NETWORK AND ETHNICITY IN AN IGBO MIGRANT COMMUNITY Dissertation for the Degree of Ph. D. - MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY ' GERALD WILLIAM KLEIS 1975 IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIINIIIIIIIINNIIIII:. . L I B F; A R Y Michigan State University . This is to certify that the 5.. thesis entitled , ‘ ETHNICITY IN AN IGBO MIGRANT COMMUNITY presented by GERALD WILLIAM KLEIS has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for _Pth-__ degree in My 07639 fAlj'= ABSTRACT NETWORK AND ETHNICITY IN AN IGBD MIGRANT COMMUNITY By Gerald William Kleis The Nigerian Igbo are one oF a number oF migrant ethnic groups in southern West Cameroon. As the largest group oF non—Cameroonians in the area, their visibility is emphasized by their involvement in highly competitive economic activities, especially in urban centers. There are, however, a signiFicant num- ber oF Igbos living in rural centers, whose economic roles and patterns oF inter-ethnic interaction shows marked contrast with the town. This dissertation is based on research con- ducted in West Cameroon From July 1971 through February 1973. Its major purpose is to examine the phenomenon oF ethnicity and inter-ethnic relations among migrant Igbo in an urban center [Kumba] and a nearby village [Kake]. In addition, it seeks to provide a much needed ethnographic account oF the Igbo outside the Nigerian homeland. Both objectives are accomplished through Gerald William Kleis the application oF network analysis [the major approach employed] and the utilization oF historical data which traces the emergence oF the Igbo as an ethnic group and the development oF their strategies oF adaptation in the multiethnic environment oF Cameroon. Through the application oF network analysis, ethnicity is placed in its broader social context. A number oF diverse network ties are examined (kinship, aFFinity, Friendship etc.], which, in various ways impinge upon the expression oF ethnicity, structuring the activation and manipulation oF both intra— and inter- ethnic relations. The contrasting eXpression oF ethnicity in the rural vs. urban enviroment is examined For each type oF network tie. The study shows that although ethnicity is a situational phenomenon, not necessarily relevant in all instances oF social interaction, it Forms part oF a broader network and inFluences, to some degree, all levels oF interaction. With respect to the'Igbo, the salience oF ethnicity is conditioned by a number oF Factors, including their numbers, geographical distrib— ution and economic roles. To the extent which such Factors diFFer in the rural and urban center, the ex- pression oF ethnicity, likewise, varies. NETWORK AND ETHNICITY IN AN IGBO MIGHANT COMMUNITY By Gerald William Kleis A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial FulFillment oF the requirements For the degree oF OOCTOH OF PHILOSOPHY Department oF Anthropology 1975 To Etagha and all who live within her country’s borders ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Anthropological research requires the close co- operation oF a large number oF people and the tacit approval oF a great many more. Although an exhaustive account oF the debts I incurred in the Field is impossible, I would like to acknowledge those whose help was especially invaluable. Victor Mukete, chairman oF the Cameroon Develop- ment Corporation, and the BaFaw chieF oF Kumba, provided assistance in securing a house. His secretary, Mr Abwa-Mboh, vice-principal oF Frank Harcourt secondary school, helped in settling in and guiding me through the town. My land- lord, Mr. Paul Eseme and his gracious sister, Maria Dibo Eseme, went to great lengths to make my First week in Cameroon comFortable. ChieF OFor-Ejeh, leader oF the Kumba Igbo community showed warm hospitality and interest in my research. His Friendship promoted the good will oF his constituents toward me and was a valuable link as I worked my way into their urban network. His Friend, O.C. Dpara, past president oF the Nigerian Union, was especially helpFul in gaining an understanding oF the history oF the migrant community. Wilson Ikor and Augustine Madu Onuoha, who moved about with me as Field assistants, deserve Special mention. iii The many hours they spent helping me interpret data which was oFten conFusing, meagre or Full oF gaps, was a severe test to their abundant patience. They did much to impart a sense oF coherence and consistency amid the chaotic "imponderabilia oF daily liFe." Mr. Ayuk, director oF the National Archives in Buea, and his assistant, Primus Forgwe, kindly gave me access to the colonial Intelligence and Assessment Reports and other historical and ethnographic materials dealing with the Kumba area. Mr. Daniel Nchang oF Kake, and Mr. Takang, senior clerk in the Kumba Subdivisional oFFice, were both helpFul in providing me with recent [1972] census Figures. Among the non-AFricans who provided insight and inFormation was Rev. K. H. Rathke oF the Presbyterian Lay Training Center, who shared with me his observations based on over a decade oF residence in Cameroon. The Catholic Fathers oF Mbonge Road and Fiango parish generously allowed me to examine their marriage registers, without which an estimation oF Igbo exogamy rates would have been very diFFicult. Acknowledgements to the academic community which nurtured and sustained me are also in order. Dr. William German, as my major advisor, helped in shaping my program and guided the planning oF my research. He, together with Dr. David Dwyer, painstakingly plowed through chapter upon chapter oF my First draFt, oFFering thoughtFul suggestions iv and encouragement. Dr. Mark W. DeLancey oF the University oF South Carolina drew on his own research experience in Cameroon and helped orient me toward the Field. Dr. Victor Uchendu, oF the University oF Illinois, gave suggestions on how to approach the migrant Igbo community. Dr. and Mrs. David Smith, Formerly oF Georgetown University, generously pro- vided me with lodging during a week oF library research and visa procurement in Washington O.C. Finally, the debt I owe to my wiFe, Susan Etagha, who helped sustain my Flagging discipline, is one I will have to repay by returning to her From the "dark Forest oF books." TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Acknowledgements ...... LIST OF TABLES Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION ... 1.1 Problem, Approach and Focus 1.2 Ethnicity as a Concern oF AFricanists and Anthropolo- gists 1.3 SpeciFic Approaches Employed in this Study 2. SETTING AND SUBJECT: CAMEROON AND THE 1550 ................................... 24 2.1 West Cameroonian Society 2.2 Kumba and Kake: Research Sites Distribution oF Ethnic Groups The Igbo The Igbo Diaspora: the Cameroonian Frontier 2.6 Independence: the Cameroonian Reaction NNN (II-DO.) 3. DIMENSIONS OF ETHNIC IDENTITY: LANGUAGE, LOCALITY AND NATIONALITY 3.1 The Role oF Language .......... 3.2 Segmental Relations Based on Locality 3.3 Nationality vi Chapter Page 4. LEVELS OF CDMMUNAL IDENTITY: STATE, DISTRICT AND HOME VILLAGE ............ 73 5. ETHNICITY 5. 010101010101 \lCDU'l-bOJN 1 Organization oF the Ethnic Group as a Whole Organization oF Relations Based on Home District Organization oF Home Village Relations AND KINSHIP ................. 108 The Network oF Reciprocal Obligations Maintaining Harmony and Continuity Authority within the Kin Group The Extensibility oF Kin Ties The Boundaries oF Kinship The Manipulation oF Kin Ties Summary 6. MARRIAGE AND AFFINAL TIES .............. 144 (DU) (DUI 0101010) .5030)" .7 Intra-Ethnic Endogamy Local and SubCommunal Endogamy Proscribed Marriages The Network oF AFFinal Obliga- tions The Extension oF AFFinal Relations The Manipulation oF AFFinal Rela-’ tions Summary 7. FRIENDSHIP AND NEIGHBORHOOD RELATIONS ... 180 7. \l\l (D\l \l\l\l\l\l 0101wa 1 The Meaning and Value oF Friendship Etiquette and Expectations Types and Degrees oF Friendship Friendship and Ethnicity Bases oF Inter-ethnic Friendship Value and Utility oF Inter-ethnic Friends Neighborhood Relations Neighborhood and Ethnicity vii Chapter Page 8. ECONOMIC BEHAVIOR AND ETHNIC RELATIONS: A KAKE EXAMPLE ........................ 223 9.1 (DCDCDCDCDU) \JO'JU'IbCON Ethnicity and Reciprocity in Kake: Mutual Assistance in Farm Labor Ad Hoc Cocoa Breaking Parties Formal Labor Groups Organizational Features Subgroups Kinship and Covillager Networks Quantitative Analysis oF Networks Summary and Additional Remarks 9. ETHNIC ATTITUDES IN THE MIGRANT SETTING ... 2G9 LDLO \IU') (0 m 9.9 Igbo Attitudes Toward the Multi- ethnic Situation Igbo Attitudes Toward Non-Igbos: Negative Igbo Attitudes Toward Non-Igbos: Positive Non—Igbo Attitudes Toward Igbos: Negative Non-Igbo Attitudes Toward Igbos: Positive Igbo Views oF the Ingroup Internal Contradictions to the Igbo SelF—Image External Contradictions to the Igbo SelF—Image Igbo Attitudes Toward Authority 9.10 The RedeFinition oF Igbo Identity 10. SUMMARY AND PROJECTIONS .................. 304 10.1 A Network Analysis Approach to Ethnicity 10.2 Comparative Aspects oF the Study 10.3 Postscript: the Igbo and the Future LIST OF REFERENCES ............ .... ........... 330 viii Table LIST OF TABLES Kumba Population: by Nationality ......... Kumba Population: by Ethnic Group ........ Kake Population; by Ethnic Group and Nationality .......... Occupational Distribution oF Igbos in Urban West Cameroon ...... . ............... Igbos as a Percentage oF Total Traders in Urban West Cameroon . . .......... .... ..... Distribution oF Igbo Subgroups in Select Villages oF Meme Division ................ Rate oF Igbo Exogamy in Kumba: .......... Incidence oF Exogamy in Kake ............. Trends in Inter-ethnic Marriage in Kumba Friendship Network: Distribution By Degree and Ethnic Group .... ....... . ...... Distribution oF Friends: By Ethnic Group and Education... Sources oF Recruitment For Ad Hoc Breaking Parties .............. . .......... Recruitment For Ad Hoc Parties by Sub- Ethnic Group ............. ...... . ......... Number oF Farmers in Kake by Subgroup Recruitment oF Breakers within Subcommunity ix Page 31 31 31 45 45 92 145 151 155 203 205 230 233 234 234 Table Page 8.5 Participation in Labor Meetings by Subcommunity... 240 8.8 Participation in Labor Meetings by Subcommunity in Relation to Percentage oF Igbo Membership .... 243 8.7 Density and Degree oF Networks by Subcommunity .. 282 LIST OF FIGURES AND MAPS Figure Page 2.1 West Cameroon [Road System and Administrative Divisions] .............. 25 2.2 West Cameroon: Ethnic Groups .......... 25 2.3 Kumba, Kake and Environs ............... 29 2.4 Igbo Country ........................... 34 8.1 Marriage and aFFinity as a measure oF social Distance ..................... 175 8.1 Kinship and Covillager Network: OhaFFia 257 8.2 Kinship and Co-villager Network: Ada ... 257 8.3 Kinship and AFFinal Network: Udi [Aguru] 259 8.4 Kinship and Covillager Networks: [Okigwi 259 10.1 Comparison oF Types oF Network Links ... 305 xi CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 PROBLEM, APPROACH ANO FOCUS That ethnic identity "matters" is an inescapable social Fact. Cleavage and conFlict, struggle For recogni- tion and autonomy, problems oF national integration are, more oFten than not, ethnic issues, reFlecting the universal human tendency to Form exclusive social groups associated with cultural diFFerences. The universality oF ethnic identity is, very likely, the principal reason why anthropologists have generally taken it For granted, while treating the ethnic group as a given, the natural unit For study. The question oF how and why such groups emerge and persist was usually not asked. The ahistori- Cal bias oF structural-Functionalism, long dominant in AFrican Ethnography, viewed the peOples oF the continent as "Frozen in time" with Fixed customs, Fixed identities and Fixed boundaries. The present study, carried out in AFrica, addresses itSelF to the broad question oF the origin and maintenance oF ethnic boundaries, utilizing the conceptual Framework oF net- work analysis as an alternative to earlier approaches. Unlike structural-Functionalism, network analysis assumes a Fluid social system based on the Formation, maintenance and rearrangement oF interpersonal links. IF [as the study maintains] ethnic identity corresponds to an identiFiable set oF interpersonal linkages, its dynamic can be explained largely in terms oF the dynamics oF networks. The subject oF this research is the Nigerian Igbo migrant community in West Cameroon. The Igbo as a group, proved suitable For this study For a number oF reasons. First, it is clear From the ethno—historical record that Igbo identity is a relatively recent, post [European]— contact phenomenon, whose origins are traceable. Secondly, the extensive literature on the Igbo provides a broad base For reconstructing the emergence and development oF this identity over time. Thirdly, their ethnic identity has passed through the Full gamut oF phases culminating in the establishment oF an independent state [BiaFra]. Fourth, the Igbo as a group with a high incidence oF migrancy can be studied and compared in a variety oF multi-ethnic situ- ations. Finally, my own Familiarity with the Igbo, based on two years oF residence in southeastern Nigeria [1983-85] made the group a natural First choice. I selected West Cameroon as the site For this study because the Nigerian Civil War prevented my returning to the Igbo homeland. Even though the war concluded as I was about to go into the Field, research in the war ravaged area was clearly not possible. Cameroon, with its large Igbo migrant community [which I had visited in 1954), imme— diately presented itselF as a suitable alternative. The large concentration oF Igbos in the multi-ethnic centers oF southern West Cameroon seemed Fertile Field For the investi- gation oF ethnicity. AFter arriving in the Field, I became aware oF the signiFicant presence oF Igbos in adjecent rural areas. This suggested that an additional dimension could be added to the study by comparing the eFFects oF urban vs. rural residence. To date, anthropologists in AFrica have generally overlooked multiethnic rural situations. In Fact, ethnicity has been characterized by some social theorists as an essen- tially urban phenomenon [Wallerstein 1985]. The need to challenge this view and explore the signiFicance oF ethni- city in smaller centers, soon became an additional objective oF my research. 1.2 ETHNICITY AS A CONCERN OF AFRICANISTS AND ANTHROPOLOGISTS 1.2.1 EVALUATION OF PREVIOUS STUDIES OF ETHNICITY IN AFRICA In the classical British ethnographic tradition conceptualizations oF ethnic groups and ethnicity in AFrica are couched in terms oF "tribes" and "tribalism." This terminology [which still has limited currency] is misleading by its implicit suggestion that ethnic phenomena in AFrica are not comparable to ethnicity elsewhere, especially the industrialized West. AFrican "tribes" were viewed as discrete entities both For administrative purposes and For purposes oF ethnographic research. The tendency to assume they were relatively isolated, culturally distinct and internally homogeneous, gave rise to a reiFication oF ethnic units in AFrica which, to some extent has become a selF-FulFilling prOphecy. Characteristic oF this approach was the view that "tribalism" is basically a conservative, largely irrational clinging to tradition and an associated parochial [and equally irrational) loyalty to one’s ethnic group. This view persists in the otherwise valuable contributions oF Epstein [1958) and Mayer [1981]. According to Epstein: The concept oF "tribalism" has two distinct points oF reFerence. On the one hand its application is intra-tribal and reFers to the persistence oF, or continued attachment to, tribal custom. On the other it reFers to the persistence oF loyalties and values, which stem From a particular Form oF social organi- zation, and which operate today within a social system much wider than that oF the tribe [1958: 231]. Again in Meyer: The emphasis on resistance, or conservatism, has been dictated by local circumstances too. IF anything in this centenarian town has the Fascination oF the unexpected, it is not the ample evidence oF "urban" behavior--whether observed in work or in leisure situations-- but the doggedly "tribal" behavior oF some people in some leisure situations [1981: ix]. Related to this approach was the assumption that AFricans moving to the urban center began the long arduous process oF "detribalization," a simultaneous peeling away oF layers oF traditional accretions, an acculturation to urban ways, and a shiFting oF loyalties away From the ethnic group. As with the case oF "tribalism", the term detribali- zation oFten makes no attempt to distinguish conceptually among these complex processes which are not necessarily closely linked nor passing through the same stages oF trans- Formation. These approaches to ethnicity, which largely reFlect attitudes and policies oF the colonial era, carried over into the early independence period [1958-85). Ethnic groups were viewed by European observers [and many AFricans as well) as obstables to the unity demanded by the Fragile new state. The task oF "nation building" was seen largely as a process oF breaking down tribal loyalties and replacing them with nationalist sentiments. 1.2.2 CHANGING PERSPECTIVES ON ETHNICITY IN AFRICA Recent trends in dealing with ethnicity since the mid 1980’s are pointing in promising new directions. This reFlects a resurgence oF popular and academic interest in ethnic phenomena, particularly the U.S. situation. Works such as Glazer and Moynihan’s [1985] Beyond the Melting Pot and Novak’s [1971] Rise oF the Unmeltable Ethnics indicate a new concern For ethnicity in western industrial societies and have given impetus to broadening the perspectives oF anthrOpologists Focusing [oFten myopically] on their "own" ethnographic provinces in the Third World. Evidence oF this new, comparative perspective is seen in the recent wave oF symposia volumes dealing with ethnic issues notably Helm [1988], Barth [1989], Kuper and Smith [1970), Cohen and Middleton [1970], Cohen [1973] De Vos and Romanucci-Ross [1975] and others. Two oF these works [Kuper and Smith, and Cohen and Middleton] limit their scope to AFrican examples, while the rest examine diverse cases scattered throughout the world. The need For a "classiFication oF concepts and a common Framework oF comparative study? is spelled out by Vincent [1974), who points up the narrow perspectives which persist in anthrOpological discourse: Discussions oF intergroup conFlict in the new nations today seem Frequently to call For the application oF particularistic designations-- such as those oF caste or tribe [Vincent 1974: 375). Consistent with Vincent’s advice, theorists such as Wallerstein [1985], and Cohen [1989] have advocated the abandonment oF the term "tribalism" in Favor oF ethnicity. According to Cohen: But this term [tribalism] has always been ambiguous and its use as an analytical concept in sociological enquiry has been severely cri- ticized in recent years. The term "ethnicity" which has been widely used in sociology, parti- cularly in the U.S.A., has been advocated by some writers as a substitute. This, again, is a term lacking in precision but has the advant- age over "tribalism" in that it is more Free From value-judgement and can be applied to a much greater variety oF groupings [1989: 3-4]. Wallerstein, arguing that the ethnic group in AFrica is an emergent phenomenon, generated by rural-urban migration sees ethnicity as, "the Feeling oF loyalty to this new ethnic group oF the towns [Wallerstein 1985: 477]." This deFinition is valuable in that it Forces us to recog- nize that contemporary expressions oF ethnicity are largely the product oF modern circumstances, and involve new adaptive strategies, rather than the simple persistence oF traditional loyalties. There is, however, no convincing reason why the concept should be applied only to urban situations, rather than extended to cover all Fields in which interethnic con- tact occurs. Multiethnic rural situations [generally over- looked in the literature] need also to be examined within the same conceptual Framework, to broaden the comparative base. Wallerstein’s basic contention, that ethnic identity in situations oF inter-ethnic contact [such as urban centers), takes on new meaning and new Functions in contrast to the rural homeland, is, however, well taken and is echoed by a number oF other observers including Mercier, [1983] Parkin [1989] and Cohen [1989]. The redeFinition or accentuation oF ethnic identity in the migrant center has been termed "retribalization" [Rouch 1958, Cohen 1989), an awkward term as ambiguous as its conceptual opposite "detribalization." In his penetrating study oF Hausa migrants in Yoruba [southwestern Nigerian) towns, Cohen [1989) challenges the established view that tribalism is a simple persistence oF traditional loyalties, and an irrational preFerence For one’s own culture. He asserts that ethnic identity is, on the contrary, an integral part oF the adaptive process, and can be eFFectively manipulated to achieve political and economic goals. In this context cultural items become symbols which promote group solidarity, while intra-ethnic ties and loyalties become a means oF consolidating tangible advantages in the modern arena [in the Hausa case, their monOpoly over the cattle and kola trade]. The tendency to see ethnicity as parochialism, antagonistic to the goal oF national uniFication is challenged by Wallerstein [1985] and Mercier [1985]. They point out that throughout much oF AFrica where social identity was based on the lineage and local community, ethnicity represents a broadening, rather than a narrowing oF loyalties. From this standpoint, ethnicity may actually promote national integration, as Wellerstein outlines: There are Four principal ways in which ethnicity serves to aid national integration. First, ethnic groups tend to assume some oF the Functions oF the extended Family and hence they deminish the importance oF kinship roles; two, ethnic groups serve a mechanism oF resocialization; three, ethnic groups help keep the class structure Fluid, and so prevent the emergence oF castes; Fourth, ethnic groups serve as an outlet For political tensions [Wallerstein 1985: 477). 1.2.3 CURRENT DEBATES: THE NATURE, ORIGIN AND PERSISTENCE OF ETHNIC GROUPS Above and beyond these issues is the more elusive and Fundamental question oF the ontological status oF ethnic groups, generally. Theorists like Naroll [1984] have been basically interests in "ethnic units" as cultural entities, objectively deFined, which could be meaningFully studied and compared with reFerence to content. Barth [1989], on the other hand, sees ethnic groups as units oF social organiza- tion whose boundaries are deFined by the actors themselves. From this standpoint, social identity, not cultural content, constitutes the "reality" oF ethnic groups. With impressive case material From Four continents he convincingly demonstrates how ethnic boundaries are maintained despite the changes in cultural content which inevitably occur over time and the exchange oF personnel between groups. The discrepancy between these two points oF view is largely resolved when one realizes that Barth and Naroll are talking about two Fundamentally diFFerent concepts, arising From their respective interests [social dynamics and cross-cultural comparison respectively). Cohen [1989: 4] 10 recognizes this distinction between ethnic "categories" [basically equivalent to Naroll’s ethnic "units"] and ethnic "groups" [in the Barthian sense). His assertion that ethnic categories can become transFormed into ethnic groups as shared culture is used to symbolize shared identity and interests, helps to bridge this conceptual gap. A more substantive argument, less easily reconciled, is the contrast between Barth and Cohen, on the one hand, and Geertz, on the other. Geertz sees ethnic identity as a "primordial attachment” which he conceives as, ...one that stems From the "givens"-- or more precisely, as culture is inevit- ably involved in such matters, the assumed "givens"--oF social existence; immediate contiguity and kin connection mainly, but beyond them the giveness that stems From being born into a particular religious community, speaking a particular language, and Following particular social practices. These congruities oF blood, speech, custom and so on, are seen to have an ineFFable and at times overpowering coerciveness in and oF themselves [1983: 109-110) He goes on to say that such attachments have the character oF "absolutes" and "seem to Flow more From a sense of natural-~some would say spiritual—~aFFinity than From social interaction [ibid: 110)." This view clearly conFlicts with that oF Barth: ...the persistence oF ethnic groups in contact implies not only criteria and signals For iden- tiFication, but also a structuring oF interaction which allows the persistence oF cultural diFFer- ences [1989: 18). 11 For Geertz the persistence oF ethnic boundaries is unproblematic since they "stem From givens," not the interaction oF groups, which For Barth is the critical Factor. Geertz [like Naroll] views content as critical, pointing to commonalities oF relition, language and "social practices," while For Barth [1989: 14) such "diacritical Features" are incidental to ethnic identity per se [ibid.: 14]. Cohen, as discussed above, views the ethnic group and its cultural content as important only insoFar as they are mobilized to achieve political and economic goals. He does not view ethnicity in terms oF "primordial attachments" ivested with value "in and oF themselves" but as reFerring to "striFe between ethnic groups in the course oF which people stress their identity and exclusiveness. [Cohen 1989: 4]." In contrast to Geertz, he maintains "contemporary ethnicity is the result oF intensive interaction between ethnic groupings [ibid.: 198]." Each oF these characterizations—-Geertz’ "primor- dial attachments", Barth’s "organizational vessels", and Cohen’s interest groups--have something to recommend them and can, to a degree, be reconciled From the standpoint that each emphasizes a diFFerent aspect oF ethnic identity. How- ever, reducing ethnicity to any one aspect grossly distorts empirical reality, pointing up the need For a more eclectic Formulation. 12 Geertz’ view is helpFul in that it Forces us to recognize that ethnic identity is based on other Fundamental Factors, which are "given" in the sense that they are ascriptive [kinship, language, religion]. Although these Factors are the blocks From which ethnic identity is built, it is, however, innaccurate to suggest that ethnic identity itselF is a "given," as implied by the title oF Geertz’ [1983] book, Old Societies and New States. As pointed out earlier [sec. 1.2.2], contemporary patterns oF ethnic identity in many AFrican nations are only slightly older than the nations themselves [see Hodgkin 1957: 42; Melson and Wolpe 1971: 42]. Further, Geertz’ equation oF ethnic identity with "congruities oF blood, speech, customs and so on," is surely ancwer~simpliFication oF the real world in which "units delimited by one criterion do not coincide with units delimited by another" [Uchendu 1975: 288]. In contrast to Geertz, Barth’s conception is valuable in that it Forces us to recognize that ethnic groups constitute organizational patterns arising out oF social interaction, whose origin and persistence must be eXplained. In his concern For boundary maintenance, how- ever, Barth seems more preoccupied with the question oF perSistence than the question oF origin. The overriding impression leFt by his treatment is one oF "dynamic equi- librium," which accounts For the change oF identity by 13 individuals who cross ethnic boundaries, but not For the emergence oF new groups through the Fundamental restruc- turing oF the boundaries themselves. Related to this objection is his tendency to treat the ethnic group as ultimate, classiFying "a per- son in terms oF his basic, most general identity"[8arth 1989: 12), or "imperative, in that it cannot be disre- garded and temporarily set aside by other deFinitions oF the situation" [Ibid.: 17). This view [reminiscent oF Geertz’ "primordial attachments") overlooks the Fact that ethnicity may 923 be immediately relevant in all situa— tions and that other levels oF identity above or below that oF the ethnic group [e.g., kinship or nationality, respect- ively) may oFten be the most salient criteria. In short, by assuming that ethnic groups are, necessarily, oper- ative units in any given situation, he begs the basic question oF "when is an ethnic group" posed by Schein [1975) and Uchendu [1975). Both point to the Fact that activation oF ethnic identity is situationally selective [long recognized by Mitchell 1958, and Epstein 1958). As Uchendu expresses it, Ethnic groups are social categories which pro- vide a basis For status ascription. Because the Factors which lead to status ascription are not static, the social Frame oF reFerence which cat- egorizes ethnicity is subject to expansion and contraction [1975; 275]. 14 Cohen, like Barth, realizes that the persistence oF ethnic groups must be accounted For. Unlike Barth, how- ever, he is concerned with the origin oF new groups [ethnic groups arising in urban centers) in the Face oF changing circumstances. He emphasizes, to a greater degree than Barth, the instrumentelity oF ethnicity, and, in so doing, comes Further in recognizing its adaptive Flexibility. Since ethnic identity For Cohen has no "absolute" or "ultimate" value, the diFFerential activation oF eth- nicity according to situation, poses no problem For him. The major problem which arises with Cohen, how- ever, is his seeming tendency to reduce ethnic groups to instruments oF political expediency. An ethnic group, to be sure, is an interest group, but part oF its commun- ality oF interests [as his own Hausa example vividly illustrates) is the maintenance oF collective identity. The question oF whether this identity and the diacriteria symbolizing it has value in and oF itselF [in addition to their instrumental value) cannot be easily put aside. From my perspective, man has always valued both symbols and more tangible goods, and any Formulation oF ethnicity must take this into account. In summarizing this evaluation oF the litera- ture, it can be said that an ethnic group is a human pop- ulation organized as an adaptive system whose members 15 share [or come to share) a distinctive identity asso- ciated with cultural diacriteria [language, dress, ritual, values etc.). The processes oF recruitment and mobilize- tion oF members and the strategic, situational deploy- ment oF this identity is known as ethnicity. l .3 SPECIFIC APPROACHES EMPLOYED IN THIS STUDY 1.3.1 MAJOR APPROACH: NETWORK ANALYSIS In terms oF the above discussion, network analy— sis emerges as a particularly useFul approach in dealing with the issue oF ethnicity. In applying it to the pre- sent study, I have taken account oF the Fact that it is an adaptive, situational phenomenon, as Cohen and Uchendu point out, which, at the same time, involves the mobili- zation oF Fundamental ties [Geertz’ "primordial loyalties"). Using the network approach, it is possible to see how ethnic identity operates as a complex, inter- connected system oF relations in which Fundamental ties Form the connecting links. Ethnic identity is but one aspect oF total social identity which simultaneously in— volves membership in a kin-group, local community, occu- pational category, age set etc. Each oF these statuses implies a network oF ties radiating outward From ego, link- ing him to others in the same group. Since such ties tend to cluster within the ethnic group and contribute to its solidarity, the ethnic group can be conceived 0F and 18 dealt with as an extended social network. This approach, in contrast to structural—Func- tional analysis, recognizes the adaptive, situational nature oF ethnicity. Network analysis views the social system in a state oF perpetual Flux, with new links being Forged while old ones are actively maintained, kept latent or dissolved, as circumstances require. This gives much Flexibility in dealing with ethnicity by providing the means For Factoring out alignments which support and those which work against the maintenance oF ethnic boundaries [which, as Barth recognizes, is a genuine problem). Network analysis as a research strategy is par- ticularly well suited to viewing migrant groups in highly Fluid urban environments [see Boissevain 1973: vii; Mitch- ell 1973: 15) or smaller multi-ethnic centers with high in-migration. The social organization oF such centers [urban and rural) can be viewed as an extended network and analysed From perspectives other than ethnicity [e.g., class linkages which cross-cut ethnic boundaries). 1.3.2 AIMS AND ORGANIZATION OF THIS STUDY Network analysis, the major approach oF this study, provides the basic Framework For its organization, in that most oF the chapters deal with speciFic types oF network linkages in relation to the maintenance and active- 17 tion oF ethnicity. Since many oF the various types oF linkages considered correspond to speciFic institutions [kinship, aFFinity, Friendship) it has been necessary to also make some use oF structural analysis. This, how- ever, is mainly background to understanding the organ- ization oF diFFerent types oF interaction around the theme oF ethnicity. A major aim oF the study is to compare the sig- niFicance oF ethnicity in the urban center with that oF rural areas. In chapter two I introduce the two research sites: the town oF Kumba and the adjecent rural center oF Kake. Major contrasts between the two centers are high— lighted which provide the basis For the comparison oF rural vs. urban social networks and rural vs. urban expressions oF ethnicity. The Igbo are then introduced as the major actors and attention is drawn to their contrasting roles in Kumba and Kake. Their roles in Cameroon are viewed against their Nigerian background and in historical per- spective. The Cameroon "Frontier" is seen as a phase in the emergence oF Igbo identity. Chapters three through eight Form the main body oF the study and deal with the various types oF network ties which reinForce ethnicity. Chapter three is con- cerned with macro-level Factors: language and nationality. The dimension oF locality is introduced as a segmentary 18 Framework For ordering identity at various levels. This theme is taken up in the Following chapter [Four) which discusses alignment at the level oF the ethnic group, sub— group and home village. Chapter Five discusses networks based on kin- ship and how the potential For the extension oF these ties reinForces ethnicity From below. The same principle is clear in the case oF aFFinal links, discussed in chapter six, which shows how endogamy at lower segmental levels is reconciled with a wider system, cross-lacing the grOUp as a whole. Chapter seven shiFts the Focus to ties which, by and large, have been established in the host society: Friendship and neighborhood relations. In contrast to most oF the links discussed earlier, such ties Frequently cross- cut ethnic boundaries. Hence, the complementarity and Opposition oF inter- and intra-ethnic links becomes a major theme. Chapter eight reexamines the ties discussed ear- lier in the context oF a particular activity: the recruit- ment oF labor For agricultural tasks [cocoa harvesting in Kake village). Through the interplay oF its myriad oF links, the network emerges as a dynamic whole, alternately reinForcing and drawing across ethnic cleavages. 19 Chapter nine deals with attitudinal dimensions oF ethnicity [particularly ethnocentrism) as a boundary deFining mechanism. The reciprocal stereotypes oF Igbos and Cameroonians are discussed with reFerence to their patterns oF interaction and in the context oF the role and history oF the Igbo in Cameroon. Chapter ten, the summary and conclusions, tests the Formulation oF ethnicity presented in the introduction against the empirical data Forming the body oF the study. Rural vs. urban contrasts, discussed earlier, are seen in- Fluencing the structuring oF ethnicity in the village and the town. Finally, the Igbo are placed in a broader com- parative Framework and their ultimate Future in Cameroon is discussed. 1.3.3 METHODS AND PROBLEMS The greater part oF the data in this study was collected through participation and observation during my nineteen month sojourn in West Cameroon. As is true in most anthropological research, the best insights oFten occurred in the course oF casual conversation with AFrican firiends, when awareness oF "being in the Field" was temp- orarily set aside, and the ungarded momentbrought a Free Flow oF inFormation welling to the surFace. 20 Igbos, like anyone else, are a cautious people, and oFten the overzealous, probing investigator provokes a deFensive reaction. They had all the more reason to be so at the time oF this research [1971-73), which began just eighteen months aFter the Fall oF BiaFra, when their gen- eral sense oF insecurity was aggravated by their tenuous status in Cameroon. Rapport with my Igbo inFormants was eased by my knowledge oF the language [which, iF not Fully Fluent, was at least Functional) and my Familiarity with people and places in the Igbo homeland where I had lived six years earlier. Nevertheless, the presence oF a white Ameri- can without "visible means oF support" was something oF an anomaly to most oF them and was the subject oF some specu- lation. One oF the myths in circulation cast me as a white mercenary, temporarily demobilized in the wake oF the Nigeria-BiaFre War. Others evidently thought me to be in the employ oF a government agency [American? Nigerian? Cameroonian?) and met my inquisitiveness with icy reticence. Generally speaking, I Found research in the town [Kumba] more diFFicult than in the village [Kake]. This stems From a number oF Factors dealt with in my discussion oF rural-urban contrasts [sec. 10.3.2). Apart From this, I Found that in Kake, where I was able to participate direct- ly in the rural economy [by working in labor parties and ad hoc cocoa breaking groups), acceptance [aFter initial 21 amusement) came Faster and inFormation was more readily shared. In Kumba I was able to learn a good deal through the attendance oF weddings, Funerals and birth ceremonies. Traders, mechanics and shoemakers I patronized were, almost invariably, Friendly and talkative. The Igbos’ prevailing Fear that the Cameroonian authorities were over-taxing them, however, made almost everyone reluctant to discuss personal Financial matters in any detail. Most oF the census material presented here is the result oF oFFicial surveys conducted under the auspices oF Federal and subdivisional authorities. Those persons conducting these surveys, who I had the good Fortune to meet, appeared reliable, competent and well inFormed. My own, more detailed census oF the Kake Igbo community was conducted in the course oF participating in agricult- ural activities, rather than a Formal house-to-house survey. In view oF the sensitivity which I encountered in Kumba, I Feared the latter might damage my rapport. Additional material was gained From Kumba through my Field assistant, who kept a daily diary For Five months, recording his activities and social inter- action in the town. Each daily entry was tape recorded 22 and Followed by an interview on the content. It will be evident to many reading this study that my research shows a decided male bias. In Igbo society [as among most West AFrican peoples), the inter— viewing oF women by a male investigator is hampered by sharp sex—role segregation and a values system which precludes most Forms oF casual interaction. InFormation about women is, thereFore, mainly the result oF direct observation, or second-hand testimony oF male inFormants. Evaluations oF Female behavior should, on these grounds, be viewed as largely Opinion, rather than objective Fact. 23 FOOTNOTES "West Cameroon" as used in this thesis, denotes the Former British [U.N.) mandated territory oF Southern Cameroon, now constituting the Northwest and Southwest provinces oF the United Republic oF Cameroon [Fig. 2.1; See sec. 2.1 For a Fuller description oF the territory’s political history). CHAPTER 2 SETTING AND SUBJECT: CAMEROON AND THE 1880 2.1 West Cameroonian Society West Cameroon, the setting oF the study, is characterized by a high degree oF ethnic diversity [Fig. 2.2). Situated in the Northwest Bantu border zone, it is one oF the areas oF greatest linguistic diFFerentia- tion on the AFrican continent. The most noticeable cultural diFFerentiae are those separating the egalitarian, small scale societies oF the southern Forest zone From the centre- lized, hierarchical groups oF the 8amenda GrassFields. The ethnographic picture in the latter zone [see Chilver and Kaberry 1987) is complicated by patterns oF immigration in precolonial times which brought together peOple oF westerly origin [the Bali From Chamba in present day Nigeria), From the northeast [the Tikari) and the southwest [the Tadkun peoples). In the northern section oF the Forest zone language and cultural Features link the MamFe peoples [Ejagham and Banyang) with the Nigerian Ekoi, while Further east the Bangwa represent the westernmost outliers oF the Bamileke, a group situated in East Cameroon [Brain 1971 and 1972). The southern Forest area is occupied by a number oF Bantu peoples, which can be clustered together in two supragroups speaking 24 25 REFERENCE Boundary with East Cameroon:—.— Boundary with Nigeria ---------- t;t.ra'a.nor-vt¢ FIGURE 2.1 WEST CAMEROON 28 ( ransom .v- Ashen /Auu~b. » a ”4‘? ' I ‘ ‘=a> ,f”/ 3% Mlle a Q [1" he an .n“¢n.,fl‘n. / «'~ I tongue H60 f’ \‘ ‘ n y ll ‘ ‘usl‘fi w? 1%” D ’0’ ‘ anon, " , KEY ‘. Babensi BaFaw Barombi Lower Belong Bai Belong Victoria Belong G Ekumbe H Balundu Ba Diko COED) 'T'llTl 9n... Malabar no» FIGURE 2.2 WEST CAMEROON: ETHNIC GROUPS 27 mutually intelligible languages. Kumba [see Fig. 2.1) is located near the interFace oF the western [Ngolo-Batanga, Bakundu, Ekombe) and eastern [Bakossi, Belong, BaFaw) clusters. In addition, the area contains a recently intrusive group, the Barombi, From the southeast [slightly north oF Douala), occupying several scattered enclaves in the vicinity oF Kumba and Mbonge. This southern Forest zone [Fako, Meme, and Ndian Divisions in modern administrative parlance), more than any- where else, reFlects the ethnic diversity oF West Cameroon as a whole. Since German colonial days [pre—World War I) the area has attracted migrant labor both From the northern GrassFields and From the territory east oF the Mungo.l The principle attraction has been wage employment in plante— tion agriculture, originally developed by the Germans, and maintained through the British administration into the ReuniFication era [see Rudin 1938; Ardener and Warmington 1980). During the late 1940’s these plantations were con— solidated under the semipublic Cameroon Development Corpora- tion, which remains the largest employer oF wage labor in West Cameroon. Since the period oF British administration large numbers oF Nigerians have migrated to West Cameroon to work For the C.D.C., Further increasing the ethnic diversity oF the region. 28 Superimposed on this indigenous mosaic is the added complexity resulting From the United Republic’s divided colonial history. West Cameroon, a Former British mandated territory, is now, oFFicially, Fully integrated into the national polity along with the Formerly French administered East.2 The dual, anglophone vs. Francophone, traditions have, in theory, been accomodated in the nation’s oFFicial policy oF bilingualism. However, the overwhelming numerical demographic predominance oF the East [with approximately 80% 0F the population), the location oF the national capital and major commercial center [Yaounde and Douala, respectively, both in the East), and the stronger economic position oF the East, increases the advantages oF knowing French and enhances the image oF French language and "French culture" in the eyes oF West Cameroonians. Easterners are popularly known as "Frenchmen" in the West, while westerners are called "les Anglais" in the East. While people From each area usually express preFerence For conventions and institutions and institutions associated with their own respective colonial heritage, the Francophone inFluence is clearly gaining ground. Young West Cameroonians [especially secondary school students) are rapidly learning French, and, to an increasing extent, are orienting toward Douala For cultural inspiration. 29 2.52.5; 14.43.42 mzomH>zm cz< mxPHZHLm< DZ< MDaummmz.mQ30Lm 0L< DmmUmHzocxom 0C .EmaumLumO mUmCEmUCDUu Pcmumaxm Lm£p0 m0 mucm0a0>m \3m0\mHmMD CH pajmmL Uajoz hemmoxm ICOC adamoaumLomLH amjpflm "DmnwLommLm .mmJOLm Lmfipo L0 11‘ m30mmmucm>vm mCHuzuommem m>au . . . . QJOLO EmLS Dmpm>auum mn Emu mca Immmz omam m>onm 04C IUCMD mmmH mCOapmeHno pjn nnmmijoumaD hamCDmeu mm mcommmL memm . Lum .m.moxm mag mmC«me DmELMF mLmL ham>aumHmI "DmLmemLQ £032 mmLm# Icmu Hamem Ca .Qmmu Dmpm>a mUCMpMLmLCa mpaCD Ipum 05 cm0 .mCaUCafl mmma m0 mmajL Dcm UHCLPmnij uoaipmao umpmauommml:mmCamm< mJLH: ILm>aC3 adamUaPMLomzk Lom DmnaLumOLm QDOLm mmmHaH> nQJOLm Lmucmu pcmLmaE Ca Cfltuaz [wtp mmma manammmoum mmCaLm< mmmaafi> .mmma mCOHummHHDO L0 COHmcmgxm #35 mQJOLm mmmHHa> Cal m.mm30um m0 |Ha>u QJOLD .mCOMPMHmL pcmLmaE mCaLODLmamC EmmZHmn .mmUmHzocx LmummLD HmUDJ L0 pxmpcou CH mmCamL< COEEOU >Hm>aumamm "UmLmemLm mmmaLU Ca uLOQQDm ms mmHCDEMLmu [flaw mm pmmm Ca tax mmDDmH Ememmm mo EOHpDDMLPCOU Lonma mm Iamea mcosm maam>mLQ mmmu EH CaxaLPma Dam amaUCMCam ma mummm EH CHXHLHNE UEm mec UEm tax "mCOHpmmaano mCHUCaD Eva; moan umOE Lou Hmm IameEu moan #mOE mmummmflu QDOLu tax mmjoam m0 QJOLmICH Du mmak HmCamm< L0 COHmEmuxm >Emm0xm m0 mochHUCH >Emmoflcm 175 FDDTNDTES Maintaining municipal vital statistics records is a recent innovation in West Cameroon introduced in the late 1950’s. The Figures cited here were obtained From the registers oF the Roman Catholic mission in Fiango [east side oF Kumba] and at Mbonge Road [adjecent to Igbo Quarter]. The Fiango church is the older and, until 1953, the only Catholic church in Kumba. In that year the majority oF Igbos began attending the newly established Mbonge Road parish. Although a substantial number oF Igbos attend Protestant churches, only a small percentage elect to have church weddings, which are not insisted upon to the same degree as in the case oF Catholics. It is, oF course, possible that inter—ethnic marriages, which, on the whole, are less socially approved, would tend not to be celebrated in a semipublic church cere- mony. Oh the other hand, it was suggested by a European pastor, long resident in Cameroon, that a couple marry- ing against the pressures oF their kinsmen might marry in church to gain a religious sanction which could, in part, compensate For the lack oF social approval. From the Few cases oF Igbo/non-Igbo marriages encountered in the the Field, it would appear that the proportion oF church to nonchurch marriages was about equal. The expression "making Friends," in West Cameroon and Nigeria, when used with respect to members oF the oppo- site sex, almost invariably reFers to establishing extra [or pre-] marital sexual relations. One Kake Igbo migrant asserted that it was better to marry an Igbo woman since she would be more industrious than her Bakundu counterpart. When asked about Grassland women, he replied that, although they worked very hard, probably harder than Igbo women, it was still preFerable to marry an Igbo since, "women cannot work all oF the time. They still must do other things like bearing children." 10. 11. 12. 13. 177 ReFers to village in the case oF eastern Igbo [DhaFFias and Adas], village group in other areas. I.e., outside the division oF origin. Although there were no such marriages existing as oF January, 1973, there were two early during the previous year. M. M. Green’s study oF Umueke in Agbaja village group, For example, revealed the Following pattern: OF a sample oF Forty wives in Umueke [Umueke-ama and Umu Nwa Ebodim], six- teen were From other Agbaja villages and twenty—Four were From outside Agbaja. OF a sample oF twenty-six women born in Umueke [Umueke-ama and Umu Nwa Ebodim], sixteen were married to other Agbaja villages and ten to places outside Agbaja [Green 1954: 155]. Because oF this value, many Igbos send their young daughters home to be raised "properly? Two oF the three cases oF such marriages recorded ended in separation, while the third was under severe strain [diFFerences in brideprice was suggested by observers as a possible cause in the case oF at least one]. This may be related to the historical Fact that Owerri "town" previous to World War II was an exogamous village group not permitting intermarriage "within its boundaries ..except with a small group oF strangers who had come From elsewhere and settled there [Green 1954: 153]." The eastern Igbo practice oF allowing marriage between patrikin is disparaged by other Igbos. In the words oF one inFormant: There are many people who do marry agburu, For instance, Abiriba, OhaFFia etc. These people wouldn’t mind marrying any person. Although the gag category does exist among eastern Igbos, the avoidance pattern does not appear to be as strict in this area. According to Dttenberg [1955: 105-101], osu status in AFikpo was matrilineally inherited, and the—— children oF diala ["Freeborn"] women and gag men were classiFied as diala. Marriage with gag was generally 14. 15. 15. 17. 15. 19. 175 regarded as a "bad match," but, evidently, not subject to the same degree oF opprobrium as in central areas, where marriage to gag resulted in social ostracism and de Facto recruitment oF the spouse into the gag group [see Forde and Jones 1950: 23; Uchendu 1955: 89—90; Green 1954: 23—4; Basden 1935: 243-258]. The general attitude toward Aros is one oF vague Fear and suspicion [see section 4.3]. Many Igbos associate their reFusal to marry Aros with their abuse oF power in the past [see note 4, chapter 2], and the Fact that "they sold many oF our people into slavery." Aros and osu were oFten mentioned together as avoided groups in Etrast to "real Igbos" with whom marriage was possible. This association is also seen in the osus’ historical charter which maintains that they perFormed sacriFices as representatives oF Aro priests [Basden 1935: 243-255]. In the marriage process considerable signiFicance is given to the suitor’s giFt oF palm wine to the house— hold oF the bride, which signals the commencement oF serious negotiations. Repeated prestations oF wine to one’s ggg in subsequent celebrations is, evidently, a restatement oF the pledge implicit in the initial giFt which lead to the creation oF the aFFinal bond. It is usual in Cameroon For most patients to receive their meals From kinsmen, aFFines or Friends, rather than depending on more expensive hospital Food. It should be added that the majority oF Igbo residents oF Bekora were From AFikpo, Amasiri, Ada and other eastern village groups neighboring W’s own group, Unwana. This, together with the Fact that W enjoyed considerable prestige as a pastor and secondary school teacher visit- ing a remote village, was, no doubt, a Factor enhancing his hospitable treatment by Bekora-based Igbos. An individual oF subordinate status is usually expected to take the initiative in greeting. The Foregoing is hardly an exhaustive discussion oF the implications oF the polysemic proverb "marriage has no end." One inFormant interpreted it to mean "every gene- ation marries." Marriage, thus, provides limitless opportunity For multiplying alliances with other kin groups. According to another inFormant, it meant "a marriage can- not be broken." Accordingly, the continuity oF aFFinal ties through time is seen in the survival oF at least a 20. 179 vestige oF ggg sentiments aFter the marriage has been dissolved. This is especially true iF the marriage has produced children who constitute a living link between the two kin groups. The need For considerable diplomacy in the conduct oF aFFinal relations with Cameroonians is evident in the case oF W, an Igbo who married a Balong girl. W strug- gled to remain on good terms with the girls Father, while the latter, unsuccessFully, tried to pressure W into becoming a Cameroonian. Later, when the marriage broke up, W [by then engaged to an Igbo girl] tried to placate the parents, while resisting their demands to take back their daughter. W commented as Follows: We have to behave ourselves and watch our step as we are in their country. I have been struggling to keep this matter out oF the courts. As I am a Foreigner here the judge would Favor them. CHAPTER 7 FRIENDSHIP AND NEIGHBORHOOD RELATIONS In previous chapters we have delt with net- works which, by and large, are based on the origin oF the migrant: nationality, language, local provenance and kin- group. Such ties emphasize ascriptive identity and allow For the exercize oF choice only to the extent to which they can be extended or otherwise maniFulated. AFFinal ties are, theoretically, Freely Formed through the migrant’s marriage choice, but, as we have seen, this choice is conditioned and circumscribed by the ethnic community and subcommunity to which he belongs. Further, as marriages are, in the great majority oF instances, contracted in the homeland, aFFinal ties are rooted there and projected onto the migrant Field in much the same manner as relations based on kinship and locality. Friendship and neighborhood networks, on the other hand, are essentially part oF the system oF relations which has developed abinitio in the migrant locale. Although the origin oF the migrant is certainly one oF the more signiFicant among a number oF Factors which inFluences the Formation oF Friendship and neighborhood ties, they are not exclusively inter-ethnic. As will be shown, in certain lBD 151 cases they may carry a higher valence than home-based alliances. This is an area which is marked by considerably wider Freedom oF choice than was the case with relations mentioned above, both in terms oF Forming ties and carrying out associated obligations. 7.1 THE MEANING AND VALUE OF FRIENDSHIP Friendship is highly valued by migrant Igbos in Cameroon as a distinct category oF social relations. Unlike other ties, which emphasize similarities in background, Friendship is based on shared attitudes and behavior mani- Fest in the context oF the migrant environment. Typical characterizations oF Friendship oFFered by inFormants are as Follows: A Friend is someone whose way oF liFe [agga]and behavior [omune] rhymes with your own. A Friend is someone whose behavior is good. He is one you share your views with. He is someone you very well understand-his way oF liFe--and vice versa. Your Friend is someone who likes your ways. In point oF Fact, oF course, similarity in behavior and attitude Frequently reFlect commonalities in status, situation, and to a degree, background, including origin. Relative age, marital status, occupation, and educational attainment are all relevant in the Formation oF 182 Friendship networks, but, generally speaking, these criteria merely indicate the broad categories From which Friends tend to be drawn, rather than the individual Factors operative in the generation oF particular links. These criteria would, however, generally tend to be more impor- tant in small centers where the range oF potential Friends is more restrictive, than in towns, where corresponding categories are well represented. The inFormants’ emphasis on behavioral and attitudinal dimensions oF Friendship, rather than the Formal characteristics oF Friends, corresponds to the ob- jective Fact that Friendship Frequently cuts across status boundaries. 0, an Igbo school leaver resident in Kumba, For example, chose most oF his Friends From the same category. He did, however, have some Friends with whom he regularly moved who had not gone to secondary school but who, like himselF, were Igbos and unemployed. One such Friend, BJ, an illiterate, was described by O as being oF similar temperment to himselF and, in 0’s words: The man is a good story taller and I another. He later Found out that I was more than an equal to him in that. 0 had a number oF Friends, both Igbo and non-Igbo, with whom he shared diFFerent combinations oF characteristics. As will be discussed later, the co—ethnic Friends tended to be quite diverse in terms oF occupation and educational 183 background, while non—Igbos were more like himselF in this respect. In almost all cases, those he described as Friends were similar in age [early to mid 20’s] and marital status [single], characteristics oF utmost sig- niFicance in deFining the peer group, both in the migrant situation and in the homeland. Friendship is distinctive From other categories oF relations mentioned in the Foregoing chapters in that it is based on dyadic links. As one inFormant put it IF a Friend oF a man dies, usually only that man will come, while iF there is an ggg [aFFinal] relationship [For instance] many will come. And, in the words oF another: We introduce children to their relatives, but this does not apply to Friends. They seek their own Friends. In other words, emphasis is placed on the Fact that Friendship does not relate the individual to a cate- gory oF people, but merely to other individuals like him- selF. When he attends his Friend’s Funeral, he does not go as a member oF a group, but is obliged to go by virtue oF his personal tie to the deceased. Likewise, Friends, unlike kinsmen, are not an ascriptive given, to which he responds in more or less prescribed ways, but constitute a network oF voluntarily created ties, which he can make or break at will, which allow considerable scope For individual adjustment. 154 The signiFicance oF Friendship is highlighted through the comparison and contrast which Igbo migrants make between Friends and brothers.. "A good Friend is like a good brother," or, more commonly, "a good Friend is better than a bad brother," are Frequently heard proverbs.1 Although brotherhood carries a heavy load oF insistant and ultimate obligations, there is great variation in the consistency with which they are met. Consequently, there is the prevailing belieF that Friends, Freely selected For their sympathetic qualities, are more dependable than many [iF not most] kinsmen. As one Okigwi migrant remarked: A Friend is better than a brother. For example, iF you have any trouble or Family responsibility, your brother may not Feel it. Perhaps iF there is trouble, the Friend may come, but not your brother. IF you are in the hospital, a Friend could help take care oF your business, while iF the brother did that it would go downhill. IF you have a real Friend, once he hears you have trouble, he will come. A good Friend will not hide anything, while your brother may hide many things From you. The nature oF the structured relationships between brothers puts strains on these ties which are ab- sent in the case oF Friendship. In the words oF one OhaFFia migrant, "a Friend, unlike a brother, does not eat your Flesh." This statement points up the Fact that since the obligations imposed by kinship are oFten diFFicult to avoid, they are more easily abused. It also draws attention to the property relationships, between brothers which makes them 155 contestants For the Family estate. The tension between the expectation For sharing and the reality oF rivalry, contrasts with the more spontaneous interaction between Friends, as suggested in the Following remark by one Umuahia man: IF my Friend damages something, I would vex. IF my brother damages something, should I mind? No, because it is our property. The continuity oF harmonious relations among kinsmen is a highly valued norm enForced by social pressure. The need to sustain what may only be a Facade oF concord is essential to the maintenance oF the corporate kin-group and its public image, but is not characteristic oF dyadic Friendship links. Consequently, tensions generated by conFlict between Friends can be relieved by mutual avoid- ance much more easily than is the case among kinsmen, as indicated by one inFormant From Dkigwi: You cannot totally Fall out with a brother as you can with a Friend. When you Fall out with a brother, the whole umunna or agburu will come out to repair it. When you Fall out with a Friend, only some other Friends will know. When they see you moving around town without him they might ask where he is. Igbos are insistant that the distinction between Friends and kinsmen is clear and irrevocable. According to the Dkigwi migrant quoted above: A brother is not a Friend because no matter what his behavior, whether good or bad, he is still your brother. 155 Further, as a Friend is outside one’s endogamous kin—group, he is [in most cases] a potential aFFine. In Fact, one oF the values oF Friends is that they provide the chance to meet their sisters who might be suitable as wives. IF one’s Friend has eligible kinswomen in the home- land he may endeavor to learn more about them and utilize his contacts with the Friend’s senior kinsmen to pave the way For Future marital negotiations. As with kinsmen, however, the distinction between aFFine and Friend is clearly deFined. IF a man does, in Fact, marry his Friend’s kinswoman, he is no longer re— Ferred to as agyi ["Friend"], but ggg. He is now viewed as a "Family member," whose relationship to ago has become Formalized and made more permanent. Although he may con- tinue to have close personal relations with ego, he now becomes identiFied with a category oF people toward whom ago has contracted a set oF asymmetrical obligations. This group, as a whole, contrasts with Friends, as one Enugu inFormant eXpressed it: Your in-laws demand so much, quite unlike the case with Friends. They do not give you any- thing, but demand many things, especially iF they Find that you are wealthy. As with kinship, the structured aFFinal relation- ship precludes much oF the casual give and take which char- acterizes the relationship between Friends. The set oF 157 common interests which binds aFFines together is generally quite diFFerent From that linking Friends and Forms the basis For most oF their interaction. According to one Kake resident From Ada: The stories normally exchanged between in-laws normally center on "in-lawship." That is, asking about your wiFe, who is my sister and so Forth. It is rare that you Find their conversation shiFting to something else, to something per- taining to their own lives as is the case with Friends. The Igbo proverb, enyi El obere anu karia ogo ["an in—law is oF slightly more weight than a Friend"), sums up the relative signiFicance oF the two categories oF relationships. It takes into account the Fact that a Friend can easily become an aFFine, and that aFFinal relations, though highly valued, are viewed with an ambivalence absent in Friendship. 7.2 ETIQUETTE AND EXPECTATIONS Friendship is the most loosely structured oF all categories oF social relationships. Unlike the relations mentioned in the Foregoing chapters, it does not enmesh the individual in a network oF compulsory obligations. As one migrant From Bende expressed it, "there is no rule that I should do anything For my special Friend." Similarly, as one inFormant From Ada remarked: 158 When I go to my Friends house I will not norm- ally demand anything, even kola. But, according to Igbo custom, he normally gives me kola. When he doesn’t, I wouldn’t mind it. Nevertheless, there is an etiquette and set oF expectations which is associated with Friendship, concern— ing which there is basic general agreement among the members oF the migrant Igbo community. These expectations involve the Following: 1] mutual trust, 2] mutual aid, 3] co-activ- ity, 4] promotion oF mutual interest and 5] the maintenance oF ties. Given the relatively unstructured, spontaneous nature oF Friendship, it is expected that Friends will be open with one another and, depending on the strength oF the bond, willing to share conFidential inFormation. This, oF course, assumes that good Friends have shown themselves to be trustworthy as,indicated by one Ada migrant: A good Friend is one that keeps secrets. You have stories oF interest between Friends which may not be revealed to anyone else. The sharing oF secrets among trusted Friends was more Fully elaborated by one inFormant From Ezi Ama: I would tell my Friend who is not talkative about my diFFiculties and certain other things I would like to keep secret. For example, woman aFFairs. My Friend must know my girlFriend and I must know his. Second, monetary aFFairs. IF I have a Friend I cannot hide this, since he may come and ask For money. I should tell him every little thing about my business. He should know my whereabouts. My Friend will even know what my wiFe cannot. lBB InFormation about relations with women, Finan- cial matters and keeping one another apprised oF one’s whereabouts and movements are the most consistently men- tioned content oF the communications network among close Friends. As will be discussed later, such networks are generally intra-ethnic, For a number oF reasons. Withhold- ing such inFormation is viewed as a breach oF etiquette, as indicated by D [an Dkigwi migrant] in describing his discussion with one oF his co—ethnic Friends: C was the next person I met, and I had to spend some time there. He kept blaming me For choosing to be reserved--not telling oF myselF. Well, the matter resulted From the Fact that I had moved into W’s house without his inFormation. This and other similar occurrences was what he kept talking about up to the time I leFt his shed. Friends also recognize a commitment to mutual aid, especially in crises or diFFicult situations. In the ab- sence oF close kinsmen, a Friend might, For example, assume the primary responsibility in a Funeral, "to see that my Friend is properly buried." He might also give his Friend a substantial loan. According to O: A Friend could loan you over 50,000 Frs. to establish a business. IF the business Falters, he would not ask you anything. That is Friend- ship. Given the commercial orientation oF many Igbos, this Form oF aid is relatively widespread. IF a man becomes ill and is unable to manage his business, a good Friend will 190 oFten volunteer to temporarily manage it For him with- out expecting compensation. This Form oF aid is almost invariably intra-ethnic, presupposing a high level oF mutual trust. Friends are also committed to mutual deFense and apprise one another oF dangerous situations. Igbos, For example, warn co—ethnics oF the aCtivities oF the Cameroonian authorities, who periodically check identity papers, tax receipts, drivers’ licenses etc. Igbo taxi drivers have developed an elaborate system oF hand signals to warn their Friends and compatriots oF check points along the road. One day the brother 0F 0 remained home, not going to his tailor shed, as was usual. He had been warned by his Friends that security oFFicers were checking identity papers and were looking For alien residence depo- sit receipts, which he had not paid. Friendship is viewed as a relationship which promotes mutual interest. Failure to observe the principle oF reciprocity lays one open to charges oF exploitation, as this example [provided by 0] indicates: This man C [a co-ethnic Friend]—-I don’t know what is the matter. He was studying For the General CertiFicate Examination and took my dictionary oF economics and my past papers. He wanted me to learn typing at his house, so I bought some typing sheets. He then started using the typing sheets himselF, but I kept quiet. AFter some time the typing ribbon was getting 191 Finished. I said that as we were both unem- ployed there was no use For his buying one alone, and that we could buy one together. He said, "No, don’t worry." Later, he said that the machine was not his and that the owner had taken it away. He had actually hidden it, be— cause when I came back later with H [another co- ethnic Friend], I saw someone else using it. This C wants to gain more From me than he is willing to contribute himselF! It is in conFlict situations, such as this, that the instrumental Functions oF Friendship, normally merely implicit, are exposed in bold relieF. When circumstances change, ties no longer expedient may grow lax and allowed to lapse. In the above situation C, who was preparing to go to the United States For Further studies, made use oF 0’s books and exam papers in order to gain the qualiFica- tions needed to enter the university. Allowing 0 to practice on his typewriter was basically compensation and a means oF sustaining what continued to be a service- able link, as O was also trying to gain overseas admission and shared his knowledge with C. As it developed, C, who had much better Financial support, gained admission early, while 0’s chances remained relatively poor. C now saw himselF in another status category, no longer 0’s peer. As Friendship with 0 no longer served his ends, they grew increasingly alienated as time went on. IF Friends are, ideally, committed to promoting one another’s interests, they are similarly pledged not to act against one another’s welFare. They are expected to 192 protect each other’s public image or, as one Ada migrant put it, with reFerence to a Cameroonian Friend, "I would not talk against him, nor he against me." They would, ideally, try to avoid situations potentially leading to conFlict. One sensitive area, particularly in the case oF inter-ethnic relations, concerns what are popularly called, "women aFFairs." Although Friendship between Igbos may eventually lead one to marry the other’s sister, the chances oF this developing From inter-ethnic Friendship is remote." Consequently, iF an Igbo were to show a keen interest in the sister oF a Cameroonian Friend, the assumption would normally be that he was interested in establishing a casual liaison, generally viewed as inimical to Friend- ship. This was suspected OF 15, an Udi migrant, who care- Fully avoided "mixing himselF" with any oF his Cameroonian Friend’s many sisters and was able to overcome the Family’s suspicions. In his view, it is unwise to "chase" [i.e., try to seduce] one’s Friend’s sister, and, as he put it, "you should treat her as your own sister." The importance oF these strictures was pointed up in an incident involving U, an Igbo who carried on an aFFair with P, the sister oF his Bakossi Friend M. The situation was complicated by the Fact that the girl was the mistress oF a senior governmental oFFicial. According to U’s Friend 0: 193 U has been a close Friend oF M, P’s brother From the same Father. Since M was staying with U while looking For a job, he used to take him to P’s house. She lives in a house by herselF. The rent is paid by this man who lives in Buea, For whom she is a kind oF concubine. That is how U and P came to know each other. The time came when they started loving each other, requesting each other with their eyes. M himselF came to realize this and became oFFended. AFter that he didn’t want to see U again. M complained to P, saying U had been his best Friend ever since he had come to his house, and he knows that as P is his direct sister, he should not have gone to her house For all such things. In the above situation M broke oFF his long- standing, close Friendship with U because oF the latter’s aFFair with his sister. In M’s view, U had exploited his link with the Former by using him as a stepping stone to what he saw as an illegitimate relationship. The Fact that a senior government oFFicial maintained a liaison with P, was acceptable and even desirable, given his status, which made U’s intrusion even more resented. U not only threatened this link with a prestigious,wealthy and rela- tively powerFul man, but laid M open to the accusation that he, as U’s Friend, had promoted the aFFair. U was clearly playing with Fire. Not only did he Flaunt the conventions oF Friendship, but he courted conFrontation with a Formidable rival. In view oF the prevalent stereotype which represents Igbos as exploiters oF Cameroonian woman [see sec. 9.4], the situation was 194 particularly sensitive and capable oF having reverberations. Other close Friends oF U, most oF whom were Igbos, judged the best course was to keep a distance and avoid being implicated. O, a mutual Friend oF U and M, tried to remain neutral. As O remarked: I didn’t want to be going to P’s house because U is my Friend and so is M, and both oF them have Fallen out. The reason which brought about this dispute is the aFFair with P. I didn’t Find it worthwhile going there. That would mean that I was supporting U in his be- Friending the sister. Friendship implies co-activity. Much oF the time 0 moved about Kumba he was accompanied by one or two close, generally co—ethnic Friends. As these Friends were, For the mostpart, unemployed, like himselF, they spent considerable time circulating around the town in this Fashion. OFten their movements were random but, Frequently, involved visits to mutual acquaintances, or simply escourting one another part oF the way to a speciFic destination. The commitment to moving around with one’s comrades oFten lead 0 to a number oF places he would otherwise have been disinclined to go to. According to O: I was, surprisingly, met by my Friend A. He asked me to consider iF I would accom— pany him to a Friend’s house. From where we were standing to the Friend’s house was a Far cry--all the way to Hausa Quarter. The idea oF a long journey almost changed my heart to say no, but I later thought: "No, this is my Friend, I will go," and so it was. 195 Such "moving For moving’s sake" is a Fairly typical pattern oF behavior which becomes more Formalized during holiday seasons when larger groups oF Friends [particularly those From the same home area], circulate about the town drinking and Feasting. During the interval between Christmas and New Year’s mutual visitation is at its peak, when people abandon their regular occupations For the no less vital activities oF travelling, hosting and being hosted. At this time there is a general predisposition toward and expectation oF generousity, Frequently outstrip- ping one’s means. At other times throughout the year Friends visit one another in the evenings and on Sundays, For the mostpart. Although there is no binding rule that kola [welcoming oFFer- ing oF Food or drink] should be provided, this is generally oFFered, especially iF it is a First or occasional visit. Consequently, men oF limited means, including unemployed school-leavers like 0, might hesitate to invite Friends to his house. With close Friends in similar circumstances there would be no such restrainsts, and they would visit one another Frequently with no such expectations. Commensality is a regular Feature oF interaction among Friends, the oFFering and acceptance oF Food indicating the absence oF ill-will and suspicion. Given the stereotypes concerning the eating habits oF other ethnic groups 195 [see section 9.2], and Frequent distrust, Igbos will oFten try to avoid eating in houses oF Cameroonians, unless, oF course, they are particularly close Friends. The importance oF commensality as a rough measure oF social distance is suggested in the Following idiom provided by N, a Friend 0F 0: Friends diFFer. IF I Found my Friend was somewhat careless, I would use a shovel- —a long spoon--to eat with him. 0 would regularly prepare meals and eat with one or two oF his co—ethnic Friends, which created a convivial atmosphere and minimized work, rotating From one Friend’s house to another. They would also share their lodgings on an irregular basis which became a regular practice aFter 0’s relations with his brother deteriorated [see section 5.2]. The importance oF Friendship links as communica- tions networks has been discussed above. Important and even vital inFormation is regularly exchanged, but more oFten talk is oF a less serious nature, serving more to keep interper- sonal ties activated and the lines oF communication open. The etiquette oF Friendship expects that topics discussed be oF mutual interest, as indicated by 0 in his description oF a conversation with three co-ethnic Friends: I returned to the house and was in For about 40 minutes beFore B arrived. Both oF us sat back conversing on a variety oF subjects, and 197 it was From him that I came to know that MS had come From Yaounde. At a later stage N came and joined us in our conversation which basically, was centered on education career [i.e., higher education]. Then BJ came in. With this Friend’s arrival we shiFted the topic to something diFFerent. BJ, unlike the others, had not gone to secondary school, and consequently, would not have been interested in hearing the others discuss their prospects For continuing their education. The topic was quickly and smoothly shiFted to accomodate him. This was accomplished with relative ease owing to the shared home language and cultural background oF the Four, even though two oF them [5 and BJ] were not mutual Friends. Igbos will oFten, on the other hand, go to some lengths to accomodate Cameroonian Friends in their conversa- tions as indicated by D’s description oF a visit to the house oF P [U’s Bakossi girlFriend]: U and I spent more than an hour conversing with P. We were talking about the campaign, the vote, and CNU aFFairs. P’s so-called husband is a politician. P too is a member oF the CNU meeting. You know, iF you want to keep such people happy you have to talk about some oF the things they are interested in. Although Friendship bonds can be made and broken at will, good Friends endeavor to maintain ties even when circumstances carry them in diFFerent directions. MS, a long standing Friend 0F 0, had leFt Kumba to trade in Yaounde. Each time he returned to Kumba he would spend much oF his time moving with 0 and his Friends, sharing meals and 195 quarters with them. AFter he had made the decision to return to Nigeria to re-establish himselF, MS, 0, N and another Friend went to a local studio For a group photo. As 0 described it: Since M5 is leaving on Monday For Nigeria we ggag have a snapshot so that we can keep memories, so that iF God helps and I get to the United States I can be keeping up with that. He doesn’t know himselF when he will be able to call on me again. BeFore MS leFt Cameroon he introduced 0 and their mutual Friends to a man From MS’s village, who operated an "oFF—license" [beer store] and another Friend who traded in Kumba market, with the intention that they might share news about him aFter he had gone. On the morning oF MS’ depar- ture, these Friends assembled in the motor park to bid him Farewell as he boarded a passenger truck bound For Nigeria. Numerous inFormants both in Kumba and Kake indi- cated that their best Friends were living in other centers, ten or more miles away. In such cases they continued to keep in touch aFter one or both had moved. This, according to O, constituted the acid test oF Friendship: IF he moves away and you continue to keep in contact with him, then to my mind, he is a Friend. 7.3 TYPES AND DEGREES OF FRIENDSHIP Friendship, even more than kinship or aFFinity, designates a broad category oF relationships, within which 199 there is considerable variation with respect to social distance and Function. 0n the basis oF inFormants’ state- ments, these can be roughly grouped into three categories: 1] casual Friends and acquaintances, 2] situational Friends, 3] close Friends. A casual Friend corresponds to what Igbos call enyi eititi uzo ["Friend on the road”]. This indicates someone whose identity is known, who one would greet when passing, occasionally exchanging brieF conversation out oF courtesy. Such people might great one another "agyi" ["Friend"], merely to acknowledge mutual recognition and the absence oF hostility. Traders, For example, who pass one another regularly in the market on route to and From their stalls might great one another in this manner. Second degree Friends [individuals sharing a mutual Friend but not well known to each other] would also Fall into this category. Casual Friends have minimal interaction, little, or no reci- procity and virtually no mutual responsibility. Situational Friends are popularly represented as "drinking Friends" or enyi oge ebute mmanya ["Friend when wine comes"]. This category is approximately equivalent to the English "Fair-weather Friends," denoting individuals who are relatively well known, oFten interacting on a Fairly regular basis, but with little sense oF mutual responsibility. Such Friends are generally trusted, but to a limited extent, 200 and are not privy to conFidential inFormation. One does not consult such Friends when conFronted with problems, and they are not called upon For support in diFFicult situations or crises. Close Friends is a much more selective and res— trictive category, termed, in Igbo, ezigbo enyi ["good Friend"]. DFten this term covers only a single individual, or, at most, small core oF tight knit Friends well known to each other. Many inFormants indicated that they had one "special Friend" who served as their conFidant, and who could be trusted above anyone else with private inFormation or private property. The Following statement by an Mgbidi migrant in Kumba, is typical: I empty all my secrets to my closest Friend. He could Freely go to the utmost part oF my house and get anything, even money. A close Friend might be called upon to act as a go—between in negotiating a marriage, or helping to reconcile spouses or lovers aFter a quarrel. They can be relied upon in any crisis, or, in the words oF one OhaFFia migrant in Kake, "will be there iF you have to go to court." 7.4 FRIENDSHIP AND ETHNICITY Igbo migrants regularly mentioned both co-ethnics and non-Igbos as included within their extended network oF Friends. Although ethnic boundaries did not appear to 201 represent a barrier to the establishment oF links between individuals, there was a noticable correlation between ethnicity and the type [or degree] oF Friendship. This is evident in the case oF 0, whose patterns oF social interaction over a three and one-halF month period involved Friends oF various categories, and diverse ethnic backgrounds [see Table 5.1]. Although 0’s extended network included nearly as many non-Igbos as Igbos [23 vs. 25, respectively], there is a marked diFFerence in the distribution oF intra— vs. inter- ethnic Friends among the various categories. All oF the non- Igbo Friends with whom O interacted were either casual or situational, whereas about 20% [5/25] oF his Igbo Friends could be described as close, in the sense indicated above. Most Igbos interviewed, like 0, gave the names oF co-ethnics as examples oF close Friends. Some Kake residents mentioned non-Igbos, suggesting rural-urban diFFerences in this regard, a point which will be elaborated later. The tendency For inter-ethnic relations to be, on the whole, more casual is related to Four basic Factors: 1] shared understandings within the ethnic group, 2] distrust oF non— Igbos, 3] emphasis on the value oF intraethnic links and 4] social pressure. As discussed earlier, the ethnic group constitutes an extended network oF internal communication. Not only is 202 there an easier Flow oF inFormation within this network, owing to shared language, but there is, at the same time, a strong sanction keeping a variety oF issues From passing beyond ethnic boundaries. Although inter-ethnic Friend— ships may involve the exchange oF personal conFidential inFormation, they generally do not permit the sharing oF in- group secrets. As this is contrary to the etiquette oF Friendship which expects openess, it acts as a Factor dis— couraging close ties with non-Igbos. Further, although individual links to non—Igbos are Formed which may approach close Friendship, they generally do not overlap to Form tight networks [such as that oF D]B, which require a gene— rally broader base oF common linguistic and sociocultural background. A second Factor inhibiting the development oF close Friendships between Igbos and non-Igbos is the negative attitudes which the Former maintain vis a Vis Cameroonians and, to some extent, toward non-Igbo Nigerians [see section 9.2]. Distinctive Igbo Food preFerences, devaluation oF the Food and dietary habits oF various Cameroonian peoples, coupled with a general sense oF distrust, discourages commen— sality.7 A constant concern about the jealousy oF others makes many Igbos [and some Cameroonians] wary oF placing them- selves in vulnerable positions, by aFFording others the means or motive For gaining an advantage over them. For this 203 reason one might be reluctant to discuss one’s problems, as well as good Fortune with people outside oF one’s ethnically deFined community oF common interest. As one Igbo student preparing For overseas study expressed it: Most oF my close Friends with whom I discuss my business are members oF my own tribe. Cameroonians might be jea- lous oF my going to America, but other Igbos, who are in the same situation as me, would not be. TABLE 7.1 FRIENDSHIP NETWORK: DISTRIBUTION BY DEGREE AND ETHNIC GROUP5 A. Casual B. Situational C. Close Totals [A+B+C] l] Non—Igbo [mainly Cameroonian] 5[50%] 18[53%] otoxj 23[47%J 2] Igbo 5[50%] 15[47%] 5[lDO%] 25[53%] 3] Totals {1+2} 10(100%] 34(100x] 5[lDO%] 49[100%J Establishing Friendship links within the ethnic group is viewed as a prudent investment, more likely to yield tangible beneFits, than ties to Cameroonians [although the latter may have special advantages, as will be discussed below]. Since such links are, rooted in ascriptive identity, they are generally viewed as more enduring and dependable than interethnic ties. According to the student quoted in the preceeding paragraph, discussing the case oF a youth bound For 204 overseas study whose close Friends were all Cameroonians: When he gave a send-oFF party the Igbos in town did not come or contribute, although I’m sure they should have geen able to donate at least 50 or 50,000 Frs. Since the Cameroonians who came to his party did not contribute signiFicantly to his educational Fund [the dominant motive in staging send-oFFs], the event was a Failure, allegedly demonstrating the Folly oF such behav- ior. Similarly, one long established Igbo migrant in Kake who had a number oF Cameroonian close Friends [although not to the exclusion oF co-ethnics], was described as "practically a Cameroonian." Through the repetition oF contrary cases, a certain amount oF social pressure is, no doubt, brought to bear, containing what might otherwise be a more random and spontaneous proliFeration oF linkages. 7.5 THE BASES DF INTER-ETHNIC LINKS Inter—ethnic Friendship does, oF course, exist, based on Factors other than shared origins. One such Factor is educational background, which signiFicantly aFFected O’s selection oF Friends, as indicated in the statistics given in Table 7.2. * $200.DD-$24D.OO U.S.A. 205 TABLE 7.2 DISTRIBUTION OF FRIENDS: BY ETHNIC GROUP AND EDUCATION 5. Lower C. Totals Ethnic Group A. Similar Ed. Level Ed. Level [A+5] l] Non-Igbo [mainly Camer— 20[51%] 3(19x) 23E47%3 roonian] 2) Igbo 13(39%J 13[51%] estsazl 3] Totals [1+2] i33[100%3 15[100%] 49(100%] As can be seen, the majority oF D’s Friends [33/49)55%], are oF approximately the same educational background [secondary school leavers], although a sizeable minority [15/49<35%] have less schooling [primary education or none]. This latter category, however, includes only three non—Igbos, consisting overwhelmingly [51%] 0F co-ethnics. Igbo Friends are equally divided between "similar" and "lower" education categories [13 vs. 13], while the great majority oF non- Igbo Friends [20/23 = 57%] have roughly the same educational background. 205 Many oF O’s Friends in category A were Former secondary schoolmates who may or may not have attended the same primary school as well, and Former primary school- mates who attended other secondary schools. Some oF the Friends in category B were, likewise, Former primary school mates. The predominance oF non-Igbos in the For- mer category is reFlective oF the ethnic distribution in secondary schools and corresponds to the observed ten- dency oF most students to Form a high proportion oF inter- ethnic ties. Although education level may be an important Factor in the Formation oF Friendship links, it does not appear, on the whole, to be more important than ethnicity and is considerably less signiFicant than ethnicity in determining the degree oF Friendship. As indicated earlier, however, the signiFicance oF non-ethnic Factors, like education, is generally greater in smaller centers, where persons oF similar educational background [at least in the case oF secondary school leavers] are usually Few. For example, N, an Igbo secondary school leaver living in the village oF Kombone,was Friends with members oF the local primary school staFF, the local educated elite. All oF these individuals were Cameroonians including M, a Grasslander, who sometimes moved with N and his Friends 207 [D and others] while they were in Kumba, although he was not a member oF their "inner clique." Occupation is also Frequently a basis For inter- and intra-ethnic ties. In some cases such links may be reinForced by ties oF locality, For example, as with butchers and used clothing dealers, who tend to come From particular local areas within the Igbo homeland. In other, more ethnically mixed occupations there is a proliFeration oF links between Igbos and non-Igbos, although this may be somewhat restricted where competition is in- tense. In less competitive occupations, such as agri- culture or teaching, inter—ethnic links are commonly Formed. The cultivation oF cocoa, For example, which requires considerable mutual co-operation, Frequently draws on and acts as a stimulus to the generation oF ties with non—Igbos [to be elaborated in chapter 5]. 0, as a Former teacher in MamFe [see Fig. 2.1], had Formed Friendships with Cameroonian teachers on the staFF, some oF whom he later met and interacted with in Kumba. As some oF them had, like himselF,S been summarily dismissed, they had considerable mutual empathy. 0, now an unemployed job-seeker, had many Friends in that category, both Igbo and Cameroonian. As a Foreigner, however, his chances oF being employed were considerably less, a Factor which was 205 responsible For some resentment. Another basis For inter-ethnic Friendship is shared interests and participation in leisure time activ- ities. Some oF O’s Cameroonian Friends were, like himselF, avid Footballers, most oF whom had known one another since school days. These Friends would occasionally meet For a match, or, more Frequently, encountered one another as spectators oF scheduled matches on the town green. Sometimes 0 might meet one oF these Friends in the street and exchange conversation or share a drink in a palm wine bar or oFF—license. One middle-aged Cameroonian, an ex-Footballer and regular spectator, became Friends 0F 0 through the latter’s Cameroonian schoolmate. He invited the two to his Mutengene home [40 miles distant] during holidays and, From time to time supplied them with pocket money. Although some oF the individuals in this category were relatively good, and regular Friends, the network was based primarily on a single activity [Football], and, in general, corresponds to the situational category oF Friendship, described above. Other activities serving as Foci For Friendship networks include participation in various voluntary asso- ciations, such as churches and religious organizations, savings associations, Boy Scouts and the Red Cross. 209 One OhaFFia Farmer, F, who had achieved a relatively high rank in the local chapter oF the Red Cross, was well know to the other members oF the organization both in Kake [where he lived] and in neighboring villages. DFten these villaQEs would join Kake in area—wide meetings and rank- ing members serve as delegates to the monthly meetings in Kumba. F’s avocation, barbering, would regularly carry him to neighboring villages where he would Frequently call on his Friends in the organization. Other times he might call on Fellow members in Kumba when visiting kinsmen or other home area people. Such Friends were situational, however, and would rarely be the main object oF such visits. Residential proximity is also a salient Factor in the Formation oF Friendship links across ethnic boundaries. 0, For example, was a good Friend oF M, a Bakossi, who had Formerly lived in an adjecent house, and who, like 0, was an unemployed school leaver. The overall importance oF such neighborhood links will be examined later. Other bases oF inter-ethnic Friendship include second-degree ties through kinsmen, aFFines or co-ethnics. Second-degree Friends are typically casual, but Frequently, in time, become regular Friends in their own right. Examples in 0’s network include a younger brother oF 0’s patrikins- man, a brother oF his extended "aFFine,"and Friends oF his 210 small core oF close Friends.10 The two Former indivi- duals were situational Friends, while the last group included both casual and situational Friends. In general, it can be said that inter-ethnic Friends share a larger number oF non-ethnic character- istics than co-ethnic Friends. Similar age, educational level, marital status and occupational persuits Frequently coincided in the case oF inter-ethnic Friends, and,more oFten than not, they would share most oF these character— istics. Intra-ethnic Friends, on the other hand, tended to be more diverse with respect to other characteristics. Common sociocultural and linguistic background seems, thereFore, to be the most signiFicant single Factor in the Formation oF Friendship links and is only equaled by a number oF other Factors in combination. Ethnicity seems to be an even more signiFicant Factor in determining the degree oF Friendship, as was pointed out earlier and, in the case oF close Friends, is not easily compensated For by the coincidence oF other Factors. 7.5 VALUE AND UTILITY OF INTER-ETHNIC FRIENDS Previous studies have indicated the wide accept- ance oF inter-ethnic Friendship as a value in West Cameroon, particularly in settings promoting Frequent interaction 211 among individuals oF diverse cultural-linguistic back- grounds.11 This value is associated, on the other hand, with the oFFicial policy oF national integration, which attempts to counter ethnic exclusiveness and prepare the ground For the emergence oF a Cameroonian national culture.12 On the other hand, the Formation oF inter-ethnic links is, necessarily, a part oF the strategy oF survival among the diverse migrant communities oF West Cameroon, who have, over time, developed a modus vivendi among themselves and via e vis the local indigenous population. The Igbo, as Nigerians, are, likewise, citizens oF a culturally pluralistic society with similar national values. The economic and political limitations and insec- urity associated with alien citizenship has made the establishment oF rapport with Cameroonians a matter oF crucial importance. Friendship with Cameroonians, espe- cially those in inFluential positions is, thereFore, given considerable value. As mentioned earlier, there has been a general movement to Cameroonize personnel, both in public and pri- vate sectors oF employment. Occasionally, a Cameroonian Friend, Favorably situated, can help or will at least try to assist an Igbo in securing a job. This is oFten possible in Fields such as teaching, where discrimination 212 against Foreigners [at present] tends to be less, or other Fields where there is need For special skills and a lack oF qualiFied Cameroonian personnel. Even iF the chances oF securing a job are remote, a Friend may attempt to help, as in the case oF J, a Grasslander who tried [unsuccessFully] to persuade his employer to give 0 a job in the marketing board. Cameroonian Friends are oF particular value in gaining rapport with the law enForcement authorities. As one Udi migrant in Kake, describing his Cameroon Friend, expressed it: ”IF I am held up [detained] by the police, he will always like to save me." Although Cameroonians generally tend to have more leverage with the authorities than Igbos, it is, obviously, even more advantageous to have Friends who are themselves oFFicers. W [a migrant From Unwana] always made a point oF making Friends with members oF the police Force in KOmba and other places he had lived and mentioned instances in which they had intervened on his behalF when he became involved in quarrels with local people.13 C, a Friend 0F 0, was a regular Friend oF a security oFFicer. As C was, at this time, preparing to leave For overseas studies, this link was potentially useFul in completing the various procedures preparatory to his emigration. 213 The Igbo are keenly aware that the liFe oF the migrant is Fraught with insecurity, which can be minimized by maintaining a "respectable" public image and having Friends among the local population. In the words oF one Igbo inFormant: We learned From experiences like the massacres in Northern Nigeria,13hat local Friends can even save your liFe. 7.7 NEIGHBORHOOD RELATIONS Neighbors, in the migrant context, are typically non-kinsmen who may or may not be co-ethnics. IF they happen to be co-ethnics, they are, For the mostpart, From other districts within the homeland or at least From other villages. Unlike kinsmen or home area people, neighbors are acquired and lost through choice oF residence, although this choice is not entirely an open one, reFlecting avail- ability oF housing, budgetary limitations etc. In this sense, neighbors diFFer From Friends who are, generally speaking, Freely chosen. Unlike Friends [but like kin, aFFines and co-ethnics], neighbors are acquired en bloc, rather than on an individual basis, although existing activated ties may show considerable variation From one individual neighbor to another. 214 The Igbo term For neighbor, onye agbata obi flperson-neighboring-compound"], in its basic sense, desig- nates individuals residing in the immediate area, which, in the homeland is conventionally deFined by the radius oF shouting range and the corresponding obligation to heed one another’s distress call. Neighborhoods are, there- Fore, not Formal divisions oF the village but circles centering on individual compounds which overlap like chain mail, reinForcing ties based on kinship, aFFinity and community. In the homeland, unlike the migrant sit— uation, most oF the immediate neighbors are kinsmen and the remainder, bearers oF a common local culture with mutual ties extending back several generations. As with Friendship, there is an etiquette and a host oF expectations associated with neighborhood relations, much oF which carries over into the migrant situation. Maintaining good relations with neighbors is deemed essen- tial since they are Frequently the First source oF help in an emergency. As one Igbo migrant expressed it,"iF you have trouble in the middle oF the night, it is your neighbor who should First come to your aid." Another aspect oF neighborhood etiquette is the avoidance oF sexual relations with women in the vicin— ity. This, in the words oF one inFormant, is reFlective oF 215 the high regard with which one views these ties: A neighbor is the highest brother. That is why at home I cannot connect with a girl in my own quarter. The Fact that in the homeland kinsmen do constit- ute a large segment oF the neighborhood makes this exten- sion oF incest avoidances a logical corollary oF general- ized kinship sentiment. In the migrant situation, where this is not the case, there is more Flexibility, but most Igbos view "beFriending" neighbor girls unwise For a number oF reasons. "She would always be bothering you," or "her Family would be always asking For Favors," are Frequently cited as arguments. Also mentioned is the Fact that, "iF you wanted to break oFF it would be very diFFicult," or, iF one did sever relations it would gener- ate strain within the neighborhood.15 Although neighborhood relations entail recogni- tion oF certain obligations and prohibitions which mark the outer boundaries oF eXpected behavior, ties with individual neighbors is highly variable. The ambivalence Frequently associated with neighborhood relations was summarized by an Dkigwi inFormant: You can Feed in a neighbor’s house, go to him to borrow what you need, but he can still come to kill you, as he knows where you bathe. 215 In other words, as a neighbor is in a privileged position to know his way around a man’s house and yard and is likely to have considerable knowledge oF his aFFairs, he can use this proximity and knowledge For good or ill. A good neighbor is clearly a valued asset, while a hostile one is a Formidable Foe. Although considerable eFFort is given to maintaining amicable neighborhood relations, tension and suSpicion is not uncommon. In general, neighborhood relations are oF more signiFicance in smaller centers, like Kake, than in towns such as Kumba. This Fact reFlects a number oF diFFerences between liFe in the two centers: 1] the greater involve- ment oF urban residents in kin-based networks, 2] competi- tiveness and interpersonal alienation associated with town liFe and 3] the potential and need For co-operation in rural economic persuits. All oF these Factors have been mentioned earlier with respect to other Forms oF network ties. Their signiFicance For neighborhood links is par- ticularly noteworthy given the relatively non—obligatory nature oF these ties vis a vis those based on kinship or aFFinity, For example. In other words, neighborhood ties, being Flexible, are Frequently activated in the village, where they have considerable utility and there is a rela- tive lack oF competing links. In the town, where they 217 have somewhat less utility, they are Frequently underplayed, but could be activated in an emergency situation.17 7.5 NEIGHBORHOOD AND ETHNICITY The concept oF neighbor, as with kinsman, aFFine or Friend, can be extended beyond its narrow primary meaning i.e., one dwelling in an adjecent house, or the immediate area. In a somewhat wider sense, ties based on shared residence in the same migrant center are, likewise, neighbor- hood ties. Such extended ties are generally oF little signi- Ficance alone, but become important when associated with other shared traits, especially ethnicity. The obligation to attend Funerals in Kake, For example, covers all Igbo residents oF the village. Co—operation in economic activi- ties may involve any Fellow villager, but more typically involves neighbors From the same ethnic group [see chapter 5]. Neighborhood ties may also bind members oF closely related ethnic groups. For example, Igbos living in the village oF Ebonji [Fig. 2.3] have reciprocal ties to neighbor- ing eastern Nigerian peoples resident there [Ojojas, EFiks, etc.]. Similarly, W mentioned that in Ghana [where he lived as a youth], Cross River Igbos Formed a "powerFul union" with neighboring Ekoi peoples ["Cross River Groups" Fig. 2.4]. At a higher level oF generalization all Cameroonians are neighbors. As one Umuahia migrant put it, in elaborating 215 the concept oF neighbor, "they are our neighbors in the sense that they are next to eastern Nigeria." This recogni- tion is, obviously, oF minimal signiFicance in the context oF daily interaction between Igbos and Cameroonians, except insoFar as it points up the possibility and predisposition For extending the interactional network. It is clear, however, that the sentiments and values associated with neighborhood do much to bridge the latent hostility and mutual distrust between Igbos and Cameroonians, especially in the case oF next door neighbors or individuals sharing diFFerent sections oF the same house. W described his relations with his Cameroonian co-tenants as Follows: With neighbors it is diFFerent. The boy who lives next to me I will give the key to my room to enter at any time. When my [clerical] gown came he took it and brought it in. He would come in and borrow my boots, iF he needed them. When I sit down to eat, oFten the neigh- bors come to take their own share. Another neigh- bor, a tapper, comes in and gives me Fresh wine without charge. It has been noted elsewhere that in urban centers neighborhood relations have usually greater signiFicance For women than For men [Okonjo 1957: 97FF]. This is conFirmed by the present research in Kumba, where neighborhood women, oFten oF diFFerent ethnic groups, interact on a regular basis in distinctive ways. Igbo and Cameroonian women may, For example, perForm various services For one another, such as 219 tending one another’s market stands, or plaiting each other’s hair. At a Funeral conducted by the Umuzumba [Arochukwu Division] community in Kumba, the vast majority oF males present were From that area with no non-Igbos . 15 , . . attending. The women s danc1ng group, however, included a large number oF Cameroonians [neighbors oF the deceased’s daughter—in—law]. This, according to an inFormant, was the typical pattern. Relations with neighbors are especially impor- tant in emergency situations. This is even more true oF inter-ethnic links during periods oF crisis when the host community engages in acts oF violence against strangers. As W pointed out: This Feeling about neighbors overcomes political ideas. When the Bakossis were killing the Bamilekes, many Bakossis hid their Bamileke neighbors in their houses. They would come in the night and tap on their door, saying, "something is happing, come with me." Even one man who was respon- sible For starting the hid some oF his Bamileke neighbors. 220 FOOTNOTES Good Fren’ pas bad broda [Pidgin], or Ezigbo enyi Ea nwanne ojo [Igbo]. Christmas season corresponds with the end oF the cocoa harvest [West Cameroon’s major cash crop], consequently there is a greater availability oF Funds at this time. The C.N.U. [Cameroon National Union/Union Nationale Camerounaise] is the governing [and only legitimate] political party in Cameroon. The campaign and election reFer to the 1972 reFerendum, which ratiFied an execu- tive decision abolishing the Federation and creating the "United Republic oF Cameroon." Dne means oF maintaining Friendship at a distance is to entrust the Friend with a child-ward who will serve as an apprentice, or domestic servant. According to 5, an Ada mesident in Kake: One good Friend is NJ, a photographer, who has now gone home. I met this man while I was living in Muyuka. He had not married yet so I sent my daughter to serve him. He cared For her and gave her presents. These tabulations were made From a diary kept by my Field assistant From February to May 1972. He was instructed to record all persons with whom he interacted, giving an account oF the nature and duration oF each encounter. At approximately one week intervals the subject read the diary into a tape recorded. During the reading, he was asked questions concerning the persons in his network, including their ethnic background, educa- tional level, relationship to the subject and how he came to know them. The "degree oF Friendship" was determined on the basis oF the subject’s own categories ["good Friend," "partial Friend," etc.] and the indicated Fre- quency oF interaction. 10. ll. 12. 221 The term "tight network" Follows the usage oF Bott [1957], meaning all members linked to an individual arbitrarily designated as the center oF the network [Barnes’ "alpha"; Barnes 1955] are, likewise, linked to each other. The Fear oF being "poisoned" [i.e., injured with distructive medicines, either natural or supernatural] is common among the Igbo and is Frequently the explana- tion given as a cause oF death. Jealousy is the motive most Frequently mentioned, successFul persons being the prime targets. According to a study oF inter-ethnic integration in Cameroonian secondary schools, students oF non-West Cameroon origin [mainly Igbo], accounted For 40% 0F the Kumba secondary school population Haupt 1959: 407]. Here the percentage oF "school-wide in-tribe Friendships" was given as 20.2, and "class—wide in—tribe Friendships" as 19.01 [Ibid.: 195]. The Ministry oF Education oF West Cameroon dismissed secondary school leavers as primary school teachers and replaced them with personnel From teacher training schools. The action displaced many teachers, both Cameroonian and Nigerian and caused much ill Feeling, particularly among the latter, whose chances For other employment was limited. The "aFFine" in question was a Cameroonian who had married a woman [nonkin] From O’s village. Although his brother might be called ggg at a higher level oF generalization, 0 usually called him a Friend [enyi]. Haupt’s study oF "cross-tribal "integration in secondary schools, and Ardener’s research on plantations both indicate a high degree oF consensus concerning the value oF inter-ethnic contact [Haupt 1559: 205-215; Ardener 1950: 101-105]. C.F. Ahmadou Ahidjo, "The Will to Be a Nation," [1559]. One oF the clearest moves to enForce inter-ethnic integration at the grassroots level was the prohibition against exclusive "tribal" organizations discussed earlier. l3. 14. 15. 15. 222 One such aFFair concerned W’s objection to and inter- Ference with a post-mortem examination, conducted by a diviner to locate a witchcraFt principle. Owing to W’s Friendship with the local authorities, they supported him against those perForming the operation. More recently W was threatened by the Family oF his young household servant-ward aFter the latter had run away. The boy’s Family, leveling the accusation that W had done away with him, vowed vengeance. Although the boy’s Family was Igbo, he turned to his police Friends For support, which enabled him to live in relative security until the boy returned a Few weeks later. The concern For security and reliance on inter-ethnic links was, no doubt, intensiFied by the war, which made Cameroon a haven For BiaFran reFugees and Igbos already established there. However, the possibility oF violence against strangers was underscored by the massacres oF Bamileke migrants by indigenous Bakossi in Tombel in the mid 1950’s. The problems arising From Forming liasons with women in the neighborhood is seen in the case oF W [a migrant From Unwana], who began an aFFair with J, a MamFe girl living next door. From the beginning, J’s kinsmen, with whom she lived, resented her involvement with W, and were generally hostile toward him. AFter some time W became engaged to C, an Igbo girl who came to visit him, and, unavoidably, conFronted J, his Former girlFriend. J, Fuming with jealousy, vented her anger at C For "stealing her man" while W stood helplessly by. As W continued to live next to J and they were regularly encountering one another, the situation was emotionally tense and became even more so some months later when J gave birth to a son [apparently W’s]. W continued to visit J and the child, while trying to maneuver to avoid more explosive contact between her and C. Accusations oF sorcery among neighbors are Frequent and not unlikely related to the economic competitiveness and crowded conditions oF the town. One prosperous bar owner, For example, went to a diviner aFter his inFant son had become ill, which coincided with the disappearance oF the baby’s diaper From the clothes line. The diviner con- Firmed his suspicion that his next door neighbor, jealous oF his Financial success, had stolen the diaper and employed it in directing destructive medicine against the child. Following the divinens instructions, the bar owner went into the neighbor’s bedroom and Found the diaper in a box under his bed. ConFronted with this evidence the neighbor, reportedly, conFessed his guilt and vowed to re- Frain From using the "medicine" in the Future. CHAPTER 5 ECONOMIC BEHAVIOR AND ETHNIC RELATIONS: A KAKE EXAMPLE The preceeding chapters dealt individually with the various categories oF network ties and how they are activated by the Igbo migrant through a range oF diverse situational contexts. In reality, oF course, these ties exist simultaneously in time and space, inFluencing, rein- Forcing and competing with one another. By selecting a particular situational context [Farm labor recruitment] in which these ties are activated, one can gain a sense oF their relative importance and conFigurations oF interaction. Through this approach ethnicity can be placed in a multi- dimensional Framework against the broad background oF the total social network. 5.1 ETHNICITY AND RECIPRDCITY IN KAKE: MUTUAL ASSISTANCE IN FARM LABOR The rural area surrounding Kumba oFFers an oppor- tunity to observe patterns oF economic co—operation which have no counterpart in the town. In the village oF Kake the cash cropping oF cocoa makes demands on the organiza- tion oF labor, which has a number oF interesting consequen- ces For inter-ethnic relations and contributes to making 223 224 ethnicity there qualitatively diFFerent From Kumba. Over 90% 0F the adult male population is directly involved in cocoa production which constitutes the principal source oF cash income. Men typically spend most oF their working day in the cocoa groves while women attend to subsistence cultivation, trading [especially in the Igbo case] and domestic duties. The agricultural year For most Farmers begins between late January and early March, sometime aFter the year’s end harvest and holiday Festivities. As in Nigeria, Igbo men clear ground For Food crops, leaving the bulk oF garden work For women, although the sexual division oF labor tends to be somewhat less strict than in the homeland.1 During the First three months oF the calendar year there is relatively little to do in the cocoa groves, except For the pruning oF branches and the removal oF epiphytes [nuisance plants attached to the upper limbs]. These tasks continue through mid-year and are usually perFormed alone, although, occasionally include help From a Friend or kinsman. 5y April men begin clearing grass and weeds From between trees, a task which continues into the harvest season. Clearing is normally perFormed by "labor" groups, voluntary, mutual assistance associations which visit members Farms in rota- tion. Spraying treese begins a month or so aFter clearing and continues into the early part oF the harvest season. 225 As with pruning, spraying is generally a solitary activity, although a pair oF Friends or "countrymen" [co-ethnicsl will Frequently join together, or, alternatively, the job will be Finished in a single morning by one’s labor group [see sec. 5.3]. The harvesting oF cocoa on most Farms begins mid- June and early July. The plucking oF pods may be either an individual activity spread over several days, or, as with spraying, completed in a Few hours by a labor group.3 At this time the cocoa requires a good deal oF concentrated work and attention. It must be picked when ripe and within a Few days the pods must be opened ["broken"] to remove the beans.4 Failure to do so within a week or so oF plucking allows the beans to germinate and become unsuitable For sale. It is at this point in the agricultural cycle that the demand For a quickly mobilized labor Force is most essential. Frequently this demand can be met by enlisting the help oF one’s labor group, although this oFten may not be Feasible. In the middle oF the harvest season competition For hands is Frequently heavy and the group may have prior commitments. In addition, many members are oFten in de- Fault oF "summons" paymentss, or Fines to their groups, especially prior to the sale oF their crop when "money [is] hard [i.e. scarce]." More commonly, Farmers recruit aid 225 in breaking on an ad hoc basis, notiFying willing hands within two or three days in advance. The host Farmer is expected to reciprocate in the Future by returning the assistance and, more immediately, by providing the workers with an aFter- breaking Feast. Cocoa breaking gatherings are Foci oF dynamic interaction. DFten their more serious, economic aspect seems lost in the Feastive atmosphere oF the breaking and ensuing Feast. The mood is congenial with the participants usually well known to one another, and generally, the core oF the party is Formed by a set oF individuals who regularly interact. The workers are gathered together in a compact circle around the heap oF pods, and, as breaking is a mono- tonous activity, requiring little concentration, there is usually a continual Flow oF conversation. The host Farmer receives his guest breakers in his house Following the breaking, Furnishing them with liberal servings oF Food and palm wine. IF the breaking is a particularly long one lasting into the aFternoon, Food is also provided in the Field to tide the workers over until the main meal. As pointed out earlier [see sec. 7.2], the sharing oF Food, and willingness to accept Food From others betokens the absence oF enmity For Nigerians and Cameroonians alike. The Food items oFFered are standardized consisting oF garri [cassava meal], soup, stockFish [served aFterward] 227 and generous quantities oF palm wine. 5.2 A0 HOC COCOA BREAKING PARTIES The recruitment oF labor For ad hoc cocoa break- ing groups is a revealing example oF the activation oF a host Farmer’s personal network. A study oF the patterns oF recruitment, i.e., the types oF links activated, and the extent oF reliance on each type oF link, gives insight into the relative signiFicance oF each in the total spec- trum oF village social relations. The links activated can be grouped as Follows: Co-ethnics: Members oF the hosts own ethnic group, who may or may not be From the same local area. This includes as a subgroup kinsmen and aFFines [since the vast majority oF marriages are intra—ethnic]. In the present instance, this category reFers to Fellow Igbos only, but, conceivably might be extended to include other Nigerians as well [see section 3.3]. Non—Co-ethnics: a] Laborers- May be regular employees oF the host, or the landlord [iF other than the host]. Alternatively, they may be day laborers employed speciFically For a given harvest. This category includes substitutes who may be sent by a man unable to come who still intends to FulFill his obligations to the host. b] Friends- Includes all direct Friends oF the host other 225 than members oF his own ethnic group [included in cate- gory l]. c] Secondagy and tertiagy links- Guest breakers whose primary links are to one oF the other breakers, rather than the host himselF [e.g., a Friend oF the host’s landlord]. d] Landlord [and kinsmen]—The owner oF the Farm iF worked on a rental or sharecropping ["two-party"] basis. In the present instance, it includes members oF his nuclear Family [wiFe and children] as well. a] Neighbors-Those either living or Farming in close pro- ximity to the host. Included are non—co-ethnics living in the same or neighboring houses and Farmers working diFFerent sections oF the same Farm [i.e., under the same landlord] or neighboring Farms. F] Labor grogp members-Fellow members oF the host’s labor group [described above] coming on an individual rather than a group basis [i.e., not in response to a "summons"]. The types oF ties which are drawn on will, oF course, vary From one Farmer to another in accordance with the structure oF his personal network. Further, the same Farmer will recruit aid From diFFerent sources at diFFerent times according to the availibility oF various individuals. However, there does tend to be a certain amount oF consistency in recruitment patterns owing to 225 the principle oF reciprocity which operates in cocoa breaking. Hence, there is oFten an inFormal clustering oF Farmers who regularly break cocoa For one another, Forming relatively close-knit networks. Determining the source oF recruitment and iden- tiFying networks oF varying degrees oF closeness gives one index For assessing the signiFicance oF ethnicity in the village. Taking roll at 31 cocoa breaking sessions hosted by Igbo Farmers indicated the extent to which Igbos as a whole rely upon intra-ethnic, as opposed to various categories oF inter-ethnic ties [see Table 5.1]. It is evident that by Far the greatest number oF recruitments come From within the host’s own ethnic group, accounting For almost 70% 0F the total. This lends support to the conclusion, based on casual obser— vation, that ethnicity is the most important single Factor in co-operation among Kake Farmers generally and, by extension, the dominant principle in the organization oF social networks in the village. Such a conclusion, how- ever, would have to be qualiFied in a number oF ways. First, intra-ethnic ties are, in many cases, reinForced by bonds oF neighborhood, Friendship, membership in the same labor group etc., which may coincide with ethnic identity. It was Found, however, that in the great maj- ority oF cases, Igbos who broke For Fellow Igbos, main- 230 TABLE 5.1 SOURCES OF RECRUITMENT FOR AD HOC BREAKING PARTIES Source oF Number oF % oF Total Recruitment Recruitments Co-ethnic 315 59.5 Non-co-ethnic a. laborers 37 5.1 b. Friends 35 7.7 c. secondary and tertiary links 22 4.5 d. langlord and kin“ 20 4.4 e. neighbors 15 3.5 F. labor group members 9 2.0 Total non-co-ethnic 139 30.5 Total recruitments 457 100.0 * Also included [in a single case] was a cocoa buyer and his two sons. 231 tained that they had come to the breaking to "help my countryman." Secondly, kinship and aFFinal ties subsumed under intra-ethnic links are usually more binding in and oF themselves than obligations to "countrymen" generally. In the migrant context, however, the distinction between kinsmen and countrymen is oFten diFFicult to draw, espe- cially in the Igbo system oF terminology which views the Former as grading into the latter [see sec. 5.4]. On the other hand, however, these data do not represent the Full sc0pe oF assistance to co-ethnics in ad hoc parties. For example, within many networks oF Farmers the need to maintain the system oF reciprocity prompts them to send substitutes when circumstances [such as the need to dry bne’s own cocoa Following a harvest] prevent them From going themselves.7 In addition, Farmers with seasonal workmen Frequently bring them along when breaking another man’s cocoa. These men may, in turn, bring Friends or kinsmen to lend a hand [secondary and tertiary links] and participate in the Festivities. Al- though such relations have been placed in the category "laborers" and "secondary and tertiary links," many are anchored in primary intra-ethnic bonds among Igbo Farmers. Further analysis oF the data is necessary to identiFy those cocoa breaking networks which are, to a 232 certain extent, circumscribed by the requirements oF the crop itselF. In the beginning oF the season, For example, when the crop is light, work groups are necessarily small, gradually increasing toward the peak oF the harvest and trailing oFF toward the year’s end. In the series oF breakings cited above, the number oF participants ranged From Four to 25, with a mean oF 14.7. The total number oF Igbo Farmers in Kake is 50. Since they are too humer- ous to Form a single cocoa breaking network, they tend to segment into various local groups which Form the cores oF their respective task Forces. These Four local groups, OhaFFia, Ada, Udi and Dkigwi, diFFer, however, in the extent to which they rely on intra-ethnic ties For assis- tance. Breaking down the data in Table 5.2 in terms oF the local origin oF host Farmers as against the sources oF assistance recruitment, the diFFerences in network composition become evident. In all Four oF the Igbo sub- groups observed, co-ethnics Form the largest single re— servior oF assistance. In only two cases, however [OhaFFia and Ada], does the ethnic group Furnish the majority oF breakers, while in one subgroup [Dkigwi], scarcely more than a third. The degree oF reliance on Fellow Igbos clearly reFlects the relative size oF the local subgroup [see Table 5.3]. 233 ma.00au mm.v U mm mo.m u m mv.v ma.m mh.h mm.m ON hm mm ma UL-JLJL—J mm.mmu mam mNuZ HmpOH Rm? mH.DDHu mm mn.a u a nH.m u m mm.aeu N mm.mau m mm.mau as am.mau m mm.mmu Hm mNu Z flamexo mm.mmu mm.mmu mm mm.meu ea mo.o u o no.0 u o mm.meu me am.omu we mq.e u a mm.mqu om mac 2 mac 2 en: mmm mm.v u mo.m u am.0eu mm.m u mo.o u am.nmu hm mH.OOHumVN q am.ou mm.mu mm.mu an.eu o mm.mu LOUIE mm mo.mmu mac 2 NHLEWLO mm.m u N mm.mu m l\m mmHPILMUC00mm mLmnemz aJOLG LonmJ mULOanmJ mLmLODmJ mncmaLL mLODLmHmZ emuoe .n .m umUaC£umIOUICOZ mmoanu mUHCLUmIOU ucmEuaJLumm mo mULjom 234 TABLE 5.3 NUMBER OF FARMERS BY SUBGROUP b Local subgrougl Cocoa Farmers N [%J OhaFFia 24 [50.0] Ada 12 [25.0] Udi [15.7] Dkigwi __ E 8.3) 45 100.0 TABLE 5.4 RECRUITMENT OF BREAKERS WITHIN SUBCDMMUNITY Local subgroup Recruitments OhaFFia 153 75.5 Ada 25 32.2 Udi 20 29.0 Dkigwi 9 15.2 * Two oF the 50 Farmers in Kake did not belong to these subgroups. 235 The largest group, OhaFFia, has enough manpower to constitute a substantial task Force by itselF and is the only local subgroup to Furnish the majority oF hands For its own breakings. The other three groups Furnish less, being ranked in order corresponding to their number oF Farmers [Table 5.4]. DhaFFias as a group show considerable solidarity, Forming a close—knit cocoa breaking network which includes virtually all members oF their local contingent. Reliance on other ties is minimal, and no set oF inter-ethnic links contributes to any signiFicant extent. Laborers [as was indicated earlier] includes substitutes For Farmers who are absent, the majority oF whom are DhaFFias. Landlords and their kinsmen are Frequently present, as the majority oF DhaFFias hold their land on a "two—party" basis, and insurance should be made For the equitable division oF the crop. Ties based on neighborhood and Friendship, con- sidered as a unit, are less important than in any other local group [4.5%]. Links with other Igbos outside the subgroup are, likewise, less important [10.3%] than in any oF the other three groups, the majority oF such links being with the culturally similar Ada.B Farmers From Ada, being only halF the number oF DhaFFias, are not suFFicient to Form an adequate breaking group during the peak cocoa season. As with the latter 235 subgroup, they do show considerable reliance on co—ethnics, but, in contrast to them, draw heavily outside oF their own local group [55% oF the breakers being Igbo, 32% From Ada], largely From OhaFFia. In contrast to DhaFFias, two members oF the Kake Ada subcommunity were evidently out- side the cocoa breaking network, participating in none oF the group’s breakings, while Five oF the remaining ten attended only one oF the six breakings studied. Adas also show a somewhat heavier reliance on inter—ethnic ties, recruiting larger numbers oF Friends, laborers, landlords and labor group members, than DhaFFias. On the whole, Adas are signiFicantly less integrated [at least with respect to agricultural co-operation] than DhaFFias, but maintain ties with the larger Igbo community which are Frequently utilized. Udi, unlike the preceeding groups, draws less than halF oF its participants [43.5%] From the Igbo commun- ity at large. In contrast to Ada, however, the majority oF these [29% oF the total] come From the local area oF origin. All active Farmers From Udi are involved in a reciprocal cocoa breaking network and regularly participate in one another’s harvests.9 Udis are signiFicantly more dependent on inter-ethnic ties than either oF the preceeding groups, with Friends accounting For 20.3% and laborers 237 15.9% oF the work Force. Overall, Udi appears to be the reverse 0F Ada, being tightly integrated within itselF, relatively loosely bound to the Igbo community at large and substantially more interactive with the non—Igbo sector oF the village. Finally, Dkigwi, the smallest subgroup oF Igbos in Kake, shows the least reliance on assistance From Fellow Igbos [35.5%], as well as the least recruitment From the area oF origin [15.2%]. Dkigwis do practice some degree oF mutual assistance, but do not co—operate with the same degree oF regularity as Udis or DhaFFias. Cameroonians Form the largest contingent in most Dkigwi hosted breaking sessions [exceeding Igbos in three out oF Five sessions and equalling them in one], recruited through ties oF Friendship and neighborhood, with a substantial contribu- tion From laborers and landlord’s kinsmen. Recruitment oF Fellow labor group members [the least exploited set oF ties For Igbos as a whole] provides a larger Fraction oF the work Force than in any other subgroup. On the whole, the Dkigwis constitute a rather loosely integrated subgroup, showing some association with other Igbos and considerable interaction with Cameroonians. 235 5.3 FORMAL LABOR GROUPS As has been indicated, the system oF co-opera- tive labor in Kake, has developed in response to the re- quirements oF cocoa Farming, especially the critical need to mobilize labor during the harvest season. Although much oF this work is done by ad hoc groups, just discussed, Formal labor groups are also active at this time and account For a signiFicant part oF harvest work. Unlike the inFormal breaking parties, the labor group is active throughout the agricultural year and perForms a number oF other tasks in addition to breaking cocoa [weeding, spraying and picking pods]. Such groups normally have a chairman and various other elected oFFicers, including a treasurer and "messenger," who, together with certain selected members constitute a core "committee" which directs the movements oF the group, sets policy and imposes discipline. The group works at various members’ Farms in rotation, according to the order in which they have registered with the chairman and paid him the speciFied summons Fee. Fines are imposed For lateness, absence and other viola— tions oF the group’s rules. On the whole, there is less oF the Free and easy atmosphere which characterizes the amorphous, acephalous ad hoc cocoa breaking parties. 239 There are in Kake about 35 such groups, multi- ethnic in composition, having about 15-30 members each. Although the divisional authorities do not directly regu- late the composition oF labor groups, members are drawn From diFFerent ethnic groups [in most cases], conForming to the general Federal law banning "tribal" organizations [see sec. 2.5]. As the majority oF Farmers in Kake belong to at least one labor group, inter—ethnic reciprocity, operating on a regular basis, has become the norm For the village as a whole, at least within the agricultural sphere. The various Igbo subgroups represented in Kake can be compared [Table 5.5] with respect to participation in labor meetings. OF the 45 active Farmers From the Four areas discussed [DhaFFia, Ada, Udi and Dkigwi], 40, or approximately 50%, are members oF labor meetings. As indicated in Table 5.5, a majority oF members oF each local subgroup belong to at least one oF seven meetings [A-G]. The extent to which each subgroup participates is generally consistent with its pattern oF involvement in ad hoc cocoa breaking parties [Table 5.2]. OhaFFia and Ada, the larger subgroups, show somewhat less participation in these multi-ethnic meetings [approximately 75%] than Dkigwi and Udi, the smaller subgroups [100% and 57.5%, respectively]. 240 TABLE 5.5 PARTICIPATION IN LABOR MEETINGS BY SUB-COMMUNITY Local gagg: % Sub—group Distribution among sub—group Meeting garticipating Various Meetings OhaFFia A 16/24 [66.7%] 16/16 [55.9%] 6 1/24 [ 4.2%] 1/16 [ 5.5%] 0 1/24 [ 4.2%] 1/16 [ 6.6%] 15/24 [75.1%] 16/16 [100 0%] Ada 0 6/12 [50.0%] 6/6 [66.7%] E 1/12 [ 5.3%] 1/9 [11.1%] A 2/12 [16.7%] 2/9 [22.2%] 6/12 [76.0] 9/9 [100.0%] Udi F 5/6 [67.6%] 6/6 [100.0%] Dkigwi 0 2/4 [60.0%] 2/4 [50.0%] E 1/4 [26.0%] 1/4 [26.0%] 5 1/4 [25.0%] 1/4 [26 0%] 4/4 [100.0%] 4/4 [100.0%] 241 In the larger subsections, as observed earlier [sec. 5.2], ties within the ethnic group and subgroup minimize depen— dency on outsiders. In the smaller subgroups, where there is greater need to diversiFy network links and create reciprocal obligations, the labor meetings serve as a means For accomplishing this. The distribution oF membership among various meetings also varies From one subcommunity to another. Again, this distribution shows some correlation with previously observed patterns. In the case oF DhaFFias, close to 90% 0F the member Farmers belong to a single group [A], while most Adas are concentrated in another [0]. The Fact that Udi, though small, is highly cohesive, is shown by the Fact that all her members belong to a single group. The scattering oF Okigwi’s Four members among as many meetings as the much larger OhaFFia subgroup supports the previously observed lack oF cohesion oF this smallest group. Ada’s membership, although only halF oF OhaFFia’s, is, likewise, scattered among three groups. In addition, one Ada Farmer [the chairman oF group 0] simultaneously belonged to two other groups [not listed] in which all other members were non-Igbos.10 This supports the view, noted earlier [5.2], that Ada is generally less cohesive than either OhaFFia or Udi. 242 Although labor groups in Kake are ethnically mixed, the composition is highly variable From one group to another. Some groups are predominantly "GraFFi" [i.e., Grasslander], while others are mainly Ngolo or Bakundu [see sec. 2.1 and 2.3 and Fig. 2.2]. In many groups there is a Fairly representative distribution oF membership among the ethnic sections, while in a Few, only a minimal number oF token outsiders are recruited to avoid being viewed as a ”tribal" association. In the nine groups in Kake having Igbo members, For example, their representa- tion varies From one [in Four cases] to more than halF oF the membership [in one group]. The decision to join a particular group, rather than another, is a choice involving many variables. The reason most Frequently expressed is typiFied by the remark, "I joined this group because I saw that they were good workers." In examining the various membership rolls, how- ever, it is evident that ties oF kinship, Friendship and ethnicity are, likewise, important.11 Ethnicity might be viewed From the standpoint oF a given individual’s tendency to join a group having a large number oF co-ethnics. This tendency varies From one subgroup to anothen as indicated in Table 5.5. Comparing this data to the previous table [5.5], it can be seen 243 TABLE 5.5 PARTICIPATION IN LABOR MEETINGS BY SUBCDMMUNITY IN RELATION TO PERCENTAGE OF IGBO MEMBERSHIP Local Meeting No. Igbos Total %Igbos Total % subgroug Members Igbos OhaFFia A 15 25 54.3 B 3 22 13.5 C _i_ 14 7.1 34.4 Ada D 7 20 30.0 E 10 25 4O 0 A 15 25 54 3 45.5 Udi F 5 22 31.5 31.5 Dkigwi D 7 20 30.0 E 10 25 10 0 G _i' 22 4 5 Mean For all groups 25.4 244 that, although most DhaFFias are concentrated in a single group [A], two members oF that local community are involved in labor groups with low Igbo representation. This under— scores the statement made with respect to OhaFFia’s recruit- ment For ad hoc breakings, i.e., that they are internally cohesive while relatively loosely bound to the rest oF the Igbo community. Adas, For the mostpart, are conFined to groups with substantial Igbo membership. This corresponds to their participation in ad hoc groups which shows them to be highly dependent on intra-ethnic ties, while somewhat loosely integrated internally. Udis, concentrated in a single meeting with relatively low Igbo membership [con— taining no Igbos other than Udis], conFirm the Fact that outside the local group intra-ethnic ties are relatively weak. Dkigwi as a small community which showed a some- what higher dependency on intra—ethnic ties in ad hoc parties, likewise, showed a stronger tendency than Udi to gravitate toward labor groups containing other Igbos. In two oF the three groups to which Dkigwis belong the majority oF Igbos come From other segments. However, as in ad hoc parties, Okigwi’s membership shows much less dependency on intra-ethnic ties than in the case oF Ada.12 It can be seen From the above data that the labor requirements oF cocoa promote the development oF patterns 245 oF co—operation which are, in varying degrees, inter-ethnic. The optimal size oF cocoa breaking parties and Formal labor groups appears to be a critical Factor in limiting or Facilitating the activation oF inter-ethnic links, depend- ing on the size oF the ethnic group or local subgroup under consideration. A group too large to Form a single co-operative unit [e.g., Igbos in Kake as a whole] tends to divide into smaller subgroups, which may be integrated or Fragmented to the degree to which its members depend on outside assistance. A group close to optimal size as a co-operative unit [e.g., OhaFFia] is oFten well integra- ted, reFlecting a high degree oF mutual dependency, while smaller groups, more dependent on outside assistance, are Frequently less cohesive [e.g., Dkigwi]. Such economic constraints and demographic vari- ables, however, do not account For the total network oF agricultural reciprocity in Kake, much less the Full spectrum oF inter—ethnic relations. For example, a rela- tively small subgroup [e.g., Udi] may be well integrated, while less integrated segments may draw assistance From either co-ethnics [e.g., Ada] or non-co-ethnics [e.g., Dkigwi]. Many oF these diFFerences can be accounted For through the examination oF the social organization oF the various local segments. 245 5.4 ORGANIZATIONAL FEATURES OF SUBGROUPS The general pattern oF OhaFFia social organization in Kake provides the basis For the well integrated recipro— city network noted above. All the members oF this local segment live in Kake II, proper [see Figure 2.3], and are mainly concentrated in the "upper" [i.e., toward Mbonge] end oF the village. This Facilitates the considerable mutual visiting which takes place and allows For the easy mobiliza- tion oF breaking parties. As pointed out earlier [section 4.2], OhaFFia is also more organized administratively than other local groups. OhaFFia solidarity maniFests itselF during cele- brations. When a member oF the Kake OhaFFia subcommunity has died, the death celebration For all Igbos is Followed by another gathering oF members oF the local segment. Parti- cipation and contributions are rigidly enForced, mainly through group pressure and the threat oF invoking higher authorities [see sec. 4.2]. Roll is kept by a secretary, Funds collected by a treasurer, and some semblance oF parliamentary proce- dure is maintained. However, as the celebration wears on and more alchohol is consumed, order gives way to convivia- lity and intensity, reFlecting a high degree oF mutual Familiarity. During the Christmas and New Year season there is a great deal oF visiting oF Friends, kinsmen and countrymen 247 among DhaFFias, as among other Kake residents. With DhaFFias, however, it is more organized, with Christmas day a time For circulating among the houses oF members as a body. On New Year’s day the group Fragments, going to Kumba and joining roving parties From one’s village oF origin. The sense oF ethnic and segmental identity is strong within the OhaFFia subgroup. More than two thirds oF the DhaFFias use Igbo rather than European First names. DhaFFias decry the other groups For adopting Christian names as un—Igbo and un-AFrican, suggesting a general rejection oF ethnic identity. Although about halF oF the group nominally identiFy themselves with various Protestant deno- minations, most are not currently involved in local congre- gations. Religion is, thereFore, neither a divisive Factor within the group, nor does it contribute to extending ties beyong the local segment. Ada, on the other hand, emerges as having less internal integration, with numerous ties to non-Adas, and more dependent on non-Igbos than OhaFFia. This can, like- wise, be related to other dimensions oF social organization. The Ada population oF Kake is more dispersed residentially than OhaFFia. A quarter oF the Ada Farmers in Kake live in Mile Two, with the remaining three quarters, resident in Kake II, proper, scattered across the length oF the village with no evidence oF clustering as in the case oF OhaFFia. 245 Although there is a Fair amount oF reciprocal visiting within the group there is less casual contact, less cluster- ing in bars, and more eFFort would be required to inForm and mobilize co-operative labor. Unlike OhaFFia, Ada has no chieF in Kake, although the representative For Nigerians on the village council, who hails From this subgroup, is occasionally reFerred to as "our chieF." Internal disputes, however, are just as likely to be settled outside, either within the Igbo community as a whole or be reFerred to the Ada chieF in Kumba [see chapter 4]. However, since the Ada segment in Kake is much smaller than OhaFFia, the probabili- ty oF serious desputes arising is correspondingly less. Celebrations within the Ada segment diFFer some- what From those oF DhaFFias. Funerals For subgroup members are celebrated together with Kake Igbos as a whole with numerous Adas coming From Kumba and surrounding villages. Although the celebrations are basically "Ada" in character, the large number oF non-Ada Igbos, and Cameroonians gives it a more cosmopolitan character. Given the smaller number oF Adas in Kake, there is no subsequent ceremony For the sub- group [as in the case 0F OhaFFia]. During the Christmas/New Year holidays, there is some mutual visiting, but not as organized as is the case with DhaFFias. Many Adas celebrate at home or in the company oF kinsmen, neighbors or Friends. Nonkin guests may be members 249 oF ones own subgroup, but Frequently include other co-ethnics, as well as non—Igbos. Unlike DhaFFias, Adas do not move about in clusters in Kumba or Kake at this time. Adas do, oF course, maintain regular contact with Friends, kinsmen and Fellow Adas outside Kake [see sec. 4.2]. Heavy Ada concentrations are Found in neighboring villages, and, in some oF them they Form the largest Igbo contingent, a Factor which seems to have a centriFugal eFFect on those living in Kake. It is in patterns oF visiting outside Kake and interaction with solidary clusters oF Adas in other vil- lages, that subgroup attachments stand out, rather than in terms oF their interaction within the village, as was true oF DhaFFias. Just as there are diFFerences in the expression oF intra-segmental solidarity between Ada and OhaFFia, there are also diFFerences in the expression oF subgroup identity. Adas seem generally less inclined than DhaFFias to lay claim to an authentic ethnic identity which rejects non-AFrican inFluences. Unlike OhaFFia, For example, the great majority oF Adas are known by European First names. More Adas than DhaFFias [about 3/4] identiFy themselves as Christians, and about halF oF them attend local churches. Although all oF these latter are protestants, there is some rivalry between the two churches they attend [Presbyterian and Church oF Christ]. This does not appear to cause signiFicant divisiveness within 250 the Ada subgroup, but may reinForce diFFerential patterns oF network Formation, promoting the extension oF ties beyond the segment. Udi is internally very cohesive, but maintains numerous links with non-Igbos. Dependency on Igbos outside the local segment is somewhat less than in most other sub- groups. All oF the active Farmers From Udi live in Kake II [Fig. 2.3], tending to Fall, more or less, within the center oF the village, being less spread out residentially than either Adas or DhaFFias.la One member oF the subcommunity operates an oFF-license which serves as a gathering point For its members. Members oF this segment are, thereFore, easily accessible to one another and, being in close touch, respond readily to one another’s need For assistance. Although the Udi contigent is too small in Kake to warrant having a chieF, two successFul and more established Farmers command a Fair measure oF respect. During the Christmas/New Year season, Udis tend to cluster around the oFF—lincense owned by a man From that area. A number oF other Igbos and Cameroonians oFten gather there as well, participating Fully in drinking, conversation and conviviality, making the gatherings Far less exclusive than in the case oF OhaFFia celebrations. Funerals For Udis, likewise, point up the extensive links which that community has outside the local segment, with Cameroonians being 251 especially well represented. The relatively small size oF the Udi community accounts, in part, For the heavy dependency on outside links in cocoa breaking. The Fact that Udis tend to draw more heavily on Cameroonians, however, reFlects a higher degree oF integration into the host society compared to other Igbo subgroups. Dne noteworthy contributing Factor is the Fact that three oF the seven active Udi Farmers were born in Cameroon and are Fluent speakers oF local languages. Among Igbos in Cameroon as a whole, relatively Few adults are Cameroon born, and Fluency in local languages Fairly uncommon. This coincides with the evident greater incidence oF Friendship with Cameroonians which Furnishes a basis For reciprocity in Farm labor. Udis seem less inclined to deFine their ethnic identity in Opposition to European inFluences than either OhaFFia or Ada. All members oF the local contingent have European given names, and most oF them are active members oF local churches. The majority are associated with a single denomination [Presbyterian], although one member is a Catholic%5 The tiny, Fragmented Dkigwi contingent is the most dependent on outside assistance oF any local segment in Kake. As with Udis, Dkigwis are situated in the center oF the village, and, although they are not immediate neighbors to one another, there is less co-operation and mutual contact 252 than one might expect. Given the small size oF the Dkigwi segment, a Funeral is a relatively inFrequent occurrence and none took place during the term oF Fieldwork. There was also no marriage or any other ceremony during this period which brought together members oF this group as a collect- ivity. The Christmas/ New Year holiday is celebrated with local Friends [without particular regard to area oF origin] or with kinsmen and home people in Kumba where a large Dkigwi settlement exists. There is, then, little collective expression oF solidarity within Kake, and, as is true oF Ada, ties to kinsmen living outside the village seem to have a centriFugal eFFect. As with Udis, all Dkigwis use English First names and all belong to local churches. The Fact that they are equally divided between Protestant and Catholic membership, to some extent, reFlects the Fragmented nature oF the segment.1 As with Udis, Dkigwis are highly dependent on non-Igbo Friends in agricultural reciprocity and, in addition, draw to a considerable extent on neighborhood links outside the ethnic group. Two members oF the group had particularly good relations with their Cameroonian landlords [Ngolo in both cases] and had developed recipro— 253 cal relations through which they avoided paying rent, a situation not encountered with any other Igbos in Kake.17 Another man was several months in deFault oF his rent on the Forbearance oF his Grasslander landlord. This man [the Igbo] had several good Friends oF his own age From the same Grassland group as his landlord [Meta] and worked a Farm on a two party basis with another man From that ethnic group. He relied heavily on neighboring Farmers, mostly Cameroonians, For agricultural assistance, while the two mentioned above depended on Friendship and labor group ties to Ngolos and Bakundus.1B Data From inFormal cocoa breakings and member- ship in labor groups suggest, however, that ties to Igbos outside the local segment are more important in the case oF Dkigwi than with Udi. This may, in part, reFlect the Fact that the Former [at least those resident in Kake] have a shorter history oF residence in Cameroon and, generally speaking, are less integrated into the local scene. Unlike Udis, no Dkigwis were born in Cameroon and none speak Cameroonian languages. In summary, there seems to be a Fairly high degree oF correspondence between patterns oF co—operation in Farm labor and the social organization oF various Igbo segments in Kake. Subgroup size, spatial distribution, 254 Formal organization, collective ceremonial liFe and the perception oF segmental identity Form an interrelated constellation oF Factors associated with subcommunal solidarity and potential For mobilization. A Fuller understanding oF subgroup diFFerences, however, involves an examination oF the actual ties which link the members oF each subgroup. 8.5 KINSHIP AND CDVILLAGER NETWORKS The degree oF solidarity within the subgroup varies according to the network oF kinship and home village ties within it. The OhaFFia segment, For example, is drawn From six villages: Ndi Uduma, Amuma, Asaga, Ebem, Elu and Amangwu. Ebem contains the largest representation, accounting For a third oF the DhaFFia group and includes 19 Ndi Uduma the two DhaFFias longest resident in Kake. accounts For a quarter oF the DhaFFia Farmers, while each oF the remaining Four villages have only two or three representatives each. Although this distribution may seem somewhat random, the solidarity oF the DhaFFia seg— ment becomes understandable in the light oF cross-cutting kinship ties. DhaFFia’s home territory Falls within the sec- tion on eastern Igbo territory practicing double-unilin- eal descent, hence, matrilineal ties are oF crucial im- 255 portance in economic and social organization. The impor- tance oF these ikwg ties in the migrant situation was discussed above [sec. 5.1]. The distribution oF Farmers according to matriclan ties and village oF origin is shown in Fig. 8.1. Although DhaFFias are rather scattered in terms oF village oF origin, it can be seen that more than two- thirds are drawn From only two matriclans [D and E], which cross-cuts and reinForces ties based on locality, giving the whole subgroup a much more cohesive structure. Lineage D [Umuekuke], the largest matrilineage [in terms oF representation in Kake] contains the member longest resident in the village, while lineage E [Umu Eze Nkazi], the second longest resident. As pointed out beFore, both oF these men come From the village oF Ebem. Members drawn From Ebem [the largest village in terms oF Kake represen— tation] belonging to lineage D [the largest lineage] account For one quarter oF the DhaFFia contingent and constitute a core cluster with extensive kinship and home village ties in Kake. Closely linked to this core cluster is the remainder oF Ebem and the members oF Asaga, all oF whom belong to lineage D. Matrilineage E, drawing members From Ebem and Elu, extends this linkage to include Amangu and Amuma. Ndi Uduma is only peripherally linked 258 to the rest oF the community, but, nonetheless, its mem- bers, For the mostpart, are active participants in OhaFFia activities. In addition, there are Four pairs oF Full bro- thers, giving some patrilineal reinForcement within matri- clans A, B, D and E.21 As matriclans are exogamous, aFFinal ties provide another series oF cross-cutting ties, seven oF the 24 DhaFFia Farmers being linked through such rela- tionships. In addition, members oF diFFerent matrilin— eages are regarded as potential aFFines, which, very likely, is added incentive to intrasegmental co-operation. Ada, like DhaFFia, is an eastern Igbo group, also Falling within the area practicing double—unilineal descent. In Kake, however, Ada matriclans do not Form an extensive network linking members oF separate home villages, as in the case oF OhaFFia and, as is true oF the homeland. In Fact, all oF the Adas resident in Kake belong to separate matriclans, with the exception oF two men who are Full brothers [4 and 3]. They are patri- lineally related to a third man [10] From the same village. Two members oF another village [Dso] are, likewise, mem- bers oF the same patrilineage [9 and 12]. As shown in Fig. 8.2, there are no other kinship links among members oF the segment and none cross linking the three villages represented in Kake. DU DZ< mHImZHx m.m MIDDHL MLmZCDD< omo jpjz< mmmmaaa> m NA m a m m m OH m V Ha umLmflEmz T rilL \x x / ummmmmCflHaLumm > "WCDHUHLPDZ 7 5 2 |OU DZ< mHImZHx H.m wmfluHm DmCME< 3am fimflm mmmm< mE3E< WEJUD HUZ "mmmwaaa> E ma mm_ mam NH ma UH m m E flma AH E ma ma am Wm m v a m: . "mLmflEmz V < < U m < umCmHUHLPm—z / 258 The village oF Awutu, which claims more than halF oF the Ada Farmers, is, to some extent, bound to- gether with kinship and aFFinal ties. In addition to kinship ties shown above, there are two aFFinal links within this village.22 Apart From a single aFFinal tie linking Awutu to Dso, there are no other bonds oF kinship or aFFinity linking Ada villages in Kake.2:3 Although two members oF Dso are patrikinsmen [Father and son], the two men From Abunwara are unrelated. The small, tightly knit group oF Farmers From Udi all come From the Aguru village group. They have a history oF long residence and mutual association in Cameroon. Unlike eastern Igbos, Udis Follow the more typical Igbo pattern oF patrilineal descent, which Forms the Framework For the organization oF this segment in Kake, as indicated in Fig. 8.3. Six oF the eight [75%) 0F the Udi Farmers are closely related patrilineal kinsmen. No. 3, the Father 0F 2, and x [deceased], Father oF 5,5,7 and 8, are sons oF the same Father. The sister 0F 2 [y] is the wiFe 0F 1, who is, in turn, patrilineally related to 4. The only other adult male member oF the Udi community, a non-Farmer [not shown], likewise, belongs to this latter patrilineage. The only members oF the Udi contingent not belonging to 259 HZOHXO "XIDZHMZ Iw0OU DZ< lHImZHx v.m MIDOHL EmLmNZ MCCJED rq m3m30 umLmflEmz ummmmmCfiHHmem "mLmnEmz "mmmmeMAMLumm 250 these two patrilineages are the wives oF the three Farmers [3, 4, and 5]; two oF the three come From Aguru. The Udi segment is bound together by a closer network oF kin and home area ties than either Ada or DhaFFia, consistent with the high degree oF internal co-operation as well as their participation in the same labor group. Close kinship and direct aFFinal ties, in all probability, exert more compelling obligations For mutual assistance than in other groups, where shared home area, common dialect and culture and relatively remote common descent are binding Forces. As these close kinsmen are based in the village, ties to other kin, living elsewhere, have less oF a centriFugal eFFect than is the case with Ada and, to some extent, DhaFFia. The small cluster oF Farmers From Dkigwi come From two villages within separate village groups. Dkigwi lies within the central Igbo "heartland" and, as with Udi, recognizes patrilineal descent. The Four Dkigwi Farmers Fall into two patrilineages, as shown in Fig. 8.4. Farmers 1 and 4 are patrilineal kinsmen, coming From the same village in Umunna, while 8 is the son 0F 2, From Nzerem, some distance away. There are no cross—link- ing ties oF kinship or aFFinity between members From the two village groups, and, judging From data on co-operation and overall social organization, the ties between them seem 251 quite tenuous. The diFFerences in lineage and home village correspond to a diFFerence in religion [Umunna Farmers are Catholic and Nzerem Protestant] and a diFFerence in labor group aFFiliation [Umunna Farmers belonging to one group, Nzerem to two others]. Unlike DhaFFia, Ada and Udi, the small size, rel- ative insigniFicance oF co-operation and corporate liFe and the limited scope oF primary ties would not justiFy calling the Dkigwis in Kake a "group." There is consider— able involvement with and reliance on other Igbos and Cam- eroonians, and [as with Ada] ties to kinsmen and home people living in Kumba outweigh loyalties to Dkigwi within Kake. 8.6 QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF NETWORKS The diFFerences among the networks oF the var- ious subgroups, as outlined above, can be summarized in terms oF the concepts oF degree and density as applied by Barnes [1968], KapFerer [1973] and others. Degree is a measure oF the mean number oF links per individual included in the network and is derived through the Formula 2 x Na/N, where Na represents the total number oF links and N the total number oF persons in a given network. Density reFers to the total number oF ties within the network as a per- centage oF the maximum number which would exist iF every 282 member were linked to every other member and is given by the Formula 100 X Na/% N X [N-l]. In terms oF the present analysis, density [D] and degree [d] oF networks, based on covillage linkages, kinship and aFFinity, are compared For the Four subgroups [Table 8.7]. TABLE 8.7 DENSITY AND DEGREE OF NETWORKS BY SUBCDMMUNITY OhaFFia Ada Udi Dkigwi No. persons [N] 24 12 8 Maximum no. links 278 88 28 8 Covillage links: Na 51 25 28 2 D[%] 18.5 37.8 100.0 33.3 d 4.3 4.2 7.0 1.0 Kinship: Na 70.5 4 18 2 D[%] 25.5 8.1 57.1 33.2 d 5 8 0.7 4 l AFFinal links: Na 3 4 12 O D[%J 1.1 9.1 42.9 0 d 0.3 0.7 2 D Total: Na 88 28 28 2 O[%] 95.9 99.4 100.0 99.9 d 8.3 4.3 7. l 283 Looking at the above table, it is evident that Udi has the highest overall network density [100%], every member oF that community coming From the same village group and linked with every other person, either through ties oF kinship or aFFinity. The degree [d] is consequently, maximum [7] For an eight person network, which accounts For the high level oF mutual co-operation and the tendency to join a single labor meeting. The small size oF the group has, however, necessitated considerable reliance on outside assistance. Ada shows the next highest overall density [38.4], which might lead one to expect a higher level oF co-opera- tion than was observed. However, because oF the small size oF the group [12], the degree is also relatively small [4.3], and there is rather heavy reliance on outside assistance. This situation contrasts with OhaFFia where, although the total density [35.8] is somewhat less than For Ada, the larger size oF the subgroup means that there is a greater mean number oF links [8.3] per member, which, in part, accounts For its greater solidarity. Another signiFicant Factor seems to be that For DhaFFias there is a much higher density oF kinship ties [25.5] compared to Ada [8.1L whose network density is largely a product oF covillage ties. 254 In the tiny Dkigwi contingent, subgroup size, density and degree are all the lowest For the Igbo commun— ity and correspond to their low solidarity and heavy re- liance on outside assistance. 8.8 SUMMARY AND ADDITIONAL REMARKS In summary, it can be said that, using one activity Field as an index [cocoa harvesting], Igbos in Kake emerge as a community knitted together by ties oF reciprocity. However, this interlacing at the level oF the ethnic group as a whole is relatively loose compared to the tightly knit subgroups which tend to Form the Functional core clusters oF individuals who regularly interact. On the other hand, the relative importance oF the ethnic group, subgroup and the degree oF interaction with non—co—ethnics, varies in accordance with a number oF Factors. In general, large subgroups with some degree oF Formal organization and numerous cross—linking ties based on kinship, aFFinity and common home village show the greatest degree oF solid- arity and autonomy. Smaller groups may be tightly integ- rated, but will be less autonomous, while large groups, loosely integrated, are, similarly, dependent on outside ties. 285 As KapFerer [1873: 87] has pointed out, network density alone is oFten not the key Factor in understanding the dynamics oF a social network, but, due attention should be given to the types oF ties linking members. In the present instance, For example, it is evident that kinship ties [even though remote] are oF greater signiF- icance than covillage links as a basis For labor recipro— city [e.g., OhaFFia and Ada]. AFFinal ties may also be important in cross—linking separate kin-groups [especially evident in Udi] or separate home village contingents [possibly, though less clearly, in Ada]. 288 FDDTNDTES In the homeland men are concerned only with the culti- vation oF yams, while in Cameroon they Frequently help their women cultivate cocoa yams, plantains and other crOps. Two commercial preparations [Gamalin and Perinox] are used against insect pests and black pod disease. Local Farmers compare the urgency oF breaking cocoa at this point to a corpse [Pidgin: 912 body] which needs to be buried immediately [especially in the tropics where decomposition is rapid]. This reFers to the sum paid by a member into the meet- ing’s Fund when he ”has summons," i.e., the group does work on his Farm. This amount is usually paid in ad— vance, but is oFten deFerred, according to the member’s economic circumstances. Being seriously in arrears, however, might lead to diFFiculty in reserving the next summons. The Fact that these items regularly appear in all post- breaking Feasts, whether hosted by Nigerians or Camer- oonians, is interesting and yet another aspect oF the emergent compromise culture taking root in both rural and urban southern West Cameroon. The absence oF any oF these items may result in a Fine [iF the breaking group is a labor meeting] or an unwillingness oF par- ticipants to aid the host in the Future. Also included [in one case] was a cocoa buyer and his two sons. The practice oF sending substitutes is also Followed in Formal labor groups. One Ada was seen to participate in most oF the OhaFFia breakings and was, on the testimony oF an OhaFFia man, "more like an OhaFFia, since he does everything in common with us." 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 15. 287 One Farmer [a blacksmith] and an elderly man Frequent- ly absent From the village were the only two Udis who did not participate. The chairman oF group D was the only Igbo belonging to more than one labor group. He reportedly, did so since he worked more land than most Farmers and needed to enlist more labor. Prior to the banning oF ethnic unions, labor meetings in Kake were organized along ethnic lines. The extent to which each Igbo subgroup is linked to the Igbo community as a whole through labor meeting membership is indicated by the Following Formula, where A = any subgroup: No. oF non-A Igbos in all meetings including A’s Total membership oF all meetings including A’s Computing this ratio For the Four Igbo subgroups in Kake gives the Following results: OhaFFia: 8.3%; Ada: 30.1%; Udi: 0.0%; Dkigwi: 18.4%. One Udi Farmer on the verge oF retirement was living in Mile II when I First arrived, but has since returned to Nigeria. One non-Farmer [the blacksmith] lives toward the upper [i.e., away From Kumba] end oF Kake. Two oF these men speak Bakundu, the language oF the host population, while the third speaks Bangwa, a language in Manyu Division. This individual [the blacksmith], was described by one Udi man as someone who "doesn’t want to join in the things we [Udis] do." One Catholic Farmer From Dkigwi pointed out that DhaFFias, in his view, being predominantly Protestant, were generally less interested in religion. An Dkigwi Protestant, on the other hand, spent sometime expound— ing on the alleged superiority oF Protestant mission education. 17. 18. 19. 2D. 21- 22. 23. 24. 25. 288 In one case the tenant was a mat-maker who repaired the rooF oF the house which he and his Family shared with the landlord. He praised the landlord as a "good— hearted man" who helped him with Farm work. The sec- ond case was his son, who shared a house with an age mate who, like himselF, was an aspiring mechanic. One oF these men belonged to a labor meeting in which almost all oF the members were From these two ethnic groups. Ebem, with a population oF 11,114 [18841 is the second largest village in OhaFFia [Nsugbe 1874: 8]. One individual [no. 18 in Fig. 8.1], who was, perhaps, the most dissident in the entire OhaFFia segment, came From Ndi Uduma. Being a barber, in addition to a cocoa Farmer, he was the most irregular participant in co- operative labor and For this he received a considerable number oF Fines by his labor meeting. He was also Fined by the OhaFFia community For his Failure to con- tribute to a group project. Two pairs oF brothers were From Ndi Uduma, one From Asaga and a Fourth From Amangu. Farmer no.11 [Fig.2] is married to the Full sister oF 4 and 3, while the wiFe 0F 10 belongs to the same matriclan as 2. The wiFe oF no. 1 is related to 8, as her Father comes From the same matrilineage. Although this was pointed to as an aFFinal relationship by 1, 8 maintained that he had no aFFines in Kake. Likewise, no.1 claimed aFFinal relations with one Farmer From OhaFFia, whose wiFe comes From 1’s matrilineage, which was not men- tioned by the OhaFFia man in describing his aFFinal network. This indicates the Flexibility oF aFFinal relations and the variation in the extent to which individuals emphasize more remote ties [sec. 8.8]. Aguru is one oF a number oF northern Igbo centers specializing in blacksmithing, whose men have a long tradition oF migration and who were [together with smiths From eastern Igbo country] among the First Igbos to come to Cameroon. All oF the Udi Farmers in Kake were either trained as smiths or were sons oF smiths. The third woman [the wiFe oF 5]is From a neighboring village group in Udi. CHAPTER 8 ETHNIC ATTITUDES IN THE MIGRANT SETTING The patterns oF inter- and intra—ethnic inter- action, described above, are paralleled by and occur with- in the context oF an elaborate system oF ethnic attitudes. These attitudes, on the one hand, may be viewed as the product oF cultural, historical and economic Factors which set the stage For the working out oF patterns oF human relations in the migrant setting. On the other hand, atti- tudes have salience in and oF themselves, contributing to the strategic choices which underlie the Formation oF soc- ial networks, their maintenance and patterns oF diFFeren- tial activation. This chapter examines the attitudinal dimension oF ethnicity as it impinges upon the Igbo migrant commun- ity in the Kumba peri—urban area.1 It is largely concerned with the subject oF inter-ethnic stereotyping and ethno- centrism, a major dimension in ethnic boundary deFinition. This broad and complex topic can be conveniently divided into Five subareas in viewing the case at hand: 1] Igbo attitudes toward the multi—ethnic situation [positive and negative]. 288 27D 2] Igbo attitudes toward non-Igbos, mainly Cameroon— ians [positive and negative]. 3] Non-Igbo attitudes toward Igbos [positive and nega— tive]. 4] Igbo views oF themselves [primarily positive]. 5] Igbo views oF authority [primarily negative]. 8.1 IGBO ATTITUDES TOWARD THE MULTI-ETHNIC SITUATION Several generalizations can be made concerning the prevailing ways in which Igbos tend to perceive and characterize the ethnically pluralistic society oF south- ern West Cameroon. Broadly speaking, although there is a considerable amount oF ambivalence, negative aspects tend to be emphasized more Frequently than positive ones. As discussed earlier, Igbos in the Kumba area, being both strangers and aliens, do not identiFy themselves with their place oF residence [see sections 2.4 and 4.3]. The migrant town or village is seen as a temporary location oF their current economic activities, and even though a migrant may have lived in a given center For several years, he will usually deny any implication that he has established roots, or any sense oF local attachment. Kumba is viewed by Igbos and others as a "town oF strangers," and "civic spirit," as such, does not exist, except in the context oF the var— 271 ious ethnic communities. Even so, the Igbo community oF Kumba [or Kake] exists as a unit only in terms oF organi- zational convenience, rather than in terms oF basic loyal- ties, which remain Focused on the Nigerian homeland. Not only is the migrant center not a part oF one’s ethnic or communal identity, but is Frequently viewed as a genuine threat to that identity. The term most oFten used by Igbos to describe the ethnic heterogeneity oF Kumba is "mixed up," which suggests that not only are its resi- dents drawn From diverse cultural backgrounds, but that their respective cultural heritages over time become dilu- ted, eroded and intermingled with that oF others. Igbos continually draw contrasts between how things are done in the homeland and how they are done in Cameroon as a result oF accomodation to an alien environment and the inFluence oF Cameroonians. In one "send—oFF" [going—away party], For example, two Igbos argued the propriety oF using im- ported liquor [rather than AFrican palm wine] to make liba- tions. Dne held that it was not, while the other [whose view prevailed] argued that it was appropriate "as we are strangers here." As pointed out earlier, Igbos Frequently remark on the diFFiculty oF properly socializing children in the migrant setting. Language was discussed as an area oF con- cern, citing the generally preFerred use oF Pidgin English 272 by Igbo children [see sec. 3.1]. Even more disturbing, however, to the majority oF Igbos, is the alleged diFFi- culty oF transmitting home values and protecting children From the "corruptive" inFluences oF their Cameroonian peers. Igbos generally see themselves [and are viewed by Cameroon- ians] as being strict and demanding with their children, expecting them to make contributions to the household econ- omy, not required by Cameroonians. Igbos complain that they encounter more resistance in enForcing these demands in the migrant setting, and, as a consequence, their child- ren grow up with the undisciplined, unindustrious habits attributed to Cameroonians. Another set oF values which Igbos see threatened in the migrant situation concerns sexual morality, parti— cularly in the case oF young women. According to one in- Formant, girls at home are better behaved "where they are not mixed-up with others." As pointed out earlier, the alleged corruptive inFluence oF Cameroonian sexual laxity is Frequently cited as a reason For marrying girls raised in the homeland in preFerence to those raised abroad [sec. 8.2]. Although a mature, newly married girl brought From home is considered a lower marriage risk, some Igbos main- tain that all women brought to Cameroon eventually take on the undesirable traits oF their Cameroonian counterparts 273 which eventually erodes their home values oF Fidelity and industry. Although Igbos tend to be more aware oF the nega- tive aspects oF the multi-ethnic environment, they occa- sionally point to its positive side. As indicated by Ar— dener [1880: 101 FF] in his study oF plantation laborers, Igbos and Cameroonians alike see distinct advantages in inter-ethnic contact in the migrant centers oF West Camer- oon. Learning From persons oF diverse cultural backgrounds is sometimes mentioned as a beneFicial by-product oF travel- ing and living outside the homeland. "The traveler learns more than the stay-at-home," is a common expression oF migrant Igbos. On this point there is clearly a double standard; men are able to expand their horizons by going abroad, while women and children tend to learn mainly bad behavior. Here, ambivalence toward the multi-ethnic situ- ation stems From the general agreement that the migrant learns a great deal. The national ideologies oF both Cameroon and Nigeria which emphasize ethnic integration, and the suppres- tion oF communal rivalries while idealizing inter-ethnic harmony, also inFluences the perception and reality oF the plural society. "Kumba is a place where people oF diFFerent tribes work together," is a typical remark elicited From Cameroonians, and [to a somewhat lesser extent] From Igbos 274 as well. The tendency For various ethnic groups to specialize in diFFerent economic persuits is thus seen as complimentary and mutually beneFicial, to the degree that one does not use his position to gain undue advantage over others. Mutual assistance, especially in the village, is seen as an indicator oF inter-ethnic harmony. As one OhaFFia migrant reported when describing how Cameroonian neighbors assisted an Igbo in repairing his rooF aFter a storm: That’s how they do it in Igboland when something like this happens. People will bring Food, nails and come to repair the damage. This, he said, could be quite uncommon in Kumba, unless one had especially good relations with one’s neigh- bors. Similarly, one Igbo migrant remarked that when Kumba was small, "everyone was like a brother, whether Hausa, or whatever." Here Igbos show a willingness to recognize that many oF the social problems which are oFten associated with Cameroon are more characteristically urban than Cameroonian. Frequently, however, the Kumba based Igbo migrant, linked to his rural homeland tends to Forget that anomie, inter— personal alienation and the commercialization oF human relations are equally a part oF Nigerian town liFe as well. Migrants also remark that Cameroonians "are too tribalistic," as though inter-ethnic rivalry were a special national char— acteristic which distinguishes Nigerians From themselves. 275 8.2 IGBO ATTITUDES TOWARD NON—IGBOS: NEGATIVE As the Igbo view oF the Cameroonian situation is, by and large, negative, Igbo stereotypes oF Cameroon- ians, likewise, tend to emphasize negative characteristics. These stereotypes exhibit a high degree oF consistency throughout the Igbo community, being an expression oF the "universal syndrome oF ethnocentrism," [see Levine and Campbell 1872] which evaluates outsiders according to their perceived divergence From in-group norms. Accord- ingly, Cameroonians as a whole, or members oF various Cameroonian ethnic groups are viewed as signiFicantly diFFerent From Igbos in culture and values and are ascrib— ed negative characteristics consonent with the Igbo’s deFinition oF themselves. These stereotypes also reFlect the shared experience oF Igbos in Cameroon, and, particu- larly, their redeFined status aFter Cameroonian ReuniFi- cation [sec. 2.8]. The characteristic which Igbos most commonly attribute to Cameroonians is jealousy. In their view, Cameroonians have always resented Igbo success, particu- larly in economic ventures and are now endeavoring to utilize their privileged position as nationals to thwart and reverse these gains. The allegedly overzealous en- Forcement oF the law where Igbos are concerned is oFten seen by them as a glaring instance oF "jealousy." 278 Consequently, many Igbos express the view that their best strategy is to assume a low proFile and avoid any conspicuous consumption which might encourage envy. One wealthy produce buyer, For example, said that he continued to use his old car, rather than buy a new one because he was a "Foreigner" [i.e. Igbo] and that the "natives [Cameroonians] don’t want us to have good things." Related to the allegation oF jealousy, which assumes Igbo superiority, is the belieF that Cameroonians are ungrateFul, reFusing to recognize the role played by them in developing the country. This view, an integral part oF the Cameroonian Igbo’s selF-image, sees Cameroon- ians as hopelessly dependent on the continued presence oF Igbos, whose special skills and industry they lack. It is widely held among Igbos that most Cameroonians [ex- cept Grasslanders] have no aptitude For commerce and generally lack the drive necessary to keep the country economically viable. Certain ethnic groups [especially the local BaFaw] are stereotyped by Igbos [and others] as being partial to white-collar jobs, unwilling to throw themselves into arduous or low status occupations which could, eventually, lead to economic success. The BaFaw have also been cast as generally lazy and improvident, earning money through the sale oF land and consuming, rather than investing it as Igbos tend to do. Although 277 these ethnic stereotypes are current among Cameroonians as well, Igbos tend to generalize them to Cameroonians at large. Another widely held set oF stereotypes [sec.8.1], concerns the behavior oF Cameroonian women, which Igbo men view as immoral in contrast to that oF Igbo women. Al- though certain Cameroonian ethnic groups [especially From Manyu Division] are seen by other co—nationals as contrib— uting more than their share to the ranks oF urban prostit- utes [see Ruel 1880: 230 FF], Igbos tend to generalize this stereotype to Cameroonian women at large. Again, it appears likely that their standard For comparison is the rural Nigerian homeland [where prostitution is relatively uncommon and inconspicuous], rather than the urban centers. In any event, objective diFFerences in this respect, between Nigerians and Cameroonians, iF they exist at all, are largely irrelevant. The major Function oF this stereotype, as pointed out earlier [sec. 8.1], is the role it plays in reinForcing the cherished norm oF intra-ethnic endogamy. Another attitude which Igbos Frequently express toward various non-Igbos is Fear and suspicion. Certain groups in particular are viewed as treacherous, capable oF physical violence or given to occult practices. The 278 Ibibio [a neighboring southeastern Nigerian people] are stereotyped by Cameroonians and Igbos alike as inscru- table, scheming and prone to using magic and treachery to acheive their ends. While Cameroonians tend to equate Igbos and Ibibios in this respect, Igbos see this as con- trasting with their highly valued norm oF openess and "transparent living" [see Uchendu 1885: 17]. For example, during the term oF Fieldwork acts oF violence were committed by heavily armed Nigerian pirates in the Rio del Ray estuary [Nigeria—Cameroon border] against returning Igbo migrants. While Cameroonians used this as an example oF Nigerians’ capacity For violence, in contrast to the more peaceFul ways oF Cameroonians, Igbos insisted that the major perpetrators were Ibibios.2 Similarly, certain Cameroonian peoples, inclu— ding the local BaFaw and neighboring Bakossi [see Fig.2.2], have a reputation among migrants [Nigerian and Cameroonian] For practicing witchcraFt. In Kake the strangers at Mile II were said to have relocated some distance away From the indigenous Bakundu village because oF the latter’s practice oF witchcraFt. Interestingly, although the Igbo From east oF the Niger [who account For virtually all oF those in Cameroon] do not recognize the existence oF witches in the homeland, they are willing to acknowledge 278 them in Cameroon where they Form a part oF the local belieF system. In addition, many Igbos Fear alleged occultism in the Grasslands [especially the activities oF kweyiFon and other masked regulatory societies] and see the area as generally incongenial For settlement. Although Igbos oFten distinguish among various Cameroonian ethnic groups, they Frequently lump them under the general lable "Cameroonian," generalizing stereotypes which various Cameroonian groups hold toward one another to Cameroonians at large. Similarly, Igbos [and other groups as well] usually categorize outgroups in terms oF rough, "macro-ethnic" lables, such as "GraFFi" [For Grasslanders collectively], "Banyangi" [For Banyang, Ejagham and other Manyu Division peoples], "Down Coasters," [For southern West Cameroonians] and "Frenchmen" [For East Cameroonians]. Each oF these categories is, accord- ingly, associated with its own set oF macro-ethnic stereo- types, while the internal linguistic or cultural diversity is minimized [see Mitchell 1858: 28]. From the Igbo perspective, the most socially meaningFul cultural diFFerences are those distinguishing them From non-Igbos, especially Cameroonians. Dbjective diFFerences, in and oF themselves, are less signiFicant than perceived or imagined diFFerences which serve to 280 maintain the mythology oF ethnic distinctiveness, super- iority and solidarity. Objectively, the diFFerences between Igbo migrants and West Cameroonians are relatively slight in contrast to the cultural distance between Igbos and say British or even Hausa [a Fact which is largely irrelevant given the inFrequency oF contact with the latter two groups in Cameroon]. Prolonged interaction oF Igbos and Cameroonians in the Kumba area has, undoubtedly, reduced "objective" diFFerences in behavior and values between them, while making the exaggeration oF perceived diFFerences all the more necessary. The Fiction oF Igbo distinctiveness implies ”social distance" between Igbos and Cameroonians. Accord- ingly, they maintain a set oF negative attitudes toward relations involving varying degrees oF intimacy with out— groups. At one extreme,marriage choices are eFFectively restricted, both by proscription oF ethnic exogamy and negative stereotypeing oF Cameroonians [especially women]. In view oF the relative permanence oF marriage and the network oF binding obligations which it establishes, it is hardly surprising that marital links with outgroups are more consistently avoided than any other relation- ship. 281 Other Forms oF avoidance are generally less regular and less explicitly spelled out. In Kumba, as described earlier, Igbos tend to be residentially ex- clusive [sec. 4.1], but this is largely a result oF ad- ministrative decree, not their desire to have a separate quarter. This clearly contrasts with the Hausa in Ibadan, who petitioned the colonial government to recognize Sabo as an exclusive Hausa quarter [Cohen 1888: 103-113]. In Kake, not only are Igbo and Cameroonian occupied houses interspersed, but many houses are shared by members oF both groups. Occasionally some Igbos express a desire to live separately, but point out that one must live where houses are available. The wish to live in a separate house From Cam- eroonians is oFten couched in terms such as, "their habits are not like ours," Frequently pointing to alleged diFFerences in standards oF hygiene or diet. Igbos [and others] claim, For example, that Bakundus allow domestic animals to run Freely through their houses. Other groups are stereotyped as Fond oF Fine clothes but Fail to bathe regularly or maintain an orderly house. The concern with dietary diFFerences is linked to the signiFicance oF commensality, pointed out earlier [sec. 7.2]. A disinclination to share Food with outgroups [I'll [a [ll'nl’l 282 may be explained by Igbos as, "we don’t eat that kind oF Food," or "we don’t prepare it that way." Objectively, oF course, dietary diFFerences do exist among Cameroonian groups and between them and Igbos. Just as in Igboland local dietary preFerences and proscriptions play a role in deFining communal boundaries [see sec. 4.3], in Cameroon migrant centers they contribute to the distinctiveness oF ethnic communities. Plantain, a major staple in the Kumba area is a marginal Food in Nigeria, while other items, such as aghg [a cocoa yam preparation] and kwacha [corn beer] are distinctively Grasslands. Certain Foods, such as snails [Limicolaria] are avoided by Grasslanders but eaten by both Igbos and southern West Cameroonians. Such dietary preFerences recur Frequently in the conversa— tions and joking about ethnic diFFerences which goes on among Igbos and between them and Cameroonians. Igbos oFten assert that the Food situation is better in the homeland where yams are cheap and abundant, and people do not have to "resort to" a diet oF plantain and cocoa yam as in Cameroon. Certain local Foods, such as miyondo [cassava rolled into long strands] are reject- ed by most Igbos. According to 0 [an Dkigwi mentioned earlier], "this is the last thing I will ever eat in Cameroon!" In point oF Fact, however, most Nigerians 283 adapt themselves to the basic local diet, and admit [regretFully] that their children "preFer plantain to yam." In short, ethnically distinctive dietary habits have symbolic value which may bear little relation to the actual diets oF in-group members in the migrant center. Rejection oF certain local Food items [mostly marginal] and staunchly maintaining the superiority oF the home diet [while dining essentially like local people], are ges— tures which assert, "we really are more distinct than you would gather looking at us." 8.3 IGBO ATTITUDES TOWARD NON—IGBOS: POSITIVE Although negative attitudes are more Frequently expressed than positive ones,it would be misleading to conclude that they dominate the interaction between Igbos and Cameroonians. As suggested, they are better indicators oF the insistance on ethnic boundary mainten- ance than oF the level oF real intergroup hostility. POsitive attitudes are also expressed, although they are usually more qualiFied than negative ones, which tend to take the Form oF sweeping generalizations. Igbos will, For example, discuss the merits oF certain Cameroonian groups in contrast to others. Grasslanders or Bamilekes l l 4|- Ii l“. 1" III] [II '. 1'1: 11' 1 284 are seen by them as ambitious and progressive ["more like us"], as opposed to "Forest" peoples [southern WEst Cameroonians and Manyu groups], who are branded as shiFtless and inept in commercial persuits. One inFormant claimed that Bamilekes, Bakossis and Bassas [who are asso- ciated with the violence which took place in East Cameroon during the 1880’s] were "the only Cameroonians who are strong." Sometimes Igbos express positive attitudes toward Cameroonians in an attempt to smooth over inter—ethnic relations. Diplomatic or manipulative Flattery oFten takes the Form oF telling a Cameroonian the merits oF his ethnic group [usually in contrast to another group]. This type oF behavior is Frequently seen in interaction with Cameroonian authorities or others From whom special Favors are expected. Although social distance between Igbos and Cameroonians is usually careFully maintained, this var- ies considerably according to situation. Even the norm oF exogamy is occasionally broken in word and action. One AFikpo man, W [previously mentioned], whose marriage to a Balong woman ended in divorce, was asked by a Fellow Igbo why he married a Cameroonian in the First place. His reply, "because I didn’t want to discriminate," accords with the universalistic ethos oF the new nations. 285 Another Igbo asserted, "Owerri people [reFerring to his own area] believe in [inter—ethnic] exogamy." Although he was married to a woman From his own area, he said that several oF his kinsmen were married to Cameroonians and Felt that the practice made For better inter-ethnic relations. As pointed out above, there is no insistence on the part oF Igbos to remain residentially exclusive, and numerous instances oF positive relations between Igbos and Cameroonians sharing the same house have been noted. In Kake especially, Igbos co—operated with Cameroonian landlords or cotenants in agricultural tasks [sec. 8.2]. Despite the recurrent negative attitudes toward Cameroonian Food and dining with Cameroonians, numerous instances oF inter-ethnic dining were noted. In Kake, where co-operative cocoa harvesting parties are given Food by their host Farmers, the sharing oF Food between Igbos and Cameroonians is a regular occurrence. Igbos mingle Freely with other ethnic groups in palm wine and beer bars, both in the village and urban center. In various celebrations [namings, marriages and Funerals] which took place [although members oF the principal’s ethnic group were almost always in the majority], Igbos and Cameroonians dined and drank together with no evident attempt to maintain distance. -lllullll [III ‘1 I11. Illillll‘llll 288 8.4 NON-IGBO ATTITUDES TOWARD IGBOS: NEGATIVE The converse oF Igbo attitudes toward non—Igbos is the stereotypes which Cameroonians and others apply to Igbo migrants. As might be expected, they too tend to be largely negative, or, iF positive, careFully qualiFied. One oF the most common views oF Igbos is their alleged tendency to dominate others by virtue oF their numbers and their determination to succeed at all costs. Given the large population oF the Igbo homeland [greater than the whole oF Cameroon], as well as the high concentration oF Igbo migrants in the Kumba area [see sec. 2.3], Cameroon— ians have long Felt threatened by their mere presence. As pointed out earlier [sec. 2.8], this Fact was clearly crucial in inFluencing the outcome oF the plebiscite in Favor oF unity with the Republique du Cameroun [i.e. the Francophone East]. The prevailing stereotype oF Igbos depicts them as ruthless opportunists, who, during the era oF British administration, had Free rein and dominated large sectors oF the West Cameroonian economy.3 Independence and "Re— uniFication" [i.e. union with East Cameroon] was welcomed by West Cameroonians largely because it gave authorities control over Igbo migrants [sec. 2.8] and opened up to citizens positions From which Igbos had been displaced [especially in the civil service]. 287 As a result oF these political developments, Cameroonians, as citizens, now Feel superior to Nigerians and Flaunt their newly acquired status in the Face oF the disenFranchised migrants. Overall, Cameroonians see Igbos as less oF a threat than in the past and Feel that they can usually be brought into line by reminding them oF their alien status or, iF necessary, calling on the author— ities. These developments, however, have not aFFected the basic stereotypes oF Igbos. They are seen by Cameroon- ians as cunning and overzealous in commercial persuits, inducing customers to buy inFerior or unwanted goods. Their success is attributed largely to dishonesty and de- viousness. "They will cheat you iF they see the chance," or "they cannot talk straight" and "good ones are rare," typiFy Cameroonian characterizations oF Igbo traders, which are oFten generalized to the ethnic group at large. Another common stereotype oF Igbos is their treachery, a trait allegedly shared with Ibibios. Sorcery, poisoning and cannibalism are Frequently mentioned as common Igbo practices. These anti-social acts are said to be committed against Fellow Igbos and Cameroonians alike, and most Cameroonians can relate second or third-hand accounts oF such occurrences. 288 The objective Factuality or statistical Fre- quency oF these oFten imaginatively described and gen- erally improbable events is less noteworthy than the willingness oF the host population to give them currency. As with Igbo perceptions oF Cameroonians, they are meaning- Ful as social Facts related to the maintenance oF communal boundaries and indicative oF the social distance between the two groups. As Ardener [1880: 104 FF] indicated in his study oF plantation workers, [From the Cameroonian standpoint] social distance between Igbos and Cameroonians is generally greater than among Cameroonian ethnic groups. He Found that, while the majority oF Cameroonian workers Favored ethnically mixed camps and work gangs, a signiFi- cant minority Favored the exclusion oF Igbos. According to Ardener, a Frequent complaint oF Cameroonian workers was the seduction oF their women by Igbo migrants [Ibid.: 108]. This accusation is understand- ably higher in the vicinity oF plantations where there is a high male/Female ratio than in Kumba where there is a better balance. Nevertheless, Cameroonians do accuse Igbos [especially traders] oF leading their women astray with oFFers oF jewelry, clothes and money. In view oF the Igbos’ own attitude toward their women, many Cameroon— ians see this as an intolerable double standard. As one Mbo [East Cameroon migrant] sawyer expressed it: 288 Usually you can hardly see an Igbo girl harlot- ing. IF they see one oF their girls doing this they will send her back home. They don’t want her around to spoil the Fashion [behavior, morals] oF other girls. In Nigeria iF they catch their daughters doing that, they will kill them rather than let them run around. They will not let any man From outside [a non-Igbo] beFriend their girls. IF I ever catch an Igbo man touching one oF my girls, I will deal with him! 8.5 NON—IGBO ATTITUDES TOWARD IGBOS: POSITIVE Many oF the same traits which make Igbos dis- liked by some Cameroonians are admired by others. The undeniable success oF Igbo migrants, especially in trad- ing, is sometimes pointed to as a positive quality re- sulting From determination and industry. Even Cameroonians who generally dislike Igbos allow that their strategies For economic success are eFFicatious and deserve credit. Although many Cameroonians see Igbos as notor- iously ethnocentric and in-group oriented in their social relations, they may admire Igbos For their developed sense oF internal co-operation. "They rarely help others, but they always help one another," typiFies the ambivalence common in ethnic stereotypes. 9.8 IGBO VIEWS OF THE IN-GRDUP Many oF the characteristics which Cameroonians view as typically Igbo are Freely admitted by Igbos them- 280 selves and Form an integral part oF their own selF image. The diFFerence, oF course, is that those traits which Cam- eroonians view as objectionable, are seen by Igbos as praiseworthy. While Cameroonians view the large Igbo popu— lation in Nigeria and their own country as threatening, For Igbos themselves it reFlects their strength and sig- niFicance as a people. They point boastFully to the many large townships in Eastern Nigeria [Enugu, Onitsha, Aba and Pt. Harcourt], which are vastly larger than any oF the urban centers in West Cameroon. W, a migrant From AFikpo, declared that in his area a typical patrilineal compound is larger than most villages in the Kumba vicin— ity. He went on to say that Igbos in Kumba are the most proliFic oF any ethnic group. While observing a crowd moving away From a Football match, he declared: About 80-80 percent oF these people are Igbos. Igbos are very numerous here. I Found out that in the Ndian hospital 80 percent oF the births were Igbos. The same is true oF Kumba. Igbos are resentFul oF their loss oF economic and political power which attended the transFer oF author- ity to the independent Cameroon government. They look nostalgically back to the Trusteeship era, when Few limits were placed on their commercial activities and they en- joyed Full rights with Cameroonians to participate in all 281 sectors oF the economy. In Fact, in the years oF British administration the Igbo, iF anything, constituted a local elite, occupying a priviledged position in the occupational structure oF the territory. Igbos see themselves as pio- neers who brought commerce and the goods oF European industry into a relatively undeveloped backwater, which emerged under their guidance as the modern state oF West Cameroon. As one older Igbo migrant in Kumba put it, "we were the white men here in those days," pointing up the relative unsophistocation oF local people and the dearth oF consumer goods during the early years oF Igbo immigra- tion. As Igbos see it, the success which they enjoyed in Cameroon was only well deserved compensation For the important part which they played in the territory’s development. As Igbos prospered in Kumba they not only enriched themselves but used their wealth in building a modern town. A common claim oF Igbo migrants is,”iF you look around Kumba at least 80 percent oF the block houses were built by us." Now with the movement toward Cameroon- ization, they see their achievements and contributions as unrecognized and unappreciated. They regret that they see no real stake in the Future development oF the country. One wealthy ex—cocoa buyer in Kumba declared that he and 282 men like himselF could see no point in using their money For developing their property and building per- manent housing in Cameroon when their Future in the country was so uncertain. Increasingly, migrants have voiced the view that they should redirect their money toward invest- ments in the homeland. On the other hand, Igbos see themselves as highly adaptable, able to struggle along and raise them- selves up From the direst oF circumstances. The classical Igbo success story oF the boy who began selling groundnuts in the street moving on to become a wealthy trader is a recurrent theme in the in the migrant’s ethos. As one ex—teacher From Owerri expressed it: OF all the Negro race, that is, oF all the people in AFrica, the Igbos are the most enterprising. We can go anywhere and integ- rate ourselves with any kind oF people. We can tolerate all kinds oF conditions. Industry and resiliency are two Facts oF the Igbos’ elaborate selF image oF moral superiority. Another aspect, mentioned earlier, is their belieF that Igbo pat- terns oF socialization which stress these qualities are better than those oF Cameroonians. Throughout the greater Kumba area, Igbo children are Frequently seen vending snack Foods, tending shops and serving as apprentices in various service occupations [motorcycle repairing, shoe mending etc.]. 283 Similarly, Igbos Firmly believe that they are more successFul in educating women For their Future role as wives and mothers than Cameroonians. A pervasive male bias [certainly not unique to Igbo society] Favors the early marriage oF women as insurance against their becoming prostitutes. Although many Igbo girls continue their post- primary education, entering "appropriate" proFessions such as nursing or teaching, this should, in no case, be given precedence to their all-important domestic role. In the eyes oF most Igbo men, the "independent woman" is an immoral woman, who, even though she may have a legitimate proFession, has little standing in respectable society. Any unmarried Igbo woman who maintains her own residence, removed From her kinsmen is looked on as "un-Igbo" and "no doubt" cor- rupted by Cameroonians. Another trait which Igbos ascribe to themselves and are accused oF by Cameroonians is their developed sense oF ingroup unity and co-operation ["tribalism"]. The pro- verb, niikota El ike ["unity is strength"], is popular both in the migrant community and the homeland. On one level it reFlects a committment to mutal aid and the willingness oF Igbos to combine their eFForts in group projects, such as sponsoring development in the homeland or providing scholar— ships [uncommon among Cameroonian migrant communities]. In another, more abstract sense, it suggests the prevailing 284 sense that "Igbo is one," the Fictional consensus in language, culture and values among Igbos at large [see section 2.1]. The value on unity is the keystone oF the mythology oF Igbo superiority, in two Fundamental ways. First, it reinForces the image that Igbos are strong, not only individually through their energy and determination, but collectively through their numbers and ability to act as a group. Secondly, it ampliFies the belieF in moral superiority by suggesting that Igbo values, being widely held, are more valid than those oF other [especially smaller] ethnic groups. Igbos in Cameroon struggle to maintain their mythology oF superiority despite the Fact that it is seriosly challenged by both external and internal Forces. On the one hand, the behavior and attitudes oF Igbos themselves oFten contradict the view that "Igbo is one." On the other; the ethnocentric attitudes oF Cameroonians, coupled with their newly acquired sense oF political and economic power has made many aspects oF the myth less tenable. 8.7 INTERNAL CONTRADICTIONS TO THE IGBO SELF-IMAGE Although Igbo unity is valued as an ideal, Fre- quently invoked as an essential element in the strategy oF success and survival abroad, there are limits on the extent to which it can eFFectively operate. The sheer size, internal 285 diversity and dispersion oF the migrant community imposes logistical problems on activation oF the ethnic group as a whole. Further, individuals oFten resist being drawn into corporate activities or obligations which they see as con- tradicting their personal needs and goals. Many Igbos, For example, complain that co-ethnics oFten exploit ethnic ties by imposing burdensome obligations and Forced solidarity on others. As one Ada Farmer put it: W owes me about 10,000 Frs. He got me to do all kinds oF things For him by coming around and talking "country talk" [home language]. Interestingly, W, himselF, leveled this accusa- tion at another man who tried to extract Financial aid From him several months earlier [5.8]. He also complained about the Fact that Igbos oFten use strong arm tactics to coerce or punish unco-operative in—group members. He cited one glaring example oF an Igbo photographer whose pro-Nigeria sympathies during the Civil War led BiaFran nationalists to take action against him. AFter beating him and destroy- ing his car, they petitioned the Cameroon government to jail him For illegal political activities. Although W, as a BiaFra supporter, was not necessarily opposed to the action taken, he was ambivalent about the ethnic community’s oppression and Feared its capacity For punitive action. 288 Pan-Igbo sentiment is oFten undermined by more parochial loyalties. The signiFicance oF subgroup alignment has been discussed [sec. 4.2, 4.3 and chapter 7] as a major level oF organization, especially as concerns regular, on- going activities. Associated with each oF the various oF Igbo subgroups is a complex oF ethnocentric attitudes not unlike those held by the ethnic group as a whole. Each subgroup has its own version oF the "myth oF superiority" which, to some extent, diFFerentiates it From others and conFers special esteem within the wider Fold oF Igbo society. One such attitude is that the subgroup is more typically Igbo, or represents a more authentic version oF Igbo traditions and values than other subgroups. The chieF oF the Igbo community oF Kumba, For example, decided that his own area’s dancing group [the Aros] should participate in a Cameroon national celebration, "because they are the most representative group." Igbos generally associate the alleged higher sta- bility oF In-group marriages with higher bride wealth [vis a vis Cameroonians]. By extension, central and northern Igbo groups see themselves as superior in this respect to eastern Igbos who pay lower amounts. One Udi Farmer, com- menting on W who had abruptly leFt For Nigeria: This man had a good job, was earning big money, and just leFt the job like that. That’s the Fashion with these AFikpos. They don’t have to pay a big bride price so they aren’t responsible. 287 Circumcision oF both sexes is viewed by Igbos as hygienically, esthetically and morally necessary. Accordingly, the same Udi Farmer was critical oF AFikpos For delaying this essential operation: They don’t circumsize For a long time aFter their child is born. That should be done when the child is young and can’t hear [Pidgin: “Feel”] the pain. The Igbo value on collective strength and internal solidarity was noted by one OhaFFia Farmer as especially characteristic oF his own subgroup: Our group, the DhaFFias are co-operative. IF a decision is made by the chieF, it must be Followed. Other groups will Fight among themselves. Our people are strong. We were the last area to be entered by the Nigerians and they only came in aFter [Major General Phillip] EFFiong surrendered. As pointed out earlier [sec. 8.4], DhaFFias pride themselves as being less acculturated in many ways than many central Igbo groups, a belieF which appears to have some validity owing to their peripheral location. They see them- selves as being more authentically Igbo, both in the home- land and in the migrant locale. While many Igbos Fear the erosion oF home language and values in the migrant center [sec. 3.1], DhaFFias maintain that they are more successFul in socializing their children as Igbos. They deny that their children habitually use Pidgin in preFerence to Igbo, or loose their proFiciency in their home language like other 288 Igbo groups. This is probably an overstatement, espe- cially in Kake where the non—Igbo/Igbo ratio is high and the ethnic community dispersed. As with ethnic at- titudes, subgroup attitudes are more concerned with maintaining a positive communal selF image than with objective Fact. 8.8 EXTERNAL CONTRAOUCTIONS TO THE IGBO SELF-IMAGE Although there is considerable overlap between the Igbos’ perception oF themselves and the character- istics which Cameroonians emphasize in their stereo- types oF them, Few, iF any Cameroonians would accept the Igbo claim to moral superiority. As is true oF vir- tually all human societies, Cameroonian ethnic commun- ities exalt their own in-group culture, values and achievements vis a vis out-groups [both Cameroonian and non-Cameroonian], while negative stereotypes by out— groups are disclaimed, rationalized or counterbalanced by devaluation oF others. Accordingly, groups viewed by the Igbos as unindustrious and unaggressive [especially southern West Cameroonians], see themselves as peaceFul, restrained and digniFied, while their Failure to achieve the Igbos’ level oF solidarity is valued as a rejection oF "tribalism." 288 The greatest challenge to the Igbo selF image, however, has been their loss oF political and economic power in the wake oF Cameroonian independence. Curtail- ment oF Freedom to organize has made Igbo unity diFFicult to achieve and enForce [sec. 2.8]. Exclusion From many areas oF employment and restriction oF entrepreneurial activities has undermined their sense oF economic selF conFidence. Legislation against land ownership by aliens has thwarted their selF appointed mission as "builders oF Cameroon." The altered relationship oF Igbo migrants toward authority has had a proFound impact on the Igbos’ role in West Cameroonian society, and his perception oF that role. By examining Igbo attitudes toward authority, one can gain an appreciation For how ethnic identity has had to be redeFined to meet the new situation. 8.8 IGBO ATTITUDES TOWARD AUTHORITY During the British Trusteeship era the Igbo were closely identiFied with the territorial authority. Inde- pendence and reuniFication has meant the dramatic reversal oF this role. Consequently, Igbos have had to readjust their selF image as a superior group to accord with their new subordinate status. 300 ' Their view oF Cameroonian authority is markedly negative. The policy oF Cameroonization is interpreted as a bias motivated more by jealousy than commitment to national welFare. Competence, they claim, is overlooked in preFerence to origin. As one Igbo electrician who had lost his job aFter independence expressed it: It doesn’t matter what you know now iF you are a Foreigner. A native who knows nothing can come along and replace you. A Frequent claim oF Igbos is that they are treated more harshly by the Cameroonian authorities than citizens. Allegedly there is more attention given to them in the examination oF identity papers, tax receipts and licenses, and penalties For inFractions is more severe or more con- sistently applied. They complain that they are oFten singled out For rude or rough treatment by the police and gendarmes. Traders maintain their inventories are overassessed by tax oFFicials. The existence oF an anti-Igbo bias among the authorities and the citizenry at large cannot be dismissed. The actual extent oF discrimination, however, is probably exaggerated and does not take into account the changes which their altered legal status necessarily entails. The Fact that most nations, [in AFrica and elsewhere] grant economic and political privileges to citizens denied to aliens is, evidently, not recognized by most Igbos who view these 301 restrictions as directed speciFically against them. Cameroon- ian authorities perForm a considerable amount oF document checking oF all people, both in town and along major roads. That Igbos, who, as Foreigners, must carry more documents, are more thoroughly checked, is hardly surprising. Allegations oF heavy-handed treatment by the police are not limited to the Igbo and reFlect the diFFerent styles oF training under British and French authority. AFter ReuniFication, many West Cameroonians were dismayed by the strong—arm tactics oF police and gendarmes From the East [see Johnson 1870: 282 FF]. The Fact that Igbos, who, as disenFrachised aliens, already on the deFensive, should Feel more intimidated by this change, is understand- able. Apart From all oF these Factors, however, the belieF that Cameroonian authorities are unFair has gained currency because it accords well with their selF image. Lack oF success in any endeavor can easily be attributed to anti-Igbo discrimination. At the same time the persistance oF Igbos in the Face oF discrimination reinForces their sense oF resiliency. 8.10 THE REOEFINITION OF IGBO IDENTITY By 1870 the Igbo community in Cameroon was dis— illusioned and Faced with circumstances which required a 302 redeFinition oF ethnic identity. The collapse oF BiaFra was a severe blow to ethnic selF esteem and meant that not only the migrant community, but the homeland itselF was subordi- nate to external authority. The Igbo had gradually come to see themselves as a misunderstood and much abused people who Fate had singled out For a unique role in the history oF AFrica. The proFound contradiction between the myth oF superiority and the reality oF lost status led them to deFine their selF image vis a vis other groups in increasingly more moral terms. Home values, home language and the legacy oF past achievements were all brought into play to revitalize the Igbo selF image. The older generation thought in terms oF a return to the homeland, as soon as possible to re- establish themselves, but with no grandiose visions oF success. The younger generation with some education, resigned to the Future, sought to go overseas [especially to the 0.5.] to expand their skills and credentials until opportunities in the home country increased. Under a broad shroud oF pessimism it was possible to detect a glimmer oF hope that their contributions, past, present, and Future, would not go unrecognized. 303 FOOTNOTES The greater part oF the inFormation included in this chapter was gathered through open-ended interviews and participant observation. A limited number oF more structured interviews were conducted with Kumba-based Igbos using a questionnaire. Key items on the question— naire were: 1] what type oF town is Kumba? 2] what are Igbos like? 3] what are Cameroonians like? 4] what are the characteristics oF group A [a speciFic ethnic group]? This indicates the growing salience oF nationalism as an aspect oF social identity on the part oF Cameroonians. Although the Igbos clearly reject being equated with Ibibios as bearers oF negative traits, consciousness oF growing national identity is clearly evident. This role oF Igbos in the West Cameroonian economy in many ways parallels their role in Northern Nigeria [see Paden 1871: 113 FF]. CHAPTER 10 CONCLUSIONS ANO PROJECTIONS Analysis oF the data on Cameroon-based Igbo migrants has shown that ethnicity is an organizing principle at all levels oF social interaction. I shall now summarize this analysis and discuss the general implications oF the network approach to ethnicity, particularly with respect to the theoretical issues raised earlier [Chapter 1]. Finally, I expand the range oF the study by placing it in a comparative Framework and discuss the Future oF ethnicity as exempliFied by the Igbo. 10.1 A NETWORK ANALYSIS APPROACH TO ETHNICITY 10.1.1 TYPES OF LINKS Network ties can be separated into two categories, according to whether or not they regularly extend across ethnic boundaries. At least as Far as Cameroon-based Igbo are concerned, the "normally intra-ethnic" links include those based on knowledge oF home lang- uage, common local origin, kinship and marriage. Al- though there were some exceptions, Few instances were noted oF these ties extending across ethnic boundaries 304 305 mszJ xmozsz k0 mul>h m0 ZDmH¢ nmucmnflmmL Dm>aommflng m0 mmcmzu LmJDLLH pCMCMEme ahaammnaH CMJOLDH szLanmk IhLmLouemh ucmcmEme PcmcmEme pcmcmEme ucmcmEme uu>mwcu< .um>mdcu< Vnuxmdco<. ..nunwtum<. tmndtom< umndtum<. MMLm mEDI fixaucmDUmLm mmmmmo mmmau L0 meE tau MMLm mmLm meI mmLm umOI mmLm mEOI mEOI mmLm mEOI mmLm mEDI ..mmCOapamu nmtoflp Ixm 30L Iamoxm mLmL UMCLum LuHZH Luazu UMCLum ImeEfi Dcm Uactpm UHCme UHELum caCme anucH Dcm ImLuCH IMLpCH ImLuCH ImLpCH IMLPCH ImLucH nonstoncmdmz memncmatm xpdcdut< mdcmcdx Nudamqu mmmamch "hufio Jacnum on COHu Imamm "coflu uijo “DmELOL 301 "DmELDm mLmLZ "UMCLum ILmuCH .m> IMLPCH 308 [see Fig. 10.1]. All Igbos speak their home language [notwith- standing the interFerence oF Pidgin in the case oF children], in contrast to ethnic French in western Canada [Wagley and Harris 1858: 201], ethnic Italians in U.S.A or Basques, Irish and Lithuanians [whose home languages have either become or are becoming marginal in the homeland; see Milosz 1875: 338—352]. At the same time, almost no Cameroonians have any speaking knowledge oF Igbo. These Facts make member- ship in the Igbo speech community virtually coincid- ent with Igbo ethnic identity; to be an Igbo is to speak Igbo and be privy to those things which Igbos talk about. To be a non—Igbo is to be excluded From this communication network. In this sense, the Igbo are sharply set apart From the indigenous peoples oF southern West Cameroon, but who, speaking mutually intelligible languages [sec. 2.1], are less clearly diFFerentiated From one another. Ties based on local origin were seen as having more salience in the day-to—day activities oF Igbos than those which stress the somewhat more remote sense oF "Igboness" [sec. 4.2 and 4.3]. Here the system oF obligations and patterns oF reciprocity are Far more clearly deFined than at the level oF the ethnic 307 group. In Fact, it is these segmentary units which more clearly display the characteristics oF groups, deFined in terms oF capacity For co—activity and FulFilling speciFic Functions. At the same time, how- ever, being a member oF a local community links the individual into a wider ethnic network which becomes mobilized when the situation requires. Conversely, one’s being an Igbo ultimately rests on his claiming a speciFic local origin which articulates through a hierarchy oF alignments with pan-Igbo identity. The prevalence oF intra-ethnic endogamy [sec. 5.0] virtually insures that kinship and aFFinal networks do not extend across ethnic boundaries. Such immediate ties provide an underpinning For ethnic loyalties by linking the individual into the wider system via intermediate levels oF organization. At the same time, kin and aFFinal ties are more paro— chial, owing to patterns oF local endogamy, which, in turn, reinForce lower level loyalties, sometimes at the expense oF ethnic solidarity. This centri- Fugal pull oF lower segmentary units is countered by the idealogy that "Igbo is one" and the [oFten metaphorical] extension oF kinship and aFFinal ties through proverbs like "brotherhood [or aFFinity] has no boundaries." Despite the universalistic 308 sentiment oF the latter proverb, the implied boundary is Frequently the ethnic group. Ties which show less respect For ethnic boundar— ies are basically limited to those which are either temporary or have a muchljfixgexplicit code oF oblig— ations and rights. The most conspicuous oF these are Friendship and vicinage [Chapter 7], networks which are voluntarily established by the migrant in the host area. Such networks are certainly not indiFFerent to ethnic identity, as clear preFerences For co-ethnic Friends and neighbors are expressed, both verbally and behaviorally. Formation oF inter-ethnic links, Far From blurring the boundaries between ethnic groups, is Frequently qualiFied, Functionally speciFic and interpreted by migrants as Facilitating inter-ethnic accomodation and harmony. Intra—ethnic links, on the other hand, are more apt to be more intimate, multi- stranded and interpreted in terms oF shared interests and understanding oF co-ethnics. 10.1.2 UTILITY OF THE NETWORK APPROACH TO THE STUDY OF ETHNICITY The utility oF the network approach in the study oF ethnicity can be evaluated according to the Follow- ing criteria: 308 1] How does it provide a better basis For under- standing the case at hand? 2] To what extent is it applicable to other cases? 3] Can it provide a basis For testing various models oF ethnicity? 4] What alterations in the model does it suggest? The reasons underlying the selection oF network analysis were discussed earlier [sec. 1.1 and 1.3]. The soundness oF this choice is, I believe, conFirmed by the data at hand and should be applicable to other studies oF ethnicity. The present case, Focusing on a diFFuse, mobile community whose collective identity is a product oF rela- tively recent events can only be understood through a Framework which presupposes a highly Flexible social structure. Igbos oF diverse origins coming to live in close proximity must Forge new ties. Those oF common origin, geographically dispersed, maintain and activate both new and preexisting links. Movement From one center to another [occurring with the majority oF individuals studied] necessitates streaching or breaking some ties, while Forging or reactivating others. In view oF this Fluidity, the metaphor oF the network seems singularly appropriate. Since these Features, as described, are common to most areas in AFrica [and many areas elsewhere] where 310 there is extensive in—migration, the applicability oF network analysis is very wide. In such areas, ethnic heterogeneity is usually the rule, which makes ethni- city an important dimension oF the overall social or- ganization. Since networks can be analysed in terms oF measurable Features, the relative salience oF ethnicity under diFFerent circumstances can be evaluated and com- pared. At a more general theoretical level the network approach provides a basis For assessing the models oF eth- nicity presented earlier [sec. 1.2.3]. Issue was taken both with Geertz’ conception oF "primordial loyalties" and Barth’s "organizational vessels," insoFar as they implied that ethnic identity constituted an "ultimate" or "absolute" value. The present analysis views the sig- niFicance oF ethnicity as highly variable, according to situational context [see Mitchell 1858; Epstein 1858; Uchendu 1875; Schein 1875]. This is exempliFied by the principle oF extension which operates in most oF the cat— egories oF ties discussed, especially kinship, aFFinity and locality. According to this principle, whether immediate ties [the "eFFective network"] or remote ties [the "extended network"] are emphasized depends on the requirements oF the situation [see Mitchell 1888:8]. 311 Individual actors activate or downplay speciFic links in accordance with their needs or goals, manipulating the network to their own advantage. Since these needs and goals vary with time and location and From one individual to another, patterns oF manipulation will likewise vary. Ethnic networks are, thus, important in terms oF their instrumental value as emphasized by Cohen. But ethnic identity also imposes a number oF obligations on individuals which limits the potential For manipulation and, occasionally, gives it a value akin to Geertz’ "overpowering coerciveness" [compulsory Funeral attend- ance and support For the BiaFran cause being cases in point. Ethnicity constitutes only one level in an ordered hierarchy oF ties which can be utilized by an individual. Both Cohen and Barth maintain that the Fea- ture which distinguishes ethnic From other levels oF or— ganization is the use oF cultural diacriteria as emblems oF in—group identity. Many oF the speciFic cultural items that are employed For this Function are, however, replace— able. In the present case a relatively open network system and the widespread use oF a lingua Franca [Pidgin English] allows Free interaction between Igbos and Camer- oonians, Facilitating cultural change. Igbo identity, on the other hand, remains stable. 312 The problem then becomes how to identiFy those network Features which are associated with the maintenance oF ethnic boundaries. In other words, what mechanisms For closure exist within the total network which enmeshes all persons in the migrant center [both Nigerian and Cameroonian]? So Far as the Igbo are concerned, the most conspicuous are home language and endogamy. Wives and inFormation in the vernacular, by and large, do not Flow across ethnic boundaries. DF course, wives do not circu— late Freely within the Igbo community at large either, but the generalization oF aFFinal links and the outer limits oF permissible exogamy is the ethnic group. Lan- guage, however, is another matter, and, more than any other Factor, marks the Igbo oFF as a distinctive ethnic group, in the sense that it is the only Feature shared by all Igbo and with virtually no one else. Although such closure mechanisms are necessary For ethnic boundaries to persist, one cannot assume that they are, ipso Facto, permanent, as Barth and Geertz suggest. In the present case, we have seen how the Igbo have emerged as an ethnic group, deFining their collective identity at a higher level than in the precolonial past. This pattern oF expanding identity as the scale oF society increases is part oF a general trend throughout colonial and postcolonial AFrica [Wallerstein 1885: 478]. That 313 present boundaries will eventually give way to higher levels oF alignment is strongly suggested by Schild- krout’s study oF "supra—ethnicity" in Ghana [Schild— krout 1874] and the increasing use oF regional designa— tions in Nigeria, Cameroon and elsewhere [e.g., "South- erner" For Igbos, Yorubas etc. in northern Nigeria and "Grasslander" For BaFut, Bali, Nsaw etc. in southern Wast Cameroon]. In many cases these categories are imposed on migrants [or other minorities] by members oF the host [dominant] society. But, as Glazer and Moynihan observed [1885: 138],5 such categories Frequently become the basis For new ethnic identity when old boundaries, as deFined by in-group members, are not recognized by the host group. This identity then becomes the basis For new patterns oF interaction, inclusion and exclusion. Geertz’ concept oF "primordial loyalties" does not provide the basis For explaining this expansion oF ethnic identity, nor does Barth’s "organizational vessels." The ethnic network, however, with its potential For ex- tension, manipulation and invocation oF closure mechanisms at various levels oF social organization, seems a more promising prospect. 314 10.2 COMPARATIVE ASPECTS OF THE STUDY Vincent’s [1874] discussion oF the need For a comparative approach based on a "common Framework” is well taken. It is hoped that Fuller use oF network anal- ysis can contribute to the development oF such a Frame— work. Within the limited scope oF the present study, various lines oF comparison can be drawn. The present discussion will deal with the Following: rural vs. urban expressions oF ethnicity, southern West Cameroon vs. other areas and the Igbo vs. other ethnic groups. 10.2.1 RURAL VS. URBAN EXPRESSIONS 0F ETHNICITY This study represents an attempt to deal with the hitherto neglected issue oF how does ethnicity diFFer in rural vs. urban multi—ethnic centers. The major reason For this oversight is evidently, the Fact that ethnicity has been seen as a primarily urban phenomenon [Wallerstein 1885], coupled with the general neglect oF rural multi-ethnic centers. Although Vincent’s [1871] study oF the ”big men oF a small town" Focuses on a ”polyethnic" small center, the topic oF ethnicity is peripheral to her interests and, she maintains, essen- tially irrelevant to understanding the dynamics oF local level politics there. 315 In the present case, it is evident that ethnicity is expressed somewhat diFFerently in the village From its maniFestations in the town. This stems From a number oF Factors which relate to the general diFFerences between rural and urban centers and others which pertain speciFic— ally to the Igbo and the centers oF Kumba and Kake. One major diFFerence is, oF course, the Factor oF size. Not only is Kake much smaller than Kumba [see sec. 2.3], but the Igbo make up a much smaller percentage oF the total than in the town. This means that all oF the Igbos and most oF the total residents oF the village are known to one another. In terms oF network analysis, both the total social network, and the Igbo ethnic network are much denser than in town. As a result, the Igbo community as a whole operates as a common interest group to a greater degree in the village than in the town, assuming Functions which in Kumba are perFormed by lower segmental units [subgroup, local group]. Subgroups, in turn, assume Functions oF still lower units [home village, and kin groups]. Igbo—wide Funeral attendance, and subgroup wide economic reciprocity, For example, are characteristic oF Kake but not Kumba. Another area oF diFFerence is economic. The highly diversiFied economy oF Kumba and wide variety oF occupations contrasts with Kake where the overwhelming majority oF persons are engaged in Farming. In the case oF the Igbo there are 318 strong contrasts between village and town. In the village Igbos are little diFFerentiated economically From Cameroonians, while in the town they are more active in market trade [accounting For about 80% oF the traders in Kumba main market] than other groups and are more conspicuous in other highly competitive enterprises [e.g., transport]. In contrast they are virtually excluded From all Forms oF government employ— ment. These diFFerences are quite signiFicant in terms oF ethnic identity. The basic stereotypes which Cameroonians hold toward Igbos [see sec. 8.4 and 8.5] are more reinForced by their role in the town than in the rural area where they are occupationally undiFFerentiated. This, coupled with the Fact that the rural economy is less competitive and necessitates co-operation, is a countervailing Force against interethnic tension. In addition, the virtual absence oF government employment in the village reduces the Igbos sense oF exclusion, in contrast to Kumba where the disability oF alien status is more keenly Felt. Other limitations imposed on Igbos’ economic Freedom also apply largely to Igbos based in town. Another important diFFerence between town and village is the relationship oF Igbo migrants to the authorities [sec. 2.8 and 8.8]. In the town authorities are numerous and cons- picuous. ConFrontation with them is much more Frequent than 317 in the village where police, gendarmes or other oFFicials are seldom seen, and Farmers go about their business without interFerence. This, coupled with the lack oF econo- mic restrictions in the village, makes the alien status oF Igbos resident there a less salient aspect oF their social identity. In a very real sense the Igbo in Kake are simply one oF many stranger groups, while in Kumba they are more clearly deFined as non—citizen strangers. In short, the Igbo in Kake are more internally deFined as an ethnic group by virtue oF their collective interaction, while those in Kumba are deFined more externally in terms imposed stereotypes and legal status. Nonetheless, the major criteria oF ethnicity pertain to both situations, and the primary boundary maintaining mechanisms—-ethnic endogamy and home language-—are operative in town and village alike. 10.2.2 KUMBA/KAKE vs. OTHER AREAS An important aspect oF the Kumba area [and southern West Cameroon in general] is the large inFlux oF strangers in proportion to the indigenous population [sec. 2.3]. This contrasts with other areas, such as northern and western Nigerian and parts oF southern Ghana, where the local ethnic group is numerically dominant relative to migrants. In the latter areas strangers oFten close ranks vis a vis the dominant 318 group, redeFining their collective identity in opposition to it. This phenomenon has been noted in southern Ghana by Schildkrout [1873: 218] who shows how northern Ghanaians, northern Nigerians and Upper Voltans Form an ethnic bloc in opposition to native southern Ghanaians, adopting new supra- ethnic diacriteria [e.g., Hausa language, distinctive dress, Islam]. Cohen’s "retribalization" oF migrant Hausa oF diverse origins in the Face oF numerically dominant Yoruba is, in some ways, a parallel case. The residential segregation oF southern Nigerians in the Sabon Gari [stranger quarter] imposes an overarching sense oF communal identity vis a vis northerners [Paden 1970; 1971). In the Kumba area maro—ethnic identity [sec. 8.2] shows a somewhat diFFerent pattern. Southern West Cameroon- ians generally tend to close ranks vis a vis Grasslanders [e.g., in terms oF stereotypes and pre-ReuniFication party politics], while Cameroonians, generally, close ranks in opposition to Nigerians [especially Igbos]. Igbos and other Nigerians, as legally deFined, disenFranchised aliens will, in turn, emphasize their shared nationality under certain circumstances [sec. 3.3]. On other occasions non-Igbo Nigerians will stress their ethnic distinctiveness in opposi- tion to Igbos, although Cameroonians tend to lump them with Igbos as Nigerians. Kumba is quite remarkable in that Foreig- ners make up more than 50% oF the resident population 318 [sec. 2.3]. This, no doubt, leads Cameroonians to emphasize their nationality [and its advantages] to a greater extent than in other areas where aliens are less oF a "threat." In Douala, For example, where Nigerians are Few relative to the total population, they enjoy relative Freedom oF maneuver, experience little discrimination and interFerence by the authorities. Another critical Factor in the Kumba area has been the vailability oF Fertile, sparsely populated land and the economic opportunities aFForded [wage employment, commerce]. Movement has not merely been the classical rural-urban pattern but rural-rural migration has also been extensive. This has given rise to a number oF small, multi—ethnic centers throughout the area, with the characteristic patterns oF ethnicity noted above. 10.2.3 IGBOS vs. OTHER GROUPS One oF the most striking Features oF the Igbo as an ethnic group, in contrast to almost all Cameroonian peoples, is their immense numbers [8-10 million]. Not only is there no ethnic group in Cameroon which comes close to the popula- tion oF the Igbo homeland, but migrant Igbos in southern West Cameroon are more numerous than any other single group (so-79,000]. 320 The inFluence oF this on the deFinition oF ethnic identity and interethnic relations has been noted. Within Cameroon, the most conspicuous group, with respect to numbers and rate oF interregional migration is the Bamileke oF the eastern Grasslands. With a population oF almost 3/4 million, they are, Far and away, the largest ethnic group in the nation. As with the case oF Igbos their high rate oF out- migration is associated with heavy land pressure in the home— land. As with Igbos they are active in commercial persuits, dominating market trading in Douala, Yaoundé, and other major centers. Like the Igbos they bear the brunt oF negative stereotypes which characterize them as an aggressive, mercinary group. Their participation in armed uprising against the central government in the early years oF independence is suggestive oF the Igbos’ abortive attempt at succession [see Johnson 1870, Littlewood 1854]. Just as the "Igbo Factor" inFluenced many West Cameroonians to opt For uniFication with the [Francophone] Republic oF Cameroon, the violence spearheaded by the Bamilékés made others opposed to this course. Many Bamileke, on the other hand, who had settled in West Cameroon were ardent proponents oF ReuniFication [see Johnson 1870: 4]. In this sense, they resembled Igbo migrants who advocated West Cameroonian uniFication with Nigeria [the other plebiscite option]. 321 The Bamiléké have moved in the opposite direction From the Igbos. Originally an alien population in the West, they now enjoy Full rights as citizens oF the United Republic. They are moving into a number oF economic persuits [trading, transport,cocoa buying] long dominated by Igbos and are com— ing into conFlict not only with Igbos but with other Cam— eroonians as well. As with Igbos, the Bamileke are perceived by other Cameroonians as a single group, ignoring the Fact that the term is a relatively recent one imposed by non- Bamiléké; social identity is based on their particular chieFdoms oF origin [BaFoussam, Bandjoun etc.]. The mutual intelligibility oF various Bamileke dialects coupled with externally imposed macro—identity has, as with the Igbo, given rise to the emergence oF the Bamileke as an ethnic group. Considering these Factors, one would predict that the Bamilékés’ patterns oF maintaining ethnic bound- aries, as expressed in the manipulation oF social networks, would resemble those oF the Igbo in a number oF ways. An internal inFormation network associated with a shared ver- nacular and the enForcement oF in—group endogamy may [as with Igbos] Function as mechanisms oF closure. My own ob- servations, however, indicate that Bamilekes are less in— 322 sistent on endogamy than IgbosB and, thereFore, might emphasize other Factors in maintaining unambiguous ethnic identity [e.g., patriliny]. However, the Bamiléké appear to be establishing themselves as permanent settlers in south- ern West Cameroon, which may move them in the direction oF assimilation. Attachment to the homeland is less marked than in the case oF the Igbo, a Fact, no doubt, inFluenced by the Bamilékés’ status as citizens. The Bamiléké and the Igbo contrast with the Hausa migrants studied by Cohen [1888] in a number oF ways. As with the Igbo, language and endogamy are mechanisms oF boundary maintenance, but are even more rigorously exclu- sive in the Hause case; Few Hausa are Fluent in Yoruba and contact with Yoruba women is strictly proscribed [Ibid.: 53]. In addition, diFFerences in dress, residential segregation, and religious sectarianism set the Hausa apart much more sharply than the Igbo or Bamileke, who resemble West Cam- eroonians in dress, are less residentially exclusive and belong to the same churches. The Hausa oF Sabo and the Igbo and Bamiléké in West Cameroon each deFine their ethnic identity in a manner which accords with their adaptive strategies. The Hausa, at one extreme, maintaining their monopoly over the cattle and kola trade, are necessarily, rigorously exclusive. The Igbo, much more diversiFied economically, are markedly 323 less so, but emphasize in-group membership [at all levels] partly as a means oF compensating For the disability oF alien status [through mutual aid and assertion oF moral superiority]. The Bamileke, who in West Cameroon are im— proving their economic position in many areas, are, on the whole, the least prone to close ranks.8 The manner in which they structure their intra-ethnic network, however, is a question requiring Further investigation. The inadequacy oF the persistent tendency to emphasize Igbo uniqueness is discussed in Cohen [1888: 188]. The priority given to the precolonial culture in explaining the Igbos’ role in modern AFrica has been unduly exagger— ated. IF the Igbos’ receptivity to change is explained in terms oF a democratic, achievement oriented, open status system [Levine 1888], how does one explain the same phen- omenon among the Bamiléké with a more rigidly hierarchical political system? Or, how does one account For the commer— cial success oF the Hausas with their "traditional" empha- sis on ascribed status? Such models which contrast ethnic groups in terms oF their unique attributes as though, iso- lated From historical Forces, they leap headlong into the modern era in all their pristine purity, are all too pre- valent in anthropology. Their persistence in the AFrican literature is linked to the dominant role oF British struc- tural—Functionalism and the implication oF static ethnic 324 identity. HopeFully, an alternative approach [such as net- work analysis] can provide a Foundation For a better com— parative perspective. 10.3 POSTSCRIPT: THE IGBO AND THE FUTURE From the Foregoing account, it is possible to gain some sense oF where the Igbo might be moving in the Future. Making this projection requires looking at their recent history and current patterns oF adaptive strategies, placed in a broader, AFrica-wide or even global perspective. In the Cameroon context several possibilities suggest themselves, ranging From assimilation to expulsion or otherwise induced mass exodus back to the Nigerian home- land. As Far as the immediate Future is concerned, the latter seems unlikely. The Igbo population in Cameroon has increased, not decreased in recent years, and the large inFlux oF BiaFran reFugees in the country shows no great impulse to return to the homeland. This could certainly be reversed iF the Cameroon government’s eFForts to control the migrants break down and Force the repatriation oF aliens, as occurred recently in Ghana. Alternatively, an eruption oF anti-Igbo violence, such as occurred in northern Nigeria, might lead to evacuation, but this, again, does not seem probable. As we have seen, the Igbo are better integra- ted into the social network oF the host area than was the 325 case in northern Nigeria where deep social, cultural and religious cleavages separated them From the local Hausa. The economic restrictions on Igbos and their exclusion From the oFFicial political arena may also be an additional saFety valve, reducing competition with Cameroonians. One change which may lead to the return oF sub— stantial numbers oF Igbos will be the economic recovery oF the Nigerian homeland. As oF 1872 there was considerable anguish over the scarcity oF wage employment, low pay and inFlation in the East Central State. When and iF Nigeria’s new oil prosperity Filters down to the rural masses, central Igboland may be able to sustain a larger population than has hitherto been possible. However, the Igbos’ loss oF the oil rich Niger Delta, and their exclusion From pros- perous centers such as Pt. Harcourt is a serious limiting Factor. A more realistic projection would see the Igbos as continuing to be an important element in the ethnic mosaic oF southern West Cameroonian society For sometime to come, even to the extent oF becoming a permanently established population. The comparative ease oF communi- cation between Cameroon and eastern Nigeria, however, pro- motes the persistence oF ties to the homeland, Facilitates easy return and stabilizes the established pattern oF marriage and retirement in the home village. For these 328 reasons, it seems unlikely that Igbos will become Fully assimilated into Cameroonian society, or will change their legal status as an alien group. As even Cameroon-born Igbos cannot claim Cameroon citizenship [and are discour- aged by the authorities and co-ethnics From doing so] the major avenue to Full incorporation is blocked. In this sense, it could be said that the Igbo in Cameroon are what Wagley and Harris [1858] term a "minor- ity," i.e., a politically and/or economically disadvantaged group, whose identity is deFined by the dominant society [Vincent 1874: 378]. This is, however, an overstatement, since these disadvantages have been recently imposed, and the maintenance oF Igbo identity is also an active concern oF the Igbos themselves [which For Vincent is the distin— guishing Factor in ethnic groups in contrast to minorities]. Igbos, unlike members oF minority groups, do not [For the mostpart] attempt to "pass" as members oF the host society. Whether they would try to do so iF Further disabilities are imposed on them is an open question. In terms oF the more distant Future, it is not clear how long ethnic groups will continue to Function as major bases For identity, loyalty and adaptation. In AFrica, as in other areas oF the world, national and supranational [e.g., Pan-AFrican, Third World] identity is growing at the expense oF more parochial loyalties. Increasingly, 327 the nation state is demanding undivided allegiance, carrying out vigorous campaigns to root out "tribalism." Internation- ally, "less developed" countries are consolidating their common interest in changing the imbalance in the distribu— tion oF the world’s wealth and power vis a vis the indus— trialized west. Ultimately, a heightening oF political awareness should lead increasing numbers oF people to sub- merge short-sighted ethnic rivalries in Favor oF collective strategies For securing shared goals. Given the Igbos’ high geographical mobility, their emphasis on education and general political sophistocation, they will, no doubt, be swept along on the crest oF this inexorable wave. Another set oF social Forces moving as a cross- current to these trends and eroding the Foundations oF eth- nicity From another direction is class Formation. Substan- tial changes are taking place everywhere within AFrican societies which lead to new concentrations oF wealth and power. As new patterns oF stratiFication develop among Igbos at home and abroad, lines oF communal solidarity should gradually break down and new strategies based on class interest assert itselF. In the midst oF these changes, however, it must be said that to date,Igbo ethnicity remains very strong. 328 Perception oF group identity is clear and unambiguous. The war experience and disabilities imposed by the Cameroon government have clearly [at least For the moment] sharpened the deFinition oF the Igbo/non-Igbo boundary. As a group, they have demonstrated a remarkable capacity For resiliency, and there seems little doubt that they will be able to alter and redirect their adaptive energies as changing circum- stances in Nigeria and Cameroon require. 328 FOOTNOTES W, an eastern Igbo whose mother was an EFik, claimed EFik identity when the situation demanded. Ikwerris [delta Igbos] in Nigeria have recently been disclaiming Igbo identity in order to avoid a govern— ment ban on Igbos living in Pt. Harcourt. The shiFt- ing identity oF the Ikwerris is discussed by Wolpe [1971: 509]. One Igbo chieF, For example, urged his Fellow Igbos to pay their 10,000 Frs. residence Fee. He said that Igbos in Cameroon should realize that they were there at the good will oF the government and that Cameroon hospital- ity toward migrant Igbos during the civil war "saved us." Igbos typically stage "send-oFF" parties For youths going overseas, giving [oFten large] contributions to deFray expenses. "Two wills make a group—~the selF-will that creates unity, and the will oF others that imposes unity where hardly any is Felt." Although I made no survey oF this, I noted several in- stances oF Bamilékés married to non-Bamilekes. Many oF the criteria which distinguish Hausa in Ibadan From the local Yoruba also diFFerentiate those in Kumba From Cameroonians. Their attitudes toward local women and Fluency in Pidgin English were not investigated, however. Residential segregation oF Hausas is not pro— nounced. Although there is a "Hausa Quarter" in Kumba, large numbers oF non-Hausa [including many Igbo and Ba- miléké] live there as well. In southern West Cameroon they may be in the process oF being absorbed into the larger, macro-ethnic category, "Grasslander,” with whom they are oFten merged by south— erners. LIS T OF REFERENCES Ahidjo, Ahmadou 1887 Ardener, E. W. 1854 1858 1858 Ardener, E, S. 1880 Barnes, J. A. 1888 Barth, F. [ed] 1999 Basden, G. 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