1965). At the same period, the sex ratio in Hokkaido showed a preponderance of males (102), while the national average showed a deficiency of males (96.5) and the Tohoku region had pro- portionately even fewer males. Hokkaido's farms are the largest and among the richest in Japan, with a history of independent ownership derived from its "land grant" past. As Table 2, Regional Subdivision of Japan table shows, Hokkaido modern agricultural income per farm is almost 75% higher than that of the next highest region. Hokkaido also had the third highest per capita income (in 1957) of any region in Japan. In the earliest peri- ods this was not the case but the strong resource base of the island did allow for a great deal of individual economic independence. This economic 53 m.mH+ find HHH mm wH mmH H.MNH OucmM .m q.oa+ mud cm Hm mm NNH ¢.mHH «xafix m.c+ mm NNH mm oq Hoa m.mm ovwmxxom m.o+ «ea mm Hm mm mm m.om aaxoe m.H+ om mm Hm mm co m.om asma>x .z m.O+ Hm mod Hm aw «a H.mm :xwuaxom H.o+ ¢¢ mm am me am ~.~w cacmm m.~| om cm om mq mm m.on :xoxanm m.mn me mm ca mm mm m.cm :mmoa m.H| mq «Ha NH mm on o.¢m oucmz .z o.mn mm ox NH mm om m.m~ cacmm m.ou mm NNH om mm mm o.~n axonoa Nm.mn an «N ma mm mm H.nc scmazx .m oomanmmma Aooau.mmnv sham Hun xuumsocw Aguascaa nooa n Acmx oooaV :owwmm waausc mufimmu umm msoocfi unaccoomm humawum amamnv mmma :H uwamnu maouaw Haunuasuwum< xmccH wEoo:H coaumHaqom coauozuoun vauuoaasm cOfiumasaoa madame Hum HwfiuumavaH mo ammucooumm :mmmh mo macamq>quasm Hmcoammm .N canny 54 environment strongly contrasts with Old Japan's small, relatively poor farms and long, sometimes bitter, history of tenantry and all that tenant- ry entails. Sapporo: Sapporo, the capital of Hokkaido, was designed and built to be an ex- cellent example of the "central place" concept of central place theory. All roads lead to Sapporo. The major industries in Hokkaido have their central offices in Sapporo, and a large portion of the total population of the prefecture (about 35%) lives in Sapporo. The focus of political power, including the prefectural offices, is in Sapporo, and the social and intellectual orientation of the pOpulation of the environs of Hokkaido is oriented toward Sapporo as much if not more than toward Tokyo, a situ- ation which is rare in a country so focused on its primary metropolis and capital. Sapporo, an Ainu word meaning "extensive dry land,” lies at the north- ern end of the Ishikari Plain. The plain on which Sapporo was built is primarily volcanic in nature, being the result of aggradation by the Ishikari River and its tributaries. "Ishikari,” the name of the river from which the plain gets its name, is also an Ainu word meaning "to wander" or "to meander." The plain is mainly poorly drained with numerous peat bogs, hence the significance of the name of the city. It is extreme- ly large for a Japanese city because of two factors: it is unrestricted by natural terrain features on three sides, the north, east, and south; and the second, and more important, element is that it was planned by an American along American ideas of urban develOpment.lo The result is a checkerboard of wide avenues intersected by wide streets and a diffusion of the population far greater than that found in any other Japanese city. 55 Unlike most of the great Japanese cities, Sapporo is not a port. In a land divided into small plains by rugged mountains, the historical de— velopment of most cities was largely abetted by easy access to the sea, the easiest mode of transportation. Hokkaido is as rugged as Old Japan but the later development of the island allowed for different kinds of planning. The original exploitation plans, developed in the early Meiji period (1870—1890), looked primarily to the exploitable raw materials available in Hokkaido and ways of moving them to the south. The Ishikari Plain, where most of the raw materials on the island are concentrated as well as a large portion of its arable and more fertile land, has coasts on both the Sea of Japan and the Pacific Ocean. The Pacific coastal area, as discussed previously, is swampy, relatively infertile, and a considerable distance from the coalfields that were the primary interest of the early Meiji planners. The town of Tomakomai is the only port on this coast of any significance and its natural harbor is poor. The Sea of Japan coast has a smooth contour with no natural harbor at all. However, adjacent to this northern end of the Ishikari Plain, in the northeastern corner of the Oshima Peninsula, is a good natural harbor at Otaru. Thus, Sapporo occupies a strategic position near the island's best extensive farm land and between the coalfields and the best available port.11 The pre-Restoration town of Sapporo was not a very imposing place. It was a tiny hamlet on the banks of the Ishikari River, of mixed Ainu and Japanese habitation, subsiding on agriculture and river fishing. In 1872, four years after the Restoration, the pOpulation of the town was only 624 peOple occupying about 5.5 square kilometers along the banks of the river. This population appears to have been stable for the previous century. Sapporo was only one of many small villages scattered throughout the 56 Northern Territories primarily concentrated on the more fertile plains and along the coasts. To support the planned nexus of the rail line from the Ishikari coal- fields to Otaru, the Kaitakushi emphasized military colonization on the northern Ishikari Plain. By 1880, the date of the completion of the rail- road, the major military base in the Northern Territories had been estab- lished at Makomanai, a few kilometers south of the railroad station at Sapporo; the area between the station and the military base had been heavily colonized by Tondenhei. It was on this axis, railroad station to military base, that the city was planned and constructed. The element of planning in the construction of Sapporo probably cannot be stressed too much. Aside from its unique historical aspect, much of the later develop- ment of the city reflects this original planning.12 The Tondenhei settlement south of Sapporo followed the line pattern common to most of the Hokkaido military colonies. Each colonizing house- hold was given 5.ghg (12.25 acres) of land in a surveyed grid, the area judged necessary for its support. In the case of the settlement south of Sapporo, the major road running from Sapporo station south to the military base at Makomanai and on to, among other things, a stone quarry that pro- vided much of the building material used in the construction of the city, was surveyed as a dividing line between two double rows of Tondenhei home- steads. Dividing each of the double rows of homesteads was a narrower road (see map, Figure 13). Each of the colonists was given not only the land but also some tools and seed. It should be remembered that this particular area has some of the more fertile land on the island and the least isolated; thus the planners could be selective about the recipients of these grants. As a S7 lshiyamadoori (Stone Mountain Road) lehi Tondenheidoori Higas'ni Tondenheidoori (West Colonial Militia Road) (East Colonial Militia Road) ,<__ 272.2m ___>l! (4.... 150 E! __;l te— 394.?5' a L 49,5789 m1 5 12.25 acres 0 3' O O ——-—>l<-——-— o—>l X (m 3 181.8m m <---— 2;; —a}<——- Figure 13. Pattern of Sapporo Tondenhei Land Grants 58 result, the settlers moving into this area were among the most stable and skilled of all the migrants into the Northern Territories. The post-Kaitakushi period (1881-1900) marked the fastest rate of population growth in Sapporo's history, which is indicative of the in- crease of administrative and commercial functions during this period. Aside from the vast increase in railroad mileage focused on Sapporo (see Railroad Development Map, Figure 10), the commercial functions were mainly related to agriculture with only a small emphasis on secondary industry. This focus on primary industry and mining was a reflection of Sapporo's status as the capital of what was, in fact, a colony. _The explosive de- velopment of secondary industry was concentrated almost exclusively in the core area of Old Japan. This period was the time of greatest tension con- cerning Czarist expansion into Siberia and the northern islands, and this tension was reflected in the speed with which Sapporo was built up. By 1900, the pOpulation of Sapporo had increased to 40,578 for the official city or_§hi itself. The figures for the metrOpolitan area or DID, in- cluding the army base, would have been much larger. The period from 1900 to the accession of Hirohito to the throne in 1925, the beginning of the Showa era, was characterized by steady growth of the city and the prefecture. With the successful conclusion of the Russo-Japanese war in 1905, Japan was ceded the southern half of Sakhalin (Karufuto) and the Kuriles. This cleared the way for a somewhat less ten- tative colonization of those areas surrounded by rich fishing waters. Karufuto and the Kuriles, part of the old district the Tokugawa called "Yezo" or "£20," were brought under the administration centered on Sapporo. Thus Sapporo became the capital for an area comprised of more than a quar- ter of the total land area of Japan. This area stretched so far to the 59 l north that it was almost as far from the outer edges of the ind to Sapporo as it was from the national capital at Tokyo. Ll area was about one thousand kilometers to the east and :ix hundred kilometers to the north. .de from physical growth of the territory, the commercial and 'tation networks of the Northern Territories were greatly ex- As the transportation links to Old Japan grew, particularly .roads (see Railroad Development Map, Figure 10), the develop- the primary industries of fishing, forestry, farming, and 13 The rare increasingly made more commercially viable. : in primary industries in Sapporo itself and the increase in 'y and more importantly, tertiary industries, reflects the if the economy and population of Sapporo's hinterland. 3 population continued to grow during this period at a rapid :e Population Graph, Figure 14) reaching about 73,000 in 1910 : than 150,000 people by 1925. a national government's previous efforts at the colonization of l and Sapporo in the last quarter of the nineteenth century were :ly less noticeable. With the conclusion of the Sino-Japanese .894-95, Japan had gained the territories of Taiwan and Korea. :o-Japanese war had removed the threat of Czarist Russia in the id had confirmed Japan's sphere of influence over Korea. The end i War I saw the League of Nations mandate a number of previously :ontrolled Pacific Islands to the Japanese. Thus, the imperial- :rest and efforts of the national government were directed more :hese new possessions than the Sapporo region. It should also 1 that given the communication technology of this period, the new (1000) L300 q tZOO -1 1.100 «4 1.000 - 900 -‘ 700-4 500 -w 400 - 300 .. 200 ‘— 100 —q 1875 Figure 14. 60 .‘ 1 'k‘pm .‘ ..1 ‘ ‘0‘. . . 1“an ‘9 ‘> 'Th‘n‘ml o“ I ‘ “r .‘q r.‘ .. . 9 \‘_‘3‘ . -“n. S n... .9 V'V\‘ . . ‘s ‘ ~.. H3» 4 .‘.. ‘ ‘\ .“Ot I ',“‘ , o. , ‘_ 'u ..“ g ,. u I. 'u. ‘.‘“‘ . ,‘.. .I...' . 0|“. 0 0.... V o. "‘ '9."V‘ I. 5" u . “u ‘c ' '.“'-'o " u ‘ ' ‘0 o 3“... ‘. '~.., .. u. .u ' .o‘.." ". 9.. 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'L J ““‘A‘.A._:2A‘." .‘ ‘“"‘ ' F. "‘ . . ‘ ' . ' . ‘ h“. n 'I . ' . ' ' J 'L . . l , 1895 1915 1935 1955 197 Sapporo Population: 1875-1975 61 imperial possessions, or parts of them, had greater ease of communication with the national capital than did the interior of Hokkaido. By 1925 Sapporo had become a medium-sized city with a number of unu- sual features. First, its rate of growth (see Figure 14) was comparable to the growth experienced by the largest industrial cities of the south, but it was not undergoing the industrialization on a scale similar to that experienced by cities such as Tokyo, Osaka, Kobe, and Nagoya. Second, although Hokkaido was considered part of the "homeland"--unlike Taiwan, Korea, and the mandated Pacific islands-—Sapporo was more geographically isolated than any other equivalent-sized or larger city, either in the home islands or in any of the new imperial possessions. Third, and most important, Sapporo's hinterland-~both in the sense of administrative con- trol and commercial dominance~-was more vast than any area in Old Japan, rivaling the new imperial possessions. Further, in terms of raw materials, minerals, timber, and sea resources, the Northern Territories, administered from Sapporo, were wealthier than any equivalent physical or administrative area in Old Japan. The importance of the Northern Territories frontier to the rising industrial strength of Japan is analogous, although on a smaller scale, to the relationship between the U.S.S.R. and Siberia, or the U.S.A. and Alaska. Unfortunately there are no cities in either Siberia or Alaska comparable to the position of Sapporo to complete the analogy.14 The Neighborhood: The modern city of Sapporo is built around a central core which in— corporates the railroad station in the north, the entertainment district of Susukino to the south, and a business district in-between. From this core area, major avenues and railroad and subway lines radiate in all di- rections except west (where there are mountains). The major direction of 62 growth for the metropolitan area has been east and south (see map, Figure 15), along the railroad to the east and a major artery to the south. The downtown business district is comprised almost exclusively of tertiary industries. Lining the major arteries radiating outward there is a scattering of secondary industrial concerns mixed with smaller ter- tiary establishments. Outside the city to the northeast and southwest are agricultural belts, primarily truck gardens. Due east and south are areas of secondary industries. The neighborhoods of the metrOpolitan area can be classified into three types: non-residential neighborhoods made up of tertiary and secon- dary industries, purely residential neighborhoods existing on the extreme outskirts of the city and extending into the surrounding suburbs, and a mixture of residential and commercial areas making up most of the neighbor- hoods in the city. Without zoning restrictions, the growth patterns have been more or less organic, mixing small tertiary concerns, light secondary industry, and residential clusters. The neighborhood which is the focus of this study lies between the railroad station and the military base in the south at Makamanai. It is about two kilometers from the railroad station and about one kilometer south of the entertainment district that defines the southern boundary of the downtown area. This district lies south along the major north-south artery and, before its incorporation into the ghi of Sapporo, was known as Hanayamajmgra, Flower Mountain Village, the name used in this work for the neighborhood itself. Hanayama is bounded on one side by Ishivamadoori, Stone Mountain Road, the major north-south avenue; on the other side there is one of the two Tondenhgigoori, Colonial Militia Road, which bracket Ishiyamadoori, 63 Tondenhei Settlement Area in Relation to Sapporo Station N wOmm Sapporo Station 6 n aa . ww 24 WM. h Ea mA 1 L kilometers O .m K u a S r U a .ls .. m ‘ I n e o L ”0‘.” \HO‘.” h m ..:5. n .VMV c“... e e .... .. ,_ d .. 3.x n .1... V I . o e T S Central Business District :1 i: .L.‘ to Makomanai (military base) o-vok, .J . . 3". I .I... .J.’..J .5v~ca. d . . . .—.I .3 VOQJel u’ a a” I. ,. I )J“. h e .o X) n. d‘ .- .I’IQ OO" .5 O i. ., \. .o./..3v... 4!...» o ..i 3.4....“ .s: . 1).)..1 . .. J) .c. .\—..aJ 1.. I) J 3. «3 .{TJ . «a J.. JJ... . I... .. . ‘1‘ . umw»%.....ww.i~.~?gwfuekwhu; roams. anklw wuabwu 4». .MV) Ker. f: r)... .. .1 995th“; J J. 3.... Jury? NH all Sapporo Growth Pattern Figure 15. .- 64 one to the east and the other to the west. The neighborhood is of the more common type in the city in that it is a mixture of some tertiary and light secondary concerns but mainly residences. On the Ishiyamadoori side, it is lined with retail and light manufacturing enterprises. The Tondenheidoori side is a solid strip of small retail establishments. In between are solid clusters of single and multiple family housing units, separated by narrow streets, rather dense by American standards (although well within the range found in the interior of large American cities) but not crowded by Japanese big-city standards. Again, the lack of zoning ordinances makes for a mixture of housing that would be unusual in an American city. Hanayama housing ranges from the house of a bank officer, very large by any standard with Spacious grounds, to very small (one room) apartments with no yards, with consider- able variation between. There are also tiny, exquisite gardens inter- spersed with dilapidated houses with junk and trash piled along the street. In all, the neighborhood gives a jumbled effect alien to an American city. Historically, Hanayama is as old as the city. During the Kaitakushi period, 1872 to 1881, land was allocated south of the then-existing town of Sapporo for Tondenhei colonization. Over the next decade, 240 families moved into the area forming a roughly rectangular district of twelve-acre farms (see map, Figure 13). As mentioned earlier, each family received an allotment of land, tools, and seed. Unlike other parts of Hokkaido, even in the Ishikari Plain nearby, the better land was not withheld for later colonization but was allocated immediately because the planners wanted a Tondenhei core of migrants strategically located between the mi- litary base and the railroad station. The land allocated was moderately fertile and the farms prosperous. 65 The original Hanayama residents, comprising two-and-a—half households of the original homesteads, came from Aomori Prefecture in the northern Tohoku region of Honshu. In the original Tondenhei records, preserved in the University of Hokkaido Archives, are carefully recorded data about each family such as prefecture of origin, demographic material, tools and seeds granted, and ranks and military service records of each of the heads of the immigrant households. Although the northern Ishikari Plain was unusual in that very early (i.e., 1881) there were rice strains that would grow there, these new immigrants experienced some difficulties at first. It is unclear whether the trends in farming were the result of the rice-growing difficulties or the availability of a ready, near-by market, but in either case it appears that very early there was an agricultural emphasis towards potatoes, wheat, and vegetable crops. If, in the earliest days of settlement, rice was the primary crOp, it was quickly replaced by others more suitable to the cli- mate. By 1900 the city of Sapporo had grown considerably. Hanayama was not officially part of the city but functioned rather as a closely outlying farming area, being about three hundred meters from the edge of the neigh— borhood to the boundary of Sapporo prOper (A large daily market was estab- 1ished just south of the neighborhood.), retailing directly to local house- holds and wholesaling to the retail establishments of the growing city. Although the Meiji land sales records are unclear, it appears that the original farms were maintained at least until 1900 without being alienated from the original colonists. By 1910, the population of the city had almost doubled again. Hanayama was still not officially part of the city, but the urbanized area was 66 growing steadily out around it. The farms continued to function as before, and the nearby farm market had become a major wholesale center for the city. In 1911 the district was officially incorporated into the city of Sapporo. During this period the retail stores, a few of which had appear- ed very early along Tondenheidoori, proliferated to form an almost solid strip along the entire length of the street. Interestingly, it appears that at least during the Meiji period the farm owners maintained ownership of the land but not the buildings housing the retail establishments. The retailers, small-scale merchants, leased the land upon which they built their stores. The pOpulation growth of the neighborhood reflected the expansion of the city itself. About 1880, fourteen peOple from three families made up the original land-grant settlement that was to become the neighborhood. By 1900 there were about ten families with about fifty-five peeple (see map, Figure 16). By 1910 there were about twenty-two families with about one hundred peOple. The people living in Hanayama in 1910 can be divided into three categories. There were still three active farm families, now exclusively truck farming. About thirteen families of small-scale mer- chants lived in, over, or behind their shops, and about eight families of white- or blue-collar employees lived in single-family detached housing. With the steady expansion of the city of Sapporo, including the in- corporation of nearby areas into the official city (s33), Hanayama became progressively less rural as the city moved toward it. Even at the earli- est stages, the movement of shapkeepers and the white- and blue—collar employees reflected the beginnings of a shift from a rural farming dis- trict into a "suburban" area and, finally, into a fully urban area. The official incorporation into Sapporo-shi preceded Hanayama's transition 67 L l 253?}; {:33 1' tfz: ‘- 57 /A l l O N ‘Z farmstead ‘ o 20 L__4__J meters Figure 16. Representation of Neighborhood about 1885 68 Lly urban, or even suburban, neighborhood, at least as far as 1 density is concerned. The pOpulation density of Hanayama in Jnly about 800 people per square kilometer, a moderately high It should be remembered, however, that 80% of its pOpulation was ted along three borders, on only about 10% of the land, with the of the land being working farms (see Representation of Neighbor- 911, Figure 17). at this stage, the neighborhood was being drawn into the city. trolley ran along the major artery on one side of Hanayama as 1911. The retail shops were proliferating to serve an increas- se population in the surrounding area. Most important, blue- —collar employees were moving out into the district, particularly na and nearby neighborhoods, because of their proximity to the (one to two kilometers) and because of the relatively inexpensive Lable. These trends were to continue through the focal study iing in 197s. severe climate and difficult topography of Hokkaido functioned e the early colonial settlements from each other and from Old Jwever, the technology available to the Japanese colonists in : part of the nineteenth century and the first quarter of the century, particularly railroads, enabled the colonists to les- solating impact more than might have been the case if the coloni- 1 occurred earlier. The pattern of colonization developed to :he exploitation of mineral and agricultural resources of the the choice of Sapporo as the capital of the Northern Territories :he political, social, and economic focus of the region on the 69 DE] N \\\\ I O 20 40 W a D employe- meters Figure 17. Representation of Neighborhood about 1911 '.""'»‘I,' Sho p ‘ . to produce mar.".‘-¢"“"" " .' '- A ‘ t'I' '~ I. " ‘ .I " ‘ I. II 9 ‘ . ~‘ '9' I ‘I ‘a ‘ I‘...‘ ‘ -V\" .vs‘.‘ , .‘.‘_- ,v ".‘ , s " ..l‘. . H .“ I.‘ " '3‘ ‘ v‘ .‘ '\ K . I ' y '. m‘! ' ' vf‘. I r '.‘. II‘ ‘ ' I " , _ I\ ‘ ..‘ ‘ L - ' feet Figure 19. Small Shop Floorplan 77 limited the usefulness of upstairs sleeping area. For example, during periods of extreme winter cold, the bedding would be brought downstairs to the warmer eightdmat room. The upstairs rooms in the larger shop (Figure 18) were more accessible than those of the smaller shOp because of the interior stair. The larger shOp upstairs rooms were used for stor- age, sleeping, and other "living" functions. The amount of Space avail- able in housing like the two shops presented here was further limited by the Hokkaido climate. Since all heat was from kerosene stoves that must be turned off at night and because the level of insulation was very low, most family life tended to concentrate, at least during the winter, to the room or rooms that were heated directly. From their shOps, which unlike the land they owned, the merchants sold almost everything that anyone would be likely to buy in an urban neighborhood: vegetables, meat, fish, fruit, noodles of various kinds, fresh 32:3, housewares, medicine, inex- pensive furniture, tatami, tools, and even calligraphy supplies. Throughout this phase, the majority of the population lived in single- family houses scattered behind the retail establishments wherever land could be leased. Most of the houses of the neighborhood were large with spacious yards, by Japanese standards, and varied from the original Tondenhei farm houses to more modern houses as exemplified by the floor plan in Figure 20. Most of these houses had three to five rooms, includ- ing dirt-floored kitchens. The large six-room house represented in Figure 20 was owned by a relatively wealthy senior white—collar employee. Most of the everyday "living" activity was done in the central eight-mat room and the adjoining six-mat room. 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I.‘ 3‘ . W " ‘ “I“ 3‘ , . '\ ‘\ ‘.-." . \ \ o ' ~ -‘ I ‘ .‘W ‘ ‘. ‘fi ‘ ’1 b 3". I ‘ “‘W\ ‘ .y-\ .~.:fi"o S. ‘fl.-V\ NZ." \ ..‘-‘ - .‘ . l |. , 0‘ . _‘ 00‘” . y .\ -\I ;.1 .‘, ’ -‘u. - . a . ' ’ ‘ ‘ . d ‘ u . . ' ' . ‘\ ‘ ‘1‘ \ “y. ‘3 'V" . ' ‘ xv“) I‘fi‘ 0‘ ‘ .‘N‘ ‘ \- - ‘f‘fi‘ n \ ‘.‘ ‘ "i . -" .I ‘ .‘ \- ‘ \"~ r ‘.-?a.‘\ " ‘3'“: '1 "‘ '\-‘\" -'\~" ‘3 5“ ”fl ‘1» a -“ x \ ‘ . . n "" N" ~ 33' "I" \ ‘ ’ A. 0 ’~' ..I‘ _. ,. , ‘ ' '.. .5“ F ‘v a: ' . \‘ A . ' . ‘ _. . «2'» --...w-.~.-w~~~r -. .. A.-.» . n. .. \ .-‘-\ 5w \ q w, .... .,. x . .-\<'\ ' \ .~‘.? -‘ u '\ Q “a ‘ ‘ a K ‘\ \ \J W I‘ can. . :‘o..\.fi ‘I' «‘.'\-T,.". .' '.\ 'V“,‘\_ . ,'_."\ \‘.. ““ \. ‘\“_‘- t ‘ °" " ‘ ".- "W I 5 ‘ A \~‘- ‘ ‘ " L. “ \ ~‘fi - ,n. 'x‘ x'. A ‘a 3“ ‘Y" .. I "'1... ', s, \ ~_. 3 \ _. _ ._' .‘ h. \_ .\_.‘,’. «5‘3 ‘ fi“'\-“'"\ ' ‘l' \ , win, “3", ‘ ‘\"Y'1\“§ ' . - n .. _ -\.‘- . \’ - ‘. .. . . ‘ .‘ . 0‘ . \ “ ."\ 0 .Q‘ .Q . 4 t .v .“ \ ' . . \ ‘ . L. ‘ . \ ‘\ L1“ a' -‘ " - .' ‘ 8 ‘ a ° 3‘ 3 ‘ vqw -\‘ ' 'fi' _ '\ A. .' -\\“‘ ’\ - ‘\ .4 ‘\-) ‘\'-W \\ . '\ n"! 0 Q -". .‘ -‘ .‘~ .‘ 'K I‘. ".'. ‘ _ ‘ ‘, . 'V W. -“- HY: — ,' ‘\ n. .\ " “'o 0. K. I Q n‘ .. - I \‘ A -‘ ~ in ‘ 3,.d'ngdoors I‘. |\.‘\". '\ u o )‘ ‘ . .31“ x-\ 3 - "' SiiCing ‘Q‘ass Coors feet ). We althy Hanayama House Built about 1920 79 creating a very large living area that was very light and airy blending with the garden directly outside. The Hanayama houses, like other Hokkaido houses, differed from those found in Old Japan in several important fea- tures. All of the Hanayama houses had metal roofs rather than thatch or tile. The Hanayama houses were relatively large due to the availability of inexpensive building materials of wood and stone and the relative cheap- ness of land. Nearly all houses in Hokkaido had small kerosene stoves, called Russian stoves because the basic design had first been develOped for use in Siberia, the traditional kotatsu or central hearth having proved inadequate for the severe Hokkaido winter. Finally, another adaptation to the Hokkaido climate, all of the exterior doors and windows were glass, often double glassed, rather than paper, usually with the traditional wood- en shutters as well. The housing became denser as the pOpulation of the neighborhood increased. But the pOpulation grew slowly--an average of about 1.1% per year, an approximate 25% net increase in two decades, a rise from about two hundred in 1925 to about two hundred and fifty in 1945 (see Table 3). The slow- ness of the pOpulation eXpansion is important here as will be seen later in the comparison of this phase with later phases in the develOpment of the neighborhood. Table 3. Pepulation of Hanayama (approx.) Households Adults Persons 1877 3 7 14 1900 10 --- 4S 1910 22 --- 100 1925 43 121 200 1940 62 154 250 1950 88 217 350 1965 175 346 536 1975 394 704 1,052 80 The major feature distinguishing the 1925-1945 phase from the earlier period was the completion of the transition from semi-rural to urban. The earlier period had seen the transition from pioneer conditions with wild deer and bear-~the early Tondenhei houses were constructed to be "bear proof"-to densely settled rural agriculture. Although the neighborhood was officially incorporated into the city of Sapporo in 1911, the agricul- tural aSpect of the neighborhood was not terminated until the last truck farm ceased Operating in 1943 when the heir took a job as a white-collar employee with the National Railway. Hanayama was fully incorporated into the city of Sapporo, socially and economically, in the period from 1925 to 1945. Both within the Hanayama neighborhood with its retail stores and outside the neighborhood where the population of white-collar resi- dents increased, the economic base had shifted from primary agriculture to tertiary industry. This transition is reflected in the composition of the households of the neighborhood (see Table 4). The 1945 figures would be similar to those for 1940 except that there were no farm households later. Table 4. Composition of Hanayama in Phase I 1925 1940 Households Adult POpulation Households Adult Population no. Z no. 2 no. Z no. Z Shopkeeper 16 37.2 43 35.5 18 31.6 48 31.2 Old White 7 16.3 19 15.7 10 17.5 26 16.0 Collar Young White 13 30.2 38 31.4 21 36.9 55 35.7 Collar Blue Collar 5 11.6 14 11.6 7 12.2 20 12.9 Farmer 2 4.7 7 5.8 1 1.8 5 3.2 43 100.0 121 100.0 57 100.0 154 99.9 81 The numerical increase in the white-collar pOpulation and the even- tual transition of the agriculturalists into white-collar workers corres- ponds to both the shift in the social hierarchy and the economic base of the neighborhood from semi-rural to urban. Although in 1925 the indivi- duals with the highest social prestige in the neighborhood were older white-collar males (cf. Ramsey and Smith 1960), they did not totally domi- nate the neighborhood the way they would by the end of this first phase. At the beginning of the phase, the older white-collar group was socially equal to the farmers, who were the largest landowners but had the lowest occupational prestige, and the shopkeepers, a numerical plurality with a high capital investment in the neighborhood. By the end of the phase, the older white-collar group dominated the social order of Hanayama. Changes in the personnel of the former political structure of the neigh— borhood, the Neighborhood Association (chonaikai), reflected this shift in relative dominance. The Neighborhood Association was only a recent, urban version of a historical series of government-sponsored or -approved organizations des- cended from the Tokugawa sumptuary laws. These laws had forced residen- tial clustering by occupation and institutionalized the concept of collec- tive responsibility for groups that lived and worked together. The ori- ginal organisation in Hanayama had been the Tondenhei (Colonial Militia) Association, whose membership had been the entire two hundred and forty original colonial families of the area divided into twenty-four groups of ten families each. The Tondenhei Association had been organized along para-military lines with a non-commissioned officer as the leader of each sub-group of ten families and a heirarchical structure designed to convey orders quickly and efficiently in case of the need for mobilization of 82 the colonial militia. Membership had been restricted to Tondenhei and their families. Representation at Tondenhei Association meetings had been by households, that is, each household in the association having one rep- resentative, usually the head of the household. Thus, the official mem- bers of the Tondenhei Association were kin-based residence groups, not individuals. As more non-Tondenhei migrated into the area, the Tondenhei Associa- tion came to represent a dwindling prOportion of the population. When in about 1911 the area was officially incorporated into the city of Sapporo, the Tondenhei Association had become ineffective through dilution, since no non-Tondenhei could join. Further, the explicitly military purpose of the Tondenhei had been rendered superfluous by the crushing Japanese vic- tory in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-5. It was about the time of the incorporation of Hanayama into the city of Sapporo that the Tondenhei Association was replaced by the Neighborhood Association. The Neighbor- hood Association, in turn, sent representatives to a ward association. In 1925, the head of both the Hanayama Neighborhood Association (chonaikaicho) and the local district association were older white-collar males, but many of the secondary figures of the association were farmers, blue-collar, or shopkeeper males. The secretary of the Hanayama Neighbor- hood Association, a position of considerable power, was a farmer's son who had a blue-collar job outside the neighborhood. By 1945 the older white-collar males completely dominated the Neighborhood Association occupying all of the offices, with only a few shopkeepers listed as heads of the tonari gumi, the block associations, thirteen of which comprised the Neighborhood Association. This shift in dominance occurred because the groups who had rivaled 83 the older white-collar males, the farmers, and the shopkeepers had either disappeared or declined in relative strength. The farmers were gone. The economic position of the shopkeepers, no longer a numerical plurality, had been severely undermined by shortages related to the war. The older white- collar group, combined with the younger white-collar group, had gained a numerical plurality and, given the economic difficulties of the war period, had been able to invest in neighborhood land and buildings more rapidly than the shapkeeper group. A few of the older white-collar group had even bought out some of the shopkeeper’s stores for use as rental property. Another factor was also important: one man was elected head of the Neigh- borhood Association annually from 1941 to 1945 and again from 1947 to 1950. He was an older white-collar male who was said to have a wide circle of acquaintances that he could mobilize to assist in neighborhood business, and an amiable personality, perceived as apprOpriate for such difficult times. As one of the then-younger white-collar males put it: For years after I moved here, the Neighborhood Association head was always the same man, Mr. A;:" During the war, you know, times were a little difficult and then after the war, well, we didn't know what to expect and things were even worse. . . . Mr. Af” ' always seemed to know everyone. Also everyone in the neighborhood liked him. We all knew each other fairly well back then, there weren't very many peeple. When I moved here (1938) there were only six houses (right around here). . . Now that I am older, I am very impressed with Mr. A,- He really knew many people. After the war, he even seemed to know all the Americans. He was a very good Neighborhood Association Head. He knew how to get along with people. Mr. S, aged 64 Thus, the rise of the white-collar group as the most powerful in the neigh- borhood combined with the utilization of skills held by a white-collar male (white-collar males in general knew more people than members of other 84 groups), exagerated by the solidarity of the white-collar males who tended to vote together on issues previously discussed informally, resulting in the dominance of the white-collar group. Underlying this migration into Hanayama by white-collar employees and their subsequent rise to social dominance was the basic pattern of urban growth in Sapporo as a whole. Sapporo's growth between 1925 and 1945 was somewhat erratic, population growth rates varying from 8.7% in 1941 to a negative 2.2% in 1945, but was one of the most rapid in Japan (Wilkinson 1965:148). Furthermore, the dominant type of employment seems to have remained constant. Wilkinson's analysis by male employment composition lists Sapporo as having the same composition in 1920 and 1930. He gives no list for 1940 due to the difficulties in record keeping at that time. The 1950 categories are sflnilar to the earlier ones with the addition of a commercial emphasis to the already existing Administrative-Services and Transportation-Communication emphases (Wilkinson 1964:179). Thus, the relatively modest growth of the period was channeled primarily into ter- tiary enterprises. This is important not only because it means that white- collar employees were being drawn into the city, but also it meant that the economic situation of the white-collar employees in the city was rela- tively stable; there were no great fluctuations caused by shifts in the types of industries found in the city. Despite the changes caused by the growth of Sapporo into a major com- mercial center, this urbanization appears to have been only minimally im- portant to the majority of the pOpulation of the neighborhood in terms of their daily activities and social relations. Part of this was due to the employment of only about a quarter of the adult pOpulation (both males and females) outside the neighborhood (see Table 5), primarily in white-collar 85 jobs in the growing tertiary sector, e.g., government, the post office, or the transportation system. The other three-quarters of the adult pOpula- tion was either unemployed or worked within the neighborhood itself as housewives, craftsmen or shopkeepers. Table 5. Location of Employment (males and females) 1925 1940 1950 1965 1975 # Z # Z # Z # Z # ' ck Inside 49 40.1 53 34.4 54 24.9 57 16.5 98 13.9 Hanayama Outside 26 21.5 40 25.9 80 36.9 167 48.3 384 54.5 Hanayama Neither 46 38.0 61 39.6 83 38.2 122 35.3 222 31.5 Although most of the income of the neighborhood came from city indus- tries, a relatively small portion of the population was earning the income. The second major type of economic contact between the peOple of the neighborhood and the larger city was the specialized area of wholesale marketing. Whatever their particular product line, all of the shOpkeepers were supplied through carefully developed and maintained networks of per- sonally known wholesalers. Considering the small scale of the stores, a given shOpkeeper might buy all his goods from only one or two suppliers. It is likely that this business relationship was durable, lasing over a period of many years, and had developed non—business aspects. One shOp- keeper described it as follows: I moved into the neighborhood in 1942 after I got back from China. My uncle owned this (drug) store and I started working for him. At that time, things were very difficult because of the war. . . . Well, the shop was much smaller then, I've been able to enlarge it. . . . At that time, my uncle used to buy from Mr. Yamada over nearer downtown, on 8th street, I think. He got almost 86 everything from him and had for years. They had been in school together. Oh! a very long time ago, maybe Taisho (before 1925). Oh yes, Mr. Yamada is still alive. I send him a new year's card every year. No, I don't buy from him, he's retired but I did buy from his son for quite a while but not any longer (the son died). Mr. T, aged 57 An item to observe in this quote is the maintenance of a social obliga- tion--indicated in the sending of a New Year's card-~even many years after the termination of the business relationship. The neighborhood stores, then, where the Hanayama pOpulation did nearly all its sh0pping, bought their goods from outside the neighborhood, but for the vast majority of the population this outside contact was only indirect. Figure 21 is a representation of the types of contacts between the residents of the neighborhood of Hanayama and the outside city. Notice that the major conduits are through the retail shops, from employment outside the neigh- borhood, and, to a much smaller degree, from the contacts of the farmers with suppliers and markets. Even with all three possibilities, less than half the adult population of Hanayama had direct economic contacts out- side the neighborhood. Even though the neighborhood was dependent economically on the larger industrial base of the city by means of wage labor and as a source of supply, only a minority of the adult population made the outside contacts. The neighborhood was closely connected to the larger urban environment through relatively small conduits, which meant that the social and poli- tical impact of the economic contacts between the neighborhood and the city were minimized, the peOple of Hanayama thus being able to maintain ‘a strong sense of social autonomy. Because the peOple of Hanayama were largely self-sufficient socially 87 Secondary Primary Industry Industry Secondary Industry Tertiary Industry \\\\\\\\\\i H|-——-—1 T Wages Goods Money Primary Industry V Retail “@593 Households Stores NETauRannnn CITY PREFECTURE/NATION Figure 21. Neighborhood Economic Conduits 88 and economically, they saw themselves as distinct from other nearby set- tled areas. Their perception was aided by the slow rate of migration into the neighborhood and the rapid absorption of the immigrants who entered the neighborhood's social milieu. The few new families who did immigrate at any given time settled in scattered locations throughout the neighbor- hood rather than clustering together. The social mechanisms for the ab- sorption of these newcomers were important in preserving the neighborhood's sense of itself. Before looking at how the absorptive mechanisms worked, an overview of the identity of the migrants into Hanayama seems in order. Migration: The migrants to the neighborhood between 1925 and 1945 were of the social groups already present, mainly white-collar employees. Only two new shOpkeeper households and four new blue-collar households came into Hanayama, while a total of seventeen (six older and eleven younger) white- collar households moved in during the same period. Two blue-collar, three older white-collar, and three younger white—collar households moved out during the same period, leaving a net gain of two blue-collar, two shOp- keeper, three older white—collar, and eight younger white-collar house- holds. These fifteen households were composed of thirty-five adults. Of the fifteen adults in the seven households for which reliable data are available, one was from a city larger than Sapporo (Sendai), two were from rural areas in Hokkaido, one was from Sapporo, two were from the Tohoku region of northern Honshu (both from small towns, one in Akiita and one in Aomori), and nine were from other urban areas in Hokkaido. This fits fairly well with the findings of White (1978) in his study of prewar migration to Tokyo. White argues that the significance of this pattern of migrant origins is that urban-urban or semi-urban migrants 89 would not have felt as great a sense of dislocation and novelty as would the archetypical rural migrant. As Tauber puts it, such migration "would lessen the social adjustments and the psychological shock almost inevitable in direct transition from buraku to metrOpolis" (1958:127).l The seven younger white-collar households all knew someone in the neighborhood of Hanayama before they moved. In fact, all said that one of the reasons they moved to Hanayama was because they knew one or more people there. We moved here (in 1938) for three reasons. First, I had a job teaching at the elementary school over here and this is nearby. Second, several of the other tea- chers from the school lived in this neighborhood. Third, Mr. Ayama and Mr. Mori lived her? and helped us find the house (that we moved into). mr. S These existing contacts in Hanayama probably also helped cushion the shock of relocation. The group of younger white-collar households in the Sapporo neighbor- hood for whom reliable data are available were well educated (see Table 6). I do not know how representative this group is for the whole of Sapporo or even Hanayama; although all my informants tended to assert their "just average" nature, their high degree of formal education tends to support White's thesis (1978:82) that the prewar migrants tended to be among the better educated, as the Education and Occupation figure shows. Of the seven males, two had university degrees, two graduated from higher school, two from middle school, and only one had terminated his formal education with the legal minimum of primary school. Further, the two university graduates were from important institutions: one was from Meiji University in Tokyo, which was and is one of the most noted of the private universities; 90 Table 6. Education and Occupation of Phase I Migrants (Younger White-Collar) women 8 8 (3 years) (3 years) (3 years) (usually 3 years) (3 years) middle (5 years) women men - 7 lower elementary higher elementary higher school for university higher N N H N women . l men (totals) 1 2 2 2 Post Office x Elementary x School Teacher Hokkaido x Prefectural Office National x Railways City of x 'Sapporo Private Firms x x (more than 100 employees) the other graduated from the University of Hokkaido which, as one of the eight Imperial Universities, was one of the most prestigious institutions in the country. The level of formal education for the women in this group was not as high as that of the men, an imbalance found in the population as a whole due to institutionalized and universal sex discrimination. The one female who finished only the lower primary school was the mother of one of the 91 males and had acquired her formal education a generation earlier, at the turn of the century, when three years was the minimum legal requirement and all that was available in the renote part of Hokkaido where she was born and raised. The higher schools for women were basically finishing schools where young women were prepared for marriage. The proportion of males employed by the public sector is reflective of Sapporo's growth pattern. Five out of seven working for some form of the government bureaucracy was a very high percentage. Although I do not have any reliable figures, my informants believed that this was fairly representative of the neighborhood as a whole at the time, five out of seven being perhaps more than usual; most said that about two thirds would probably be more accurate. One interesting point is that both the univer- sity graduates were public employees, one for the prefectural government and the other for the city of Sapporo, which indicates the prestige asso- ciated with employment in the public bureaucracy.3 Thus a sketch of the migrants into Hanayama during the 1925-45 period indicates a basically urban background, relatively high educational levels for males, and an orientation toward tertiary institutions. As these mi- grants entered the neighborhood, they were readily absorbed into the so- cial milieu by mechanisms explicitly and self—consciously applied for just that function. On the individual level, new neighbors were introduced formally around their immediate section either by someone they already knew--the most pre- valent reason for moving into the neighborhood--or by their immediate neigh- bors to whom they had introduced themselves. This process of conscious self-assimilation is exemplified by the custom of O-hirome, self-introduc- tion. In the O-hirome, the newcomers say who they are and, in effect, ask 92 to be accepted into the ongoing social life of the neighborhood. This custom involves one of a new couple, usually the wife, taking small gifts to at least the three houses immediately across the street and the immedi- ate neighbors on each side or even to every house along the street. She then introduces herself--and, indirectly and in abstentia, her family-- "gets to know" her neighbors and, more importantly, becomes "known" to her neighbors. Usually this is done with more than just the immediate vicinity. Aside from the direct introduction and exchange of socially crucial information, invariably with the ubiquitous tea, the newcomers become indirectly "known" to a wide circle of people throughout Hanayama as the volunteered information circulates throughout the neighborhood. This exchange of information can be seen as essential to the maintenance of neighborhood solidarity. As Roberts argues it, in a different cultural but still urban context: Apart from shared and evident interests, it is the quality of information that they possess about each other that_enables . . . groups to combine effectively and extend their organization. . . . (1973:11) The information exchanged in the sort of face—to—face, intimate interac- tion exemplified by the O-hirome is of an extremely high quality, in Robert's terms, dealing not only with the major social criteria of rela- tive status, such as occupation, age, and education, but also with more informal criteria that might well be the building blocks of long—term, close friendships, such as number, ages, and personalities of children; hobbies; possible compatible personality characteristics; and other trivia of life style. The arrival of a new household was something of an event and certainly of great social importance--with the concomittant focus on the event that such perceived importance entails. 93 Once the O-hirome had been accomplished and all important social in- formation had been exchanged, one was officially and socially a part of the neighborhood, albeit still a newcomer. One then had to learn the kinjo no tsukiai (customs or relations of the neighborhood), a process in- volving pervasive interaction with one's new neighbors which further in— creased the depth of social relationships. One then also participated in the cycle of reciprocal exchange relationships (tsukiai) which are especi- ally marked at New Years, weddings, childbirth, funerals, and other life— cycle events. For example, gifts were given at all these life-cycle events, some- times directly to those involved but sometimes in the form of collections-— often taken by the head of the tonari gumi-—and careful records were kept of who gave. Careful track was also always kept of the value of gifts given and received. To give too much implied showing off. Giving too little might indicate that one was either poorer than one's neighbors or was stingy and had an uncaring attitude about other peOple. Worst of all was giving exactly the same value in return, suggesting a termination of the relationship with whomever the gift was given. As Mrs. Y, a young wife during the war, remembers: It may seem strange, but I think that it was a little easier then. Yes, one had to keep track of who gave what and so forth but that wasn't too hard. Also, nobody had any money then, so we all gave just little presents. Now when some gets married it is very ex- pensive. During the war, when S-san got married, my husband managed to get a little sake from somewhere and that was all we gave. But it was all right. I have to admit that at the time I was very silly and scared about being rude, so I carefully wrote down things so I could remember. . . . Like who was getting married and so forth. My mother-in-law really scolded me one time when I gave too little for someone's fu— neral--said that I was making her son look stingy. 94 Does that sound difficult? Well, you know, there weren't very many peeple then, so it wasn't hard to keep track. Only eight families on this street (1941) . . . But along . . . I guess it took me about a year to feel comfortable here. It might have been longer for other peOple, but I was so glad to have my own house (away from the in-laws). There were also socially important visits. The most important of these visits was at New Year's when one would visit one's neighbors, thank them for their help during the previous year, and ask them for their indulgence during the coming year. The gift giving, visiting, and mutual assistance during life crises reinforced the social bonds existing within the neighborhood. However, as Mrs. Y (quoted above) stressed, the degree to which any given individu- al or family actually participates in these events was, to an extent, governed by their own personalities. Certain events, such as O-hirome and New Year's visits, were, in their more formal aSpects, "required" unless one wished to suffer the social consequences such as ostracism by one's neighbors, but beyond that the extent and enthusiasm to which one partici- pated was a matter of personal choice. At a minimum, however, these "formal" interactions among individuals served the important functions of introducing newcomers into the social milieu, exchanging the social data crucial to any social interaction, and providing a continuing framework for future interactions. All of these functions were essential to the social order because there was a pervasive cultural ethos in Japanese society that placed an extremely high value on interpersonal interactions as being, at least in their minimal form, essen— tial for "getting on" (cf Benedict 1946; Dore 1958; Nakane 1970). Further, these interpersonal relationships form the basic building blocks of the social groupings which, to a large extent, defined and still define 95 Japanese life. Social Relationships: The above discussion in the mechanisms of absorption in the neighbor- hood indicates the intense interest in social relationships which the peeple in Hanayama had during the prewar and war period. Mr. N, my oldest informant, put it as follows: "We had to get along. We had very little choice. Those were hard times." A somewhat less pessimistic view was expressed by another resident who saw this early phase as having some very positive aSpects: It was better then. Children could run around without danger. We never had to lock our doors (because the neighbors would watch the house for us). Everyone had frontier spirit. Everyone knew everyone else and tried to help them when they could. There was a very good feeling in this neighborhood. The social relationships which existed in Hanayama reflected this intense interest. In any discussion of social relationships, there are three important features of Hanayama during this first phase to keep in mind. The first is that the total adult population of the neighborhood was small. The second feature was that the social and economic milieu of the neighbor- hood, in spite of the war, was relatively stable. PeOple migrated into the neighborhood in small numbers, an average of less than two new house- holds per year. Most of the people in Hanayama had been there for some time. The economic growth and rural—urban transition that distinguishes this phase was not rapid. The focus here, then, is on a small population in a stable environment. Third, for members of all social groups in the neighborhood there was a strong cultural value on having a broad network 96 of trustworthy social relationships. Further, there were some very prag- matic reasons to invest resources in the development and maintenance of such relationships. The cultural value was derived directly from the rural Japanese experience where traditionally cooperation among an exten- sive network of peeple had meant the difference between success and fail- ure.4 The environment of the neighborhood reinforced this cultural value. Throughout the war period, for example, rationing was carried out on a neighborhood basis by the Neighborhood Association. Outside of the formal rationing system, itself requiring face-to-face relationships, there were also informal systems of food distribution. Almost everyone in the neigh- borhood had some sort of garden plot. By planning ahead and c00perating, duplication of effort was avoided both in actual work and in what was pro- duced. Small scale exchange networks were commonplace. The other infor- mal food distribution system involved "gray market" contacts with rural agriculturalists through which people in Hanayama were able to purchase goods otherwise unavailable. By what was in effect pooling their social resources, the residents of Hanayama were able to maximize their access to food because of their contacts with farmers outside the city.5 In sum, the value of the maintenance of broad social networks was reinforced for the pOpulation of Hanayama as a whole by as basic a feature as the need to acquire food. Thus, a broad network was very adaptive for everyone. There were also additional reinforcing features Operative for only particular groups. For example, the broader a shopkeeper's network, the more business might be expected. Younger white-collar males who had a series of contacts, particularly with older white-collar males, might get a promotion or a business contact that otherwise might be missed. Older 97 white-collar males seeking influence either in the Neighborhood Associa- tion or elsewhere could get it by mobilizing their networks. The important point is that there was a cultural value toward the building and maintenance of extensive networks of social relationships, based, among other things, on residential proximity. The environment of the neighborhood was such that there were distinct advantages strongly reinforcing the value of network building; that is, the behavior of build- ing and maintaining social networks was highly adaptive. The resultant social networks from this combination of a strong value reinforced by a favorable environment were extensive. Nearly every adult in the neighborhood knew every other adult although, as mentioned, it took awhile for new adults to become fully assimilated. In Mitchell's (1969) terms, within the neighborhood there were one hundred percent den- sity and one hundred percent reachability--the extent to which personally important pe0ple can be contacted through the networks-~for everyone who had lived in the neighborhood for any length of time. This complete density is evidence of a tight web of social relation- ships. An examination of three other characteristics of the social net- works in Hanayama gives further evidence of the tightness of the web. The three characteristics--what Mitchell (1969) calls interactional characteristics--are durability of social relationships; the intensity of social relationships, the degree to which individuals are prepared to honor requests or respond to needs; and the frequency of contact. The durability of the network links was directly prOportional to the duration of residence in Hanayama. The groups who had the greatest tenure in the neighborhood had the most durable relationships (see Table 7). From the chart, it is clear that the farmers, the older white-collar 98 Table 7. Tenure in Hanayama (average years in neighborhood) 1940 1950 1965 1975 Older white collar 22 22 21 24 Shopkeepers 23 23 20 18 Younger white collar 6 3 8 5 Blue collar 12 8 7 9 Farmers 30 -- -- -- Entertainers -- -- 0 l Landladies —- _- 0 5 employees, and the shapkeepers averaged a long-term residence in the neigh- borhood. All three of these groups also had durable average relationships, eSpecially with other members of the three groups. In all cases, the sta- bility of the neighborhood residence pattern allowed the development of long-term relationships.6 The intensity of the social relationships--the degree to which indi- viduals are prepared to honor requests and respond to needs--is more com- plex. There are two major stumbling blocks in accessing this intensity: the first is that one is dependent upon the impressions of informants some thirty years after the fact; the second is caused by the emphasis on in- direction or purposeful ambiguity in Japanese culture. Usually an onorous request would be made indirectly through a go—between so that the request . could be rejected without having been formally acknowledged, and the re— jection be formally ignored. On the other hand, the intensity of a social relationship might well be considered its most important characteristic. Further, those who lived in Hanayama were unanimous in their percpetions of the degree of intensity of the social relations of that period. 99 On the whole, the intensity of social relationships was very high. As the optimist quoted earlier, Mr. S, put it: What is "frontier spirit"? Well, it is helping each other. If somebody down the street, for example, got sick, we always took them food and someone watched their children. During the last part of the war, when things were pretty bad, I don't think that we would have gotten much food, even here in Sapporo, without help. Some peOple left but not from around here be- cause we knew we could depend on other people (in the neighborhood). If somebody needed something--really needed it, like food or medicine for the children-- they usually didn't have to ask. There was, not surprisingly, a correlation perceived between very durable relationships and those with high intensity. A sense of duty also seemed to have been an important part of the intensity of the social bonds. Younger peOple felt that they were obliged to fulfill the requests of older people, and older people, particularly the high prestige, older white- collar males, had a sense of noblisse oblige. As a young wife, when Mrs. Tanaka (a neighbor married to a high company official) asked me to do anything, I thought I had to do it right away. I don't mean she was . . . (nasty) . . . but I had been living with my in-laws and back then a young wife did what she was asked--or told--to do. Of course, it worked both ways; Mr. Tanaka helped my husband (an employee of the city of Sapporo) and (my husband) got a promotion (because of Mr. Tanaka's help). Mrs. Y talking about the conditions in 1940, before the serious stresses of the Pacific war. Finally, most of the social relationships were reinforced by frequent contact. Those least involved in the daily life of the neighborhood, the salary men and blue-collar workers employed outside the neighborhood, still had daily contact with most if not all the adults on their lane. Everyone 100 walked out of the neighborhood in the morning and back into it in the evening.' Their wives had even more frequent contacts. Mr. Ayama used to go off every morning and not come home until evening, but I was here all the time. I think that I saw almost everyone . . . yes, every day. Sometimes more than that, for example, and neighbors and at the shops. . . . Of course the children went by here too (the elementary school was right down the street). So even the people on the other side (of the neighborhood) I saw a lot of. I think that the only people I didn't see (daily) were the Electric Company employees who lived over there, since they would go the other way in the morn- ing. - Mrs. A about the neighborhood before the Pacific War. Those employed in the neighborhood like the shopkeepers, might see the males leave in the morning and return at night. The concentration of shaps insured the shOpkeepers seeing each other frequently. Since there were no refrigerators, the women in the neighborhood went shapping at least once, sometimes twice, a day. This brought them into contact with the shopkeepers and each other. The daily shOpping was, in fact, some- thing of a major social event. Oh! you know, I used to look forward to shopping for food. The stores I went to were just over there, all within a few hundred meters, so it wasn't difficult. But everyone around went to about 11:00 in the morning and about 3:00 in the afternoon, so that when I went I could talk to my friends. Sometimes, if I didn't have a lot of work to do, I take a couple of hours or so to do fifteen minutes worth of shOpping. Of course, we all knew all the shOpkeepers and they would pass on any news. Mrs. A about the neighborhood before the Pacific War. These neighborhood networks during this phase tended to have high 101 density and, in Barnes' (1954) and Bott's (1957) usage, high closure. Further, the networks were characterized by durability which correlated with the long-term residence patterns of the neighborhood; intensity levels high enough for most of the residents to trust and, to some extent, depend on each other; and frequency patterns which reinforced the other characteristics. One contribution to the frequency of contact, and thereby to the stability and depth of social relationships and the cohesion of the neigh- borhood, was the sheer physical proximity of housing, including the shops. Although Sapporo is considerably more Spacious than other Japanese cities and the building plots, particularly at this early stage, were consider- ably larger than average, the daily tasks of putting out washing or air- ing the bedding brought one into face-to-face contact with neighbors. Further, the close physical proximity of housing, as well as the rather open nature of Japanese domestic architecture, made the maintenance of privacy or family secrets difficult: It sounds funny now but I came from a very small town in the mountains not far from Asahigawa. I wasn't used to people around at all. When we first moved here, it seemed like a lot of people--there were three other houses on the lane. When Mr. M built his house right next door, I felt like we were in his living room--or even worse, sometimes the bedroom--particulary that first summer when everything was opened up. Mrs. A One's neighbors soon knew all about one's personal life and it helped to ameloriate the negative consequences of such widespread personal knowledge if everyone got along amicably. As Dore phrased it for postwar Tokyo, "Privacy becomes impossible, intimacy inevitable, and no holds barred" (1958:263).7 102 In some ways, the immediate neighbors became substitutes for larger family groups left behind in the migration to the city. Advice of all kinds--from.how to fix one's house to raise one's children-~business and political discussions along with contacts that might prove useful, and in- stant assistance if needed were all day—to-day realities, particularly in warmer weather. One feature of Sapporo that differentiates it sharply from other Japanese cities such as Tokyo is that for a good portion of the year, outdoor contact of any type is severely limited by the weather, al- though not to the extent that most Americans used to central heating would assume. Even so, one does-not stand outside in Sapporo exchanging recipes at -10°C. The deep winter snow also functioned as an inhibiting element for this across-the-back-fence type of social interaction. Further, in- viting a neighbor into one's house is not the casual gesture that it is in the United States, but rather a gesture of real intimacy to be seriously considered. Thus, while proximity and relatively small houses clearly were an important factor in the absorption of the newcomers into the neigh- borhood, they were probably not as crucial as they were for social inter- action as in postwar Tokyo where, according to Dore (1958), proximity and small houses forced most of the informal social interaction into the street. Formal Organization: At the group level there were also formal and informal absorptive mechanisms. The formal aspect consisted primarily of the two levels of formal organization already mentioned, the Neighborhood Association and the tonari gumi. In terms of relative importance for absorbing newcomers into the ongoing social milieu of Hanayama, the tonari gumi was by far the more important. The tonari gumi during this phase was composed of a sub- division of the neighborhood in what appear to be no particular patterns 103 except for nonexclusive physical proximity. When the system was reorgan- ized after the war, the tonari gumi were organized by blocks, but in the early period such blocks were nonexistant. Rather, Hanayama was composed of clusters of houses bunched behind the retail stores lining the neigh- borhood boundaries. The tonari gumi was one of the basic social units of the urban envi- ronment. In Hanayama the tonari gumi was the organizational pivot for most group activities and for much of the diplomatic maneuvering which made the smaller sections of the neighborhood, the blocks or clusters, amicable places to live. Membership in the tonariggumi was universal and even, at times, enthusiastic. The tonari gumi functioned on two levels. One was on the most formal level as the smallest official political unit of the neighborhood and, in fact, of the district and city of which it was a part.8 On a less formal level, the tonari gumi functioned as a mutual aid society where the members were given a structure for performing various tasks necessary for the effi- cient function of the neighborhood (e.g., snow packing, litter removal, street maintenance), an opportunity for organizing for various life crises such as funerals, births, and weddings, and a framework within which informal social interaction could occur. The formal structure of the tonariAgumi was built around an elected leader (han-cho) and the official membership. The election of the leader was usually of the Japanese type for small groups where everything is decided unofficially first, then the election is held to formalize the previous decision. A split, non-consensus deci- sion was considered disruptive to group solidarity and unnecessarily harsh. At its best, this type of consensus decision making should be sharply differentiated from 'railroad' type decisions where a small, 104 highly organized faction can ram decisions through over serious objections. Informal discussion before formal interaction gave most members of the group at least some idea of the issue at hand and the range of opinions held by other members of the group. The role of the chair in such meetings was twofold. First, to allow for full expression of all the various points Of view, if necessary prodding the reluctant or bashful. Secondly, after the range of Opinion had been expressed, the chair would seek to articu- late what appeared tO be an emerging, generally acceptable position. This position would then be refined, through further discussion, into a consen- .sus that the chair made clear, albiet through indirect methods (direct expression of a personally held Opinion by the chair would have been con- sidered poor form) so that everyone present would be conscious of the emerging position although there would still be no formal vote or any other direct confrontation of differing Opinions. At this point, those who had expressed positions diverging from the emerging consensus position could verbally move toward the consensus, a sort of mild recant. Finally, when it was clear to the chair that everyone was in agreement of what the final position should be, a final, usually unanimous, vote could be called. In this system, everyone was encouraged to voice their opinions and group solidarity, perceived as being more important than any specific issue, is maintained and promoted. At the same time, a decision is made that is at least tolerable to everyone. Using this system even during the height of the war, elections were allowed in the neighborhood without overt external interference. However as one informant put it, "We always were careful to elect someone who was apprOpriate, if not the person that the district su- pervisor might have wanted." The Neighborhood Association, composed of ten tonari gumi at this 105 time, had little direct impact on the actual living units Of the neighbor- hood. Its major functions lay in organization of neighborhood-wide acti- vities such as New Year's and gbgn (festival Of the dead, held in August) Observances, and in mediating between the neighborhood and the larger organs of political power in the ward and the city. This mediating func- tion varied significantly through time as the international situation prompted innovations on the national level, which then filtered down through the Neighborhood Association to the tonari gumi. In the prewar period (1925—33) the city of Sapporo and its various wards and neighbor- hood enjoyed considerable autonomy. In part, this autonomy was the result of what could be termed a policy of benign neglect. During these years, the develOpment programs for Hokkaido were stalled and the urban area of Sapporo, being the most develOped in Hokkaido, was ignored. The extremely sparse pOpulation of the Northern Territories also contributed to the lack Of attention on the part Of the national government. The prewar period in Japan was extremely turbulent and most Of the government's attention ' was focused on the core areas of Old Japan and the far richer and more densely populated imperial possessions Of Korea and Taiwan. The workings Of the Neighborhood Association in Hanayama was left almost totally up to the local residents with few, if any, restrictions placed on them. This rather easy going period was, unfortunately, short lived. During the China War period (1933—41), two factors played a large role in the functions of the Neighborhood Association in Hanayama. While the war in China had resulted in the tightening of the social order in all of Japan, including Hokkaido, the increasing control Of the national governmental apparatus by the militaristic right wing involved pressures transmitted through the political hierarchy down to the neighborhoods. 106 The primary effect of these two interrelated forces was a formalization of a set of duties for the tonari gumi to be transmitted through the Neigh- borhood Association. These duties involved "social watchdogging," control Of social thought, in both of which people were supposed to report anti— social or unpatriotic acts or thoughts to the local police, and implemen- tation of increasingly detailed national policies involving such activities as civil defense and consumer goods rationing. A principle means of in- creasing the regimentation and mobilization of the Japanese civilian popu— lation for the war effort was through the tonari gumi and the Neighborhood Associations.9 During the early phase of the war, this mobilization was only beginning with policies such as the growing militaristic instruction Of social ethics in the schools. During both the China War period and the Pacific War period, various locations in Hokkaido were of great strategic importance as a jump off point for military activities such as those in Manchuria.anilater in the Aleutians; this caused greater attention to be focused on it.10 As a result, there was always a large military force stationed in Hokkaido and other parts of the Northern Territories, its size peaking during the China War period. This force was not as large as those stationed in the crucial military areas near Tokyo and in Hyushu, however, and there seems to have been a strong distinction drawn between direct military and nonmilitary control zones. The major military base for the Northern Territories was about 8 kilometers south of Hanayama, which seems to have had some effect on the formal workings of the district government and the Neighborhood Associations. You know, with the army right down the road in Makomanai, we were a bit more cautious than we might have been. I 107 know of people who lived in Asahigawa who openly brought in food from the farms; we couldn't do that-~at least not Openly. . . . We were also very careful with our record keeping. The district head was very concerned that all the Neighborhood Associations had proper records. I don't think anyone ever looked at them, but he thought that—-well, maybe toward the end of the war, that the army would take over the city, perhaps, and then all the records would be examined. Mr. A, Neighborhood Association head during part of Pacific War. During this period as part of its mobilization effort, the prefectural government released prOpaganda for mass consumption which played up the military traditions of the Tondenhei, picturing them as being far more militaristic than they actually ever were. For example, posters appeared on Tondenhei wearing full military uniforms of the early Meiji period, something which never happened in reality. The Tondenhei were not allowed to wear regular uniforms. The effects of all this on the Neighborhood Association and the tonari gumi in Hanayama were complex. The formal structure Of the Neighborhood Association was modified, in 1938-39, along the lines sought by the nation- al government and, at least Officially, performed the functions expected of it. The rationing system in part went through the Neighborhood Associ- ation, and much of the civil defense system was organized or implemented by the association. On the informal level, it appears to have been inef- fective. The thought-control aSpects Of the national policies seem to have been left up to the higher organs which, in Hokkaido, were not zealous efforts (cf. Hokkaido Keisatsu Honbu 1968). Even the civil defense imple— mentations were linited and, if tested, would likely have proved ineffec— ll tive. The efficiency of the Neighborhood Association is, however, a secondary consideration. What is important is that the Associations were 108 entrusted with these tasks and were Officially functioning, in this re- spect, as an organ of the government by implementing national policy. One must assume, therefore, that the policy makers at the national level saw the neighborhood organizations as strong enough to do the job. Another facet complicating an analysis Of the mediating functions of the Neighborhood Association with the higher organs of government is that while the effects of the Pacific phase of the war intensified for Japan as a whole they decreased for Hokkaido. During the Pacific War the empha- sis Of national policy was clearly to the south, while the northern areas were denuded Of troops by the end Of the war. Even in Manchuria, the crack army facing the U.S.S.R. was virtually stripped Of its best troops and equipment. The trOOp strength in Hokkaido was drastically reduced for the first great push into Southeast Asia, the effect of this shift being to de—emphasize the direct war effort in Hokkaido. While Old Japan suffered tremendous destruction in the final period of the war, Hokkaido was vir- tually untouched (Cf. U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey, Over-All Economic Effects Division 1946). The civil defense measures were rarely implemented in any form, although there were some false air raid alarms in Sapporo. The rationing system and its connected attempts to restrict or repress the black market was even less rigorously enforced in Hokkaido than in the rest of Japan. Therefore, the war's effect on the Neighborhood Association was one of slightly increased formal activity along nationalistic lines but of little or no increase in informal activity. The Neighborhood Association was extremely powerful and used by the urban, prefectural, and national governments as a means of implementation, but in fact, the policies that it was called on to implement appear to have been ineffective. The tonari 109 gumi, which in the south may have had some effect as a means Of social thought control, seems to have been far less important in the implementa— tion of nationalistic aims in Hanayama. What one does see, however, is the rise of tremendously powerful for- mal structures-~both in the Neighborhood Association and in the tonari gumif-which were closely associated with the national policies of the war period. These two organs, patterned after previously existing Japanese village social forms, provided formal structures, sets of primary inter- mediary functions, and informal arenas that allowed the social dynamics of Japanese cultural forms to Operate. It was mainly on this informal level that immigrants were incorporated into Hanayama and through which the ongoing social life functioned. Most Of the community activities were carried out on the informal level, with or without an umbrella Of formal structure. In some cases, such as street maintenance in winter, the formal organization was adopted long after an informal process had evolved. The formal structure evolved primarily to satisfy the higher levels of governmental bureaucracy. The dominant analytical feature of the neighborhood social organiza- tion was thus the interplay between the formal and informal levels of social interaction. The social networks Of the peOple in the neighborhood during this time define the boundaries of informal interaction which, in turn, is overlaid by the formal structures of the Neighborhood Association and other constructs derived from larger systemic units such as the city or the prefecture. The directives issued by the larger units were mainly processed through the formal organizational elements, so that they im— pinged on the informal levels only in a form that could be absorbed. That is, one of the major functions of the formal neighborhood levels of social 110 organization was to mediate between the ongoing informal neighborhood social organization and the larger social units of which the neighborhood was a part. For example, the war-time rationing regulations, supposedly enforced by Neighborhood Association, strictly prohibited the buying or selling of nonrationed foodstuffs. Yet the Neighborhood Association was not only able to turn a blind eye to such gray and black market activities, but was in fact one of the means of organization for the distribution of graydmarket food in the neighborhood. Thus the governmental directive was adjusted or adapted to fit the specific needs of the neighborhood. Conclusions: Conditions in the neighborhood during Phase I relate to the questions with which this dissertation is concerned through, first, a consideration of the impact of immigration on social relationships and behavior and, second, by an examination the relationship between behavior in the neigh- borhood and the processes of change occurring in the city.12 The impact of migration on Hanayama between 1925 and 1945 was that it stimulated the application of a series of absorptive mechanisms which acted, on the whole, as cohesive forces in the neighborhood. The migration process was slow and even, with little disruption. The net result of immigration, aside from population growth, was the reinforcement of the white-collar dominance of the social order of the neighborhood and the transition of the neighbor- hood from semi-urban to fully urban. The important variables in this process were the speed of migration, the characteristics of the migrants, and the absolute size of the neighborhood throughout the migration process. The migrants were white-collar employees, blue-collar employees and self- employed shOpkeepers. All of these groups were already represented in the neighborhood, so there were no drastic changes in type. Most Of the 111 migrants came from urban areas, which allowed the shock of migration to the city of Sapporo to be alleviated because of previous experience. The shock Of migration was also mitigated by the traumatic conditions of World War II, which had forced many of the migrants to leave their former homes. Given their exits from their previous homes, their entrances into Sapporo were easy. Further, all of the migrants into the neighborhood during this period shared a value which perceived extensive and high quality webs of social relationships to be extremely positive, those relationships being the basic building block of social life. Finally, the neighborhood was very small and dominated by face-to-face patterns Of social relationships which were admirably adapted for the absorption of the new immigrants. The relationship between the social behavior and the ideological, social, and ecological processes of change in the city is more difficult to assess than the impact of migration on the neighborhood. The neighbor- hood was, on the whole, fairly well insulated from the more drastic social and political effects of the economic and demographic growth of the city by its physical, social, political, and economic isolation. The autonomy, perceived by the residents and apparently actually existing, during this phase meant that the neighborhood changed but that the disruptive effects of this change were cushioned. In addition, the isolation of the city from the rest of the country served to minimize the most drastic effects of World War II. The changes that did affect the city were filtered through local apparatus, which altered them to fit local conditions before they were able to affect the neighborhood. Thus, the patterns of social behavior remain constant, with a strong pattern of continuity with the patterns Of behavior from previous periods, throughout the phase in spite of the significant changes in the urban environment Of Sapporo. 112 CHAPTER III Footnotes 1 In addition to the younger white-collar adults who came into Hanayama, there were reputedly also a few older white-collar households who came into Hanayama from other neighborhoods in Sapporo, that is, were just moving across town. These older white-collar adults, then, would have suffered the least shock or stress in relocation. 2 Mr. A had also been instrumental in getting Mr. S the teaching job. 3 This is one Of the points where access to police records, discussed in the Appendix on Methodology, would have been very useful. Given the pattern of finding housing through social contacts including fellow employ- ees, one would expect to find concentrations of certain kinds of occupa- tions in any given neighborhood. Whether or not Hanayama was a neighbor- hood with a high concentration of public employees is a question that can— not be answered on the basis of my data. 4 For discussions of cooperation of rural agriculturalists in Japan, see any village study, e.g., Embree 1939; Norbeck 1954; Cornell and Smith 1956; or, on a more abstract level, Benedict 1946; Harris 1977 (Chapter 13); or Nakane 1970. The irrigation agriculture practiced throughout Japan required co-operation for the maintenance of the irrigation system. Other elements, such as close physical proximity, kin bonds, and long term co-residence--Often multi-generational-also promoted high degrees of rural co-operation. Social co-operation was thus strongly reinforced by the requirements of economic survival. The government was aware of this sort of personal contact food acquisition network and, in fact, appears to have counted on it for cer- tain kinds of food distribution. At least it is clear that this sort of "gray market" was widespread and that the official rationing and distri— bution system was inadequate for the survival of the pOpulation. (Cf. Havens 1978:114-132) The younger white-collar figures are somewhat skewed. There was a group of younger white-collar males who left after only a few years resi- dence to go to war. Some returned before 1945, thereby lowering the aver- age tenure Of the group in numbers, but since they had maintained social ties with the neighborhood during their absence, they should be considered as longer term residents. If that procedure is followed, then most of the younger white-collar residents lived in the neighborhood for an average of about ten years rather than three. 113 7 If Roberts is correct and it is the quality of available informa- tion that is crucial to effective group formation and action, then the Japanese city should be a tremendous spawning groud of effective social groups, which in fact is a generally accepted aspect of Japanese culture. (Roberts 1973) 8 The tonari gumi appears to have been the direct descendent of the Tokugawa five-household groupings wherein each family was responsible for the actions of each of the other families in their group. As such, the pattern of social responsibility formally being delegated to the group for the actions of an individual is at least several hundred years old in Japanese society. Thomas Havens, in his excellent social history of Japan during World War II, says that this pattern in turn was derived from the Chinese pao-chia system of collective of responsibility, having roots in Japan going back to the seventh century A.D. (1978:37). 9 For the best overall view of the social history of Japan during the war period in English, see Havens 1978. Unfortunately, the focus of the work is Old Japan with Hokkaido only rarely, and anecdotally, mentioned. Further, there were some major differences between Hokkaido and Old Japan. For example, it appears that the Neighborhood Associations of Sapporo were unusual in Old Japan. 10 For example, the 1938 conflict with the U.S.S.R. and as a take Off point for the deceptive move at the Aleutians to cover the attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941. 11 The point is moot, of course, as far as Hokkaido is concerned, but the idea of wooden spears in the hands of half-trained civilians against American or Soviet armored divisions does not appear to have been one of the serious tactical concepts of the war. 12 The third question concerning the major constraints to human be- havior in Hanayama during the last half century is discussed in the last chapter. CHAPTER IV Phase II: 1945-1965 After the war, we moved into the neighborhood when I got a job with the railroad. I had been in Manchuria doing the same kind of work. . . . When we got here (1948) everything seemed very normal, as if there had been no war. We built this house then. Quite a few other peOple were moving into the neighborhood at the same time. We all came together. . . . It wasn't as full as it is now, of course, but there were soon rows of houses here, with the shops over on Stone Mountain Road and Colonial Militia Road. We were very glad to be here. In 1945 Hanayama was sparsely settled but distinctly urban. The two major boundary streets to the east and west were almost solidly lined with shops, while the interior of the neighborhood, where there were once vege- table fields, was crossed with several small lanes with single-family de- tached houses clustered along them. These lanes were only a couple of meters in width. All Of the streets were unpaved, even Stone MOuntain Road, the major north-south artery. In summer the streets had large pot- holes and were mud when it rained, which was Often. In winter, the sur- face was packed snow, which formed a solid sheet of ice. The pattern set during the previous periods--the filling in of the residential area between the shop dominated boundary streets--continued during the 1945-65 phase. The dominant theme of this phase--one of con— tinuity with the patterns of the past--is indicated by the absorption of new migrants, the maintenance of extensive and strong webs of social rela— tionships, and a strong sense of neighborhood identity; all this continued in spite of the effects of a major war, an economic boom, a decrease in perceived neighborhood social and economic autonomy, and a massive pOpula- tion expansion. However, the migration and absorption processes of the 114 115 phase were not steady. Rather, there were a number of periods within the phase, reflections of events and trends occurring on a national basis, which had marked affects on the social order of the neighborhood. This phase can be divided analytically into three periods: the occupation period (1945-52), the transition period (1952-60), and the economic boom period (1960—65). These three periods are distinctive in terms of population growth rates and economic conditions but manifest similar social patterns and patterns of change. The first, the period of occupation, had a rapid population growth rate as a result of postwar repatriation and demobilization. The city of Sapporo absorbed many of the repatriates, even though national policy was to disperse the repatri- ated population throughout Hokkaido. Even in the earliest stages, however, there was a rapid primary and secondary movement of pOpulation into the larger urban centers. Sapporo was particularly important in this respect because it was the largest undamaged urban area north of Tokyo and the second largest undamaged area in the country, the largest being Kyoto. During the transition period (1952-60) the pOpulation growth rate of the neighborhood stabilized at a fairly low growth rate reminiscent of the prewar and early war periods Of Phase I. The migration rate again increased to a high growth rate during the economic boom period (1960-65). Effects of World War II: Before beginning a detailed discussion of migration and growth in Hanayama during this phase, at least a brief sketch of the various effects of the Second World War on Hokkaido and on the rest of Japan is necessary. These differing effects of the war have significance later on the social relationships and growth patterns that are the main concern Of the rest of this chapter. 116 Although it is impossible to completely summarize the impact of the war and the American occupation on Japan, there are some observations that should be made concerning the different effects of the war on Hokkaido and Old Japan. First and most important, Hokkaido suffered virtually no direct war damage. This meant that the physical plants<fifthe primary, secondary, and tertiary industries underlying the island's economy were completely untouched. The lack of destruction Of housing, for example, meant that the dislocations occurring in the more southern sections on a vast scale did not exist for the Hokkaido population. Further, particularly in the primary and secondary industrial plants, the scale of physical destruction in Old Japan and the dislocation of populations, even from rural or semi- rural locations, meant that Hokkaido temporarily assumed a position of dis- proportionate importance. Secondly, both in its physical presence (i.e., numbers of troops) and its sociopolitical emphasis, the American occupation stressed the more southern core areas of Old Japan with decreasing emphasis moving north from Tokyo. Since Hokkaido had not had an important military sig- nificance, at least at the end of the war, it was held to be relatively unimportant in military terms. Because the overall population was low and the population density sparse, it was not considered an area of poten- tial trouble; The number of occupying trOOps was minimal and the focus of the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP, MacArthur's occupa- tion headquarters) on Hokkaido was low key. What SCAP attention was directed toward Hokkaido was more with a view toward possible trouble with the U.S.S.R. than with the Japanese population.1 Therefore, with one major exception, Hokkaido was left much to its own devices. The major exception, the third major point, was that Hokkaido's 117 sparse population and temperate climate was seen as the best area to re- patriate much of the population from the now defunct empire, especially the Japanese nationals fnxnthe more northerly areas of the empire (see Figure 22); Manchuria, Sakhalin, the Kuriles and the northern islands (referred to, Footnote 1 above). These repatriated pOpulations, plus the returning members Of the demobilized armed forces, comprised one of the highest repatriate-to-resident ratios of any Japanese prefecture. The impact of this repatriation and demobilization is complex but two points seem clear: the repatriates as migrants had somewhat different social characteristics than had previous migrants in Hanayama and the number of repatriates had some influence on the attitudes of the Japanese in Hokkaido toward the Soviet Union. The social characteristics of the repatriates, a point that will be dealt with in somewhat more detail later, differed from those of the non-repatriate/non-demobilized migrants because of the different experiences of the repatriates. Most of the repatriates that came into Sapporo were from the Soviet occupied Northern Territories or Manchuria with a scattering of repatriates from other areas of the now defunct empire such as Korea, Taiwan, and the Pacific Islands. There were, in this group, also demobilized soldiers and sailors who had seen combat or garrison duty throughout Southeast Asia, the Western Pacific, and East Asia. As a group, the repatriates had had a difficult recent past, being on the losing side in a world war and then the processes of repatriation and demobilization per se. As a result of these experiences, this group tended to be extremely capable and independent as well as highly motivated to deal with whatever problems migration might present. The influence of the repatriates on the attitudes of the people of Hokkaido toward the Soviet Union was to increase the fear and distrust 118 Kuames SAKHAUN ,,ar SEAOF OKHOTSK NORTHERN ISLANDS HOKKMDO 1. 0 o Sapporo HONSHU PACHFIC o SHMOKU OCEAN KYUSHU miles 0 100 200 300 400 500 &0 F r L I I 1 n 'r l 1 r J: O 200 400 600 800 kilometers Figure 22. ‘Northern Islands 119 that already existed. Because of the U.S.S.R.'s actions at the end of the war—-the invasion of Manchuria and the Northern Territories which the Japanese perceived as a betrayal of the non-aggression treaty--the Soviet occupation of the Northern Territories has remained a major stumbling block to the creation Of a U.S.S.R.-Japan peace treaty (cf. Ministry Of Foreign Affairs, Japan, 1970). Many of the repatriates had had direct, and nega- tive, experiences with the Soviet Union. The repatriates exacerbated the Hokkaido Japanese memory of the Soviet invasion of the Northern Islands, the expulsion of the Japanese pOpulation, and the designs that the Soviet armed forces had on Hokkaido itself. The U.S.S.R. desisted, in late 1945, from an invasion of Hokkaido only because of the threat of direct Opposi- tion by American Armed Forces. The overall attitudes of the people in Hokkaido toward the Soviets has been one of distrust, fear, and lack of understanding relating to al- most everything that has been Soviet policy in the Far East since 1945. Because of these continuing territorial and other associated questions; this attitude toward the U.S.S.R. is so pervasive that it has been main- tained, generally speaking, even by peOple who hold otherwise pro-left political beliefs. The repatriation of a substantial number of persons who had experienced the direct actions Of the invading Soviet forces in Manchuria, Sakhalin, and the Northern Islands has helped maintain this pervasive anti-Soviet attitude. A final point is that because of the isolation of Hokkaido from the circles of power at the national level, the attitudes of the Hokkaido people are, on the whole, different from those held by other Japanese. The war is sometimes seen as something that the Japanese as a group must accept part reSponsibility for, but in some sense, the powerlessness, lack 120 of participation in, and lack of effect on, seem to have made people in Hokkaido feel somewhat less responsible or perhaps more detached from the very emotional response that most Japanese have toward the war, particu- larly in their dealings with Americans.2 The impact of the war, or rather the lack of direct affect, distin- guished Sapporo from other Japanese urban centers during and after the war. There are several distinctive features that differentiate the post- war phase from previous periods in Sapporo's history. Growth of Sapporo: The city of Sapporo grew very rapidly during this phase. Between 1945 and 1965, the pOpulation of the city of Sapporo increased almost 300% from 220,139 to 794,908, and, perhaps more important, the area of the city increased by more than a factor of ten--from 76.3 square kilo- meters to 1,008.7 square kilometers. This expansion had several implica- tions. The neighborhood of Hanayama shrank, in perceptual terms, from a significant if small section of the city to an insignificant and extremely small portion Of the city. With the expansion of the population, the core (business and entertainment) area of Sapporo also expanded, primarily in the direction of the neighborhood. This meant that Hanayama was much closer to "downtown" than it had been. Finally, the city of Sapporo was undergoing a transition from a relatively small, unimportant frontier capital to a major city, both in economic and perceptual terms. During this period the attitudes of the peOple of Sapporo underwent significant shifts; they had previously seen their city as a minor urban center, therefore focusing on their neighborhood as an important social entity, to seeing themselves as residents of a major cosmopolitan center where traditional modes of thought and social activity, such as maintaining 121 the neighborhood as a viable social entity, were not only inessential for a good life but, in some cases, not modani("modern"--in the sense Of pro- gressive, non-feudal--used primarily by younger people). Second, the physical growth of the city also changed the points of contact between the neighborhood and the city. As the pOpulation density of the core parts of the city and the neighborhood increased, transporta- tion routes to and from the neighborhood were constructed--a bus system in the occupation period and later streetcar routes. Because of its proximity to the downtown area, the neighborhood became an attractive area for upper echelon white-collar workers able to afford to build or buy single-family houses. In fact, the nicest existing houses in the neigh- borhood were built during this phase (see Figure 23). Many of the group of older white-collar employees living in the neigh- borhood in 1975 had entered between 1950 and 1960, buying land and houses. The main road running south from the core of the city, a boundary of the neighborhood, was paved in the late 19505, expanded, and soon was lined with light industry as well as the previous retail establishments. The Opposite boundary, the old Colonial Militia Road, no longer important as a major street, became almost exclusively a shOpping street crammed with retail establishments. These changes meant that the neighborhood was simultaneously in closer communication with downtown Sapporo and more iso- lated from it. The closer communication came about with the improved transportation. The isolation occurred when the neighborhood was, in effect, by-passed by the improved means of tranSport direct to areas far- ther away from downtown. Stone Mountain Road became a four-lane major artery that tended to slide traffic past the neighborhood rather than channel traffic through it. The decline in importance of Colonial Militia 122 Kztchen Toilet (wamau Veranda ‘ . t. V .II— \a First Fioor Second Floor 9 .6 1,2 slidingglass —-—- ma slidingdoors —— —— _— Figure 23. Representative Older House, Built in 1953 123 Road also reduced the amount of incidental traffic through Hanayama. In sum, the neighborhood of Hanayama was different during Phase II from what had existed there previously because the changes were simply adaptations to altered social conditions. Formal Social Organizations: The changes in formal social organizations of the neighborhood re- flected these social conditions. The Neighborhood Association and the tonari gumi were both officially banned by the occupation forces in 1945 because of their involvement, or perceived involvement, in right-wing, militaristic-totalitarian (thought-control) acitvities. Ironically, the actual efficiency or interest of the Neighborhood Association or the tonari gumi during the war was questionable at best in Sapporo and possibly throughout Hokkaido and the occupation bans in general were ineffective. On the whole, the SCAP forces had little idea of what they were doing or how they should go about doing it. Although there were some excellent people in the occupation forces in one role or another, the general level of understanding of Japanese society and culture was extremely low. For instance, the official banning of a whole group of organizations was cir- cumvented since, in the case of the Neighborhood Associations and the tonari gumi, they were immediately reconstituted in Hanayama and, as far as I can tell, throughout Japan. There was almost no gap between the dis— solution Of the Old organizations and the appearance of the new ones per- forming precisely the same functions. Also, the same people were in po- sitions of power in both sets and they appear to have performed virtually the same activities, only the names sometimes being altered to appease the occupation forces. Finally, for the purposes of this analysis, it is the informal structures that most concern us, rather than the formal structures 124 with which they are associated. The Neighborhood Associations, during the occupation period, were reconstituted as the next to the bottom level of civil government in the city of Sapporo. The Neighborhood Associations together made up District Associations, which in turn were combined into higher levels of the urban political structure. The Hanayama Neighborhood Association was composed of thirteen tonari gumi (vi: fifl ) or Block Associations, which had some real social efficacy during the occupation period.3 The immediate prob- lems of the postwar period were primarily dealt with on the local level-- the only level on which they were dealt with much at all--by the Neighbor- hood Association and the tonari gumi. The primary function of the Neigh- borhood Association during this period was to coordinate the functions of the tonari gumi, which appear to have been the focal point of social acti- vity. The needs of the period for housing, food, and consumer goods of all types made for a considerable banding together of neighbors in the tonari gumi to counter these numerous shortages. This function was, in effect, a continuation of the war-period cooperation which had tightened the social bonds of the neighborhood and forged it into a functioning social and, in some respects, economic entity. It should be remembered that during this period, the neighborhood was a homogeneous place with only the same four socioeconomic groups as before represented: the older white-collar group, the younger white-collar group, the blue-collar group, and the shopkeepers. The migrants to the neighborhood during this period followed the same patterns as those of the previous phase, including the migrants during the occupation period already having social connections in Hanayama prior to their moving in. Thus, the absorption of the migrants was facilitated, as it had been with those of the earlier phase. 125 The other important function of the Neighborhood Association, similar to that of Phase I, was mediating between the neighborhood and higher levels of the urban sociopolitical organizations. However, during the occupation period, this was primarily a function of dealing with the occu- pation forces indirectly through the indigenous urban organs. That is, rather than dealing with the policies filtered down from the national government in Tokyo, the Neighborhood Association was the point of contact between the people of the neighborhood and the occupation policies as they were modified by the national, prefectural, and urban bureaucracies. The extra layer—~the occupation forces-—applied at the tOp made for some sig- nificant changes:uxthe position of the Neighborhood Association vis a vis higher levels of the Japanese sociOpolitical organization. For one thing, the Neighborhood Association could use the either overt or covert threat of approaching the highest level of social control, the American forces, directly rather than passing back up through the chain of command. For example, if the Neighborhood Association felt it was being pushed in an unacceptable manner by the higher levels of government, it might appeal directly to SCAP or its representatives. As the then-head of the Neigh- borhood Association, Mr. A, put it: There was quite a change in attitude from the war period to the postwar period concerning the place of the Asso- ciation. After some initial confusion, I liked it much better afterwards. The District Association head was much less likely to just send down an order, and we almost never got direct orders from higher up. Part of that was, I think, because many of us got to know the Americans who were here (in Sapporo). I think that there was always a fear (on the part of the city bureaucrats) that we would talk directly to the Americans. I never did, not about official business. Whether Mr. A's perception is accurate or not is impossible to access, but 126 other people involved in the association at the time agreed that the higher urban Officials were much more polite after the war than they had been before. Another important item was that there were a number of SCAP policies directly focused on small local units such as the Neighborhood Associations and the tonari gumi. These were occasionally implemented directly, with- out passing through the intermediate levels. The middle levels of the bureaucracy, therefore, had no direct way to modify the policies, although there were a number of effective indirect, bureaucratic means to be used. From the point of view of the neighborhood, however, this semiautonomy from the urban bureaucracy was seen as being real and, as such, probably had considerable psychological effect, primarily in establishing or re- establishing a strong sense of neighborhood identity; One reason for this was that the higher levels of urban government did very little to solve local problems. Policy implementation was conducted from the top down to the lower levels; rarely did lower level problems move back up the conduit to be solved at higher levels. Many of the social services (e.g., garbage collection, sewage) in an American city, for instance, were usually absent, particularly in a frontier city such as Sapporo or overseen by the lowest levels Of political organization, usually the Neighborhood Association, at a measure of maintenance far below that of an equivalent city in the United States. Although the Neighborhood Association was partly funded by the city, the city appears to have maintained little or no direct control over ex— penditures. The Neighborhood Association books, such as they were--the Hanayama books for that period are totally incomprehensible, even to the current head of the association--were occasionally examined by the district 127 Offices but, except for gross personal abuses, there was little interest in how the various monies were spent. The Neighborhood Association thus enjoyed near autonomy from the higher levels of government. Equally important, however, is that the entire annual budget of a Neighborhood Association was extremely small and that the actual economic clout of such an organ was limited except in the most narrow local Sphere. In the occupation period, then, it was the Neighborhood Association that was primarily the instrument for dealing with postwar problems on the social level. Although the situation is not altogether clear, it appears that SCAP did not fully comprehend Japanese political processes and mainly contented itself with controlling, with varying success, the higher levels of political organization, at least in the city of Sapporo.4 Also influencing SCAP's difficulty in managing Japanese domestic problems was that not only the practical elements of government differed between Japan and the United States, but also the basic philOSOphical principles upon which the Japanese government was based differed. There is some in- dication that SCAP had little idea of the extent to which national policy directives could be modified by the various bureaucracies as they passed through the levels of government. There is also some material indicating the lack of comprehension by the occupation administration of the flow of information up and down the various levels of the system. (cf. Montgomery 1949:10 for military attitudes toward Neighborhood Associations. Also, Dower, 1975 for a broader perspective.) Thus, the Neighborhood Associa- tions, supposedly under the legal control of higher levels of government, were in fact somewhat autonomous. Further, given the actual workings of the system, there was little or no way that certain local domestic problems, even if generalized throughout a region, could work their way up the system 128 to be dealt with at higher policy levels. The philosophical differences manifested themselves in the ideas held by the occupation forces about the basic functions of government. One way to express this difference is to characterize the American view of governmental policy as legalistic and rigid, whereas the Japanese view of governmental policy can be des- cribed as relativistic and flexible. Thus, the Americans wanted social problems managed at the highest level possible so as to standardize the solution for as many local units as possible. The Japanese felt that higher organs should be confronted with a problem only if it could not be solved in some way locally. Thus the American view would be to have one solution for one problem, and the Japanese view would have as many solutions to a given common problem as there were local organs dealing with that particular problem. The manner in which the Hanayama Neighborhood Association and its tonari gumi dealt with the postwar‘ problems was, in general, by extending the methods used for other problems in the past to cover the new situations. For example, immediately after the war approximately fifty adults were repatriated into the neighborhood. This group comprised about 15% Of the total neighborhood pOpulation in 1950. Their absorption was viewed and dealt with as a problem of quantity, not quality. That is, the problem, absorption of the newcomers into Hanayama social patterns, was perceived as being the same problem that the neighborhood had always dealt with. The only differences were that there were more migrants and that the rate of migration was temporarily higher than normal. As mentioned previously, all of the new migrants already knew someone in the neighborhood and their absorption was similar to that described in the previous chapter. On the other postwar problems that concerned the neighborhood, a few 129 other examples should suffice. The food shortages, a major problem else- where in Japan, were minimized in the neighborhood and in Hokkaido as a whole. The wartime adaptations of personal gardens, personal contacts made with agriculturalists outside the city, black market connections-- and the strong economic position of the city relative to the rest of the country, with its concomittant assurance of full employment, made great changes unnecessary. Informally, the Neighborhood Association and the tonari gumi were one of the means of coordination for all of these various enterprises. For example, one of the tonari gumi ran a successful exchange system, a gray market Operation, utilizing four of the residents' agri— cultural contacts as a base to move foodstuffs into Hanayama in exchange for a variety of goods and services unavailable in the rural regions. This exchange network, begun on a small scale in the late 19303 to deal with the beginnings of various shortages, continued with various adjust- ments in scOpe and personnel, until the mid-19505 as an economic exchange system and up to the present as a social entity. One of my better infor- mants, in fact, assured me that if necessary, the whole system would prob- ably be functional in very short order because they have continued to care- fully maintain the necessary contacts. This example of the workings of a tonari gumi demonstrates several things aside from simply how food shortages were handled, for example, of the important correlation between a formal and an informal social organi- zation, how the tonari gumi, a formal structure, formed the basis of an informal organization to bring food into the city. The tonari gumi itself did not Operate the food system but, rather, a group of people, all of whom not coincidentally knew each other because they were in the same tonari gumi made up the informal group to do the job. Incidentally, 130 the person who was the prime mover in the food scheme was not the ban cho, leader of the tonari gumi. Those relationships formed in both the tonari gumi and the food sys- tem were enduring ones that have existed for forty years; the people in- volved the groups still see themselves as having Special relationships with each other. Finally, the formation of this food transportation system demonstrates a rather casual attitude toward the rules and regulations promulgated from the top of the political system. The anti-black market laws during and immediately after the war were strict. Although I have no concrete evi- dence of anything illegal, there were some rather loose interpretations of the laws made by the Hanayama residents and considerable care was taken at the tine to avoid the scrutiny of officials whose legal interpretations might have been less relaxed. The housing Shortages plaguing most of Japan were also less severe in Sapporo because of the lack of war damage (particularly from bombing), but because of the limitations on material and labor housing in the post- war period was still a major problem. In Hanayama, the housing situation was good-—relative to the rest of Japan where it was critical or even to other parts of Sapporo where, for a variety of reasons, it was severe. The Hanayama Neighborhood Association did not, of course, undertake to construct new housing, but informally it did provide an organization for the exchange of information about possible housing opportunities. Because Of the physical situation in the neighborhood and its openness to migra- tion, newcomers did move into the area in considerable numbers. Usually this involved staying with friends until some sort of housing arrangement could be made independent of the largesse of friends or relatives. Many 131 people in the neighborhood who had large houses rented out rooms or sec— tions of their houses. This kind of solution to postwar problems appears to be a shift of the degree, not of the kind, of activity. The functions of the Neighborhood Association, primarily dealing with the higher levels of governmental structures and coordinating the focus of real activity in the neighborhood, and the tonari gumi therefore were logically continuing the functions performed in the earlier phase. During the transition period of Phase II (1952-60), the American Occupation forces were no longer present and the system of policy coming down from the national level to the neighborhoods resumed as before the occupation. Some of my informants said that they thought that there had been attempts on the part of the national and prefectural governments to tighten control over the local political organs, but there is no evidence to indicate that these attempts had an effect on the Hanayama Neighborhood Association or any of its activities. One explanation for this ineffectiveness was that Sapporo, from the postwar period on, experienced a growing rate of migra- tion, which meant that the main thrust of the civic administration was to be more concerned with growth than with established systems, rarely with those as small and relatively unimportant as the Neighborhood Associations. From the perspective of Hanayama, the transition period was one in which the Neighborhood Association reached a high point in effectiveness and power. With membership approaching one hundred percent of the households of the' neighborhood and considerable prestige building up from the war and postwar' periods, the older white-collar males who maintained positions of power within the association—-and the younger men who did most of the work-oenjoyed a period of little or no encroachment from the outside, few internal problems because of the slackening migration rate and a great 132 deal of social capital accumulated over the years. From most points of view, this period and the boom period with its economic upswing were the high points in the social cohesiveness of the neighborhood. The tonariggumi functioned as the primary agents of this cohesiveness. The positions as heads of the tonari gumi, the han-cho, were held exclusively by older people, but not necessarily by members of the older white-collar group or even by men, although all the Significant positions in the Neigh- borhood Association were older white collar males. The shOpkeepers and the older blue-collar group were solidly established within the social matrix of the neighborhood. Many of the crucial functions such as crises and festivals in the lives of the neighborhood residents were approached through the organization, the tonari gumi for personal affairs or the larger Neighborhood Association for.events like national festivals. The problems the Association and the tonari gumi had to solve were rather mun- dane after the turmoil of the war and the postwar years. Things such as preparing for neighborhood participation in festivals, the clearing or packing down of snow on neighborhood Streets, and the execution of local festivals became major concerns. There was, however, a significant change made during this period. Persons other than members of the older white-collar group began to move into positions of formal or informal power in the association and in the tonari gumi. This can be linked to the rise Of "democracy" in Japanese thought which, as translated into action, meant only a minimal dispersal of formal positions, while the real power was maintained in the network of older white-collar males who tended to decide informally on important issues in advance of any formal meetings. The Japanese aversion to con- frontation democracy, well documented elsewhere (Dore 1958; Nakane 1970; 133 Norbeck 1954), prevailed in the Sapporo neighborhood as well. Most of the decisions made by the tonari gumi and the Neighborhood Association were decided informally or in the course of discussion prior to a formal vote. As all concerned perceived split votes as detrimental to the solidarity of the group, the informal consensus forming process usually worked well. However, during this phase, individuals who were not older white-collar males slowly moved into positions where the informal consensus developed. Thus far we have examined three aSpects Of Phase II in Hanayama. First, we have looked at the historical patterns of development that con- nect the neighborhood to Phase I and sketched the historical pattern of Phase II. Second, we have distinguished the prefecture's, city's, and neighborhood's experiences in the war from those of Old Japan, and we have identified some of the characteristics which distinguish Phase I from Phase II in the neighborhood. Finally, we have outlined the role of the formal organizations in the neighborhood, the Neighborhood Associ- ation and the tonari gumi, and examined their most important functions for the operation of the neighborhood. Economic Growth of Sapporo: At this point, then, we can turn to an examination of the pattern of economic growth in the city and Hanayama that provided the basis for immi- gration during this phase. With this background material established, I will then turn to discussion of the nature of the migrants who came into Hanayama, why they migrated, how~they were accomodated, and the resultant patterns of social relationships. Since the major forces which pulled migrants into the city were economic, an examination of Sapporo's economic growth during Phase II is necessary. Sapporo's temporary prominence in secondary industry at the 134 end of the war, augmented by the SCAP policies that seized upon the un- damaged industrial plant of Hokkaido as a stOp-gap until the southern in— dustries could be rebuilt, provided a catalyst for the great expansion of tertiary industries centered in Sapporo. This prominence encouraged the expansion of secondary industries on the entire Ishikari Plain. The increasing importance of Hokkaido's primary industries of agriculture, forestry, and fishing, along with the need to resettle a large number of repatriates, combined to provide a solid base for the secondary and ter— tiary expansion of the urban centers. The secondary cities on the Ishikari Plain, notably Muroran and Tomakomai, were the points of major secondary industrial expansion. Sapporo's expansion was primarily, even overwhelm- ingly, tertiary in nature. There are two points concerning Sapporo's economic expansion and pOpulation growth that are very important. Such expansion and growth were very fast, even by Japanese standards. Wilkinson (1965:148) cites Sapporo as one of only five Japanese cities with average annual rates of pOpula- tion growth being more than 5% between 1920 and 1955. Glickman's (1979:42) econometric study of the Japanese urban system lists Sapporo as one of the fastest growing regional economic clusters between 1950 and 1970. Glickman also demonstrates that the other cities in Hokkaido, all of which function to some extent as Sapporo's economic hinterland, were also growing rapidly, as was the entire prefecture of Hokkaido. These trends are summarized by Tables 8, 9, and 10. Table 8 shows the growth rates for pOpulation and employment for the ten fastest growing individual regional economic clus- ters in Japan, a list including both Sapporo and the smaller Hokkaido cluster focused on the city of Kushiro. Table 9 shows the levels of growth rates Of pOpulation and employment by industrial class, 1950-70, 135 o.w~ ¢.qa m.m~ m.q~ «.mm «.ma «.dm o.mH H.mm qualmcad mcoHIOoqa e.mH ~.Hm H.m~ m.ma m.qm m.¢m «.mw m.HN m.¢~ «.mm excuse unmouon Bzmzwoqmzm m.mo m.mm N.ow m.nc ~.~m N.NHH a.ma o.Hw n.wm 0.55 omaHIOmad chaatmcoa mcmfilocoa ocmdlmmmd mmaalcmma m.qH m.xzuqx «2.3. ouoxx 5523.9» aria: axaac sagas I‘ll..- msan se.:nOu—z Ouaaasm glazing aszzxxou_x nd....u_ :_c>x 9527.51; axons: assoc o>x=h mead «sammwmz eat-man:— gaseom axonxaa was: aaazoxor coo»: axons: asaao shack mmww «saunas: 331.2: :. ame=am exoaxzh 03a: 03.3.3.3» mscmez cuozx. assoc o>40h mmmm uafizzm .xcmmxzz sxozxoa 551-933: was: was:9xo» cue»: excarz axon: asses Oc¢~ .mm mbzwsm naaauamma "amass as moauso smashes ems a~aunaaav cazzaxsqz “auras: «mason qcacam «sa:mm _aazvm assozaaz .c— axmaawnz wasnnzcx madness: anaua:ax «avaum .3 axooxom 55.;acuu= se.:cosu: qxomswoz sad:a0ud= .m «lagoonu= «xzaomaz _xcoewaz w5«:aoh«= mangoes: .~ massage» massages uaox asasoxo> aflozoxor .o coo»: exams: axons: 93oz was: .n was: ouoax oEa:oxcr axomaz eaowmz .e shows: one: odoxx cues! coo»: .n oxxoh exama adamc axaac assoc .N assoc o>J3P oxxoh o»30b amxoy .~ mmwm mmmm mmwm mwmm mwmm mama ou—m 185 residents Sapporo comes a close second. Even cities such as Osaka and Kyoto, nationally far more important than Sapporo, were relegated to lower positions. In terms of behavior, this shift in the perception of Sapporo reinforced Sapporo's economic dominance over the rest of Hokkaido by add- ing social prestige to economic and political strength. The position of Sapporo within Hokkaido was no longer one of first among equals, a fair description of its position at the end of the war. Rather it came to dominate Hokkaido in a manner parallel to the position of Tokyo vis a vis all of Japan. Effects of Sapporo Growth on Hanayama: The impact of these changes on Hanayama follows the trends discussed for the last phase. Almost no one in the neighborhood had any long-term experience with living in a city as large as Sapporo had become. The phy- sical location of the neighborhood, once on the fringes of the city, had now become the fringe of the downtown urban core. The previously sparse tranSportation through the neighborhood was now much more dense and, in the case of public transportation, runs were more frequent. Also, a new subway system was installed with a station within five minutes walk of the neighborhood, increasing the ease of communications. The expansion of the urban economic enterprises, particularly the move by the large national, Tokyo-based firms into Sapporo increased the contact between Sapporo and the Tokaido megapolis to an extent unimagined in earlier periods.2 In local terms, this meant that the perceived distance lessened between fami- lies or friends in other parts of Hokkaido or even on one of the other is- lands. As the city grew, the Hanayama neighborhood became one of the core residential areas of Sapporo, and its inhabitants and others had to adjust their perceptions: 186 When we first came here (1953), downtown seemed much further away. We even used to say "I'm going to Sapporo" when we had to go downtown. It's different now; Now this is Sapporo too, and all the other places around are also Sapporo. Mr. I Young people don’t use the old place names much anymore. This used to be Hanayama to everyone. Now they just give the street address as if it were near the station (downtown). Something is—lost when one just says something- or-other street, something avenue. There is no color to it, no warmth. This was Hanayama (flower mountain), over there was Akebono (dawn, daybreak). I like those better than just numbers. How can one feel (have emotions) about numbers? Mr. N The neighborhood's specific large-scale changes primarily revolved around its and the city's great increase in population. The neighborhood pOpulation almost doubled during this decade.3 Because the neighborhood had been saturated in 1965 with single-family housing, the increase in population within the neighborhood occurred through the replacement of single-family housing with multi-family units. The first two of these multiple units were built at the end of 1965. By the end of 1975, there were fourteen units of various sizes, with a total of 247 apartments, accounting for more than half of the total living units in the neighborhood. Slightly more than half of the adult population of the neighborhood (about one third of the total population) had come to live in apartments. The multi-family units were different from the single-family units they replaced. There were two different kinds of multiple structures, apato and mansion. Apato apartments Open onto a central, interior hallway, with each apartment having only an interior door. The individual apart- ments may or may not have genkan, the small entryway common to Japanese 187 living units. If the individual apartments do not have genkan, then there will be a large one at the entrance to the building where shoes are re- moved and umbrellas stored. The 32259 are smaller versions of the danchi, the huge apartment complexes found primarily in the southern urban centers but also in the suburbs of Sapporo. The mansion apartments open onto an external area, rather like the common pattern for motels in the United States. Each individual apartment has its own genkan and is completely separate from all othertnfits. In both types, at least those found in Hanayama, the apartments are small, ranging from a single six-mat (each mat is about 3 feet x 6 feet; there- fore, a six-mat room is about 12 feet x 9 feet) room with a shared toilet and no bath for the smallest and cheapest, to a four-room apartment (three six-mat and one four-mat), with a private toilet and bath for the largest and most expensive. Figures 26 and 27 show four examples of Hanayama apartments. At 1975 prices the cheapest apartments, such as the one room apatg in Figure 27, went for about ¥22,000 per month (about $75), the most expensive about ¥53,000 (about $175) such as the four-room‘§p§£g_example. The two sets of floorplans (Figures 26 and 27) show apartments that combine modern and traditional features. In the first mansion example, the combination of toilet (western style) and bath (Japanese style) is an attempt at space saving. While this combination may save space, it is an unfortunate innovation as the use of the Japanese style bath, where wash- ing occurs outside the tub, tends to soak everything in the room, including the toilet. All of the apartments of more than one room have a mix of tatami (straw pads more than an inch thick) and thin straw-mat covered floors. All of the windows are side-by—side sliding windows (as Opposed to the western style over-and-under windows). Often the internal sliding 188 Guwun dawn fir W V ¢ a 1 (6 mat) fikbggt‘? R ’p‘fiw R ’ fish; 5 f“. ‘ ‘ ‘0‘ 1m"; N :‘V‘u‘ ‘3’.“‘4 “ ‘. ' F‘hnu: mm fivagbyfifi .; '€ '7 3.39 ._. _{t “C .5; . . ‘ .‘ ‘ 3. . “3&1? :5» 3.51:" hi : -. . \wQ-Lf‘vfiv M53), ‘ a r cOuntorand sink 1 r 8 S Q ‘U C a '3 b 2 ‘2 g ' ‘0 n. ‘ o . ‘sz‘.’ \‘P‘ p~w|‘. I o a?‘ ~ 3““. ‘1’? ’ ’ '3'): .~ ‘ ‘ L‘— EV'S'M'N‘L \m‘ I ' ‘Is. . ‘ ~..V\\ -_._,‘ ‘73‘ ‘ u . Nth“ ‘h . . ”3.). ..,. ”M. 55 h v ‘ ”:w’kgpfiwhfi.‘ 9 W“: ‘ H "S 3351;”ij V N fipfitfi; R. M)- », ”30$ 7%,? p "" WWI: ‘w S'Nfivxhwh . Bath ‘ 3.. ”omn’? TOi'ct 0 6 foot Figure 26. Two Typical Mansion Floorplans l sink ana connler Glassed-ln Balcony Hall l d “H“ ' l P v.5.“ . H... #‘N“‘ ‘P‘ :c“‘ ’. ¢O.‘.;;: )0" .“-H . “\“V“ “3‘”. ‘73... Genkan ‘ fi t" Mum-N... ‘2- 93’. “.W FM\W“ 5‘ “xi" " 3"" a “a”! In“. I '- fi i~‘\..::“ 9’;le \fflpfi \. Quaint,“ “:5 p.2- ”9 ‘hsw‘. Ki?» 2's Vikiifi an: (4 mat) “‘2‘:va 3...; a: Fwy). w i's's' trim» 5?? fig: 83.)??? \V 3:1:Y'V5\V::1 h>§gwi‘,; :‘ ‘t ‘3‘ V‘ y \‘m‘ {‘3’ ”\‘M.Nfi. \ d 3‘3»: w,“ arbbslfl‘wfifi ‘3 ‘ |I we? wit. .3. was... my.» g“. Z‘xtzwfl 5.993313) ‘ . | “I “ I | ‘ . ‘ g 3‘3); vm‘NwsM, “V“ ”£293?“ fl r i I ‘ O 6 12 counter and sink 1 L 4 , ~- ‘ feet closet (9 mat) -m sliding glass doors '—"—:___ sliding doors -— _— Figure 27. Two Representative Apato Floorplans 190 doors are removed semi-permanently to allow more space. The already rather lfinited floorspace of these apartments is further curtailed by the stoves which are the only winter heat source. In the summer, the stoves are dis- mantled and packed away. A further limiting element, not indicated in the floorplans, is the almost universal ownership of enormous, console model color television sets. Other internal features varied. Some apartments are furnished with western-style couches and easy chairs, others with tra- ditional Japanese low tables and little else. Some of the apartments use western-style furnishings in non-tatami rooms and traditional furnishings in tatami rooms. All of the apartments, and almost all of the single—family houses, in the neighborhood have flush toilets, a feature still far from universal in Japan. Other than the major furnishings, most of the apart- ments are crammed with the tenant's possessions as the apartments range from only a little more than 150 square feet to a little more than 400 square feet. Heat is provided through kerosene stoves that tenants must provide for themselves. No hot running water or appliances (such as refrigerators or stoves) are provided. The structural features of the buildings (heat and sound insulation) correlate somewhat with the cost of the apartments, but by U.S. standards these are generally shoddy. The poorly insulated inex- pensive apartments allow in serious draughts in winter. Also, one can dis- tinctly hear normal conversations in neighboring apartments all year around; this is a feature that has a number of interesting social implications, to be explored later in some detail. Because of the shift to apartments, for the first time in the history of the neighborhood, this phase experienced a serious demographic shift. Except for a brief and easily explained period during the war when younger 191 men were scarce, the neighborhood had maintained a fairly standard age structure.4 During Phase III, this shifted. The primary reason being that the majority of the migrants into the neighborhood during this phase were not couples with children, but rather a socioeconomic group previously unrepresented in the neighborhood-~the entertainers--a very large propor— tion of whom were without children.5 Further, the shift from single-family housing to multiple-unit housing lessened the possibility and incidence of the parents of young married couples living with their adult children. Thus, the demographic picture of the neighborhood shifts so that an age pyramid would have a large bulge in the 20 to 35 group and sharply smaller numbers of children and older people above sixty (the 1965 and 1975 numbers are given in Tables 20 and 21). Part of the pOpulation shift can be ex- plained by the sharply decreased Japanese postwar birth rate; the reduced number of children (0-15) is relative to the overall population (cf. Tauber 1958), but the population structure for the neighborhood goes beyond the overall pattern (see Table 22). Also, the decreased birth rate would not effect the older population; in fact, it would do the opposite and push up the relative number of older people compared to the overall population. In fact, the relative size of this age group decreased.6 The economic connections between individuals in the neighborhood and the surrounding city shifted when its population shifted to one mainly (75%) made up of younger white-collar employees and entertainers. The en- tertainers worked in Susukino, the entertainment district lying about a kilometer from Hanayama. The nature of their occupations and life styles was such that they were mainly transitory, often shifting jobs and places of residence. The long-term, strong social bonding of the older residents, based on stable employment and residence, thus had to adjust to this shift 192 Table 20. Population by Age and Sex, 1975 Males Females Totals City Total AGE # z # Z # Z Z 0-4 64 6.1 77 7.3 141 13.4 9.2 5-9 29 2.8 31 2.9 60 5.7 7.7 10-14 31 2.9 28 2/7 59 5.6 6.6 15-19 40 3.8 48 5.6 88 8.4 7.4 20-24 51 4.9 58 5.5 109 10.4 11.0 25-29 86 8.2 77 7.3 163 15.5 12.2 30-34 68 6.5 70 6.7 138 13.1 9.3 35-39 41 3.9 37 3.5 78 7.4 7.8 40-44 25 2.4 26 2.5 51 4.9 7.1 45-49 22 2.1 24 2.3 46 4.4 5.8 50-54 18 1.7 21 2.0 39 3.7 4.3 55-59 11 1.1 17 1.6 28 2.7 3.5 60-64 7 0.7 11 1.1 18 1.7 2.9 65-59 6 0.6 8 0.8 14 1.3 2.2 70-79 6 0.6 10 1.0 16 1.5 2.4 80- l 0.1 ‘__2 0.3 4 0.4 0.6 496 48.1 546 51.9 1052 99.9 Table 21. ACE 0-19 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60- 193 Population by Age and Sex, 1965 Males # 99 48 43 26 23 258 Females Z # Z 18.5 105 19.6 8.9 64 12.0 8.0 39 7.3 4.9 29 5.4 4.3 21 3.9 21222.21: 48.1 278 51.9 Totals # Z 204 38.1 112 20.9 82 15.3 55 10.3 44 8.2 3.9.4.3. 536 100.0 194 Table 22. Neighborhood-City Population Comparison (Age) 1965 1975 Neighborhood City Neighborhood City 0-19 38.1Z 38.1Z 33.1Z 30.9Z 20-29 20.9 22.8 25.9 23.2 30-39 15.3 17.5 . 20.5 17.1 40-49 10.3 10.1 _ 9.2 12.3 50i59 8.2 7.0 6.4 7.8 60- 7.3 6.5 4.9 8.1 195 in the neighborhood's pOpulation. The economic situation also shifted in Sapporo during Phase III in that it was more complex than in Phase II and far more complex than in Phase I. The general trends in Sapporo's economy--a sharp decrease in primary industry, an overall slight decrease in secondary industry, and a strong, fairly steady increase in tertiary industries-~are graphed as a function of proportions of the work force engaged in these three types of activities in Figure 28. By the third phase, the primary industries had only about 4Z of the total work force, the secondary industries employed only about 23Z of the work force, and the tertiary industries comprised about 73Z of the work force. Throughout Phase III the tertiary industries reached about 76Z of the work force in 1970 and were approaching 79Z in 1975, with equivalent drops in the proportions of the work force employed in primary and secondary industries. This increase in the tertiary-in- dustry share of the work force combined with the rate of migration (dis- cussed above) yielded an absolute growth of the tertiary work force which was very high, possibly one of the highest in the world, although specific comparable figures are not readily available.7 Sapporo Industrial Expansion: Given the overall economic picture for Japan in the economic boom period from 1960 to 1972, the rapid industrial expansion of Sapporo is not surprising. What does seem unusual is that most of the expansion, in ab- solute as well as relative terms, was in tertiary industries. The impact of this tertiary expansion was that its attraction to migrants from the Sapporo hinterland seems different fundamentally from what it would have been had the expansion been in primary or secondary industries instead.8 With primary industrial expansion, it is difficult to see just how the 196 OZ 60% 70% 80Z Tertiary Industry Workforce Source: adapted from graph in Sapporo-shi (l976:9) Figure 28. Portions of Sapporo Workforce Engaged in Primary, Secondary, and Tertiary Industry 197 city could have expanded to the degree that it did. The primary industries of Japan have been becoming increasingly mechanized, which means there is less demand for direct human labor. One clear indication of this is that while the number of persons employed in agriculture has decreased since the war, the agricultural production of Japan has increased through the expansion of high-energy technology, such as chemical fertilizers and machinery. Secondary industries, which in Japanese statistical considerations include mining, require several supports that tertiary industries do not. First, given the dual nature of the Japanese economy, the existence of small-scale piece-manufacturing units may be necessary for the development of the upper level of large scale manufacturing units. These small-scale support industries did not exist in Sapporo to the degree that they were available in the south, and therefore large-scale manufacturing expansion in the historical Japanese pattern might have been unable to develop fully in Sapporo. In Hokkaido where secondary industries (except mining) have developed, they have been much more in the EurOpean pattern of single—level economic structures, rather than the dual levels of southern Japan. Secondly, for Sapporo to have become a highly developed secondary in- dustrial center, there would have had to have been a tertiary structure available to support it, such as those in Tokyo and Osaka. Again, the iso- lation of Sapporo from the great centers of Old Japan may be at least partly responsible for the direction of this evolution. Third, secondary indus- tries normally require a higher proportion of blue-collar workers than do tertiary industries. This does not mean that the migrants coming into the city would be all that different in their places of origin; one could argue that migrants would come from the various parts of Hokkaido into 198 Sapporo just as rapidly for blue-collar jobs as they do for the types of jobs that are available and take as supporting evidence the immigration patterns in the smaller manufacturing cities of Muroran or Makomanai. The primary difference, rather, is in their different social characteristics, which are corollaries of their educational preparation and perceptions or expectations of life. There may well be significant differences in the social patterns of blue-collar and non-blue—collar groups, that is, in areas such as neighborhoods dominated primarily by blue-collar or non- blue—collar groups. This study deals with a neighborhood totally dominated by non-blue—collar groups, so such a comparison is beyond its scope. And last, Sapporo's economic and geographic position, as a commercial and ser- vice center surrounded by primary and secondary industrial centers is not accidental. It should be remembered that this pattern of industrial growth was part of the original planning for the development of the Ishikari Plain and Hokkaido as a whole. The postwar attraction of Sapporo has been as a social and economic pull primarily toward tertiary industries. For the purposes of this study, there are two basic types of tertiary industry, commercial and service: commercial tertiary industries are comprised of banks, wholesale and re- tail establishments, transportation and communication institutions, and other, often large-scale operations of this sort. Service industries are restaurants, bars, theaters, cabarets, and other entertainment-centered businesses with a central focus on those considered the "water trades" in the Old Japanese usage. For the purposes of this study, the major difference between commer- cial and service industries depends upon the types of employees. Commer- cial industries primarily employ members of the white-collar group and 199 relatively few blue-collar workers. While there may be a few white- or blue-collar employees in the service industries, they tend to have as the bulk of their work force a third socioeconomic group, here called the en— tertainers. Migration and Changg: From the perspective of the neighborhood, the influx of migrants seek- ing or having employment in the tertiary industries had occurred throughout its history. However, with a very few exceptions, the previous migration patterns had been those of the white- and blue-collar groups. Most of the few exceptions had been of the shopkeeper group who, in many ways, parallel the white-collar groups in their patterns of social interaction. During Phase III, the other kind of tertiary industrial employee makes his or her first appearance in the neighborhood and in massive numbers. The expan- sion of Susukino, the entertainment district from a small town strip of bars to a major section of a major city, had as a side effect a great in- crease in the number of persons employed there. The entertainers traditionally lived in or immediately adjacent to the "gay quarters," the entertainment district of Susukino. At one time, even within the modest historical part of Sapporo, the entertainment dis- trict had been a walled section of the city complete with gates "guarded" by police. With a more modern attitude toward entertainment, the walls came down, but the entertainers still lived as close as possible to their places of employment. As mass transit increased the ease of living farther away from their places of work, many Japanese moved out, but the entertain- ers, possibly because of discrimination against them, tended to cluster at least near the "gay quarters." As Susukino grew, more and more people were employed in its establishments. And as more entertainers moved into 200 the city, the best of entertainer residences around Susukino thickened until, in 1965, the district was about one kilometer thick. Thus the Hanayama neighborhood, lying about one kilometer from Susukino, began to be a place where entertainers lived.10 All of the migrants into Hanayama during Phase III were not entertain— ers, although more than 70Z were. The second largest group coming into Hanayama during this phase were younger white-collar families. The younger white-collar males worked in a variety of tertiary industrial concerns throughout the city (see Table 23). For example, thirty-two of the younger white-collar male migrants were employed by Japan National Railways and lived in a company-owned apartment building. The change in migration pattern from Phase II, where migrants were mixed white-collar, blue-collar, and shOpkeeper, to that of Phase III lies at least partly in the shift in types of available housing (mentioned above). When the neighborhood had been saturated with single-family housing, the continued growth of the city allowed the profitable expansion to multiple— family housing, primarily apartment houses. All the inhabitants of these new apartment houses were younger white-collar workers and entertainers. The move into the small apartments by the entertainers and younger white- collar workers was motivated by convenience and cost: apartments were far cheaper than single-family housing and in areas more accessible to their jobs and public transportation. By the beginning of this phase, the area immediately around the cen- tral business core of the city had become very densely populated and any sort of housing was difficult to acquire. Unless one owned a car, a very expensive possession, it was necessary to use mass transit in commuting from the outlying areas. While the mass transit system is excellent, quick, 201 Table 23. White-Collar Education and Occupations, Phase III PREWAR POSTWAR g 3:. u <1) H H >. m >. .4 m u o u u u m u o w m .4 o m m .4 0 <5 6 E 'o .5 > a 'o .: .4 -a vo m: -H - -o a: - .4 u -H c u -H -H u o e. E! z: :s n. z: a: r: L) White-Collar Males - 2 2 2 - 5 26 9 5 51 Secondary Industry Large Firm - - 1 - - - l - - 2 (3.9%) Small Firm - - l - - 2 l - l 5 (9.82) Service/Commercial Large Firm - - - - - - 3 3 3 9 (17.6%) Small Firm - l - - - 2 5 l - 9 (17.6%) Transportation/ Communication Large Firm - - - l - - 12 1 - l4 (27.5Z) Small Firm - - - - - l 4 2 - 7 (13.7%) Government - l - l - - - 2 1 5 (9.8Z) Younger White-Collar 3 13 ll 4 3 34 Females Unemployed 3 ll 8 2 l 25 (73.5Z) Service/Commercial Large Firm - - l l 1 3 (8.8%) Small Firm — 2 1 - - 3 (8.8Z) Transportation/ Communication Large Firm - - l - - l (2.9Z) Small Firm - - - - — 0 (0.0Z) Government - - - l l 2 (5.9%) 202 and inexpensive, it is a bother and avoided by many people who prefer to live closer to their place of employment. The ride into Sapporo by bus or train or a combination of both from one of the outlying suburban areas took at least half an hour. Some train commuters lived so far out that it took them two hours to reach their jobs. The conditions on the commuter buses and trains were crowded and hectic during the morning and evening rush hours. During the middle of this phase, just in time for the 1972 Winter Olympics, the city built a high-speed north-south subway system that re- lieved some of the neighborhood housing pressure by making travel more convenient. Thus, while the rate of construction of apartment buildings in old neighborhoods slowed somewhat,ll continued migration into Hanayama was sufficient to ensure the profitability of additional apartment build- ings. For example, two new buildings were erected in 1975 and another in 1976. The economic base of the neighborhood, exemplified in the individual economic connections between the inhabitants of Hanayama and the city, shifted somewhat during Phase III. While during Phase II nearly all of the employed persons in the neighborhood had worked for their various companies, or intended to work, permanently, giving the neighborhood population econo- mic stability, the Phase III population became increasingly unstable. The average length of neighborhood residents‘ employment by a particular com— pany was about 14 years in 1965, the same as the average number of years employed anywhere. By 1975 the average had plummeted to about 6 years. The major reason for this occupational destabilization was the entertainers' short-term occupational status. The next most important reason was the in- creasing transience of the younger white—collar males, who were more likely 203 to switch jobs than in earlier years. Further, the companies employing younger white-collar workers were likelier to transfer them to other 10- cations than previously. With the decrease in the residents‘ economic stability, the shopkeepers’ economic positions became increasingly un- stable, particularly in the face of the increasing competition from such larger concerns as the downtown department stores and a new phenomenon, the supermarkets. The migration occurring in this phase had several features to distin- guish it sharply from that of previous phases. First, the rate of migra- tion, starting suddenly at the very end of 1965, accelerated to a rate more than 7 times higher than that of Phase II, and more than 17 times higher than that of Phase I. Where Phase I migration averaged slightly more than five migrant households per year, Phase III averaged at least thirty-five new households per year. The actual Phase III rate was prob- ably double the figure given, but precise figures for the total number of entertainer households moving into and out of the neighborhood are una- vailable (see Table 24). Further, this migration came in waves with the Opening of the new apartment buildings, which leads neatly to the second distinguishing feature of Phase III migration. The waves of migrants did not scatter throughout the neighborhood as had been the most common pattern during the previous two phases. Rather, they clustered together in the apartment buildings because the apartments were the primary locus of open housing. As new apartment buildings opened, the apartments filled with new migrants. These clusters ranged in size, directly correlated with the waves of migration, from a minimum of 6 house- holds in the smallest apartment buildings to a maximum of 48 households for the largest. The apartment buildings acted as barriers in keeping the 204 Table 24. Composition of Hanayama in Phase III 1965 1975 Adult Adult Households Population Households Population # Z # Z # Z # Z Shopkeeper 25 14.3 53 15.3 29 7.4 67 9.5 Older White- 36 20.6 77 22.3 32 8.1 68 9.7 Collar Younger White- 52 29.7 114 32.9 89 22.6 189 26.8 Collar Blue-Collar 16 9.1 37 10.7 - 9 2.3 19 2.7 Landlady 2 1.1 4 1.2 14 3.6 31 4.4 Entertainers 42 24.0 59 17.1 217 55.1 322 45.7 Others 1 0.6 2 0.6 4 1.0 8 1.1 TOTALS 175 99.4 346 99.8 394 100.1 704 99.9 205 new migrants from intermixing with the older residents. The third distinguishing feature of Phase III migration, a point al- ready mentioned, was that the migrants were predominantly of a group pre- viously unrepresented in the neighborhood. Unlike Phases I and II where the majority of migrants had been white-collar households, the Phase III migrants were primarily entertainers. Table 25 contrasts the categories by phase. The characteristics of the newcomers making up the Phase III migra- tion into Hanayama in some ways continued the trends, such as origins of migrants, employment, and education, set by previous phases, but with some important differences. The major trend of most migrants during Phase III being from other urban areas, mostly in Hokkaido, continued (see Tables 26 and 27). In fact, of the households from whom reliable figures are available, more than 70Z were from Hokkaido and almost 75Z were from urban areas as shown in Table 28. And as with two earlier groups of migrants, almost all of the newcomers were drawn to employment in tertiary industry. The white-collar groups show the same pattern as in the previous phases in that they were well educated and primarily oriented toward tertiary indus- tries, with a relatively high proportion working in the public sector. Entertainers: The non-entertainer migrants were similar to the migrants of previous phases, but the entertainers were not in that they were less well educated, having only an average of three full years of formal education (educational levels shown in Table 29). The entertainers had very little occupational or economic stability, which resulted in their residential instability. Finally and perhaps most important, the entertainer migrants did not share the same values toward interpersonal relationships with the other Hanayama 206 m.m~ so m.~H mm a.ma ous m.m¢ «cm «.H o H.H m w.cN mmm ~.~w NHN q.N Hm m.m «A m.¢l man N.ml N: m.NH mm o.¢a mm e.~| ad: m.~: «I m.m «A n.~ s N s N a :ONumaseom memosmmao= uH3n< mmafilmoma HHH mumsm m.¢m mad H.m~ mm o.mc cm m.mN AH c.oo~ oqa o.oo~ MN o.oo~ mm ¢.mm ma H.~H NH m.m~ m ~.NH o m.m~ N m.¢¢ ac m.~¢ Hm o.mq NH m.mm m o.mm as o.mm cu o.o~ N o.cm m c.m m c.m N m.<~ n m.m~ N N N N a N N N * soaumfiaaom mcfiosmmao: :oNumdzaom mcfiosmmaoz wasv< oase< mcmalncaa m¢¢dnmma~ HH mmmsm H ommnm mzH5 OJ '14 O o u >~u mI :5 -H m >. >. m m u o u o u u u o u u a: u a): m .4 o o m .4 m o m o m-o E “U .c: .6 E "o .I: -I H > H m In on on ~4 'o a: a HI *4 o H «4 'H ‘H H H H :3 O G > M GROUP (n) ca 2: :n' m In. 2 :: I-I o :3 <1 0 Shopkeeper male (10) - 2 1 - 1 2 3 - 1 - 11 2 2 female (12) 1 1 - 2 - 4 1 3 - - 11.3 11° Blue-Collar male (2) - - - - - 2 - - - - 9.0 8 4 female (3) - - - - 1 2 - - - - 8.0 ° Landlady male (14) - 5 l - 3 3 - - 2 - 10.4 9 8 female (17) 6 7 - l - 2 l - - - 9.2 ' Entertainer male (74) - - "' " 17 44 12 " l "’ 8.9 8.9 female (128) - - - — 31 77 16 2 2 - 8.8 Younger White- Collar male (47) - - - - - 5 26 9 5 2 12.7 11 9 female (34) - - — - 3 13 11 4 3 - 10.9 ' Older White- Collar male (4) - 2 2 - - - - - — - 12.5 12 female (4) l - - 3 - - - - - - 12.0 ‘3 Average male = 10.5 Average female = 9.4 Total average = 9.9 211 residents. There are several points about the low educational levels to be stressed. The average reported formal education (see Table 29), slightly less than nine years, means that the average entertainer terminated his or her formal education at the middle school level, indicating that a good number actu- ally had not completed middle school. The completion of middle school is more important in Japan than it is in the United States because of the dif- ficulty of written Japanese. Middle school in Japan is considered the point where students become minimally literate. At current educational levels, the ideographic nature of the Japanese language requires nine years for the acquisition of basic competency. Another point about the significance of the duration of formal educa- tion is that the time spent in formal education and the ability to pass school examinations are probably the most important considerations for up— ward social mobility in Japan. Far more than in the United States, Japan has evolved a merit system permeating all aspects of society; it is based on formal education and examination and the credentials these provide.12 Thus, the significance of the entertainers' low levels of education is that they are limited in terms of enhanced social mobility. Without educational credentials, social movement is almost impossible. Finally, the entertainers were, on the average, the youngest group in Hanayama. Since the number of years of formal education available has been increasing steadily over the last half century, one would expect to find the youngest group to be the best educated. Yet the entertainers are the poorest educated of any of the social groups migrating into Hanayama in 13 sizable numbers during this phase. There are warnings that should go with these points, and with all of 212 my data about reported years of education: there is a distinct possibility of sampling error that I have no way to control. Further, since formal education carries a great deal of prestige in Japan, far more than in the United States, there is a possibility that these figures have been up- wardly inflated by my informants. In particular, the instability of the entertainer occupations distin- guishes the entertainer migrants from the non-entertainer migrants. The most common occupation of the entertainers was bar-hostess, a label that could be applied to most of the female entertainers in the neighborhood. The males worked as musicians (in cabaret or bar bands), bartenders, short- order cooks, bouncers (the Japanese term for this task translates literally as assistant), bar and cabaret managers, and other less easily labeled jobs. The term hostess appears to cover a variety of actual tasks such as one would find females doing in any bar district in the world. Fairly repre- sentative, if not necessarily typical, of the motivations and job history of a bar-hostess is the story of Ms. H: I came to Sapporo because I couldn't find a job in Muroran. That was fifteen years ago when I was fourteen years old. I lived with my sister for a while, several years, and then I got my own apartment here about five years ago. I first got a job as an announcer in a cabaret. You know, announcing the various acts. . . . After I had worked as an announcer for about ten years, the owner said that he was going to cut my salary in half . because he wanted me to work for him as a hostess. I was angry, so I quit and went to work--as a hostess-- at the small bar where I work now. . . . I usually work from about 7:00 p.m. to about 11:30 p.m. in the evening, sometimes later, sometimes less. Sometimes I don't go to work at all; it depends on how I feel. . Well (how much I make) depends, it is very changeable. I get paid every two weeks. My high was ¥800,000 ($2,600 in 1975), but that only happened once. My low for two weeks was about ¥120,000 (about $400). That is good for a hostess. There is a great deal of variation (among hostesses). I've been doing it for a long time and understand the job pretty well, so I make 213 a lot. I didn't make that much as an announcer.~ Ms. H had a savings account of about ¥5,000,000 ($16,000) that she was planning to use to open a clothing shOp, high fashion women's clothing. She appears to have been somewhat unusual, first, because she only had two jobs in fourteen years and, second, because of the large bank account. More typical in these reapects was Mr. Y, a twenty-five-year-old bartender, who made about ¥250,000 ($850) a month. I came from Mombetsu about four years ago and got this apartment. I've worked at the bar where I work now only about four months; before that I worked at the X Cabaret for about two years. Before that I worked in two other places. . . . Yes, four places in four years. . . . Why? because I got more money. . . . I want to be a singer, but that costs money for publicity and such. . ' . No, I have only a little saved up; I like to spend too much. If I didn't have to work most evenings, I wouldn't have saved anything. I make enough but I just spend it. I go to work about six and usually get home about midnight. Most of the entertainers appear to have been more like Mr. Y than like Ms. H, job hopping every year or few years for higher pay or some perceived benefit. Also like Mr. Y, most of the entertainers planned to save--often for some other career--but in fact had relatively small savings. The economic instability exaggerated by the occupational instability correlates with residential instability. The entertainers were constantly moving, usually to what they believed to be a superior apartment, but sometimes for other reasons, such as the avoidance or termination of inter- personal relationships. The average tenure in the neighborhood for the entertainers in 1975 was about one year (see Table 7), far less than that for any other group. The next lowest groups, the younger white—collar workers and the landladies, averaged about five years in Hanayama. Part 214 Table 7. Tenure in Hanayama (average years in neighborhood) 1940 1950 1965 1975 Older White Collar 22 22 21 24 Shopkeepers 23 23 20 18 Younger White Collar 6 3 8 5 Blue Collar 12 8 7 9 Farmer 30 —- - -- Entertainers -- -- 0 l Landladies —- -- 0 5 of the residential instability reflected by the one-year figure was a func- tion of place of residence, the apartment buildings. The entertainers all lived in apartment buildings in the neighborhood only since 1965, with an average age of about five years, exactly the same as the figure for land— lady tenure in Hanayama. A portion of the younger white-collar group, on the other hand, had lived in the neighborhood for ten years or more in single-family housing, which brought the group average up considerably. That is, the entertainer who had lived in the neighborhood the longest (in my interview sample) had moved into Hanayama eight years before. The youn- ger white-collar household with the longest tenure in Hanayama had lived in the neighborhood for almost twenty years. Thus, the entertainers would have been hard pressed to build strong interpersonal neighborhood relation- ships, even if they had wanted to. Entertainer Social Relationships: The attitude of the entertainers toward building and maintaining strong, durable social relationships based on residential proximity was the most important distinguishing characteristic between the entertainers and most 215 of the non-entertainer migrants during Phase III and all of the migrants during Phases I and II. Simply put, the entertainers did not want to build and maintain strong social ties based on residence. An extreme sample of the type of response to queries concerning the "traditional" social relationships existing among most of the other people in the neigh- borhood was that of Mr. 0, a musician in a cabaret, who commented: That's why I can here (to Sapporo). To get away from all that. That's what small towns are like, all sticky. Everyone knows everybody else's business. I don't like that and I don't want to do that, so I came to Sapporo. This is a big city. It is a modern place, not feudal like Y (the town he came from). That kind of thing is all right for farmers in villages, but not for someone like me. Ms. H (quoted above) had a more temperate but similar response: That's what the old peOple do. I suppose that it is very Japanese--I do it too, for business. I have contacts and friends, but not here. I don't think it's bad, it just takes a lot of time and effort and there is no need for that sort of thing anymore. I'd rather do other things. The only people I know here are Mrs. S (the landlady) and Mrs. I (the neighboring landlady who was a great friend of Mrs. S). I don't even know the name of the hostess in the next apartment. I see the people I work with every day; I don't want to live with them. That is why I came here. . . . Yes, I think that I'm typical of the people who work in Susukino; a lot of them are like me. The entertainers saw the construction and maintenance of strong, far- reaching social relationships-—aside from business contacts and a few friends--as being old fashioned, "feudal," not worth the time and effort, and constricting their personal freedom. Most of them came to Sapporo not only to find interesting and relatively high-paying, jobs, but also to escape what they saw as the cloying nature of the smaller places they came I from. Sapporo was perceived as being the "big city,’ and Susukino's 216 entertainment district a "little Ginza" (the Tokyo entertainment district): bright lights, good jobs, and modern social forms. Many of the migrant entertainers suggested that the older Japanese were "too polite" and "too constrained by custom." One of the entertainers, a college-educated caba- ret assistant manager, drew a direct historical reference: We Japanese haven't really changed. Look at Mrs. Y and Mrs. N when they meet (two elderly ladies who used the very extensive polite forms of greeting and address). That could be in the old time, the Tokugawa era (17th- l9th century). They are still old fashioned Japanese. Most of the people are like that around here. It's even worse, they say, in places like Kyoto and the other old cities. The onlylplace that is more modern (modan) than Sapporo is Tokyo. One of the important implications of this statement is the distinction drawn between "most people around here" and the speaker and his group, the entertainers. The non-entertainers are old fashioned. The entertainers are modern, contemporary. Apartments Versus Single-Family Housing: Some of these characteristics described for the entertainers also applied to the other group living in the apartment buildings. There was a distinct correlation between place of residence--apartment or single- family house--and the social orientation among the younger white-collar households. The residents of single-family dwellings tended to be more conservative or traditional, more in line with the neighborhood social milieu and maintaining social patterns more like those of the younger white-collar group of a previous phase. As Mr. F, a young National Rail- ways employee, phrased it: Right now, in my career, the important thing is to build a broad face. . . . No, not just at work, here in the 217 neighborhood, too. Not just becuase there are several older National Railway employees here, although that is a very important factor. . . . Well, it's that I don't know who will be important in the future. Maybe the Neighborhood Association head will be the one to introduce me to someone who will be very important, maybe not. But if I know as many people as I can, then my chances are better, aren't they? This is almost a classic statement of why networks were built and maintained. About the only thing missing is a comment about how knowing everyone around makes life easier and more pleasant, a sentiment expressed by many Hanayama residents. The apartment dwellers tended to be far less interested in blending in- to the social matrix of the neighborhood.15 The sentiments expressed were much like those described earlier for the entertainers. The apartment- dwelling, younger white-collar group also felt that the construction and maintenance of durable and extensive social networks required too much in- vestment of time and effort and were constraining on personal freedom. Even so, the younger white-collar apartment dwellers were occupationally and residentially far more stable than the entertainers, the implications of which are explored below in the discussion of interpersonal relation- ships in the neighborhood. The apartment dwellers were usually slightly less well educated than those of the single-family housing group (see Tables 30 and 31), having approximately a year less formal education. The apartment dewllers were also slightly younger than the single-family housing adults. Both of these features are probably a function of company housing policies where more senior employees tend to get better company housing. All but two of the single-family housing dwellers were living in company-owned housing. 0f the two exceptions, one was a young partner in a prosperous trading company; 213‘ Table 30. Education of Phase III Younger White-Collar Migrants m 00 G) H HI > o u c: -H >. m m HQHHOOH g .H o .o o o 53‘3223 gnaw-4:30: m z: I: '3 c5 :3 Single Family Housing male (13) - - 3 5 3 2 female (15) 2 4 4 3 2 - Apartment male (34) - 5 23 4 2 - female (19) l 9 7 1 l - AVERAGE YEARS FORMAL EDUCATION Single family housing: males 14.3 females 11.3 total 12'7 Apartment: males 12'0 total 11.5 females 10.6 219 o.cm NH o.Hm e m.mm NH e.m H N.o H II I H umHHoc IMuch umcHo muommoxsozm .Nm mHnms 248 tainer and younger white-collar employee alike. Further, a quick glance at the list of association members for both 1972 and 1974, shows that the three landladies who are block association heads have recruited most of their tenants. The apartment houses whose landladies are not block asso- ciation heads are poorly represented, except for two cases where the land- ladies are great friends of the landladies who are the block association leaders. During this phase, virtually all of the formal functions of the Neigh- borhood Association appear to have been abandoned or taken over by other organs, except for the liaison function with higher organs of the urban government. For example, the annual festival (matsuri) and neighborhood wide clean-up projects have been drOpped and resident registration is now done only by the police, without Neighborhood Association assistance. Al- though the skeleton of the association survived to the end of Phase III in 1975, its only real functions appeared to have been a limited input into the district organization; a basic framework for what is left of the tonari gumi; and certain "social club" type activities such as an annual dinner to elect new officers. Looking at these surviving functions, the District Association was made up of the Neighborhood Association head (chonaikaicho) representing the seventeen neighborhoods comprising the district. From the point of view of the residents of Hanayama, the District Association had as its primary function a rather vague input into larger city organs concerning specific district requirements such as street repairs, police functions, and school maintenance, all of which were duplicated by other agencies and organizations. According to the head of the Neighborhood Association and other informants working with the District Association, the major function 249 performed at the district level was to act as a coordinating and liaison agent between the neighborhoods and the city organs. Most of the Hanayama residents, however, appeared to have very little idea of how these various levels of government worked, nor did they appear to have much interest in learning more about them. They were perceived, on the whole, as being unimportant, particularly by the younger migrants who diSplayed the great- est ignorance in this area. The annual banquet and other less formal get-togethers for the officers of the Neighborhood Association and the heads of the tonari gumi were the places where association "business" was transacted, but with the replace- ment or abandonment of its former functions the business of the association became increasingly social and decreasingly businesslike. The social func- tions were important, however, especially on the lower level of the tonari 532;. There was a direct correlation between the prOportion of the older white-collar group involved in the formal neighborhood organizations and the degree of effectiveness these organizations had. During Phase II, the majority of the various officeholders were of the older white-collar group. There were seven officers elected annually by the Neighborhood Association. During Phase 11, about twenty-five different peOple held one of these seven offices at one time or another. Only two (of those known) were not of the older white-collar group, both being older shopkeeper males. Toward the end of Phase III, the older white-collar group was only a plurality of the association's membership, while most of the offices were held by members of the younger white-collar, landlady, and shopkeeper groups. During Phase III, both persons who had served as association head were older white— collar males, but of the seventeen people who had served in the other six 250 positions, only nine were of the older white-collar group. In addition, by 1975 only two of the thirteen tonari gumi heads-(han—cho) were older white-collar and one of them a woman. The final function of the Neighborhood Association was to serve as a framework for the functioning of the tonari gumi. Since the effective remaining internal functions of the neighborhood lay in the informal as- pects of organization grouped around the tonari gumi, the Neighborhood Association's providing them some structural support and legitimacy had some value, but it appeared to be rapidly decreasing. Because the associ- ation continued to have a neighborhood—wide formal structure above the formal block association, the tonari gumi informally kept going some con- tinuity with the past; thus, a certain ease of neighborhood entry remained useful for some of the migrants. Since the Neighborhood Association was three full structural steps away from the effective functional arena, however, it is difficult to ascribe much real value to it. The effective functional arena, the informal efforts of the tonari gggi, primarily involved interpersonal relationships within the neighbor- hood, and, to a lesser extent, the absorption of migrants into the social milieu of the neighborhood. In the past, the absorption of new migrants had been a primary function of the informal workings of the tonari gumi. In Phase 111, this function continued but on a limited scale. The limits were basically that only the residents of single-family housing were absorbed in ways similar to the mechanisms so successful in previous phases. As mentioned above, the major differences in the patterns of migration between Phase III and the two pre- vious phases were the attitudes of many of the migrants and the physical geography of the settlement—-clustered company—owned housing and apartment 251 buildings. The absorptive mechanisms of the neighborhood, based on the develop- ment of close interpersonal ties, could only Operate with those individuals who wanted to be absorbed and who were accessible to their new neighbors. The company-owned clusters of single-family housing presented some problems in that they were physically isolated from the rest of the neighborhood. The most extreme example of this was the blue-collar housing discussed earlier where the blue-collar households were socially isolated from other groups. The blue-collar migrants coming into Hanayama during Phase III literally knew no non-blue-collar individuals in the entire neighborhood; they were totally isolated. Physical isolation contributed to the social isolation, although there were other considerations as well. Less extreme forms of isolation involved younger white-collar, single—family housing that was contiguous to other single-family housing. The people who moved into these dwellings established contact with others outside their own group and were, in time, absorbed fairly well. The cluster of housing did pose some difficulty. As one young housewife put it, When we first moved here, we quickly got to know the people (living) nearest; our husbands all work together, so they knew each other to start with, although not very well. For the first months we were here, we got to know them (the fellow employees) better, but didn't meet any— one else . . . except the block association head. We joined the Neighborhood Association. . . . After a bit, we got to know some of the other people but it took more than a year before we knew who most of the peOple on the street were. I still don't know some of them, although I do say "good morning" when I see them. Most of the younger white-collar migrants quickly joined the Neighborhood Association after moving into Hanayama, and most of them introduced them- selves to their immediate neighbors.24 These were, however, a distinct 252 minority of the total number of neighborhood migrants. The majority during Phase III moved into the new~apartment houses.25 Not only were the apart- ment residents physically isolated by the nature of the buildings from the single-family housing neighbors, but they tended to move into the buildings in waves, at least at first when the buildings opened. The major consideration, however, in the development of the social absorption of the apartment migrants was that most did not want to be drawn into the social milieu of Hanayama or into any other similar system. As discussed above, most ofthe entertainers and many of the apartment-dwelling, younger white-collar adults had come to Sapporo to avoid the kind of social interaction that being absorbed into the neighborhood's social patterns would involve. Some, in fact, were actively hostile to the idea, holding themselves aloof, even to the point of angering people like their landladies who felt snubbed. This self—inflicted social isolation of the apartment dwellers was not universal. There were a few apartment people, mostly younger white-collar employees, who were interested in establishing social roots in the neigh- borhood. The process of their introduction into the social milieu of Hanayama was different than that of the single-family housing, younger white-collar migrants. Instead of O-hirome and the spread of pertinent social information through immediate neighbors, the landladies acted as social brokers for the apartment dwellers. All of the landladies had acted immediately and forcefully on moving into the neighborhood to make themselves accepted socially by the Hanayama inhabitants. They had introduced themselves to their neighbors, sometimes to everyone on their street, to the other landladies, and in a few cases to all of the officers of the Neighborhood Association. They had joined 253 the Neighborhood Association as quickly as possible. By 1975 three of the thirteen block association heads Chan-cho) were landladies. All Of them expressed strong agreement with the value of building and maintaining strong relationships in their place of residence. All of the landladies identified themselves as being a member of a group, ”the landladies." That is, part of their identification of themselves was the group identity. They were all Hanayama landladies. The landladies were the only group in the neighborhood to unanimously identify themselves as a distinct category. The only other individuals to sometimes make a similar identification were the older shopkeepers. The readiness of the landladies to label themselves with a group identity seems to fit with their eagerness to fit into the neighborhood social milieu in a rather traditional way. This sentiment was no doubt reinforced by the neighborhood also being their place of business. To return to the absorption of apartment migrants, the landladies not only introduced those interested to other people in the neighborhood, some of the more socially active landladies literally recruited what they called "good peOple" for introduction into the social sphere of the neighborhood. The landladies' introductions were usually made in the halls of the apa£g_ or in the courtyards of the mansion. The recruiting, a kind of special entrepreneurial activity, usually occurred inside the landladies' quarters, usually in the living rooms. This is a noteworthy point because such casu- al visiting in one another's living quarters was rare. The pattern of such recruiting appeared to be that the new migrants would get to know the land- lady rapidly. She would then start introducing them around, and if they responded favorably—-that is, appeared to enjoy it--the process continued; if not, it stopped. The following quote from a landlady indicates what benefits she received from her introducing people: 254 Well, its fun and I like to do it. Young people (she was well over 60) are so shy. Of course, I wanted to be useful in the association, so you might say that I became block association head that way, but I wouldn't say that. There is one other thing. My business de- pends on the "good spirit" (yoi ki: "good spirit," "good emotions") of the apartments. If I have a good reputation, then good people rent my apartments. If good peOple are happy in the neighbor- hood and feel comfortable, then they will stay longer. That's just good business. Because most of the apartment houses are run on narrow financial margins, vacancies could be disastrous, and steps must be taken to avoid long tran— sitions between tenants. Although the landladies began acting as information brokers during this phase, the trend toward a decreased information flow and less durable and intense social networks continued from the previous phase. The role of migration and the changes in the city of Sapporo in affecting these trends are discussed later. First, we should look at the networks as they were in 1975. There were four types of social networks employed inside the neighbor hood by the residents of Hanayama at the end of Phase III. The social net works most closely approximating the previous phases in Hanayama were the relationhips built and maintained by the older groups in the neighborhood, the older white-collar employees and the older shopkeepers. Although the density of the networks--the number of people known in the neighborhood-- was low, these residents maintained durable relationships reinforced by frequent, often daily, interaction. The intensity of the relationships-— the willingness to respond positively to requests or needs—~was also main- tained at a high level, primarily because this aspect of social relation- ships was seen as being of paramount importance. The maintenance of strong neighborhood relationshipsImnipossible because their number, proportionately, 255 was greatly restricted. The older white-collar residents and the older shopkeepers knew each other; and individuals in each group would know a few of the younger white-collar residents, usually those living in single- family housing, and most of the landladies. The shopkeepers knew the blue- collar females and some of the younger white-collar females from single- family housing. In all, a limited web was maintained, a sharp contrast to the "broad face" situation found in the previous phases among these older groups. The next most conservative groups were the single-family housing, younger white-collar residents and the newer shopkeepers. These people also had relatively small networks compared either to those of the older residents or to those of their own categories in time past. While the older shopkeepers and older white-collar residents knew from about 100 (for the older white—collar residents) to about 200 (for the older shOp- keepers) adults in Hanayama, the single-family housing, younger white- collars and the newer shopkeepers knew an average of about 75 other adults. The single-family housing, younger white-collar residents knew most of the shopkeepers (older and newer) and some of the older white-collar workers, as well as a few of the other single—family housing, younger white-collar adults. If they were living in company housing, the most common situation, they knew everyone else in the same company-housing cluster. The newer shopkeepers knew some of the older shopkeepers, a few of the other newer shopkeepers, and a scattering of the younger white-collar and entertainer residents who patronized their establishments. For both groups the rela- tionships were of low durability, reflecting their short tenure in Hanayama; of highly variable frequency, ranging from several contacts a day to one every few weeks; and of moderate intensity. The intensity of the relation- 256 ships depended primarily on who the relationships were with. For example, the newer shopkeeper-customer (bf whatever group) links were of low in- tensity, while the younger white—collar male to older white-collar male relationship would probably have as high an intensity as the younger white- collar male could make it. Another example of high intensity relationships was found among the company-owned, housing-cluster residents where the residential proximity was reinforced by the powerful bond of mutual company employment, employment being for many of the males the primary emotional focus of their lives. The modag_(fimodern," "hip") groups, entertainers and younger white- collar apartment dwellers, had networks that were extremely small. What few relationships they had in the neighborhood lacked significant dura— bility, frequency, or intensity. The only exceptions to this rule were the rare tenants who stayed in the neighborhood for several years and had built a few networks through their landladies, as discussed earlier. These network-building apartment dwellers were a minority; out of a sample of 67 apartment adults interviewed, only 3 knew more than 20 other peOple in the entire neighborhood. In sum, therefore, the networks of the apartment residents could be said to be almost nonexistant.26 The final groups, the landladies and the blue-collar residents, form something of a residual category. Both groups were small and their approach to social interaction was conservative, but with rather different consequences. As was discussed above, the blue-collar residents by 1975 had retreated from the social life of the neighborhood. The blue-collar residents all knew each other; the males worked for the same company and they lived in close proximity in a row of company-owned duplexes. Within these ties, the dura- bility, intensity, and frequency of the relationships were extremely high, 257 as they were for the younger white-collar residents in the company-owned housing clusters. Aside from the blue-collar to blue-collar relationships, however, those residents knew an average of only twenty other adults in the neighborhood, the great majority of whom were older shopkeepers. The durability of these relationships was moderate, averaging several years, and the frequency was high because of the shOpping pattern. However, the intensity of the relationships, as perceived by both the older shopkeepers and the blue-collar residents, was very low. The landladies' networks, on the other hand, were as large as they could make them. Possibly because of the coexistence of residence and business (a point examined further in the next chapter), the landladies spent a great deal of time and effort building up and maintaining their social netwroks. Given that the landladies had only lived in the neighbor- hood about five Years in 1975, the landladies knew an average of more than 150 adults in the neighborhood, excluding their own tenants.27 With the more conservative groups in the neighborhood, the older white-collar and shopkeeper residents, the landladies tried to build strong relationships. With most of the younger white-collar residents and especially the enter- tainers, the quality of the relationship or even the relationship itself, including those with their tenants, were not so important with the excep- tion of those few cases mentioned above where tenants were taken "under the wing" of their landladies. Summary: The face—to-face, everyone—knows-everyone-else nature of the social relationships that had existed in previous phases was gone. The closure, to use Bott's phrase (1957) or density (Mitchell 1969) averaged between 10 and 20 percent for the entire neighborhood. The various social groups 258 in the neighborhood had adjusted their webs of social relationships to fit their new residential circumstances. Unlike the shifts in the patterns of social relationships occurring in Phase II, the Phase III changes were sudden, dramatic, and appraised as important by those residents whose social networks changed.28 The older residents of Hanayama saw the changes in the social life of the neighborhood as being the direct result of the entertainers moving into the neighborhood. As one older white-collar housewife said, This used to be a neighborhood with a strong spirit. That was before the apartment buildings were built and the hostesses and such started moving in. They (the entertainers) don't know how to be polite; they have no manners--like many young people. . . . Since they came, the neighborhood has become a cold place to live. In the eyes of the older white-collar residents and the older shopkeepers, the entertainers were to blame for what they saw as the deterioration of the neighborhood, the disintegration of its social fabric. There was clearly a change in the degree of the impact of migration on the social behavior of the neighborhood from what had occurred in the previous phases. All three of the variables--the rate of migration, the characteristics of the migrants, and the size of the neighborhood--were different from the Phase I or II situations. In fact, about the only major similarity of migration between Phase III with Phase I and II was that the majority of migrants into Hanayama had urban backgrounds. Looking at the differences in probable order of importance, the most radical shift that distinguishes the migration of Phase 111 from that of previous phases was the characteristics of the migrants, specifically the younger white-collar residents and entertainers who lived in the apartment buildings. Unlike previous migrants, the majority of these migrants into 259 Hanayama during this phase did not have a positive value on the building and maintenance of strong, durable social relationships within their area of residence. They had less formal education and far less occupational and economic stability than other residents of Hanayama or previous mi- grants. For the most part, they consciously held themselves apart from each other and from the neighborhood residents. Secondly, the rate of migration was far greater than the rate of im- migration in previous phases. Even if these later Phase III migrants had actively sought to blend into the social milieu of the neighborhood, their success would be questionable. The number of people coming in, in batches as new apartment buildings opened, physically isolated from older residents by the structural nature of the apartment building, seldom sharing similar occupational or social backgrounds, would have put a stress on the social mechanisms of the neighborhood perhaps beyond their absorptive capacity. In combination with the disinterest and sometimes active hostility of the new migrants toward being absorbed, especially with the concomitant decline in the effectiveness of the formal Neighborhood Association, the rate of migration made the successful incorporation of more than a very small mi- nority of the new migrants impossible. Finally, in addition to all of the above, the growth of the neighbor- hood may have reached the point where the old patterns of social interaction were simply swamped by numbers, a trend which seems to have begun at the end of the previous phase. At the end of Phase III, there were about 700 adults in Hanayama. This is probably more than anyone can keep in touch with. The impact of migration on Hanayama during Phase III was to continue to break up the cohesiveness of social relationships which had bound the 260 neighborhood into a social entity in the previous phases. These processes had continued to the point where, in 1975, the neighborhood was no longer considered by most of its inhabitants as a social entity in any sense of the term. The mechanisms of absorption and incorporation of immigrants into the patterns of social interaction in the neighborhood had been swamped by a flood of migrants who, on the whole, had no desire to be incorporated or in any way involved in its activity. 261 CHAPTER V Footnotes Japanese political organizations have been dominated by the Liberal-Democratic Party since the conclusion of World War II. As a conservative group, this party draws much of its strength from the largely conservative rural areas. Much of the maintenance of strength by this party is the result of overt jerrymandering of political districts, which emasculates urban voters and inflates the strength of rural ones. For a fuller treatment of this subject, see Scalipino 1964 and ward 1967. 2 This trend toward closer communications will be greatly accel- lerated when the northern extension of the Shinkansen, the "bullet train", is completed in the early 1980's. 3 In 1965, before the apartments, the population was less than 500; with the apartments the total population was about 550. By 1975 the population had increased to about 1,050 people. This age structure shifts gradually as time passes, of course, as the birth rates and death rates decline. 5 About 300 adult entertainers moved into the neighborhood during this phase contrasting with about 150 other adult migrants. 6 In 1950 approximately 6Z of the adult population of the neighborhood was over 60 years old. By 1965 the figure had decreased slightly to about 5.5Z. By 1975 the figure was about 3.5Z. 7 Many cities have higher migration rates than Sapporo. The major difference is that Sapporo's unemployment rate is low by Japanese standards, almost nonexistent by international standards. A 2Z unemployment rate is high by Japanese standards, but extremely low compared to the rate in Mexico City. Thus the total migration- to-industrial-growth ratio in Sapporo is markedly different than other high-growth-rate cities. 8 The effect of tertiary industrialization is not altogether clear and has been the basis for some discussion in the literature of urban anthropology. For a review of the main body of material, see Morse 1965. For a focused discussion of the impact of 262 tertiarization in Latin America, where most of the relevant research has been done, see Peattie 1975. 9 The "dual economy" refers to the idea that the Japanese economy operates primarily on two levels. The large concerns, often employing thousands, comprise one sector and are the most visible element. The thousands of very small concerns, those employing few workers, comprise the second layer. This second layer handles subcontracts from the larger concerns. The senkyo (permanent employment) system which gives the large firms great labor stability and productivity per worker/hour is only possible because of the elasticity allowed by the existence of the smaller, connected firms. When the large firms need to cut back their expenses, they reduce their connections with the smaller firms rather than lay Off workers. See also Abegglen's (1958) pioneer study of Japanese industrial organization, Cole's (1971) study of blue-collar organization, and Dore's (1975) comparison of British and Japanese industrial organizations. 10 The decision to use the label "entertainer" in a manner parallel to the usage of the labels for the other socioeconomic groups in the neighborhood is built on three lines of thought. First the label "entertainer" is an attempt to translate the Japanese terms that are and were applied to those who worked the "water trades", those who worked in the old "gay quarters" where various forms of entertainment were concentrated and those who were associated with them. Many of the old meanings for these terms have been lost, and actors are now more respectable than they were two hundred years ago, but the cognitive categories appear to remain intact for the lower status members of this group. Second, the socioeconomic character- istics of this population show marked similarities in terms of such criteria as employment characteristics, incomes, social status, family structure and education; setting them apart from the other neighborhood social categories. Thirdly, the nigration pattern of the members of the entertainer group is such that it makes for a neat unit of comparison with other socioeconomic groups. In a pragmatic way, then, the analysis works better if the entertainers are considered as a group than if taken separately. For a more complete discussion of this group, largely ignored in Japanese studies, see Plath 1964. The Sapporo subway system is excellent, quiet, fast, inex- pensive and extremely clean. The completion of the north-south line in 1972 caused a great accelleration in the growth of the residential areas at its terminals, primarily to the south at Makomanai, the site of the Olympic Village, previously almost an hour by bus from down- town Sapporo and now only fifteen minutes by subway. A connected east-west link, completed in the spring of 1976, caused similar expansion of residential areas along its route and at its terminals, particularly to the east where a further extension of the line is planned. 263 12 I do not wish to belabor this point as it has been commented on repeatedly in both the academic and popular literature concerning Japanese society. For a further discussion of the point, see Nakane (1970), Vogel (1979), and Reischauer (1977). 13 That is, excluding the older white-collar group and the blue- collar group because the numbers are so small. 14 The term modan translated in this quote as "modern", the English word from which the Japanese term is borrowed, has strong overtones of progressive thought; its idiomatic English equivalent is "hip" or "cool", the opposite of being "square" or "stuffy". The term modan was used repeatedly in the entertainer interviews as a strongly positive label. Part of the data-collecting technique was a set of very long, Open-ended interviews (discussed in Appendix A) that included questions concerning social life of the neighborhood, the importance of building relationships with one's neighbors, and other questions of this type. In this sense, the term "interested" means that this group valued strong neighbor-neighbor bonds and other elements contributing to a strong sense of neighborhood far less than did other groups. Over lOZ per annum in real growth, that is, adjusted for inflation and currency shifts. 17 In the large department stroes, the average employee work week for full-time employees was about 44 hours. In the small shops in Hanayama, the average work week for full-time employees and owner/ operators was 61.5 hours with a high, verified by observation, of well over 80 hours per week. In the Hanayama stores, employees worked far fewer hours than did the owner/operators. Comparative pay scales were impossible to establish, but it was clear that the small Hanayama shopkeepers could have earned considerably higher incomes had they held equivalent positions with large retail establishments. The financial security of the neighborhood shopkeepers was low, although the older shopkeepers seemed to have built up buffers of insurance and personal savings to enable them to endure minor fiscal reverses. The employees of the large department stores enjoyed the same financial security common for employees in larger Japanese firms. 264 18 Although this was not clear, it appeared that one of the one- sixth shares was in fact a mortgage held by a local bank through the president, who was the "official" shareholder. In informal conver- sation, sometimes the landlady would refer to the bank as a co-owner and sometimes to the individual. The whole situation, in fact, was quite confusing. Who owned what and so forth was arranged in a complex manner, at least in part, the landlady admitted, to allow a "favorable interpretation" on taxes. 19 It was with this complex of enterprises that the apartment- house ownership was hidden. I literally spent hours with the land- lady, her brother, and one other involved person trying to explain the situation to me—-sometimes uproariously. I am fairly sure of the veracity of the material because 1) I was allowed to look over the landlady's account books; 2) the landlady was a first-class informant; and 3) there is no way I could ever use any of this material against anyone, even assuming that I understood it all. 20 In this context, the intensity of the network links is a measure of effectiveness. 21 I am compelled to lean on informants' perceptions at this 'point, because of my inabilities to do any any significant checking of the size of the networks outside of the neighborhood. 22 I found the situation curious. The landladies would regularly use the old name, whereas the older white-collar and shopkeeper informants would do so only occasionally. I do not know why. 23 Of the roughly 700 adults in the neighborhood in 1975, about 300 were entertainers who had moved into Hanayama during Phase III. In addition, there were 75 more younger white-collar adults in the neighborhood in 1975 than there had been in 1965. This is a migration of more than 60Z of the total adult population for these two categories alone. 24 See the Chapter III discussion of O-hirome. 25 By the end of 1975, 274 of the 394 households in the neigh- borhood, about 7OZ, were living in apartments. All of the apartment dwellers moved into the neighborhood during Phase III. 265 2 I O O 6 Thirteen out of the thirty-seven entertainers interv1ewed knew no one in Hanayama except the landlady from whom they rented their apartments. The average tenure in the neighborhood for these thirteen was about sixteen months. 27 . The exclu31on of the tenants was necessary to avoid a skewing effect. The landladies knew all of their own tenants, sometimes more than 60 people, which would make for a rather large network immediately. It would be even more exagerated if secondary contacts were included, because all of the landladies knew each other; therefore literally every tenant in Hanayama was in the secondary network of every land- lady. The 150 average is for primary contacts only. For this appraisal, it is necessary to distinguish between those residents whose webs of social relationships changed during Phase III and those migrant residents who built, or chose not to build, "new" networks during this phase. CHAPTER VI Constraints and Continuity: Explanations for Patterns of Social Change The last four chapters have described the historical sequence of the development of the neighborhood of Hanayama. During the colonial period of the late nineteenth century, the national government initiated serious migration into Hokkaido, set the stage for the evolution of the small ham- let of Sapporo into a modern metropolis, and granted land that would become the neighborhood of Hanayama to three militia families. In the first quar-1 ter of the twentieth century, colonization of Hokkaido progressed at a steady if not spectacular rate, the neighborhood grew as shopkeepers and white- and blue-collar employees settled, and a web of social networks was woven binding the residents into a highly integrated social fabric. The prewar (1925—1932), China War (1933-1941) and Pacific War (1941-1945) periods saw the emergence of Hokkaido as the only surviving colonial ter- ritory and the least physically damaged part of Japan. The economic boom of the postwar phase (1945-1965) triggered rapid population growth in Sapporo and in the neighborhood of Hanayama. The migration into Sapporo included large numbers of demobilized service personnel and civilians re- patriated from the former colonies. In spite of the disparate backgrounds of the migrants, Hanayama maintained its social cohesion throughout the phase. The final period, 1965-1975, saw the continued economic and popu- lation growth of Sapporo and the neighborhood. This is also when the dissolution of the neighborhood as a social entity occurred as the forms of social organization that had maintained social integration in the past were weakened by the rapid influx of the entertainers, a social group with a different and incompatible adaptation to its environment, and by changes 266 267 in the physical geography of the neighborhood. The pattern of growth thus portrayed is first one of gradual growth over many decades with the main- tenance of strong social articulation, followed by the sudden dissolution of the social fabric coincident with the flood of entertainers into the neighborhood during the final decade. This final chapter discusses the question of representativeness, shows how each group was adapting to its environments, social and physical, using Barth's concept of constraints in the context of a cost-benefit model of individual choice making, and points out some of the implications that this material may have for the study of cities. The Neighborhood as a Representative Sample: The issue of representativeness has two parts, the first of which deals with space. How representative is the neighborhood of Hanayama as a sample of all Sapporo neighborhoods or all neighborhoods in large Japanese cities? The second part of the question lies in the comparability of the 1975 neighborhood to the 1925 version. How representative Hanayama is for all neighborhoods in large Japanese cities is a question that must necessarily, at this point, be left unan- swered. Few neighborhoods have received sufficiently detailed analysis for a valid comparison to be drawn and the objective criteria, such as census data, useful for a survey fit analysis are not available for this small a unit. The census data, for example, is listed by district, 3 conglomera- tion of from ten to twenty neighborhoods. Hanayama is similar to other neighborhoods in Sapporo but like any neighborhood, Hanayama has unique features. As mentioned in Chapter II, there are basically three types of neighborhoods in Sapporo: the fringe "pure" residential neighborhood evolving in the last decade or so, the 268 downtown, business neighborhood with only a very few residents, and the mixed residential and business-neighborhoods that make up most of the older part of the city as well as much of the newer portions. The lack of zon- ing legislation in Japanese cities, and the consequent growth patterns, make these three types-of neighborhood less distinct than they would be in an equivalent sized city in the United States. The expansion of the enter- tainment district of Susukino, the major factor responsible for the migra- tion of entertainers into Hanayama during Phase III (1965-1975), was an important element in the growth of some but not all of the older mixed residential and business neighborhoods. Hanayama falls into the category of mixed neighborhoods lying close to Susukino. It is quite unlike the "pure" residential neighborhoods lying on the outskirts of the city on the one hand and the business districts in the city core on the other. In be- tween, it shares some past history and social patterns with other older mixed business and residential neighborhoods in the older part of the city and probably shares some of the stresses and social patterns found in the mixed neighborhoods in the newer parts of the city because of similar ex- periences of rapid migration. The residents of Hanayama perceive the neighborhood as being a reasonably representative part of the city although the older inhabitants, through a sense of neighborhood pride, are quick to point out peculiar historical elements, however slight, that differentiate Hanayama from the surrounding neighborhoods and, for that matter, the whole district from other parts of the city. The older mixed neighborhoods, including Hanayama, are the neighbor~ hoods being migrated into by the entertainers drawn into the city by the expansion of Susukino. Those older neighborhoods that lie close to Susukino had entertainers move into them as early as the immediate postwar recon- 269 struction period. Hanayama, lying about one kilometer from Susukino, ex- perienced the beginning of the entertainer migration in 1965. Between 1965 and 1975, the outside edge of the ring of entertainer inhabited neigh- borhoods moved farther away from Susukino indicating that this process will probably continue, given the continued rapid expansion of the city and Susukino, until all of the older mixed neighborhoods are similarly affected. As discussed in Chapter I, Hanayama was chosen, partly on impression- istic grounds, because it was similar in some noticeable ways such as population size and geographic position in the city to the Tokyo neighbor- hood that Dore studied in the early 1950's. As such, this study has many of the same strengths and weaknesses that Dore's neighborhood study had. Its notable limitation is that it is very difficult to determine just how generalizable the material is and how representative Hanayama is to other urban neighborhoods in Japan. My impression, however, is that Hanayama shares with other Japanese urban neighborhoods a number of features which suggest its typicality. Much of urban Japan has undergone high rates of migration in the last few decades and it seems that those areas which have not already experienced such migration in the past probably will in the near future. Much of urban Japan, as well as other urban areas, has and is undergoing similar processes to those found in Hanayama. However, the peculiar characteristics of the entertainer migrants that Hanayama absorbed in the last decade of this study are probably unusual, although I suspect that most large cities have neighborhoods that have experienced similar migrations by entertainers or similar groups. The question of comparability through time is somewhat less complex. Since the focus of the study is on the shifts in social organization that have occurred in the neighborhood as the physical and social environments 270 have changed, there appears to be direct comparability for any two points throughout the fifty years under question. Analytical Perspective: The previous chapters have presented a view of social relationships in Hanayama that shift through time but which, at any given point, can be seen as static, a web of nodes and linkages. This view is inherent in the network model. Were one to be tied to this model exclusively, it would make explanations of change, as opposed to descriptions of change, diffi- cult. In order to examine change itself, we must shift our paradigm, in Kuhn's (1962) sense and examine the same material from a different per- spective. The shift in paradigm is akin to shifting from Firth's idea of social structure to his view of social organization (1964). The shift from networks to another perceptual framework, like Firth's structure and organization, "[is] primarily [a matter] of emphasis. They represented different ways of looking at the same material; they are complementary, not opposed concepts". (1954:35) The thesis that I prOpose is that the patterns of social relationships will change where changes in constraints have made existing patterns im- possible, improbable, or unprofitable. The concept of constraints, taken from Barth (1965 and 1967), is that they are strategic barriers defining and delimiting the range of possible behavior by individuals. This is done by making some choices desirable, practical, and profitable and others undesirable, impractical, and unprofitable. My thesis is that individual members of a social category will attempt to Optimize their positions by choosing the favorable choices and rejecting the unfavorable ones. For example, a migrant moving into Hanayama will not find it profitable to spend time and effort building up a large, residence based social network 271 if it is likely that he or she will be transferred away from the neighbor- hood within a short period of time. However, a migrant expecting to remain in the neighborhood for a decade or more can afford to spend the time and effort necessary to build up a large social network as he or she will be able to reap the benefits. Thus, the length of time of expected stay in the neighborhood constrains the behavior of both migrants, channeling their behavior into divergent patterns. The networks discussed previously are the result of a great many de- cisions made over time and categorized by the socioeconomic status of the .individuals making them. The changes in social relationships observed in Hanayama can be understood, not as the result of changes in the ultimate goals of the population, but rather as adaptations by various sets of people to shifting social and physical constraints. One of the advantages of using the concept of constraints to behavior is that it avoids an argument for social changes based on posited shifts in the ultimate life goals or basic values of the population. There are several important points here. If a value shift is posited, then it must be demonstrated for each of the social sets through time. There are metho- dological problems involved in such a demonstration. HOW‘Can one test the value structure, in an objective manner, of the residents of the neighbor- hood in 1925? Therefore, explanations that avoid such a problem are su- perior. There is also an application of Occam's Razor. Positing the value shifts is an extra step, a more complex solution but one not giving a better answer than the more simple solution. Given the equality of the solutions, the simple one is to be preferred. Thus it would be adequate to disallow the value shift argument on the basis of simplicity alone. However, in addition, the informant perception of the neighborhood was that 272 the values had not significantly changed. Further, in the discussion of the various socioeconomic groups, it will be suggested that if the ulti- mate life goals had shifted, other shifts peculiar to each group would have been eXpected but did not in fact occur. Types of Change: The various characteristics of the networks of the groups discussed show three logical possibilities: significant change in a consistent direction, no significant change, and variation which may or may not be significant but which is not consistent in direction. The problem is not only to explain the significant shifts but also to explain those charac- teristics showing minor change, no change, or inconsistent change. It is the pattern of continuity and change that needs to be explained, not just the big shifts. The four major categories of constraints that have shifted are: l) the physical geography of the area including the shape and structure of the city, population density, and the relative positions of places of ems ployment relative to places of residence; 2) the amount and types of re- sources available for individual allocation reflected in land or building ownership and tenure in the neighborhood; 3) the types of socially accept- able behavior and the kinds of sanctions imposed for violations; and 4) the type and degree of influence exerted on the neighborhood from higher political systems such as the city, the prefecture, and the nation. Un- fortunately for the clarity of this discussion, there are no clear one- to-one cause-and-effect relationships among the categories of constraints and shifts in the social networks. The constraints act on social behavior in combination, not individually. Thus the visible results, the shifts in the social networks, are the result of various changes in the constraints, 273 even to the possibility that a shift in one constraint might have its ef- fect cancelled out by a shift in another. For example, the social effect of increased ownership of private telephones may well have partly counter- acted the effects of steadily increasing population density and increased distance from natal areas during Phase II (1945-1965). In spite of this complexity, there are some adaptive patterns discernible in the network shifts of the various socioeconomic groups. For example, the older white- collar group has withdrawn from most Of the other residents in the neigh- borhood in response to the ever increasing numbers of entertainers and the shopkeepers maintain high density networks only with other older residents of the neighborhood. In order to discuss the patterns of change in social relationships, the changes in network patterns will have to be identified for each social category. When the elements that have shifted and those that have re- mained stable have been identified and the changes if any, described, then we can move to explanations for the change or lack of change, specifically focusing on the adaptation of each social group to the environmental shifts of the city of Sapporo and the neighborhood. Older White-Collar: The most radical shift in the older white-collar networks was the drOp in density: from 90% (males) and 70% (females) to about lOZ for both sexes for relationships with non-older white-collar individuals as shown in Figure 29. The other shift of some importance was the drop, from lOOZ to about 7OZ, in the intensity of relationships between younger white-collar and non—white-collar individuals and older white-collar males, but not for older white-collar females as shown in Figure 30. The timing of these de— creases is important. The density figures started to drop during the 274 Males 100 , __ __ __ _ ___ _ with other older white-collar “ residents of L neighborhood so L- with all other ' neighborhood L 1 l J residents 1925 1940 1960. 1985 1975 Females '100 ____________ With other older white-collar L residents of neighborhood 1 F- ” - P with all other L neighborhood ' -1 ' -N’residents 1925 1940 1950 1965 1975 Figure 29. Older White-Collar Density 275 Males 100 ‘1__ with other older ' ‘ ‘\ white-collar I— \ . \\ re51dents of \ neighborhood 5 x \ p \ with all other neighborhood P residents 50,)- P r l 1 l l 1925 1940 1950 1965 1975 Females 1m r- ------- - - ------ - - - - - - With all relationships - within neighborhood I. 50,- h 4. 1 L _J 1925 1940 1950 1965 1975 Figure 30. Older White-Collar Intensity 276 reconstruction and boom periods of Phase II, but the decrease accelerated sharply during Phase III. The older white-collar male intensity figures remained stable until the beginning of Phase 111 when they dropped sharply. The other characteristics-~range, reachability, and durability--of the older white-collar networks remained constant. The value, as expressed in interviews in 1975-76, for maintaining large social networks of long durability and high intensity remained un- changed throughout the study period; it also remained for ultimate life goals such as economic security, social relationships that were stable and rewarding, including family relationships, and occupational success. What altered were the social and physical conditions in which the older white- collar residents, male and female, had to operate. The greatly increased adult population in Phase III, with its migrants who did not share the value of large, residence-based social networks, made it impossible to maintain either the density or, more importantly, the intensity of the social relationships which had been the norm in previous times.2 The in- tensity of the social relationships of the older white-collar females was not as affected as that of the males, because the female networks were much more limited. Thus, the older white-collar females could and did maintain networks similar in content, that is, durability, intensity, and frequency, to those which they had always had. The only major change for females was that their networks incorporated proportionately fewer people within the neighborhood. The slight increase of frequency of contact re- ported was a function of the increased incidence of private telephones in the neighborhood, particularly in the homes of the older white—collar households and the shopkeepers' stores. The question, then, is why the other shifts in the social and physical 277 environment that had such marked effects on other social groups did not affect the older white-collar group. The answer lies in the position of the older white-collar group in the economic, political, and social order. To a large extent, the older white-collar group is much more insulated from change than are other groups. This is the most wealthy group, the only one, for example, where a large majority of the informants owned their own dwellings. This group also had the most local political power and so- cial prestige. During the study period, the amount of money and time, which are key resources in the formation and maintenance of social links, actually increased substantially.’ This is also the group least involved with, and affected by, the changes in the socially accepted behavior constraint. The older white-collar group's ideas about socially acceptable behavior changed very little compared to that of other groups, as might be expected for an older, relatively wealthy group. Finally, the older white—collar residents employed a concept of friend— ship or neighborliness based on a degree of mutual trust not shared by the other groups. The older white-collar adults had access to more information due to the strength of their relationships with each other and to the other long-term residents of the neighborhood, notably the older shopkeepers. This appears to be support for Robert's (1973:9-10) argument that it is the information exchanged that determines the strength of social relation- ships. It is the exchange of information that leads to the trust necessary for strong social relationships. The older white-collar residents adapted to the decrease in available information caused by the shOpkeepers' decline as information brokers by reducing the relative size (density) of their networks within the neighborhood and lowering the intensity (obligations) of the less important or more recent contacts. 278 Shopkeepers: The shopkeepers, on the other hand, were forced out of their social patterns by what were primarily economic forces. Here again, we must di- vide the shopkeepers into Older and newer groups. The older shOpkeepers, those whose networks actually changed, had to change or close. The in- teresting feature is not that they changed, but that they changed as mini- mally as possible and still operated viable businesses. Where the old patterns still worked, as in the links with other old shopkeepers, the older white-collar group, and the landladies, they were maintained and new links forged. Where the old patterns became increasingly dysfunctional, as in the case of the entertainers and the younger white-collar group, the shopkeeper networks show large shifts such as the decreases in durability, density, and intensity. Figure 31 shows a decrease in durability of 50%. Figure 32 shows a decrease in density from lOOZ to ZOZ for links with all non—shopkeepers in the neighborhood. Finally, Figure 33 shows a sharp de- crease in the intensity of the shopkeeper relationships. Part of the reason for the shifts in network patterns is found in the economic environment of Sapporo. In the previous periods, the competition from the large "downtown" establishments had not directly impinged upon the small neighborhood retail establishments. With improved transportation within the city and the growth of the "downtown" department stores, there was increasingly direct competition. Further, the small, local neighbor- hood retailers had another major source of competition. Supermarkets, small by American standards but far larger than the traditional food mar- kets, began spreading in Sapporo in the early 19605, with one going up in the adjoining neighborhood in the early 19703. The supermarkets, like the department stores, carried a larger variety of goods than did the neighbor- 279 years Males 20 L. . ; relationships with other shopkeepers Io.- ' in neighborhood relationships with P ~ non-shopkeepers in neighborhood / 1E5 . 19“) 19a: 1mm uws ”an Females 20 r relationships with 10 ’ other shopkeepers _ in neighborhood relationships with - non—shopkeepers h in neighborhood 1 l 1_ 4 1925 1940 1950 1965 1975 Figure 31. Shopkeeper Durability 280 un}_1 L. . relationships with other shopkeepers - in neighborhood 50. r- relationships with P V non-shopkeepers in neighborhood 1925 1940 1950 1965 1975 100. L relationships with - \\ other shopkeepers \ in neighborhood 5° ' \ \ - \ \ - \ \ - \ relationships with ‘non-shopkeepers - in neighborhood I L l 1 1925 1940 1950 1965 1975 Figure 32. Shopkeeper Density 281 Males 100 h' I- I- ‘ relationships with _ ‘\ other shopkeepers \ in neighborhood so \ P \ \\relationships with _, non-shopkeepers _ in neighborhood I 1 11, J 1925 1940 1950 1965 1975 Females 100 ~--.-.-.-...-.\ \ \\ p. f relationships with other shopkeepers 50 - \\ in neighborhood relationships with - non-shopkeepers in neighborhood 1 1 1_, 111A 1925 1940 1950 1965 1975 Figure 33. Shopkeeper Intensity 282 hood stores. It is impossible to assess the precise amount of money lost because of the nearby supermarket, but it was seen as a serious threat by those shopkeepers whose shops stocked the same or similar goods which the supermarkets carried. The old shopkeepers whose businesses were threatened by the supermarket thought that the best way to compete was by means of a "personal touch" with their customers. In this way the older shopkeepers were able to continue strong networks of regular customers among the older neighborhood residents, who preferred such an approach over the impersonal variety of the supermarkets or the department stores. However, when asked if this approach was successful, the shopkeeper tended to give a rather dismal gesture indicating that no great success was achieved. Pressed further, the shopkeepers said that it worked well with Older customers, but that the younger people "didn't care about that any more." The older shopkeepers also gave discounts in the form of extra goods. This was the practice of adding extra goods at no extra cost or rounding a bill down for regular customers, for example, selling eleven pieces of fruit for the price of ten or charging ¥2OO instead of Y218. It has been suggested to me that the shopkeepers also may have extended short—term credit to their customers, reinforcing their customer's sense of obligation to them. I tried to explore this possibility in the field but could find no evidence of it, although it may exist. I was able to look at the accounts of only one shop and, insofar as I understood the accounting system, could see no indications that the shopkeepers were extending credit, although it was clear that the shopkeeper had received considerable short-term credit from his suppliers, which would have strongly reinforced that relationship. All of the shopkeepers interviewed said that they gave no credit (an illegal activity under the lending laws), but two long-term neighborhood residents 283 informed me that at the end of the war and during the occupation and re- construction periods, small amounts of credit were commonly allowed in the form of permitting favored customers to delay payment of their bills. The new shopkeepers, Operating services rather than the small retail establishments of the old shopkeepers, were not in the neighborhood long enough to experience the shifts in social networks found among the older shopkeepers. The newer shopkeepers did not attempt to build up the exten- sive networks like those that the older shOpkeepers had kept up in previous phases and still saw as the best way to do business. The newer shopkeepers looked to "modern," impersonal business methods for their approach. The newer shopkeepers did try to build a habitual clientele, but they did not try to maintain relationships outside business transactions. As the newer shopkeepers operated services--restaurants, bars, and coffee houses--cater- ing primarily to the younger residents in the area, their approach appeared to mesh with what their customers expected and wanted. The newer shopkeepers appeared to be successful. Their clientele was made up of regular younger residents of the nearby areas, plus a small drift-in trade. The newer shopkeepers, like the older shopkeepers, gave small discounts to favored, regular customers. The newer shopkeepers were impersonal only in relative terms. Americans, used to extremely impersonal relationships in shops, would find the newer shopkeeper interactions with their customers personal. For example, the shOpkeepers tried to learn the names, company affiliations, and other personal information about their regular customers. They would be solicitous of the comfort of the customer, whether the coffee was strong enough or the brand of beer was the one the customer preferred. This personal care was one of the attractions of this type of shOp. As a younger white-collar employee who worked nearby said, 284 It's nice to go for lunch to a place where they know you, isn't it? I come here every day with my friends about 11:30. When we walk in the door, the owner greets us by name; there are always seats saved for us, and our lunches have already been started so we don't have to wait very long. This kind of service is rare in the United States except in certain old and quiet bars. On the other hand, the newer shopkeepers limited their relationships with customers. As one of them said: When I close, that's it. I don't want to be a cook twenty-four hours a day, just while the restaurant is Open. This (kind of) restuarant is good for that; people who eat here don't live nearby, so I don't see them except when they come in to eat. That's a nice part of the work, isn't it? This attitude contrasts sharply with that of the older shopkeepers who made little distinction between working and non-working time. Thus the shift perceived in the shopkeeper networks was the result of a selective shift in the older shopkeeper networks and the intrusion into the shOpkeeper category of a subgroup with an adaptation radically differ- ent from that of the older shopkeepers. However, while the approaches of these two subgroups differed, their economic and social goals were similar. All of the shopkeepers conceived of themselves as independent, not tied to an economic and social web of "working for someone else," the way they per- ceived the white- and blue-collar employees. The shopkeeper goals in life were modest: enough income for a modicum of consumer goods, possibly a car someday, the ability to educate their children, and to attain a com- fortable level of economic security, enough to sustain themselves in their old age. None of the shopkeepers wanted to build their establishments into large enterprises. The universally expressed goal was to maintain their independence. 285 The sexual differentiation found in the networks of the older white- collar group was also present in the networks of the newer shopkeepers, but not in the networks of the older shopkeepers. The older white-collar residents and newer shopkeepers developed different social enVironments for males and females. The newer shopkeeper females were more likely to be employed, always in the shop, than were the older white-collar females, but their position in the shop was subservient to that of their husbands. Further, about half of the newer shopkeeper females were not directly em- ployed at all. That is, they would "help out" on an extensive basis but without remuneration. The social and physical environments of the male and the female older shopkeepers were identical except for some variation common to Japanese sex roles. For example, the males were more likely to handle that part of the business dealing with suppliers and wholesalers, while the females were more likely to do the books. Even in interactions with the same people, the females would use the more polite-~and more sub- servient-~speech patterns, while the males would use the more informal and egalitarian forms. Thus while there was some variation among the older shopkeepers, it was minimal. For example, the females knew the suppliers and if necessary, as in the case of illness of the male, could take over that aspect of the business. For dealings with regular customers, the fe- males might drop into informal speech patterns and, for strangers, the males would use the polite forms. One possible reason for the difference between the older shopkeeper female networks and those of the older white-collar and newer shopkeeper females was the older shopkeeper females had consider- able economic power because of their constant, even equal, involvement with- in the family business. The Older white-collar and newer shopkeeper females had no equivalent economic leverage and were more traditional in their social 286 interactions. Blue-Collar: The shifts in the blue—collar networks were the result not only of the constraints mentioned previously but also of the migration of the blue- collar group, as a social unit of any significance, out of the neighbor- hood. The increase in population density of the neighborhood dropped the density of the blue-collar contacts with non-blue-collar residents from about 90Z to about 5Z as shown in Figure 34. After a slight initial dip, as the blue-collar population peaked between 1950 and 1965, the density of contacts with other blue-collar residents climbed back up to 100Z for both sexes. This increase was the result of there being in 1975 only a total of 19 blue-collar adults in the neighborhood living side by side in housing owned by the electric company, the employer of all the males. This small remnant of the blue-collar group maintained durable and high intensity relationships with the few non-blue-collar peOple in the neigh- borhood with whom they had any contact. On paper, this pattern looks simi- lar to the durable, high-intensity relationships that the much larger blue- collar group of Phase II had maintained, but the source of the figures is very different. The 1975 blue-collar group is physically isolated from the rest of the neighborhood and probably soon will vanish completely. As their already old housing deteriorates further, apartments will go up in their p1ace—-a pattern found elsewhere in the neighborhood--and the blue- collar residents probably will be replaced by younger white-collar employees. The strategy of the blue-collar group has clearly shifted to COpe with the changes in their environment. With the withdrawal of the other blue- collar workers and the deterioration of the social cohesion of the neigh- borhood, the investment of time, money, and emotion into neighborhood based 287 Males relationships with '00 other blue-collar L residents in \ neighborhood \ 5 \ \ - \ \ \ _ \ \\. 50 I- \ \ .- \ V \ F \ ‘\ _ \ relationships with .. \ non-blue-collar \ residents in I l L #1 ,9” 1940 1950 1965 197sneighborhood Females relationships with 100 N..~ \/ other blue-collar _ “\ residents in \\ neighborhood _ \ \ \ I— \ \ ‘\ \\ 50 .. \ \ " \ \ P '\ relationships with _ \\ non-blue-collar \ residents in g \ neighborhood \ I I I 1_u 1925 1940 1950 1965 1975 Figure 34. Blue-Collar Density 288 social relationships was perceived as no longer worthwhile. Isolated in one corner of the neighborhood, surrounded by relatively new migrants into the area on three sides and by high walls enclosing the spacious yard of a bank officer, their contact with the other long-term residents has weak- ened; and, as they are periodically replaced by senior employees moving into better company housing and junior employees moving in, the blue-collars believe that reestablishing tight relationships with other people has be- come increasingly expensive and decreasingly valuable. The same was true of the other long-term groups in terms of their strategic choices concern- ing the blue-collar residents. The shopkeepers and the older white-collar residents have found it increasingly expensive and decreasingly worthwhile to establish relationships with members of the blue-collar group. Further, the deterioration of the Neighborhood Association and the tonari gumi de- creased the ease of making any kind of links among the various groups in the neighborhood. Summary of Older Groups: These three groups-~the older white-collar group, the shopkeepers, and the blue-collar group--all of whom lived in the neighborhood from 1925 to 1975 (see neighborhood tenure chart, Table 7), displayed adaptations to changing social conditions, bUt all of them have adapted minimally to the shifting conditions in the neighborhood. The older white—collar and the blue-collar groups had their primary economic ties outside the neighborhood and were, in a social sense, well established with high job security and stable prestige. The shopkeepers displayed two patterns: the older shOp- keepers adapted to the new economic conditions by trying to reinforce the old social networks, and the newer shopkeepers established different social patterns suitable for what they saw as modern life. The older shopkeepers 289 had stable prestige but little economic security, while the newer shop- keepers had neither, at least in the neighborhood of Hanayama. The size of the store did not appear to be important. To return briefly to a point raised at the beginning of this chapter, the possibility of a shift in ultimate life goals or values in the Japanese population over the fifty year period of this study, the minimal shift of the older white-collar residents, the shopkeepers and the blue-collar resi- dents appears to indicate that a value shift has not occurred. If a sig- nificant change in the basic values or ultimate life goals had occurred among these groups, especially the older white—collar residents and the shopkeepers, then one would expect something other than absolute minimal adaptation to shifting conditions. The minimal shift that actually occurred then, is evidence--albeit not proof--that the value shift has not occurred. Younger White-Collar: The other group living in the neighborhood throughout the fifty-year period was the younger white-collar group. The least economically well off but the most upwardly mobile of the four groups, white-collars dis- played a pattern of network shifts that most clearly demonstrate the idea of network patterns reflecting adaptations to shifting physical and social conditions. The network patterns of the younger white-collar group have been affected by almost all of the constraints mentioned for the other groups.3 The change in the physical geography of the city and in the neigh- borhood prevented the maintenance of high density networks; it isolated the individual younger white-collar families from both other younger white- collar households and non—younger white-collar households and, because time could be spent by employed younger white-collar adults in the neighborhood, the intensity and reachability of relationships decreased, especially for 290 the younger white-collar males as shown in Figures 35, 36 and 37. The aspects of physical change involved were population increase, the intru- sion into the neighborhood of apartment buildings where many younger white- collar families lived, and the extension of places of employment to a pro— gressively greater area requiring more time for commuting to and from work. The constraining effects of increased neighborhood population density and decreased time, one of the major allocatable resources of employed younger white-collar workers, is clear, but the impact of the apartment buildings is more complex. There is much literature on the design of housing and the social in- teraction patterns that correlate with various designs in the United States.4 Here the task is to show how the changes in physical geography of the neigh- borhood prevented patterns of previously existing behavior from continuing. By 1940 all of the housing in the neighborhood was single-family housing or duplexes. This situation remained until 1965, albeit with increasing housing density, when the first apartment buildings were constructed in Hanayama. The Japanese pattern of traditional neighborliness includes contacts with the three houses opposite and the house on either side. These houses in particular were the ones where one introduced oneself on moving into the neighborhood and with whose residents one tried to stay on good terms. As the housing density increased, the physical area of this "inner sphere" contracted, but the basic pattern could remain unbroken. That is, the houses on either side might be closer than in the previous generation, but they were still single-family houses or duplexes where the same pattern could be and was maintained. Much of the social interaction of Hanayama in- volved informal interactions in the area outside of the houses, although somewhat less so because of the climate than in Old Japan. 291 10) I. 50 +- P relationships with _ other younger white- collar residents — in neighborhood \ ' V'relationships with 1 L l J other residents in 1925 19*0 1950 '955 '975neighborhood 100 P so - _ relationships with other younger white- p collar residents in neighborhood \ relationships with ' other residents in l l 1 14 neighborhood 1925 1940 1950 1965 1975 Figure 35. Younger White-Collar Density 100 Males 292 1925 1940 100 Females 1965 1 1925 1940 Figure 36. l 1950 11 1965 Younger White—Collar Intensity relationships with older white-collar residents in neighborhood relationships with non-white-collar residents in neighborhood relationships with other younger white- collar residents I in neighborhood 1975 relationships with other whiteecollar (older and younger) residents in neighborhood relationships with non-white—collar residents in neighborhood 1975 293 Males 100 L. L relationships with _ “\ other younger white- \\ collar residents in \ neighborhood F . . \ so _. ‘\ . \\ relationships with ~ \ other residents P in neighborhood 1_ l_ I I 1925 1940 1950 1965 1975 relationships with Females other younger white- 100 collar residents “ ~ ~ ~ in neighborhood _ ~ \ ‘ ‘ ‘ . S ‘ \ P" ‘ relationships with other residents in neighborhood m I... P I... I I 1 J 1925 1940 1950 1965 1975 Figure 37. Younger White-Collar Reachability 294 The apartment buildings broke up this pattern of formal and informal social interaction in two important reSpects. The first was physical: the apartment buildings had little or no exterior space wherein social interaction could occur, unless the middle of the street was used. The neighbor on the apartment—building side became a huge ediface, not a family with whom one can interact. The "family" next door became up to forty-two separate households. The second important aspect was social and involved the perception of the apartment resident. The apartments were of two major types, company owned and privately owned. In the only company owned apart— ment building in Hanayama, there was something in common among the tenants: they all worked for Japan National Railways. This one apartment building (out of fourteen in 1975) was also homogeneous in its make-up, all of the residents being from younger white-collar households. These elements allowed interaction somewhat similar to those found among single-family housing households, but were not found in the privately owned apartment buildings. The privately owned apartment buildings had heterogeneous popu- lations that were, furthermore, extremely short term. Finally, many of the apartment residents were entertainers who did not share the neighborliness necessary for the maintenance of the kind of previously valued social in- teraction patterns. From this, it was clear that the "three houses across and one on each side" rule did not translate to "three apartments across and one on each side." A cautious5 parallel can be drawn between the residents of apartments in Hanayama and the white-collar residents-of the more famous danchi, the blocks of apartment houses found in the great southern cities. The Hanayama apartments are similar to the danchi_in the amount of interior space (250 to 300 square feet) and in the physical arrangement of exterior space. 295 Keifer, in a study of a white-collar Osaka danchi (1976), found a lack of communality and an apathy toward develOping social relationships with other people in the area. He thought that "the non-communality of the typical danchi resident stems from a lack of any stake in the future" and the nature of the Japanese white-collar employee, "who works in a highly structured social environment remote from the community both in space and values." The work environment makes demands on time and loyalty because Japanese bureaucracies still retain an ethos of personal dedication and self-sacri- fice for the interest of group goals (Heifer 1976:20). The Hanayama younger white-collar residents displayed a similar pattern because of their short— term involvement and the demands on the males by their places of employment. Like Keifer's danchi residents, the Hanayama apartment residents . not only scoffed at the idea of their neighbors telling them how to run the community, but also con- sidered the responsibility for leadership to test out- side the community--usually with the local and national government . . . (Keifer 1976:21). Nearly all of the Hanayama apartment residents expressed sentiments of un- concern and disinterest in community affairs and activities. There were a number of features that might contribute to the difference in attitudes between the apartment and single-family housing residents, but they are complex. The apartments, on the whole, were much smaller than the single-family housing. The privacy allowed by the inexpensive construction methods was far less than that in the single-family houses. By American standards, there was almost no privacy in the apartments. Conversations, in normal speaking tones, could be heard in adjoining apartments during the day and often, in the quiet of the night, conversations could be clearly distinguished from as far as three apartments away. Other noises, flushing 296 sounds, water in pipes, doors opening and closing, could be heard for most of the nearby units. Does the lessened domestic privacy increase the need for social privacy? Certainly this is not true across cultural boundaries. For example, the Japanese tend to have far less domestic privacy and appear to need less social privacy than do Americans. But within a given culture, it might be an important consideration. Another element that would be important in the United States, owner- ship versus tenancy, was not crucial in Hanayama. Most of the single- family housing residents in the neighborhood did not own their own houses. Perin (1977) aruges that Americans perceive home ownership as an almost essential part of respectable living. This does not appear to be true in Hanayama. Home ownership was a mark of wealth and the one younger white— collar family who owned its own house was unique because of the unusual wealth. However, even among the wealthiest group in the neighborhood, the older white-collar residents, only about half owned their own homes, and all of these had bought them before 1955. As houses and land have become increasingly expensive, home hownership remains a dream, but it is becoming a rare reality.6 Of the allocatable resources that the younger white-collar residents had, there had been several changes, but only two acted as severe constraints on their social relationships. Their incomes had increased greatly in real buying power over the previous half century and job security was high; thus the younger white-collar adults had more money to spend. The effect of this change was the opposite of constraint; it Opened up new possibilities. The other two major resources, however, had decreased. The primary decrease had been in time, both in absolute and in relative terms. Although they spent fewer hours at work than their counterparts had fifty years before, 297 they spent more time outside of the neighborhood in work and work-related activities (e.g., work, commuting, after-work activities) than their coun- terparts had. Also, more younger white-collar females were employed out- side of the neighborhood than previously had been the case, a trend that appears to be increasing. The third resource, emotion, was closely tied in with time. Previously, the amount of time and emotion that a younger white-collar male was expected to and did invest in his relationship with his family was minimal (cf. Vogel 1963). Although a precise measurement of emotional investment is not possible, the perception of the neighbor- hood informants strongly suggested that the younger white-collar males were investing far more time and emotion in their families than had previously been the case. One younger white-collar male expressed this idea force- fully: I live here (in Hanayama rather than a suburb) so I can see my children sometimes. If I lived out in the suburbs, I would never see my children--or my wife. I don;t want to be a "lodger papa" (geshukunin papafrjgfi (\ /{' ) like some of the people at work. A similar situation had evolved for the younger white-collar females, who tended to focus on their families to the exclusion of almost all other con- siderations. This trend toward an exclusive family orientation, particu- larly among younger white-collar housewives, has been noted nationwide in Japan. There is even a term, partly borrowed from English, used in the popular and academic press to label this orientation: mai hOmu shugi ("my homism" or, more literally, "the principle of my home"). In Hanayama, "my-homism" is such that some of the younger white-collar females knew no one else in the neighborhood, even their landladies. One of the more im- portant sources of information concerning both the male and female shifts 298 came from older white-collar informants. On the whole, the older white- collar residents seem to have approved of the male trend, although the older white-collar males often warned that the younger white-collar males' careers would suffer. The trend toward "my-homism" in the younger white- collar females was viewed ambiguously. The focus on children was generally considered good, but the disinterest in her neighbor and the social life of the community was looked upon with disfavor, sometimes even seen as selfish. Another element involved was the increasing geographical distance be- tween the younger white-collar males and their natal families as shown in Table 27. Although communications had become easier because of the post office and the telephone, face-to—face interaction between the younger white-collar males and their natal families was decreasing because the younger white-collar males' families were more likely to live away from Sapporo than they had in previous times as shown in Table 33. The result of all these features has been to reduce the resources available to the development of neighborhood relationships, particularly for the younger white-collar males. The females' situation was somewhat similar but with some major differences. The effect on the females of working outside the neighborhood has obviously diminished the average amount of time available for constructing neighborhood links but has greatly in- creased the extra-neighborhood possibilities. Relatively few of the younger white-collar females have employment outside of the neighborhood (only four out of twenty-eight informants, probably not more than fifteen out of a total of eighty-nine younger white—collar females in Hanayama), but their network patterns are sufficiently different to skew the group averages. The difference between the male and female pattern shifts is mainly . 7 . . . . . a function of sex roles. By investing more time and emotion into their 299 families, the males were moving closer to what has traditionally been the role for younger white-collar females. In Hanayama, the females' exclusive focus on their children has been reinforced by the geographical proximity of their natal kin, with whom a great interest in the children is shared. The females' kin were slightly more likely to live in Sapporo than were the males' kin. However, the figures for the neighborhood, less than 20Z for the-males and about 33Z for the females, were far lower than those found by other analysts looking at kin networks in the south. For Tokyo, for example, Koyama (1970) reported 4OZ of the kin living in the immediate area, and Nojiri (1974) reported 48Z. The younger white-collar group was, not unexpectedly, one of the groups (with the entertainers) who had to adapt most readily to shifts in general- ly acceptable social behavior. The three most noticeable features have been shifts in company policies with respect to transfers of employees, the gradual decrease in some traditional customs, and the decrease in the inci- dence of living units with more than one adult generation represented. The increased incidence of company transfers reduced the tenure in the neigh- borhood--the stake the younger white-collar residents felt they had in Hanayama. The decline of customs such as O-hirome has inhibited the infor- mation flow essential to the establishment and maintenance of strong inter- personal relationships. The decline of multi-generational households shown on Tables 38 and 39, a trend most strongly marked by the rise of single-person households from none in 1925 to almost 15Z (a total of 59 households) in 1975 indicates a loss of multi-generational lines of commu— nication. The younger white-collar group was particularly affected because they were at the most vulnerable stage in network development. Long-term 300 Table 38. Family Composition in 1925 Child Child Spouse Other and and of Other Non- Head Spouse G'child G'child Child Parent Related related GROUP (n) (minor) (adult) Farmers (2)* Male (9) 2 - 5 2 - a - - - Female (6) - .l 3 - 2 - - - Younger White- Collar (13)* Male (20) 13 - 6 - - l - - Female (24) - l3 8 - - 3 - - Older White- Collar (7)* Male (13) 7 - 4 l - - l - Female (15) - 6 5 2 - l - 1 Blue-Collar (5)* Male (13) 5 - 6 l - - l - Female (14) - 5 7 - l 1 - - Shopkeeper (l6)* Male (35) 15 - 15 3 - l l - Female (40) l l4 l7 2 2 2 l l SUBTOTAL Male (90) 42 - 36 7 - 2 3 - Female (99) l 39 40 4 5 7 l 2 PERCENTAGE Male 46.7 -- 40.0 7.8 -- 2.2 3 3 -- Female 1.0 39.4 40.4 4.0 5.1 7.1 l O 2.0 TOTAL (189) 43 39 76 ll 5 9 4 2 22.8 39.4 40.2 5.8 2.6 4.8 2.1 1.1 Number of Households in Sample ...... 43 Number of Households in Hanayama....43 * number of households in this group 301 Table 39. Family Composition in 1975 Child Child Spouse Other and and of Other Non- Head Spouse G'child G'child Child Parent Related related GROUP (n) (minor) (adult) Younger White- Collar (28)* Male (47) 28 - 17 - - l l - Female (46) - 26 14 - - 4 - 2 Older White- Collar (23)* Male (28) 23 - 1 2 1 - 1 - Female (28) - 23 - 1 2 - 1 - Shopkeeper (l6)* Male (26) 15 - 6 1 - 1 l 2 Female (29) 1 l4 6 - 1 3 l l Blue-Collar (9)* Male (15) 9 - 6 - - - — - Female (19) - 9 7 - - 1 - - Landlady (l4)* Male (18) 6 - 7 2 l - 2 - Female (26) 8 7 3 1 2 - l 4 Entertainer (l9)* Male (20) 19 - l - - - - - Female (20) - l9 1 - - - - - SUBTOTAL (109)* Male (154) 100 - 38 5 2 2 5 2 Female (164) 9 98 31 2 5 8 3 8 PERCENTAGE Male 61.2 -- 27.3 3.6 1.4 1.4 3.6 1.4 Female 6.0 55.7 20.8 1.3 3.4 3.4 2.0 5.4 TOTAL (318) 109 98 69 7 7 10 8 10 34.3 30.8 21.7 2.2 2.2 3.1 2.5 3.1 Number of Households in Sample ...................... 109 Number of Households in Hanayama......; ............. 394 Number of single family households (not counted)....54 * number of households in this group 302 residence in a given area, traditional customs built around network-building transactions, and the presence of an older generation were all paths through which networks could be expanded and maintained. The shifts that made all of these less likely or less frequent made the forging of new relationships more difficult and therefore, as a general principle, less likely. The values of the younger white-collar group toward the advantages of building an extensive network did not appear to have changed significantly. Almost all of the younger white-collar informants, 32 out of 37, both male and female, thought that extensive networks were one of the best ways to "get ahead," but an even higher number cited one or more of the reasons discussed here, in one form or another, as factors making it difficult or impossible to emulate the path of current older white-collar groups: I should know my neighbors but with the children, I really don't have the time. If we lived in an old- fashioned way, with grandparents then I could get out sometimes. Of course, then I would have to live with a mother—in-law in the same house. younger white-collar housewife I've only lived here for six months and I don't know anyone (around here). Why should I? I'll probably be transferred again soon. I want to live in Tokyo if I can. unmarried younger white-collar male In almost all statements of this sort were mixed comments expressing senti- ments about modernity, the value of individual freedom and economic inde- pendence. The comments on modernity were both positive and negative. Although almost all the younger white-collar informants expressed positive attitudes 303 towards what they perceived as personal independence, most of them also expressed reservations about what they perceived as too much freedom. In spite of their concern for personal freedom, most of them were locked into what most Americans would see as Oppressively structured work situations, and all of them expressed strong sentiments on the value of stable family life. If the values toward building extensive networks had significantly shifted, some concomitant behavioral shifts could be expected. Perhaps the most important of these would be away from building up networks anywhere, not just in the residential area. That is, if the values had shifted, then we should not find younger white—collar residents building networks not only in their areas of residence but also at their places of employment. Further, we would expect to find a reduction in the degree of maintenance of kin networks. In fact, none of these expectations are met. The younger white—collar residents of Hanayama are quite vigorous in building up net— works at their places of employment and in maintaining their kin networks. A crucial point to remember is that those younger white-collar residents who had prospects of remaining in the neighborhood for extensive periods, such as those living in the company owned single-family housing, did make efforts to build up networks based on residential proximity. It was those younger white-collar residents who were operating under external constraints, usually that of having only a short period in the neighborhood, who did not seek at least minimally to expand their social networks based on residen- tial proximity. Under these circumstances, the decline of the formal organizations, the Neighborhood Association and the tonari gumi, was important. These organizations could have provided the framework for establishing the strong 304 social relationships that the younger white-collar group expressed an in- terest in building, a function that these organizations had performed in the past. In fact, the tonariggumi structures, even in decline, were in- strumental in the development of the extensive landlady networks. The key element in their decline appears to be the apartment residents' apathy and lack of support. These organizations required high levels of cooperation in order to function. As the high levels of cooperation declined with the migration of the apartment residents into the neighborhood, the organiza- tions decayed. The less effective they became, the less cooperation was forthcoming, and the rate of decay accelerated. Support for this suggestion as to the causes of the decay of the Hanayama Neighborhood Association comes from a study of a neighborhood association in Kanazawa, a large city in Honshu. In this study, Falconeri suggests that the chonaikai, the neighborhood association, is a fragile gemeinschaft institution that rapid urbanization may inevitably destroy. As he describes the process, . . . the neighborly milieu where public and private con- siderations have often meshed for the community good is now pervaded by a social ennui where self-interest and community disinterest may prevail. Under such conditions neighbors may conclude that such local organizations as the chonaikai . . . are no longer effective in maintain- ing social cohesion and neighborhood identity . (1976:34) His findings are a fair description of the sequence in Hanayama. The mi- gration of the disinterested entertainers undermined the effectiveness of the Neighborhood Association and the tonari gumi to the point where the younger white-collar apartment residents would have been able to use them for building social networks only with great difficulty. The combined disinterest of the entertainers and the younger white-collar apartment 305 residents was sufficient to undermine their effectiveness for the entire neighborhood. Only a group such as the landladies who were determined to build up extensive social networks and were not constrained by other forces could utilize the tonari gumi once the decay was well started. New Groups: The two new groups in the neighborhood, the landladies and the enter- tainers, cannot be looked at in quite the same manner as those groups rep- resented throughout the neighborhood's history, because they had not been in the neighborhood long enough to display patterns of adjustment. These two groups do, however, represent two very different adaptations to condi- tions in the most recent phase of the neighborhood. Landladies: The landladies, mostly older people, appeared to be taking the more traditional approach of constructing extensive neighborhood-based networks. Given the economics of running an apartment house, this was a viable choice. The landladies' businesses depended largely on personal reputation. Be- cause they usually did not have large reserves of capital, prolonged va- cancies could easily lead to economic disaster. Thus, it paid for the landladies to expend time and effort hIthe building up of their reputations lthrough extensive social contacts. The density of the neighborhood did not affect their relationships with their own tenants or with the other older groups in the neighborhood, the older white-collar residents and the shOp- keepers. They spent almost all of their time in the neighborhood and by 1975 were definitely established as long-term residents. Their economic stake in the neighborhood was greater than that of most of the older white- collar residents and roughly equal to that of the older group of shOpkeepers. 306 Although, as previously mentioned, renting did not automatically correlate with marginality, ownership, or part ownership, it was a clear indication of permanence. Permanence, in turn, was a key element in establishing net- work links, even if the permanence was perceived for the future rather than a past social fact because the permanence promotes higher levels of trust than would be otherwise possible. Entertainers: Contrasting strongly with almost all aspects of the landladies' adap- tation to the neighborhood was the adaptation of the entertainers. Although the entertainers as a social category have historical traditions of some depth (cf. Plath 1964), the group of entertainers living in Hanayama rep- resented the bottom end of the entertainer social continuum. They were very young--averaging in their early twenties—-had low incomes, occupations of relatively low prestige if some glamour, and low educational levels.8 The entertainers' adaptation to their environment was one of maintain- ing social distance from other peOple living in the same neighborhood. Almost all of the entertainers' relationships were outside of the neighbor- hood, focused on the area where they were employed, the entertainment dis- trict of Susukino. The constraints operating on their behavior were many and varied. First, the entertainers worked nights, from about six in the evening to about two in the morning. Almost everyone else in the neighbor- hood worked during the day except some of the Japan National Railways em— ployees who worked variable shifts. Second, the entertainers had low pres- tige, which affected both their percpetions of other peOple in Hanayama and others' perceptions of them. Third, the entertainers as a group did not share many of the otherwise accepted values found in Hanayama, notably the value of extensive residential social networks. The entertainers 307 perceived their current place of residence as transitional, a perception born out by their one-year average length of neighborhood residence. The entertainers saw themselves as being modern, not bound by traditional webs of social relationships. None of the entertainer households had more than one adult generation. None of the entertainers thought that tradition- al social bonding customs such as O-hirome was worthwhile. None of the entertainers thought that the Neighborhood Association or the tonariAgumi were worth much, although a few did belong-~invariab1y those who had lived in the neighborhood for several years or those whose landladies were ban-cho, a tonari gumi head. These factors indicate constraints operating on the entertainers in their relationships with non-entertainers in the neighbor— hood, but it does not adequately explain the entertainers' lack of relation- ships with other Hanayama entertainers. The lack of entertainer-entertainer relationships within the neighbor- hood appears to have been a function of how the entertainer relationships were formed.9 Most of the entertainers found their jobs through social contacts formed in their area of origin outside Sapporo, sometimes appar- ently through direct recruitment by the entertainment establishments. The relationships that they formed in Sapporo appear to have been almost ex- clusively centered around their places of employment. Although most of the entertainers in the neighborhood knew a few other entertainers, usually at least one in the same building through whom they found their apartments, there were no mechanisms for nor interest in forming relationships with other entertainers working in different establishments. There was also some evidence, for example word choice during interviews, indicating that the entertainers may have maintained the oyabun-kobun-type fictive kin relationships with work-related people similar to those described by Bennet 308 and Ishino (1963). If this were true, then the paternalistic patron-client pattern of the oyabun-kobun bonds would constrain sharply the formation of new network contacts. Finally, the transience of the entertainer tenure in the neighborhood would seem to affect entertainer-entertainer relation- ships as readily as it did entertainer-non-entertainer links. It would be easy to dismiss the entertainers as a marginal population not sharing the same ultimate life goals of the rest of the people in Hanayama. Although the data do not clearly suggest this is not true, neither does it support the idea. Further, as discussed earlier, the as- sumption of different life goals or values appears to be an unnecessary step. The behavior of the entertainers is adequately explained by the con— straints that appear to exist for them. Their lack of formal education, age, and the transitory nature of their employment and residence all appear sufficient to explain their variant patterns. Further, although many of the entertainers expressed rather disparag- ing comments about their natal towns and families, all of the entertainers interviewed maintained some sort of contact with their natal families. Most of them also maintained other contacts in their areas of origin such as childhood friends or distant relatives. The older entertainers were more likely to take such bonds seriously, to put more time, effort, and money into their maintenance than were the younger entertainers. However, all of the entertainers maintained at least an established minimum. The pattern seemed to be that when the entertainers first migrated to Sapporo they allowed the contacts in their natal areas to become rather tenuous, possibly only exchanging New Year's cards. Then, after they grew a bit older, they began putting more into these rather minimal links. The few entertainers who were in their thirties had contacts with their natal areas 309 that were roughly the same as those maintained by younger white-collar residents of the same age. There was, however, no real attempt to maintain contact in Sapporo with other migrants from the same area of origin. Ex- cept for a few close friends, none of the Hanayama entertainers knew many other migrants from their natal areas, even though, in some cases, there were thousands of co-migrants in the city. Conclusions: The patterns of social relationships in Hanayama have shifted over the fifty year period in ways conforming to changes:k1the social and physi- cal environment. Further, this shift in social behavior can be explained in social and physical terms. Each group adapted to the environment as the constraints acting on their behavior developed. One can, therefore, avoid the problems inherent in positing an ideological shift paralleling the political and economic changes that Japan has undergone during the last half century. This is not to say, with any assurance, that such an ideological shift has not occurred, just that such a shift does not appear to have occurred in Hanayama, and such a shift is not necessary for an eXplanation of the changes in behavior described earlier. There are some implications concerning these two points that should be discussed. First, Sapporo is one of the most rapidly grOwing cities in a country noted for rapid urbanization, modernization, and industriali- zation. If the pattern of ideological shift is not obvious in a Sapporo neighborhood such as Hanayama, then it would seem less likely to appear elsewhere. However, a word of caution should go with this point. It is those social groups in the neighborhood for which I have the best data-- older white-collar, younger white-collar, blue—collar, and shOpkeeper-- that show no evidence of an ideological shift of any great magnitude. To 310 the contrary, the data suggests that these groups are holding constant ul- timate life goals such as economic and personal security and satisfaction and values such as the worth and effectiveness of having extensive social networks based on employment, kinship, and residential proximity. What changed were their tactics for achieving these goals. However, these are the groups that would be the least likely to manifest an ideological shift. The group that would be the most likely to show such a shift, the enter- tainers, is the group for which I have the poorest data. On the basis of severely limited data, I can only say that it appears that the entertainers have maintained many of the same goals and values as the other groups in Hanayama. Their tactics, however, for achieving their goals are contrary to the tactics employed by members of other groups in Hanayama. The second point has implications for convergence theory. Simply put, as exemplified by Kerr et a1 (1960), Moore and Feldman (1960) or Kahn (1971) convergence theory asserts that as societies modernize, industrialize, and urbanize, they become more and more like Western EurOpe and the United States in their cultural and social forms. My findings would suggest that while this may appear true on the social surface, the ideological, the way of thinking, can and probably does remain untouched. Individuals react to the constraints surrounding them but these seem to be social and physical, as in the case of Hanayama. The processes of modernization, urbanization, and industrialization contain certain social and physical constraints that operate on everyone undergoing one or more of these processes. However, the fact that people are undergoing these processes says very little about the ideology they hold. Convergence theory has suggested that we will somehow end up with a world wide cultural base. My analysis suggests that this may not be the 311 case. The social and physical imperatives of "progress" in the forms of modernization, urbanization, and industrialization might be separable from cultural forms, not merged with them. In the case of Japan, the country often talked about by convergence advocates, the social and physical impera- tives of industrialization appear to have left virtually untouched Japan's set of cultural patterns. If this is true, then convergence, in the sense of merging cultural patterns or, for that matter, anything much deeper than a common technological base, would seem extremely unlikely. 312 CHAPTER VI Footnotes Kuhn's argument is that advances in scientific perceptions of real- ity occur not when new data is presented, or rather only rarely when new data is presented, but more commonly when the existing data is viewed from a new perspective yielding different insights. The analogy here is in keeping the same data, just shifting the point of view or perspective. There may be some confusion about the usage of the terms value and goal as applied here. The term value is used in its normal anthropologi- cal sense to mean ideas or ways of living or acting, about which there are- positive or negative feelings or thoughts. Goals as used here means what people want out of life, in an ultimate sense. In these senses, then, behavior is directed toward the attainment of goals, at least eventually, and judged with values. The order in which these constraints are discussed is not meant to imply relative importance. They are discussed sequentially for clarity. See especially the articles by Milgram, Rainwater, Yancy, and Swartz in Helmer and Eddington (1973). The caution comes from some differences between the southern danchi and the Hanayama apartments. The danchi are much larger in their number of units than the Hanayama apartments. The Hanayama residents were not as homogeneous as Keifer's sample and, unlike the findings of another danchi study (Kasamatsu 1963), the Hanayama residents had slightly lower incomes and were less well educated than the single-family housing, younger white-collar residents. 6 Yet another distinction between Sapporo and the cities of Old Japan is the relative cheapness of housing. In Sapporo, companies can provide single-family housing for their younger white-collar employees. There are suburbs that have just recently started to be developed. If the younger white-collar residents of Hanayama chose to commute for an hour or so a day, they could have their own houses (rental) or larger apartments out away from the city. 7 It is worth repeating here a disclaimer made earlier. As a very large, foreign male, it was extremely difficult for me to gain good rapport with young female informants. 313 8 As a descriptive sample in one representative apartment building, the occupations of the entertainers were bartender (2 males), waitress (1 female), bar hostess (13 females), coffee house waiter (1 male), and short-order cook (1 male). The average tenure in the neighborhood for this group was a little less than 15 months; the median was 7 months. 9 As a group, the entertainers were by far the most difficult to elicit information from. Aside from the problem that many of them were young women, very few of the entertainers were even remotely interested in talking to a foreign anthropologist, and those who were willing to talk tended to be suspicious. APPENDICES APPENDIX A METHODOLOGY ”35"? APPENDIX A Methodology The fieldwork on which this dissertation is based was carried out between April, 1975 and July, 1976. During this period of time the investigator lived in the neighborhood of Hanayama, in one of the apartments discussed in Chapter V. The primary source of data came from extended interviews with past and current occupants of Hanayama. The reason for the focus on oral interviews is simple, given the questions on which this analysis focuses, there are very few written documents, either from the past or in the present, that apply directly. Therefore, by default, oral sources are primary. The written sources which do apply, census records, histories and other formal documentation, all deal with units of concern far larger than a single neighborhood. For example, the excellent Japanese census data is broken down to the level of districts, one level above neighborhoods. In the district containing Hanayama, there are a total of seventeen neighborhoods. There was one source of precise socioeconomic and demographic data, the redords of households maintained by the police department. With this data, a precise census of the neighborhood could have been made as well as a variety of other interesting details extracted. Unfortunately, I could not convince the police that a foreign anthropologist should be allowed to use these records. The police were also unable to provide me with some of the results which a preliminary analysis would yield, such as population figures, because of considerations of time, expense, 314 315 and manpower.1 I do not, therefore, have a precise count of the total population of the neighborhood-~or at least one that can be documented. The primary emphasis on oral information has both advantages and disadvantages. The disadvantages are obvious. There is a problem of accuracy and cross-checking. It is very difficult for an independent analyst to re-analyze my material or check its accuracy. There are problems which are familiar ones in anthropo- logical fieldwork. The depth of information which it is possible to elicit from long term informants is considered, with cautious cross-checking as an assurance of accuracy, a reliable way of finding out how the system really works, at least from an emic perspective. Living in the neighborhood reinforces, through informal data collection, the assurance of accuracy. Analysis: The key to this analysis lies in the question of whether or not Mitchell's (1966) network properties can be combined for several individuals to form a group composite which is meaningful. Mitchell's morphological properties--reachability, density, and range--are easily averaged as they all have numerical expressions (see Figure 38). This is also true for the interactional properties of durability and frequency. This is not true, however, for the properties of content or intensity. There are two necessary conditions to solving this problem. The first, and more important, is that the groups which are being analyzed be meaningful entities. If the groupings are not worthwhile 316 Morphological Properties: 1. *2. *3. *4. Anchorage--point of reference, analogous to ego in kinship chart. Reachability--extent to which ego can use these relationships to contact personally important people and vice versa. Can also be seen as a proportion of personally important people in ego's network. Density-~extent to which links which could exist do exist. Barnes formula: 200a a - actual number of links n(n-l) n a total number of people including ego Range-~number of persons in direct contact with ego; could also be used in second order contact; also possible reference to types of people. Interactional Properties: *5. *7. *8. *9. Content--meanings whicnh the persons in the network attribute to their relationship. Directedness--direction of flow, can be either or both ways. Durability-time span of link. Intensity-~degree to which individuals are prepared to honor requests, needs, and other similar demands, either explicit or implicit. Frequency--frequency of contact, may be subdivided into frequency of different types of contact. For example, superficial contacts may be differentiated from intense contacts. Figure 38. Mitchell's Network Properties 317 then the rest of the problem is irrelevant. This condition has been met, in this analysis, by the use of emic social categories. The second part of the problem lies in the assumption that the observer's ability to judge non-quantifiable properties such as content and intensity is adequate. If the observer cannot validly apply these properties, then Mitchell's properties are not valid for either individuals or groups. If the observer is capable of making this sort of qualitative judgement, then it would be equally valid for groups as well as individuals. It is a working assumption of this analysis that participant observation allows sufficient depth of information for the analyst to make valid judgements concerning the content and intensity of network links. Persons familiar with Mitchell's work will have noticed that two of his network properties, anchorage and directedness, have not been mentioned. Anchorage, the point.from which the network is traced, is a concept that is applicable to individual networks, all anchored at ego, but not for groups or group composites. Directedness, the direction of obligation, influence, and other similar aspects, is” also a property which has validity only for individual networks. At least, I did not find it useful in dealing with the social groups in Hanayama. 318 APPENDIX A Footnote 1 I should mention that I agree somewhat with the position of the police department in this instance. Unless they could afford to have someone actually do the analysis for me and just give me the results, there would be no way that they could insure my ethical use of the materials which would have been a clear invasion of the privacy of the inhabitants of the neighborhood. I would, of course, like to have had precise population counts and other material which the police files would have yielded. APPENDIX B REAL ESTATE OWNERSHIP APPENDIX B Real Estate Ownership The relative sparseness of the population of Sapporo and the surrounding areas influenced the pattern of real estate ownership in l The primary effect was Sapporo neighborhoods such as Hanayama. the maintenance of relatively low land and building prices which allowed private ownership of single family houses in a neighborhood near the downtown area. The historical development of land and building ownership in Hanayama correlates with the growth of the city. In the early period, between 1925 and 1948, land in Hanayama was owned by few individuals, mainly the original farm families. Between 1925 and 1948, only four 2 Between 1948 land sales are recorded for the entire neighborhood. and 1965, the large blocks of land characterizing the neighborhood during the early phase were broken up into progressively smaller lots. Almost all of these plots were purchased by private indivi- duals, either white-collar residents or shopkeepers. Between 1965 and 1975, there was a trend toward company ownership of land and buildings in Hanayama. In 1965, only about 10% of the land in the neighborhood was company owned. By 1975, almost 50% of the land and buildings were held by companies. As the city and the neighborhood grew, then, the land was first purchased from the farm families by private individuals. Then, as land and buildings became increasingly expensive, company owner- ship became more frequent. 319 320 The fragmentation of the land makes a detailed description of the process unweildy--there were 173 separate plots of land in 1975-- so one block will be used as an example. Figure 39 and Tables 40 and 41 show the pattern of acquisition for one representative block in Hanayama. The map in Figure 39 shows one block of the neighborhood as it was broken up in 1975. Table 40 lists the purchases of land and Table 41 lists the construction of buildings as they occurred between 1925 and 1975 for a few of the plots listed in Table 40. The major purchasers of land, Mr. B, Mr. C., and Mr. D., were all younger white-collar employees in Sapporo when they purchased the land. Mr. C. and Mr. D. bought land, built residences, and moved into Hanayama all at once. Mr. B. purchased the land almost ten years before he built a house and moved into the neighborhood. Mr. A. was never a resident of the neighborhood. After these large purchases, numerous people, almost all white-collar and shopkeepers, bought smaller units of land for their own use. Company #4 bought a small plot of land in 1950. However, most of the company land buying did not occur into the mid-1960's or later. However, the companies were buying and building housing in the neighborhood starting about 1950. By 1975, the companies owned 41% of the land on this block.3 Two features of this pattern of land and building ownership are important. First, the white-collar residents owned most of the land during Phase II, 1945-1965, the time when the older white- collar males dominated the formal organizations of the neighborhood. As the companies started buying out the older white-collar residents, 321 24 22 1 23 18 20 21 [19 15 [16 17 12 [13 114 ll 10 Figure 39. (not to scale) Divisions of Ownership, Representative Block Land Ownership Size(meters) Table 40. Plot Plot Number 1. 499.97 2. 1,944.19 3. 3,016.95 4. 373.15 5. 432.85 6. 150.84 7. 157;28 8. 167.37 9. 67.14 10. 271.33 11. 271.33 12. 102.91 13. 92.15 14. 103.55 15. 100.56 16. 75.36 17. 84.69 18. 19.60 19. 17.63 20. 3.30 21. 16.52 22. 325.52 23. 18.33 24. 325.52 25. 158.68 26 1,065.18 Year Sold 1921 1939 1921 1939 1921 1956 1974 1948 1948 1963 1962 1974 1962 1964 1962 1964 1948 1968 1948 1948 1948 1972 1948 1970 1950 1948 1971 1948 1970 1948 1971 1948 1971 1948 1970 1948 1970 1948 1976 1948 1976 1948 1976 1948 1972 1948 322 Mr. Mr. Mr. Mr. Mr. Mr. Compan Mr. D. Mr. D. Mr. E. Mr. F. Company Mr. F. Mr. G. Mr. F. Company Mr. H. Mr. J. Mr. H. Mr. D. Mr. D. Company Mr. D. Company Company Mr. Mr. Mr. Mr. Mr. Mr. Mr. Mr. Mr. Company Mr. D. Mr. L. Mr. D. Company Mr. D. Company Mr. D. Mr. N. Mr. D. Company Mr. D. O>Ud>bd3> PWUWDF‘UF‘SU #1 #2 #2 #3 #3 #4 #5 #5 #5 #6 Table 41. Plot Number 1. 323 Building Ownership (partial) House Number bMNH J-‘UJNH 1-8 H NH Year Built 1939 1964 1953 1949 1964 1954 1955 1949 1966-1973 1968 1975 1948 1960 1948 Owner Mr. B. Shopkeeper #1 Shopkeeper #2 Shopkeeper #3 Mr. B. Company #3 Mr. P Company #3 Company #1 Mr. O. Mr. 0., Jr. Mr. D. Mr. D., Jr. Mr. E. 324 the older white-collar residents' position in the formal organizations deteriorated and the organizations themselves decayed. Secondly, the pattern was away from private ownership of land and buildings in Hanayama. The trend was toward corporate and individual absentee speculation (or investment buying). In Table 40, Mr. K., Mr. L., and Mr. N. were all non-residents of the neighborhood who appeared to have purchased the land as an investment. The trend toward decreasing resident ownership would appear to have a negative effect on what Keifer (1976) called the residents' "stake" in the neighborhood. All of the older white-collar residents who owned their own land and homes, about 50% of the older white-collar resi- dents in 1975, had bought and built before 1965. Since 1965, only one person in the entire neighborhood appeared to have bought land and built a single family house as a personal residence. 325 APPENDIX B Footnotes 1 The population density of Sapporo in 1975, 1,109 persons per square kilometer, was much less that that of the major southern cities of Tokyo (5,361 persons per square kilometer) and Osaka (4,110 persons per square kilometer) as might be expected. However, the city of Sapporo had a population density less than that of the entire prefecture of Kanagawa (2,295 persons per square kilometer) and about the same as the prefectures of Saitama (1,019) and Aichi (1,060) (Noh and Gordon 1974:147). 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